YALE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY

Bought with the income
of the
'd. NEWTON BARNEY FUND

HISTORY

OF

THE WHIG MINISTEY

OF 1830,

TO THE PASSING OF THE REFORM BILL.

BY

JOHN AETHUE EOEBUCK, M.P.

VOL. I.

LONDON:
JOHN W. PARKER AND SON, WEST STRAND.
M DCCC LII.

LONDON:
SAVILL AND EDWARDS, PRINTERS, CHANDOS 6TBEET,
COVENT CABDSN.

PREFACE.

Peculiar circumstances gave the Whigs in 1832 a
power which has seldom been acquired by any political
party in this country. The mode in which that power
was obtained — the manner in which it was exercised,
cannot but be a subject of interesting inquiry and
speculation to every succeeding generation of English
men. The Reform Act gave to the party by which it was
proposed, the extraordinary power of which I speak.
When, in 1832, that measure became law, the Whig
administration had the whole force of the State in their
hands — were also almost without rivals in the House
of Commons — and enjoyed the unlimited confidence of
the nation. In the present volumes, I purpose giving,
as far as I am able, a history of the events attending
their advent to office, and the passing of the Reform
Bill. The remaining portion of my work, if I live to
write it, will describe the fortunes and conduct of this
once formidable administration until it was finally
dismissed by the King in 1834.

iv PKEFACE.
Some may deem my attempt premature, because
of the passions and prejudices which must of necessity
afiect a cotemporary — and because also of the difficulty
he must encounter when endeavouring to learn the
secret history connected with the events he describes.
I admit the premises of this argument, but I deny the
conclusion thus drawn from them.
Of the passions and prejudices which afiect the
cotemporary historian, only a small portion belong to
him exclusively. He may, indeed, when speaking of
individuals, be influenced by personal antipathies or
predilections, but the bias that results from peculiar
political opinions — from peculiar views of philosophy
and morals, is an infirmity besetting men of etery age
and country; and we consequently find in our own
days as much warmth, aye, as much acrimony evinced,
in discussions on the parties of ancient Athens, as on
those of modern England. The language employed
with respect to Mr. O'Connell is not more bitter than
that often used towards Cleon, and the passing of the
Reform Bill is a subject not one whit more exciting,
not at all more likely to disturb the judgment of an
historian, than the conduct of the Long Parliament,
or the National Convention.
To enable posterity to write the history of any
period, cotemporary evidence is needed — and that
evidence cannot well be deemed complete, unless it

PREFACE. V
have been subjected to cotemporary cross-examination.
Now, a cotemporary historian is a witness as well as
an historian — a witness, indeed, giving his testimony
under the most efficient securities for its accuracy;
liability to instant denial and searching cross-examina
tion. If his political views and the acts ofhis public life
are well known, his evidence will be the more strictly
scrutinized, and received with that caution and allow
ance which a known partiality requires. His opinions
will be judged after the same fashion, and be the less
likely to mislead, because they come from one whose
preconceived political views have been long openly
avowed and thoroughly well known.
It must, however, be admitted, that ifa cotemporary
possess some special knowledge and peculiar means of
information, he is nevertheless shut out from an ac
quaintance of many facts, or precluded from the open
use of evidence, which may be freely communicated when
all the actors in the scenes described shall have passed
away. Every cotemporary history, therefore, must even
as evidence be in some degree incomplete. The publica
tion, nevertheless, of a narrative thus necessarily
imperfect must, if it excite discussion, criticism, and
reply, contribute to bring out the truth, and put it
upon record. Many an assertion that has slept for a
century in an unpublished memoir, and passed current
when at length made public, would have met with
VOL. I. b

vi PREFACE.
instant contradiction and refutation had it been openly
hazarded during the lifetime of the writer.
The testimony of living witnesses, tried and sifted
by persons immediately interested in the matter to
which their testimony relates, is far more valuable
than ex parte assertions, no matter how authoritative
or circumstantial.
No one, however, who has not attempted such a
task as that which I have essayed, can well appreciate
the difficulties which belong to it. These difficulties,
however, would not be lessened by time. That
which is now difficult, would, in a few years, become
impossible. In every great political crisis, much that is of
importance — much that we should desire to know, is
not recorded in writing; or if recorded, the record
is often unwittingly — not seldom intentionally —
destroyed. In such cases, we must trust to oral
testimony, which every year becomes more scanty
and faulty, and which, if not seized at once, will
quickly be lost for ever. For an accurate estimation
of the character of public men, these unrecorded
events are often of the highest importance ; and as to
enable us to form a just appreciation of the conduct
of those who have taken part in the government of
mankind, is one of the great purposes for which his
tory is written, it is almost impossible to overrate the

PREFACE. vii
value of any process, by which such fleeting evidence
is rendered permanent, trustworthy, and available.
To make it trustworthy is, indeed, the most difficult
portion of the task. Passion not only distorts the
judgment, but also misleads the memory ; and I have
often found half a dozen narrators of the same events,
all honestly intending to tell an accurate story, but
all, nevertheless, giving very difierent — and often
very contradictory — descriptions of the same transac
tions. In this conflict of testimony, the only chance
of attaining truth is by means of comparison and
mutual explanation. While the witnesses are alive
this may be accomplished; death, however, renders
all such friendly cross-examination utterly impossible ;
and, where the actors are few, and the events impor
tant, the need of an immediate cotemporary record
increases; the difficulty, however, of making it, increases
with the necessity.
For the opinions expressed throughout this work I
alone am responsible — whether correct or not, they
are my own. They have been formed upon multi
farious, and often contradictory, testimony. Of that
testimony I have attempted to judge without favour
or affection; and the conclusions at which I have
arrived are, I am unfortunately obliged to add, often
in direct opposition to those formed by the friends
who have been most liberal in enabling me to compose
h2

viii PREFACE.
the following work. Among those friends it is well
known that Lord Brougham has been the most con
fiding; and I am anxious to relieve him from the
responsibility of agreeing with me in my estimation
of the public men with whom he was associated,
more especially of King William IV., of whom I
have spoken in a way wholly opposed to every
opinion that I have ever heard my noble friend
express, when discussing the character and conduct
of his royal master. Lord Brougham is accustomed
to describe William IV. as frank, just, and straight
forward. I believe him to have been very weak and
very false ; a finished dissembler, and always bitterly
hostile to the Whig Ministry and their great measure
of reform. He pretended to have unbounded confi
dence in them, and great respect for their opinion,
even while he was plotting their overthrow, and
adopting every means in his power to hamper them
in their conduct, and to depreciate them in the esti
mation of the world. All the documents I have seen
which relate more immediately to the king — and they
have been, for the most part, letters written by his
command, and at his dictation — have led me to this
conclusion. As a looker on, scanning carefully every
word, and comparing letters written at different
periods, and under very different states of mind, I
could not resist the evidence which forced this opinion

PREFACE. ix
upon me, though I can well understand why Lord
Brougham finds it impossible to share it with me.
The kindness and generosity of his own nature make
him give easy credence to kind professions in others.
The off-hand, hearty manner of the king, therefore,
imposed upon his chancellor. The very weakness of
the king, too, gave him strength. His capacity was
notoriously contemptible; and Lord Brougham could
not, for a moment, believe himself the dupe of parts
so inferior ; and yet, in truth, was he deceived. The
trained artifice of a mean spirit misled and cajoled
the confiding generosity of a great and powerful mind ;
and, to this hour, Lord Brougham asserts that the
king was a sincere reformer, and earnest, throughout
the struggle which followed the introduction of the
Reform Bill, in his expressed desire to have that
measure passed in all its integrity. My opinion as
to this matter is fully stated in the history which I
have given of all the transactions connected with it ;
and I am now only anxious to declare that, in that
opinion, Lord Brougham does not coincide, and for it
cannot be held responsible.
This assertion will, I fancy, appear unnecessary to
those who may read the following history. I have
endeavoured throughout to judge and to speak of the
acts I describe, and the men performing them, without
allowing personal predilections or dislikes to interfere

X PREFACE.
either with my judgment, or the expression of it. I
have never stopped to inquire who would be pleased,
who displeased, with what I was about to say— and
consequently, I very much fear, that having stated, in
each case, what I really thought, I shall not seldom
displease those even for whom I have a sincere regard
— and appear in individual instances to utter harsh
opinions respecting the conduct of those towards whom
I entertain feelings of great reverence and affection.
This painful consequence was inevitable, when writing
of my own times, and telling what I believe to be the
truth — and constitutes, in fact, the chief objection to
such an undertaking. The spirit and scope of my
criticism may, I fear, be often misunderstood, and dis
pleasure felt where certainly no offence was intended.
A party politician (and in a government like ours,
a politician who wishes to be a minister, or member of
a government, must belong to a party) should not be
judged by one only of his acts — nor even by the whole
of them separately considered. When we speak and
judge of the character of the man, we are bound to
take into account the necessary exigency of his party
position; but when estimating the tendency of his
acts, and those of his party, we must also consider
the higher interests of political morality generally, and
endeavour to show in what way, and to what extent,
received party rules, and the conduct resulting from

PREFACE. Xl
them, deviate from that more exalted standard, to the
use ofwhich it is to be hoped weare constantly tend
ing. Having continued reference to this superior
rule, and by it trying each act as it passes in review
before us, we may appear to use language not in ac
cordance with our estimation of the characters of those
by whom those acts have been performed. There is,
however, no real inconsistency in this apparent discre
pancy, according to my view ofthe matter; and as I
believe that view can be described in a few sentences,
I will here endeavour to give an exposition of it.
Every administration, and indeed every political
party, must of necessity be the result of a series of
compromises on the part of those who compose it. No
two men can be found who think alike on all points —
and the actual course of any government cannot in
every case seem perfectly right to any one of the
members of it : no course that could possibly be de
vised could, in every instance, be in accordance with
the ideas of more than one man at most — and in that
case, that one man would really be the government :
but with us a government must be composed of many
 and in order to enable it to take some line, each
member gives way in some matter, and agrees to sup
port that plan of conduct which is the result of these
mutual concessions. The nice point, in such a pro
ceeding, is to determine when concession has gone far

XU PREFACE.
enough. In an unscrupulous age, and by unscrupii*
lous politicians, mere personal ends are sought by
party means; and so long as the personal interest is
advanced, no compromise is thought improper. There
is, in fact, no principle; no opinions are deemed of any
' worth, and a shameless profligacy then marks the
public conduct of all public men. As political morality
improves, however, men become more scrupulous, aud
every sudden change of opinion, every waiving of a
known scruple, is scanned with greater severity, and
mere personal advantage ceases to be deemed a suffi
cient excuse for this species of compromise. Politicians
then endeavour to make it appear, that considerations
of public interest have determined their conduct, and
that if they have in any case given up opinions long
avowed, and strenuously sustained, no narrow private
advantage has led to such change, but that the public
weal has alone been consulted by them. In the time
of our fathers, and in our own, instances of rapid con
versions and extraordinary alliances have occurred,
necessarily giving rise to controversy and criticism;
and assuredly the historian who should pass these by
without comment, could hardly be considered to have
fulfilled his duty. But it may be, that in some cases
he may deem the conversion sincere, and yet not wise
—and the conduct which followed it opposed to the
dictates of a severe and accurate morality ; while in
others he may believe that the change of opinion was a

PREFACE. xiii
profligate pretence put forth, to cover a corrupt private
end. In both these cases, the act itself would be blamed,
but the men by whom they were severally performed
would be very differently estimated. The sudden and
extraordinary coalition of Mr. Fox and Lord North
has been generally deemed to have been the result
solely of considerations of personal advantage, to the
furtherance of which end a pretended regard for the
public weal was profligately employed as a means.
To cover a corrupt purpose, a false pretence was
stated. The end and the means were alike dis
graceful. So, in our times, a change as regards
political opinions equally striking, though certainly
not so universally condemned, took place in the year
1830, on the question of parliamentary reform. Mr.
Canning and Mr. Canning's friends were, during Mr.
Canning's whole career, distinguished by their deter
mined opposition to every attempt to alter the
constitution of the House of Commons. Mr. Canning
likewise was, during the last years of his life, attacked
with great vehemence, and with extraordinary power
and effect, by Lord Grey. So effective, indeed, was
Lord Grey's assault, that historians have not scrupled
to assert that Mr. Canning's health was seriously, if
not fatally, affected by it.* This was in 1827.
* This attack of Lord Grey was said, at the time, to have been
so acutely felt by Mr. Canning, as to induce him to think of
taking a peerage, in order to be able in person to reply to his
accuser.

xiv PREFACE.
Three years after, some of Mr. Canning's friends—
they who had been, during his life, his most ardent
supporters, and who shared with him his strongly-
rooted dislike of any attempt to change the represen
tation of the country, — suddenly in 1830 not only
gave up these their long-cherished opinions, but
joined with his great opponent. Lord Grey, in forming
an administration pledged to propose a large and
searching scheme of parliamentary reform; and men
naturally inquired what circumstances, whether views
of private advantage or considerations of the public
welfare, led to so extraordinary a proceeding: and
whatever might be the ultimate conclusion formed upon
this inquiry, this was clear — personal advantage did
result to the persons who thus suddenly changed their
opinions and their party, and their acceptance of
office was not a matter of absolute necessity.
The conduct of Sir Robert Peel, again, with respect
to Catholic Emancipation and the Corn-laws, affords
two further instances of a remarkable change in
political opinions; and here the judgment of posterity
will probably not be doubtful. The change in each
case will, I think, be deemed a conscientious one,
though it will of necessity tend to diminish the
reputation of Sir Robert Peel as a prescient states
man. When the danger did really corae, he manfully
faced it, and submitted to great sacrifices in order to

PREFACE. XV
rescue his country from the mischief which threatened.
That mischief, however, he did not foresee, but scoffed
at those who had been for years predicting its coming ;
and thus though, when convinced of his error, he
acknowledged and endeavoured to repair it, evil in
the case of the Catholic question had resulted from
it, that no effort of his could prevent or cure. His
conduct with respect to the Corn-law was not less
beneficial to his country, though more damaging to his
own character for candour and truth. We can hardly
believe that when he rallied the Tory party under
the banner of protection, he believed in the wisdom
and justice of the legislation he was recommending
— that is if he understood and felt the arguments he
employed, when, in 1846, he repealed the law by
which protection was afforded to the agriculturist.
And here we may fairly inquire, supposing him not
wholly to have acquiesced in the doctrine of protection
when by its aid he gathered together the scattered
fragments of the Conservative party, in how far he
was justified in employing the language and urging
the arguments that were grateful to that party? Was
this a compromise of opinion beyond the limit set by
a fair consideration of party interests ? Suppose the
famine of 1846-47 never to have occurred, and only
the natural and necessary evils of protection to the
general interests of the country, such as Sir Robert

xvi PREFACE.
Peel afterwards depicted, to have alone resulted from
it— and which he must have understood while using
protection as a rallying cry — was he in any honest
view of party necessities justified in so using it?
These various cases will, I think, illustrate what I
mean. In all of them we must judge of the morality
of the men by the party code of their time. The
acts we must test, in order that they may serve as an
example to posterity, by those more stringent rules
which purer and more enlightened views enable us to
frame, and which an improving public opinion will
by degrees enforce.
Keeping then these matters distinct, I can often
blame the acts and yet admire and respect the men
by whom they were performed. I may think the
rules faulty and mischievous which they deemed
honourable and wise, and yet believe them to have
been true men and honest. I may blame and dislike
their code of morality, but yet esteem them while
adhering to it. On the other hand, a departure from
the dictates of a defective code may indicate a want
of moral principle, a criminal disregard of every
sanction, and in this case our estimate of the man
would be lowered, in consequence of conduct in
itself praiseworthy or harmless. If, indeed, such
opposition to established rules has been brought about
by superior knowledge, and the right has been pur-

PREFACE. xvii
sued with a magnanimous disregard of all merely
personal considerations, then, indeed, we admire at
once the morality of the man, and the intellect which
guided it.
The reader will perceive that my work was written
in the year 1849, and that consequently I speak of
Sir Robert Peel as of a living person. I was unwill
ing, upon his calamitous death, to alter the form of
expression to the past from the present tense; as this
change alone could not have affected all the alterations
that would in consequence have been required. I
have therefore left what I had written in the form it
originally took. Johnson said, " no man speaks of
another, even suppose it be in his praise, if he thinks
he does not hear him exactly as he would if he thought
he was within hearing." I believe there is much of
truth in this statement, and I have therefore not
attempted to vary the expressions which I had hoped
the living man would have seen. In the main there
is indeed nothing that I desire to alter. The opinion
of Sir Robert Peel's merits as a statesman which I
entertained in 1849 I hold now in 1852. But in
1849 I hoped that he might live to render services to
his country greater than any which he had hitherto
accomplished (and yet they were many and important),
and greater than any which are likely, in my opinion,
to be rendered by any living statesman. The tone of

XVni PREFACE.
my observations was much influenced by this expec
tation, and I am not unwilling to leave upon record
the extent of my hope, even though, by a dire
calamity, it is now for ever extinguished. Sir
Robert Peel, in his political career, committed great
mistakes ; he was, nevertheless, from the very charac
ter of his mind, peculiarly fitted to be a potent leader
of the English people. He was not a rapid learner,
but he was continually improving. He was ever
ready to listen to the exposition of new ideas, and
though slow to adopt them, slow to understand and
appreciate their truth and importance, if true they
were, he was always prepared to entertain and
discuss them. His strongest sympathies too were
with the nation, and not with a small dominant
section or party, and in this he was pre-eminently
distinguished from the Whig statesmen whom he
through life opposed. They may rule for the nation,
but they certainly rule hy a clique. If they are
liberal sometimes in opinion, it is because to be so
suits their party purposes. If they adopt a new idea
it is for the same immediate end. They refuse to be
associated with any but their own peculiar set, and
deem no one capable of conducting wisely the affairs
of the nation, unless he be allied to their own party,
and thus born to dominion. Sir Robert Peel had

PREFACE. xix
none of this exclusive feeling. He was great enough
to perceive and appreciate worth in others, had the
wisdom to receive instruction even from opponents, and
candour to acknowledge the obligation. Thus he went
on to the end, improving with the nation to which he
belonged, never outrunning, and seldom, certainly not
of late years, lagging much behind the national mind.
Had his inteUect been of a bolder and more original
cast, he would probably have been a less successful
minister, as in that case he might often have proposed
reforms before the nation was prepared to receive them,
and thus have diminished his power as a minister,
while earning the renown of a philosopher. His
chief danger, however, was from an opposite quarter.
On two momentous occasions he lingered too long in
the ancient ways, and was too tardy in following
public opinion. He ran no risk of being ever before
it. But the pioneer who prepares the way is not he
who reaps either the immediate benefit or honour
resulting from his labour. The philosopher who dis
covers great truths, and collects the evidence by
which they are eventually established, must be content
to have his reward in the reverence and gratitude of
"posterity, and must be satisfied with the consciousness
of the real value and importance of his discoveries.
But the statesman, to be useful, must be powerful ;

XX PREFACE.
and in a government like ours, and among a practical
people like the English, the safest course for a reforming
minister, is never to be before his age. Let him not
be obstinately wedded to any views or opinions — let
him be ever ready to hear, and carefully and respect
fully listen, to all sides of every question — but let him
religiously abstain from appropriating, or assenting to
any novel conception, until the public thoroughly un
derstands, and earnestly adopts it. Sir Robert Peel,
twice in his life, erred in being too much of a laggard,
and upon the Catholic question so committed himself,
in opposition to emancipation, that no road of decorous
retreat was open to him. He indeed broke through
the trammels which his party connexions had created^
and which his own ingenuity had materially strength
ened. The lesson was severe, and, to a mind so sensi
tive as his, must have been exquisitely painful. The
effect, however, was, in the end, greatly conducive to
the superiority to which, in a few years afterwards,
he attained. He was made a new man by the trial
and suffering to which he was thus subjected, and
although upon the question of Parliamentary Reform
he again committed the same mistake — that false step
was not without its advantages, as he was thereby
enabled to rally around him the fragments of the old
Tory party, and by their aid to win his way again to
office and to power. His conduct during his last ad-

PREFACE. xxi
ministration, though it gave offence, never to be
forgiven, to some of his immediate partisans, made
him the most popular minister and the most power
ful statesman known in England since the days
of the first William Pitt. The nation had confidence
in his prudence ; they believed him sincerely anxious
to promote the welfare of his country, and to have real
sympathies with the industrious millions of our people.
There was a feeling, every day growing stronger, that
he was destined to be the people's minister; that he
would be able, by means of popular support, to which
at length he could alone look for aid, to depart from
the rule by which the whole government ofthe country
had hitherto been placed exclusively in the hands of
the aristocracy, and to unite upon the Treasury bench
a really national administration — one in which the
practical sagacity and the multitudinous interests of
the mercantile, manufacturing, and labouring classes
should have representatives, who would not appear in
the degraded character of ministerial lackeys, but as
independent and equal colleagues ; not receiving office
as a favour, and holding it upon sufferance, but taking
it as a right, and retaining it, not in accordance with
the will of an exclusive clique, but in obedience to the
wishes and command of the nation. Entertaining the
hope that such was to be the ultimate mission of Sir
Robert Peel, the nation looked with eager expectation
VOL. I. c

xxii PREFACE.
to his future career. He rose in their affections in
proportion as he lost the favour of his party, and
he never was so powerful as when by that party he .was
at last scouted, and deemed to be for ever dismissed.
But, unfortunately, this hope was not to be fulfilled,
and the intensity of the national sorrow upon the death
of Sir Robert Peel, gave a practical proof of the ex
tent of those expectations which had thus been un
happily frustrated. Every succeeding year increases
our regret; a bitter and humiliating experience ofthe
inefficiency of those by whom he has been succeeded,
making us more acutely feel the loss we sustained,
when, by an untoward fate, he was prematurely
snatched away.
The delay which has occurred in the publication of
these volumes will give to some passages in them a
eharacter which in truth they do not deserve. There
are some observations respecting Mr. Shiel, which
would have been worded differently, had I presumed
that they could have appeared only after his death.
To the substance of the animadversion, I still adhere;
but now that the voice of the brilliant rhetorician is
mute, and he can no longer wield in his own defence
that weapon of elaborate and biting sarcasm, in the
use of which he was so great a master, I am sorry that
any phrase of mine should contain even the subdued
taunt which, undoubtedly, I intended to convey. The

PREFACE. xxiii
matter is, in itself, a trifle ; but I have too often lis
tened with admiration to his peculiar, and yet not
seldom splendid declamation — I have too often felt
and voted with him on behalf of the country he
honoured while defending her, not to express my
regret that now, even by an insignificant sentence, I
may seem to depreciate his worth.

c2

POSTSCRIPT TO PREFACE.

With reference to such portions of my narra
tion as profess to relate matters of which no written
record, is in existence, I ought to state that they
are related on my own authority alone. That
which I found constantly spoken of in society, I
have considered public property, and have there
fore sought no permission to relate it, because I
deemed no such permission necessary. Whatever
of inaccuracy there may be in the statements them
selves, whatever of want of wisdom in making them
in this form public, the fault thereof is mine.
Having allowed no one to know what I wrote till
the whole became public, I ought to be prepared —
as I am prepared — to accept the whole responsibility
that may attach to my conduct. What I have
thought it right to publish, I am ready to justify.
If error be pointed out, that I shall be most ready
and anxious to acknowledge and correct. If I have
assumed a right that does not belong to me, let
that be shown, and I will most cheerfully submit

POSTSCRIPT TO PREFACE.
to any reprehension that my proved mistake may
justify. What I have now said, applies more particularly
to things which Ihave represented as passing in
conference or conversation with the king, and also
with others in high office. These things I have
given in each case, believing the statements as I
relate them to be substantially accurate, and the
accounts I found floating in society worthy of
credit ; but authority to publish them I have had
none. I have repeated what I found extensively
circulated, long before my work was even contem
plated, and my intention to publish such matters
was known to myself alone.

CONTENTS.

Book the First.
Chapter I.
General View of Affairs, from, the end of the War, in
1815, to the close of Lord Liverpool's Admiinistra-
tion, in 1827. PAGE
Effects of the war experienced in 1815  3
Depression of trade and manufactures  4
Agricultural prosperity  4
Disturbed by the peace  5
Miseries which foUowed  5
Law passed to keep up the price of agricultural produce . 6
Offensive to the manufacturing and mercantile classes . . 6
Beneficial consequences of the peace at length apparent . . 8
Death of George III  8
The Regent's conduct to his wife upon coming to the throne 9
Policy pursued by the Wbigs on this occasion  9
Death ofthe Queen  10
Opinion entertained by the people of her treatment ... 10
Prosperity and increasing intelligence of the industrious
classes  11
Efforts to improve the law relating to jurisprudence, &c. . 1 1
Views entertained by Adam Smith  12
Mr. Pitt's opinion of them  12
Mercantile legislation commenced by Mr. Ricardo and Mr.
Huskisson  13

xxvi CONTENTS. PAGB
Ireland a stumbling-block to the Tory party  13
The Act of Union  ^^
Mr. Pitt's intentions frustrated 
Separation in the cabinet produced by Ireland and her
discontents 
Claims of the CathoUcs discussed during successive ad
ministrations 

18

17

CathoUc emancipation proposed by Sir F. Burdett ... 19
Negatived by the new House of Commons  20

Chapter IL
From the Retirement of Lord Liverpool, in March,l827,
to the passing of the Act for the Repeal of the Test
and Corporation Acts, in May, 1828. nan
Lord Liverpool attacked by paralysis  21
Mr. Canning : desired by the King to form an adminis
tration  21
Refusal of his party to serve under him as chief . . . . 21
The CathoUc claims treated as an open question .... 22
The Duke of .Wellington's opinion upon. the altered condi
tion of the administration, and his reasons for secession 22
Retirement of Mr. Peel  23
Mr. Canning's alUance with the Whigs  23
Mr. Tierney and Lord Lansdowne join the administration . 24
Refusal of Lord Grey  24
Mr. Brougham's explanation of his views  24
Speech of Lord Grey, declining to support Mr. Canning's
government  26
Tory opposition to drive the premier from office .... 26
The Whigs in opposition contrasted with their conduct
when in power  29

CONTENTS. xxvii

Pi.OB

Mr. Peel's speech upon Mr. Canning's new alUes ... 30
Mr. Brougham in reply  33
Mr. Canning's statement of his views  34
Personal recrimination in the session of 1827  36
Death of Mr. Canning  36
Lord. Goderich desired to form a ministry  37
His failure to accompUsh the King's wishes  37
The Duke of WelUngton succeeds him  37
Mr. Brougham's opinion of the Duke's want of qualifica
tions as prime minister  40
The principal members of the Duke's cabinet  43
Hopes and fears respecting CathoUc emancipation ... 44
Opposition tactics under Mr. Tiemey's nominal leadership . 48
Powerful assistance from Mr. Brougham  49
Dissensions in the cabinet  51
Lord Sandon's appeal to Mr. Huskisson  53
Mr. Huskisson's resignation  55
Accepted by th.e Duke  ¦  55
Resignation of other members of the cabinet  56
The Duke's ministry in a minority  58
The Test Acts  69
Their repeal  70

Chapter III.
From the Repeal of the Test and Corporation Acts to the
end of the Session of 1829.
, PAGE
Signs of weakness in the ministry .  72
CathoUc emancipation  '3
Appointment of the Marquis WeUesley as lord-Ueutenant
of Ireland  73
Tithe Composition Act  ' ^
The Marquis WeUesley!s opinion in favour of emancipation 75

xxviii CONTENTS.

PA6Z

Lord Anglesey appointed lord-Ueutenant  '6
His recal by the premier  ' "
The Duke of Northumberland appointed his successor . . 76
The Irish Tithe Commutation Act unsatisfactory ... 77
The CathoUc Association  ' '
Denounced by the Duke of Wellington  77
Extraordinary power exercised by Mr. O'ConneU over his
countrymen  78
His character and influence described  78
Mutual cordiaUty and confidence between Mr. O'ConneU and
the CathoUc priesthood  79
Mr. O'ConneU's commanding talents  82
Grievances of the Irish people  83
Mr. O'ConneU's agitation for CathoUc emancipation ... 84
Sir F. Burdett's motion on the subject  86
Majority in favour of concession  87
The resolution affirming it sent to the Hoilse of Lords . . 87
Speeches on the occasion, described  87
Extracts from those of the Duke of WeUington and Mr.
Peel  88
Return of Mr. O'ConneU for Clare  89
Speech from the throne in favour of concession, referred to 94
BUl for the reUef of the Catholics  94
Mr. Peel's resignation of his seat for Oxford University . 95
Sir R. IngUs chosen as his successor  96
Duel between the Duke of WelUngton and Lord Winchelsea 96
Ministers rely upon their opponents for support .... 97
Mr. O'ConneU's right to his seat denied  98
Mr. Peel's election for Westbury  99
He submits his plan of reUef  99
Details of the plan  100
Aristocratic and ecclesiastical dominion  102
The latter sacrificed  102
Proposal to aboUsh the qualification of the forty-shilling
freeholders  103
Mr. Peel's concessions  106

CONTENTS. xxix

PAGE

Violent opposition by the High Tory party  HO
The ' No-Popery' cry  jji
ReUgious excitement among the people  112
Sermons preached against concession  114
The ReUef BUl, and the Franchise Regulation BiU read a
third time  Hg
The former moved bythe Duke of WeUington in the Upper
House  lig
Debate upon the question, described . .  117
Agitation in Ireland  Hg
New writ for Clare issued, on Mr. O'ConneU's refusing to
take the oath of supremacy  118
His statement of his case at the bar of the House . . .122
Consequences of emancipation  124
Cases of Penryn and East Retford  128

Chapter IV.
Commencement of the Session 1830, extending to June. PAGE
State of parties  131
The King's dislike to Mr. Brougham  132
Opening of parliament by commission  133
Lord Stanhope's amendment upon the address, in the Lords 1 34
Negatived by a large majority  135
Sir Edward KnatchbuU's amendment, in the Commons . .136
Negatived  138
Proceedings of the opposition  139
Sir F. Burdett's opinion of the Duke of WeUington . . .140
State of the nation, as described by Lord Stanhope . . .142
Assented to by the Duke of Richmond and the Earl of
Eldon  143
Fuiancial measures  145
Consistent conduct of the administration  146

xxx CONTENTS. PAOB
Distress ofthe country acknowledged by aU parties . . .147
Difficulty of alleviating it  148
Mr. Hume's remedy  14o
Character pf Sir James. Graham  149
His description of the distress of the industrial classes, and
motion to reduce official salaries  151, 154
Mr. Hume's motion for repeal and modification of taxation 155
Seconded by Lord Howick and approved by the Whigs . .155
Negatived by .a large majority  157
Scheme of retrenchment proposed by the administration,
generaUy approved  157
Hopes of aUiance by the Whigs  162
The army estimates discussed  163
Great reductions proposed by the government  164
General satisfaction expressed  164
Navy estimates discussed  165
Mr. Poulett Thompson's motion for a revision of the taxes
negatived  166
Proposed grant to Mr. Dundas and Mr. Bathurst refused . 167
DecUning health of the King, and corresponding exertions
of the opposition  167
Sir James Graham's proposals of economical reform . . .168
Defeated by large majorities  170, 172
Mr. R. Gordon's suggestion of a select committee to inquire
into theestimatp for the repairs of Windsor Castle 173, 175
Withdrawal of the motion for that estimate by the Chan
ceUor of the Exchequer  175
Labours of the opposition to curtail expenditure . . . .176
Defeated  180

CONTENTS. xxxi

Chapter V.

Continuation of Session of- 1 830. — Reform in Parlia-
ment^Death of George IV.

PAGE

National movement for parUamentary reform  183
First motion for parUamentary reform made by Mr. Pitt . 184
Mr. Burke's violent opposition  185
Resolutions proposed, in the next session, on the same sub
ject, by Mr. Pitt, negatived  187
The Duke of Richmond's letter to Colonel Sharman . . .187
Attempts by Mr. Fox to drive Lord North from power . 188
Coalition ministry dismissed, and Mr. Pitt made premier . 189
Mr. Pitt's plan of reform discussed, and negatived . . .191
His subsequent abandonment of his endeavours to reform
the House of Commons  191
Great change in his opinions  192
Mr. Grey's notice of motion for reform in the representation 193
Mr. Pitt's persecution of Home Tooke and Hardy . . . 1 95
Erskine's exordium to his defence of Home Tooke . . .195
Mr. Grey's motion discussed  196
Refusal ofthe House to Usten to the proposal  197
The question pressed in the succeeding year by Mr. Grey . 197
Conduct of Mr. Fox on this occasion, described by Burke . 198
Mr. Grey's motion negatived by a large majority . . . . 200
Anxiety of the Whigs from that period, untU recently, to
separate from the Radical reformers  201
Sir Francis Burdett's repeated motions for parUamentary
reform referred to  203
Lord John RusseU's motion in 1819  204
Withdrawn  205
Increasing division between Reformers and Wldgs . . .206
Number of petitions in favour of parUamentary reform,
from 1823 to 1830 iuclusively  208
The Marquis of Blandford's scheme of reform in 1830 . .212

xxxii CONTENTS.

PAGE

Motion made by Mr. Calvert for prevention of bribery at
East Retford takes precedence  212
Amendment moved by Mr. Tennyson  212
Supported by Lord Howick  215
Mr. Tennyson's amendment lost  217
Mr. Calvert's biU carried  218
The Marquis of Blandford's motion negatived  220
Lord John RusseU's motion for the enfranchisement of
Manchester, Leeds, and Birmingham  220
Rejected, after lengthened debate  228
Mr. O'CoimeU's motion for radical reform  228
Amendment moved by Lord John RusseU  229
The motion and amendment debated  234
The former lost by an overwhelming majority — ^the latter
also negatived  240
Proceedings in the House of Lords on the biU for dis
franchising East Retford  240
Attempt to remove the disabiUties of the Jews .... 242

Chapter VI.
From the Death of George IV., June, 1830, to the end of
the Session of Parliament, 23rd July. . PAGE
Death of George IV  244
His character  245
Accession of WilUam IV  250
His message to the two Houses of ParUament  252
The Duke of WeUington's speech on the discussion that
foUowed in the Lords, described  252
The address in answer to the message  253
Sir Robert Peel's eulogy of George IV  254
Mr. Brougham's favourable opinion of his successor . . .256
The Duke of WeUington's proposal to dissolve parUament . 257
Opposed by Lord Grey and his party  257

CONTENTS. xxxiii

PAGE

Lord Grey's motion for adjournment negatived iu the
House of Lords  260
Sir Robert Peel's motion for an address in the Commons . 260
Lord Althorp's amendment for adjoiurnment negatived . . 270
Mr. Brougham's attack upon the ministry  271
Arrested by Sir Robert Peel  273
Second amendment negatived  274
Popularity of WiUiam IV  274
Mr. Robert Grant's notice of motion for the appointment
of a Regency  275
Mr. Huskisson's prophetic warning  277
His sudden and accidental death  277
Reply of the Attorney-General and Sir Robert Peel
aUudedto  278
Mr. Macaulay and Mr. Brougham on the institution of
monarchy  279, 280
Mr. Grant's motion negatived by a large majority . . . 282
Mr. Brougham's notice of motion on colonial slavery . . 282
Sir George Murray's entreaty for its withdrawal . . . .284
Refusal of Mr. Brougham to relinquish it  285
Negatived  286
Prorogation of parliament by the King in person . . . .286

Chapter VII.
From the Dissolution of the Parliament in July, to the
Meeting of the Nevj Parliaiment in October, 1830. PAGE
Remarks upon the state of parties .  287
The Duke of WeUington's ministry becomes unpopular. . 291
Effect of foreign affairs on opinions at home  292
Usurpation of Dom Miguel  294
Leopold of Saxe Coburg  ' • 295
State of France  295

xxxiv CONTENTS.

296

The RoyaUst party in France 
Arbitrary projects of Charles X. resisted by the Chamber
of Deputies  ^^^
Change of administration in France  299
Despotic plans of Charles X.'s new ministry  301
Associations in France to resist the levying of taxes . . .302
Struggle between -the French ministry and the people . .303
Majority in the Chambers against the administration and
preparations for a new election  303
Immense majority against ministers in the new Chambers . 304
Proceedings of the French ministry  305
Abrogation of the Charter by Charles X  306
He is dethroned  307
Revolution accomplished  308
Its effects in Europe  309
State of Belgium  310
Prevalence of discontent in the Belgian provinces . . .313
M. de Potter's address to his countrymen during imprison
ment  314
Accusation of M. de Potter  315
Trial and condemnation of MM. de Potter, Bartels, and
Tielmans  316
Excitement of the people  316
Banishment of M. de Potter  317
Revolution in Brussels  319
Separation of Belgium from HoUand  320
Insurrection in Poland ,  321
Proceedings in Portugal  322
State of opinion in England  323
Suspicion created by the conduct of the English Attorney-
Genferal, Sir Charles WethereU  325
Replaced by Sir James Scarlett  326
Prosecution of the Morning Journal  327
Consequences of the prosecution  331
Effect of the French Revolution on pubUc opinion in England 333
State of feeUng among the poor  334

CONTENTS. XXXV PAGE
Disturbance, in the rural districts  335
Conduct of the country magistrates  337
State of opinion in the towns  338
Popular demands  340
PoUcy of the Whigs during the excitement  341
Change in pubUc opinion during the fifteen years of peace . 344
Reform in ParUament, a popular topic  347
The Middlesex and Yorkshire elections  348, 349
Result of the elections, as given by the Annual Register . 352
Jeopardized condition of the Duke of WeUington's adminis
tration  353

Chapter VIII.
From the Meeting of the New Parliament on October 2&th,
1830, to the Downfall of the WelUngton Adminis
tration, and the formation of the Whig Mvnistry of
Lord Grey. PAGE
Meeting of ParUament  355
The King's Speech  357
The debate in the Lords on the address  359
Speech of Lord Grey, as leader of the Opposition . . . .361
The Duke of WeUington's reply  373
The debate in the Commons on the address  378
• Its animated character . . ... •  379
Mr. Brougham's notice of motion on the question of ParUa
mentary Reform  379
The address moved by Lord Grimstone  380
Speech of Mr. Hume  384
Of Sir Robert Peel  385
Mr. O'CoimeU's power in Ireland  389
Lord Shrewsbur/s gratitude to Mr. O'ConneU . . 390, 391
Sir R. Peel's opinion of Mr. O'ConneU's motives .... 392

xxxvi CONTENTS. PAGE
Proceedings of the latter  393
His reply to Sir Robert Peel  394
State of Ireland  398
Mr. Brougham's speech  400
Effects of the debate on pubUc opinion  406
Debate in the Commons on bringing up the report . . . 408
Lord Winchelsea's attack upon the Duke of WeUington . 410
The King's visit to the City of London proinised .... 412
And afterwards postponed  414
The debate which foUowed, described  415
Sir James Graham's speech  418
State of pubUc business  419
Mr. Brougham's plan of reform stated  420
Tactics of ministers  •  423
The contest on the civU Ust  425
Sir H. PameU's speech  427
Defeat of the ministry  430
Sir Robert Peel's statement  432
Resignation of the ministry  433
Mr. Brougham's motion postpojied  433
His conduct on that occasion  434
Conflicting statements respecting that conduct .... 439
Negotiations with Mr. Brougham  441
Mr. Brougham Lord ChanceUor  444
Lord Grey's ministerial statement  445
His exposition of his intended course  446
Lord Grey prime minister  448
His administration  45O
Negotiations with the ultra-Tories  454
Adjournment of the session  455

APPENDIX  457

BOOK I.

VOL. I.

' In a country like ours, where mutual contention contributes
to the security of the constitution, it wUl be impossible for an
historian, who attempts to have any opinion, to satisfy all par
ties.' — Preface to Goldsmith's History of England.
' When history copies to sum up the characters and acts of
British statesmen — when the crimes of our great men are re
corded — when the means by which recent events have been
accomplished are stated — there will be no blacker page than
that in which the passing of this bUl is commemorated.' —
Speech of Mr. Pkaed — on the motion to agree to the Lords'
amendments of the English Reform BiU.
' The learned gentleman says, that when the historian describes
the events of the present time, the account of those transactions
wiU be the blackest page in history. I differ entirely from the
honourable and learned member, and am satisfied that the
British historian wiU record it as one of the brightest in our
annals.' — Speech ofMr. Hume — in the same debate.

CHAPTER I.
GENERAL VIEW OF AFFAIRS FROM THE END OF
THE WAR IN 1815, TO THE CLOSE OF LORD
LIVERPOOL'S ADMINISTRATION IN 1827.
T?NGLAND, in the year 1815, at the close of the
¦^-^ great struggle with Napoleon, suddenly found
herself at peace with the whole world, after having,
for nearly a quarter of a century, maintained in every
portion of the globe, the most severe and costly war
yet recorded in the annals of mankind. This terrible
strife was not only expensive and mischievous while
it continued, but also the cause of great loss and
suffering for many years after peace had returned.
The habits which the war had created; the modes of
employing capital, which its necessities compelled,
could not at once be changed, without immense diffi
culty and enormous waste. Whole classes, who were
engaged in the production, of all that was necessary
for the equipment and maintenance of our vast naval
and military establishments, were suddenly left with
out the means of subsistence. The manufacturing
capital which had been applied to the same ends,
became in an instant almost without value — and they
who had been yesterday gaining large profits by their
trade, were to-day absolutely bankrupt. Employers
b2

4 GENERAL VIEW OF AFFAIRS
and employed suffered alike; and while the transition
lasted, — while the slow and expensive process of
transferring capital from one employment to another
was going on, misery almost unexampled was the lot
of the whole mercantile and manufacturing popula
tion. WhUe trade and manufactures were thus hardly
pressed, the classes employed in agriculture suffered
also, largely, if not in an equal degree. So long as
the war continued, the agricultural class, including in
that term, land-owners, the capitalist who applied his
wealth to land for the purposes of production, and the
actual labourer, all enjoyed, though in very unequal
shares, the benefits of an extraordinary monopoly.
This was the case more especially during the last
years of the war, as then England was not only shut
out of the continent of Europe, but excluded also
from the territories of the United States of America.
Our agricultural produce was therefore derived almost
entirely from the soil of our own country. The rent
of land rose to an extravagant height, and the profits
of those who applied capital to land were certain and
large. The labourer, in a slight degree, shared in the
prosperity of his employer. The numbers of the
labourers being in some measure checked by the
demand for soldiers and sailors, the competition';
among them was less than in ordinary times, and
wages were thus maintained at a point which enabled
the labourer to live in comparative comfort.
One consequence of this extraordinary agricultural

FROM 1815 TO 1827. 5
prosperity was, unfortunately, a habit of expensive
living, contracted by the landlord and the farmer.
Both classes, counting on an indefinite continuance of
high prices, made family arrangements, and indulged
in a style of living based upon that fallacious hope.
The peace, when it came, surprised them in the midst
of their unwary enjoyment. A sudden and perma-
• nent fall in the price of corn compelled the farmer to
demand a reduction of rent — and a reduction of rent
brought the landlord whose estate was encumbered by
family arrangements, made with a reference to the
war prices, into difficulty — and thus all classes were
at one and the same time in a state of discontent and
suffering. The miseries attendant on this transition were cer
tainly heightened, whether wisely or not, need not
now be asked, by the celebrated act for the resump
tion of cash payments, passed on the suggestion of
Mr. Peel in the year 1819. This measure suddenly
improved the condition of creditors throughout the
empire — and in a still greater degree made more bur
thensome that of debtors universally. Debts con
tracted in a depreciated, were to be paid in a highly
valuable currency. Whatever eventual good might
result from this hasty proceeding, the immediate
suffering was enormous — and ruin, against which no
prudence could guard the unfortunate debtor, spread
like a wasting pestilence over the land.
The most powerful of these suffering classes were
the owners of land. They commanded a majority in

6 GENERAL VIEW OF AFFAIRS
both Houses of Parliament, and were not long before
they made attempts to relieve their own distresses.
The mode adopted to attain their end, was to make
a law to keep up the price of agricultural produce.
This law was passed by overwhelming majorities, both
in the House of Commons and House of Lords, in the
vain hope of maintaining the monopoly and its conse
quences, which the late war had produced.^
This measure, though popular with the agricul
turists, gave great offence to the manufacturing and
mercantile classes, as well as to the inhabitants of the
larger towns throughout the country. The discontent
of the immense masses of human beings congregated
in the manufacturing towns of the North became
every day more violent and alarming. The attention
of the sufferers was naturally excited by the peculiar
conduct of parliament, and a strong desire became
prevalent among them for a thorough change in the
composition of the House of Commons. The domi
nant class resisted the demand for this reform. The
labouring people of the towns insisted ; large numbers
from day to day assembled, in order to enforce their

' This restriction upon the importation of corn preceded by
some years the resumption of cash payments. The one was
passed in 1815, the other in 1819. On the 17th of February,
1815, Mr. Robinson proposed resolutions in the House of Com
mons, by which the importation of wheat was prohibited while
the price was under SOs. per quarter. The bill founded on
these resolutions was passed during the turmoU of the Hundred
days, which immediately succeeded. The landed interest were
quick to protect themselves.

FROM 1815 TO 1827. 7
wishes by a display of strength. The government
determined to check and utterly to put down these
manifestations of discontent. Parliament was ready
to adopt the modes of repression proposed ; and severe
and stringent laws were passed to compel the people
to submit in silence to those measures which had been
enacted to maintain high prices in the chief article of
their food — viz. corn.
The struggle which was maintained by the people
out of doors was carried into parliament, and a section
of the Whigs, together with the few Eadicals who
could at that period find seats in the House of Com
mons, endeavoured vainly to resist the arbitrary
desires and arbitrary enactments of the administra
tion. During the war, the same parties had stead
fastly maintained that peace was the great necessity
of the country, and so long as there was any hope of
inducing the people to listen, they urged upon them
the wisdom of a peaceful as compared with a warlike
policy. The successes of our allies in the north of
Europe, and of our own armies in Spain, at length
drowned in one loud shout of victory these sugges
tions of the Whig party in opposition, who were now
compelled to be content with faintly protesting against
the extravagance which they could not prevent. So
soon as returning peace brought new difficulties, and
distress, the Whigs as a party opposed, but with no
great earnestness, the arbitrary laws by which the
government attempted to keep down the discontent
of the people; but they did not as a party resist the

8 GENERAL VIEW OF AFFAIRS
tax imposed to keep up the price of corn, and the
rents of the land-owners.
The opposition to the government was, however,
without effect. The stringent laws enacted were
rigorously enforced. The people murmured, but
obeyed; the peace of the country, though often
threatened, was never seriously disturbed.
At length the beneficial consequences of peace
became manifest. The transition of capital was com
plete, and accumulation began to restore the losses
which the sudden change of employment had occa
sioned. In the political world the same quiet was
apparent, — and a long series of peaceful reforms
seemed about to be proposed by the ministers them
selves. Unfortunately, an element of confusion sud
denly appeared, and that quiet which plenty and ease
produced, was seriously compromised, by the injustice
of George IV. towards his wife queen Caroline.
The death of George III. made in fact no change in
the government. The regent had for many years
been king, and the mere physical death of his father
conferred on him no powers which he did not already
possess. But the death of his father, which made
him king in name as well as reality, made his wife
queen also ; and now was seen the strange spectacle
of a man who as regent could bear patiently the
humiliation of his wife wandering disreputably about
the world, suddenly becoming sensitive and alive to
his dishonour, upon acquiring the nominal dignity of
king. He resisted every proposal to confer on his

FROM 1815 TO 1827. 9
unhappy wife the name and honours of queen; and
so soon as she demanded them, and prepared to
enforce her demands by returning to England, deter
mined rather than yield to her wishes, to aim at her
life, and recklessly to risk the peace of his kingdoms
by an insane attempt to degrade and punish her.
The conduct of the ruling, viz., the Tory party, on
this occasion,- did in fact most seriously affect their
power, by degrading their character in the estimation
of their countrymen. As men of honour, they were
bound to refuse to be the ministers of the king's
unworthy vengeance. They knew, however, that if
they had done so, he was determined to call their
rivals to power, without asking of them to prosecute
the queen. The administration preferred the loss of
honour to the loss of office ; and, in an evil hour for
their fame and for their power, they yielded them
selves up to the will of the king, and commenced their
scandalous persecution of his wife.^

' The Whig party upon this occasion are said to have acted
with a magnanimity worthy of the highest encomium. They
gave the ministers to understand, that if office were offered to
them (the Whigs) by the king, in consequence of the ministers
refusing to prosecute the queen, they would refuse it, even
though the king should dispense in their case with the unworthy
comphance he demanded of his actual cabinet. If this intima
tion were given, and that it was so, I have the highest authority
for stating, the baseness of the ministerial acquiescence is im
measurably enhanced. We shaU see, that the Whigs again
gave evidence of the same wise and magnanimous disdain of
office, to be obtained by unworthy means, in the case of the
Emancipation Act.

10 GENERAL VIEW OF AFFAIRS
Political peace was thus utterly annihilated, and all
the benefit that could be derived from a gradual
improvement of our institutions by the government,
was for the time entirely foregone, and a furious
party and personal strife occupied the attention of
the people, to the great grief and scandal of all wise
and virtuous men.
The storm was hushed at length bythe death of
the unhappy subject of the struggle. The queen,
worn out with grief and passion and toil, sank and
died. The people considered her a martyr, and her
enemies, malignant, cruel, and unscrupulous persecu
tors. The feeling towards the king was indignant
hate — contempt mingled largely with the abhorrence
and horror with which the people regarded his minis
ters. For many years, the estimation in which all
public men were held, was greatly influenced by the
part the ministers had taken in this miserable pro
ceeding.^ Peace, however, stiU continued ; and while politi
cians were occupied by this unworthy quarrel, the
industrious classes were rapidly increasing in wealth.

' The scrupulous and generous proceeding of the Whigs in
refusing to supplant the ministry, was certainly a counterpoise,
so far as it was known, to this low estimation of the character of
public men. But, unfortunately, the evU conduct was seen by,
known to all— the generosity and honour of the Whigs, was a
portion of that secret history which floats in the traditions of
politicians— is not reported at the time, and is known only to a
few, and which, therefore, exerts little influence upon the public
estimate of public men.

FROM 1815 TO 1827. 11
and improving in their intelligence. Political science,
also, became a subject of popular exposition as well as
philosophic investigation. The discoveries begun by
Adam Smith received confirmation, and were extended.
The ancient theory of protection, sapped to its foun
dation, was at last assailed in its stronghold — the
legislature. The persevering industry of Bentham
subjected our law also to a searching and systematic
inquiry ; and day by day forced the dictates of com
mon sense upon the attention of those to whom was
entrusted the government of the country. The mi
nistry of the day took the lead as reformers. In times
not propitious for reform. Sir Samuel Eomilly had
endeavoured, at the instigation of Bentham, to miti
gate in some small degree the severities of our crimi
nal code. His efforts were highly thought of by the
people, but were of little avail in the House of Com
mons. The truth, however, advanced : the responsible
ministers became enlightened before the legislature,
and in the two great departments of legal and finan
cial reform preceded both houses of parliament. Mr.
Peel began cautiously to collect and arrange the
various statutes, in which the law relating to many
departments of our jurisprudence was contained.
Enactments scattered over the legislation of years
were reduced into some order, and brought gradually
into a form which bore some resemblance to a system
dictated by common sense. The change, indeed, was
slow, and was piecemeal, but for this very reason it
was better received, because more in accordance with

12 GENERAL VIEW OF AFFAIRS
the ordinary habits of the people, than would have
been a more sweeping, systematic, and symmetrical
alteration. The consolidation of Mr. Peel was viewed
with favour as a practical reform, while the codifica
tion of Bentham was scouted as the mere dream of a
visionary theorist.
The economic views which Adam Smith had
brought before his countrymen, were by the states
men of his day hardly noticed. Mr. Pitt, indeed,
had early in life become acquainted with them, had
acknowledged their truth, and appreciated their worth.
But, hurried away by the animosity of his party to the
French revolution, and its great champion. Napoleon,
he had no time, no thought for anything but war, and
the subsidizing Europe into resistance to France.
Mr. Fox, on his entrance into public life, was pro
foundly ignorant of every branch of political economy,
and remained so to the end of his days. Younger
statesmen, however, did not close their minds against
the reception of the important truths which constitute
that science. The bank restriction had forced atten
tion to the intricate questions connected with the
currency. The Milan and Berlin decrees of Napoleon,
and our own impolitic orders in council, compelled
our rulers to re-consider, in all its practical results,
the whole subject of foreign trade. The change from
war to peace, by opening new channels for trade, by
creating new difficulties and new wants, had made a
revision of our whole commercial and financial system
absolutely necessary. The attempt on the part of the

FROM 1815 TO 1827. 13
land-owners to protect their own interests, by impos
ing restrictions on the importation of corn, excited
opposition and discussion; discussion, once begun,
extended inquiry into the whole doctrine of Protec
tion, and the result became manifest at length by the
ministers, under the guidance of Mr. Kicardo, and
the direct leadership of Mr. Huskisson, commencing
that system of mercantile legislation which has by
degrees led to the repeal of the corn laws, and the
virtual overthrow of the long-cherished theory and
practice of protection.
Had Great Britain alone constituted our empire, it
is probable that the Tory party would have remained
in undisturbed possession of power, and with the
ministry at their head, have proceeded steadily in a
gradual, safe, and yet efficient career of useful reforms.
But Ireland, unfortunately for England and for her
self, is so placed, as to form geographically a neces
sary portion of the English dominions. Conquered in
a rude age, she has been from the very commencement
of our rule, the victim of cruelty and oppression.
The Eeformation unhappily was adopted by a very
small portion of the Irish population, and thus to the
political and social causes of quarrel and disunion,
was added another source of animosity arising from
the difference of religion. The original sin of our
conquest has, like an evil genius, dogged the steps of
our dominion. Every event in our history which has
by us been deemed of good augury, and looked upon
as a blessing, has in Ireland changed its nature, and

14 GENERAL VIEW OF AFFAIRS
become a curse. The last great revolution— that
which placed a protestant family on the English
throne, and gave us a government of law, in place of
a despotism, was to Ireland the immediate cause of a
system of oppression, which ceased only a few years
since  of misery, which continues to the present hour.
In England, Catholicism had become in the popular
mind strongly associated with the idea of despotism,
so that a love of freedom was but too often united
with a hatred and fear of the catholic religion.
George III. had most of the vulgar prejudices of his
people, and being like all dull men obstinate, to
oppose catholic emancipation became with him an
effect of temper as well as a matter of conscience.
His confused and incapable brain conceived a scruple
in consequence of certain words in the coronation
oath. With this scruple he puzzled himself, annoyed
his ministers, and injured his people. Designing,
unscrupulous men like Lord Eosslyn, easily worked
upon a mind just trembling upon the brink of insanity.
Pretending to maintain a sacred principle, they really
sought to advance their own private interests, and
scrupled not to foster the crotchety conceits of a
madman, even though by so doing they endangered
the peace and happiness of a nation. Thus the wise
and generous intentions of Mr. Pitt, with respect to
the catholics, when he proposed and carried the union
with Ireland, were frustrated; that which ought to
have been the sure means of making us an united
people, was converted into a source of fatal dissen-

from 1815 to 1827. 15
sion ; and that which should have doubled our
strength, divided, weakened, and almost destroyed us.
When Mr. Pitt proposed the union with Ireland, he
intended not simply to do away with the civil and
political disabilities of the catholics, but also to pro
vide a state provision for their clergy. George IIL
allowed him to carry the Act of Union, but resolved
to dismiss rather than permit him to accomplish the
remaining portion of his plans. From that fatal hour
up to the present, we have felt the consequences of
this royal bigotry. So long as George III. retained
the semblance of sanity, there was no hope of eman
cipation for the catholics under his sway. Unfortu
nately, the king was not the only bigot in the country.
And although the House of Commons did in 1812
pass, on the motion of Mr. Canning, a vote favour
able to emancipation ; and although again, in 1813,
it assented to a motion made on behalf of the catholics
by Mr. Grattan, it Eventually rejected the bill he pro
posed in consequence of his success. The House of
Lords firmly opposed on all occasions every concession ;
and George IV. himself afterwards professed to feel
his conscience pricked when concession was proposed
by the Duke of Wellington. A large number of
persons out of doors sympathised with the Houses
of parliament; and it became clear, that from the
justice of England, the catholics of Ireland could
have no hope of redress. The anti-popish feeling
was strong among us, and with no class of persons
was it stronger than the dissenters, who as dissenters

16 GENERAL VIEW OF AFFAIRS
were themselves subject to civil disabilities. Had
there been, indeed, no intolerant exclusion of the
dissenters, the condition of the catholics would have
been yet more desperate. The advocates for civil
freedom, however, on the part of the dissenters, were
compelled to employ arguments that included the case
of the catholics as well as their own; and they who
proposed the repeal of the Test and Corporation Acts,
could not consistently resist Catholic Emancipation.
So freedom benefited by the double oppression.
When the various difficulties which had beset the
empire upon the return of peace, were one by one
overcome — when industry had gradually found new
and prosperous employment — when plenty was return
ing to the people — when trade, and arts, and science,
began to flourish — when the storm arising from the
persecution of the queen had passed harmlessly away
— when the ministry was taking the lead in proposing
and effecting wise and beneficent changes in our sys
tems of law, finance, and commerce — and when pros
perity brought us peace in England, — Ireland and her •
discontents darkened all these fair prospects, checked
our advance, arrested the hand of improvement;
created distrust, and quarrel, and separation, among
the various members of the cabinet ; and eventually
destroyed the great Tory party who had triumphed
over Napoleon.
Concession of the catholic claims became, after the
union with Ireland, the great party watchword of the
Whigs. The mind of Mr. Pitt was too bold and

from 1815 to 1827. 17
generous not to despise the weak injustice of exclud
ing from civil rights so large a portion of the whole
united population as the Irish catholics; and Mr.
Canning on this subject sympathised with his great
leader. Dissension being thus introduced into the
Tory ranks, and one point of sympathy arising be
tween the excluded Whigs, and a section of the
ministerial phalanx, a new policy was adopted by the
administration which succeeded that of Mr. Percival.
The concession of the catholic claims became what
was technically called ' an open question,' the various
members of the administration on this subject being
permitted to speak and to vote each according to his
individual opinion, and not in accordance with the
views of the majority of the cabinet. When, on the
death of Lord Castlereagh, Mr. Canning was selected
to be the ministerial leader in the House of Commons,
the hopes of the catholics rose high, as now the most
powerful of their advocates had become, not indeed
the nominal head of the administration, but yet second
only to the premier, and first in fact in the Commons.
The Whig party also looked with complacency upon
Mr. Canning's advent to office. They saw and well
understood that a rivalry existed within the cabinet,
which would eventually compel the weaker section to
throw themselves on the Whigs for support. The
peculiar position and character of Lord Liverpool
enabled him for the moment to unite and keep united
these really hostile sections. His mediocrity was his
strength, and proved the safeguard of the ministry.
VOL. I. c

18 GENERAL VIEW OF AFFAIRS
Of him no one was jealous, and they who submitted
to him, as their leader, spite of his known inferiority,
spurned the idea of obedience to men immeasurably
his superiors; and it required little sagacity to per
ceive that, so soon as Lord Liverpool ceased to be
premier, all unity and amity would disappear from the
Tory party. Mr. Canning, by his older standing and
his brilliant capacity, appeared to be their natural
head. But there was one in their ranks as ambi
tious, though not so brilliant and dazzling as he.
The powers of Mr. Peel were, at that time, by the
consent of all, rated as inferior to those of Mr.
Canning. The wit, the eloquence, the winning
manners of Mr. Canning, made rivalry ou the part
of Mr. Peel hopeless, were they each to trust to
their personal capacities alone. The passions of a
party supplied the personal deficiency. Mr. Peel was
deemed the pupil of Lord Eldon, and was supposed,.
at that time, by studying at the feet of this Gamaliel,
to have become imbued with his passions and his
prejudices. Hatred and dread of popery were among
the most marked, most potent emotions evinced by
that learned lord during his political career. Mr.
, Peel trod carefully in the footsteps of his friend and
leader, and became in the Commons the chief of the
no-popery faction. This character suited him in his
relative position with respect to Mr. Canning. As the
head of a great political band, he was raised to a
rivalry and sort of equality with his more gifted rival.
Mr. Canning and his friends were deemed the leaders.

FROM. 1815 TO 1827. 19
bf the movement which had for its aim the emancipa
tion of the catholics. Mr. Peel, as the head of the
majority of the cabinet, took the lead in opposing this
demand. So long as Lord Liverpool lived, the two
rivals acted together in apparent amity, both being
well aware that the time was not far distant when
this seeming friendship would be exchanged for direct
hostility, and a hollow truce give place to open war
fare. From the death of Lord Londonderry to the para
lytic attack which put an end to the political existence
of Lord Liverpool, this state of suppressed hostility
and simulated amity was carefuUy maintained. The
opposition took advantage of every opportunity to
bring the rivalry into play, and to embitter the ill-
feeling, that all saw existed, — but in vain ; whatever
might be the real dissensions and hidden distrust, out
wardly the ministry appeared so united, as to be able
to work happily together. Mr. Canning retained his
opinions and his office. Much liberality in language
was shown, but no concession was made. If the
catholics gathered strength, and under the leadership
of Mr. O'Connell, became troublesome, the adminis
tration acted as one man, to conquer and subdue
them. But when a proposal was made in the session
of 1825, on the motion of Sir F. Burdett, to relieve
them from civil disabilities, Mr. Canning and Mr.
Peel were found opposed to each other, and the bill
which passed the Commons by a majority of 21, was
defeated in the Lords. The administration, however,
c2

20 GENERAL VIEW OF AFFAIRS, ETC.
seemed as fibrm as ever, spite of the difference of
opinion between the two secretaries of state.^
They who had hoped to see the cabinet go to pieces
in consequence of this dissension among the chiefs,
were doomed yet for some years to be disappointed.
The House of Commons, which had in 1825 passed a
bill for the relief of the catholics, was dissolved in
1826, and the house which met in the November of
that year showed in the March following, that the
result of the elections had been adverse to the catholic
claims, by negativing, after a full debate, a resolution
proposed again by Sir Francis Burdett, in favour of
removing the civU disabilities under which our
Eoman-catholic brethren then laboured. This ad
verse result had no more influence upon the stability
of the administration than had been exercised over
its destinies by the catholic victory of 1825. Its
tenure of office seemed more certain and fixed than
ever.^

' This bill of relief was to be attended by two others, called
at the time the vdngs — by the first, the 40s. freehold franchise.
was to be abolished, and one of 10/. created — ^by the second, a
provision was to be made for the catholic clergy.
2 Lord Liverpool had, in fact, been stricken before this divi
sion took place, but the completely annihilating effect of his
illness was not yet ascertained, and hopes of his recovery were
BtUl entertained.

CHAPTEE IL
FROM THE RETIREMENT OF LORD LIVERPOOL, IN
MARCH, 1827, TO THE PASSING OF THE ACT FOR
THE REPEAL OF THE TEST AND CORPORATION
ACTS, IN MAY, 1828.
AT this moment of apparent security, on Feb. 17th,
1827, Lord Liverpool was stricken with paralysis,
and at once rendered incapable of any further discharge
of official duties — he was politically dead; and then was
seen how heterogeneous were the materials of which his
administration had been composed. The chief man
among its various members was undoubtedly Mr. Can
ning. When the king desired him to form an admi
nistration, the nation acquiesced in the wisdom of the
selection, and vainly thought that the party to which
Mr. Canning belonged, would also deem him the fit
test among them, to be their future guide and chief.
They, however, judged very differently both of their
own merits and his. That he was eminently qualified
to be the leader of the House of Commons was at
once admitted; but most of them who were willing to
act with him as an equal, refused peremptorily, and with
some show of contumely, to serve under him as chief.
The reason assigned for this refusal appeared at the
time not unplausible; but in after years men thought
of it with wonder not unmixed with scorn. On the

22 FROM LORD LIVERPOOL'S ILLNESS [1827.
death of Lord Londonderry, Mr. Canning accepted
office, and became the ministerial leader of the House
of Commons, upon the express understanding that the
concession of the catholic claims should be treated by
the administration as an open question; — and he not
without some reason believed that it might continue to
be so treated when he himself became premier in place
of Lord Liverpool. The Duke of WeUington, how
ever, together with Sir Eobert Peel, Lord Eldon, Lord
Westmoreland, Lord Bexley, and Lord Bathurst,
thought differently ; and the Duke thus explained the
manner in which he viewed the altered condition of
the administration.
' I beg leave to suggest to your lordships,' he said
on the 2nd of May, 1827, 'an important distinction
between Lord Liverpool and the right honourable
gentleman. The object of Lord Liverpool's policy
was, not to take anything from the Eoman-catholics,
but to govern the country fairly and impartiaUy
according to the existing laws. That of the right
honourable gentleman (who it must be remembered
is the most able and active of all the partisans ofthe
other side of the question) is to make an important *
alteration of the laws. The action of the two systems
cannot^ be compared. Lord Liverpool might act
impartially; and composed as his cabinet was, he was
under the necessity of so acting, even if it could be
supposed that his desire was to act otherwise. But
the influence of the right honourable gentleman's
government must have the effect, even if not so

1837.] TO THE REPEAL OF THE TEST ACTS. 23
desired by him, of forwarding his own opinions and
views of policy, notwithstanding his professions of an
adherence to the policy of Lord Liverpool's govern
ment.'^ Mr. Peel gave the same reason for his
secession.^ He was willing to form part of a cabinet
by whom concession to the catholics was considered
an open question, provided that the head of the
cabinet was opposed to it. As soon as the premier
became a friend to emancipation, Mr. Peel felt him
self bound to retire.
Acting upon this principle, the majority of Mr.
Canning's former colleagues refused to act under
him, and the moment at length arrived, so long
expected by the opposition. The premier without
their aid was unable to maintain his position — and
was therefore compelled, if he desired to be prime
minister, to coalesce with his former antagonists, the
Whigs. The alliance was made^ — and with the single

' Hansard, N. S., vol. xvu. p. 459.
^ Hansard, N. S., vol. xvii. p. 395, et seq.
^ This was the first step towards that utter disruption of the
Tory party which eventuaUy occurred. The most active and
energetic actor upon this occasion — and he has always taken
credit for being the means by which the junction with Mr.
Canning was effected — was Mr. Brougham. The busy scene of
intrigue which then took place can only, however, be fuUy
described by some one who shaU have access to the papers of
the several persons who took part in it. As a matter of secret
history, the laying it bare will be curious and interesting; but
the explanation of the influence of the coalition upon the great
interests of the country does not require that intimate know
ledge of those secret doings of which I speak.

24 FROM LORD LIVERPOOL'S ILLNESS [1827.
exception of Lord Grey, all the leading Whig states
men determined to support the new minister. Some
of them accepted office under him — all gave him their
support. Mr. Tierney, who had acted as the Whig
leader in the Commons, became Master of the Mint —
Lord Lansdowne also joined the administration, and
Mr. Brougham thus explained the nature of the
support he was prepared to render the new cabinet.
' While he was ready to do this justice to the
retiring party, he should be doing the highest injustice
to others, if he did not see the embarrassment and
difficulties in which they had left the government.
The king suddenly found himself deprived of the
services of six out of nine of his ministers. It became
absolutely necessary that the offices should be fiUed up,
and that the pubUc service should be committed to
the charge of men who were equal to this great crisis.'
And the result had been to form a government, if any
government ever deserved the name, effective, generally
consistent, able, honest, and enlightened; and this
upon his conscience he believed to be the character of
the new administration. It was upon this conviction,
and with almost the certainty that the country would
soon, from their own experience, come to the same
conclusion, that he had given his support to the new

This argument of the king's necessity has since been effec
tively employed by the Duke of WeUington-once in 1832,
again in 1834. On the last occasion the argument was directed
agamst the Lord Chancellor, Brougham.

1837.] TO THE REPEAL OF THE TEST ACTS. 25
arrangements.'^ In the same speech, alluding to the
foreign policy of Mr. Canning, and of its coincidence
with his own views, Mr. Brougham observed — ' The
death of Lord Londonderry made way for the right
honourable gentleman. He entered office, and pro
ceeded immediately to act upon those principles which
he (Mr. Brougham) had moved the House upon in
1817, and which he had defended in 1822. The
right honourable gentleman had successfully established
a system of liberal and manly foreign policy. Upon
these grounds and principles he had given him his
best assistance. Guided by these principles, and
founding his measures on such grounds in the course
of his administration, the right honourable gentleman
should have from him that which he had a right, in
point of consistency, to demand — a cordial, zealous, and
disinterested support.'^
While Mr. Brougham, and the Whigs generally,
were thus lavish of their praise, and profuse of their
promises of support to the new administration. Lord

• Hansard, N. S., vol. xvii. p. 377.
^ Idem. ibid. p. 521. It is stated by those who could best
know the circumstances, if such ever existed, that Mr. Canning,
at this period, offered Mr. Brougham the office of Chief Baron
of the Exchequer, saying, on Mr. Brougham's declining the
honour, ' Why, the post of Chief Baron is, you know, the half
way-house to that of the ChanceUor.' ' Yes,' was Mr.
Brougham's answer; 'but you deprive me of the horses which
are to take me on;' meaning that, by being made a judge, he
was removed from the House of Commons, and rendered power
less; and that, being no longer formidable, he would be no
longer favoured.

2Q FROM LORD LIVERPOOL'S ILLNESS [1837.
Grey caUed Mr. Canning to a severe account, and
sternly scanned the whole tenour of his political life.
A more remarkable speech has seldom been uttered
in parliament, than that which Lord Grey delivered
when explaining his reasons for not joining his friends
in their support of Mr. Canning's government. In it
after having in the most ample manner conceded to
his friends the praise of pure intentions and disin
terested motives ; after having separated himself from
the opposition formed of the Tories who had refused
to act with Mr. Canning, he proceeded to examine,
one by one, the several claims which the friends of
Mr. Canning, old and new, put forth in his name, to
the favour and support of liberal politicians — and
then stated the grounds on which he based his refusal
of that favour and support. One of these statements
is important, because, although hypothetical, he chal
lenged contradiction to it, and because the subsequent
conduct of Mr. Canning was in accordance with the
suggestion which the noble earl then hazarded. He
said —
' But one of the grounds on which I refuse my
confidence to the present administration is this— I do
not see in that administration — I do not see in the
persons who compose it, or in the principles on which
it is understood to be formed—anything to justify me
in supposing that this question (viz., of catholic eman
cipation,) will advance one step in consequence of the
change to which they owe their places. Is it not true,
I will ask, that they have entered into an engagements

1827.] TO THE REPEAL OF THE TEST ACTS. 27
with his Majesty — ^let not the House be alarmed at
the idea that I am about to enter on forbidden ground,
or to touch a topic which the rules of Parliament
exclude from its discussion — that they have entered
into an engagement with his Majesty as to certain
distinct principles on which the administration has
been composed? We heard at first that this admi
nistration was to be formed on a principle similar to
that of which the Earl of Liverpool was the head.
My noble friend who spoke last [Lord Spencer] has
stated his ignorance of what that principle means.
But it is not so with me. I did, and I do understand
its meaning; and it is this: the exclusion of the
catholic question as a measure of government. To
that principle I have always been, and always shall
be steadily opposed. And I now ask of the noble
lords opposite to answer me, aye or no, is that
question or is not that question to be proposed to
parliament by them ? We are told, it is true, that
any individual of the government may if he pleases
propose it; but this is a privilege, and not only a
privUege, but a right, which was never denied to any
member of Lord Liverpool's administration, or of
any administration that ever existed. I ask then of
noble lords opposite, or of any one of them, to answer
me, aye or no, has or has not an engagement been
entered into not to bring forward the catholic question
as a measure of government?'^
The foreign policy of Mr. Canning, which Mr.
1 Hansard, N. S., vol, xvu. p. 724.

28 FROM LORD LIVERPOOL'S ILLNESS [1827.
Brougham had extolled as ' liberal and manly,' met
with no favour from Lord Grey. After minutely
criticising the several acts of Mr. Canning while
foreign secretary. Lord Grey thus concludes his stric
tures : ' Upon the general foreign poUcy of the
country I feel called upon to state that I place no
confidence in the right honourable gentleman's admi
nistration. Let those who differ from me upon this
point show me a single act calculated to secure my
confidence upon this subject.'
The subsequent conduct of Mr. Canning and his
Whig allies justified the anticipations of Lord Grey
rather than those of Mr. Brougham. The former
friends, and now bitter opponents of Mr. Canning,
exhibited before the world a most unseemly spite,
and by personal abuse, petty vexation, and constant
vulgar railing, checked, harassed, and thwarted his
administration. They gave him, besides, an excuse
for doing nothing, and he died before the world
became tired of waiting. As he and his Whig sup
porters had always advocated the claims of the
catholics, the Tory opposition endeavoured by every
sort of taunt, threat, and insinuation, to provoke him
to propose immediately some measure for the relief of
the catholics. They did this, because they felt confi
dent of victory in the struggle that would follow, and
hoped by this means to thrust him and his friends
from office. Mr. Canning however refused to take
advice from his enemies. The Whigs sanctioned his
inaction, and the result was in accordance with the

1827.] TO THE REPEAL OF THE TEST ACTS. 29
hypothetical assertion of Lord Grey. If Mr. Canning
on taking the office of prime minister had made a
promise to the king, not to bring forward any mea
sure for the relief of the catholics, his conduct would
have been precisely that which he in fact pursued.
The advent of a supposed liberal minister to power
at once checked all improvement. This was not the
first example in our history, of such a result — neither
was it the last.
Before the sudden and unexpected illness of Lord
Liverpool, the Whigs, then in opposition, deemed it
good party policy to occupy the attention of parlia
ment and the nation with the proposal of the various
liberal measures which constituted their claim to be
considered liberal politicians. They desired to throw
discredit upon the administration — to foment the
internal dissensions which they knew existed among
them — and as the ministry had voluntarily proposed
many useful changes, the opposition were obliged to
bid high for popularity. The ministry were, for
ministers, in fact very liberal reformers — it behoved
the opposition to appear still more so ; and to that
end they filled the order-book of the House of Com
mons with motions upon all sorts of subjects. Catholic
emancipation — ^relief to the dissenters in the shape of
a repeal of the Test and Corporation Acts — parlia
mentary reform in many shapes — might aU be seen
set down for discussion by the many active members
ofthe Whig opposition. The iUness of Lord Liver
pool checked on a sudden this reforming zeal. The

30 FROM LOED LIVERPOOL'S ILLNESS [1837.
motions that were useful to an opposition encumbered
a ministry, and they who unexpectedly found them
selves almost within reach of office, instinctively
acquired a dislike of questions which created dis
agreeable obstacles to the attainment of power. The
Whigs who joined Mr. Canning, whether as colleagues
or merely as supporters, did not escape from the
sarcasms, taunts, and imputations which their previous
conduct enabled their opponents to employ against
them. The guerillas of the late administration not
feeling the restraint which a high position imposed
upon the leaders of their party, displayed without
disguise the rancour and bitterness which filled
their hearts at the elevation of Mr. Canning. The
imputation, which Mr. Peel could only insinuate, they
made openly and without circumlocution — and the
new allies were quickly asked, which of the aUied
parties was to change opinions, and to forego long-
cherished aims. Was catholic emancipation to be no
longer sought for? Did Mr. Canning intend to sup
port a repeal of the Test Act, or did the Whigs pro
pose to forget it? Was parliamentary reform to be
erased from the notice-book of the House of Commons
and the memories of the Whigs, or was Mr. Canning
suddenly to become a convert to opinions which,
during his whole political life, he had vehemently
opposed? ' I am anxious,' said Mr. Peel, and men in
after- times recollected his words 
' I am anxious to see the character of party men,
and of the great parties of this country, upheld. I

1827.] TO THE REPEAL OF THE TEST ACTS. 31
should not be glad, certainly, to see the great Whig
party in office. They ought, I think, to be excluded
from power; but I should be sorry to see their cha
racter as a party lowered and disgraced. But it will
be tarnished if the principles are not made known on
which the union (viz., between them and Mr. Can
ning) has been effected; and unless a satisfactory
explanation of the reasons why that union has been
delayed, be given, I apprehend that the character
of this party wiU not for the future stand very high
with the public. I ask again why is this delay ? Is
it that there are on the notice-book some inconvenient
entries, which the members of that party know not
how well to evade or erase ? What, for example, wUl
they do with the notice of the member for Bandon
(Lord John Eussell) for the repeal of the Test and
Corporation Acts? This is another important ques
tion, which I suspect will display the material differ
ence that exists, between the opinions of those right
honourable gentlemen whom I had lately the honour
to have for colleagues and their new allies. If after
the noble lord has consulted with the leaders of the
Protestant dissenters he should be prepared to move
for any further concessions in their favour, I give
him notice that I intend to oppose him, and that I
will always do so, whether in or out of power.' ^
This speech was made — these taunts were employed to
wound a great political rival through the sides of his

' Hansard, N. S., vol. xvu. pp. 525-6.

32 FROM LORD LIVERPOOL'S ILLNESS [1827.
friends. The avenging Nemesis was not far distant —
and it would seem that she prompted the words which
followed in order to make all future politicians
tremble, when they endeavour to injure opponents by
accusations of inconsistency,
' That,' continued Mr. Peel, ' indeed is a circum
stance of little weight or consideration to me. The
most cursory view of my past career will show, that
I have been actuated by no ardent desire for office.
When I have accepted it, it has always been a per
sonal sacrifice to me. So far as I am personally con
cerned, I can truly say that I care not whether I
return or not. I feel grateful for the confidence of
the Crown ; but I am, thank God, independent of it.
My principles are not changeable with my position.
I will adhere to them, through good report and
through evil report. It is with these sentiments, that
I now say, that the points to which I have referred —
parliamentary reform — and the motion entered on the
notice-book for the repeal of the Test and Corporation
Acts, — and still more, the catholic question — have
not been explained satisfactorily.'
As no man could foresee the part which the speaker
of these words was destined in a few short months to
perform, the solemn rebuke and the decorous sarcasm,
had a telling effect upon those to whom it was ad
dressed, and they separately and with haste endea
voured to escape from the imputations which these
observations suggested. Mr. Brougham rose imme
diately, and repeUed with scorn, and with many a

1827.] TO THE REPEAL OF THE TEST ACTS. 33
bitter sarcasm, the insinuations of the right honour
able gentleman. With the skill of a practised dispu
tant, he seized upon the weak point of his opponent's
battle, and intrenching himself behind his own high
character, he thus boldly answered the question so
far as it regarded himself: —
' I will tell the right honourable gentleman further,
that putting aside all the great questions which he
is so singularly anxious to bring under discussion,
including among the rest parliamentary reform, I see
sufficient reason to support the present administration.
The right honourable gentleman seems never to have
known that there was a schism on the subject of
reform. It is news to him that there ever were
shades of opinion upon it. He was not aware, it
appears, that there were as many different views of
the general measure, as there have always been of com
prehensive political questions. Some are for confining
it within narrow limits, others for extending it to the
widest. I am ready to vote for any measure of
reform. By supporting the present government, I
do not abandon or sacrifice one iota of my principles
as a friend of parliamentary reform, or any other
question on which I may deem it fitting and prudent
to deliver my sentiments. As a man of common
sense, I must wish to achieve some practical good in
my time. If I cannot do all I would, I am bound,
without waiting tiU more extensive views may be
adopted, to promote all the good which the oppor
tunity of the passing moment offers me, . . • The
VOL. I. D

34 ' FROM LORD LIVERPOOL'S ILLNESS [1827.
right honourable gentleman has asked, however, upon
what principles the government now means to proceed
upon certain questions of poUcy, Among others, he
has mentioned the state of the Eoman-catholics of
Ireland, Does the right honourable gentleman, then,
not know that principle? Is there no principle
resolved on with which the right honourable gentle
man is acquainted? And if, then, there is no prin
ciple, why did he quit office? If there was no
principle to be adopted upon catholic emancipation,
why did he on the ground of that question desert the
king ? The right honourable gentleman in that case
is embarked in the same boat with me. He is equally
with me engaged to support the government. Or if
not, his question is a two-edged sword which wounds
only himself; or at least the sharp edge is applied to
him — the blunt can only be turned to me.^ He
has not been justified in abandoning his colleagues
in office, and withdrawing his support from the
government, if I am not justified, under the circum
stances, in affording that government all the support
which it is in my power to bestow.'
WhUe Mr. Brougham thus justified the course that
he and his friends had pursued, Mr Canning replied
emphatically to the questions put to himself.
1 There must be here some inaccuracy in the report of the
learned gentleman's speech, for so practised a speaker as Mr.
Brougham could hardly have perpetrated the curious infelicity
of this iUustration. A two-edged sword means a sword with
two sharp edges; every common sword has two edges, in the
sense attributed to Mr, Brougham's iUustration — a sharp and a
blunt one. What is intended is, however, manifest.

1827.] TO THE REPEAL OF THE TEST ACTS. 35
' I am asked what I mean to do on the subject of
parliamentary reform? Why, I say, to oppose it —
to oppose it to the end of my life in this House, under
whatever shape it may appear. I am asked what I
intend to do on the subject of the Test and Corpora
tion Acts? I say, to oppose it. It has so happened
that the Test Act is one of the subjects upon which
it has never yet been my lot to pronounce an opinion
in this House. But yet I have an opinion upon it —
and I do not hesitate to declare it — I think that the
exertions of the legislature ought to be directed to
the redress of practical aud not theoretical grievances ;
and that inasmuch as any meddling with the Test
Act might go to prejudice that great question the
success of which I have most truly at heart, there
fore I will oppose it. I hope I have spoken out.'^
The consequence then of this alliance, as far as the
nation was concerned, was that nothing was to be
done. The people however were fond of believing in
the good intentions of the new minister, and con
tinued to congratulate themselves on the secession
from power of the high Tory party with Lord Eldon
at their head. It was generally thought, that a step
in advance had in fact been won, by the retirement of
this class of politicians. The division in the Tory
ranks became every day more plain and marked;
and whatever might occur, a healing of their dif
ferences appeared impossible. Sir John Copley now

' Hansard, N. S., vol. xvu. p. 541.
d2

36 DEATH OF MR. CANNING. [1827.
occupied as Lord Lyndhurst the seat of the old Chan
ceUor, Lord Eldon, and men hoped that the veteran
intriguer would by the vigour and abUity ofhis younger
rival and successor be kept excluded — and that the
last days of the old high Tory party had at length
been witnessed. The result justified the expecta
tions. The session of 1827 wore away in personal recrimi
nation. Abroad, indeed, a powerful sensation followed
the break up of the old administration, and the coming
of Mr. Canning to office. The oppressed of all nations
rejoiced — expecting that some benefit — but what
they knew not, was to result from the new order of
things in England. There was hope at least, if there
was nothing more.
Mr. Canning died. The world mourned his loss,
because it supposed that he intended to do good. To
show on what this expectation — this opinion rested,
would be difficult ; but that it was generally enter
tained is certain. To prove it erroneous was impos
sible. So, as Mr. Canning was believed to have had
his days shortened by the harassing vexations of his
position, his memory was honoured as that of a martyr
to the cause of freedom.
Lord Goderich, who had, in the palmy days of Lord
Liverpool's administration, acquired as ChanceUor of
the Exchequer the nickname of ' Prosperity Eobin
son,' passed on the appointment of Mr. Canning to
the head of the administration, into the House of
Lords, and therein, during his friend's life, had repre-

1828.] THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON MINISTER. 37
sented the cabinet. He was now by the king desired
to form a ministry. From the Tory opposition no
assistance could be expected. They who had refused
to act as subordinates to Mr. Canning, were not likely
to accept as a leader one of his followers. Lord
Goderich was therefore compelled like his great chief
to have recourse to the Whigs in order to construct
his cabinet. From the first all men perceived that
the new administration was destined to an early end.
The premier, though possessed of respectable abilities,
and well fitted to act the part of a useful subordinate,
was wholly without the influence needed in the chief
of an administration. The consequence was, that the
subordinates quarrelled, and broke up the cabinet.
An idle question of etiquette between Mr. Tierney
and the ChanceUor of the Exchequer, Mr. Herries,
led to the sudden resignation both of Mr. Herries and
Mr. Huskisson. The unhappy premier, frightened at
his own incapacity, and by the difficulties of his posi
tion, immediately followed the example of his col
leagues, and returned his dangerous honours to the
king, begging permission to resign. The king at once
graciously acceded to the noble lord's request, and
commanded the Duke of Wellington to form a new
administration. Now began, in truth, the political life of the Duke
of WeUington. Hitherto though holding office, and
forming one of the cabinet, he had always as a poli
tician been a follower not a leader — a subordinate not
a chief. When Lord Liverpool was obliged to retire.

38 THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON MINISTER. [1828.
the Duke earnestly declared, that he was himself
wholly unfit for the chief post in the administration.
His words were remarkable — were long remembered
— and were often tauntingly quoted. After having
dwelt with an honest and becoming pride upon his
successful career as a soldier, and described the high
gratification he felt on being placed as commander-in-
chief at the head of the army, he used these memo
rable words —
' Does any man believe that I would give up such
gratification in order to be appointed to a station to
the duties of which I was unaccustomed — in which 1
was not wished, and for which I was not qualified ; as
it must be obvious to your lordships that not being in
the habit of addressing your lordships, I should have
been found, besides other disqualifications, incapable
of displaying as they ought to be displayed, or of
defending the measures of government as they ought
to be defended in this House by the person thus
honoured by his majesty's confidence. My lords, I
should have been worse than mad if I had thought of
such a thing. '1
Believing that Mr. Canning's influence as chief of
the administration would dangerously promote the
emancipation of the catholics, the Duke withdrew
himself not merely from the cabinet of which Mr.
Canning was the head, but also from the post of
commander-in-chief of the army. On Mr. Canning's

Hansard, N S., vol. xvii. p. 461.

1828,] THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON MINISTER. 39
death, however, he consented to resume this office,
not feeling the same repugnance to serving under
Lord Goderich, that he had entertained to the idea
of acting as subordinate to Mr. Canning. To account
for this proceeding, without ascribing it to personal
dislike, seems almost impossible.'^ That in the mind
of the Duke of Wellington, there was no insuperable
and bigoted prejudice respecting catholic emancipa
tion his subsequent conduct plainly proved. The
probability is, that before he became prime minister,
and responsible for the conduct of the government,
he had never seriously considered the question, and
entertained his then stated opinions respecting it
merely on trust — yielding conviction to the authority
of others, without any real inquiry into the worth of
the opinion to which he subscribed. This belief
when he had to give a reason for his determination
not to act under Mr. Canning, served the purpose
of the moment, and most probably satisfied his own
mind at the time, and the wishes of his friends.
Having served its purpose, it was forgotten at Mr.
Canning's death ; and the Duke then, to the satisfac
tion of the country generally, returned to his old
position of commander-in-chief. He bore no dislike
to Lord Goderich, and forgot his fears respecting

' Walter Scott, certainly a favourable witness, plainly attri
butes this secession of the Duke to personal feelings, and unhe
sitatingly blames the whole proceeding. See a letter of his to
Mr. Lockhart, dated May 10, 1827, in Lockhakt's Life of
Scott.

40 THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON MINISTER. [1828.
catholic emancipation when Mr. Canning ceased to
exist. So soon as the Duke of WeUington was ap
pointed prime minister, many objections were
vehemently urged against what the objectors termed
the unconstitutional nature of the appointment.
What this meant none of them very accurately
described — though the common explanation was, that
the Duke being a soldier ought not to be prime
minister because of the danger of the thing. A
soldier also was supposed not to be skilled in civil
affairs. ' The Duke's experience,' said Mr. Brougham,
* has been purely mUitary, not civU.' ' And though
I entertain the highest opinion of the noble Duke's
military genius, stUl I do not like to see him at the
head of the finance of the country, enjoying the
patronage of the crown — enjoying as he does enjoy
the full and perfect confidence of his sovereign —
enjoying the patronage of the army, enjoying the
patronage of the church — and, in fact, enjoying
almost all the patronage of the state. '^ This language
was natural in the existing state of men's opinions
and experience. Since the days of Marlborough
no soldier had swayed the councils of this country,
and the Duke of Wellington had himself, a few
months before, sanctioned the general opinion as to
the incapacity of a soldier to rule over the civil
affairs of the state. Yet there is no rational founda-

' Hansard, vol. xviu. p. 56.

1828.] THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON MINISTER. 41
tion for any such belief. No man can be a great
soldier unless he possess great administrative talent,
and this talent is more likely to be brought forth,
and fostered by the business of war, than by the
management of cases at Nisi Prius; yet because of
his habit of speaking, the lawyer is deemed capable
of governing, whUe the soldier whose life is spent in
action and not in talk, is considered unversed in
what are called the civil affairs of state. The train
ing of the Duke of Wellington was however of a
much higher character than any which ordinary
statesmen, or soldiers, or lawyers can hope to enjoy.
In India, and in Spain and Portugal, he led arraies
and he governed nations. To feed his armies, and to
keep the people for whom he was nominally engaged,
obedient and favourable to his cause, he was obliged
to bring into action all those great qualities of mind
which are needed for the practical government of
mankind. Every intricate question of finance, the
various and perplexing operations of trade, the
effects of every institution, commercial, political, of law
and administration, — all had to be understood, weighed,
watched, and applied, while he led the armies of Eng
land, and in fact governed the people of Spain and
Portugal. The vast combinations needed for his
great campaigns, made him familiar with every opera
tion of government; and the peculiar relation in
which he stood to the people of Spain and Portugal,
aud their various rulers, called into action every
faculty of his mind, and made him profoundly skilled

42 THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON'S CABINET. [1828.
in the difficult art of leading and controlling men
of aU classes and of aU characters.^ A great autho
rity, and an opponent, stated that even in the art of
exposition in a deliberative assembly, he wanted
neither power nor skiU. ' It was said,' observed Mr.
Brougham, in the House of Commons, during the
debate on the address, upon January 29, 1828, ' that
the noble Duke was incapable of speaking in public
as a first minister of the Crown ought to do. Now
I conceive there is no validity in that objection. I
happened to be present when the noble Duke last year
had the modesty and candour to declare, in another
place, that he was unfit for the situation of prime
minister; and I really think that I never heard a
better speech in the whole course of my life. Nothing
could be more suited to the occasion. I never saw
less want of capacity in an individual who might be
called on to take an active part in debate. «This
therefore is not my objection to the appointment.'
The exigencies of the new minister's position were
great — he met them with his wonted vigour — and
overcame them with his usual happy fortune.
The members of the Whig party who had formed
a portion of the administration of Lord Goderich
retired : and again ranged themselves in the ranks of
opposition. They who were known as the friends of

• The reader who desires to acquire a clear and comprehen
sive knowledge of the Duke's difficulties in the Peninsula, and
the mode in which he conquered them, should study Napier's
history of his campaigns, and his own despatches.

1838.] THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON'S CABINET. 43
Mr. Canning with hesitation indeed and some risk
joined the new ministry. Mr. Huskisson retained
the seals of the Colonial Office, which he had held
under Lord Goderich — but gave place to Mr. Peel as
leader of the House of Commons — Lord Dudley
continued Secretary for Foreign Affairs — and Mr.
Herries left the office of ChanceUor of the Exchequer,
which Mr. Goulbourn assumed, and accepted the
post of Master of the Mint which Mr. Tierney had
resigned. But the really important members of the
cabinet, they who gave it its distinctive character,
and won the confidence or excited the alarms of the
nation, were the Duke of Wellington, the prime
minister, Mr. Peel, the Home Secretary, and Lord
Lyndhurst, the Chancellor.
The Duke of Wellington and Mr. Peel had retired
from the councils of the king in company with, and
as the world thought upon the advjce of the late Chan
cellor, Lord Eldon. Sir John Copley was by Mr. Can
ning immediately advanced to be chief of the law, and
retained that position upon the reconstruction of the
cabinet under Lord Goderich: and the world beheld
with some admiration, and no little pleasure, that he
continued in possession of the great seal when the
Duke of WeUington became prime minister, and
Mr. Peel, the pupil, and supposed docile follower of
Lord Eldon, once more returned to office.
The advent of the new cabinet was viewed with
mixed feelings of hope and fear by all parties. The
old Tory party, they whose opinions had been faith-

44 HOPES AND FEARS [1838.
fully represented, and whose rapturous applause had
been obtained by the seceders from the administra
tion of Mr. Canning, thought they had good reason
for considering the present change a great victory
gained by them over the friends of catholic emanci
pation. Mr. Peel was considered the very champion
of the party styled of the established church — and
Oxford gloried in him as her faithful son, and stanch
and most fitting representative. He had won the
enthusiastic admiration of his friends by the supposed
sacrifice to which he had submitted, rather than run
any hazard of aiding the catholics by forming a
portion of Mr. Canning's administration. He had
quitted power from an ardent desire to maintain
unaltered the laws affecting the Eoman catholics —
and his friends delighted to believe, that his return
to office was a sure omen of the success of their
party, and the stability of these exclusive laws. Tet
was this delight somewhat diminished, and some fear
created, by the remarkable absence of Lord Eldon
from the cabinet to which his attached friend had
returned.! The character of the* Duke of WeUington
in some degree contributed to keep this fear alive.

' Lord Eldon himself, upon the formation of the cabinet,
was not only extremely enraged, but soon began to prophesy
that great concessions were about to be made to the catholics.
He says, in a letter to Lady F. J. Bankes, dated Feb. 2, 1828,
' Nobody can read the late speeches of Palmerston and Vezey
Fitzgerald, without being apprehensive that most dangerous
concessions are about to be thought of to the catholics, such as

1838.] RESPECTING CATHOLIC EMANCIPATION. 45
He had certainly refused to join Mr. Canning — and
assigned as the reason of his refusal, the fear he
entertained, that Mr. Canning, and Mr. Canning's
cabinet, would be friendly to the catholics. But
the downright soldier was not supposed to be pecu
liarly susceptible of any sort of fear — or very much
swayed by theological antipathies. But he was
known to have remembered in no very friendly spirit
certain proceedings of Mr. Canning and some of his
friends during the war in the Peninsula; and the
world was prone to fancy that personal dislike, rather
than religious zeal had led to the Duke's former
resignation : and his return to power was not deemed
the same powerful guarantee for the continuance
of exclusion, that was supposed to be afforded by
Mr. Peel's acceptance of office. On the Lord Chan
cellor's adherence to his former course, there was not
placed an undoubting reliance. Lord Lyndhurst had
commenced life as a very liberal politician — his reli
gious feelings were not generally thought either very
ardent, or very intolerant. To hold the great seal,
and keep out Lord Eldon, were, as men believed, the
chief objects of his solicitude ; and the world fancied
that he would be better pleased to retain the vast
power of the chancellor, than to assure the eternal
exclusion of the catholics from temporal rights.

shortly and surely wiU shake the foundations of the protestant
church.' — Twiss's Life of Lord Eldon, vol. iu. p. 33. Ques
tions asked in the House of Lords early in the session showed
that the lords entertained the same suspicion.

46 HOPES AND FEARS [1838.
On the other hand, the friends of catholic eman
cipation could not faU to perceive, that the men who
had made that emancipation the great object of their
party struggles had seceded from 'office upon the
construction of the present cabinet. The friends of
Mr. Canning, indeed, did not object to join an
administration, the head of which, and the chief
members of which were opposed to any concession;
but the Whigs had drawn a marked line between the
present ministry and that of Mr. Canning ; from "him
and by him they expected in time to obtain con
cession — from the Duke of Wellington supported hy
Lord Lyndhurst and Mr. Peel, they expected nothing
but stern refusal. They heard the exultation, and
the rejoicing of all who had vehemently resisted every
demand made on behalf of the catholics — rejoicing
and exultation which arose simply because the pre
sent cabinet existed ; could they then, the friends of
the catholics, believe that these expectations were ill-
founded? — could they reasonably entertain any hope
that the friends and opponents of concession would
be alike deceived ?! In spite however of all these

' The anticipations of the Whigs as to what the government
would do were fairly stated by Lord Duncannon in a letter to
the Catholic Association. He says, ' For Lord Lansdowne,
Mr. Tierney, and Lord Carlisle, I am prepared to assure you
now, as I did on a former occasion, that they and their friends
were most anxious the question should be brought on, and that
it would have had, as it always has had, aU the support that, as
individuals, they could have given to it. For this opinion, I
can have no objection now, or at any other time, to have my

1838.] RESPECTING CATHOLIC EMANCIPATION. 47
sinister appearances — doubt as to the result stole
sUently, men hardly knew how or why, upon the
public mind. There was a general suspicion that
common sense would have great influence over the
Duke — and the Duke perfect command over his
cabinet : — Anxiety was therefore rife among all classes
of politicians.
So soon as the two parties resumed their old posi
tions, they recurred to their old tactics ; the Whigs
being in opposition, immediately placed upon the
notice-book of the House of Commons, all their stock
liberal motions; the Tories now the ministry, ceased

name used. On the formation of the late government, I
thought it my duty as an Irishman to give such advice to my
catholic countrymen as I thought it most for their interest to
pursue. I thought the agitation of that question at that time,
proposed, as it was attempted to be done, by the bitterest oppo
nents of the cathoUcs, would have embarrassed the formation of
the government, and I recommended a postponement of that
question; but you will do me the justice to recollect, that I stated
distinctly then that it was only for that moment; and, indeed, if
I could have proposed anything further, I must have been insane
to suppose that the catholic people of Ireland would ever consent
to such a disgraceful proposition. I will, however, say no more
on this subject, leaving it to you, if you think fit, to set it right,
as I really think it due, both to Lord Lansdowne and the catho
lics, that it should be rightly understood. The present posture
of affairs is a hopeless one, as I really think the government as
at 'present constituted almost worse than Lord LiverpooVs. Mr.
Lamb, indeed, has the best intentions towards Ireland, and Lord
Anglesey goes [to Ireland] with the same intentions, but what
can be hoped from any such government after Mr. Peel's speech
of last year, in which he took, as the Home Secretary, the com
plete control of Ireland?'

48 OPPOSITION TACTICS. [1838.
to be anxious for a discussion of these various ques
tions, and did their utmost to oppose, in place of
inviting it. The sudden changes that had so lately
occurred, rendered this discussion dangerous to many
who would certainly be compeUed to vote, and some
who would be expected to speak on the subjects
thus submitted to the consideration of the House.
The consequences of thus voting and speaking no
one could now foretel. Uncertainty attended the
very being of the administration — and the various
actors in the shifting drama might have again sud
denly to change their parts — and with their parts
their language. The Whigs, however, being out of
office deemed the probable consequences less mis
chievous to themselves than to their opponents — and
hoping to create distrust and disunion among the
members of the cabinet, lost no time in commencing
this attack.
Mr. Tierney at this time might be deemed the
nominal leader of the opposition. ^ The most formid
able person in their ranks, however, was without
doubt Mr. Brougham. He, nevertheless, though the
chief strength of their party was never looked upon
or trusted as their leader.^ AbUity, no matter how
' He had been once formally installed as their leader, but
soon resigned. His influence seems to have remained for some
years, but hardly survived his acceptance of office under Mr.
Canning. See, in Lord Brougham's Characters, that of Mr.
Tierney. Second series, p. 153.
2 This assertion is literally accurate. Even during the two
succeeding years of 1829 and ft 30— although Mr. Brougham

1828.] MR. BROUGHAM. 49
commanding, was never in the estimation of the Whigs
deemed of itself sufficient to win for any man the formal
leadership of their party. They have often availed
themselves, yet not without some reluctance, of the aid
of new men undistinguished by birth or connexion,
but they have always been careful to maintain the
supremacy of their party for one of themselves. By
genius the new man might tower above them all ; but
in station, in power — he was always carefully taught to
consider himself a subordinate. Burke at the most
brilliant period of his career — when his genius had
reached its meridian, and his services were above all
price — was yet not admitted a member of that cabinet
which his powers had almost alone called into exist
ence: and thus for the present Mr. Brougham was
not permitted to assume the name of the Whig
leader. Being however of a bolder nature than
Burke, more energetic and overbearing, he by himself
was a power, giving assistance to, rather than deriv
ing position from the Whigs. This assistance they
were glad to receive, intending when the victory
might be won, to forget him altogether in the ' divi-

was the chief debater on the opposition benches, he was never
formally chosen as the Whig leader — Lord Althorp being usually
deemed such, though Mr. Brougham's activity often threw his
noble friend into the background. This activity and superiority
displeased the Whig aristocracy, and they, in after years, seized
the opportunity which events offered of punishing Mr. Brougham,
and separating themselves entirely from him. This was not
done until he ceased to be useful to their party views. See
Appendix A.
VOL. I. E

50 OPPOSITION TACTICS. [1838.
sion of the spoUs'— or to offer him a portion so poor
and valueless as to appear a mark of contempt,
rather than a reward. On the present occasion he
boldly stood forth and proclaimed himself the cham
pion of legal reform in the House of Commons.
Asking and hoping no assistance from his friends, he
rested his cause upon its merits, and trusted to his
own powers alone as a sufficient means to make those
merits known. The elaborate but somewhat desul
tory speech which he then delivered, was a master
stroke of policy. Its huge length, and unwieldy
dimensions compelled attention — its very defects
added to its importance : and Mr. Brougham was by
public opinion at once separated from and made supe
rior to all who stood beside him in the ranks of
opposition. He alone of all the Whigs was divested
in some measure, if not completely, of the character of
a partisan. They were striving, men believed, for mere
party objects — he it was supposed for his country.
Lord John Eussell, who had long played the part of
a subordinate in the ranks of the opposition, had now
assigned to him the Test and Corporation Acts as the
subject on which he was to commence the party cam
paign against the present administration. Mr. Tenny
son assumed rather than received the task of mov
ing the disfranchisement of East Eetford, in order to
confer the right of representation on Birmingham—
and these for the moment became the two chief sub
jects of discussion within the walls of Pariiament;—
catholic emancipation receiving only passing atten
tion by the legislature, until proceedings out of doors

1828.] DISSENSIONS IN THE CABINET. 51
forced the subject upon their unwiUing attention. The
people of Ireland under the guidance of Mr. O'Con
nell took their own cause into their own hands.
Trusting no longer to the lukewarm advocacy of
parliamentary friends, they proceeded straight for
ward to their end with the energy of men engaged in
their own affairs, and eventually rendered peace and
continued oppression of the catholics utterly impos
sible. As the session advanced, this consequence
seemed more and more to be inevitable, and the
influence exercised by the state of Ireland upon the
decisions of the House of Commons will be imme
diately apparent.
The wisdom of the Whig-opposition policy was
quickly made manifest. The hoped-for disunion in
the cabinet came to pass, Mr. Huskisson discovering
that his pUability and subservience to the Duke of
Wellington were not sufficient to insure his own
continuance in office. On the m'otion of Lord John
Eussell for a repeal of the Test and Corporation
Acts, Mr. Huskisson had spoken against, the motion,
and voted in the minority, together with the rest of
his colleagues. He found, however, that his conduct
excited distrust out of doors, that his power was on
the wane, and his popularity in great danger. He
became anxious, therefore, to show the world that he
still retained his independence, and was not prepared
to speak and to vote by word of command. The
East Eetford debate gave him, as he supposed, the
opportunity required. By the Duke of Wellington
£2

52; MR. huskisson's resignation. [1838.-
he had already been treated with something very
like contumely; his assertions had been unceremo
niously denied; his adherence to the administration
had been spoken of as of little value ; and his attempts
to explain his conduct before his constituents at
Liverpool, had been passed by with a contemptuous
allusion, indicating that, in the estimation of the
premier, whatever his expressions might have been,
they were utterly insignificant, and unworthy of
notice. Galled by this contumelious proceeding, Mr.
Huskisson, in the House of Commons, entered into a
long explanation of his conduct, endeavouring to
make it appear that he had neither intrigued against
his former nor with his present leader, and that in
his actual position he was still able to effect the
financial reforms which he had long been preparing,
and which, with Mr. Canning's aid, he had hoped to
bring into iramediate and beneficial operation. He
found, however, that his influence in the present
cabinet was but small, and that he was really dis
pleasing to its head. In order to regain his position,
and place himself again favourably before the country,
he, in an unhappy hour for himself, adopted a round
about policy with a very downright and plain-spoken
man — viz., with the Duke of WeUington himself.
During the present session of parliament, two
boroughs— Penryn and East Eetford— were, by the
House of Commons, selected for punishment, in con
sequence of the bribery and corruption practised
there; and it was proposed to transfer the power of
electing members from these delinquent boroughs to

1838.] MR. huskisson's RESIGNATION. 53
the two great towns of Manchester and Birmingham.
The government opposed the latter part of the plan,
wishing that only one of the towns mentioned should
acquire the power of choosing a representative ; and
that, in the second instance, the right of voting
should be extended to the hundred in which the
borough was situate. The bill disfranchising Penryn
passed the Commons, and was sent up to the Lords.
Before the East Eetford Bill passed the Commons, the
Lords had made manifest their intention to throw out
the Penryn Disfranchisement Bill. Mr, Tennyson
brought in his biU before this event actually occurred,
and thereupon Mr. Calvert moved to extend the right
of voting to the inhabitants of the hundred, in place of
disfranchising the borough. During one of the pre
ceding debates on the subject, Mr. Huskisson had
stated, that if only one borough had been concerned,
he should certainly have voted for giving the repre
sentation either to Manchester or Birmingham, but
that he was not prepared to give that power to both
at once. He was now pressed with this statement.
Lord Sandon said —
' I recollect that the Secretary for the Colonies
(Mr. Huskisson) said, that if there were only one
case before the House, he would have no hesitation in
transferring the franchise, in this instance, to Bir
mingham. I therefore claira the vote of the Secretary
for the Colonies ; and I claim it on the very grounds
on which his right honourable colleague (Mr. Peel)
has rested the defence of his own consistency.'^
1 Hansard, N. S,, vol, xix, p, 808.

54 MR. huskisson's RESIGNATION. [1838.
Mr. Huskisson attempted to escape from this
appeal by asking for delay.
' As to the insertion of Manchester in this bill, it
would be irregular, because another bill had been
sent up to the Lords which might pass, and in which
Manchester was also inserted. The better way, there
fore, would be to postpone the decision until the
fate of the other bill should be known.'
Mr. Peel, who had also in a previous debate asked
the House to ascertain the fate of the one bill before
deciding, in the present instance, to give the repre
sentation to a great town, was reminded of his argu
ment, and was now urged to vote against Mr. Calvert's
amendment. He, however, peremptorily refused, say
ing that nothing he had said pledged him in the
present case. He, therefore, resisted his colleague's
request for delay, and refused to vote for transferring
the representation to a great town in preference to
giving it to the hundred. Mr. Huskisson, feeling
himself driven into a corner, voted in opposition to the
administration, and against Mr. Calvert's amendment.
He himself afterwards thus describes the scene.
' The division took place soon after; the House
adjourned, and I went home ; not, however, without
observing the intelligible looks of some, and hearing
the audible whispers of others. Whether from these
omens I magnified to myself the impression which the
vote might make in other quarters next morning, I
wiU not pretend to determine.' ^

' Hansard, N. S., vol. xix. p. 922.

1828.] MR. HUSKISSON'S RESIGNATION. 55
But on that morning, at two o'clock, before he
went to rest, he wrote to the Duke of WeUington, as
the head of the administration,, a letter, in which he
used these expressions —
' I owe it to you, as head of the administration,
and to Mr. Peel, as the leader of the House of Com
mons, to lose no time in affording you an opportunity
of placing my office in other hands, as the only means
in my power of preventing the injury to the king's
service which may ensue from the appearance of dis
union in his Majesty's councils.'
The Duke at once regarded this letter as a formal
offer of resignation ; and as he thought it would be
injurious to the government to solicit Mr. Huskisson
not to resign, he accepted his resignation. Mr. Hus
kisson complained of this interpretation — called the
Duke's conduct harsh — and asserted that he had not
resigned, but had been removed. Looking at the
whole transaction, now when all heat and animosity,
if ever felt, must have passed away, it is difficult to
understand the matter but as the Duke understood it.
Mr. Huskisson expected tp have been made much of;
he believed that his great services would have been
thought of, and that the Duke would have asked him
iu complimentary phrase to remain where he was, and
give the, country the great benefit of his advice and
counsel. Instead of this, the Duke at once declared
that the letter was a formal resignation — that if Mr
Huskisson did not so intend it, being ' a sensible man,
he knew what to do' — but as for asking him to
remain, he would not. As Mr. Huskisson did not

56 MR, huskisson's RESIGNATION. [1828,
adopt the suggestion conveyed in this language (which
was to withdraw his letter), the Duke laid it before
the king, and advised his Majesty to accept the
resignation, and to give the seals to Sir George
Murray, Upon this Lord Dudley, Mr, Grant, Lord
Palmerston, and Mr, Lamb resigned also. Mr.
Huskisson spoke in grandiloquent phrase when ex
plaining his conduct in the House of Commons, insi
nuating that he and his friends had been made 'a
sacrifice, and victims to powerful influences, which
were no longer to be stemmed — no longer to be
resisted,' ' Have sacrifices and victims been required,' he
exclaimed, ' or has it, as I am inclined to believe,
been deemed expedient, for the interest of the king's
government, to come to a closer union with one party
by casting off the other? If so, I wish the separation
had been placed on its true grounds. I should greatly
have preferred to have been told that from dislike to
those measures of policy, which I beUeve to be for the
advantage of the country— from the mistrust of their
tendency— and from jealousy and apprehension of
the power which office gave me of bringing them
forward — it was become necessary to aUay certain
angry feelings as the only means of securing the
steady support of some whose countenance and cor
diaUty are deemed essential to the administration of
which the noble Duke is the head.'^
In all this he much overrated his own importance.

1 Hansard, N. S., vol. xix. p, 940.

1828,] THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON'S MINISTRY, 57
The country cared little either for him or his friends.
Their retirement was the subject of gossip for a few
days in the clubs ; but succeeding events soon swept the
whole incident out of the recollection of all ; and when
by a lamentable accident not many months after Mr.
Huskisson lost his life, his death made no gap in the
political world. The memory of his deeds quickly
faded frora raen's minds, and in the stirring times
which immediately succeeded, no one asked what
course he would have followed had he still existed,
or thought of the influence he raight have exer
cised upon the great events which so soon after
occurred.^ The composition of the cabinet after the dismissal
of Mr. Huskisson and the secession of his friends,
appeared more homogeneous than before, and the hopes
of the high-church party rose in consequence: for
now, so far as success depended upon union and cor
diality in the adrainistration itself, the existing exclu
sion of catholics and dissenters appeared to be insured.
The leading members of the cabinet were pledged to
oppose any relaxation of the law — and all the security
that could be derived from past professions and past
conduct was now certainly enjoyed by the exclusionist
party. The ascendancy of the church, so far as that
depended on the composition of the cabinet, seemed
placed beyond doubt or controversy.
Doubt, nevertheless — and even distrust came mys
teriously over the minds of this apparently all-power-

Mr. Huskisson was kiUed in September, 18^.

58 REPEAL OF THE TEST ACTS. [1828.
ful party. Divisions had occurred on Lord John
EusseU's proposal to repeal the Test and Corporation
Acts, which proved that perfect reliance could not
be placed in the House of Commons by the unyielding
friends of exclusion. The ministry on that occa
sion found themselves in a minority — and Mr. Peel's
language in answer to Mr. Huskisson's insinuations
respecting the ascendancy of certain parties in the
cabinet, increased, rather than allayed the alarm,
which the ministerial defeat had excited. He
said —
' I stated at an early period of the session that I
thought the government of this country could not be
conducted on any extreme principles — that it could
not be conducted by selecting any one interest as the
favourite, but that that course, call it compromise if
you will, or by any other name you think proper, was
a wise policy which attempted to reconcile conflicting
interests, and to do justice alike to all. I never will,
in any advice which I raay give to the king, he
swayed by Mr. Canning's principles, or Lord Liver
pool's principles, or by the principles or systems of
any other man. I know nothing of the systems of
individuals as a member of the government. It is
easy to imagine systems and to attach nicknames to
opinions, but I wiU decide upon each question that
comes before me by its own merits, by the circum
stances of the case, and by the complexion of the
times.'^

' Hansard, N, S., vol. xvii. p. 961.

1828.] REPEAL OF THE TEST ACTS. 59
After events gave a peculiar significance to these
expressions. The vote in the House of Commons in favour of
Lord John EusseU's motion on the Test and Corpora
tion Acts took place before Mr. Huskisson's resigna
tion, and proved that the state of the public mind
had materially changed during the last few months
upon the subject of exclusive laws founded on differ
ences in religious belief.^ The puritan feeling, and
the dread of popery, which form so large a part of
that feeling, had sunk deep into the public mind of
England during the rule of the Tudors and the
Stuarts. A large majority of those who read, thought,
wrote and spoke, enthusiastically embraced the doc
trines on which the reformation was based. In one
thing all agreed, who called theraselves reformers, and
that was to fear and to hate the Church of Eome —
and as in those days persecution was in fashion with
all sects and parties, they of the Church of England
no sooner became dominant, than they eraployed their
power in excluding and persecuting the catholics

' The acts called the Test and Corporation Acts are, 13
Car. IL, s. 2, c. I; 25 Car. IL, c. 2; explained by 9 Geo. IL,
c. 26. Lord Holland stated, in his speech in the Lords, April
17, 1828, on moving the second reading of the Repeal Bill,
some portion of the secret history attending the passing of these
measures in the reign of Charles II. The statement is amusing
and instructive. See Hansard, vol. xviii. p. 1450; also Black
stone, vol, iv. p, 58, for a succinct account of the acts themselves.
That laudator temporis acti, and admirer of everything as it
was in his days, speaks of these acts as • securing both our civil
and religious liberties.' Vol, iv. p, 438.

60 REPEAL OF THE TEST ACTS. [1828.
whom they hated and feared because of the intoler
ance and cruelty which the catholics had manifested
against all who were under their dominion. But
although the reformers agreed in their hatred of
popery, they differed much amongst themselves ;
and the puritan party looked upon the Church of
England as very little if at all better than the scarlet
lady who sat on the seven hiUs, Elizabeth had much
in her modes of thought, feeUng, and action which
induced her people to believe that spite of her pro
testant professions she had a strong leaning to the
catholic faith. James also, whose mother was a pro
fessed catholic, and who had himself suffered bitter
indignity at the hands of the Scotch reformers, was
supposed to look with a favouring eye upon a church,
which his mother had loved, and which unceasingly
exalted the kingly power, and based it on right divine.
Charles theEirst was known to be uxorious — and Henri
etta his wife was notoriously a fierce and uncompromis
ing papist. Laud his great minister was also a catholic
in heart, and sighed for a cardinal's hat. Charles
the Second, and his brother the Duke of York, bred
abroad under the eyes of their mother, were always
suspected of leaning towards her faith. Charles died
in that faith, and James at length justified the public
suspicion by openly professing it. Thus the dread of
a return to popery was kept alive in all protestant
bosoms — and they who played the game of popularity,
always in those days excited protestant terrors, and
won the favour of the people by proposing measures

1838.] REPEAL OF THE TEST ACTS. 61
for the exclusion of papists from every place of power
and profit. The method by which this exclusion was
sought to be effected, was by requiring assent to
certain doctrines opposed to the Eoman-catholic doc
trines — and these approved points of faith were com
prised in the symbol or creed of the Church of Eng
land. They of the reformed party who dissented from
the Church of England, allowed their fears and hate
of popery to predominate on this occasion over* every
other consideration — and in their heat to exclude a
catholic from the throne allowed the fraraers of the
Test Act to use words, and require a subscription by
all who should be advanced to places of trust and
emoluraent, which in reality excluded themselves as
well as the papists. The same thing happened with
respect to the Corporation Act. During the strug
gles which occurred between the Parliament and
Charles I. the great presbyterian party after they
had conquered the king, were themselves ousted from
power by the independents. By these Charles I. was
brought to the block ; the kingly office was abolished
and a Commonwealth established. The scenes which
followed the death of the king and the subversion of
the monarchy, destroyed at length the popularity of
all who were opposed to the restoration of the exiled
king. A violent reaction followed, and the cry against
those who had resisted the despotism of Charles I. and
Strafford and Laud, was now as violent as any which
had formerly been raised against the king and his
supporters. The very presbyterian party which had

62 REPEAL OF THE TEST ACTS. [1838.
mainly contributed to put down the king, joined now
in this reactionary outcry, because of their jealousy
and hate of the more violent party by whom they had
themselves been overturned. In their zeal to oust
these malignants from power, they employed words
and required tests which in fact were found to exclude
themselves; and the party of the Church of England,
becoming daily stronger, pjit at length these enact
ments in force against all without distinction who
would not qualify themselves for office in corporations,
by subscribing to the doctrines and articles of the
church established by law.
The revolution of 1688, although brought about
with the consent and assistance of those who dissented
from the church, changed very slightly their legal
position. The majority of the nation was not in fact
prepared for the dethronement of James IL, though
a very large majority blamed the king's conduct, and
desired that some means should be adopted to preserve
the nation from papistical dominion. The seven
bishops whom James most rashly endeavoured to
punish, because they desired to be excused doing what
was contrary to law, were revered by the people, not
for opposing the king, but simply because they sup
ported a protestant law; and some of these very
bishops plainly showed soon after, the spirit by which
they had been actuated, by suffering deprivation rather
than swear obedience to WiUiam, who had dethroned
the monarch they had themselves opposed. In such
a state of the public mind, William, however liberally

1838.] REPEAL OF THE TEST ACTS. 63
inclined, was unable to relieve the protestant dissenters
from the disabilities which their own zeal and intoler
ance had created. As tirae wore on, these excluding
laws acquired the character of antiquity, and the
reverence which attaches to things ancient attached
also to them. The dread of a popish king continued
also for the greater part of the eighteenth century to
sway the popular mind, and indisposed all the timid
(who invariably form a large portion of the whole
people), and those also who were opposed to change,
simply because it is change, from all attempts to alter
what they had been taught to consider the fundamental
laws of our constitution. The fear of a popish sove
reign however at length died away, and was extinguished
by the death of the Pretender and his descendants.
Tolerant opinions gradually found their way into the
popular creed, and they wbo now played the part of
patriots, and sought power through popular favour,
found it for their interest to advocate the repeal of
those very laws which their predecessors in this cast
of political parts had found it for their interest to
enact. Thus identical and eternal are the passions
and interests of men — thus various and varying are
the means by which they seek to gratify the one and
pursue the other.
The first step towards the repeal was made by
annually passing an act of indemnity for all those who
had without taking the requisite oaths assumed
office, and exercised power in the corporations of the
country. This first step became afterwards an argu-

64 REPEAL OF THE TEST ACTS. [1828,
ment for not taking any other ; ' the practical griev
ance is done away,' said they who strove to retain
the badges of ancient hate and persecution, — ' why
should we trouble ourselves with a theoretical evU?'i
During the debate which took place on Lord John
EusseU's motion on February 26, 1828, the whole
argument in favour of continuing the law was shortly
and forcibly stated by one whose steadfast adherence
to one set of opinions, spite of change in others, gives
to himself and his statements the sort of value we
attach to an old newspaper or an old costume. The
thing itself is of no intrinsic worth — but by looking
at it, we seem to live in the past again, — we have
before our eyes things which in their day were of some
worth, and were valued, but which have been now
superseded by other and more useful appliances; we
keep them in our cabinets as objects of antiquarian

' Mr, Canning used this argument upon the memorable occa
sion when he was explaining his intentions as prime minister in
March, 1827, The words have been already quoted above.
' I think that the exertions of the legislature ought to be
directed to the redress of practical and not theoretical grievances;
and that inasmuch as any meddling with the Test Act might go
to prejudice that great question, the success of which I have
most truly at heart, therefore I oppose it,' Unfortunately, the
knowledge of mankind acquired by long experience had taught
Mr. Canning that he must expect to have opponents, and not
friends, in the dissenters, when he was endeavouring to emanci
pate the catholics, if these dissenters were themselves reUeved
from oppression. Intolerance is but too apt to arise in the minds
of most sects, unless they themselves dread persecution; and this
dread even does not always produce this beneficial result, [This
was written in 1849, and without the experience of 1851.]

1828.] REPEAL OF THE TEST ACTS. 65
interest, but do not read the one or wear the other.
The speaker here referred to was Sir E. Harry Inglis,
who said — ' The dissenters of the present day enjoy
the fullest rights of conscience; and I am willing to
admit, that there is nothing in their overt acts from
which I apprehend any danger. With some of them
I am intiraate, for many more I have the highest
respect ; but it is perfectly clear that the principles of
dissenters conscientiously opposed to the church can
never give the sarae undivided allegiance to the con
stitution in church and state which a churchraan
does. The principle, if carried to the sarae extent as
formerly, would produce the same results. The laws
which restrain dissenters are, and will ever be, left
inoperative so long as those principles slumber also;
but I think they should be retained for the purpose of
being exerted in extreme cases, if such should ever
arise. In fact, a richly endowed church with all its
privileges and immunities, will always be an object of
jealousy to those who differ from it, but connected as
it is with the constitution, the state is bound to
protect it against any dangers from any quarters.
Dangers will always exist; and if the present dis
abilities were removed, and dissenters placed upon
the fuUest equality as to power with the church, some
new question, perhaps of property, would immediately
be started, in which new struggles and new dangers
would arise. The question of tithes would probably
come ; and as we should have foUowed the example of
America in giving no preference to the church, we
VOL. I. F

66 REPEAL OF THE TEST ACTS. [1828.
should be caUed upon to foUow it further, and to
enact, that no man should pay anything to any pastor
but his own. (Hear, hear.) I accept the cheer from
the honourable member for Montrose (Mr. Hume) as
a proof that my inference is correct ; that there are
those who would go so far. — No, sir, differences must
always exist ; and the removal of the present matter
of grievance will only bring the discontent one step
nearer. I therefore prefer that the contest shaU still
continue about the outworks, and that we should not
surrender them, because I am too sure that in that
case we should have to fight for the citadel.'^
The grievance suffered- by the dissenters in con
sequence of these acts was not certainly of great
moment, being rather in the form than the substance.
They had for raany years been" annually, as a matter of
course, shielded from harm by the act of Indemnity,
which raised no discussion and excited no opposition.
During the war, the feeling of grievance was in the most
part forgotten amidst the turraoil and dangers which
beset the whole people. There was no time for a consi
deration of things not actually affecting our very exist
ence as a people. Dissenters lived and died, carried
on contests for office, lost and won them, enjoyed and
resigned the corporation honours, powers, and emolu
ments, without a murmur — indeed, without appa
rently a thought bestowed upon the humUiation
attendant on their dissenting faith. Peace gave
them respite from real troubles; and as there is a

' Hansard, vol, xviu. p. 714-15.

1828.] REPEAL OF THB TEST ACTS. 67
luxury in woe, and rauch pleasure to some people in
deeming themselves sufferers for righteousness' sake,
the dissenters at length discovered that they were
unhappy. And the Whigs were ready to sympathise
with the suffering sects, to coraplain of the hardships
attending their condition, and to propose a redress
of their grievances. At first the complaint did not
excite much attention. In ten years not a dozen
petitions were presented to parliament on the subject.
Party exigencies at length however produced the
feeling which it professed to pity. By talking of
this grievance people began at last to think it really
was a thing much to be deplored and resented, — a
cry was raised, the opposition were delighted, and
gladly seized upon the occasion, since it gave them
the means of annoying an administration deeraed
peculiarly intrusted with the mission of protecting
the church. When the question, however, was plainly
stated, no rational man could refuse assent to the
proposal of repealing, at once, a law which was, as a
matter of course, kept constantly repealed by annual
enactments. Mr. Peel nevertheless thought that he
was bound to speak and vote against it ; the holders
of office followed their leader, but the House of Com
mons refused to be dragged through the mire into
which the ministry had chosen to throw themselves.
The motion of Lord John EusseU was carried by a
large majority.^

» See Hansard, vol. xviii. p. 781. The majority was 44
against the ministers. Ayes, 237; noes, 193.
f2

68 REPEAL OF THE TEST ACTS. [1828,
This event, considered simply as deciding the
question in debate, was of little importance. If
looked upon, however, with reference to Mr. Peel's
subsequent career, and the conduct of the Duke of Wel
lington's administration, it wUl be ever memorable in
our annals. On February the 28th, the House resolved
itself into a committee to consider the repeal, Mr.
Peel proposed a few hours' delay, as he and the
administration had as yet had no sufficient time to
determine upon the course they ought to pursue.
The Whigs vehemently resisted this proposal, and
Lord Milton rudely blurted out the suspicion which
was in his own heart at least, and which probably
was shared by many of his friends.
' Away with these idle pretences,' he exclaimed,
' which those who make them know to be pretences;
their only object being to regain the vantage ground
they have lost, and by delay to defeat the dissenters,
and not the dissenters only, but the best interests of
the church.'^
Mr. Peel, stung by this rude outbreak, lost his
temper, declined further to interfere with the matter,
and left the House from pique, it was supposed, being
followed by the greater part of the administration.^
This startled the Whigs with Lord John Eussell at
their head. — he declared that Mr. Peel's proposal he
was convinced had been made in good faith — Lord
MUton expressed sorrow for what had occurred — an4

' Hansard, vol. xvUi. p. 830.
^ He however went, as was his wont, to — dinner!

1828.] REPEAL OP THE TEST ACTS. 69
good humour was restored by mutual explanations.
But after the second reading of the bill, and when it
was in committee, Mr. Peel took the first step in a
course of policy which has^ been to him the cause of
much honour — great and harassing vexation — has kept
him before his countrymen, an object of interest to all,
but which has subjected him to raore vituperation than
is usually bestowed even by politicians on oppo
nents. The great church party to which he became
in early life allied, had for years looked upon him as
their chosen champion ; their most unbending — most
powerful supporter. They could not without great
difficulty bring themselves to believe that this, their
select and most honoured friend, could change his
course, and betray the fortress, which he had been
especially chosen to defend. On the present occasion,
when he determined no longer to oppose the measure
of repeal, but suggested, that a sort of compromise
should be adopted, by requiring only, a declaration
from dissenters who accepted corporation offices, ' that
they would not employ the power of those offices to
injure or subvert the protestant church by law esta
blished in these realms, or to disturb it in the posses
sion of those rights and privileges to which it is by
law entitled,' his old friends conceived, indeed, that

' I left the word ' has ' here. The whole of this portion of
my work was composed before the death of Sir Eobert Peel,
and would have been pubUshed in its present state were he
alive. — I hope the explanation in the Preface will have suffi
ciently explained my views and feeUngs upon this matter.

70 REPEAL OF THE TEST ACTS. [1838,
he had made an unwise concession, but never for a
moment dreamed of accusing him of treachery or
defection. When however in time, stiU greater
changes occurred, and more important concessions
were raade, rage and hate succeeded to trust and affec
tion. This first step in a deviating course was remem
bered and stigmatized as the first act of treachery,—
the commencement of a deliberate conspiracy against
the power and supremacy of his former friends, — of
that party which had given him power, and raised
him into importance.
The compromise was accepted by the proposers of
the repeal, the declaration as framed by Mr. Peel was
inserted — and the bill was passed and sent up to the
Lords. When in that House, the bill was much dis
cussed, much idle talk was indulged in, some amend
ments were carried, and various attempts were made
to defeat the measure. Lord Eldon employed aU his
astuteness and authority to destroy the effect of the
measure, after he found it impossible to reject the
bill. Throughout the discussions which took place,
he plainly evinced his soreness at having been left out
of the ministerial arrangements, and sneered at his
pupil, and former friend and foUower, Mr. Peel, in a
manner which showed the intensity of his rage and
the weakness of his capacity. The only sarcasm
which his ingenuity could supply to his hate, was a
poor joke upon the march of intellect, which he truly
described, as having long since passed himself. The
language he employed, proved that he expected con-

1828,] REPEAL OF THE TEST ACTS. 71
cessions of more importance than the present — his
bigotry had become alarraed — and his vanity and self-
love had been so severely wounded by his exclusion
from office, that he was glad of any opportunity
which permitted him, under the pretence of guarding
the interests of the church, covertly to attack and
annoy his former friends and associates. While in
office he was accustoraed constantly to express anxious
wishes for the hour of his retirement. His fervid
patriotism, however, forced him to retain his power,
and the profit and patronage attendant thereon. When
his friends found for him that opportunity of with
drawing gracefully from public life which he had been
unable to find for himself, he was fierce in his resent
ment of their officious zeal — covering his anger and
disappointment with a thin disguise of resignation
and a poor pretence of Christian charity. The
closing scenes of this raan's career were a wretched
exhibition of irapotent spite. The bill for the repeal
of the Tests passed the Lords notwithstanding his
opposition — and proved the harbinger of greater
changes yet to come.

CHAPTEE III.
FROM THE REPEAL OF THE TEST AND CORPORA
TION ACTS TO THE END OF THE SESSION OF
1829. 
CATHOLIC EMANCIPATION.
ALTHOUGH the repeal of the Test and Corpora
tion Acts had been carried by large majorities
in both Houses of Parliament, the ministry were
beginning to feel themselves in an uncertain position.
The cordiaUty which had once held all portions of
the Tory party together no longer existed. The
section called Mr. Canning's friends, had personal
grounds of quarrel with the administration, so had
Lord Eldon, and the high-church party was offended
by the late concessions to the dissenters in the repeal
of the Test and Corporation Acts. Events rapidly
occurred, which served still further to weaken the
administration, and eventually corapelled them to
have recourse to their old opponents the Whigs for
support. Thus a ministry supposed to be one of
extraordinary vigour and solidity — trusted, too, at
first by its friends of the high-church party with
unhesitating confidence, gradually but rapidly fell
into a state of deplorable weakness ; lost the support

CATHOLIC EMANCIPATION. 73
and confidence of its old friends, without gaining
that of its former opponents, upon whose support it
was in the end obliged to depend even for its mere
existence. The question of catholic emancipation was nomi-
naUy considered and formaUy stated to be an open
question with this administration as it had been
with that of Lord Goderich, Mr. Canning, and Lord
Liverpool. But as the chief men in it, more espe
ciaUy the Duke of Wellington, Lord Lyndhurst, the
ChanceUor, and Mr. Peel, stood aU as strongly
pledged against concession as it was possible for
statesmen and party-men to be, appearances were all
opposed to any change in the legal condition of the
catholics. This was the opinion generally enter
tained, and the leaders of the people in Ireland, in
despair of any relief from parties in the legislature,
resolutely threw themselves upon the people, and to
them confided the success of their cause, and the
safety of themselves.
Soon after the accession of George IV. insurrection
and famine in Ireland attracted the attention of the
cabinet to that country, and the lord lieutenant,
Lord Talbot, was suddenly recalled, because supposed
unequal to the exigency of the times; and Marquis
Wellesley was appointed in his place. ^ Lord Wel-

' The Duke of Wellington himself was at this period of ex
traordinary danger and difficulty thought of for the post of Lord
Lieutenant. Nov. 22, 1821, Lord Sidmouth wrote to Lord
Livei'pool, ' The letters received from Ireland yesterday and

74 IRELAND AND THE
lesley had always been known as one favourable to
emancipation, but his appointraent was not for the
purpose of creating any hopes in the catholics, and
thereby allaying discontent. His capacity was deemed
equal to the difficulty of the position to which he
was called — and the government hoped that his skill
in the administration of affairs would suppress the
insurrectionary spirit then prevalent, and devise
methods for the maintenance of the future peace of
the country without any concession on the subject of
emancipation. The administration had ceased to
fear the proposal to emancipate the catholics as a
weapon of mere party warfare — and were wUling to
ascribe the difficulties of the Irish government to
anything rather than the question of catholic dis-
abUities. The tithes at that time [1821] excited
remark and animadversion on the part of the land
lords of Ireland, and were considered as the fruitful
parent of discord and outbreak. There is, no doubt,
much of truth in this opinion — and as the coUection
of tithes interfered with the rents of the landowners,
they were not averse to dealing summarily with the
evU. The government being glad to have attention
directed towards anything rather than emancipation,
listened with some complacency to the complaints of
Mr. Hume and Sir John Newport on this subject

to-day have strengthened the impressions which I wrote to you
yesterday. I am satisfied that the government of Ireland ought
to be instantly placed in the hands of the Duke of Wellington.'
See Life of Lord Sidmouth, vol. iu. p. 376.

CATHOLIC QUESTION. 75
of tithe. A Composition Act was introduced and
carried — Lord Wellesley framing the measure and
Mr. Goulbourn, as chief secretary, proposing and
taking charge of it in the Commons, But the act
was quickly found not to be the panacea expected —
and as time wore on. Lord Wellesley became more and
more convinced that there was little chance of peace
in Ireland, unless emancipation were granted, and he
made no secret of his opinion. When Mr. Canning
became prime minister, George IV. professed to be
alarmed at the preponderance of the pro-catholic
party, as it was called, in the cabinet — and in order to
allay the alarm of his Majesty, Mr. Canning recalled
Lord Wellesley frora Ireland and sent Lord Anglesey
there in his stead, because he was known to be
violently opposed to all concession. Mr. Canning,
however, died before Lord Wellesley's actual return —
for Lord Anglesey, though appointed, did not imme
diately take possession of the government. Upon
Mr. Canning's death. Lord Goderich succeeded and
retired ; and at length, when the Duke of Wellington
was in office. Lord Wellesley, his brother, was super
seded in fact by the successor appointed in his place
by Mr. Canning. This circurastance has induced
many people to suppose that Lord Wellesley was
really displaced by the Duke of WelUngton,^ But
Lord Anglesey showed that he had spoken hastily

' Among others. Lord Cloncurry assumes this to have been
the fact, and calls Lord Anglesey ' the Wellington Lieutenant.'
The facts were as I have stated them.

76 IRELAND AND THE
and in ignorance when he declaimed violently in the
House of Lords, and before he was appointed to the
government of Ireland. So soon as he was brought
into direct contact with the difficulties of his situa
tion, he saw, and seeing, acknowledged, that the denial
of emancipation was an injustice which must per
petuate the discord and misery which had so long
afflicted that country. Thus the appointment which
had been expressly made to satisfy the bigotry of the
king served only to strengthen the cause of the
catholics ; by showing that a raan prepossessed against
them was unable to resist the force of truth and
justice when these were allowed to have their due
influence on his mind. Lord Anglesey's declarations
and conduct, however, soon brought down upon him
the anger of the Duke of Wellington — and he was
suddenly recaUed by the military premier. The
reason given by the Duke of Wellington for the recal
of Lord Anglesey being, that he was on friendly
terms with Lord Cloncurry, who had been once pre
sent at a meeting of the Catholic Association, and that
he treated Mr. O'Connell with something like civility.
The Duke of Northumberland was sent in Lord
Anglesey's place, and remained there tiU in the course
of events the Duke of WeUington was hiraself dis
placed, and Lord Grey and the Whigs came into
power— and thus, strange to say, catholic emancipa
tion was carried by a violent anti-catholic premier—
with the aid of a leader of the House of Commons
whose whole public life had been passed as a deter
mined enemy of the catholic claims, and also during

CATHOLIC QUESTION. 77
the viceroyalty of one who became lord lieutenant of
Ireland, simply because to great rank he added as a
qualification the reputation of being a vehement oppo
nent of every proposed concession to the catholics.
The Tithe Commutation Act, though a great boon
to the landlords, did little for the pacification of
the country,^ because with the whole catholic popu
lation the feeling stiU continued, that they were a
persecuted people. This feeling gave Mr. O'Connell
his power, and enabled him to gather together, and
employ as a vast engine of agitation, the celebrated
Catholic Association.
This Association, however, against which king's
speeches and acts of parliament had been directed in
vain, and which now excited the ire of the Duke of
Wellington, and was denounced by him as the great
cause of Irish discontent and disturbance — this Asso
ciation had already given proof of its docility when
fairly treated, or when it expected fair treatment.
So soon as Mr. Canning came into office they volun-
tarUy dissolved themselves, believing that minister
honestly intent on doing them justice. Their hopes,
however, quickly fell even during Mr. Canning's life,
and were utterly extinguished by his death ; and upon
the coming of the Duke of Wellington to the chief
power in the state, the voice of the great leader of the

' This act was weU intended, and was so far a benefit that it
devised a means by which the inequality, and therefore the in
justice, of the tithe might be cured. But tithe being pubUc
property, no portion of it should have been given to the land
lords.

78 MR. O'CONNELL.
Irish catholics was again heard caUing his countrymcEt
together. That voice found an echo in every catholic
bosom in Ireland. It acted like a speU upon the
quick hearts of her people. Mr. O'ConneU again
reigned supreme in Ireland.
In the history of mankind there have been few
instances of a power so extraordinary as that which
Mr. O'Connell now exercised over his country
men. He was himself thoroughly an Irishman —
endowed with many great powers — wanting many
qualities, without which no man can be deemed reaUy
great. Of a coramanding presence, gifted with a
beautiful and flexible voice ; also with great quickness, .
versatility, wit, and the power of compressing a long
argument into a short and epigrammatic sentence —
he seemed formed by nature for the very part which
the peculiar condition of his country called upon him
to enact. His early education had given his manners
something of an ecclesiastical smoothness when in the
society of gentlemen — more particularly English gen
tlemen ; but when addressing his own countrymen, he
could assurae (perhaps resume might be the more
correct word) a rollicking air, which completely won
the hearts of the exciteable peasantry whom he sought
to move, and over whora he indeed ruled with an
absolute despotism. With the catholic priesthood he
had also great influence, and by their aid obtained
and continued his extraordinary power over his
uneducated countrymen. When speaking of the
priesthood, or to a priest, the demeanour of Mr.
O'Connell, indeed, was so deferential as to appear a

MR. O'CONNELL. 79
perfect prostration of mind and body to ghostly domi
nion. His strict observance of the forms of his
religion, the fervour of his outward piety, won the
confidence and esteem of the Irish catholic clergy.
They believed him a true and obedient son of the
church — they trusted him, and finding him endowed
with great abUity, they, in their turn, followed and
supported his political agitation. This mutual con
fidence was greatly promoted by the character of Mr.
O'ConneU's piety, in which terror played no common
part. Subject to the influence of strong passions — of
undoubting faith, but also liable to fits of despondency
and fear, he was just the man to be an active and
useful instruraent in the hands of an astute and grasp
ing priesthood. In most cases in which an alliance
takes place between a layman and a priest, there is a
lurking mutual distrust, which, spite of every art
and disguise, betrays itself from tirae to tirae. But
in the instance of Mr. O'Connell no such distrust
seems ever to have arisen on either side. The priests
of his church were too sagacious to fail in accurately
appreciating the extent and character of their power
over his mind. They knew his weakness and their
own strength; they had no fear, consequently, when
aiding him to acquire power over the peasantry ; —
because they were sure that this power would never
be employed to diminish or even to check their own
spiritual influence, and temporal authority and wealth.
A perfect mutual cordiality and confidence appeared
to exist, and we believe did in reality exist, between
them and Mr. O'ConneU; and great advantage

80 MR. O'CONNELL.
resulted to both parties from this aUiance. The
benefit which Mr. O'ConneU received from the priests
he amply repaid by the many political services which
he rendered to the whole of his catholic countrymen.
He was a skilful lawyer ;— thoroughly acquainted
with the character of his countrymen, and ready at
aU times to aid them when subject to accusation by
the government, or quarreUing among themselves.
They who have witnessed his conduct on criminal
trials and at Nisi Prius, describe him as unrivaUed in
the dexterity with which he managed a jury ; while
those who have heard his legal arguments before the
judges in Dublin, speak of them as models of forensic
skill. ^ The contrast between his manner on these
different occasions proved his marvellous versatUity,
and ought to have prepared the House of Commons
for his adrairably appropriate deraeanour, when he
first appeared before them, as the one, great repre
sentative of Eoman-catholic Ireland. He was at all
times a finished actor, and could assume, or throw off
at once and completely, any part he chose. The
familiar buffoonery, the sly fun, the coarse, nay almost
vulgar but really artful pathos and sarcasm of the
counsel,, on the circuit, whether defending a prisoner
' Lord Eldon gives this half favourable and unwiUing testi
mony: —
' Mr. O'Connell pleaded as a barrister before me in the House
of Lords on Thursday; his demeanour was very proper, but he
did not strike me as shining so much in argument as might be
expected from a man who has made so much noise in his
harangues in a seditious association.' — Tw^iss, Life of Lord
Eldon, vol. ii. p. 553.

MR. O'CONNELL. 81
in the Crown Court, or engaged in a cause at Nisi
Prius, were all entirely laid aside, and succeeded by a
simple, grave, and even polished demeanour, when in
Banco he had to argue before the judges of the supe
rior courts. And this subdued but still natural
manner, how different was it from that of the fierce
demagogue, the impassioned accuser of his country's
oppressors, who led the vast assemblies which attended
the meetings of the Catholic Association! On this
arena he seemed to revel in his freedora — to throw
away restraint — to give up all command over his feel
ings — to make himself, indeed, his passions' slave.
But amid what appeared his wildest ravings, he was
ever truly master of himself; — assuming the licence
of an unbridled tongue, under the guise of an over
bearing indignation ; — making his passion an excuse,
when it was, in fact, the pretence — he forced others
really to feel the indignation, of which he exhibited
only a finished imitation. In the House of Commons
every trace of the ranting, rampant demagogue en
tirely disappeared. In the whole range of rhetoric
difficulties, nothing approaches that of appealing suc
cessfuUy in the House of Commons to any romantic
sentimentality. All who have been accustomed to
address various assemblies of raen, must have dis
covered, that appeals to passion, generous sentiment,
romantic honour, are generally grateful only to
simple and unlettered audiences. That as the audience
becomes composed of men of a more finished education,
of a larger experience in the ways of men, just in the
VOL. I. G

82 MR. O'CONNELL.
same degree all such passionate appeals become dis
tasteful, and therefore difficult, not to say impossible.
The taste becomes more fastidious — the feelings, hy
worldly contact, more blunted — and suspicion more
ready and more quick-sighted. What would make
an assembly of peasants weep, would probably send
the House of Commons to sleep, or would keep them
awake simply by exciting their contempt and disgust,
Mr. O'ConneU knew this weU, and further, he was
aware that the assembly into which he entered, when
he entered the House of Commons, was as courageous
as fastidious. That it was as difficult to excite their
fear as it was easy to offend their taste. To bully
them he knew was dangerous — to frighten them
impossible — to persuade them out of their former
convictions, almost hopeless ; but to amuse and interest
them — to coramand their attention and respect by
wit, knowledge, clear and forcible statement and
accurate reasoning, and sometimes by rare and felici
tous and finished touches of passionate argument, to
excite and almost convince them, — all this, he was
aware, was within the power of a great orator.
Proudly conscious that he could aspire to this high
caUing, with a calm self-possession he applied himself
to his last most difficult task of conquering the atten
tion — the respectful attention — of an adverse House
of Commons, and — succeeded.
That Mr. O'ConneU's powers were of the highest
order cannot be denied — that few men have had
opportunities of rendering great services to their

MR. O'CONNELL. 83
country, so numerous and happy as he had, is also
certain. It must however be confessed that his great
abUity and glorious opportunities were of compara
tively little use either to himself or others — and that
few men have so long and to such an extent engaged
the attention of the world, and have passed away,
leaving so little behind them by which they can be
worthily remembered.
To assume the manner, and employ the language
that would please a particular assembly, and con
tribute to the attainment of a given end, was no
difficult task for so finished an actor as Mr. O'Con
nell. But to be observant of the truth — to sacrifice
selfish purposes — to withstand the popular prejudice
that created his power, required a mind trained from
infancy to obey the dictates of the exalted morality
fitted for a free people, and which among them alone
can be found. Unfortunately for his fame and the
happiness of his country, Mr. O'ConneU was tainted
with the vices produced by that dominion against
which he reared a gallant front. The slavery that
he attempted to vanquish, had exercised its baneful
influence over his own mind. That carelessness
respecting truth which always attends the slave's con
dition, deformed the mind of him who was destined
in one remarkable instance to overcome the very
tyranny which marked with ignominy the race to
which he belonged.
The Irish people had real and great grievances to
complain of. No art of a rhetorician was needed to
g2

84 MR. O'CONNELL.
make the misery of Ireland a theme of touching com
plaint — of indignant rebuke. The plain statement
of her wrongs was indeed the most eloquent appeal
that could be made to the justice of mankind. The
people of England were ignorant of the true state of
things in Ireland — and the real service which Mr.
O'ConneU rendered his country was making her
wrongs known to the English nation. His constant
reiteration of this miserable history, forced the subject
upon the attention of England. The great mistake
he made was the confounding the people of England
with the oligarchy which governed Ireland. Had he
steadily connected the cause of freedom and good
government in his own country with the same great
cause in ours, he would not have been thwarted in his
endeavours by the wounded self-love of the English
nation. The wild talk in which he indulged, in
order to maintain his sway over the Irish peasantry
and the Eoman catholics of the towns, gave great and
not unnatural offence to the middle classes of England.
The exigencies of his position accounted for these
errors, but did not diminish their mischievous effects.
So soon as Mr. Canning died, Mr. O'Connell
applied himself to the task of exciting the whole
Eoman-catholic population ; with the aid of the priest
hood he was able to spread his organization over the
whole country, and assume in fact the government of
Ireland. The parliamentary friends of catholic eman
cipation professed to be shocked by this conduct, and
took every opportunity of expressing their disappro-

1828.] CATHOLIC QUESTION. 85
bation of his proceedings : and the Duke of Wellington
stated that the excitement caused by the Catholic Asso
ciation prevented all possibility of granting the catho
lics the privileges which they demanded. In this cant
the Irish members of the House of Commons eagerly
joined — and yet it was apparent to every man of
common sense in and out of the House, that the sole
cause of the attention paid to the question of catholic
emancipation, and the demands of the Irish people,
was the trouble given by Mr. O'Connell and his for
midable organization. Had there been quiet in Ire
land, the rulers both in England and Ireland would
have adduced this very quiet to prove that no
grievances existed, and would have slumbered over
the evils which left their repose undisturbed.
The parliamentary opposition taking advantage of
the popular excitement, determined to assail the admi
nistration with a motion respecting emancipation. The
existing House had indeed already been asked to
express an opinion on the subject, and had declared
against concession. Since then, however, great
changes had taken place, and personal feelings had
been variously enlisted by party views and party
disputes in new combinations ; so that it was irapos
sible to say what raight be the result of another
effort. The public out of doors also were daily
becoming more enlightened; enlarged views both of
political economy, and of the science of government
generally, were becoming common among all the
thinking and writing men of the country. The

86 IRELAND AND THE [1828,
terrors and confusion of the great European war had
now so long passed away, that a new generation had
sprung up, whose minds had been trained, instructed,
and swayed by the thoughts, wants, and wishes,
which continued peace had created. LiberaUty and
kindly feelings had followed in the train of peace,
and men began to wonder at the stern doctrines of
exclusion and hate which their fathers conceived to
be absolutely necessary for the welfare and even safety
of the state. The opposition in parliament were
now also relieved from all the restraints which their
connexion with Mr. Canning had imposed. They
desired to create confusion in the ministerial ranks,
and found no more powerful means to this end than
was afforded by the proposed advocacy of the catholic
claims. Sir F. Burdett consequently moved, in the
House of Commons, after an elaborate speech, —
' That this House do resolve itself into a Com
mittee, to consider the state of the laws affecting his
Majesty's Eoraan-catholic subjects in Great Britain
and Ireland with a view to such a final and con
ciliatory adjustraent as may be conducive to the
peace and strength of the United Kingdom, to the
stability of the protestant establishment, and to the
general satisfaction and concord of aU classes of his
Majesty's subjects.'
The debate which foUowed was only remarkable
from its result, and the reiteration of Mr. Peel's still
unmitigated opposition. The House of Commons,
which had before, in 1827, determined to resist

1838.] CATHOLIC QUESTION. 87
aU concession, now, in 1828, by a majority of six,
declared in its favour. The argument was by Sir
F. Burdett placed chiefly upon the ground, that an
obligation to concede emancipation to the catholics
had been incurred by the treaty of Limerick, and the
greater part of the debate was a discussion of the
meaning of the articles of this treaty, and the
supposed obligation thereby incurred. There was
little of value in the speeches on the one side or the
other. The House having assented to the resolution, sent
it to the Lords, in order to obtain their concurrence
in the principle it enunciated; and the debate which
occurred on Lord Lansdowne's motion, that the Lords
should assent to the resolution of the Commons, was
on many accounts really remarkable. The speech
of Lord Lyndhurst was an acute and masterly advo
cacy of the policy of opposing all concession. That
of Lord Plunkett was as finished a specimen of
argument and rhetoric in support of concession.
Lord Eldon only proved either that he had outlived
the powers which the world once supposed him to
possess, or that he really never possessed them.
Lord Wellesley spoke the language of a generous and
enlightened statesraan in supporting the motion of
Lord Lansdowne, as did the Duke his brother (para
doxical as the assertion may appear,) while opposing
it. For with the practical good sense which has ever
distinguished him, the Duke at once contemptuously
flung aside every theological argument upon the

88 MR. PEEL AND THE [1838.
question, explicitly declaring that the disabilities of
the catholics were not imposed, because of the sup
posed truth or error of their reUgious belief. ' My
lords, my own opinion is,' said the Duke, ' that we
have never objected to the Eoman catholics on the
ground that they believe in transubstantiation or in
purgatory, or in any other of the peculiar doctrines
by which they are distinguished — doctrines with
which a right reverend prelate thought it his duty to
find fault. But, my lords, we objected to their
opinions, because upon those opinions was founded a
system of political conduct  The question then
resolves itself into one of expediency ; and I ground
my opposition to it, not on the peculiar doctrinal
points of the Eoman-catholic faith, but because of the
nature of the Eoman-catholic church government.'^
Mr. Brougham, on a subsequent day, in the House
of Commons, congratulated the country upon this
declaration, considering it an augury of better
things to come, in spite of the Lords having nega
tived the motion of Lord Lansdowne by a majority of
forty-four. Thus, as far as parliament was con
cerned, was the question disposed of for the present
session. By a curious fatality, Mr. Peel made this re
mark on it, by way of leave-taking for the year 1828—
' As the honourable baronet (Sir F. Burdett) has
expressed a hope that the present administration
would take up this question in the next session, and

' Hansard, vol. xix. p. 1290.

1838.] CATHOLIC QUESTION. 89
introduce some measure for its settleraent, lest any
misconception should go abroad respecting my senti
ments, I am anxious to speak upon this point for
myself, and myself alone. Under the constitution of
the present government, each individual member of it
is at liberty to entertain and support his own opinion
regarding this question. Conceiving, then, that it is
only necessary for me to state my own individual
opinion on the subject, I would refer the honourable
baronet and the House to the declaration which I
have repeatedly raade respecting it, and speaking
then as an individual member of the government, I
explained, as I was at liberty to- do, my own senti
ments on the question. To that declaration, and to
those opinions, I still adhere, and I conceive that in so
saying, I have said enough to satisfy the House that
my sentiments on the subject remain unaltered.'^
The right honourable gentleman seems to have had
some foreshadowing of what the ministry would deter
mine to attempt — but he seems also, in his anticipa
tions of what he himself was about to do, to have
conceived there would be on his own part a sort of
desperate fidelity to his preconceived opinions. Or,
was it, that he felt a change going on within himself
which he feared to think of, — and which he endea
voured to arrest by these marked and almost gratui
tous declarations? When the next year came, men
looked back with wonder upon the reiterated state*

' Hansard, vol. xix. p. 1 323.

90 MR. PEEL AND THE [1838.
ments of unalterable faith. Uncharitable opponents,
once old and confiding friends, pointed to them as
evidence of consummate hypocrisy, of most finished
treachery. But now, when passion has for the most
part passed away, we are able to regard the whole
proceeding calmly, and draw from it the moral which
it certainly affords. The charge of inconsistency, if
proved, is but too often deemed incontestible proof of
guilt — and the accusation is amongst the most prized,
because supposed the raost effective weapons of attack
employed by hostile politicians against each other.
Yet who will say that he at any time has aU the
knowledge upon a given subject, that he can ever
acquire — and that no change can occur in his opinions?
And will any one who pretends to the character of a
wise man, shut his mind against knowledge, and
refuse to receive further evidence, lest it should
modify his belief? Looking to Mr. Peel's raere per
sonal interest, it is evident that the change which in
the next year he declared had occurred in his view of
the policy to be pursued by the government, was the
cause to him of great pain and loss of power and
friends. Why then should we look upon this change
as evidence of weakness or of guilt? If the change
actually occurred, the declaration of it was a magna
nimous declaration — and entitles him to the increased
respect of all good men. That his mind so long
resisted the force of the evidence, which now changed
his opinions, raay indeed lessen our opinion of the
value of his judgment generaUy, and lower our esti-

1838.] CATHOLIC QUESTION. 91
mate of his sagacity, and weaken our confidence in
him as a guide for the future. But the change does
not justify the accusation so frequently made in this
case, of hypocrisy — and deliberate treachery. Mr.
Peel well knew what would be the consequence of so
sudden and startling a relinquishment of his old
opinions. All the inducements to maintain and stand by
those old opinions, could not fail to present themselves
to his acute and very practical understanding. They
must have been duly weighed and could not but be
properly appreciated. That under such circurastances,
and with the certain expectation of having to en
counter unsparing obloquy, and pain that raust
have seemed almost like humUiation — that he should
with all this in view yet determine to avow his change
of opinion and act upon it, affords a strong proof
both of his sincerity and his disinterestedness. If
indeed we could suppose that he did not change — but
that he had long entertained the opinion which he
now expressed — then it would be difficult to suggest
language too severe in order properly to describe the
treachery and meanness of the proceeding ; — or words
bitter enough to express our scorn and contempt of
him who could thus palter with the truth, and so risk
the safety of his country and trifle with the happiness
of mUlions. There is however no evidence to counte
nance the last supposition.^

' On the 17th December, 1831, Sir Eobert Peel, in conse
quence of certain taunts by Mr. Macaulay, respecting his con-

92 IRELAND AND THE [1838,
Although parliaraent thus for the moment relieved
itself from any further consideration of the question
of catholic^disabilities, the people of Ireland did not
let the subject rest ; and fortunately for the views of
those who advocated concession, a new and forraidable
expedient had been discovered and employed by the
sagacity of the cathoUc leader, Mr, O'ConneU. Mr.
Vesey Fitzgerald, a popular Irish meraber of parlia
ment, having accepted office under the Crown, his
seat for the county of Clare became vacant. Not
withstanding the popularity of Mr. Fitzgerald, and
his known opinions in favour of emancipation, Mr.
O'Connel determined to oppose his re-election, and
proposed hiraself as a candidate. The effect of this
proceeding was electric. The whole catholic popula
tion rose up as one man, braved the power of their
landlords, and triumphantly returned the ' Great
Agitator.' In this peaceful insurrection, the vast, the
uncontrollable power of the Catholic Association was
forced upon the consideration of ministers, who now
saw that no hope of tranquillity, of happiness, or even
of safety reraained, so long as the grievance existed
which had thus roused and organized the whole
catholic people. The priesthood, as a body, were

duct upon the question of cathoUc emancipation, entered into a
very elaborate and very successful defence of that conduct,
They who desire to know the justification on which Sir Robert
depends, should carefully weigh the arguments and statements
made by him at that time. He came prepared to make his
defence; he had ample time, and aU the documents he needed.
See Mirror of Parliament, 1832, vol, i, pp, 186-7,

1838.] CATHOLIC QUESTION. 93
pledged to continue the excitement; every catholic
gentleman was by the force of the popular current
carried away, and spite of any disinclination was com
pelled to enter the ranks of the Association, or be
socially if not indeed religiously excommunicate.
The excitement of the catholics was met on the part
of the protestants with sirailar and equal violence.
The people were divided against theraselves; they
stood in fierce array against one another — and a civil
war was inevitable, if the cause of all this discontent
and hatred was allowed to reraain. The catholics
had a just ground of complaint — the protestants had
good reason for fear. The one party rose up to
vindicate their just demands — the other banded thera
selves together in order to protect themselves against
harm. Parties in this attitude of mutual defiance
could not by any power be kept from strife. The
man who could most appropriately, and with the
greatest effect declare that he dreaded civil war, was
he whose whole life had been spent in war ; who had
beheld it in all its terrible shapes, and witnessed
the direful calamities it inevitably entaUs on man
kind. That man was the Duke of Wellington. —
Without shrinking he performed the duty imposed on
him b/ the situation he held ; and the force of his
example as well as the support ofhis authority, induced
Mr. Peel also to change his opinions and to confess
that the time for concession had arrived: that unless
the nation was prepared for civil commotion, it must
grant civil privileges to the millions of Ireland, who.

94 IRELAND AND THE [1839.
though they held a faith differing from that of the
established religion, were yet feUow-subjects, whose
interests and welfare were intimately connected with
our own.
To soothe the angry passions and wounded self-
love of the dominant and domineering protestant
party, the speech from the throne in the session of
1829, while it recoraraended a consideration of the
catholic claims, meaning thereby to recommend con
cession, spoke also of the dangers arising from the
existence of the Catholic Association, and demanded
powers by which it might be suppressed. In 1825,
an act having a sirailar purpose in view had been
passed, but proved utterly inefficacious. Mr. O'Connell
indeed laughed at the measure, declaring that he could
drive a coach and horses through every one of its
clauses. The reason assigned by the rulers of Ireland
and the ministry for not attempting to enforce this
law of suppression was, that the exceptions it con
tained were so wide as to include the Association
itself, which it sought ostensibly to put down. The
real reason for their inactivity was, however, the
danger attendant upon attempting to enforce the law.
A fierce resistance, and misery, and bloodshed, would
have been the inevitable result of so unwise ah endea
vour—and ministers preferred the inconvenience
arising frora the existence of this forraidable Associa
tion to the horrors of civil commotion. The bill now
proposed, like that of 1825, was followed by a biU for
the relief of the catholics. In 1825, the Lords passed

1829.] CATHOLIC QUESTION. 95
the coercion, but threw out the relieving measure. A
doubt naturally arose therefore as to the fate of the
present measures thus again ominously allied; but
this doubt was quickly allayed, when the different
circumstances of the two periods were considered.
The administration itself — a high protestant adminis
tration, at the head of which stood the Duke of
Wellington, proposed the present plan, and was bound
in honour to see both parts of it passed. All men
felt that the doom of exclusion was sealed, so soon as
the speech frora the throne had been read. Obstinate
and factious men, indeed — men whose self-love had
been wounded, might originate and for a while con
tinue a sort of dogged resistance, but successful
resistance everybody knew to be impossible. The
bUl therefore for the suppression of the Association
was passed under a sort of forraal protest by the
opposition — a protest which signified nothing, being
intended only as a protection to the Whigs, in the
almost irapossible case of the relief bill not being also
passed into a law.
The whole of the session was consumed in the
discussion of this measure of relief — and every day
served to widen the breach which its proposal had
made between the administration and the high-church
party. Mr. Peel resigned his seat for the University
of Oxford, for the purpose of giving that body an
opportunity of deciding whether a rainister propos
ing catholic emancipation and pledged to carry the
measure by which such emancipation was to be

96 IRELAND AND THE [1839.
effected, should remain meraber for the University.
He was defeated in the election, and Sir E. H. Inglis
chosen in his stead. In the House of Lords violent
language was employed by those opposed to the
ministerial measure and personal anger carried so far,
as to lead to a duel between the Duke of WeUington
and Lord Winchelsea. This event was a cause of
sorrow to all sensible raen. They grieved to see
the Duke of Wellington giving in a moment of anger
the sanction of his great authority to so foolish and
barbarous a practice. The imputation of cowardice is
one hard to be borne. If the charge is supposed to he
justified, the person labouring under it loses not merely
his social position, and is subject to great personal
indignity, but he is also deprived almost entirely of the
power to do good, whatever may otherwise be his
ability, worth, or capacity. In those cases, then, in
which the imputation of cowardice, and the con
sequent dishonour attending it, can be employed with
effect, a good man — acknowledging fully the folly
and barbarism of that appeal to arms — may find him
self forced in obedience to the imperious demands of
society to expose himself to the personal danger
which results from it. It may sometimes be the
shortest and the easiest mode of retaining whatever
power to do good his position or his abUity has
given him. But in the Duke of Wellington's case,
no such imputation could have been hazarded— r
and his forbearance under insult would have been
esteemed by his country as a magnanimous disregard

1839,] CATHOLIC QUESTION. 97
of vexatious annoyance, and would have been appre
ciated as a proof both that his temper was under
the serene control of reason, and that he disdained
to avaU himself of this wretched means of exhaling
his passion, or satisfying his revenge. The nation
felt humiliated when they learned that their great
hero had submitted to the folly of a duel.
Some other incidents occurred during the passing
of the measure, which exercised a still raore mis
chievous effect upon the power of the administra
tion. The defection of ancient friends compelled the
ministry to rely for aid upon their former opponents.^
This aid was willingly given to carry the measure
proposed for the relief of the catholics — but good
policy required that the old friends, who had utterly
and .for ever renounced all connexion with the Duke
and Mr. Peel, should have been permanently replaced,
by those who upon the present occasion had aided the
administration in carrying through the measure they
had proposed ; and care should have been taken not only
to make the raeasure itself a bond of union between the
ministerialists, the Whigs, and the great catholic party
and their leader, to whom the ministry had rendered

' At this period, rumour says, and the rumour is supported
by high authority, that the office of Master of the Rolls was
oifered to Mr, Brougham; the Duke of Cleveland being the
person through whom the ofier was conveyed. The mode of
making it was an inquiry on the part of the Duke, directly of
Mr, Brougham, whether, if the place were offered, it would be
accepted. The answer was said to have been decidedly in the
negative, VOL. I. H

98 IRELAND AND THE [1829,
so signal a service ; but every fair precaution should
also have been adopted to make the service gracious
as well as great. That the manner in which a
benefit is conferred, is no less important than the extent
of it, is indeed an old, but still a valuable remark —
unfortunately it is but too often neglected. In the
present instance it was signally so. Mr. O'Connell,
before the passing of the act, by which he and all
catholics were rendered eligible to sit in parliament,
had been elected member for the county of Clare.
The insurrection of the catholic forty-shilling free
holders against their landlords, had in various ways
startled and alarmed the government and the legis
lature — and they were induced, partly from fear, and
partly from a vain desire to conciliate the high-
church party, to introduce an enactment with their
measure of relief by which the forty-shilling fran
chise was abolished — and with stUl greater folly,
though with not less injustice, they were induced to
deny the right of Mr. O'Connell to his seat in the
House of Coraraons unless he took the oaths that
were required when he was elected, but which had
been superseded by a new form before he proposed to
take his seat. By these unwise proceedings, the
ministers faUed to win back their former friends,
though they made an implacable foe of Mr. O'Connell—
and by thus creating a new grievance, they did their
utmost to continue the existence of his great and
mischievous power over the minds of his countrymen.
Though the parliament had met on the Sth of

1839.] CATHOLIC QUESTION. 99
February, the measure of relief was not introduced
till the 5th of March ; the intervening period having
been occupied in receiving petitions for and against
the proposed concession ; discussing in the House of
Coraraons the bill for the suppression of the Catholic
Association, and also in the re-election of a meraber
for the University of Oxford. On the 3rd of March
Mr. Peel took the oaths and his seat as meraber
for Westbury; Sir Manasseh Lopez having raade a
vacancy by retiring from that borough, so soon as the
University had decided against her once favourite
representative. On the Sth Mr. Peel submitted to the House the
long-expected plan of the ministry. After a few
remarks upon his own position, he thus feelingly
dismissed that part of his subject : —
' I was called upon to make those sacrifices of
private feeling, which are inseparable from apparent
inconsistency of conduct — from the abandonment of
preconceived opinions — from the alienation of those
with whom I had heretofore co-operated. Sir, I have
done so ; and the events of the last six weeks raust
have provfed, that it is painful in the extrerae to
prefer to such considerations, even the most urgent
sense of public duty —
'Tis said with ease — but oh ! how hardly tried —
By haughty souls to human honour tied —
Oh ! sharp the pangs of agonizing pride !' '

1 Hansard, vol. xx. p. 732.
h2

100 IRELAND AND THE [1839.
The details of the plan were simple, and conceived
(with certain exceptions) in a large and generous
spirit. All disabiUties, civil and political, were to be
at once abolished — and catholics were to be made
admissible to every office, whether legislative, admi
nistrative, or judicial — except that of Eegent, the
Chancellor of England, ChanceUor of Ireland, and
Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. ' The bill, however,'
said Mr, Peel, ' will not qualify the Eoman catholics
to hold any office, place, or dignity connected with
the church establishment of the United Kingdom, or
with the ecclesiastical courts of judicature, with the
universities, or the great public schools, or schools of
ecclesiastical foundations. All local statutes of the
universities, and the power of making such statutes
will be preserved inviolate,
' The laws respecting the right of presentation to
ecclesiastical benefices will remain unrepealed, and
unvaried, and provision will be made for trusting
exclusively to Protestant authorities the right of
church patronage belonging to any civil office that
may hereafter be held by a Eoman catholic.
' The Eoman catholics will be disabled under severe
penalties from advising the Crown, directly or indi
rectly, in respect of the grants of church preferments;
and generaUy, from the exercise of any influence
derived from civU office over ecclesiastical appoint
ments.'* The scheme of securities was less wisely framed

' Hansard, vol. xx. p. 763.

1839,] CATHOLIC QUESTION. 101
than that for the removal of existing disabilities.
The very principle upon which Mr. Peel declared it
to be based was ill chosen. The statement of the
mode in which he hoped to obtain security too plainly
evinced the source of that terror which had led to his
rapid, though late conversion. The language he used
gave great offence, and kept alive for many years the
animosity he sought to allay.
' I say at once, that we must look for real security
in the regulation of the elective franchise of Ireland,
in a decided, uncompromising reform of the abuses to
which the exercise of the present franchise is liable.
It is in vain to deny or conceal the truth in respect
to that franchise. It was until a late period, the
instrument through which the landed aristocracy,
the resident and absentee proprietor, maintained their
local influence — through which property had its
weight, its legitimate weight in the national repre
sentation. The landlord has heen disarmed hy the
priest; and the fear of spiritual denunciations, acting
in unison with the excited passions and feelings of the
multitude, has already severed in some cases, and will
sever in others, unless we interfere to prevent it,
every tie between the Protestant proprietor and the
lower class of his Eoman-catholic tenantry. The
weapon which he has forged with so much care, and
has heretofore wielded with such success, has broken
short in his hand.'*
The late elections in Monaghan, Waterford, Louth,

' Hansard, vol. xx. p. 764.

102 IRELAND AND THE [1839.
and Clare, had brought into opposition the aristo
cratic and ecclesiastical dominion. Both, it was now
evident, could not be raaintained. The latter there
fore was sacrificed in the hope of retaining the
former. So long as the franchise had been a useful instru
ment in the hands of the landed proprietor, it was
not deemed dangerous — it was not thought unjust.
But when the landlord was disarmed by the priest —
then great fear came upon the minds of the quick-
sighted rainisters of the landed aristocracy, A large
raajority of the poor of Ireland were Eoraan catholics.
The chief fear that besets the minds of statesmen of
the party to which Mr. Peel belonged, is lest the poor
should ever attain the power of electing representa
tives to parliaraent. He saw that if he attempted at
this moment merely to abolish the franchise of the
forty-shiUing freeholder, the question would at once be
made a religious dispute, and civil commotion would
be the inevitable result; but that if the abolition
were combined with a raeasure of relief, no danger
would exist; for whUe public attention was fixed
upon the relief about to be granted, the restriction
with which it was accorapanied would escape severe
scrutiny. Moreover the cause of the catholic gentry
and the catholic poor would, by this scheme, be made
no longer identical — and all really forraidable oppo
sition would be rendered irapossible.
Hitherto the franchise was acquired siraply by the
oath of the proprietor — and was consequently mam-

1839.] CATHOLIC QUESTION. 103
factured to a large extent. So long as this was done
by rival proprietors, and was a raeans employed by
one rich man against another, parliament took no
notice of the practice — no virtuous indignation was
directed against the abuse, spite of the fraud and
perjury which attended it. The making of fictitious
votes was now however found to be dangerous ; and
precautions were taken to put an end to it. Mr.
Peel thus explained the raeans devised :
' I propose that the lowest amount of the qualifica
tion entitling a freeholder to vote at an election for
counties in Ireland, shall be ten pounds, instead of
forty shillings, and that immediately after the passing
of this Act, there shall be a registration of such hona,
fide freeholds in each county in Ireland.'*
The minute division of the land — the sraall extent
of the holdings in Ireland, made this provision
a sweeping extinction of nine-tenths of the voters
in that country. The division of the land is un
doubtedly a great evil — and therefore the political
reason for division, in so far as it was efficient, was rais
chievous. The real and effective cause of this raischief,
however, lay still deeper, and is to be found in the
habits of the people, in the want of energy in the
landed proprietors — in their wastefulness, idleness,
and poverty. Long after all temptation to divide the
land, arising from a desire to increase the number of
voters, had been taken away, the evil continued. Not

' Hansard, vol. xx. p. 770.

104 IRELAND AND THE [1839.
untu a poor-law was enacted, compelling the Irish
land, and Irish property generaUy, to maintain the
Irish poor, was any serious attempt made to limit the
number of holdings, to enlarge the farms, and to
convert the idle and starving peasant proprietor into
an industrious and well-paid labourer. The many
great problems connected with this subject have not
yet been solved. We shall see the sarae question dis
cussed — the sarae difficulties left untouched, when in
the sequel the history of the Irish Eeforra Bill has to
be related.
In addition to the securities derived from thus
dealing with the franchise, was the new form of oath
which the Act imposed. The declaration again>st the
doctrine of transubstantiation was repealed altogether
' for parliament and for office generally.' — ' When
exclusion is to cease,' said Mr. Peel — and wisely said
— ' let us be spared the pain of pronouncing an opinion
for mere temporal purposes in regard to the mysteries
of religion, and branding as idolatrous the belief of
others.' A new oath was set forth in the biU to be
taken ' instead of the oaths of allegiance, abjuration,
and supremacy,' which oath declares that the person
taking it is a catholic,* that he will defend the king,
his crown and dignity — and the succession as regu-

' The oath in the Act does not contain this declaration; it did
as originally proposed by Mr. Peel. Being afterwards, and
before the bill was printed, expunged. Lord Eedesdale proposed,
when the bill was in the Lords, to have this declaration inserted.
The proposal was rejected.— Hansard, vol. xxi. p. 321.

1839.] CATHOLIC QUESTION. 105
lated by law — that he rejects the doctrine that kings
excommunicated by the pope raay be deposed or
murdered — that he does not believe that the pope has
civil jurisdiction within this realm — and abjures
solemnly any intention to subvert the present church
establishment — and swears that he will not eraploy
any office to which he may becorae entitled to disturb
or weaken the protestant religion or protestant
government. Such was, in fact, the substance of this celebrated
proposal. Happy indeed would it have been for
England, had Mr. Pitt been permitted when the
union with Ireland was effected, to have done then
voluntarily, what now a stern necessity compelled
unwilling statesmen to perform. Years of disquiet —
of misery — and of danger would have been spared to
the people both of England and Ireland, The union
would have become, what indeed it is not yet — some
thing more than a union of the governments of the two
countries — viz., a union of the two people themselves;
— and Ireland would, with her many great natural
advantages, have been a happy home for the increasing
millions of her people, instead of becoming what she still
remains, the abode of a discontented, turbulent, thrift
less, and miserable population.
One proposed measure of security, Mr. Peel alluded
to in terms indeed of respect; yet as he doubted of the
good that was likely to flow from it, and saw many imme
diate evils attendant upon its adoption, he mentioned
only to reject it. This proposal was to incorporate

106 IRELAND AND THE [1839.
in some degree the Eoman-catholic church with the
state, as a sort of qualified establishment.
' I am not insensible to the force of those arguments
which have been urged in favour of admitting the
Eoman-catholic church of Ireland to a qualified and
subordinate establishment, by giving stipends to the
Eoman-catholic priesthood from the public funds.
This was the measure conteraplated by Mr. Pitt in
1801, and uniforraly urged by Lord Castlereagh as
an arrangeraent which ought to accorapany the
removal of the political disabilities of the Eoman
catholics. But, on the other hand, there are for
raidable objections to such an arrangement.'*

' Hansard, vol. xx. p. 775. The proposal to provide for the
catholic clergy out of the funds of the state found a supporter
in Mr. D, W. Harvey. This was remarkable, as Mr. Harvey
stated that he owed his seat to the dissenters of Colchester. At
the present moment (1849) the chief opposition to such a pro
posal would be raised by the dissenters of the country of every
denomination. The late election for the West Riding of York
shire incontestibly proves the truth of this assertion. Mr.
Harvey's observations on the subject are weU worthy of consi
deration. — See Hansard, vol. xx. p. I09I. This speech was an
answer to an impertinent attack made by Mr. Spring Rice.
The following sarca.stic observations were afterwards curiously
verified:—' I cannot forget,' said Mr. Harvey, 'the time when
that party [the Whigs] went over in a stream to Mr. Canning
to oppose the noble Duke now at the head of the government,
and the right hon. secretary opposite, upon whom they are now
exhausting every term of fulsome panegyric. I believe, in my
conscience, that before many months the noble Duke and the
right hon. gentleman wiU find in the hon. member for Limerick
and his friends their most formidable competitors for place.'—
Ibid, idem, p, 1102,

1839.] CATHOLIC QUESTION. 107
These objections were, in Mr. Peel's opinion, first,
the necessity, in order to complete and render effective
any provision, of a correspondence with the pope, and
the difficulties arising in the way of such a correspon
dence ; next, the strong feeling that would be raised in
the public mind by the fact of such correspondence,
against the present measure of relief. This last was,
in fact, the real and formidable objection. The
ministers determined therefore to abstain not merely
from all connexion, but any interference also — and to
' have no more to do in the way of interference with
the spiritual affairs of the Eomish Church, than they
had to do with the internal discipline and regulations
of the Wesleyan Methodists.'
When the right honourable gentleman had per
formed his task — after he had deliberately, and with
great clearness, simplicity and earnestness, but with
out any admixture of passion, explained and sub
mitted to the House the whole proposed arrangeraent
ofthe administration, his thoughts at the close reverted,
and with no unworthy egotism, to himself, and the
motives by which he had been actuated. The tone of
his observations proved how acutely he felt the suffer
ings of the fiery ordeal to which the indignation of
his former friends had subjected him — and how his
mind still lingered about the objects of his forraer
solicitude — and with what pain he divested himself of
the character of the great protestant leader.
' Perhaps I am not so sanguine as others in my
expectations of the future ; but I have not the slightest

108 IRELAND AND THE [1839.
hesitation in saying that I fully believe that the
adjustraent of this question, in the raanner proposed,
will give better and stronger securities to the pro
testant interest and the protestant establishment, than
any that the present state of things admits of; and
will avert evils and dangers impending and immediate.
What motive, I ask, can I have for the expression of
these opinions, but the honest conviction of their
truth. I have watched the progress of events. I
have seen day by day disunion and hatred increasing,
and the prospects of peace obscured by the gloomy
advance of discontent, and suspicion and distrust
creeping on ' step by step,' to quote the words of Mr.
Grattan, ' like the mist at the heels of the country
men.' I well know I might have taken a more
popular and more selfish course. I might have held
language much more acceptable to the friends with
whom I have long acted, and to the constituents whom
I have lately lost. ' His ego gratiora dictu alia esse
scio; sed me vera pro gratis loqui, et si meum
ingenium non raoneret, necessitas cogit. Vellem
equidem vobis placere; sed multo malo vos salvos
esse; qualecunque erga me animo futuri estis.' In
the course I have taken, I have been mainly influenced
by the anxious desire to provide for the maintenance
of protestant interests, and for the security of pro
testant estabUshments. This is my defence— this is
my consolation — this shall be my revenge.'*

• Hansard, vol. xx. p. 779. The speech in which this expo-
ion was made, occupied, says the reporter, ' more than four

1839.]. CATHOLIC QUESTION. 109
The debate which followed was unworthy of reraark.
It was distinguished only by the almost entire silence
of the Whigs — (Mr. Brougham alone of the leading
members of that party speaking on it, and he con
fining his observations to a few earnest and warm
words of eulogy upon the measure, and the right
honourable gentleman proposing it) — and by the
impotent but bitter spite of the raore violent spokes
men of the Tory party. Many of these had heard
the stock speeches and declarations of their party so
often, that at last they had convinced themselves of
their truth. From their youth upwards they had
listened eagerly to eloquent leaders, who had always
asserted, that to grant to the catholics the power of
sitting in either House of parliament, was to over
throw the protestant church establishment and pro
testant religion; and these eager listeners being
remarkable rather for the fervour of their faith than
the strength of their capacity, lived in the belief that
these words were things to be religiously believed.
They had been accustomed to consider their opponents
as little better than infidels and revolutionists, and
had listened to their arguments with a pain akin to
that with which they would have heard so many really
blasphemous and seditious orations. Now when they
found their most esteeraed chief suddenly deserting
them, and using the language which, up to the pre-

hours in the delivery. Throughout the right hon. gentleman
was listened to with the most profound attention, and at times
the cheers were so loud as to be heard in Westminster Hall and
the passages leading to the lobby.'

110 IRELAND AND THE [1839,
sent moment, they had been allowed, nay taught, to
consider little short of very criminal impiety and
treason, they were shocked, terrified, and bewUdered.
Gradually they gathered courage to give vent to their
emotions of rage and horror. The violence of the
passion, and of the language in which it was expressed,
was always in an inverse ratio to the ability of the
speaker. The weakest in intellect had been the
firmest in faith, and were now the most violent in
language, raost vociferous in their indignant com
plaining. Mr. Bankes and Colonel Sibthorpe, on the
present occasion, and throughout the succeeding
debates, were particularly industrious in giving ex
pression to the vehement passion with which they
were oppressed. Sir E. H. Inglis, too, having been
chosen by the University of Oxford as the most worthy
representative of the true protestant fervour, thought
it necessary also to be eloquent on the occasion. But
he, like the other speakers against the ministerial
measure, was content, for the raost part, when diverg
ing frora his usual mellifluous vituperation, from soft-
spoken but really unsparing and merciless anathema,
to select passages from former speeches of Mr. Peel,
and to repeat them as proofs of the inconsistency of
the right honourable gentleman. Much time was
spent in this dreary labour, by which all were wearied,
except the speakers themselves.
Great pains were taken, more especially by the
clergy, who fancied their interests pecuUarly con
cerned, to excite the country by a cry, which had
often before been of potent influence. The eccle-

1839.] CATHOLIC QUESTION. Ul
siastical speaking-trumpet was industriously used
to bellow in the ear of the ignorant the cry of ' No
Popery.' The ministers were violently assailed with
demands to dissolve parliament, and go to the country,
upon the question of catholic emancipation ; and they
who never before nor since deigned to listen to the
people, were now suddenly seized with an overpower
ing veneration for the petitions with which both
Houses of parliament were at this time addressed.
Sir Eobert Inglis said —
' I have heard with surprise that the properest
mode of ascertaining the opinion of the people was
from the opinion of their representatives in that House.
I allow that is one mode of ascertaining the opinion
of the people; but collecting that opinion frora the
exercise of the right of petitioning was an equally
valuable mode.'
Succeeding events must have materially modified
in Sir Eobert's mind this great faith in the value of
popular petitions.
Throughout Ireland an immense majority of the
people were in favour of concession. In England the
terror of the papists was confined chiefly to the
clerical body and those in immediate subjection to
them, and the very ignorant peasantry. The in
structed of all classes were alraost unanimous in their
support of the ministerial measure. The people
generally, however, looked on the matter with some
thing like apathy — their leaning being rather against
than in favour of the catholic cause. In Scotland,
indeed, the old hatred of popery was found still to

112 IRELAND AND THE [1839.
exist ; and in Glasgow mobs were raised, equaUing in
ferocity and ignorance the wretched followers of Lord
George Gordon, in London, during the riots of 1780.
But in these our days the teaching of experience is
rapid. To find a 'No Popery' mob in the city of
Glasgow at the present time (1849) ready to beat or
ill-treat a man because he proposed to sign a petition
in favour of religious liberty, would be utterly impos
sible.* In the year 1829 such disgraceful scenes were
witnessed, and were, by Mr. Brougham, in the House
of Commons, indignantly described and reprobated.^
Both parties in the House of Commons asserted that
a majority of the people favoured their views, and
they both appealed to the various petitions addressed
to the House in proof of their assertions. The Tories,
however, who loudly demanded a dissolution of the
parliament, seemed the raore really confident of the
two. The ministers, nevertheless, would have acted
unwisely by acceding to these demands, even if they
had been certain of obtaining a majority in a new
House of Commons. A religious exciteraent amongst
a whole people is always of itself a great national
calamity. When this excitement leads to a religious
feud, dividing the people into hostile parties, bitterly
exasperated against one another, it deserves to be
ranked amongst the most terrible evils which can

' 1 am bound to say, that late events have somewhat shaken
my opinion as to the extent of liberahty in religious matters to
which my countrymen have attained (1851).
" Hansard, vol. xx. p. 818.

1829.] CATHOLIC QUESTION. 113
befal a nation. To ward off such a mischief by all
honest means, is the duty of every honest statesman ;
and none but a fool or a villain would run the risk
gratuitously of incurring it. Had the Duke of
Wellington yielded to the demand for a dissolution,
the whole kingdom would have been thrown into a
state of confusion for no purpose. All rational raen
saw that a further denial of the catholic claims and
continuance of peace was impossible; and every one,
not blinded by bigotry, felt that no mischief could
follow from emancipation, supposing any possible,
which would bear comparison with the calamities
attendant even upon one day of civil war.* If the
ministry had in the new House of Commons obtained
a majority, they would siraply have retained the
advantage which they already possessed, after having
allowed the nation to incur the expense- and annoy
ance, not to say danger, of an election under such
circumstances. But if, as was indeed not improbable,
that a no-popery majority had been obtained, the
mischief would have been increased tenfold. Every
political man of any ability had now declared in

' Hansard, vol. xxi. p. 45. ' My lords,' said the Duke of
WeUington, ' I am one of those who have probably passed a
longer period of my life engaged in war than most men, and
principaUy, I may say, in civil war; and I must say this, that
if 1 could avoid, by any sacrifice whatever, even one month of
civil war in the country to which I am attached, I would sacri
fice my Ufe in order to do it.' This feeUng led him to propose
concession, and to resist every artifice employed to defeat or
delay his plan.
VOL. I. I

114 IRELAND AND THE [1839.
favour of concession, so that the formation of a no-
popery ministry would have been impossible. The
very House of Coramons, elected under the influence
of an anti-popish exciteraent, would, after some expe
rience, have discovered the inevitable necessity of
yielding upon this question — the final result being,
after a protracted and mischievous struggle, the pro
posal and enactment of the very measure now sub
mitted to the legislature. The probable influence of
a re-election on the composition and opinions of the
House of Commons, could not be easUy predicted.
The effect of such a proceeding, at such a time, upon
the quiet and harmony of the nation, could, without
any difficulty or doubt, be at once ascertained. The
conduct of the various parties who opposed the minis
terial proposal, considering the age in which we Uve,
seems absolutely incredible. That such conduct had a
serious effect for the moment upon the opinions of any
portion of the people, seems, if such a thing be possible,
yet more improbable. Such, nevertheless, was the fact.
Sermons were preached from hundreds of pulpits,
detailing with a horrible minuteness the cruelties and
tyranny which in past ages had been practised by
papists. Tracts were circulated all over the kingdom,
detaUing aU sorts of atrocities perpetrated by the
Eoman catholics upon our protestant forefathers,
which atrocities these prophets of evil asserted would
again be exercised over defenceless protestants, if
once the catholics were allowed to have seats in either
House of parliaraent. Eude prints of furious priests,

1839.] CATHOLIC QUESTION. 115
with the cross in one hand and a torch in the other,
standing over wretches about to be submitted to the '
scourge and consigned to the flames, were with a
merciless industry circulated among the cottages of the
poor in aU parts of the realm. Anxiety and a blind
terror were ruthlessly excited, in the hope that fury
would follow fear, and that threats of violence — nay,
violence itself — would corae in the train of this igno
rance and passion. Both Houses of parliament were
for many weeks employed in receiving and talking
about petitions from aU parts of the country, for and
against the ministerial measure. From these discus
sions a very vivid conception can be obtained of the
various artifices employed to excite the people, and
the degree and quality of the excitement created
among the different classes of the nation. The very
poor and the very ignorant were alone found suscep
tible of real terror; and to these, consequently, the
fanatical merabers of the clergy of the church of
England addressed themselves, stooping to the vilest
arts in order to alarm and excite them. On the
other hand, the more enlightened classes, and the
more instructed of each class, were always most in
favour of concession, and raost earnest in support of
it, because they believed it absolutely necessary for
the peace, and thereby for the happiness of the whole
community. Wherever a direct selfish interest did
not interfere with their judgment, the instructed
classes of the people almost unanimously prayed for
the immediate enactment of the ministerial plan.
l2

116 IRELAND AND THE [1839.
Any one who wiU conscientiously perform the weari
some task of wading through the discussions upon
petitions during this session (and the time of par
liament was alraost wholly occupied in them), will
acknowledge that the conclusion here stated, as to
their general character, is perfectly correct. He will
be the first to confess that catholic emancipation was
carried by the intelligent few against the ignorant and
excited many. This, though an apparent, is no valid
argument against an extended suffrage. We should
judge of the worth or propriety of an institution, not
from a single isolated instance of its working, but
from the many instances which constitute a general
result or tendency. That influence of the instructed
classes which exercised so great a sway over a
House of Coramons elected by a narrow constituency,
would be omnipotent over an assembly chosen by the
whole people.
The relief bill, and that for the regulation of the
franchise, were both read a third time in the House of
Coraraons on the 30th of March, passed, and sent to
the Lords.* The Duke of WeUington, ou the 31st,
moved the fiirst reading of the relief biU in the Upper
House. The long debates which foUowed offered nothing of
novelty. The Duke of WeUington on the second
reading, briefly but forcibly stated the circumstances

' The numbers were— ayes, 320; noes, 142— majority, 178.—
Hansard, vol, xx. p. 1633.

1839.] CATHOLIC QUESTION. 117
which had compeUed his unwiUing assent to the mea
sure. The organization of the whole catholic popula
tion, under the Catholic Association, had transferred
the government of the country in reality to that
body. Denial of the catholic demands, if continued,
was certain to bring about coraraotion, which the Duke,
who knew well what war was, said would be civil
war, EebeUion might, he confessed, be put down ; but
the mischiefs resulting frora it could not be arrested —
neither could the conduct which the Association
threatened to pursue be prevented, A system of non-
intercourse with the protestants throughout Ireland
was contemplated by them ; which system he said, was
already driving out of the country all such protestants
as could escape. Thus those very exclusive privileges
which were to be retained for the benefit of protestants
and protestantism, were working the utter annihila
tion of the whole protestant population. Having to
choose between concession and those certain evils
resulting from resistance, he did not hesitate, spite of
his former and often expressed opinions, to adopt the
former. Having come to this conclusion, he also
resolved at once to act upon it. Mischief alone could
result from delay.
To these statements no rational objection was
adduced. Long speeches were made indeed, but
nothing new was said, and the oft-repeated lamenta
tions over this inroad upon the constitution were no
answer to the Duke of Wellington's question : — ' What,
in the circumstances I have described, do you say

118 IRELAND AND THE [1839.
ought to be done?' The description he gave ofthe
actual condition of Ireland, no one presuraed to gain
say. The good sense of the Lords told them, that
the only safe, or rational, or humane course of con
duct was that which the rainisters recoraraended. The
Archbishop of Canterbury, seconded by the Archbishop
of Arraagh, moved in vain to throw out the biU.
After a debate of three days, the second reading was
carried by an overwhelming raajority, and the bill
shortly after became, together with the biU altering
the franchise, the law of the land.
The remaining incidents of the session served to
diminish the popularity of the administration, and to
disappoint the flattering expectations of those who
hoped for peace in Ireland as a consequence of the
act just passed in favour ofthe catholics.
The agitation by which the excitement of the people
had been raaintained, was carried on by a regularly
organized body of professional agitators. Agitation was
their business, the source from whence they derived
their means of subsistence. They therefore must have
viewed as a calamity the measure which was passed
for the purpose of putting an end to the grievance
of which they complained. The grievance and their
liveUhood were destroyed together. They were there
fore glad of any excuse for the continuance of their
trade. The disfranchisement of the forty-shUling
freeholders was one pretext for complaining— the
issuing a new writ for Clare on Mr. O'ConneU's
refusal to take the oath of supreraacy was another.

1839.] CATHOLIC QUESTION. 119
They seized upon both events, as proofs of the hos
tility of England, and of the necessity of having
again an Irish parliament for the government of Ire
land. The demand for the repeal of the Union was
now therefore substituted by these professional agi
tators, at the head of whom stood Mr. O'Connell him
self, for that of catholic emancipation ; — and this new
cry was so far superior to the old one, that no person
could hope to see it put an end to by concession.
The two measures thus converted into grievances
were great mistakes on the part of the administration.
The power of the aristocracy was in no way increased
by the disfranchisement of the forty-shiUing free
holders — and Mr. O'Connell was raade yet more
powerful for mischief by the refusal to adrait him as
member for the county which had so enthusiastically
returned him.*
To judge of the effects of any institution by what
occurred during a time of temporary frenzy, was of
necessity to fall into a grave error. The enthusiasm
which led to the Clare election would soon have died
away, and all the old influences have resumed their
dominion. The power of the landlord in the business of

' Lord Cloncurry states his beUef that Mr. O'ConneU would
have settled down into a useful and really patriotic Irish mem
ber, if the ministry had not insulted him by this proceeding. —
See Lord Cloncuery's Recollections, p. 400. But the evil lay
deeper. The government ought not only to have avoided insult
ing, but to have provided for Mr. O'ConneU. Agitation meant
income.

120 IRELAND AND THE [1839.
every-day life would quickly have overpowered the new
born influence of the priests. Wealth would have been
too powerful for superstition. Offence was given, and
no additional power was gained, even supposing such
additional power necessary for the peace of the country.
Mr. O'ConneU's case, with respect to his election
for the county of Clare, was a peculiar one. It could
never have been converted into a precedent — no mis
chief then could arise from it by way of example. To
exclude him from parliament was now no longer
possible. If the law, by the peculiar circumstances
of his case, were doubtful, policy required that he
should have the benefit of the doubt, and thus addi
tional grace would have been given to the great con
cession just raade in favour of his sect. No one,
who now dispassionately views the legal point in the
case, can assert that it is without doubt. The argu
ment of Mr. O'Connell remained in many parts
unanswered — and the result of the discussion was,
that in the world's opinion, he was excluded from
personal pique — not because the law was against him;
— that he was sacrificed to party resentment, which
wreaked its vengeance on him in spite of, and not in
accordance with, the law.
The facts of the case may be briefly stated. A
vacancy occurred in the representation of the county
of Clare ; the writ for a new election was issued ; the
election took place, and the return was made, before
the alteration of the law which changed the forra of
the oaths required of a member of parliament. A

1839.] CATHOLIC QUESTION. 121
petition was presented against Mr. O'ConneU's return ;
a committee to try the merits of that petition was
appointed under the Grenville Act, and unanimously
declared Mr. O'Connell duly returned. In the mean
time, the law respecting the oaths was changed, and
Lord Surrey, a catholic, took his seat, having pre
viously taken the new oath prescribed by the new
act. But Lord Surrey had been elected and returned
since the passing of this act.
Mr. O'Connell being, according to form, introduced
by Lord Ebrington and Lord Duncannon, came to
the table to take the oaths. He deraanded to have
the new oath adrainistered, but as he had been elected
and returned before the passing of the late act, the
old oaths were proposed. These he refused to take,
and claimed to be heard in support of the course he
wished to pursue. A discussion arose as to the
form of the proceeding — viz., whether he should be
heard at the table or the bar of the House, all agreeing
that heard he must be, before the House decided;
the only doubt that arose was, as to the place from
which he was to speak. Mr. Brougham, on behalf of
Mr. O'ConneU, very wisely waived aU discussion on
this point. The House decided that he should be
heard, and that he should speak from the bar and
not the table. The discussion on so trivial a ques
tion was itself an error — a mistake in policy; for
trivial the question was, spite of all the solemn asse
verations of Mr. Wynn and others, who delighted to
make a mysterious science of parliamentary forms.

122 IRELAND AND THE [1839.
An objection raised upon an idle question of mere
form, showed the spirit and temper of the House
itself to be hostile to Mr. O'Connell, and the ultimate
decision was divined before the discussion began.
Mr. O'ConneU's manner took the House by sur
prise. They knew of him only as the fierce dema
gogue and agitator, a mob-orator, unscrupulous in
assertion, reckless and wild in manner ; as of one ready
to sacrifice all considerations of decorum and truth
to the one object of creating and maintaining the
mad excitement of his countrymen. But he who was
now before them compelled frora his bitterest oppo
nents reluctant applause; his whole demeanour was
a happy mixture of dignity, respect, and ease. He
spoke of hiraself without affectation or bravado, — of
the House with all due consideration, keeping his
temper under perfect control, and giving none the
slightest advantage by any violence, or asperity, either
of manner or of language. He proved himself, more
over, by such knowledge of the law as the question
needed, fully equal to the duty which his position
cast on him, and by his masterly exposition of his
argument worthy to cope with any adversary the
House could furnish. The Solicitor-General, Sir
Nicolas Tindall spoke of him as ' having stated his
claim with the ability which might have been ex
pected frora so distinguished a member of his pro
fession, and with a temper which did equal credit to
his feelings as a man and a gentleman.'* Mr.

' Hansard, vol. xxi. p. 1414.

1839.] CATHOLIC QUESTION. 123
Doherty, the Solicitor-General for Ireland, declared
that the ' talent with which the learned gentleman
had advocated his cause at the bar of the House, was
of itself a sufficient proof how worthy he was to
possess a seat in parliament.' * Mr. Brougham
wiUingly concurred in bearing testiraony to the temper
and deliberate tone in which the discussion of that
evening had been conducted. Sir James Scarlett and
Mr. Sugden were profuse of words expressing eulogy
and respect — and the House universally assented to
the praise thus given. Public sympathy was roused
in his favour, and condemned the exclusion which
soon after followed, as an exhibition of unworthy,
impolitic spite. Mr. O'Connell deeming that this
personal insult, and the disfranchisement of his friends
the forty-shilling voters, cancelled his whole debt of
gratitude, continued with unabated zeal and industry
his opposition to the administration.
The Whigs also were soon found acting as adver
saries of the ministry, who for sorae months had
received their approval and support. During the
protracted debates upon the relief measure, the
attention of the public was so fixed on that one
object, that none could be induced to think of aught
else. There remained now but a few weeks before the
close of the session — during which brief period no
regular plan of opposition could be developed — no
systematic attack even commenced. The practical

1 Hansard, vol. xxi. p. 1447.

124 IRELAND AND THE [1829.
sagacity of the Whigs, however, quickly discovered
the points upon which the attack must eventually be
made, and they soon gave symptoms of their hostile
intentions. The question of catholic emancipation had always,
by those who well understood the character of the
English people, been deemed the surest, nay, the
almost impregnable rampart by which the existing
constitution of the House of Commons was defended.
At first sight, there seems no connexion between these
two matters, of catholic emancipation and reform in
parliament. That there was a connexion, neverthe
less, the sequel showed, proving those to have been
sagacious politicians who always looked upon the
catholic grievances as the chief bulwark of the unre
formed parliament. It was so, because public atten
tion in England is never efficiently directed to more
than one subject at a time. The habit of the people
is to take one thing in hand, occupy themselves about
it till finished, and then, but not till then, proceed to
another. Now the catholic disabilities, though unpo
pular with and opposed by a large majority, of the
people of Ireland were not so in England. The
grievance, however, was to those affected by it in
tensely gaUing and irritating. Every catholic felt
personaUy insulted by the mere existence of the law,
and would pay but little attention to any subject of
political import so long as it reraained unrepealed.
The state of Ireland, a state always of disquiet and
misery, was ever a subject of anxiety to the govern-

1829.] CATHOLIC QUESTION. 125
ment, and afforded to every opposition a favourable
subject for declamatory attacks. But when Ireland
was the theme, the catholic disabilities were the chief
subject of discourse, and the hostile opinions of states
men on this unfortunate matter were the constant
topic of consideration, anxiety, and altercation.
They who were opposed to reform in parliament were
glad to have the catholic claims as the grand subject
of debate, because on that they were, as they fancied,
and indeed as the fact was, sure to have a majority
in England with them ; whereas, if reforra in parlia
ment should by any unhappy accident becorae the
one paramount topic, their victory raight not be so
certain. When the catholic claims and grievances
were almost by accident reraoved from the field of
dispute, parliamentary reform began to be thought of
and talked about, many circurastances contributing
to make it a prominent subject of consideration.
The majority of the very wealthy in England beiug
usuaUy faithfully represented by the House of Com
mons, had hitherto been opposed to any change in the
system of election. When these persons, constituting
the leaders of the great Tory party, found their opinions
suddenly disregarded on the question which they had
been taught to consider the most iraportant in the
whole range of politics, they began to think that a
system which could bring about such a result, was
not entirely faultless, and might require amendment.
They also dreaded the consequences of the change in
the law respecting catholics upon the representation

126 CONSEQUENCES [1829.
of the country, and declared that ' the whole internal
constitution of the House had been revolutionized,'
and ' that the country expected some statutory pro
vision for the safety of its interests, raore especially the
interests ofthe protestant community against the influx
and increase of the Eoman-catholic party.' * When
the decision of the House on the catholic question had
thus alarmed the heads of the Tory party, and made
them look with some complacency upon reform, the
determinations come to respecting East Eetford by
the Commons, and of Penryn by the Lords, convinced
the moderate reformers that any improvement, no
matter how minute or how necessary, was utterly
hopeless. Hitherto partial measures had been from
time to time proposed — generally plans for confer
ring upon the populous districts of the north, which
in ancient times, when our system grew up, were
insignificant viUages, the privilege of being repre
sented. The cases of East Eetford and Penryn were
considered by the so-caUed raoderate reformers to
afford exceUent opportunities for this sraall reform.
These places had dwindled to comparative obscurity,
they had been proved corrupt, and the proposal to
transfer the right of electing members from these

' See Marquis of Blandford's speech on Parliamentary Ee-
form, June 2, 1829.— Hansard, vol. xxi. p. 1672, et seq. I do
not quote Lord Blandford as himself an authority; but his sen
timents were loudly cheered by the Tory party, and were evi
dently shared by them; so that it was clear his words expressed
their opinions.

1829.] OF EMANCIPATION, 127
insignificant and corrupt communities, to those now
populous, rich, important, but unrepresented districts
of the north, was considered a happy compromise,
by which a raore searching and dangerous change
might be fortunately evaded. The Lords, at the
outset, and the Commons also eventually, refused to
adopt this proposal. In the case of Penryn, a bill
passed the Commons for the disfranchisement of that
borough, and for giving to Manchester the right of
sending two members to parliament. The House of
Lords, without a division, threw out this bill,* The
enemies of reforra in the House of Coramons upon
this resolved not to disfranchise East Eetford, and
give the right of electing members to a populous
town; but as they had acknowledged the corruption
of the borough, and could not recede from this admis
sion, they, to preserve appearances, deterrained to
extend the right of voting to the surrounding
hundred. Angry discussions occurred, and the
attention of the country was occupied with this most
insignificant proceeding — insignificant in itself, im
portant as the result proved, from the effect produced
on the public mind by the deterrained obstinacy of
the House in resisting all reform. Before anything
could be decided, however, parliament was prorogued ;
no writ was issued either for Penryn or East Eet
ford. The opponents of these small attempts had the best

1 Hansard, vol. xix. p. 1450.

128 CASE OF PENRYN. [1829.
of the argument. They openly avowed, that what
was the proved case of these two boroughs, was in
reality tbe case of all. They denounced as hypocrisy
that pretended horror of corruption which members
evinced, and roundly asserted, that notoriously every
seat was a subject of traffic, and that a borough
sending members to parliament was a regular market
able commodity, — that the voters of Penryn and East
Eetford who for a few shillings sold their votes, did
no more than the proprietors of close boroughs did
every day : — and Lord Howick in plain terms appealed
to Mr. Peel, the member for Westbury, and asked
whether his seat had not been regularly purchased of
Sir Manasseh Lopez, the proprietor and former repre
sentative of that borough. No reply was made to this
question — all well knew that the noble lord's assertion
was true, and that denial was impossible. The oppo
nents of the proposed change however not only declared
that seats were thus regularly bought and sold, but they
went further and defended the system, asserting that
by this rather curious process, a very accurate repre
sentation of the whole people was congregated in the
House of Coramons. And they appealed to the
various instances of Mr. Pitt, Mr. Canning, Mr.
Brougham, and raany others, to show that the abihty
as well as the wealth and the feelings of the country
found representatives in that House. These discus
sions, and the avowals made, attracted attention to,
and rivetted it upon parliamentary reform, which
was evidently destined to be, together with the con-

1839.] AND EAST RETFORD. 129
dition of the industrious classes, the grand topic of
the coming session. The notice-book of the House of
Commons consequently contained many notices of
motion, propounding various schemes for a reform in
the popular representation, and for relieving the
burthens of the people. Thus closed the important
session of 1829.

VOL. I.

CHAPTEE IV.
COMMENCEMENT OP THE SESSION 1830,
EXTENDING TO JUNE.

FINANCIAL MEASUKES.
rpHE peculiar relation of political parties to each
-•- other was seen so soon as parliament met at the
coraraenceraent of 1830, a year that will be for ever
memorable in the annals of raankind, as the com
mencement of that great era of change in the midst
of which we now live.
Although the Duke of Wellington had carried the
Catholic EeUef Bill by the assistance of the Whigs,
he evinced a fixed determination to resist all proposals
of alliance with that party. He looked wistfully to
his former friends — but they were no longer friendly
or confiding. Though many of them had, under the
influence of his authority, voted in support of his
proposal, they had done so with pain, and resented as
an injury the alternative to which they had been sub
jected, of either opposing the great chief of their
party, or deserting their party principles. Under the
fear of commotion in Ireland, they had consented to
concession — strangely yielding to an authority, and at
the same moment quarrelling with him who had

1830.] STATE OF PARTIES. 131
exercised it.* They had not courage to say, ' We think
your prophecy of danger utterly false, and are pre
pared to abide by the present state of things, and all
its consequences; and therefore we shall resist the
passing of your proposed measure.' But they now
said, 'You have destroyed the constitution upon a
vain pretext : we have obeyed you, in this, the most
important measure which you can propose, but we re
nounce your guidance and friendship henceforth.'
The Duke of WelUngton, however, apparently hoping
that this ill-feeling would wear off, made no advances
to the opposition ; neither did he receive with favour
those which they made to him. They, indeed, professed
very friendly feelings towards the administration, and
gave many indications of a willingness to unite with
the Duke of WeUington, as they had only a few raonths
since with Mr. Canning ; but while they gave these
signs of their wish for an alliance, they did not
commit themselves so far as to neglect the popular
part, which in opposition it is their destiny to
perforin. The personal antipathy ofthe king to Mr. Brougham
was given as a reason, by the friends of the adminis
tration,^ for their not joining the Whigs. When Mr.

' A precisely similar occurrence we have beheld in our own
times, in the instance of Sir Eobert Peel, when proposing a
repeal of the Corn Law.
^ This reason is, indeed, inconsistent with the statement, that
Mr. Canning and the Duke of WeUington both oflered high judi
cial appointments to Mr. Brougham. Neither is the story of the
K 2

132 STATE OF PARTIES. [1830.
Canning was in difficulty, the same obstacle existed;
but Mr. Brougham on that occasion waived his claims
upon the consideration of his party, declaring that he
would prove no hindrance to the proposed alliance
between his friends and Mr. Canning. The king
extoUed, what he was pleased to caU the magnanimity
of this conduct of Mr. Brougham, but never attempted
to vie with it; still retaining his personal dislike.
And now again Mr. Brougham was said to be a stum
bling-block in the way of a coalition.* This obstacle
was, however, not considered insuperable; and the
opposition, believing that it raight be overcome, or
reraoved, were unwilling to force the Duke into a final

offer of the EoUs by the Duke easily to be reconciled with one
which will be hereafter adverted to, respecting the refusal of that
ofiice by King William IV. to Mr. Brougham. As these stories
are current, and as, whether true or false, they curiously illus
trate the intrigues of the times, I have deemed it right to speak
of them. That some change had taken place in the mind of
George IV. respecting Mr. Brougham, was proved by his allow
ing Mr. Canning, through Lord Chancellor Lyndhurst, to confer
a silk gown on Mr. Brougham, to whom the king had pertina
ciously refused for many years this distinction. — See Life of
Lord Eldon, vol. iii. p. 2.
' The various intrigues, the reports concerning them, and the
contradictory stories related by the parties interested, puzzle and
confound an honest narrator. How, for example, are we to re
concile this account of the antipathy of George IV. to Mr.
Brougham — of the barren laudation of his forbearance and
generosity, with the supposed offer, by Mr. Canning, of the high
judicial office of Chief Baron, holding out, at the same time, the
great seal in expectancy, to Mr. Brougham, in 1827? Was it
George the Fourth's conscience of which Mr. Canning thought
Mr. Brougham might be the keeper?

1830.] MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. 133
rupture, by taking at first a course of violent opposition.
When the king gave syraptoras of great decay, and
men perceived that his end approached, the tactics of
the opposition changed ; they then began to evince their
determination to compel the administration to relin
quish office, or accept their alliance. The change from
the cordial support given by the opposition during the
passing of the Eelief Bill, to the marked hostility of
the closing scenes ofthe session of 1830, was gradual,
however, and for a time was regulated by the state
of the king's health ; — as that grew worse the opposi
tion became raore hostile ; — when his death appeared
inevitable, and the Duke still continued averse to
an open alliance, all syraptoras of friendship disap
peared. The parliament was opened on the 4th of February
by commission, and the address in answer to the king's
speech was in both Houses met by an araendraent.
The topic of complaint was the distress of the country.
One paragraph of the speech from the throne contained
these words : —
' His Majesty laments, that notwithstanding this
indication of active commerce, distress should prevail
among the agricultural and manufacturing classes in
some parts ofthe United Kingdora.'
Thereupon those of the Tory party who were suffi
ciently angry openly to express their passion, became
a part of the opposition, and assumed the language
usually adopted by politicians when out of office.
They were suddenly moved by a great syrapathy with

134 ADDRESS OPPOSED. [1880.
the distress of the people, and were indignant at the
slighting manner in which it was spoken of by the
ministers in the king's speech. Lord Stanhope in the
Lords moved as an amendment upon the address,
which merely echoed the speech, and spoke of the
distress in some parts of the kingdom, the following
words : —
' That this House views with the deepest sorrow
and anxiety, the severe distress which now afflicts the
country, and will imraediately proceed to examine into
its cause, and into the means of effectually providing
the necessary relief.'
Lord Stanhope was a vehement opponent of all the
changes which had of late years been introduced into
our commercial system, and was one of those who
delighted in abusing what they termed free trade.
By this araendraent he meant to assert that the misery
which was prevalent resulted entirely from the unwise
proceedings of parliaraent, with regard both to the
currency and taxation. The debate was important
only as an indication of the state of parties. The
topic chosen as the pretext for finding fault, was that
which they who selected it thought most likely to be
popular; and the arguments which were employed,
should be considered simply as evidences of the com
monplaces of political raUing at that period. The
change to cash payments, the relaxation of restric
tions upon the importation of foreign produce, the
popular discontent, and growing contempt for the
authority of parliament, forraed the subject matter of

1830.] ADDRESS OPPOSED. 135
the speeches of the peers who proposed and supported
the araendraent; their nuraber, however, was not
great, being only nine — including the most violent
high-church, anti-catholic party, on the one hand,
and Lord Eadnor, who went further as a reformer than
the Whigs generally, on the other. Lord Lansdowne
spoke the sentiments of that party, and evinced
that sort of balancing in language, which was natural
in those who were anxiously watching the events of
the time, and uncertain of the course which their
interests might eventually require them to pursue.
He opposed the amendment, because its object was
clearly to substitute an unlimited paper currency for
the present metallic standard. But having said this
much against the amendment, he next proceeded to
give a reason for being very much inclined to support
it. That great distress existed, none could doubt;
and herein he agreed with the amendment. But
nevertheless, he considered that all proceedings con
nected with an inquiry into the causes of that distress
should be conducted with the utmost, and raost cautious
attention; and upon this unraeaning statement he
rested his determination to oppose the amendment.
Party spirit in the House of Commons, however,
was more openly evinced. The medley was remarkable,
in appearance, though the desires that governed the
conduct of the separate sections of the House could
not for an instant be mistaken.
The address was proposed by Lord Darlington, the
eldest son of the Marquis of Cleveland, hitherto a great

136 AMENDMENT MOVED [1830.
leading potentate of the Whig party. The amendment
was moved by Sir Edward Knatchbull, an angry high
Tory leader; and supported by Mr. Huskisson and
his friends, the disappointed and personal opponents
of the Duke of WeUington.
Mr. Brougham, who now, in debate at least, led the
Whigs in the Commons,* though not formally their
chief, gave reasons for reluctantly supporting the
amendment. He did so, he said, because the amend
ment was nearer the truth than the original address
— still he declared his was no hostile vote — ^for, if he
believed that his vote would overturn the administra
tion, he would not have given it. ' Imperfect as was
the original address, he would prefer lending it his
Support in such an alternative.' In words the amend
ment differed frora that moved by Lord Stanhope,
though it touched upon the sarae topic of complaint.
' We lament,' it said, ' the existence of that distress

¦ Mr. Brougham had hitherto sat as member for Winchelsea,
a borough subject to the influence of the Marquis of Cleveland,
by whom Mr. Brougham, indeed, was returned. His vote on the
present occasion placed him in disagreeable opposition to his par
liamentary patron, as Lord Darlington had moved the address,
and the Marquis of Cleveland himself was understood to have
formally given his influence to the government. Mr. Tiemey's
sudden death relieved Mr. Brougham from his difficulty. The
borough of Knaresbro', belonging to the Duke of Devonshire,
became vacant, and Mr. Brougham, vacating Winchelsea, was
returned by the Duke of Devonshire for Knaresbro'. Mr.
Williams succeeded his old friend Mr. Brougham, as member for
Winchelsea. These changes were important only as indications
of the fluctuations of party politics.

1830.] IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 137
which your Majesty informs us is confined to some
places ; but in the painful discharge of our duty, we
are constrained to declare to your Majesty that that
distress is not confined to some places, as your Majesty
has been advised, but is general among all the pro
ductive interests of the country, which are severely
suffering from its pressure. We beg to assure your
Majesty that we shaU adopt the caution which your
Majesty recommends in the consideration of the raea
sures to be adopted in reference to thosei interests,
and that our endeavours shall be eraployed to alleviate
and remove the distress now so unfortunately ex
isting.' The only object of such an amendment, was to
express hostUity. It advanced no principle — it pledged
the House to no particular line of conduct, it threw
no blame on any one as the cause of the general misery
which it said existed. It declared, however, in par
liamentary phrase, that they who moved, and they
who supported it, were hostile to the administration.
Mr. Brougham's saving declaration, therefore, was
understood only to signify that he and his party were
not irrevocably pledged to hostility — but that they
intended soon, ifnot prevented by overtures of alUance,
frankly to resume their old position of open opponents :
that they were ready to make part of the present
administration, and would prefer that course to over
turning it, in order to construct a new one ; but that
they would even take this last step rather than submit
to permanent exclusion. That this was the real meaning

138 AMENDMENT MOVED [1830.
of the language employed, became every day more
evident; though no very direct hostility was evinced
at the moment; for while Mr. Brougham and a few
of the more distinguished Whigs supported the amend
ment, the great body of that party gave their votes to the
administration. The amendment was in consequence
negatived. The numbers being 158 to 105 in favour
of the original address.* A scene of yet greater sig
nificance occurred on the following day upon bringing
up the report, when the Marquis of Blandford moved
a long amendment, which asserted that an awful and
alarming distress prevailed throughout all the great
interests of the country, and that the House was at no

' That this majority was the result of au intrigue, the world
very generally beUeved; and to this suspicion the organ of the
Tory party afterwards gave a voice. ' The flrst symptom of the
danger of the government from this formidable combination of
Whigs, Eadicals, Liberals, and Ultras, was in the address, in
Feb. 1830, when Sir E. Knatchbull, one of the leaders of the
Ultras, proposed an amendment, in which the majority of the
Whigs concurred, and which would have closed the Duke of
WeUington's administration on that night, but that a few Whigs,
and most of the Eadicals (by, as it was surmised, the friendly
advice of one of the Whig leaders, who thought the fruit not yet
ripe), professing to disUke the quarter from which the amend
ment came, voted with the government.' — Quarterly Review,
No. XC. p. 529. Lord Howick was the person here alluded to;
but there is reason for believing that Lord Howick and certain
of his party were more influenced by a desire to prove that Mr.
Brougham was not their leader, than by any nice distinction of
party interests. The breach which occurred in 1827, between
Lord Grey and Mr. Brougham, was not yet repaired; as between
Lord Howick and Mr. Brougham it never was repaired.

1830.] IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 139
loss to ' indicate the real cause of this raost unnatural
state of things.' That cause, he asserted, was the
peculiar and corrupt system of the representation —
and the only reraedy for the evil, was ' restoring the
people to their rightful share in the legislation of the
country.' To this amendment the Whigs gave no
direct support. Those of the party who spoke re
specting it, expressed approbation of its spirit, but
questioned the propriety of propounding the doctrines
it contained at this particular raoraent. Sir Francis
Burdett, who during his whole life had kept hiraself
separate from the Whigs as a party, and had always
called himself a Eadical reforraer, took advantage of
his apparently independent position, to press upon the
administration a sense of their own inefficiency, and
thereby to make thera alive to the necessity of an
aUiance with the Whigs — giving thera plainly to un
derstand that alliance or hostility was now the only
alternative. And in order to prove that, in his opi
nion, the day of hesitation or corapromise on this
question had gone past, he thus spoke of the Duke of
WeUington as chief of that adrainistration. At the
time this language was employed, it excited attention,
because of the peculiar position of the political parties
to which it related. We may now regard it in another
light. The subsequent career of the speaker suggests
no very favourable comment upon his candour and
consistency. 'When I find,' he said, 'the prime
minister of England so shamefully insensible to suffer
ings and distress which are painfully apparent through-

140 PROCEEDINGS OF THE OPPOSITION. [1830.
out the land — when, instead of meeting such an over
whelraing pressure of calamity with some raeasure of
relief, or some attempt at relief, he seeks to stifle
every important inquiry — when he calls that a partial
and temporary evil which is both long lived and uni
versal, I cannot look on such a raournful crisis in which
public misfortune is insulted by rainisterial apathy,
without hailing any prospect of change in the system
which has produced it. What shall we say to the
ignorance which can attribute our distresses to the
introduction of machinery and the application of
steam, that noble iraproveraent in the inventions of
man, to which raen of science and intelligence mainly
ascribe our prosperity ? I feel a high and an unfeigned
respect for that illustrious person's abilities in the
field ; but I cannot help thinking that he did himself
no less than justice, when he said a few raonths before
he accepted his present office, that he should be a fit
inmate fdr an asylum of a peculiar nature, if he ever
were induced to take such a burthen on his shoulders.
In fact, both myself and very many honourable mem
bers about me, have long treated this iUustrious indi.
vidual with much tenderness, because we have felt
that he has conferred the greatest benefits on his coun
try. He is the only man who could have accomplished
what he has done, and be his praise in proportion.
But let it at the same time be remembered, that if his
service was great, his recompence has been commen
surate. We have repaid him abundantly in returns
of confidence and approbation. The time, however.

1830.] PROCEEDINGS OF THE OPPOSITION. 141
is come when it will be necessary to do much
more.'* The various sections of the opposition united in
demanding a reduction of the expenditure — and the
more ardent and more liberal becarae urgent for a
reform in the system of parliamentary representation.
These two subjects, in fact, were raade the grand
topics of debate during the session, and were indus
triously employed as instruments for assaulting the
administration in both Houses of parliament. Eco
nomy and parliamentary reform were popular with the
country ; and the high Tory, as well as Whig party,
eagerly chimed in with the public opinion, when by
so doing they were able to gratify their hostility and
their ambition.
A sense of decorum, however, and a lurking terror
of the danger attendant on appeals to the popular
feeling, restrained and materially checked both the
ebullition of spleen and the aspirations of ambition
among the merabers of the House of Lords. Lord
Stanhope, indeed, on the 25th of February, in moving
for a committee of the whole House on the state of the
nation, was profuse in his professions of sympathy with
the sufferings of the people — he bemoaned the dis
tresses of all the industrious, but more especially of
the agricultural classes, — and insisted ' that it was
the bounden duty of their lordships to endeavour to
ascertain what the real causes of this distress were, in

Hansard, Mirror of Parliament, 1830, vol. i. p. 67.

142 PROCEEDINGS OF THE OPPOSITION. [1830.
order that they might be enabled to judge how far it
was possible to apply a remedy to it.' ' It is,' said
the noble lord, ' your lordships' duty to institute an
inquiry into the causes of the distress with which the
people of this country are afflicted, and which causes
have not been in any manner explained by the speech
from the throne. Such an inquiry is caUed for in
order to satisfy the people of England. And this I
wUl tell your lordships, that the people of this country
will not, and they ought not to reraain patient under
such intolerable sufferings as they now experience, if
no inquiry shall take place, and if no attempt shaU be
made to grant them relief.' But while the noble lord
indulged in this wild declamation, he carefully avoided
incurring any obligation himself by a proposal of
remedies. ' It is necessary,' he exclaimed, ' for your
lordships to enter upon the inquiry I propose, in order
to ascertain what remedies are applicable to the pre
sent appalling state of things. As to the nature of
those remedies, I shall abstain frora giving an opinion
at present.' * The noble lord, however, did not hesi
tate to express his opinion as to the actual condition
of the people, and the danger that would attend a dis- ,
regard and neglect of that condition by the House of
Lords. ' The country is rapidly advancing — owing to the
existing general depression — to a state of national
bankruptcy. We are rapidly advancing, my lords, to

» See Mirror of Parliament, 1830, vol. i. p. 391.

1830.] PROCEEDINGS OF THE OPPOSITION. 143
a general disorganization, which wUl end, and at no dis
tant period, inthe total dissolution ofthe body politic'
The Duke of Eichmond and Lord Eldon both asserted
that this was an accurate description of the actual
state of the nation, and Lord Eldon was lavish in
his expressions of admiration and gratitude, when
descanting on the exemplary patience of the people
under their sufferings — ' a patience,' added the noble
lord, with characteristic piety, though with a some
what equivocal intent — ' a patience which I hope and
trust in God they will continue to manifest, notwith
standing the earnest endeavours of certain persons to
goad them into undutifulness.' i The language of the
Whigs was not at this time of so hostile a description;
— and hitherto they were carefully guarded in all their
expressions of blame. They professed to have confi
dence in the intentions of the noble Duke at the head
of the administration, and when forced by duty, as
they said, to differ from him or his colleagues, they
always accompanied their dissent with expressions of
regret, and avowals of a desire to maintain the exist
ence of the present governraent. The Tory party, on
the contrary, were already openly hostile,^ having

' Mirror of Parliament, 1830, vol. i. p. 401.
^ ' The Liberal seceders soon grew into secret but close union
with the Whigs; the Ultras, without, we believe, any secret un
derstanding, were wilUng to unite with the Whig, Liberal, or
Radical, in any measure of hostility to the administration; and
this line of conduct they pursued with a degree of acrimony
which no bystander could have foreseen, and with a fatal and

144 PROCEEDINGS OF THE OPPOSITION. [1830.
renounced the friendship which the Whigs stiU hoped
to acquire. On this occasion, therefore. Lord Lans
downe, as representing and leading the Whig party in
the House of Lords, opposed the raotion of Lord Stan
hope. A month, however, had scarcely passed before a
change occurred in the expectations of the Whig party,
and consequently in their language and their votes.
On the 18th of March, the Duke of Eichmond moved
not indeed for a committee of the whole House, but
for a select committee on the state of the nation. The
Duke of Wellington on this occasion, as on the former
one of Lord Stanhope's motion, stated that he looked
upon the proposal as a declaration of direct hostility
to the government. ' When I find,' said the noble
Duke, with his characteristic plain sense, and straight
forward phrase — ' when I find a motion thus pro
posed, and thus supported — when I find that the
words of it raay be raade to include everything — I
conclude that there is sorae ulterior party object in
view, directed against the existing government, which
object it is my duty to entreat your lordships to re
sist.'* Lord Lansdowne on this occasion supported
the motion — thus significantly evincing the change
that had taken place in the expectations of his party.

suicidal success, of which they themselves have been the first
victims, and for which, as all the world knows, they are now, on
public grounds, among the sincerest mourners.' Such was the
language of the Quarterly Review, after the event. See No.
XC. p. 529. ' Mirror of Parliament, 1830, vol. i. p. 855.

1830.] FINANCIAL MEASURES. 145
The language eraployed by merabers of the House
of Commons was less restrained by conventional rules,
and the resentment of the Tory party and the desires
of the Whigs were there more openly avowed than in
the House of Peers. The objects sought by the various
party sections which constituted the opposition were
very different, though the arguments which they all
used were at tiraes identical — and their votes not sel
dom in unison. The objects sought to be attained by the
Tory party remained the same from the beginning to
the end of the session — it was to damage and overturn
the administration of the Duke of WeUington and Sir
Eobert Peel. The object also of that very sraall sec
tion of raerabers who might be considered to be fairly
represented by Mr. Hume, remained in the same way
unchanged during the same period — a change in the
system of parliaraentary representation, and a material
reduction of expense, being the end for which they
sincerely laboured. The Whigs, however, believed
that office was within their reach, and they shaped
their conduct so as to make it subservient to attain
ing that one great object of all their desires.
They, in furtherance of this end, began the session
with great professions of syrapathy with the suffering
people, and many separate proposals of retrenchment
and reform. Mr. Hurae and the few independent
members who sought only the pubUc good, seconded
the efforts of the Whig party, because by so doing
they believed they were advancing the common weal.
The Tories gave their assistance, when by so doing
VOL. I. L

146 FINANCIAL MEASURES. [1830.
they could injure the government. And thus the
government was constantly in danger of being out
voted by an alliance of men who had no common
object in view, and who were really more hostile to
each other than to the rainistry against which their
united efforts were directed.
The conduct of the administration throughout all
these proceedings appears consistent and steadfast.
The raind of its presiding chief was eminently practi
cal ; his sole aim, apparently, was to govern the country
in a raanner that would conduce to the happiness of
all classes, in so far as that happiness depended on
the government. He was superior to every corrupt
motive, and meted reward and favour according to
the desert, and not the interest or connexions of those
by whora it was sought. Strong prejudices he had — a
soldier from his youth, he had never been accustomed
to deal with men as equals. The relation of superior
and inferior, of commander and commanded, was ever
before him. Implicit obedience to an enlightened
leader was in his idea the one necessary means to the
desired end of good government. A long life of unin
terrupted and striking success had so fixed this idea
in his mind as to render impossible in him any sub
mission ofhis own wUl and judgment to the approval
and consideration of others. Popular government
necessarily appeared to him as a wild and imbecile
anarchy— parliamentary discussion a useless waste of
time and words— and civil government according to
regulated forms a pedantic and unreasonable submis-

1830.] FINANCIAL MEASURES. 147
sion to anile restraints. Confidence in the people's
power and capacity to govern themselves he had none.
While, therefore, he was willing himself to give to
the people all the results of good government — while
he was economical, just, and sagacious, he was ever
opposed to every attempt to confer on the people
legislative power, or to raake them in any degree the
arbiters of their own destiny. The consequence of
this state of mind was, that he was ready to
listen to every rational proposal for a practical im
provement in the administration, in judicature, in
finance; but he met with a stern refusal every
suggestion by which the popular control over the
government, through the House of Commons, would
have been increased. The Whigs took advantage of
this peculiar state of mind in the Duke, and towards
the end of the session, as their hostile feelings becarae
predorainant, let no day pass without making some
declaration in favour of a vague, unmeaning reform in
the representative system.
The first topic for popular declamation was the
distress which was said to exist in all parts of the
country. This topic had been first chosen, because
all sections of the opposition apparently agreed upon
it. Tories, Whigs, and Eadicals could equaUy bewaU
the misery and suffering of the industrious classes,
and accuse the government of cruelty and heart
less indifference, when they said, that the causes
of such distr^gs were beyond the control of parlia
ment. The Duke of Wellington at once raet these
L 2

148 FINANCIAL MEASURES. [1830.
lamentations with the plain question — ' What do you
propose?' 'Tou say that raisery exists — you say we
can relieve it — how? state the remedy.' The raoment
the aUied parties in opposition attempted to point out
a remedy, aU union ceased. The most vociferous and
pertinacious were those who fancied that the currency
was the source of all the mischief, and the return to
cash payments the real cause of the distress which they
deplored. A paper currency was the never-failing re
ceipt proposed by this class of reasoners for the allevia
tion of the national suffering. The Whigs generally,
however, had supported Mr. Peel in his raeasures for the
return to cash payments, and could not now therefore
assent to the wisdom of the proposal to create high
prices by raeans of a depreciated currency. Mr. Hume
declared that the general distress resulted from the
burthens which the people were corapelled to bear, and
he proposed to relieve them of this load of taxation by
cutting down the expenditure which rendered such
heavy taxation necessary. The Whigs took up this
subject with great earnestness, and laboured it with
commendable zeal and ability.
On the 12th of February, Sir James Graham, the
member for Cumberland, propounded in an elaborate
speech his views (which raay be considered the views
of his party on the subject, for Sir Jaraes was then a
Whig) respecting one great item of expense — viz., the
salaries of persons in office. His speech on this occa
sion contributed in no small degree to M^n for h™ *^^
high position which he has since maintained — placing

1830.] FINANCIAL MEASURES. 149
him at once in the foremost ranks of those among the
Whigs who then aspired to office.* His subsequent
career justified the expectations which his efforts this
year excited. To a clear and logical understanding
he added great industry, and all his expositions were
distinguished by an exceedingly neat and appropriate
diction ; a subdued and grave sarcasm lent interest to
his argumentations : and while an accurate arrange
ment made his statements clear and effective, a sedate
and collected raanner gave weight and a certain sort
of dignity to his discourse. As an adraiuistrator he
shone afterwards without a rival araong his Whig
associates, and seemed by his ability destined soon to
lead his friends amid the stormy conflicts of party
warfare. The result has not hitherto justified this
last anticipation. Timid and fastidious, he needs the
robust hardihood of mind requisite for a political chief.
As a second, none can surpass him in usefulness and
ability. The responsibilities of a chief, however, seem
to oppress his courage, and paralyse the powers of his
intellect. To the reputation of an orator he has no
claim. He is, nevertheless, an admirable speaker, and

' Sir James Graham, though at this time a Whig himself, did
not come from a Whig stock. His father was a stanch Tory.
Sir James early in life was intimate with of Mr. Lambton, after
wards Lord Durham ; and through the friendly influence of Lord
Grey's son-in-law, was offered a high office in the Whig govern
ment of 1830. Eumour asserts that great offence was given by
the subsequent alUance of Sir James with the heir of the house
of Derby. His subservience was not deemed equal to the supposed
favours conferred on him by the dynasty of the Greys.

150 FINANCIAL MEASURES. [1830.
is ready and effective in debate ; but that inspiration
which passion gives he never knew; and unraoved
hiraself, he is unable to win his way into the hearts of
others. His speaking, indeed, is almost without a
fault — simple, clear, grave ; often earnest, it always
wins attention, because always deserving it. He,never-
theless, leaves his hearer unmoved, and is more apt
by his own cold demeanour to repel and offend his
audience, than by his lucid arrangement and accurate
argumentation to convince and lead them. He was
and is, in short, among the most efficient administra
tors, as well as the least popular ministers of his
day. His proposal on the present occasion rested upon
two assertions : — 1. First, that the distress of aU classes
was so great as to render imperative some attempt to
relieve them from the burthens under which they
laboured ; and, 2, next, that the great change which had
been effected by legislative interference in the value
of the currency had so much enhanced the salaries
of all public officers as to make a reduction therein a
matter of simple justice. To recal to living states
men the language eraployed by them in times gone by
is always an invidious though soraetiraes a necessary
task. The language of the sarae raan in office and
out of office is proverbially different — though not on
every occasion corruptly so;— and without any wish
to impute corruption, a wholesome lesson may be im
parted and received from a correct history of the
successive steps of party-men to power, and the vary-

1830.] FINANCIAL MEASURES. 151
ing tenour of their language and their conduct. Sir
James Graham was now before the world enacting the
character of a virtuous, indignant, and sympathizing
patriot; his conception of the part may be learned
from the foUowing glowing paragraph of that night's
oration : —
' Sir, I have heard something of the luxury of the
present times. I do not know whether the example
was drawn from the gorgeous palaces of kings or the
rival palaces of ministers, splendidly provided for them
by the public ; or frora the banquets of some East
India director, gorged with the monopoly of the China
trade ; or from sorae Jew loan contractor, who supplies
hostUe armies with gold drawn frora the coffers of the
Bank of England, and lends raoney to France arising
out of profits on loans contracted here in depreciated
paper, but which must be paid in gold. But, Sir, I
must take leave to remark that we ought not to draw
our notions of the state of the country from scenes
like these. Ye friends to truth — ye statesmen, who survey
The rich man's joys increase, the poor's decay, —
'Tis yours to judge how wide the limits stand
Between a splendid and a happy land.
* Where, I ask, are all the boasted advantages of
this once happy country ? Where are all the blessings
which once distinguished her? Where are all the
comforts which her children enjoyed for ages? Alas !
Sir, with deep regret, I witness that all — aU are gone !
pinching hunger and glooray despair now usurp their

152 FINANCIAL MEASURES. [1830.
station. The weavers throughout the country are
earning only 4s. 2d. a-week, and their food is oatmeal,
water, and potatoes. They work fourteen or sixteen
hours a-day, and yet they can only procure this scanty
remuneration to support their wives and families. It
is an extraordinary fact, that, by dint of labour, the
power-looms (which were supposed to have caused
their distress) are absolutely under- wrought by these
almost starving people.' *
When a man of the high standing, great ability,
and finished education of Sir Jaraes Grahara, could
thus appeal to prejudice and ignorant passion, ought
we to be surprised at finding the poor Chartist utter
ing the same foolish rant?
Having detailed the circumstances under which the
salaries of all classes of functionaries had been en
hanced, and proposed his scherae for their reduction,
the honourable meraber for Cumberland thus signifi
cantly perorated upon the occasion : —
' The Duke of WeUington's administration is said to
be founded on the dissolution of party feeling; it is
intimated that the noble Duke possesses a receipt for
the dispersion of party, and the blending of men of all
sides and opinions. For instance, there is Lord Eosslyn
from one party. Lord Privy Seal ; and the other day
the Mint was offered to the noble lord the member for
Bucks, who is from another; we have an Attorney-
General from the old opposition ; and another honour-

Mirror of Parliament, 1830, vol. i. p. 171.

1830.] FINANCIAL MEASURES. 153
able gentleman, from the ranks of the Danai, was
lately appointed to a high judicial office in Scotland.
Then, dropping frora the free-traders, the noble Duke
picks out a tame elephant for the India Board. This
is an admirable nostrum. No doubt the noble Duke
possesses the secret of dispersing parties and neutral
ising factions ; but is the nostrum equally efficacious
for the purpose of forraing a party ? or can a govern
ment be carried on without one ? It would seem as
if the noble Duke possessed a crucible whereby all
parties are to be fused down in one raass for the benefit
of the great alchemist who blows the coals. For ray
part, I do not much approve of this process, and I see
no safety for the public interest except in dealing with
each individual question, as it happens to be brought
forward, upon its own abstract merits, without refer
ence to the quarter whence it proceeds, without refer
ence to the motives which dictated its introduction,
or the effects which it may have on the fortunes or
duration of the administration. It may be thought,
as I have before stated, that the time is come when it
is necessary to forra a party for the tax-payer. I see
nothing dishonourable in the conduct of the honourable
member for Kent, or in the conduct of my honourable
relative the raeraber for Torkshire, in the course they
propose to pursue ; and I ara willing to act in concert
with thera for the furtherance of objects conducive to
the public good. I shall not be deterred from dis
charging my duty by the imputation of improper
motives. I owe it to my constituents, of whora I ara

154 FINANCIAL MEASURES. [1830.
here the free representative, to discharge my duty. I
seek for nothing at the hands of ministers; I owe them
nothing : the only obligation I owe is to those who
have conferred on me the honour of addressing this
Commons House of Parliament — which, with aU its
faults, I consider tbe noblest assembly of freemen yet
existing in the world.' *
Sir James Graham concluded by moving an expla
natory resolution to the effect that as a resumption of
cash payments had enhanced all salaries, which had
previously been raised because of the depreciation in
the currency, it was expedient to revise them for the
purpose of raaking all possible reduction therein.
This motion was met on the part of the adminis
tration by an amendment which went beyond that of
Sir James Graham, according to his own acknowledg
ment. The whole object, therefore, of the party
move was lost. The popularity of the minister was
not diminished, and the Whigs, if they still hoped
to compel him to an aUiance, or to remove him
altogether, were forced to raake yet more vigorous
efforts, and bid still higher for public favour. They
were not men to falter in such a course, and every
day exhibited fresh instances of their hopes and their
zealous pursuit of their arabitious projects. They had
during the debate on Sir James Graham's motion evinced
a desire for econoray that was edifying to the nation at
large. Lord Morpeth was reaUy toflching in his con-

1 Mirror of Parliament, 1830, vol. i. p. 173.

1830.] FINANCIAL MEASURES. 155
fession of youthful errors, and his recantation of the
heresy of extravagance. ' Not many years have passed
over my head,' said the noble lord, ' and I have
learned to look upon economy, I will not merely say
as the soundest wisdom, but almost as the highest
virtue that can distinguish a statesman.'* Mr. Spring
Eice also was seized by the same ecstatic love of
saving. And when Mr. Hume, a few days after,
moved (15 Feb.) as an amendment on the order of
the day —
' That this House do forthwith proceed to the re
peal and modification of taxation to the largest
possible extent which the reductions that may
be made in the civil, military, and naval esta
blishments of the country will adrait, as a means
of affording general relief to the country' —
Lord Howick seconded the raotion, and a general
chorus of approving Whigs was immediately raised.
Lord Althorp, Mr. Charles Wood, Lord Howick, all
insisted that it was the bounden duty of the House to
proceed at once, and with a firra hand, to cut down the
lavish expenditure by which the energies of the country
were enfeebled, nay, almost destroyed. ' The people,'
said Lord Howick, ' are taxed beyond endurance, and
can no longer support such an army and navy as it
has done. We are in the situation of a private indi
vidual who does not like to give up the luxuries and
indulgences to which he has been accustomed; but

Mirror of Parliament, 1830, vol. i. p. 179.

156 FINANCIAL MEASURES. [1830.
like a private individual, we must do so if we cannot
pay for them. If no other raeans can be found we
must give up some of our foreign possessions." But
the really significant speech of the evening was made
by what is termed an independent meraber — one not
expectant of office, and therefore supposed to speak in
a disinterested spirit. Mr. Thoraas Duncorabe said,
' But, Sir, because I do not wish to see the Duke of
Wellington or the right honourable gentleman oppo
site displaced, I do not say that I do not wish to see their
governraent remodelled, and irabued with more abUity,
and adopting raore liberal measures ; for I have not yet.
Sir, been able to discover the Whig measures of this
Tory government alluded to by a noble lord.' And
the closing observation of the honourable member
seemed, in a few months after, to have been spoken in
a spirit of prophecy. ' Before I sit down,' he said,
' I will warn his Majesty's government against exult
ing too rauch either in their nurabers or their
powers of victory, for I will tell them, again and again,
if they persevere in their present system of lavish ex
penditure, deaf and heedless to the just calls and com-
• plaints of the people, they may find, when it is too
late, that there is a majority out of doors, caUed public
opinion, which wiU make their raajority within doors,
at least, yield and acknowledge the justness of the
views of what they may consider this evening's despi
cable rainority.' 2 This expression related to the

' Mirror of Parliament, 1830, p. 210. * jjjjj, p. 213.

1830.] FINANCIAL MEASURES. 157
division which had just occurred ; the numbers
being — For the original motion . . .184
Noes  69

115
Thus giving the government a majority of 115 against
Mr. Hume's proposal. The opposition, however, did
not even on this occasion attain the object they had
in view. A refusal to accede to a proposed economy
is always unpopular, and the opposition of the govern
ment to Mr. Hume's motion would probably have
done them injury had they not immediately after pro
pounded their own scheme of retrenchment. This
was done on the 19th of February, as regarded the
army, and corapelled the unwilling approval of the
leading raerabers ofthe opposition. Mr. Stanley said,
' I think his Majesty's ministers are deserving of some
consideration for the desire they have shown, in this
instance, for retrenchment. I am unwilling to show
that we have not a fair share of confidence in them. ***
I certainly indulge a hope that further reductions are
in progress, and that the amount of those reductions
will be applied to the relief of the country by dimi
nishing taxation.' * Lord Palmerston declared that
wherever it was possible reductions had been raade by
the government. ' I cannot withhold my decided
approbation,' said Lord Althorp, 'from the reduc-

' Mirror of Parliament, 1830, vol. i. p. 315.

158 FINANCIAL MEASURES. [1830.
tions proposed by the right honourable gentleman, the
ChanceUor of the Exchequer, as far as they go. They
are certainly greater than I expected ; but yet I am
bound to say they are not sufficient, when I consider
the distressed state of the country. They are not
sufficient to give any material relief. As I am on my
legs, I may take the opportunity of .thanking the right
honourable gentleman opposite, whose speech of yester
day I have had an opportunity of considering with
raore attention, for the reforms he stated to be in his
contemplation. The right honourable gentleman ap
pears disposed to strike off more patronage than any
other administration has ever before consented to
resign.' Sir Edward KnatchbuU, who being an angry
friend was less easUy pleased, nevertheless declared
himself rauch gratified at the proposed reductions.
Mr. Hume, indeed, though he accepted with thanks
the econoray proposed, insisted that much more ought
to be accomplished, and as his deraands and complaints
at this moment served the purposes of the Whig oppo
sition, the member for Montrose becarae suddenly a
great favourite and sort of economical oracle. His
industry and zeal were extoUed — terms of courtesy
were always employed when speaking of and to him —
arrogance and insult were now out of fashion and
wholly laid aside, and his honest endeavours to benefit
his country received the praise they deserved, not be
cause they deserved it, but because his labours tested
the reforraing tendencies of the government, and thus
tended to embarrass and injure the ministers theraselves.

1830.] FINANCIAL MEASURES. 159
Mr. Hume's proposals were, in reality, as little agree
able to the Whigs as to the adrainistration. The
sweeping reductions that he suggested, the principles
of governraent which he at all times enunciated with
most pertinacious and annoying consistency, had
hitherto excited only the indignation of the Whig
opposition. They were ever raost careful to separate
themselves from this radical reformer ; ever ready to
sneer at his schemes, to laugh at his vulgar and pitiful
notions of saving, and to describe his plans of reforra
as anarchical and visionary. These shafts of ridicule,
happily for the public, fell innocuous frora the impe
netrable shield of the good-humoured and courageous
member for Montrose. He pursued his useful labours,
careless alike of the blame or the approval of the oppo
sition or the government. The public good was the
object he sought, and with singular zeal and honesty
he unflinchingly pursued the course which his plain
good sense taught him was the right one. Much to
his surprise he now found himself an object of almost
imbounded panegyric, and that they who had delighted
to taunt, now courted him. During the short career
of Mr. Canning as minister, the vituperations of the
Whigs amounted to downright and most offensive
insolence. Mr. Hume could not be made to understand
that his proposals had changed their character be
cause power had changed hands : that what was wise
and necessary during the administration of Lord
Liverpool had become suddenly mischievous and ill-
timed so soon as Mr. Canning was chosen prime

160 FINANCIAL MEASURES. [1830.
minister. This stolidity, as it was called, was reviled
in every possible phrase of indignation and scorn by
the angry and expectant Whigs. But no sooner was
the administration dismissed from which they expected
rauch, and that of the Duke of WeUington established,
from whom they hoped at first nothing, than all anger
against Mr. Hume ceased also. The language of
blame was changed for that of eulogy and friendship :
and what had been designated dulness and obstinacy,
was now denominated a magnanimous disregard of all
considerations but those of the public weal, and a per
severing and admirable industry in the thankless duties
of an honest reformer. The hopes of the opposition
could always be accurately appreciated by a careful
observation of the language they employed when
speaking of Mr. Hume and his schemes for the re
duction of expense, or the improvement of our financial
regulations. As their hopes rose, their praise dimi
nished ; but when they determined to force the Duke
into an alliance, by proposing popular plans, the extra
vagancies of Mr. Hume were of great assistance — and
laudation was the order of the day.* As the hope of

1 The warmth of eulogy may be weU exemplifled by the
language of Mr. Brougham, who, when very angry with the
ministers, spoke thus of Mr. Hume — whom he called 'my
honourable friend the member for Aberdeen — that most faithful,
that most useful, that most valuable representative of the people,
to whom I wish a long life and prosperity in this House; he, I
say, has the hearts of the people with him; and whether he
brings forward his measures for the purpose of checking wasteful
expenditure, on a Wednesday, I trust that now there is an end

1830.] FINANCIAL MEASURES. 161
an alliance with the Duke of Wellington grew every
day less, the sweeping reforms of the member for
Montrose rose in value, because they greatly contri
buted to make the public regard the administration
with disfavour, and the opposition which supported
Mr. Hume as the earnest friends of economical govern
ment. Throughout the session the friendship of the
opposition to him increased in fervour, and when at
length the dissolution came, and hostility to the ad
ministration was openly declared, it suited Whig
policy to propose Mr. Hurae as the popular candidate
for Middlesex, and to support him with the whole
weight of their party authority. This friendship con
tinued until the defeat of the Duke of WeUington —
then it ceased, at once and completely.
This debate was, like so many others during this
season of expectancy, enlivened by a sally on the part
of a so-called independent member. Mr. Hobhouse,
(who had, throughout his parliamentary career, been
known as the coadjutor of the Eadical meraber for
Westminster, Sir Francis Burdett,) thus marked his
opinion of the intentions of the Whig opposition. ' A

to aU objection and cavU to that course,' — Mirror of Parliament,
1830, p. 2630. If this praise be compared with the language of
sarcasm employed by Mr. Brougham in 1827 respecting this
most valuable representative, the difference wiU not fail to recal
to the reader's recollection the varying relative positions of the
speaker— of the subject of his eulogy and censure — and the
government of the day.
VOL. I. M

162 FINANCIAL MEASURES. [1830.
good deal has been said of the play of parties in this
House, and that we ought not risk the durability of a
strong and weU-disposed adrainistration. I confess. Sir,
that for my part I do not enter into these abstruse
calculations, for I have seen enough of ministers in
this country to know that the real friends ofthe people
can never make way against these strong governments^
and that it is only when we have what is caUed a
weak government that we have had a reasonable
chance of securing adequate sympathy for the public
complaints. Therefore, as far as my vote is concerned,
I shall as a general principle give it for the ministers
who seem disposed to attend more to the voice of
complainants out of doors than of the majority with
in; instead of giving it to those who would climh
into power over my shoulders, and then depend on
sinister influence.''^
That the Whigs, however, stiU retained some hopes
of an alliance with the administration was plainly
shown by their conduct during the discussions which
took place upon the army estimates on the 22nd of
February. The language of Mr. Hurae was that of
indignant reraonstrance, because of the unnecessary
extravagance which he asserted was evinced through
out our railitary system. The Whigs did not join in,
did not dissent from this assertion, — but held aloof,
using vague and unraeaning phrases, by which they

1 Mirror of Parliament, 1830, vol. i. p. 313.

1830.] FINANCIAL MEASURES. 163
were not finally committed either to hostility or sup
port with respect to the administration; though a
sort of warning was given, that unless sorae advances
were quicldy made by the government of a friendly
nature, meaning thereby an offer of a share of power
and emolument, a more deterrained hostility would
soon be shown by the expectant opposition. Sir
Henry Hardinge moved that a sum not exceeding
3,415,333^. be granted for defraying the charge of
the land forces at home and abroad (except those in
India) for the current year-ythe number of men for
the whole public service being 88,000 rank and file.
The number provided for by the proposed vote was
81,000. Mr. Hume objected to such a sum being
voted in the fifteenth year of peace, and proposed to
substitute the sura of 2,550,000Z. for that moved by
government. This would have compelled a reduction
of about 16,000 men from the number 88,000. To
this large reduction Lord Althorp declared he could
not assent, though he was prepared to support a
motion for reducing the number by 5000. Sir H.
Parnell thought the army might be reduced by
6538 men. The language employed by Mr. Hume on
this occasion, though certainly violent and what is called
in parUamentary phrase inflammatory, gave apparently
no offence to the Whigs, although it was severely
commented on by Mr. Peel and his colleagues. The
opposition were well pleased to hear the explosion of
Mr. Hume's indignation. The commotion it raised
was useful to their ends, and being employed by one
M 2

164 FINANCIAL MEASURES. [1830.
not politically connected with their party, they derived
all the benefit which could foUow from the annoyance
it produced, without partaking of the responsibility
incurred by uttering menaces so violent, and recom
mendations which were undisguised incitements to
something very like open resistance.
The opposition, nevertheless, found the task of ren
dering the governraent unpopular on the question of
economy more difficult than they had anticipated,
When the Chancellor of the Exchequer made his finan
cial statement on the 15th of March, the reductions
proposed by the government proved to be great, and
were thought deserving of approbation even by Mr.
Hume himself, and the opposition were able only
to indulge in vague wishes, and general declarations
of what they expected from the governraent, and were
prepared themselves to support. After many reduc
tions proposed by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, a
large surplus of revenue still remained. They who
were most conversant with the finances of the country,
considered that economy was carried further than had
been yet known, and that a spirit of fairness and
complete freedom from jobbing or nepotism pervaded
every branch of the administration. Mr. Hume, who
was undoubtedly the most earnest advocate for re
trenchment in the House, frankly acknowledged that
' the ChanceUor of the Exchequer had gone as far as
he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) iraagined he
could go with safety on the present occasion.' Mr.
BernaU said, ' I should be fastidious indeed if I quar-

1830.] FINANCIAL MEASURES. 165
reUed with the present budget as far as it goes.' Mr.
Baring and Mr. Huskisson, both great authorities with
the House and the public on such subjects, confessed
that the Chancellor of the Exchequer ' had gone to
the utmost verge of reduction possible in the present
state of the country, without the substitution of other
taxes.' And generally, the selection of taxes to be
taken off was deemed judicious — and made solely with
a view to the public, and not partial interests.
The efforts of the opposition became now raore earn
est and continuous. On the 22nd of March, the navy
estimates were discussed, Mr. Hume as usual taking
the lead in proposing specific reductions, and receiving
yet a very qualified support from his so-caUed friends
ofthe opposition. On the 25th of the same month,
however, the opposition had a great financial field-day
upon the debate that arose upon a motion made by
Mr. Poulett Thomson for a select committee, ' to in
quire into the expediency of making a revision of the
taxes, so that the means of paying the sums voted by
the House, and all other charges for the public service,
may be provided with as little injury as practicable
to the industry and iraproveraent of the country.' A
motion of this sort coramitted them to nothing — great
professions could without danger be hazarded, and
popularity gained without the risk of annoyance at a
future period, in consequence of the declaraation em
ployed to set forth the great benefit likely to follow
from the appointment of a committee of inquiry. The
government resisted the motion, upon the ground that

166 FINANCIAL MEASURES, [1830.
it was a proposal for parliament and the government
to relinquish their functions, and delegate their powers
to a select committee of twenty-three members. Mr.
Huskisson, growing every day more open in his hos
tility to his former friends, supported the motion.
' If the committee shall be refused,' said the right
honourable gentleman, ' it will still be a source of
much satisfaction to my mind, that the luminous state
ment of the meraber for Dover (Mr. P. Thorason) will
go forth to the public, and that we shaU find the
benefit of this discussion in a future session ; or at aU
events, when that time comes at which the govern
ment itself will be forced to propose measures of relief
from the inconvenient pressure of the greatest propor
tion of the taxes of the country.'* The administra
tion triumphed, however — the opposition not being
able to muster more than 78 for their motion, while
167 voted against it.
Undismayed by this defeat, the opposition on the
next day made a show of patriotism and economy, by
opposing the grant of 900/. to Mr. Dundas and Mr.
Bathurst, who being, the one a reduced commissioner
of the navy, the other a reduced coraraissioner of the
victualling board, had pensions granted them severally
of 500/. and 400/. a year. Sir Eobert Heron introduced
the subject by a pathetic statement of the sufferings
of the people, and spoke of ' these gentlemen as gorged
with the public money,' and then pressed into his ser-

' Mirror of Parliament, 1830, p. 103.

1830.] FINANCIAL MEASURES. 167
vice the names of Benbow, Barlow, Foley, Hardy, and
Nelson, in order to create indignation at 'this mockery
of the public distress by grants of this nature.' Mr.
Peel stated plainly the circumstances under which the
pensions had been granted, and left it to the House
to decide. The sin of nepotisra was at this tirae un
pardonable in the opinion of the Whig opposition, and
they gave a hopeful earnest of what they would them
selves perform should fate hereafter give them power,
by refusing on the present occasion to sanction a grant
of money from the public purse to two young men
aUied to powerful families, simply because they were
so allied. The grant was negatived by the House of
Commons. The king's health rapidly failed, and his death was
daily expected. The exertions of the opposition kept
pace with the decreasing powers of the king. As the
end of the reign approached, it became more and raore
necessary on the part of the opposition to throw diffi
culties in the way of the administration. By making
themselves •formidable as opponents, they hoped to
create in the Duke's mind a wish to have them for
coUeagues. In furtherance of this end, the industry
and ability of Sir James Graham were in continual
requisition. By successive motions, by constant pro
posals of economical reform, he managed to keep the
administration always on the alert. On the 12th of
March, he moved as an amendment on the order of
the day, for the House to resolve itself into a committee
of supply, the following resolution : —

168 FINANCIAL MEASURES. [1830.
' That it is the opinion of this House, that the late'
vacancy in the office of treasurer of the navy afforded
his Majesty's ministers an opportunity of effecting a
saving of 3000/. a-year, without any violation of exist
ing engagements, and without any detriraent to the
public service.'
The closing sentences of the speech by which this
resolution was supported, betrayed the real intentions
of the speaker and his party. The enthusiasra at
terapted to be evinced was too clearly artificial to
impose for an instant upon any understanding — but
the desire to force his party into power was clearly
seen in every word, and a consciousness that the world
was aware of his wish and his design, appears to have
dictated this significant peroration —
' Let us show,' said the honourable baronet, with
theatrical fervour, ' that the House of Commons does
not merit the imputation cast on it by the honourable
and learned member for Clare — let us prove that there
is still some spirit of independence in this House, and
whatever side-long glances we may have cast towards
the Treasury bench, let this meretricious toying with
the minister have an end, and let us show, by our con
duct, that in heart and feeling we still belong to the
people. I ara bound to state that the present time
presents features which are sufficiently alarming. I
think that this House is sinking fast in reputation,
and it is of the last importance that we should retrieve
our character in the eyes of those who have sent us
here. If one spark of that fire which animated the

1830.] FINANCIAL MEASURES. 169
bosoms of our forefathers, and which yielded but for
an hour to the iron hand of Cromwell, yet remain — if
we are prepared to demand that pledges now broken,
should be maintained good — if we are prepared to
demand the fulfilment of the promise raade by the
government at the commencement of the session, that
every saving should be made that could be effected
without detriment to the public service — a promise
broken by the present appointment to the treasurer-
ship of the navy, before the ink was dry in which
that proraise was recorded on our journals — this then
is the opportunity for that purpose. Let us prove to
the Duke of Wellington hiraself, that the Commons
are not to be mocked — that pledges to us are not to
be lightly made, and still more lightly broken; and
that we still dare to vindicate our authority, and to
exercise our controlling power, and to raake the opi
nions and feelings of the people available through the
voice of parliament.' *
This was a somewhat bombastic mode of say
ing that the Whigs were tired of waiting on the
pleasure of the Duke of Wellington to be admitted
to power. The debate, however, was not with
out importance; every member of the Whig op
position who spoke on the occasion rivaUed Mr.
Hume himself in desiring economy; and Lord
Howick considered that every interest of family and
friendship ought with inflexible rigour be made to

Mirror of Parliament, 1830, p. 739.

170 FINANCIAL MEASURES. [1830,
yield to a consideration of the public weal-. These
efforts, nevertheless, . were not otherwise practically
useful, as the government once more triumphed over
the anxious and expectant opposition by a majority
of 188 to 90. Again, on the 29th of March, Sir
James Graham, not yet raade desponding by defeat,
pronounced another set oration on the popular subject
of economy. Taking advantage of the opportunity
offered by a motion on the part of the government to
grant a sum not exceeding 85,025/., for the purpose
of defraying the salaries of the master-general of the
ordnance, of the lieutenant-general of the ordnance,
and other persons employed in its civil establishments
at the Tower, Pail-Mall, and in Dublin, he again
endeavoured to make the rainistry sensible of the
error of their policy, and read them a lesson on the
virtues of frugality, keeping of proraises, and of post
poning private to public interests, that raust have
proved highly edifying to his friends as well as his
opponents. 'Is it to be believed,' said the indignant Sir
James, 'that his Majesty's ministers have already
forgotten the frequent pledges they have deliberately
given to the House upon this and other subjects con
nected with the public expenditure? With every
appearance as things look now of having forgotten
those pledges, for the purpose of advancing the objects
of parliamentary patronage, it is little to be expected
that they ought to continue to possess the confidence
of parliaraent, or to secure the favourable sentiments

1830.] FINANCIAL MEASURES. 171
of the community at large. No cabinet can possess,
or at least preserve, the support of the country which
in tiraes and circumstances like the present can
determine to maintain the offices of lieutenant-
general of the ordnance, and treasurer of the navy.
Such a tone and temper in the conduct of the govern
ment can never be kept up with any regard to the
strength and popularity of the cabinet ; but, neverthe
less, I have no doubt that the time is fast approaching
when the force of public opinion will teach rainisters
to think less of their own patronage and private
ends, and somewhat more of the wishes and necessities
of the people. To give ministers another opportunity
of taking the right course — at all events, to enable
this House to do so, I shall conclude. Sir, by pro
posing, as an amendment to the present motion, that
a sum not exceeding 83,825/. be substituted in the
room of the original motion for the payment of the
salaries and contingent expenses of the master-
general, the surveyor-general, the clerk, the trea
surer, and other chief officers of the ordnance depart
ment.' ' The various members of the opposition
party vied with each other in their earnest zeal and
anxiety for the success of this proposal. Lord John
RusseU wished to be witty as weU as patriotic.
' When I consider the conduct of governraent in re
sisting a proposition thus recoraraended and enforced,
and compare it with their professions of econoray, I

Mirror of Parliament, 1830, p. 1104.

172 FINANCIAL MEASURES. [1830.
cannot help thinking, that the character given of a
lady in a popular modern publication raay be well
applied to thera, for it may be said of the governraent,
as was said of her, that she was raore notorious for
her professions of sincerity than for the sincerity of
her professions.' * Lord Howick, Lord Althorp, and
Lord Morpeth took a raore arithraetical view of the
question, arguing, and justly arguing, that as one
person alone was needed to perforra the duties of
both offices — viz., of the master-general and lieu
tenant-general, to appoint two persons and to pay
two persons was a waste of public money. The wit
and the sense of the opposition were alike of no avail,
the government having, on the division, a majority of
200 to 124.
The zeal of Mr. Eobert Gordon soon led him also
to emulate the economical fervour of his chiefs. On
the 3rd of May the ChanceUor of the Exchequer
moved the order of the day for a committee of supply
in order to provide for the miscellaneous estimates.
Mr. Gordon hereupon made a speech, in which he
suggested that a select committee ought to be ap
pointed to examine and report upon the items of these
estimates. He complained of the slight degree of
interest which coramittees of supply excited — a few
persons only, he said, attended to them. By these
year after year the same objections were made, to
which also annually the same polite evasive answers

Mirror of Parliament, 1830, p. 1106.

1830.] FINANCIAL MEASURES. 173
were returned by those in authority. He then pro
ceeded to enumerate and observe upon various ques-
tipnable items, and exhibited at once his own industry
and patriotic ardour for frugality, and the unfeeling
extravagance and corrupt cupidity of happy officials.
He repeated the fashionable phrases respecting
the intensity and extent of the public distress, and
enlarged on the coraraon-places of opposition decla
mation. He wound up his discourse with a sarcasm
upon the constitution of the House — an exclamation
by Mr. O'Connell affording him an opportunity of
giving an air of impromptu to the set phrases which
he had prepared, for the close of his speech. The
regularity with which every opposition speaker recurred
to the same idea, shows how intent the whole party
was upon the iramediate acquisition of office.
' I wiU not now say more, except earnestly to call
on all parts of the House to recollect that at this
moment the eyes of their constituents are upon them.'
This solemn nonsense was too much for Mr. O'Con
neU's patience — and he suddenly and loudly exclaimed,
' Such as have any.'
'Whereupon Mr. Gordon, nothing daunted, made
a virtue of necessity, and thus atterapted to escape
from the ridicule to which he was justly subject —
' The honourable member for Clare says — Such as
have any, and a most proper and exceUent hint it is,
and I may here say, that one consolation I have in
seeing so many members without constituents support
government is, that the subject must force itself into

174 FINANCIAL MEASURES. [1830.
notice. Hitherto, the constitution of the House has
not been so strongly felt as might have been expected,
because the great borough proprietors have been in
the habit of dividing their favours pretty equally, but
now so large a mass of them support the government,
that it is impossible but that the subject must attract
the attention of the public.'*
The confession thus unconsciously made, curiously
illustrates the political morality of the speaker, and
the class to which he belonged. The faulty composi
tion of the House of Commons excited no complaint
so long as the great borough proprietors distributed
the powers and emoluments of office pretty equally
among the members of the two great parties of the
aristocracy. But when the Whigs found theraselves
entirely excluded, then they raised their voices against
the system of representaticm. The real evil to the
country, however, was the same in both cases. The
conduct of the government and the cost of it were the
same — the only difference was in the persons who en
joyed the benefits of office. The Whigs grew loud in
their complaints, and talked about the country and
the public interest, and enlarged on the necessity for
a reform, when by the operation of the system they
believed theraselves perraanently deprived of power
and eraolument.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer, in answer to Mr.

' Mirror of Parliament, 1830, p. 1494.

1830.] FINANCIAL MEASURES. 175
Gordon's proposal, stated that for his part ' he felt
a great anxiety that the House should have the means
of judging of the whole expense, and was therefore
ready to say that if it was the general feeling of the
House that the estimate should be referred to a select
committee, he should no longer resist that feeling.'
The particular estimate in question was for the repairs
of Windsor Castle, in which, at that moment, George
the Fourth was lying in his agony. Mr. Brougham,
during the discussion, pointedly alluded to this cir
cumstance, and by the tone of his remarks, gave the
ministry to understand that his patience was entirely
exhausted. The lavish expenditure on Windsor Castle
had been incurred solely to gratify the king. But his
reign and life now drew nigh to a close : deference to
his wishes ceased to be a means of gratifying personal
ambition — and the general opposition evinced to the
grant proposed, though described as resulting from
deference to the decided sense of the country, seemed
rather the offspring of that contemptuous indifference
which but too commonly awaits the desires of a dying
monarch. When the Chancellor of the Exchequer
consented to withdraw his motion, the conviction
flashed with irresistible force upon the mind of every
one present, that the tomb would soon close over the
monarch in whose name they all were acting.
May 10 was again a supply night, and exhibited
the edifying spectacle of the whole opposition labour
ing to curtail expenditure. Mr. Hurae was now no
longer left to depend upon his solitary industry. Ee-

176 FINANCIAL MEASURES. [1830.
trenchment became a labour of love — and raany excel
lent and zealous panegyrics were pronounced upon the
virtue of frugality. Sir James Graham again distin
guished himself by his earnestness and industry. He
gave notice that he would move for a return, which
would show distinctly the amount of salaries, fees,
&c. &c., derived by aU the principal servants of the
Crown. ' The honourable member for Dorset does not mean,
I am sure,' exclaimed the meraber for Cumberland,
' to stoop to ignoble game, while flights of ill-omened
birds of prey are floating in the upper regions of the
air.'* The matter-of-fact Chancellor of the Exche
quer was startled by this poetical burst of the northern
baronet, and with naivete alraost affecting observed,
'The honourable baronet has stated that I am 'a bird
of prey.' Now, I should like to know whether I am
more entitled to such an epithet, when I am honestly,
though perhaps not so efficiently as I could wish, dis
charging ray duty to ray country, and receiving the
fees attached to ray office — whether, I repeat, I am
raore entitled to the character of a ' bird of prey' than
himself, who has succeeded to a large hereditary re
venue, of which he is the lord and possessor. Sir, I
know not from what vocabulary the honourable gen
tleraan derives his phraseology, or why I am to receive
in a society of gentlemen the appeUation of a ' bird of

1 Mirror of Parliament, 1830, p. 1609.

1830.] FINANCIAL MEASURES. 177
prey.' ' Sir Jaraes Grahara hereupon frankly expressed
sorrow for having used the phrase, but having apolo
gized for the form of the expression, 'I still,' he said,
' adhere to the spirit. I do consider it unworthy of the
House of Commons to seek to cut down the salaries of
poor clerks, when persons enjoying power, patronage,
profit, fortunes, and a thousand advantages which
those clerks do not possess, remain in undisputed pos
session of great and undiminished salaries.'* A generous
principle which needed in succeeding times to be often
invoked. A contest, however, arose about an under
secretary's salary. Mr. Hume, consistent throughout,
and wishing honestly to apply the same principle of
economy on all occasions, started a difficulty as to this
item. Mr. C. Wood, in a fit of new-born virtuous
frugality, seized upon the occasion to vote a reduction
of it, hoping to gain popularity at the expense of the
unfortunate underling. He was defeated, however,
the numbers being —
For the amendment . . . . 106
Against it  178
Disdaining to fly at ignoble game. Sir James
Graham on the 14th of May moved for a return of
aU salaries, profits, pay, fees, &c., whether civil or
military, held and enjoyed by each of the merabers of
his Majesty's raost honourable privy council, specifying
with each narae the total amount received by each

1 Mirror of Parliament, 1830, p. 1609.
VOL. I. N

178 FINANCIAL MEASURES. [1830.
individual, &o.'* The speech with which this motion
was introduced, was distinguished by the usual abiUty
of the mover, and as usual betrayed his impatience
and annoyance, in consequence of his anoraalous posi
tion as one of a friendly opposition. He and his
friends were evidently tired of this equivocal character.
Quoting the words of Lord Castlereagh, he suddenly
sturabled on the phrase, ' If I were to meet an opposi
tion.' Sir Jaraes with prepared surprise, and as if under
the influence of an unexpected emotion, exclaimed,
' Opposition ! ay, Sir, that was in those days before
we on this side of the House had transferred our
services from the people to the Crown, and had become
his Majesty's opposition.' He then declared that he
sought to lay bare the gains only of the higher offices of
government, and insisted that the pressing exigencies
of the people justified his attempts at economy, and
that his motion would test the conduct of the adminis
tration, and would decide if it really placed its reliance
on public opinion — whether it cared for patronage,
was regardless of corrupting influences ; whether as it
was pledged to do away with all useless offices, and
retrench all unnecessary expenditure, it was prepared
to violate the pledges it had so solemnly given.'
The governraent raet this raotion by an araendraent
which left out aU the words of the original motion
from the word ' military' to the end of the question,
in order to add these words, ' held and engaged by aU

Mirror of Parliament, 1830, p. 1749.

1830.] FINANCIAL MEASURES. 179
public officers between the 5th of January, 1829, and
the 5th of January, 1830; the total araount ofwhich
shall exceed, leaving a blank for any sum the honour
able baronet may like to name, in order that he raay
not be incumbered with a larger return than he wishes.'
This was evidently an evasion — not a wise one — and
it was immediately exposed and triumphed over by
the eager, and nqw openly hostile opposition. The
object ofthe araendraent was to save privy-councillors
as a specific class from remark by confounding them
with many others. The original motion was seen to
be intended ad invidiam, and the governraent unwisely
attempted to shield the persons thus sought to be
exposed. Every man who receives the public raoney
ought at all tiraes to be ready without hesitation to
submit his salary to inquiry. The observation of Lord
Althorp on the occasion was dictated by common sense
and common honesty. 'Perhaps the motion of the right
hon. gentleman is so extensive, that it would not bring
the case fairly before the House ; for as I have said
before, short documents always convey more inforraation
to members generally than those in greater detail.'
Suspicion was naturally excited by this proceeding,
and freely expressed. The virtue of the opposition
was rampant upon the occasion. Mr. Huskisson
damaged his old friends by assuraing the raischievous
office of a friendly raediator, and by professing, on the
part of privy-councillors in general, great anxiety for
the adoption of the original raotion of Sir James
Graham. The governraent persevered, nevertheless,
N 2

180 FINANCIAL MEASURES. [1830.
in their determination, and carried the amendment of
the ChanceUor of the Exchequer by 231 against 147.*
The administration could not fail to perceive the
change that was taking place in the spirit and language
of the opposition. Some of their indiscreet friends,
indeed, remarked upon it. In this debate General
Grosvenor accused Sir James Graham of bringing
forward a vexatious and agitating question — saying
that one would have supposed that he had come from
the other side of the water, for really this motion is
such a specimen of agitation, that it would not have
been unworthy of the honourable raeraber for Clare
himself; and he considered it, he said, inconsistent, be
cause Sir Jaraes Grahara had stated, only a few weeks
before, that there was only one question that divided
hira from ministers, meaning that of the currency.
The answer given by Sir James Graham to this home
thrust was, that he had narrowly watched the conduct
of the administration since the comraenceraent of the
session ; that he had contrasted their professions with
their acts : ' I have seen them refuse to reduce the
office of lieutenant-general of the ordnance, after the
recommendation of the finance coraraittee; and the
points of difference between thera and me have in
creased.' This last assertion was accurately true.
The difference had increased ; but not on account of
the pretences here suggested. Every one knew the

1 Mirror of Parliament, 1830, p. 1755.

1830.] FINANCIAL MEASURES. 181
cause of quarrel was not the breach of proraises alleged ;
but that which was in everybody's raind, though men
tioned by none — viz., an indifference, not to say
hostiUty to an aUiance with the Whig opposition
entertained by the head of the administration now
assailed.

CHAPTEE V.
CONTINUATION OP SESSION OF 1830. — EEFOEM IN
PARLIAMENT.— DEATH OP GEOEGE IV.
THE opposition, however, did not content them
selves with the one popular deraand for economy ;
that of parliamentary reform was also employed as a
means of injuring the adrainistration, and winning
public favour.
The system of representation, if systera it could
be called, according to which the House of Coraraons
was chosen, had long been a subject of complaint and
discussion ; and during the latter years of the disas
trous war waged with our American colonies became
a topic of anxious consideration. The public interest
in the question indeed varied with the fortunes of the
nation. In times of distress or disaster, it excited
serious attention; but when prosperity and success
returned, it seems to have passed almost out of
remerabrance. The matter, nevertheless, was at no
time really forgotten; for though pressing public
exigencies raight and did induce the people occasion
ally to postpone their desires — although great pros
perity soraetiraes led to a teraporary forgetfulness —
the cry for reform always recurred, and quickly.
The very exigency or excitement which caused the

PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. 183
momentary apathy respecting this great popular de
mand, always was sure in the end to bring back the
recollection of it with increased force, — and to the
faulty constitution of the House of Commons, liberal
politicians were ever prone to ascribe nearly all the
national misfortunes.*
The disruption of the erapire, and the forced
independence of our colonies, were disasters, which
were in this raanner laid at the door of the House of
Coramons ; and the demand for a reforra in the repre
sentative system became loud, continued, and uni
versal. Committees for the purpose of enforcing this
deraand were fraraed in all parts of the country ; and
men of the highest standing, whether by fortune or
ability, placed theraselves at the head of the national
raoveraent.^ Motions on the subject were annually
raade in parliaraent; and they who sought power and

' The question of a reform in parliament was mooted before
the termination of the American war — but, for my purpose to
go further back is not necessary. ' Lord Chatham was one
of the flrst persons who called the attention of the public to the
absolute necessity of a reform in parliament, to redeem the
nation from ruin; it was the great feature of his life, and the
foundation of his fame.' — Erskine's Defence of Tooke. In 1770
he first insisted on the necessity ' of infusing a new portion of
health into the constitution.'
2 Mr. Fox, in 1780, was a delegate from Westminster to
' the Convention which was held to consider of the best means
for obtaining a reform in parliament. His opinions were always
adverse to universal suffrage, yet nevertheless his name appears
to the petition which asked it of the House of Commons, being
signed as Chairman of the \>odij.'— Erskine's Defence of H.
Tooke.

184 PARLIAMENTARY REFORM.
distinction as statesraen soon discovered that sup
porting parliamentary reform was an excellent mode
of forwarding their arabitious views.
Mr. Pitt, just then beginning his political career,
joined the ranks of the reforraers, and was received
by them with rapturous applause. In 1782, May 7,
he raade his first motion for reform in the House of
Commons, really as the organ of one great body of
reformers out of it.' He was then in opposition, or
rather he was not of the adrainistration of which
Lord Eockingham was the head, and in which Mr.
Fox was Secretary of State. This raotion, which
was ' that a coraraittee be appointed to inquire into
the state of the representation in parliament, and to
report to the House their observations thereon,' was
negatived, — thus showing that the great body of the
Whigs of those days, completely represented by the
existing administration, were opposed to any reform
of the representative system. ^ Burke indeed was

> Sheridan moved, at a meeting held at the Duke of
Richmond's, that Mr. Pitt should be requested to move a
reform of parUament in the House of Commons. See his
evidence on H. Tooke's trial, vol. xxiv. p. 294, State Trials.
2 Mr. Fox supported the motion, together with Sir George
Saville and others, nevertheless Home Tooke blamed the Whigs
on this occasion in his Letter to Lord Ashburton. 'What!
can they who have carried all for themselves, carry nothing for
the people, who, if ministers are themselves to be credited, have
pushed them into office. The people know that if all the
present administration had chosen to do them justice, if they
had been half as unanimous for national rights as they have
been for national honours and emoluments, the question would

PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. 185
violent, as well as eloquent, in his opposition to the
proposal, extolling the constitution as almost without
speck or blemish, and demanding, as Mr. Canning
did in after years, that the tree should be judged by
its fruits — the constitution by its influence on the
welfare of the nation — exclaiming, ' It is true that to
say your constitution is what it has been, is no suffi
cient defence for those who say it is a bad constitu
tion. It is an answer to those who say that it is a
degenerate constitution. To those who say it is a
bad one, I answer, look to its effects. In all moral
machinery, the moral results are the tests." Among
these results the people pointed to lost Araerica, and
to that terrible struggle, through which the lately
expelled minister. Lord North, had been steadily
supported by the House of Commons. Mr. Burke
had throughout these disastrous proceedings found
himself, when opposed to the minister, in a hopeless
minority; and not till the end of the conflict, when
the colonies were irretrievably lost, was he, or were
his friends, able to defeat the administration, or put
an end to the war. Burke, however, was not incon
sistent. The people, as well as the House of Com
mons, desired to reduce the colonies by force. The

have been highly carried last Tuesday. Good God, is it always
to be thus? one paymaster denies, the other despises the voice
of the people.' * * * ' The people are no longer to be
cheated, they look to the administration for the late defeat of
their wishes.'
' Mr. Burke's speech on the motion of Mr. Pitt in 1782.

186 PARLIAMENTARY REFORM.
war was at the coraraenceraent highly popular — when
defeat carae, opinions changed in doors as weU as out
— and so far as the Araerican war could be eraployed
as evidence, it justified the assertion, that the House
of Coraraons accurately represented the feelings and
the intelligence of the nation.'
Again, on the 7th of May, in the next year, 1783,
Mr. Pitt brought the question of parliaraentary reform
before the House of Coramons. But instead of asking
for a coraraittee, he proposed three resolutions :
1. The first, — That it is the opinion of this House
that raeasures are highly necessary to be taken for
the future prevention of bribery at elections.
2. That for the future, when the majority of
votes for any borough should be convicted of gross
and notorious corruption before a select committee
of that House appointed to try the merits of any
election, such borough shall be disfranchised, and

' Mr. Pitt, however, distinctly accused the House of Commons
of being the cause of the distresses resulting from the American
war. ' Would the people of England,' he asked, ' have suffered the
calamities to which they had lately been subject,' if there
always had been a House of Commons who were the faithful
stewards of the interests of their country?' &c. This was in
1785, upon his third and last motion in favour of reform. Mr.
Fox, also, insisted that although, with the people generally, the
war was unpopular, the general election which took place
towards the end of the war made a very small change in the
composition of the House of Commons. He gave his testimony
on this subject in his speech in 1797 on Mr. Grey's motion for
a reform in parliament and quoted Mr. Pitt, who had made use
of the fact as an argument in favour of reform in 1782.

PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. 187
the minority of voters not so convicted shall be en
titled to vote for the county in which such borough
shaU be situated.
3. That an addition of knights of the shire and
of representatives of the metropolis should be added
to the state of the representation.
Again, the proposals of Mr. Pitt were negatived,
the Coalition rainistry being in power. The plan of
the right honourable gentleman was, nevertheless,
not one that need have created alarra in the minds
of those who at that time returned the House of
Commons — as the only real effect of his scherae would
have been to strengthen the hands of the possessors
of land. They already were the dorainant party in
the state, and Mr. Pitt's scheme would simply have
added to their influence.
In this year (1783) also appeared the somewhat
celebrated letter of the Duke of Eichmond to Colonel
Sharman, in which he set forth his own views and
plans, which met with great favour and nearly general
acquiescence from the various societies and comrait
tees appointed in different parts of England, Ireland
and Scotland, to discuss the subject, and press it
upon the attention of parliaraent. The Irish volun
teers, asserabled at Lisburn, wrote to the Duke upon
the subject of the Irish systera of representation,
requesting to know his opinions upon the raode of
remedying the defects therein, which they signalized.
The Duke's letter in reply set forth his plan, which
may be shortly described in the now weU-known

188 PARLIAMENTARY REFORM.
phrase of— universal suffrage and annual parliaments.
To the vote by ballot he was decidedly opposed.
This plan he had so early as 1780 embodied in a
bill which he proposed for acceptance to the House
of Lords ; not, he said, ' as a perfect work, but merely
to show how easily the objections to the practicabiUty
of the plan, and the inconveniences that are sug
gested, might be got over.' With regard to Mr.
Pitt's scheme he stated, ' I am persuaded, that if
the scheme for additional county members had pro
ceeded any further, inflnite difficulties would have
arisen in adjusting it. Neither the Yorkshire cora
raittee nor Mr. Pitt have given the detaU of their
plan.' '
This sweeping measure never gained the support
of the Whig party, though the most distinguished
among thera lent, as we have seen, the unwiUing
support of his name to the proposal.^ Mr. Fox was
then (i.e. in 1780) eager to drive Lord North from
power, and gladly seized upon the assistance which
the public discontent and the respectability of the
petitioners afforded him. Well aware that the House
of Commons would turn a deaf ear to the specific

' This letter and plan of the Duke of Richmond became,
Erskine said, ' the very scripture of all these societies' — mean
ing the various societies established for the purpose of pro
moting parliamentary reform at that period and subsequently.
2 Mr. Fox, in 1793, refused to present a petition to the
House of Commons asking for universal suffrage, because he
was an enemy to universal suffrage. — Evidence of Mr. Francis
on the trial of Hardy, p. 1106, vol. xxiv. State Trials.

PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. 189
demand of the people, he sought by this somewhat
questionable means to enlist into his service the
general dissatisfaction which had led the people to
petition. The Coalition administration was doomed to a
short existence. On the 18th of December, 1783,
they were unceremoniously disraissed, and Mr. Pitt
became prirae rainister. After many arduous strug
gles, the raajority once possessed by the Whigs was
broken down, the parliament was dissolved, and a
new one called ; which by an overwhelraing raajority
supported the new adrainistration, and for ever anni-
hUated the strength of Mr. Fox and his friends. Mr.
Pitt was now omnipotent. In order to mark his own
opinion of the importance of parliamentary reform,
he not only spoke of it in his speech on the address
as ' the subject which of all others lay nearest his
heart,' but on the 1st of February he moved that the
House be called over, in order to discuss his raotion
respecting it. And on the 17th of April, in 1785,
he, then at the very acrae of his power, again pro
posed a reforraation in the systera of parliamentary
representation, by asking leave to bring in a bill for
that purpose. His plan was certainly remarkable, if
not very wise or worthy of adoption. ' It coufsisted,'
he said, 'of two parts. * * * The first was calculated
to obtain an early, if not an iraraediate change in the
representation of the boroughs ; and the second was
intended to establish a rule by which the repre
sentation should change with the changes of the

190 PARLIAMENTARY REFORM.
country. It was the clear and determined opinion
of every speculatist, that there should be an altera
tion of the present proportion between counties and
boroughs ; and that in the change a larger proportion
of members should be given for the populous places
than for places that had neither property nor people.'*
He proposed, therefore, (and the therefore is
curious,) that certain decayed boroughs, to the num
ber of thirty-six, should be disfranchised, and their
seventy-two members be given to the counties; but
that this disfranchisement should take place only
upon the application of the boroughs, and that they
should be paid the value of the borough by the state.
What could be raeant by such a proposition seems
impossible to be conceived. What constituted the
borough, and how the price was to be estimated, was
not well explained. ' He had no doubt,' he said,
' in his own mind, but that the boroughs to which
he alluded would voluntarily surrender their fran
chise to parliament, on such consideration being
given;' and he proposed that a fund should be esta
blished for the purpose of purchasing the rights
of those who in their boroughs had the power of
voting. The second part of his plan related to providing
merabers for populous places — then unrepresented;
and this was to be done by means of any decayed

• Pitt's Speeches, vol. i. p. 232.

PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. 191
boroughs that might yet remain over and above the
thirty-six first selected. They were to have the
power of voluntary surrender for a consideration, and
the right of returning the members was to be trans
ferred to sorae populous place desiring to acquire it;
and this scherae, he believed, 'comprehended' what
he conceived to be 'a final and complete system, and
which would ease the minds of gentlemen with respect
to any future scheme of reform being attempted, or
being necessary.'
The plan thus proposed by the prime minister in
the plenitude of his power was negatived ; the Ayes
in favour of bringing in a bill being 174
Noes  248
And with this motion ended all Mr. Pitt's endeavours
to reform the House of Coraraons.
We shall quickly find a great change in his
opinions and his conduct; brought about, as he said,
by the excesses of the French revolution. But of
his feelings in 1785 respecting reform in parliament,
the following expressions are a striking and most
important evidence. On Mr. Fox's motion to erase
from the journals of the House of Commons the
former resolutions respecting the Westminster scru
tiny, made on the 9th of March of that year, Mr.
Pitt, when speaking of the character of that House,
said, 'he was stiU in hopes, further, to see every
local prepossession which now stood between the
empire and its true interests, vanish; and he derived
a flattering presage frora the character of the House,

192 PARLIAMENTARY REFORM.
that the great question which was nearest his heart —
that on which the whole and only prospect of a final
triumph over every obstacle to greatness and to glory
depended — that alone which could entitle Englishmen
to the appellation of free, and that alone could ensure
to wise, to virtuous, and to constitutional endeavours,
a victory over factious ambition or corrupt venality
— the great and stupendous question of a parUamen
tary reform, would be taken up with a degree of
determined and upright boldness, that raust soon be
crowned with success.' Spite of these his ardent
anticipations, he was, though a powerful rainister,
defeated; and raen doubted of his sincerity when
they found that the question nearest his heart was
soon altogether disregarded,* and that all who in after
years endeavoured to act upon the principles and
according to the rules which he had once espoused
and advocated, were by hira persecuted with , unre
lenting vigour and perseverance. Mr. Pitt excused
hiraself by saying, that he had seen araple reason to
change his opinion. If that were so, it did not
excuse his harsh and cruel conduct towards those,
who, having had his authority in support of their
belief only a few years before, had not so quickly as
hiraself been terrified by the spectacle which a neigh-

' 'The business of reform appeared to have slept from 1785
to 1790, when it was again brought forward by Mr. Flood,'
said Mr. Grey, in 1793. The interval was one of those periodical
fits of apathy above spoken of.

PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. 193
bouring nation afforded. Because the people of
France, long oppressed by a corrupt government,
and a debauched aristocracy, when freed frora bond
age, were wild and violent, and brutal in their
conduct, Mr. Pitt believed, or said he believed,
his former efforts in favour of an equal and more
rational system of representation to have been impo
litic and dangerous. Many others, however, who had
acted with him, did not draw the same conclusions
from the excesses of the French people as to the
probable conduct of the English who had for cen
turies lived under constitutional government. Mr.
Pitt, nevertheless, pursued thera with the whole force
of the law, aud even endeavoured to wrest the law
so as to render it the instrument of his vengeance.
The change was wrought in hira after 1785 : in 1793
the extent of that change was seen.
In 1792, Mr. Grey gave notice that he would in
the succeeding session submit to the consideration of
the House, a motion respecting a reform in the repre
sentation of the people. Hereupon Mr. Pitt took the
unusual course of remarking upon this notice; and
explained how it was, that the seven years which had
passed over himself as minister had altogether altered
his views with respect to this very subject which he
had declared was the one stupendous question upon
which the honour and welfare of the nation depended.
He objected to the tirae and raode of bringing this
same subject forward. First, there was no chance of
success : but he himself, when submitting a motion on
VOL. I. 0

194 PARLIAMENTARY REFORM.
the same subject to the House of Commons in 1782,
chose to ask simply for a committee to consider the
subject, because his hopes were slight of being able to
frame any plan which would meet with success ; thus
showing, that at that period success or the prospect
of it was not the criterion by which he determined on
the propriety of his own proceeding. Secondly, how
ever, he feared the great risks that were run by the
attempt : ' He saw no chance of succeeding, in the
first place, but saw great danger of anarchy and con
fusion in the second.' When Mr. Pitt raoved in the
matter, England had been hurailiated by defeat,
Araerica had established a republic, and the empire
was supposed to be in danger of absolute annihila
tion. In 1792 France had thrown off, with many
wild excesses indeed, a horrible despotisra ; but Eng
land was safe, and Mr. Grey only proposed an altera
tion in the representation — not wishing, not intending
any further change in tbe institutions of the country.
When Mr. Pitt raoved, the whole country was in a
state of excitement; a convention was actuaUy sit
ting in London, to which delegates were sent from aU
parts of the country. The general demand was for
universal suffrage and annual parliaments. With
this Mr. Pitt did not agree; he nevertheless pressed
his motion, and braved the risk of inducing thereby
a still greater change than he himself desired. When,
however, in 1790-91-92-93 the very same steps were
taken — ^when delegates were chosen, when a conven
tion was proposed, and a deraand for a reform was

PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. 195
loudly made — ^he chose to say, that a stUl greater
change was intended; that monarchy was aimed at;
that a republic was sought ; and therefore he perse
cuted all those who were now reformers, and placed
Home Tooke and Hardy and others upon trial on a
charge of high treason, for acts which he had himself
sanctioned by his own example ten years before.*
In 1793, Mr. Grey brought forward his proraised
motion, and the statements he then made, and the

' Erskine thus described his own feelings upon this subject:
— in his exordium to his defence of Home Tooke, he thus speaks
of his situation when defending Hardy: —
' I appeared in this place as the representative of a poor,
lowly, and obscure mechanic, known only of course to persons in
equal obscurity with himself; yet in his name and person had to
bear up against a pressure with which no advocate in England
ever before had to contend for the most favoured and powerful
subject — I had to contend, in the flrst place, against the vast
and extensive — but after the verdict which has been given, I
will not say the crushing influence of the Crown.' — He then
states other reasons arising from the condition of the popular
feeling, and thus suras up his difliculties: ' These prepossessions,
just in themselves, but connected with dangerous partialities,
would at any time have been sufficiently formidable, but at what
season had I to contend with them? I had to contend with
them when a cloud of prejudices covered every person whose
name could be mentioned or thought of in the course of my
defence — prejudices not only propagated by honest though mis
taken zeal, but fomented in other quarters by wretchedness
beyond the power of language to express — and all directed
against the societies of which the prisoners were members,
only because they had presumed to do what those who prosecuted
them had done before them in other times; and for the doing of
which they had raised their fortunes, and acquired the very power
to prosecute and to oppress.' — State Trials, vol. xxv. p. 256.
0 2

196 PARLIAMENTARY REFORM.
petitions he then presented, served in after years as
the text-book of reforraers, and contributed very
materially to keep alive in the raeraory of raen the
great question of reforra. The Society of the Friends
of the People, in their petition, offered araong other
things to prove that peers and the Treasury actually
norainated ninety-seven merabers, and procured by
influence the return of seventy raore, raaking together
one hundred and sixty-seven; that ninety -one indi
vidual commoners in the country procured the elec
tion of one hundred and thirty-nine, and that one
hundred and sixty individuals absolutely returned
three hundred and six members — a majority of the
entire House of Commons.* These assertions Mr.
Grey offered to prove: 'I assert this,' he said, 'to
be the condition of England; if you say it is not,
do justice to yourselves by calling on us for the
proof, and expose your calumniators to reproach;
but if it be the condition of England, shall it not
be redressed?' The House of Coraraons, under the
direction of Mr. Pitt, refused to listen to the pro
posal ;2 and imraediately declared, that aU the per-

• New Par. Hist. vol. xxx. p. 787, et seq. — See more par
ticularly the speech of Mr. Fox on this debate, in which his views
on the subject of parUamentary reform are very clearly stated,
and the change in Mr. Pitt's opinions severely criticised. — Fox's
Speeches, vol. v. p. 102, et seq.
^ The division showed significantly the altered state of the
question, the numbers being —
For Mr. Grey's motion  41
Against it  282

PARLLAiaENTARY REFORM. 197
sons who by raeans of the various reforraing societies
then existing sought a reform in parliament, were
in reality traitors to the government, employing
reform as a pretence ; and steps were at once taken
by the governraent to bring the most active mem
bers of these associations to trial for high treason.
Fortunately these prosecutions signaUy faUed ; Hardy,
Home Tooke, and others were acquitted, and thus
was a foul stain on our annals happily prevented.
But the nation was sorely terrified by the conduct
of the French people; they therefore now ceased
for the raost part to agitate for reforra, and the
great Whig party was rent in twain by the schism
which occurred upon the question of our policy
with regard to France ; Burke and by far the greater
portion of the party went over to the minister;
Mr. Fox and a small, a very small minority, stUl
held together as an opposition — endeavouring first to
prevent a war, and afterwards, when war had been
declared, striving earnestly to wean the nation from
its hostility, and to promote peace between the two
countries. The question of parliaraentary reform was again
pressed by Mr. Grey in 1797 — supported, though not
heartily, by Mr. Fox.* The Whigs, in fact, as a

' In 1797, Mr. Fox very fairly described the degree of interest
he took in the measure, thus: ' I have invariably declared myself
a friend to parUamentary reform by whomsoever proposed, and
though, in all the discussions that have taken place, I have had
occasion to express my doubts as to the efficacy of the particular

198 PARLIAMENTARY REFORM.
party, had by this tirae given up the question alto
gether. The conduct of Mr. Fox upon this occasion was
reraarkable, and resulted rather from a wish to oppose
and annoy Mr. Pitt, than from any sincere desire to
bring about the reforra which Mr. Grey proposed. Mr.
Grey being absent, Mr. Fox in his narae, and it is said
to the surprise of his own friends, gave notice of the
raotion.' But aU his positions in the speech in which
he supported the proposal of Mr. Grey were hypothe
tical, and in a great raeasure justified the description
given by Burke ofhis language and conduct in 1793
— ' The conduct of Mr. Fox appears to be far more
inexplicable than theirs who propose the individual
representation; for he neither proposes anything, nor
suggests that he has anything to propose, in lieu of
the present raode of constituting the House of Com
mons. On the contrary, he declares against all the
plans which have yet been suggested either frora him-

mode, I have never hesitated to say that the principle itself was
beneficial; and that though not called for with the urgency
which some persons, and among others the right honourable
gentleman, Mr. Pitt, declared to exist, I constantly was of
opinion that it ought not to be discouraged.' — Fox's Speeches,
vol. vi. p. 343.
' Mr. Fox sat, on this occasion, between Lord George
Cavendish and Mr. Whitbread; and the latter is reported to
have related, that when Mr. Fox sat down, after giving the
notice of motion, he exclaimed, ' There, what do you think of
that?' Lord George expressed astonishment, saying, ' You are
not for reform.' Mr. Fox answered, ' No, no; but we must do
something.'

PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. 199
self or others: yet thus unprovided with any plan
whatsoever, he pressed forward this unknown reform
with all possible warrath ; and for that purpose in a
speech of raany hours, he urged the referring to a
committee the libellous impeachraent of the House of
Commons by the Association of the Friends of the
People.' Mr. Burke was at this time in great alarm
respecting French principles, and charged Mr. Fox
with a deliberate intention of introducing them into
England for purposes of anarchy and confusion. This
was a wild exaggeration. The real motive in the
mind of Mr. Fox was the wish to weaken Mr. Pitt.
He thought by recalling the conduct of the premier
when a reformer, he could cast odiura and ridicule
upon him now. The charge of inconsistency could
in this instance be successfully brought, and was be
lieved likely to be injurious. This led Mr. Fox to
support Mr. Grey and his motion.
The plan of Mr. Grey, Mr. Fox said, was the
best he had yet seen subraitted to parliament.
' Though I have constantly been a friend to the prin
ciple, I have never before seen a specific plan that had
my cordial approbation. That which carae nearest,
and of which I least disapproved, was the plan of an
honourable gentleraan who is now no more (Mr.
Flood); he was the first person who suggested the
idea of extending what might be proper to add to
representation, to housekeepers, as to a description
of persons the best calculated to the representative

200 PARLIAMENTARY REFORM.
system.' My honourable friend's plan built upon
this idea is an improvement of it, since it is not an
attempt even to vary the form and outUne, rauch less
to new-model the representation of the people.' Mr.
Grey proposed to leave the nuraber of the House the
same as before, but to increase the county representa
tion from 92 to 113. A division of counties was also
suggested; and he proposed to extend the right of
voting not merely to freeholders, but to copyholders
and leaseholders paying a certain annual rent for a
certain number of years. The right of voting in
boroughs was to be in householders, but of what value
the house was to be was not stated. Two other pro
visions were important — a voter was only to vote for
one member, and the elections were to take place
throughout the whole kingdom at one time. The
Eeforra Bill of 1830 bore a strong reserablance in
principle to this outline given by Mr. Grey in 1797.
The motion of Mr. Grey, however, was again nega
tived, though the minority was larger than in 1795 :
the numbers being —
For Mr. Grey's motion ... 91
Against it  256
From this period the party of Mr. Fox seceded
from parliament. They had lost aU hope of driving

' I quote from the octavo edition of Mr. Fox's Speeches — but
they are evidently very imperfectly reported, and the paragraphs
in the text are hardly inteUigible, though we may guess at their
meaning.

PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. 201
Mr. Pitt from power, and until the end of 1799 with
drew from the House of Commons. Of the justice or
wisdom of this secession, I am not called upon to
speak. FoUowing the fortunes of reforra, I meet the
incident which requires to be raentioned — whether the
step were judicious, need not for ray purpose be
decided. Frora this motion of Mr. Grey, unto the year
1830, the Whig party, when called upon to express
an opinion on the subject of reform, were anxious
rather to separate themselves from what were called
the Eadical reformers, than to prove themselves
friends to any proposal having for its object a change
in our representative system.' Lord Grey indeed
was still true to his early opinions, but he had lost
hope, and age had in some measure altered his views
upon the raatter; being less sanguine he was there
fore less eager for change — less confident of the benefit
that was likely to result from it, than in his younger
days. His friends and his party seldom thought of it.
During this period an important change had taken

' During the Westminster election of 1819, a sharp contro
versy arose with respect to the conduct of Mr. Fox. Mr. Hob-
house, the radical candidate, asserted that Mr. Fox had, in 1797,
declared that he would never join an administration that would
not pledge itself to bring in a plan for a radical reform in our
system of representation; but that, in 1805, he forgot this decla
ration, and joined Lord Grenville's government without stipula
tion of any sort. The Whigs, more especially Mr. Lambton,
angrily denied this story — the word radical, they said, if used
by Mr. Fox, was applicable to the general system of the adminis
tration, and not to parUamentary reform.

202 PARLIAMENTARY REFORM.
place in the principles upon which the reformers
themselves rested their demand for reform. When
the question was argued by the Duke of Eichmond,
and during the discussions of '93 and the foUowing
years, the extreme or Eadical reformers insisted that
there was some inherent inalienable right possessed
by every man to be himself individually represented;
and they were driven into inconsistencies by their op
ponents, who asked, and very pertinently asked, why,
if there were such a natural right, women, idiots, and
children should be excluded from the constituency.
When, however, after 1812, the question again became
a topic of discussion, and the Eadical reformers began
to stir, the persons who at that time led thera, raore
especially in the city of Westrainster, adopted that
exposition of principles on this subject which may be
found stated with great precision as well as brevity
by Mr. Jaraes Mill, the historian of British India, in
the article ' Governraent ' in the Supplement to the
Uncyclopcedia Britannica. The whole doctrine of
natural right was discarded, together with the prin
ciple of individual representation; and an extensive
constituency was now deraanded, because by this
raeans alone, as the Eadical reformers asserted, the
interests of the people and their representatives could
be made identical, and an honest as well as intelligent
governraent obtained through representation. We
shaU find that Lord Grey, when in 1831 he explained
his own principles with respect to reforra, believed
that he should be called upon to combat the doctrine

PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. 203
of individual representation with which he had been
faraUiar in his youth.
Sir Francis Burdett, then representing what were
caUed Eadical opinions, and being in fact the leader
of the Eadical party, raoved the House of Commons
from time to time to adopt, as a plan of reform, uni
versal suffrage, annual parliaments, and vote by ballot ;'
and Lord John Eussell might be considered the expo
nent of Whig wishes and belief on the same raatter,
when he at this period, on various occasions, brought
the subject for consideration before parliaraent.
The general opinion of the Whigs on the subject
of reform raay be taken to be expressed by Lord
John Eussell, when, on the 1st of July, 1819, he thus
stated his own views : — 'I agree in the propriety of
disfranchising such boroughs as are notoriously cor
rupt, and I will give ray consent to any measure that
will restrict the duration of parliament to three years.
I cannot, however, pledge rayself to support a mea
sure that goes the length of proposing an inquiry into
the general state of the representation, hecause such an
inquiry is calculated to throw a slur upon the repre
sentation of the country, and to fill the minds of the
people with vague and indefinite alarms.' The pre
cise plan of the noble Lord, and the extent of the
change he contemplated, he gave to the world on the
14th of Deceraber of the sarae year (1819), when
moving resolutions to the following effect : —
' See, for example, his motion on July I, 1819, and the
debate thereon. — Hansard, vol. xl. p. 1440.

204 PARLIAMENTARY REFORM.
' I come now,' he said, ' to the resolutions which I
shaU have the honour to propose; the two first de
clare, that when a borough is convicted of gross and
notorious bribery and corruption, it shaU cease to
send members to parliament, and that a great town
or county shaU enjoy the right it has forfeited.
On these heads I have nothing to add. The third
declares, ' that it is the duty of this House to consider
of further raeans to detect and prevent corruption in
the election of raerabers of parliament.' . . . The
last resolution declares the opinion of the House, ' that
the borough of Grampound ought to be disfranchised.'*
The terms of these resolutions prove that the noble
lord, at the time, was not aware of the real nature
of the difficulties which lay in the path of every
reformer. He evidently did not understand the
jealousies by which the subject was surrounded. But
of the fears which beset the Whig party upon this
matter, and upon this occasion, the words of Mr.
Tierney gave significant evidence. The report says
that ' Mr. Tierney declared that he never rose' — (and
he rose after Lord Castlereagh) — ' with more of the
spirit of moderation, or with raore of a disposition to
harmony than he felt at that moment; and, in the

' The resolutions are set forth in full at p. 1106, vol. xli.
Hansards Debates. The words of the second resolution deserve
remark: 'The right of returning members  so taken from
any borough  should be given to some great towns, the
population of which shall not be less than 15,000 souls, or to
some of the largest counties.'

PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. 205
first place, he must thank his noble friend for the
opportunity which he had afforded the House of unani
mously and decidedly discountenancing the wild and
visionary doctrines of reform which had lately agitated
the country.' A talk was then indulged in, about
some unfortunate boroughs which were said to be cor
rupt — meaning thereby, that the voters in them sold
their votes for small suras of raoney — the great
borough-proprietor, who sold his commanding interest
for a large sum, not being accused of corruption, or
threatened with disfranchisement. Lord John Eussell
withdrew his motion, and there was a general Whig
gratulation, that the dangerous question was so quietly
disposed of.
And in this, there was nothing to be wondered at.
AU the great Whig families had almost entirely
seceded from the ranks of the reformers,* and they
looked with great jealousy and suspicion upon all
who based their pretensions to popular favour upon
views of parliamentary reforra. In the year 1819,

' Any one who wiU give himself the trouble to look carefully
at the speeches of the several members of these powerful
families, will find this assertion, to the very letter, accurate.
The Cavendishes, with the Duke of Devonshire at their head —
Lord Fitzwilliam, Lord Milton, Lord Carlisle, Lord Morpeth,
Lord Holland, the Duke of Norfolk, together with the men of
ability who formed their intellectual condottieri — such as Burke,
Sheridan, Tierney, Eomilly, and others, never adopted reform
as the chief topic of their discourse, or made it the chief object of
their labours, except when driven by party necessities to employ
what always to them appeared a most dangerous weapon of
offence. Lord Grey, however, was still a reformer.

206 PARLIAMENTARY REFORM.
the faraous contest occurred for the representation of
Westrainster, between Mr. (now Sir John) Hobhouse,
on the Eadical interest, and Mr. George Larab, repre
senting the Whig party. The Tory party looked on,
and enjoyed the scene ; and the bitter invectives of
Mr. Hobhouse against the Whigs, as pretended re
formers, were evidently exceedingly pleasing to those
who hated reformers in every shape, whether they
appeared as advocates of sweeping alterations, or
friends of the little piecemeal changes, by which the
Whig party sought to raaintain theraselves in popular
estiraation as sincere and really extensive reforraers.*
The division between Eeformers and Whigs grew
every day more marked; the troubles of 1817-18-19
increasing their differences, until ill-will and anger
arose, and the mutual recriminations of Whigs and
Eadicals became the common arauseraent of the Tory,
or governraent party. And when the Whigs, under
Mr. Canning, became themselves part of the govern
raent, their wishes for reforra appeared to have en
tirely disappeared.
' These Whig pretensions to the character of reformers were at
the time strenuously denied, and somewhat severely handled by
one who is himself now a Whig — viz., by Sir J. C. Hobhouse.
After his long and unsuccessful struggle for Westminster with
Mr. George Lamb, the Whig candidate, a very elaborate history
of the election was published by Mr. Hobhouse's authority — a
great portion of the narrative, indeed, was actuaUy his own
composition. This angry performance very curiously iUustrates
the various and varying views of the Whig party respecting
reform. — See Authentic Narrative of the Events qf the West
minster Election, 1819.

PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. 207
Among the opponents of reform of late years,
Mr. Canning had always been considered the raost
distinguished — and not only was he himself its steady
opponent in whatever shape proposed — but the friends,
whom he had coUected into a party attached to him
self personally, all earnestly joined in his vehement
warfare against those who attempted any change in
our representative system. When he died, his mantle
fell upon a person of ability very inferior to his own,
but stUl one of considerable power — viz., Mr, Huskis
son, who, with the party called Mr, Canning's friends,
were all well known as anti-reformers. The catholic
question, during Mr. Canning's short career as prime
minister, was the engrossing topic of consideration
among all classes of politicians, and continued to be
so till the year of emancipation — 1829, The Whigs
joined Mr, Canning in the hope of carrying, as they
said, this emancipation by his aid, and in this hope
they waived, for the time, discussion of all questions
upon which a difference of opinion existed between
themselves and their new ally. Among these ques
tions they included parliaraentary reform, wishing
however to raake the world believe that they still
were, and ever had been sincere reformers. When,
however, Mr. Canning died, and left their hopes still
unfulfflled, and they lost office, rather by their own
weakness than the strength of their opponents, they
resumed the character of an opposition, recomraenced
their struggles ; and, among other topics of discourse
again chose reform. This discourse, however, was

208 PARLIAMENTARY REFORM.
again for a time silenced by the din and excitement
raised by the passing of catholic emancipation by the
Duke of WeUington, and was luUed into quiet by the
pleasing hope of sharing with him the many sweets of
office.' The end of the session of 1829 had not
arrived before doubts obscured the brightness of these
hopes, and symptoms of distrust began, faintly in
deed at first, to develop themselves. The Tories, too.

' We may judge of the interest felt in the House of Commons
by the petitions presented to it on this subject. When the
Whigs really took up the question the petitions came in large
numbers. Mr. Croker, in his anti-reform zeal, wishing to prove
that the excitement of 1 83 1 was only sudden and temporary,
counted the petitions which had been presented to the House of
Commons, and the foUowing was the result: 'I find thatin 1821,
19 petitions only were presented in favour of reform. In the
year 1822 the number was reduced to 12. There were in

1823 . .

. . 29

1827 . .

. . 0

1824 . .

. . 0

1828 . .

. . 0

1825 .

. . 0

1829 . .

. . 0

1826 . .

. . 0

1830 . .

. . 14

Such was the state of the public mind on this subject up to that
date.' — See Quarterly Review,'No. XC. July, 1831.
Sir Eobert Peel, in the last debate on the English Reform
BiU in the Commons, thus spoke of this apathy and gave this
convincing proof of its existence: ' When I asked the noble lord
(Althorp) how he could support Mr. Canning, who was the
decided enemy of all reform — who refused even to permit the
franchise qf Grampound to go to Manchester, what was his
answer? His answer was, that the people of England had
become so indifferent to reform, that he never intended to bring
the question forward again. I think this is sufficient to justify
me for not having been very wiUing, a year or two subsequent
to 1827, to open this important subject.' — Mirror of Parliament,
1832, p. 2464.

PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. 209
in their anger, like aU other classes of politicians in
that frame of mind, insisted upon the necessity of
reform. The Whigs were thus placed in a perplexing
position. Were the Tories fairly and with an appear
ance of sincerity to take up and support the demand
for a change in the representation of the people, the
vocation of the Whigs as popular leaders was gone;
but if they (the Whigs) at once began to renew their
endeavours on the subject, they might fatally offend
the Duke of Wellington, and thus shut themselves out
from aU expectation of place. Wary and sagacious,
they proceeded therefore by degrees. The younger
members of their party proposed some small reforms,
such as the East Eetford and Penryn Disfranchiseraent
BUls ; which being insignificant, did not preclude an
alliance with the adrainistration, but served, never
theless, the good party purposes of sowing dissension
among the members of the cabinet, and keeping alive
the opinion that the Whigs were real parliamentary
reforraers. The friends of Mr. Canning, forgetting
in the auturan of 1827 the services rendered to their
leader at the coraraenceraent of that year by the
Whigs, deserted these lately found allies, when they
discovered that to retain place and this new friend
ship was irapossible. Lord Broughara in after years
writing on this topic, expressed all the bitterness of
Whig feeling at this proceeding in the following
pungent statement : —
' Although Mr. Canning's hostiUty to reform had
been the most often signalized, yet his death, in the
VOL. L P

210 PARLIAMENTARY REFORM.
autumn of 1827, in no degree relaxed the opposition
of his surviving followers, all of whom reraained
united on this point. They, no doubt, departed
widely from his course in other respects, and they so
far deserted the ground which he had latterly taken
as even to join those with whom his hostility had be
corae the raost personal, evincing their habitual love
of place, by holding office with the Duke of WeUington
and Mr. Peel, after their new Whig allies had been
somewhat cavalierly ejected frora office by the Court.
Nor was it till the following suraraer that they re
ceived the reward due to such place-loving propen
sities, by being ejected as uncereraoniously as the
Whigs had been before. Lord Dudley and Mr. Hus
kisson, with the lesser members of the party. Lords
Palmerston and Melbourne, and Glenelg, were once
more in opposition, and graduaUy resumed the Whig
connexion, but their hostility to reform remained
unabated. Nor is it one of the least reraarkable
events in their history, that to a reform question they
owed the last misfortune of losing their places in
1828. They had taken the long-headed, not to say
crafty view of their new leader, Mr. Huskisson, that
giving members to Birmingham, on the disfranchise
ment of Eetford for corruption, would tend more to
prevent further raischief — that is, as he explained it —
really effectual reforra, than merely opening the fran
chise to the adjoining hundreds.' On this, the Duke
1 Lord Brougham here alludes to the foUowing expressions
used by Mr. Huskisson in 1829: — 'Now what remains behind?

PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. 211
and Sir Eobert Peel differed with them, possibly
deeming it a poor stratagem, and conceiving it better
to oppose reforra altogether in a fair and raanly way,
than by raeans of a trick. On' this the parties quar
relled, and when the general question of parliamentary
reform was debated in 1830, the reraains of the
Canning party gave it their unraitigated opposition,
as they continued to do, until being in office with
Lord Grey, and other reforraers, they all at once
became, root and branch adversaries of the existing
system, and wholesale proselytes to the reforming
creed."
Parliamentary reform. I trust it wiU long remain behind. I
hope that we shall always resist it flrmly and strenuously. I
am sure that if we adopt the proposition of my honourable
friend the member for Bletchingly, the chance of our making
a successful resistance to parliamentary reform will be increased;
but that if we adopt the proposition of the honourable member
for the county of Hertford, we shall see parliamentary reform —
backed by a powerful auxiUary out of the House, I mean public
opinion — made an annual and formidable question of discus
sion.' — Mirror of Parliament, 1829, p. 1450. Lord Howick
in 1830 remarked on this — ' I feel no difficulty in understanding
the right honourable gentleman. He has made an admission
for which I thank him. * * * Individuals who think as the
right honourable gentleman does, are wilUng to give up some
of the outworks of corruption, in order that they may be the
better enabled to defend the principal stronghold.' — Mirror of
Parliament, 1830, p. 127.
' Lord Brougham's Speeches, vol. ii. p. 546. This passage
was written in 1838, after Lord Brougham's quarrel with his
old friends, but the old feeUng dictated every word. Lord
Melbourne indeed considered himself incorrectly described
when called one ' of the lesser members' of Mr. Canning's
party — asserting that he never was a Canningite at all! In his
p 2

212 PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. [1830.
Early in the session of 1830, the Marquis of
Blandford, incited by his anger against the Duke of
WeUington, proposed a scheme of reform. Before
this general proposition was discussed the scheme of
partial reform, which during the preceding session had
so often occupied the attention of parliament, was
again made a topic of debate on the motion of Mr.
Calvert, on February 11, for leave to bring in a biU
to prevent bribery and corruption in the borough of
East Eetford. Mr. Tennyson again moved as an
araendraent, to leave out all the words after the word
' biU,' in order to insert these words — ' to exclude the
borough of East Eetford from electing burgesses to
serve in parliament, and to enable the town of
Birminghara to return two representatives in lieu
thereof.' The effect of the constant discussion which
had for sorae years been going on, was now seen in
the increased anxiety of the more sagacious — the more
' long-headed and crafty,' as Lord Broughara calls
thera, of the eneraies of reform, that sorae scherae of
partial reforra should be adopted, in order, as Mr.
Huskisson acknowledged, ' to guard against the grow
ing danger of sweeping reform on principles too ab
stract and general.' He confessed, reluctantly, as he
said, that there was a general and profound feeling in
the minds of men, not of the ignorant and uninformed

character of Mr. Canning, Lord Brougham again remarks upon
' the disgusting rottenness of the friendship professed to Mr.
Canning by these puny men of whose nostrils he had been the
breath.' — See page 279, First Series of Characters. Note.

1830.] PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. 213
rabble, but of men of education and intellect, as com
petent as merabers of the House itself to form a
sound and judicious opinion upon the circumstances
of the empire, — and in these men there was an un
settled and disquieted state of mind, and a feeling that
the House of Commons was not what it ought to be.'
In this roundabout phrase, he wished to say, that
generally men of education thought that a reform was
needed — and he was right; such was the prevalent
opinion, and a few raonths sufficed to show how strong,
at length, this opinion had becorae. Looking, he
said, to the concessions which had already been raade,
he asked if it was creditable to the legislature to make
concessions always when prudence and necessity cora
pelled them no longer to withhold them ; and he ex
pressed a hope that the governraent, in this case, would
be disposed to reconsider the question ; and, in short,
take his advice, which was to grant an unimportant,
unmeaning change, in the hope of blinding and hood
winking the people; and he endeavoured to frighten
the administration by a description of the proceedings
and character of the Birmingham Political Union — a
body destined eventually to exercise no sraall influence
upon the determinations of the legislature. ' I saw at
Birmingham, lately, an association which, as far as I
can perceive its elements, principles, and operations,
seems exactly forraed on the model of the Catholic
Association ; for it has its subscriptions, its funds, its
meetings, its discussions, and its great agitator; and
the purpose of this association is to raise a universal

214 PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. [1830.
cry for parliaraentary reform,' He would rather, he
said, with rauch practical wisdom, see the great
Birmingham agitator in parliament, as he saw Mr.
O'Connell, than at the head of the Birmingham Poli
tical Union ; and he sought to persuade the House to
give Birmingham the means of sending him to parliar
ment, in order to prevent a raore extensive change.
This advice was worthy of the crafty official, but was
happily not taken. Mr. Huskisson further gave a
hint, which his sudden death shortly after prevented
his fulfilling — that if this proposition was successfully
resisted, he should feel hiraself at liberty to change his
tactics, and take up what he called a new defensive
position . Judging frora the after-conduct of his friends,
we may assume that this meant, that he would sup
port a very searching and sweeping change in the
system of representation. To this significant speech,
Mr. Goulbourn, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, on
the part of the government, raade an unmeaning
reply, from which all that could be gathered was, that
the government intended to oppose Mr. Tennyson's
amendment, and that he was himself very much
shocked by Mr. Huskisson's language. This did not
surprise, or indeed in any way affect any of his
hearers — all men knew that he spoke at the word of
command, and that he would have voted either way,
just as his leader ordered, having neither the ability
nor the desire to form an independent opinion. Mr.
Charles Grant raerely repeated Mr. Huskisson's argu
ment, saying — ' If we refuse this now, we shall be

1830.] PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. 215
obUged to grant it hereafter, as we have in other in
stances, with, on our part, little of the grace of con
cession, and with little of gratitude on the part of
those to whom it shaU be made.'*
Lord Howick had, early in the debate, expressed
his own peculiar views on the subject, to which after-
events gave an interest, his opinions appearing to have
been shared by his father. Lord Grey, and by hira put
into practice in the great reform which took place dur
ing his administration. He (Lord Howick) laraented
that, by the forras of the House, he was prevented
moving certain resolutions which he had prepared,
and which he read, the last and most important of
which was to the following effect: —
' That this House, therefore, finding that the
passing of specific bills directed against particular
cases, has neither had the effect of removing the
existence or arresting the progress of corruption, is of
opinion that its charactei' may best be vindicated by
abandoning these useless and expensive proceedings,
in order to adopt some general and comprehensive
measure, the only means of checking so scandalous an
abuse.' In supporting this proposition. Lord Howick by
anticipation thus remarked on the opinions and con
duct of Mr. Huskisson and his party : —
' I very much fear that the motives of many of
those who support this measure of disfranchisement,

' Mirror of Parliament, 1830, p. 131.

216 PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. [1830.
are not at first sight what they appear to be. I be
lieve it is not the crime of bribery which excites their
indignation, but the clumsiness with which it has
been effected. They do not wish to put an end to
those abuses, but to keep them from the public eye,
and to conceal from the light of day their own crimes.'
And he afterwards most truly remarked, ' that it
argued contemptible folly and weakness to attempt to
deceive the country by such barefaced hypocrisy, as
cannot impose upon the merest child,' * Mr. O'Connell
did not acquiesce in the propriety of the course re
commended by the noble lord, although he fiiUy
admitted the justice of his reraarks. He would kUl,
he said, one wolf of a hungry pack, rather than not
kill any. His illustration, however, was not accu
rately put. To raeet Lord Howick's argument, he
should have supposed that the killing this one wolf
raight have tended to secure the escape of the remain
ing pack. This was what Lord Howick asserted, and
added further, and herein he agreed in the opinion of
Mr. Huskisson, that by abstaining frora the sacrifice
of one delinquent, they would lead eventually to the
extirpation of the whole body. Mr. Huskisson, not
desiring this wholesale reform, voted for the motion of
Mr. Tennyson. Lord Howick, who desired the more
extensive measure, opposed it. The result showed
the correctness of this view.
Sir Eobert Peel, with an astonishing confidence.

' Mirror of Parliament, 1830, p. 127.

1830.] PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. 217
denied the truth of the noble lord's accusation. He
insisted, rauch to the edification and amusement of
the House, on the virtue of the borough constituencies.
— ' I cannot agree,' he said, indulging in very
dangerous joking, ' with the noble lord in the declara
tion of general bribery and corruption among the
cities and boroughs ; I cannot bring myself to include
in such an accusation the borough of Westbury, which
I have the honour to represent.' This excited a laugh
at the moraent, and was received as wit, coraing frora
the leader of the House. But serious raen out of
doors, who saw their welfare dependent upon the will
and deterrainations of a House of Coramons, over
whom they could exercise no control, looked upon
this joking as insolent and offensive — unworthy of the
person who attempted it, and unbefitting the occasion
which called it forth.* He declared that he should
support Mr. Calvert's original motion, but added, that
if the House adopted the amendment, it would not be
vexatiously opposed in the House of Peers. Mr.
Tennyson's amendment was lost — the numbers being —
For the original raotion . . .126
For the araendraent . . . . 99

Majority  27'

' 'Serious patriots groan,' said Gibbon, with his accus
tomed grave irony, and speaking of the once celebrated pam
phlet Anticipation, — ' serious patriots groan to see such things
turned to farce.' 2 Mirror qf Parliament, 1830, p. 135.

218 PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. [1830.
A second division occurred on the biU itself, which was
carried by a yet larger majority — the numbers being —
ForthebiU  154
Against it  55
Majority . . . 99*
When, on the 18th of the sarae month (February)
the Marquis of Blandford proposed a larger, though
certainly not a very weU conceived plan of parlia
mentary reforra, the Whigs held aloof, contenting
theraselves with vague expressions in favour of a
change, but suggesting that the proper time for pro
posing it had not arrived — neither was the present
proposal the right one. Into any explanation of the
noble lord's plan there is no need now to enter — he
was hiraself hardly serious. The motion was made in
anger, the object sought being to annoy and perplex
the Duke of Wellington and Sir Eobert Peel. A
favourable opportunity was given for declamation and
abuse; and while talking about a reforra in parliament.
Lord Blandford was in reality exhaling the violent
passion which had possessed him in consequence of
the emancipation of the catholics. The supposed
liberal parliaraentary reformer was, in fact, merely an
anti-catholic bigot.
The resolution proposed by hira was, ' that leave
be given to bring in a bill to restore the consti
tutional influence of the Commons in the parliament

' Mirror of Parliament, 1830, p. 135.

1830.] PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. 219
of England.' The policy and feelings of the
Whig opposition were made manifest by an amend
ment proposed by Lord Althorp, who said, ' I will
vote for the motion of my noble relation, if it
be pressed to a division; but agreeing with my
honourable and learned friend (Mr. Brougham) that
the better course to adopt will be to move a general
resolution by way of araendraent, I beg to propose
that all the words after the word ' that' be omitted, in
order to insert the foUowing : ' It is the opinion ox
this House that a reform in the state of the represen
tation is expedient.' By this the party was really
pledged to nothing — the nature and extent of the
reforra needed were not expressed — the proposition
raight raean the raost searching, it raight also intend
the raost insignificant reforra. To reform in this
general sense, the whole party had for many years
been pledged, but hitherto they had abstained from
declaring the utmost limits of the change they
conteraplated. Probably, indeed, no one of the party
had yet settled, or even attempted to settle, for
himself what that limit was. The leaving the whole
matter thus in uncertainty was, for all party purposes,
the safest and most effective course. Ardent and
sanguine reformers would think that a real and
sweeping change was intended — timid and wavering
supporters would suppose that a vague phrase was
employed because little was really raeant; so also, as
times changed and necessities varied, plans for reforra
might and would change too ; and the actual moment

220 PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. [1830.
at which the reforra was to be proposed, raust by the
attendant circurastances be decided. The hopes and
wishes of the people — the precise end in view — the
means at hand — all these and a thousand surrounding
considerations, must determine the extent and nature
of the proposal. Sagacious party politicians, like the
Whigs, were not willing unnecessarily to commit
themselves, or to miss employing so safe and so useful
an instrument as a vague and general proposition.
The nurabers on the raain question of leave to
bring in the bill were —
Ayes  57
Noes  160*
So it passed in the negative.
The real party move respecting reform was made
by Lord John Eussell, who, on the 23rd of February,
asked for leave to bring in a bill ' to enable the towns
of Manchester, Leeds, and Birmingham to return re
presentatives to serve in parliament.'^ A raore
harmless change cannot be conceived — and while harm
less, it had every appearance of fairness and reason
ableness. Half-a-dozen raerabers, even if elected by
universal suffiage, would not have changed the real
character of the House. The landed interests would
have stiU been undoubtedly dominant. The votes of

' Lord Althorp stated in the House of Commons, on a
subsequent debate, that by agreement it was settled not to call
for a division on the amendment, which was put and negatived
pro forma; the division was on the main question.
" Mirror of Parliament, 1830, p. 361, et seq.

1830.] PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. 221
Gatton would alone have neutralized those of Bir
mingham, and the majority would still have obeyed
the commands of the smaU nuraber of proprietors,
who really returned the House of Commons. While
the reality was thus to be unchanged, an appearance
of fairness would have been gained of infinite service
to the possessors of this mighty monopoly. They
would on all occasions have been able to point to these
popular representatives when any attack was made
on the composition of the House. ' Who can say,'
they would have triumphantly asked, ' that the large
towns are not represented — look at London, at Leeds,
Birminghara, Manchester, Liverpool, Bristol.' If to
these Glasgow and Sheffield had been added, this ques
tion would have proved a serious and lasting obstacle
in the path of all succeeding reforraers. Fortunately,
the opponents of reforra were short-sighted and tiraid.
They feared the proposal, because it was a change. Any
alteration they dreaded, because thereby the prestige
of an unalterable, inviolable nature would no longer
have attended on the House of Coraraons. ' Once
begin,' they exclairaed, ' and we do not know when
there will be a stop !' The medley of reasons for op
posing the motion was curious and instructive. Lord
Sandon opposed it by moving an amendment in the
words of the resolution brought forward by Lord John
EusseU himself in a previous year, and by which it
was proposed to transfer the franchise from places
convicted of bribery and corruption to certain large
towns. This plan had been many times proposed,

222 PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. [1830.
and had as often been defeated either in the House of
Commons or Lords. Lord Sandon, and apparently
on that account, moved once again to adopt it. He
objected to the present plan of Lord J. Eussell, be
cause it had no defined limit : ' If you give the fran
chise to Leeds because of its populousness, why not also
to Sheffield, which is already raore populous ? — why not
to any other town which may hereafter become so ?
But if you still go on, you will increase the numbers
of the House of Commons, already too great.' He
therefore proposed the oft-defeated plan of exchange.
Mr. Twiss opposed both the original motion and the
araendraent, because he considered them both an in
fringement of the acts of union with Scotland and
Ireland. Lord Valletort opposed the raotion of Lord
John Eussell, because he saw that noble lord's name
in the minority on Lord Blandford's raotion. In such
a case he judged of raeasures by the raen who proposed
thera. Sir George Murray was deterrained to give
his vote against the plan, spite of his having admitted
the catholics, and spite of his wiUingness to transfer
the franchise from corrupt to incorrupt places, first
because he did not like increasing the numbers of the
House, and next because he was afraid of introducing
a demagogue influence which might sway their deter
minations. Mr. Wynn feared increasing indefinitely
the numbers of the merabers, and considered that if
there was anything sacred in the union with Ireland,
it was that the proportion of representatives then esta
blished should be raaintained in favour of the weaker

1830.] PARLIAMENTARY REFORM, 223
party. He therefore opposed the original motion.
It would, he said, ' totally change the character of its
representation, (viz., ofthe House,) and would render
it more tumultuous, and less adapted for business
than it is now.'' Mr, Secretary Peel remarked, that
although he had been so many years in parliament,
this was the first occasion on which he had expressed
in words an opinion on parliamentary reform. With
that fatal perversity which has marked his whole poli
tical career, he chose this moraent as the most oppor
tune for the declaration of a sweeping, uncoraproraising
opposition to change of every sort, degree, nature, or
extent. Just when all thinking men clearly perceived
that some change must take place, he determined to
express for the first tirae his opposition to every reforra,
and to use in this his declaration such a forra of ex
pression as precluded the possibility of any raodifica-
tion — of any retreat, any compromise. There would
seem to be something raorbid in the right honourable
gentieraan's teraperaraent — sorae strange twist or pecu
liarity which enables hira to derive pleasure frora
the conteraplation of a dogged resistance. In raost
instances the conteraplation is all the pleasure he
enjoys — for there is a weakness and want of stubborn
ness in his temper, which usually deprives him of the
actual fruition of a pleasure which at a distance
seems so alluring. His resolution breaks down and
yields just at that point when, with all other men.

' Mirror of Parliament, 1830, p. 368.

224 PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. [1830.
any expectation of surrender would not only be deemed
hopeless, but absolutely insulting. A change such as
that proposed required not of necessity any disquisi
tion on the general question of reform. The proposal
raight well have been discussed upon its own indivi
dual raerits. It might have been opposed or sup
ported by a friend of" radical reform. Being thus
exceptional in its character, any confession of faith on
the general question was going out of the way in
search of difficulties, and proved, on the part of him
who made it, want of prudence or want of foresight.
After what had occurred, however, on the catholic
question, suspicion as to his sincerity was natural in
the rainds of conservative politicians, and had to be
guarded against. The language of the opposition not
seldora tended to excite and keep alive doubt respect
ing the intentions of the right honourable gentleman.
To relieve the rainds of his friends of these doubts, it
was necessary, he seeraed to think, for hira to separate
hiraself in some marked raanner frora the Whigs, by
whom he had been supported in his late great reforraa
tion. The sweeping declarations now eraployed by him
appear to have been used for this purpose, and were
suggested apparently by a speech delivered by Dr.
Lushington, in which an appeal was made to the
patriotism of the Secretary of State, and soraething
like a hope expressed that he might in this case also
prove the great reformer. The appeal of the learned
civUian was direct and eraphatic. He said 
* Sir, without meaning any degree of hostility to

1830.] PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. 225
the right honourable gentleman opposite, but on the
contrary, feeling, as I always do, infinitely grateful
for all the services he has rendered, I raust again con
tend that a heavy pressure of distress has corae upon
the country, and that raeasures infinitely wider in
their extent, and more severe in their operation than
he has ever undertaken, raust be speedUy adopted.
If the right honourable gentleraan means to discharge
his duty — if he means to assume that which is the
boast of every Englishman, the maintenance of his
own rights, — he must appeal to the well-educated,
well-informed, the moral people of this country to
support him in his necessity. Let him, as he boasts
of having divested himself of ancient prejudices, look
truth in the face, and, disregarding all other consider
ations, make the good of his country the sole guide
of his actions ; he wiU then maintain his place in his
Majesty's government with infinite satisfaction and
advantage to the people, and with glory to himself:
and araidst all the difficulties that raay corae upon
him, he may rely with perfect safety and confidence
that the people will bear hira through, and support
him against all the efforts of disappointed corruption
or iniquitous ambition. Thus he will have the double
blessing of enjoying a safe conscience, with the cer
tainty that he is occupied in security in producing
inestimable good to that land over whose destiny the
functions of his office exercise so presiding an influence.'*
To this significant appeal Mr. Peel thus replied —
' Mirror of Parliament, 1830, p. 367.
VOL. I. Q

226 PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. [1830.
' When the honourable and learned civUian exhorts
the government to pursue rigidly and perseveringly
that course which wiU attract the popular applause,
and adds that it is thus that a minister raay obtain
the most flattering eminence, and best promote the
interests of the country, — provided he do not suffer
himself to be led away by any of those temptations
proper to his office, — I cannot but remember that
there is one other temptation to be avoided — namely,
that of deferring too rauch to popular opinion. There
is a medium to be observed, and I believe that medium
course to be the best. A minister should neither
make himself the tool of party, nor should he, by
courting popular applause, too much lose sight of the
interests of the country. He may thus, it is true,
forfeit, for a moment, the good opinion of the people,
but he will still enjoy the approbation of his own
conscience, and probably attain that perraanent good
farae which is the result of adhering to an upright
and steady course.'*
The right honourable secretary was evidently
thinking and speaking of himself. The words ' good
opinion of the people,' meant that ' of his party,' and
were spoken at his friends. The soleran homily on
the danger of seeking popular applause, and the
ready employment of the incident furnished by the
debate, in subservience of his own personal ends, is
an instance of that ostentatious dexterity, that trans-

V Mirror of Parliament, 1830, p. 374.

1830.] PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. 227
parent artifice, for which the right honourable gentle
man has gained an unenviable renown. No one is
really persuaded or misled by it ; but it alarms the
prudent, and offends the honest.
Mr. Brougham closed the debate by a speech of
great power, and of admirable temper. He answered
without asperity the objections raised to reform in
general, and to the proposed plan of Lord John
Eussell in particular. He set forth, in temperate
and weU guarded phrase, the benefits which he hoped
to derive from parliamentary reform : —
' Those who are for parliamentary reform hope to
see, not these institutions (i.e. King, Lords, and Com
mons) attacked, but the influence of the people, which
is a beneficial influence, continued and augmented;
whereas it is now only exerted by spirts, and acci
dentally. They wish to see the raachine of govern
ment better regulated than at present — to substitute
influence for force, love for fear, confidence for dis
trust; they wish to see all these latter things ren
dered nugatory and needless by a truly popular
representation. By this we shall confirm the stability
of existing institutions, not weaken the popular at
tachment to them. * * * Do I mean to deny that
public opinion finds its way within these walls — that
popular feelings reach the House of Commons ? No.
I should be the very last raan to dispute it ; but ray
complaint and objection is, that public opinion and
popular feeUng are a long tirae in finding their way
hither; but if we had a reform in parliament, they
q2

228 PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. [1830:
would come directly. We should not then have to
wait years and years till an abuse had been under
mined — tiU the point was carried by sap, instead of
by storm." And he illustrated this last remark by
referring to the conduct of parliament on a subject
which he described as the greatest disgrace to the
legislature — namely, the African slave trade.
Whether based on correct reasoning, or on specific
advantage to be derived from the present proposal,
all appeal to the House was on the occasion equally
vain : Lord John EusseU's motion was rejected. The
numbers on division being,
For the motion  140
Against it  188

Majority ... 48
The intentions of the Whig party at that period,
and the undefined nature of their opinions respecting
reforra in parliaraent, raore distinctly appeared on
the motion of Mr. O'Connell, made on the 28th of
May, for leave to bring in a bill ' for the effectual
radical reform of abuses in the representation of the
people in the Coraraons House of Parliaraent.' He
introduced this raotion in a speech that was reraark
able only because it was exceedingly guarded, raild,
and teraperate in phrase. The arguments set forth
were of a common-place character. They were not
well put — so that neither by its substance nor its

Mirror of Parliament, 1830, p. 376.

1830.] PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. 229
manner was the speech framed to excite attention
and arouse a spirit in favour of reforra, either in
doors or out. The direct proposals of the speech,
which were to be embodied in the biU, were — first, to
limit the duration of parliament to three years —
second, to extend the suffrage, so as to make it what
is usually caUed universal. ' I propose,' said the
learned gentleman, ' that every raan who is unstained
with crime, of mental capacity, and of legal age,
should have the right of voting. In other words, I
propose universal suffrage ;' — and thirdly, in order to
protect the independence of the voter, he proposed to
adopt the ballot.
Lord John Eussell upon this moved an amend
ment, because he was unwilling to give the motion a
direct negative, and thus vote against all reform;
and because he was not prepared by an affirmative
vote to sanction opinions which in reality he disap
proved. The amendment consisted of a string of
resolutions, which he had, in fact, already submitted
to the House, but which he now again adopted, as
they gave him an effective means of rescuing himself
and his party from a position which he and they
found disagreeable. The last resolution was remark
able, showing how little in reality of principle there
was in the motives which determined the conduct of
the noble lord, or of the party whom he on this
occasion represented. To triennial parliaments the
noble lord had no particular objection; but being a
Whig, he had no great desire to throw a slur upon

230 PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. [1830.
the septennial act. ' If the learned member had con
fined his measure to his first proposition,' he saidj
' viz. that of triennial parliaraents, though I do not
approve entirely of it, and believe that parliaraents
elected for five years would be preferable to them, as
well as to our present system, yet I do not think I
should be led to oppose him on that point alone. But
universal suffrage and vote by ballot are raeasures
that in my opinion are totally incompatible with the
constitution of England.' Hi& own plan certainly
was not calculated in any way to disturb the existing
order of things; but was, on the contrary, so framed
as efficiently to proraote the continuance of the system
he professed to condemn. The first of his resolutions
declared, ' That it is expedient to extend the basis
of the representation of the people in this House;'
— so vague as to be really unmeaning : nothing could
be more harmless than this idle assertion. By the
next resolution he proceeded in some measure to
explain what was meant by extending the basis of
representation. It was to this effect : ' That it is
expedient to give members to large unrepresented
towns, and additional members to counties of greatest
wealth and population.' Upon this proposal, the
noble lord observed :
' The additional members I have proposed would
make a large addition to the numbers in this House.
In order to get rid of the objection to that addition,
and to obviate the inconvenience which would arise
from it, I should propose that a certain number of

1830.] PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. 231
smaUer boroughs should only send one representative
instead of two to Parliament ; and that any boroughs
with less than 2500 inhabitants should only send one
member. I trust that will not be considered a griev
ance, particularly after the resolution I shall propose
relative to this subject. My third resolution accord
ingly is, ' That in order to attain this object without
inconvenience it is expedient that a number of sraaller
boroughs, not exceeding sixty, and not containing
more than 2500 inhabitants each, should for the
future return only one member to serve in parlia
ment.' '
Then came his last resolution, borrowed from the
plan of Mr. Pitt, but which, coming frora a professed
constitutional reformer of modern days, is somewhat
startling. It proposed, ' That it is expedient that
compensation should be granted to the boroughs which
shall lose their right of returning two raerabers to
parliament, by means of a fixed sum to be applied to
that purpose annually for several years' !
The remainder of the noble lord's speech consisted
of remarks in answer to an observation raade by Sir
E. Peel on a previous evening, that the House of
Commons was now purer and less corrupt than it
was in the days of our forefathers — ' that we are,' he
had observed, ' neither so corrupt nor so profligate as
they were in the reigns of George I. and George IL'
The noble lord was at pains to prove this assertion

Mirror of Parliament, 1830, vol. u. p. 2054.

232 PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. [1830,
incorrect — sneering at the same time, with laboured
irony, at the present purity of the House of Coraraons.
At the moment the words of the noble lord fell on
inattentive ears. But the speech that had died in
the uttering, but for the record of the reporter, came
in after times to be remembered, and the principles
it enunciated to be compared with those which seemed
to have governed the conduct of the noble speaker
hiraself. And we have lived to regret those days,
when the corrupt conduct of the House of Commons
formed a subject for the indignation of the noble
reformer, and supplied him with an arguraent in
favour of change. The corruption of those times
when he was in opposition, would now, nineteen years
later,* and after a rauch wider reforra has been effected
than that which the noble lord then proposed, be
considered evidence of exalted purity, and accepted
with joyful gratitude, and lauded as a most unex
pected and searching economy. The words are indeed
worthy of being repeated.
' It may be said, perhaps, that the times to which
I have referred, were times of great opposition to
ministers ; but I can support ray argument by going
into the corrupt times of Sir Eobert Walpole. In
the first parliament of George II. , everything is said
to have been most corrupt and profligate. Now
in the year 1730 we shall see the course that par
liament adopted. The army then cost 651,000/.;

' This was written in 1849.

1830.] PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. 233
and the forces in our colonies and plantations
160,000/.; and let it not be supposed. Sir, that at
the time we had no colonies to defend. On the
contrary. New York, Carolina, Bermuda and Jamaica,
were then in our possession, and required vigilant
guardianship to preserve thera. So far from that
sum being now sufficient to defend our colonial pos
sessions, it is little raore than sufficient to keep
the Ionian Islands, which are maintained for us
at an expenditure that they are scarcely worth.
Our vote in the year 1830 is a very different one,
for we now vote for the army alone about 7,300,000/.
In the year 1729 the whole of the supplies for the
defensive establishment voted, when we had sub
sidies to pay to foreign powers, amounted to
3,600,000/.; and in 1829, when we were not un
der similar disadvantages, the supplies araounted to
17,620,000/. The facts which I have stated, I
conceive prove that the parliament of that day
was at all events the faithful guardian of the pub
lic purse; and that although the members of it
might be pensioners and place-holders, they acted
more faithfully in watching over and guarding the
expenditure of the public money, than we do at
present. Indeed, Sir, I think I have shown pretty
well, that rauch as we boast of the tiraes in which
we live, yet, as faithful guardians of the public
purse, we are not entitled to all the praise we so
abundantly claira for ourselves.' *
' Mirror of Parliament, 1830, p. 2053.

234 PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. [1830.
On this striking, this overwhelming proof of
corruption, the noble lord rested his demand for
a reform in the constitution of parliaraent, profess
ing to believe hiraself, and endeavouring to convince
his hearers, that the change he proposed would re
medy the evU of which he complained, by destroying
the corruption which he had thus proved to exist.
Of the speakers who succeeded and took part
in the debate, few agreed with each other except
in condemning what they called the sweeping pro
posal of Mr. O'Connell. Mr. Stuart Wortley was
so startled by the mere idea of universal suffrage,
that his mind for the time could apply itself to
no other topic. To it he declared himself irre-
concileably a foe, because he believed that property,
as well as persons, ought to be represented. For
this opinion he quoted as authority Mr. Madison;
and in illustration of the advantage resulting from
this representation of property, he made an asser
tion which, if correct, might have been employed
as an argument against himself, by those of the
Tory party, who from anger had been lately con
verted to the creed of the reformers. 'Parliament,'
he said, 'had but done its duty on several occasions
in our past history, when it dissented from the po
pular voice, and disowned the popular control.' Two
instances of this fortunate resistance to public opi
nion he cited; one was the Eevolution of 1688, the
other the passing of the Catholic Eelief Bill. Speak
ing of the last, he put this significant question:

1830.] PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. 235
' Who that knows anything of this country can
doubt that if it [universal suffrage] had existed
last year, we should have not had the pleasure of
hearing the honourable and learned member for Clare
uttering his opinions on this occasion; for if the
votes of the people had been numerically taken,
although sorae few merabers might, from other local
and personal considerations, have voted for them,
and yet have retained the seats they now enjoy
by popular election, the raajority would unquestion
ably have been against the measures adopted by
parliament.' * This is a dangerous argument at all
times, but was peculiarly iraprudent on the present
occasion, when the great anti-catholic party were
smarting under a defeat, and were turning their
thoughts towards a change in the constitution of
the House of Coramons as a means of regaining
their lost power, and thus saving the protestant
establishraent from imminent destruction.
The chief of the aristocratic Whigs, Lord Al
thorp, was less violently opposed, however, than
his followers and friends seemed to be to the plan
now proposed. He agreed with Mr. O'Connell in
approving triennial parliaments, and also the vote
by ballot; but to universal suffi:age he was as
strenuously opposed as the raost timid of his associates.
Of the ballot he spoke in terms that raust have
annoyed some of those friends, and which were cer-

Mirror of Parliament, 1830, p. 2056.

236 PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. [1830.
tainly in after tiraes unpleasantly reraerabered. ' I
still, after every consideration I can give the sub
ject, am of the opinion I have already expressed,
viz., that election by ballot would greatly dirainish
the expense of elections; that it would do away with
improper influence upon the electors; and that it
would allow them to give their votes as they pleased,
subject of course to the action of popularity, and
of the ties of feeling and affection." But universal
suffrage he opposed, because it was, in his opinion,
not in accordance with the principles of the con
stitution, which required that all classes should be
represented. Universal suffrage, however, he con
sidered gave the whole representation to one class
alone. What class this was, or how it was dis
tinguished, how ascertained, he left wholly unex
plained; satisfying himself, and apparently those who
heard hira, by this oracular declaration. Eespecting
Lord John EusseU's amendment, he said nothing:
as the leader of the Whigs he apparently considered
his safest and most politic course was to say no raore
than was absolutely necessary. All that was now
required, was an explanation of his vote against
Mr. O'ConneU's proposal, which should preserve for
himself the character of a reformer, while voting
against a plan of reform. This advantage was ob
tained by speaking against Mr. O'ConneU's, and
voting for Lord John EusseU's motion.

1 Mirror of Parliament, 1830, p. 2056.

1830.] PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. 237
The reraaining portion of the debate was in some
degree reraarkable, as being the occasion for the
maiden speech of Mr. Smith O'Brien, who came
forward in defence of the rotten boroughs, and the
purity and excellence of the EngUsh constitution.
Eeferring at the same time to the practical difficul
ties of the ministers, he declared : ' That it is indis
putable that no administration could bear up against
a system which would oppose to them a constant
scene of factious riots, and democratic violence and
combination, where the best test of integrity would
be held to be opposition to the minister for the time
being.' An opinion of which the speaker afterwards
tested the correctness, by foUowing the very course
he now reprobated; but found it, unfortunately for
himself, not so efficacious as he at this period be
lieved, and subsequently hoped.
The debate was at length enlivened by a tirade
from Mr. Hobhouse, the member for Westminster,
which Mr. Brougham afterwards described ' as a
speech, an abler than which I never had the satis
faction of hearing.' And yet this very able display
was an open blustering and even coarse attack upon
the party of the learned gentleman hiraself, and upon
Mr. Fox in particular. Mr. Hobhouse succeeded,
however, in adding another element of confusion to
the debate, and thus rendering stUl more evident
the unsettled state of opinion among reformers. He
agreed apparently with nobody, certainly not with
himself; but at last, reluctantly it seemed, determined

238 PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. [1830.
to support the motion of Mr. O'Connell. Sir Eobert
Peel* opposed both resolutions, betraying no particular
feeling about the matter, but treating it simply as
one of the ordinary displays of ordinary opposition.
Out of doors, every body acknowledged there was
no exciteraent respecting it; but each accounted for
this apathy in a different manner: the one party
saying it arose frora real indifference, the other that it
was caused by utter despair. The people, it was said,
had no hope of obtaining reform from a corrupt
House of Commons.
Mr. Brougham closed the debate, as far as the
Whigs were concerned, by a discussion upon the
raerits of the ballot, saying, he was not whoUy
decided, but nevertheless strongly inclined to oppose
the addition of any such means of protection. The
speech was rather an after-dinner prolusion, intended
to amuse the House, which it did effectually; but
was little calculated to satisfy sincere and anxious
inquirers into the real value of this now much
praised, much abused mode of voting. The dis
cussions to which we have been accustomed of late
years upon this interesting subject, have taught us
to disregard the flimsy and off-hand arguments with
which the House was at that time satisfied.
Mr. O'Connell, in his reply, complained of the pro
ceeding by which his plain straight-forward proposi-
• Mr. had now become Sir Eobert Peel, his father having
died on the 4th of May of this year, 1830, at the reverend age
of eighty.

1830.] PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. 239
tion respecting reforra had been met by the Whig
party. He spoke of it as an unhandsome manoeuvre
which created a suspicion in men's minds as to the
sincerity of Whig professions on the subject of parlia
mentary reform. ' A bye-battle — a side-way discus
sion,' had been got up, he said, in order to avoid the
manly negative with which it ought to have ,been
met. In this complaint there was much of truth.
The discussion was inconvenient at the raoraent for
the Whig opposition. They were unwilling yet to
give up all hopes of office in alliance with the Duke
of Wellington. The king was known to be danger
ously ill — ^his immediate death indeed was expected,
on which they hoped (the king's personal objections
to Mr. Broughara being no longer in the way) that
the duke would frankly join those by whose aid he
was retained in office. At all events they desired,
before open hostility was formally declared, to ascer
tain whether the reluctance shown by the duke to
ally hiraself to their party arose from the king's
dislike or his own — whether, in fact, the king's
antipathies were not made a pretence by which the
minister was enabled to hide, yet pursue his own
desires. The Whigs, therefore, employed the resolu
tions of Lord John Eussell as a raeans by which they
might avoid a direct rupture with the administration,
and still preserve the character of reformers. These
resolutions did not prevent their adopting, at an after
period, if they should think fit, any, even the widest
measure of parliamentary reform. Mr. O'ConneU,

240 PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. [1830.
however, divided the House on his motion, when the
numbers were —
For the motion .... 13
Against it  319

Majority . . . 306
On Lord John EusseU's motion, upon which a
division immediately followed, the numbers showed
more directly the opposition strength. There being,
Forit  117
Against  213

Majority ... 96
With this motion the struggle on the great ques
tion of parliaraentary reforra ceased for the present.
The proceedings in the House of Lords respecting
the bill for the disfranchisement of East Eetford, have
no interest for posterity except in their result, which
may be summed up in the words of Lord John EusseU,
who, moving on the last business day of the session,
July 22, in the Commons, for an account of the total
expenses incurred in the course of proceedings in the
Lords upon the East Eetford Bill during the present
session, said — ' I have been informed that these
expenses araount to no less a sura than 10,000/.
This, and the manner in which the East Eetford BiU
has been conducted in the House of Lords, will form
a good argument in a future session of Parliament for
the adoption of some better mode than the present for

1830.]" PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. 24l
the correction of corrupt boroughs.' ' The bill which
after great opposition on the part particularly of
Lord Durham had passed the Lords, converted, as
Lord Durham truly said, a rotten into a close
borough — that is, a borough which hitherto had been
a thing purchaseable in the raarket open to all bidders,
was now raade the property of certain owners of land
in the hundred in which the borough was situate.
In the one case, it raight be considered to represent
the wealthy class generally ; but in the other, only
that portion of wealth represented by land; Lord
Durhara, whom we shall find an active parliaraentary
reformer in Lord Grey's cabinet, declared that he
much preferred a rotten to a close borough. There
seems, however, no very great reason for preferring
the one to the other. In both cases, wealth would, in
the lapse of years, be represented. The caprice of
the owner of the land raight confer the seat on a raan
of ability; so, by accident, money might procure it
for one equally gifted. Mr. Brougham raight, by the
favour of the Duke of Devonshire, represent Knares
borough; Mr. Eicardo might, with his own money,
purchase Bletchingly; or Sir Eobert Peel, Westbury,
and represent himself. These cases were, however,
exceptions. The majority of such seats, whether they
were what was called rotten or close boroughs, repre
sented the narrow interests of raere wealth in place of
those general interests which belonged to the whole

' Mirror of Parliament, 1830, p. 2969.
VOL. I. R

242 PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. [1830.
people. The East Eetford Disfranchisement BiU,
was an idle expensive farce,' which had often been
played with impunity, but which, by a series of lucky
accidents, was played once too often, happening, as it
did, just at a time when the public raind was pre
pared to put the true interpretation on the proceed
ing, and to raake it an argument in favour of a
change. The glaring folly and iniquity of the whole
proceeding became thus an efficient instrument of
good. One other incident connected with the representa
tion of the people contributed in sorae raeasure,
though perhaps but slightly, to the sarae end. An
attempt was raade during this session to reraove the
civil disabilities of the Jews, and failed. The argu
ments, if arguments they can be called, employed
against this attempt to get rid pf this alraost sole
remnant of reUgious bigotry and exclusion connected
with the representation of the people, were worthy of
the folly which they were employed to defend. Mr.

' ' Why, my lords,' said Lord Grey on July 19, 'is it not
notorious at the moment that we are affecting all this purity
with respect to this borough, some of whose burgesses are said
to have received forty guineas, that there are peers in this
House avowedly receiving 1200^. or 1800^. a year from the
representatives of boroughs, who have positively purchased the
right to a seat in parliament in the representation of places
under their immediate influence? Then, I say, do not be cajoled
by this hypocrisy any longer.' The noble lord spoke the truth,
but to do so on the present occasion required courage as weU as
honesty.

1830.] PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. 243
Broughara had, indeed, on a previous occasion, stated
that he would advertise for an argument against the
admission asked for, but did not state the price which
he was willing to give for this precious commodity.
He nevertheless had the pleasure for nothing of hear
ing a novel, if not a very valuable reason given for
continued exclusion — one honourable meraber declar
ing he would exclude the Jews because they were
descended from the persons who crucified our Saviour !
It is grievous to find Sir Eobert Peel arguing and
voting in the corapany of such reasoners. On this
question, however, as on so raany others, he has seen
reason to change his opinion, and the courage to avow
the change.

r2

CHAPTEE VI.
FEOM THE DEATH OP GEOEGE IV^., JUNE, 1830, TO
THE END OE THE SESSION OF PAELIAMENT,
23ed JULY.

ACCESSION OP WILLIAM IV.
ON the 26th of June, 1830, in the middle of the
session, died the king, George IV. All busi
ness was immediately interrupted, and rauch labour
was lost. The parliament itself expired by law six
months after the demise of the Crown, so that all
men began at once to look forward to and prepare
for the general election, which was now inevitable.
Great interests were at stake. On the result of the
approaching contests would depend the chance of a
peaceful reform in our institutions, and on that,
perhaps, the repose and happiness of the empire
at large for many succeeding years. That the people
should be more than usually anxious respecting the
elections surprised no one who could perceive the
threatening aspect of the whole political horizon.
That personal antipathy of George IV. to Mr.
Broughara, to which allusion has already been so
often raade, could now no longer be eraployed
by the Duke of Wellington — (if eraployed it ever
had been) — to explain his continued reluctance

1830.] ACCESSION OF WILLIAM IV. 245
to ally himself with the Whig party. The truth
probably is, however, that the Whigs who found
themselves daily gliding further from power, and
the distance between themselves and the Duke hourly
increasing, involuntarily deceived themselves, and
would fain have believed that the cause of this
estrangement was accidental and temporary, ori
ginating with the king, not the Duke. The king
was known to hate Mr. Broughara, and was generally
believed to be what most princes are, implacable
in his resentraent. A vain and pampered voluptuary,
whose ears were daily filled with fulsorae flattery and
words of slavish submission, he must have shrunk
as from a burning iron when branded by the fiery
indignation of the excited orator as a cruel and
cowardly despot. That no time would heal this
wound — that no after conduct would obliterate the
recollection of it — every one felt and acknowledged —
and that the meraory of the injury in the raind of
the king was an obstacle in the way of any minister
of George IV. who might desire to associate Mr.
Brougham with himself in office, no one could for
a raoment doubt. But it was not so clear that this
was the only obstacle existing to the fulfilraent of
such a desire, even supposing it ever to have
existed; and, furtherraore, there were raany reasons
for believing that this supposed desire never did
in reality exist. There was, besides, another consi
deration which leads strongly to the same conclusion,
viz., that the effect of this antipathy of the king was

246 CHARACTER OF GEORGE IV. [1830.
greatiy exaggerated. The Whigs had never shown
any very great liking for Mr. Brougham— had never
considered him as their regular leader; — though they
were glad to avail themselves of the service rendered
by his surpassing abUity, they had most unwUlingly
allowed hira to assume the character of a Whig parti
san — and had on previous occasions not only evinced
their readiness to separate their interests from his,
but had actually done so in two separate instances.
His enraity they doubtiess dreaded, for, assuredly, he
would have proved a raost dangerous foe; stiU had
the Duke of Wellington offered to coalesce with the
Whig party in 1830, who can believe they would
have refused the aUiance had it only been clogged
with the condition that Mr. Broughara was not to be
included in the proposed invitation ? This royal
antipathy was only talked of, when to the world it
began to be plain that the Duke had resolved not to
enter into this rauch hoped-for, but to hira utterly
distasteful alliance.
But George IV. was dead — his reign was at an
end — and the historian may at this epoch be per
mitted to pause for a moraent and reraark on the
character of a man with whora the Whigs during his
early life and raanhood had been allied as personal
friends and political advisers, and against whora in
his later years they had exhibited a bitter political
animosity, rendered fierce, rancorous, and unre
mitting by a sense of personal wrong, resulting from
his grievous disappointment of their long-cherished

1830.] CHARACTER OF GEORGE IV. 247
and arabitious expectations. The generation whom
he injured has now, for the most part, passed away ;
and we are far enough removed from the interests
and the passions of the tiraes in which he lived to be
impartial in our judgraents respecting hira, and those
with whora he acted, in so far as impartiality depends
upon an absence of all mere personal feelings. The
picture as we regard it is simply one of historic
interest. No one now regards George IV. with
more of personal feeling than if he were one of the
Tudors or the Stuarts, and the fact of this utter
absence of every sign or symptom of sympathy
towards a powerful king, who died comparatively but
a few years since, is a damning proof of the worth
lessness of the man who is even now only reraerabered
because he was once a king.
Frora the commencement to the end of his career,
there was one thing, and one thing only, which he
regarded, and that was himself. Syrapathy with
another he never felt — love he never knew — and, we
suspect, never inspired ;* of friendship he was equally
ignorant. When a boy, and fancying hiraself in
love, just at the age, and under the influence of
emotions, which would have kindled in him sorae

* The only respectable connexion he ever formed was with
Mrs. Fitzherbert, and she seems to have felt towards him some
thing like love. The stern, inflexible resentraent she showed,
however, when he deceived and left her, betrays more of selfish
ness and selfish passion than accords with a real and generous
love. Her conduct was wise, was justified — but would a woman
who had loved have been so strictly wise ?

248 CHARACTER OF GEORGE IV. [1830,
generosity, if any spark had existed which could have
been fanned into a flame, he was base, sordid, and
cruel. But his mistress, poor Perdita, was not better
used than the most iUustrious of his friends, Mr.
Fox; his conception of the duties of friendship
not being more exalted than his view of that passion
which he was pleased to denominate love. His own
gratification was aU he sought, and that he sought
utterly reckhsss^of every consideration but his own
wish^ and desires. Of truth he was wholly regard
less himself; and without scruple led Mr. Fox to
assert solemnly in his narae that which he (the prince)
knew to be a falsehood. Mr. Fox is said never
to have forgiven the insult, and to have withdrawn
himself from a companionship which required such
degrading services, so soon as he discovered the false
hood of the denial, which in the narae of the prince
he had given to the assertion that a raarriage had
been celebrated between the prince and Mrs. Fitz
herbert. This indignant renunciation of this un
worthy friendship does Mr. Fox honour. Had the
party, of which Mr. Fox was the acknowledged head,
followed his example, their fame would not have been
tarnished as it now is by the foul fellowship to which
they submitted ; neither would they have suffered that
bitter disappointraent of their hopes which occurred
upon the insanity of the king, George IIL, and which
proved the fitting punishment and retribution for
that base subserviency which their diseased ambition
led them to evince. The Whigs, for their own party

1830.] CHARACTER OF GEORGE IV. 249
purposes, aUied themselves to the Prince of Wales
against the king. ' In the scramble for power they
highly valued him as an auxiliary'* — they extenuated
his vices — excused his extravagance — endeavoured to
persuade parliaraent to pay the debts which this wild
extravagance had entailed on him; — spite of his
gross conduct to his wife, they countenanced and
supported hira — and, at last, only discovered his
baseness and his vice when he treated their unworthy
services as they deserved to be treated, conterap-
tuously flinging them off the raoment they ceased to
be necessary and useful.
In the conduct of George IV. after he becarae
regent there is little, excepting that which regarded
the queen, which distinguishes him from the common
herd of ordinary sovereigns. Age and dissipation
had by that time so tamed his passions, that mere
ease was his chief enjoyment. This ease he best
consulted by yielding to, and floating with, the
current of opinion. He therefore deterrained to
allow the leaders of the great Tory majority in both
Houses of the legislature to decide upon what the
exigencies of the state required. To the people he
rendered the best, the only service of which he was
capable, by withdrawing frora the world, and
shutting himself up in Windsor, with such associates
as suited his crapulous tastes and faded desires.

1 Lord Brougham uses these words in his character of
George IV., vol, ii. p. 5, of his Statesmen.

250 ACCESSION OF WILLIAM IT. [1830.
Decorum, at least, was maintained by the secresy
which he sought, and the less he interfered with the
business of the state the better was his rule. From
the great events which occurred while he was regent,
he derived no honour. He contributed no more to
the victories of the Duke of WeUington, than his
father did to the discoveries of Watt. Posterity
will regard him simply as a chronological mark,
useful as showing when certain great deeds were
achieved, but in no other way deriving frora them
either honour or renown.*
The House of Commons no sooner met after the
accession of the new king, Williara IV., than the
ill-temper of the opposition was evinced by the
marked change which took place in their language,
Mr. Broughara seeraed at a loss for some person
on whom he raight vent his wrath, and therefore
fell at once upon the lord steward as the official
nearest at hand, and of whose conduct he might

' If we are to believe Lord Eldon, George IV. felt com
punctious visitings for having given his assent to catholic eman
cipation. He, however, assigned no reason to the ex-chanceUor
for having complied with the Duke of Wellington's request,
though he lamented the course which the minister advised, and
which he was about to adopt. There is nothing improbable
either in his compunction or his acting in a manner he thought
wrong. He was ignorant and a bigot, but his love of ease
determined his conduct. To have resisted the Duke, turned out
the ministry, braved the chance of civil war, would have required
trouble, and must have therefore given him pain. With him
it was ' aprcs nous le deluge.' — See Twiss's Life of Lord
Eldon, voh iii.

1830.] ACCESSION OF WILLIAM IV. 251
complain, without appearing to go out of his way in
search of a quarrel. The scene was significant —
giving the ministers to understand, that he (Mr.
Brougham) at least had no intention of any longer
forming a portion of what was terraed his Majesty's
opposition, but that he was about to resume in
earnest the character of an opponent; and when
people are deterrained to quarrel, a pretext is never
wanting. Mr. Brougham had no sooner brought to
a close his diatribe against the lord steward, for
the supposed insult to the House arising from sorae
accidental delay, than Lord Milton gave notice,
that next session he should bring the subject of
the corn laws before the House. This was on
Saturday, — the House adjourned till Monday, on
which day several raerabers having taken the oaths
rendered necessary by the accession of the new
king, the speaker took the chair, and Mr. Brougham
again opened his fire by giving notice that he should
next day present a petition respecting the abolition
of colonial slavery, and that on the 6th of July
'it was his intention (subject of course to cir
cumstances that may arise out of the arrangement
to be made to-raorrow) to bring forward a pro
position, with a view to take the opinion of the
House on the question of colonial slavery.' The
arrangeraents of the raorrow alluded to, were the
ministerial explanations, to be given upon presenting
the message of the king to the two Houses of
parliament.

252 ACCESSION OF WILLIAM IV. [1830,
The message itself set forth the plan of the
ministers — which considering that the Duke of
WeUington was the minister, excited surprise and
disappointment. That plan was simply a mode of
attaining raomentary ease — a staving off of the
great questions that raust at sorae early period be
discussed, and which by being delayed, becarae only
the more perplexing. The raessage after formal
words of sorrow respecting the late king's death,
observed, that by law the present parliament must
immediately terminate — that consequently it would
be dissolved with as little delay as possible — and
further, his Majesty, as a means to enable him thus
to act, recoraraended that a teraporary provision
should be raade for the conduct of the public service,
in the interval that must elapse between the close
of the old and the meeting of the new parliaraent.
The Duke of Wellington's speech on the dis
cussion that followed in the House of Lords was
rather a curiosity than anything else. Like raost
raen accustoraed to the real, serious, and anxious
business of life, the Duke was little fitted to enact
a part in the unmeaning displays required by a
formal etiquette. He did not feel himself at home
in the common-places of courtly panegyric, nor was
he able to fulfil the office of a mere rhetorician,
and by the grace of his expression lend a fleeting
charm to hollow phrases of insincere compliment.
When he asserted that ' the manners of George IV.

1830.] ACCESSION OF WILLIAM IV, 253
had received a polish, his understanding acquired a
degree of cultivation almost unknown to any indi
vidual,' it is clear that the Duke was talking at
random, and eraploying words, because they carae —
not because they expressed either what he believed or
what was true ; — when subsequently in his panegyric
he declared that his late Majesty ' on every occasion
displayed a degree of knowledge and of talent not
often to be expected of an individual holding his high
station,' he in sorae measure explains what he really
wished to express while thus floundering about after a
meaning. For a king, he was remarkable for his
polished raanners and his knowledge of business. The
Duke of Wellington has doubtless had great experience
of kings, and by this speech shows that he has a very
raean opinion of their courtesy and their intellect.
Upon such a question we are not willing — not able to
dispute his authority.
The address in answer to this raessage from the
Lords and Commons, was confined solely to expres
sions of condolence for the loss which his Majesty
had sustained in the death of his brother, the real
business relating to the subsequent proceedings of the
session being postponed to another day in order to
attain unanimity on the present occasion. The scene
in the House of Coraraons when this address was
proposed and agreed to, nemine contradicente, was
curious, and suggested perplexing doubts respecting
the extent and raeaning of those conventional rules

254 ACCESSION OF WILLIAM IV. [1830,
which govern public men in the expression of their
opinions, ' What is truth' was indeed asked upon
a celebrated occasion. But the questioner would not
stay for an answer, and to this hour, they by whom
the affiiirs of nations are conducted on that great
stage which has the whole world for an audience, do
not seem to know — or knowing, do not appear to feel
' that clear and round dealing is the honour of man's
nature, and that mixture of falsehoods is like alloy of
coin of gold and silver, which may raake the raetal work
the better, but it erabaseth it,'* Sir Eobert Peel
gravely said, when speaking of George IV., that
' Posterity will regard his late Majesty as a sovereign
who, during war, maintained the honour and advanced
the glory of England, and who during the whole
period of his delegated trust, or of his reign as
sovereign, never exercised, or wished to exercise, a
prerogative of the Crown except for the advantage
of his people. I am not overstepping the bounds of
sober truth when I state that his Majesty was an
enlightened friend of liberty, that he was an admirable
judge and liberal patron of the fine arts; and I can
from ray own personal experience assert that his heart
was ever open to any appeal which could be made to
his benevolence, and to the saving of human life, or
the raitigation of huraan suffering.'^

' Bacon's Essays, ' Truth.'
' Mirror of Parliament, 1830, p. 2590.

1830.] ACCESSION OF WILLIAN IV. 255
The address thus ushered in to the notice of the
House was seconded by Mr. Brougham — an address
which ' condoled ' with his Majesty on the loss of a
sovereign so justly dear to his Majesty and to his
people. The extent to which he in his heart assented
to the assertions of Sir Eobert Peel's extravagant
eulogy was shown, when in after years, under no
influence we are bound to suppose but that love of
truth which should ever guide the pen of an historian,
he thus spoke of the monarch whose loss was now
deplored. ' It is impossible,' says Lord Brougham,
' to separate frora the history of George IV. that of his
wife, for it is united with the raost reraarkable features
of his character; boundless caprice — his arbitrary
nature — his impatience of contradiction and restraint
— his recklessness of consequences when resolved to
attain a private end — qualities which, if guided by a
desire of compassing greater ends, and sustained by
adequate courage, would have aroused a struggle for
absolute power, fatal either to the liberties of the
country or to the existence of the monarchy.'*
Though for the sake of unanimity Mr. Brougham
consented to second ths address, he carefully guarded
against the danger of being supposed ' to have aban
doned any public principle or private feeling ' by so
doing. This, however, was the first step in pursuit
of the poUcy which governed the Whig party through-

' Statesmen. Characters by Lord Brougham, Second Series,
p. 25.

256 ACCESSION OF WILLIAM IV. [1830.
out the reign of the new king. They were determined
not again to have a personal quarrel with the
monarch, and thus to place theraselves in a painful
position when called into his presence, or forced to act
in his narae. Whatever raight happen, therefore, they
were resolved to be on good terras with the king,
having experienced the raischief done to their party
in consequence of their unhappy strife with his prede
cessor. Sir Eobert Peel had indulged in panegyric
upon the late — Mr. Broughara eraployed his powers
in eulogizing the new sovereign. Nothing, therefore,
was heard but a song of praise, on the dead and the
living.* Of the stern voice of truth, not a whisper
was heard. The language would hardly have been
different, had the pious Antoninus died, and the
philosophic Aurelius succeeded to his virtues and his
power. On the 30th of June, the real business began.' In
the Lords, the Duke of Wellington raoved an answer
to the message, merely echoing it, and declaring that

1 A well-known, nay, almost hacknied description, surely
must, on this occasion, have thrust itself upon the recoUection
of Mr. Brougham. The indignant phrase of Tacitus paints the
scene to the Ufe, in which the learned speaker bore so prominent
a part : —
* At Romae ruere in servitium, consules, patres eques : quanto
quis inlustrior, tanto magis falsi et festinantes; vultuque com
posite ne Iseti excessu principis, neu tristiores primordio, lacri-
mas, gaudium, questus, adulationes miscebant.' Had this been
the death of Tiberius, and not Augustus, the similarity would
have been complete.

1830.] ACCESSION OF WILLIAM IV. 257
they would apply themselves to forwarding the
measure necessary to provide for the temporary
supply asked for. The statement of the Duke in sup
port of his proposal was short, plain, and to the pur
pose. Everybody, he said, is and will be so occupied
with the coming elections that no one will be willing
to give adequate attention to the important business
which must be decided ; therefore the best, and indeed
the quickest and shortest mode of proceeding will be
to dissolve at once ; — when the elections are completed,
to call parliament together, and then carefully discuss,
and decide upon, the questions which the necessities
of the country will bring before parliament. This
proposal, which really appears very reasonable, gave
great offence, or seemed to do so, to the opposition
party. Lord Grey, in a long speech full of solemn
warnings of evil, craved a delay of four-and-twenty
hours, giving reasons at the same time for entertaining
doubts as to the wisdom of dissolving parliament
before providing for a regency. Suppose the king to
die before the new parliament is chosen, or before it
could meet. The heir-presumptive is a child in fact,
but not in law — no regency existing, she would be
legally in the possession of her full regal power, though
a mere child. These circumstances are full of danger.
Such was the argument, in which certainly there was
something of truth and force, but the danger was exag
gerated. That any real raischief would ever, uuder the
supposed case, have occurred no one seriously believed
— though, perhaps, some formal difficulties might have
VOL. I. s

258 ACCESSION OF WILLIAM IV. [1830.
arisen which would have perplexed the heralds, and
the sticklers for precise adherence to precedent. AU
knew, however, that the business of the nation would
proceed as usual, and that peace would be preserved,
and the law retain its regular dorainion. The
appointment of a regency has often been the subject
of great party strife, giving rise to interminable
debates, leading to nothing except loss of tirae and
loss of teraper. This probably was the circurastance
which deterrained the administration in their pro
posed plan of iramediate dissolution, together with the
postponement of all the business of the session. That
by this course the loss of all the labour already given
to various subjects during the session was incurred
was clear, and to that extent the dissolution at the
moment was an evil ; stUl what the Duke of Wellington
asserted respecting the entire occupation of all men's
thoughts by the interests of the coming election was
true and of great weight. To go on with the ses
sion, or to stop at once, were two courses, both of
which had peculiar evils attending them, and between
which it was difficult to decide. Had the ministers
determined to go on with the session, the opposition
would have been equally loud and ingenious in setting
forth the mischiefs of the course they had adopted.
Lord Eldon was facetious and fertile in his antici
pations of mischief; — the king might die — this was a
cause of difficulty, because the heir-presumptive was a
child — but there was even another cause of difficulty —
on the death of the king, the queen, though the sup
position was not very probable, might be pregnant.

1830.] ACCESSION OF WILLIAM IV. 259
In illustrating the difficulties of the case, the ex-
chancellor excited the wonder of some, the anger of
others, and the risibility of many more, by talking
about little peers enclosed in the bodies of their
mothers — of the House of Lords being, by a second
Guy Fawkes, blown into the air, and the difficulty of
directing the writs, in such a case, to the new House
of Lords. The Lord Chancellor, he said, would have to ascer
tain whether there was any little peer not then visible,
but who might be so in due course of tirae ; and until
that was deterrained, the title would be, as it were, in
abeyance. ' He applied this rule to the queen, saying,
there must be a real or a phantom king, and it is just
the same in principle whether this little king be not
able to speak or walk, or whether he be in ventre
sa mere.'^ And on the strength of this contingency

1 Mirror of Parliament, 1830, p. 2598. In days of yore.
Lord Eldon had indeed acted in the name of a phantom king.
See Lord Brougham's remarks on the conduct of Lord Eldon
during the insanity of George III. ( Characters of Statesmen,
vol. ii. p. 56.) When the learned lord (Eldon) acknowledged in
this debate, that ' if he were prime minister there was nothing
that he would Uke more than a little king whom he could play
with,' he gave evidence of an ambitious spirit, upon whose dictates
he in former times had acted. When, however, he went on to
say, ' It would, no doubt, be much more convenient, than to
have a sovereign who would not submit to dictation — the noble
Duke knows very well to what I allude,' his desire to make an
offensive insinuation, respecting the power of the Duke over the
mind of George IV., made him forget his own criminal dictation
to the insane father of George IV., under circumstances unpa
ralleled in English history.
s2

260 ACCESSION OF WILLIAM IV. [1830.
he opposed his old friends who had left him out in
their last distribution of office. Lord EUenborough's
taste was grievously shocked by Lord Eldon's anile
allusions, and he read him a severe lesson on the pro
prieties of debate. The anti-catholic party, stiU
retaining their anger, joined Lord Grey in condemning
the ministerial proposal. A long unprofitable wrangle
ensued — dull repetitions dragged out the debate, when,
at length, as the Duke wisely refused to accede to the
proposition for a useless interval of delay, the division
came, and proved the nuraerical strength of the
adrainistration. For the adjournment . . . . 56
Against it  100

Majority ... 44
Hereupon Lord Grey moved as an amendment a
counter address, which had evidently been arranged
by the opposition as a party. Lord Althorp, in the
Commons on the same evening, by moving precisely
the same words by way of araendraent, gave the world
to understand that the course now adopted by the
Whigs was a party-move, not the result of merely
individual distrust or objection. This araendraent in
the Lords was negatived without discussion or
division. Sir E. Peel, in the Commons, on the same evening,
(the 30th of June,) prefaced his motion for an address
with an explanation, fuller and far more minute and
detailed than that of the Duke of Wellington. The

1830.] ACCESSION OF WILLIAM IV. 261
arguments were, however, the same, and were not
strengthened by the increased number of words em
ployed to explain them ; but Sir Eobert Peel passed
in review the various subjects which had been brought
under the consideration of parliament by the adminis
tration, described the state of forwardness of each,
and then stated the course which in each case the
government intended to adopt. The raost iraportant
of those which they intended to continue and carry
into effect were the Beer Bill, and that relating to the
sugar duties, the last, in the language of Sir Eobert
Peel, ' making it, of course, necessary for the govern
ment to consider the state of the West India interest.'
Mr. Brougham's threatened motion respecting colonial
slavery had probably some influence on this selection.
Lord Althorp, as Lord Grey had done in the Lords,
moved the adjournment of the House for twenty-four
hours, on the plea of surprise, and the necessity of
time for consideration. Mr. Brougham, on second
ing this motion of his party chief, touched with a
delicate hand the tender subject of the civil list,
endeavouring to avoid offence while he gave reasons
for suggesting that the present parliaraent just about
to render an stccount of its conduct to those in whose
narae it had acted, should provide for the royal comforts
and expenses, rather than that a newly-elected and pro
bably long-lived parliament should perform that grate
ful, though soraetiraes invidious duty. He hinted at,
rather than stated reasons for anticipating more of
prudent frugality on the part of the expiring than

262 ACCESSION OF WILLIAM IY. [1830.
the newly-chosen body; but in the same breath he
declared that his mind on this subject was not quite
decided. Two objects were evidently before the eyes
of the speaker — not entirely compatible — to gain
with the people the reputation of being a friend of
economy, and yet not to offend the monarch and his
family by exhibiting an appearance of what to them
would be a most distasteful parsimony. The next
subject to which he alluded, was, he said, yet more
important than that of the civil list — ^the regency
had to be settled. The necessity for an arrangement
was great and immediate, but there were evidently cir
cumstances connected with it which made every speaker
exceedingly cautious, periphrastic, and indeed nearly
unintelligible, when treating what may be deeraed a
very plain and not a difficult matter. A superstitious
dislike to make a will or any provisions to take effect
after the death of the person so disposing, is by no
means uncommon. With raany weak people any
discussion or arrangeraent which proceeds upon the
supposition of their death, is not only distasteful but
absolutely painful, and with royal personages it is
often peculiarly so. The mere contemplation of
death has a levelling tendency. The language of Mr.
Brougham, on the present occasion, proves that he
feared lest sorae weakness of this description lodged
in the royal mind, raaking it dangerous for those who
hoped to win the royal favour to discourse upon the
possibUity, nay, the probabUity, of the king's death.
The dexterity of the orator was tasked to find phrases

1830.] ACCESSION OF WILLIAM IV. 263
of a nature, which, while they were sufficiently explicit,
could not frighten or annoy the person to whora they
referred. ' If I,' said Mr. Brougham, ' as a British
subject and member of parliaraent, thought it was
consistent with my high duties as such to suffer
myself to be actuated solely by motives of delicacy or
personal regard or deference to what might be felt
elsewhere, I should gladly refrain from at all touching
on this topic — though I hope that elsewhere there is
too much magnanimity — too much patriotisra — too
much manliness — too much strength of mind, to per
mit the illustrious sovereign now upon the throne
to hesitate — to fear — to shrink from looking in the
face that ultimate termination of his earthly existence
from which a recent event may show hira that princes
no more than their subjects are exempt. If, as I
have already said, I were merely to look to feelings
of delicacy, and to private considerations, I should
abstain from broaching this question, and I should
endeavour to conceal from my own eyes, and from the
eyes of my sovereign, the possibUity of a calamity
which raight render a regency necessary." After
thus describing the very thing he feared, and because
he feared it declaring that it could not exist in the
royal mind, he proceeded to urge upon the House
the necessity for an immediate arrangement, and the
dangers arising from delay. He rhetorically dwelt
upon the evil of allowing the people to learn the

' Mirror of Parliament, 1830, p. 2616.

264 ACCESSION OF WILLIAM IT. [1830.
dangerous fact that governraent could go on, and every
exigence of the common weal be provided for, with
out a king. The act which had appointed the present
king's immediate predecessor regent, he declared
had a strong tendency to produce that effect. That
act was passed without the royal sanction — ^the king
being insane, and no provision having been made to
meet the calaraity that occurred, ' which act of par
liaraent was called a law, but it was no law ; it had
not even the serablance of a law, and the power which
it conveyed was in those days called the phantom of
royal authority. The fact, indeed, was, that the
tendency of that act of parliament, more than any
other act that had ever been passed by the legislature,
was to inflict a blow on the royal authority; to
diminish its influence and weight; to bring it into
disrepute with, and to lessen it in the estimation of
the people at large; and that fact is in itself a
sufficient coraraent upon the propriety of doing an
act of legislation without having the Crown to sanc
tion it. That act went further than anything I know
to teach the people of England a lesson which it is not
easy to unlearn. It showed thera that it was possible
to do acts of legislation without a king, and without
the sanction of the Crown: that is my first, great,
principal reason for proceeding with this question at
once.' ' With great skill he then proceeded to insist
upon the necessity of immediately passing a law to

' Mirror of Parliament, 1830, p. 2616.

1830.] ACCESSION OF WILLIAM IV. 265
determine who should be permanently regent sup
posing a demise of the Crown to occur, when the heir
was yet in reality an infant. To this end he
explained with great clearness and truth, the singular
advantages existing in the raonarchical form of
governraent arising from the certainty of succession,
proving at the same time that these advantages were
lost in consequence of the delay that would take
place were the rainisterial plan adopted. This topic
brought the learned gentleraan to a ground so full of
obstacles and difficulties, that a less practised, less
skilful speaker would have found it alraost irapossible
to pursue his way araong them unhurt and unim
peded. These difficulties were occasioned by the fact
that the Duke of Cumberland, the most unpopular
man in the country, was the eldest of the remaining
brothers of the king, and supposing the king dead,
heir-presumptive of the throne of England and actually
King of Hanover. If the king were to die, and the
regency were not settled, the oft-mooted question
would arise — viz., whether the next heir to the throne
was of right regent in case of any incompetence whether
from infancy, insanity, or otherwise, on the part of
the sovereign. In the present case, this heir-pre
sumptive, 'this heir-apparent,' as Mr. Brougham
somewhat incorrectly termed him, would be a reigning
foreign monarch — so unpopular himself as really to
render his accession doubtful should he by any
calamity become the legal king and not merely heir,
whUe there were brothers, on the contrary, beloved by

266 ACCESSION OF WILLIAM IV. [1830.
the people, together with a maternal uncle of her
who under the supposition would be the reigning
queen. These circurastances, any one of which was
forraidable as leading probably to confusion would,
being united, prove fearfully efficacious in producing
mischief — if in any heart there should lurk an insane
ambition — or araong the people uncompromising hate,
or misleading terror. ' We are now calm, and can
discuss without heat the various claims of the several
princes of the blood; but who can answer for our
being able at a future period with the same delibera
tion to decide upon the rival clairas to the regency
for the seven years of minority. ' Can we,' said the
speaker with adrairable art — ' can we proraise our
selves a calm discussion of the subject, when there
should be an actual accession of the Duke of Cumber
land to the throne of Hanover, and parliaraent are
suddenly called upon to decide upon his election to
the regency, to the suprerae rule in this country, to
which, according to the principle of Mr. Pitt, he has
a pararaount claira, although he has not a strict legal
right?" Having once again urged the House to decide upon
the two questions of the civil list and the regency,
having protested that in raaking this pressing request
he was not raoved by any hostility to the existing
adrainistration, the anxious orator finished as he
began, with earnestly, nay vehemently, declaring that

' Mirror of ParUament, 1830, p. 2618.

1830.] ACCESSION OF WILLIAM IV. 267
he meant no disrespect to the sovereign hiraself in
anything he had advanced. ' Indeed, Sir, I do trust,'
he said, ' that I have not appeared in any the
slightest degree to depart from that profound respect
and cordial attachment which, humble individual as I
am, I beg to express with the same sincerity I feel
towards the illustrious prince who is now seated upon
the throne of these realms.'*
The enumeration of the raeasures which the govern
ment intended to perfect called off the attention of
members interested therein from the party question
which the Whigs wished to discuss. This effect
necessarily gave a desultory character to the debate,
and weakened the force of the attack made by the oppo
sition. Mr. Huskisson endeavoured to act the part of a
dignified and disinterested adviser — a mediator above
party passions, and superior to mere personal consi
derations. For this pretension he was rebuked by his
old colleague. Sir Eobert Peel, who suggested that he
seemed to have forgotten that he had himself been a
servant of the Crown, and had for twenty years
been connected with all the acts of the governraent.
Mr. Huskisson, from some of the expressions used by
the right honourable secretary, was led to believe that
he was accused of forgetting his duty of a privy
couneiUor, and rose for the purpose of making, or
requesting some explanation; whereupon Sir Eobert
Peel stated that he had misunderstood what was said.

' Mirror of Parliament, 1830, June 30, p. 2618.

268 ACCESSION OF WILLIAM IV. [1830.
'What I wished to express was this, that my right
honourable friend appeared frequently to forget that
he had ever been a rainister of the Crown.' The
obvious sarcastic answer could not be resisted, even
by an old friend. Bowing profoundly, Mr. Huskis
son gravely replied, ' I am unconscious of having
acted with the forgetfulness imputed to me, but I bow
with great humility to all lessons received from ray
right honourable friend on the subject of inconsis
tency.'* It was clear that Mr. Huskisson remembered
that he was not a minister of the Crown. Of the
past he might be forgetful, the present he but too
acutely remembered. Under the thin disguise of a
pretended moderation and exalted patriotisra, bitter
personal spite was seen to rankle, governing every
thought, word, and act.
Lord John Eussell professed to explain the real
reasons for the whole proceeding on the part of the
governraent; and certainly his explanation was not
unplausible. ' I say, that when we endeavour to analyse the
arguraents of the right honourable secretary, they
araount to this — that it will be for the convenience of
honourable merabers to leave their duties, to abandon
their seats, in order to secure to theraselves new seats,
and to carry on their canvass at the least possible
expense. And it will also be convenient for his
Majesty's ministers, instead of having to deal with

Mirror of Parliament, 1830, p. 2628.

1830.] ACCESSION OP WILLIAM IV. 269
members who are about to meet their constituents in
a short time, to meet with the members of a new par
liament, who, whatever their vote may be on the civil
Ust, or any other question, will hope that, in the
course of five or six years, it may be overlooked or
forgotten by their constituents.'* The words of the
noble lord were of importance, as showing the inten
tions of his party. When he said, therefore, in plain
terms, ' in the ministry as a whole, and particularly
in the ministry in this House, I can place no confi
dence,' they who watched with any interest the work
ing of mere party politics, understood that the Whigs
had now determined to declare war upon the ministry
generally, and more especially upon Sir Eobert Peel,
who was at this raoment known to be peculiarly
obnoxious to the Tory party. The Duke of Welling
ton was in sorae measure looked upon by both the
contending factions as a person that might be of use
to thera as head of the array. The Tories, therefore,
who wished to retain, the Whigs, who desired to win
hira, abstained in sorae degree^ from personal attacks
in his case, but fell in consequence with concentrated
virulence upon his colleague, whom they both hated
and feared.
The particular charge brought against the ministry

1 Mirror of Parliament, 1830, p. 2628.
2 Not entirely. The Whigs wished to make the Duke uncom
fortable, in the hope of inducing him to relax his determination
not to admit them to office. Lord John RusseU, in this very debate,
as if with reluctance, accused the Duke of being guilty of a job.

270 ACCESSION OF WILLIAM IV. [1830.
by Lord John EusseU was weakness and incapacity
for business — which he said were shown by their
present proposal. This charge was many times
repeated during the reraainder of the session, and the
particular proof adduced in support of the accusation
was, that many raeasures which had been recom
mended in the king's speech, after having been par
tially discussed and carried through many parliamen
tary stages, had been suddenly relinquished. ' I have
seen their propositions,' said the noble lord, ' one after
another — if not rejected — so shaken, that they are
obliged to throw overboard half the business before
the House ; and though it may be unpleasant to them
to hear it, I will say one word raore — I say their
weakness has been conspicuously shown.'*
On the division which followed, the sraallness of
the nurabers showed that the anticipations of the
rainistry were well founded as to the irapossibUity of
keeping members of the House of Commons in London,
when a general election was seen to be imraediately
coming. In spite of the importance of the question
in debate — in spite of the curiosity which the first
debate of a new reign was sure to excite, the numbers
were only —
For the adjournraent .... 139
Against  185
Majority ... 46

1 This hint may possibly have suggested Lord Lyndhurst's
celebrated review of the session, and description of the slaughter
of the Whig innocents.

1830.] ACCESSION OF WILLIAM IV. 271
In the House of Lords the division on the adjourn
ment was considered final. Lord Grey's araendraent
being only formally put, and negatived without divi
sion or further debate. The excitement of the oppo
sition in the House of Commons was evidently not so
easily allayed. The smallness of the raajority had
raised their hopes, and they fancied that by further
discussion the ministry would be yet more seriously
damaged. Sir Eobert Peel, when Lord Althorp
almost without observation moved the araendraent,
in the very words of Lord Grey, stated in most
courteous phrase that he meant no disrespect by
abstaining from any further discussion, but that as he
could only re-urge the arguraents which he had just
eraployed — which would be a waste of tirae and
labour — he should refrain frora offering any remarks
to the House. Mr. Brougham, however, not content
thus to let the opportunity pass, launched out against
the rainistry in a strain of bitter invective, of sarcasm
vehement even to fierceness. Many parts of this evi
dently unpremeditated attack were most effective
examples of the peculiar style of declamation in which
Mr. Brougham so pre-erainently excelled; but, unfor
tunately for himself, his cause, and his party, his
excitement carried him beyond the control of his
judgment, and hurried hira into the use of expressions
which were not justified by the circurastances of the
case, and which certainly did not accurately denote
the real sentiments of the speaker. After having
queUed the impatient House into silence, by a con-

272 ACCESSION OF WILLIAM IV. [1830.
temptuous description of those whose sole powers con
sisted of inarticulate noises and unmeaning yells, he
proceeded to describe the unhappy condition of the
ministry. He harped upon their late wretched ma
jority, extolled the economic virtues of Mr. Hume,
sneered at the weak attempts at debate hazarded by
the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and endeavoured
and with great effect to enlist the pride of the House
and the country on his side by alluding to a threat
supposed to have been eraployed by the Duke of Wel
lington that night in the Lords — ' I will resign, if
you do not vote with rae.' On this threat, most
unwise if ever raade, he descanted in language most
happily chosen to express scorn, conteraptuous de
fiance, and bitter indignation. Swept along by the
torrent of his own eloquence, he dashed across the
Channel and seized on the unhappy minister of
Charles X., for the purposes of invidious comparison
with the prirae minister of his own king. He then,
with a prophetic instinct of the fate that was about to
befal Prince Polignac, warned the noble Duke of the
consequence of following his fatal exaraple. The
good genius of the speaker here deserted hira ; for he
now — excited by the picture which his vivid iraagina
tion raade almost present to his physical as it was
to his mental vision, of the terrible evils which an
appeal to force was about to bring upon France, and
which, if it were eraployed, would assuredly be entailed
on England also — seeraed to believe that there were
officious and mischievous supporters advising the

1830.] ACCESSION OF WILLIAM IV. 273
minister to foUow the example of M. de Polignac.
To those imaginary advisers he thus addressed him
self:— ' Tou will see in this as in that country, that the
day of force is now over, and that he who would rule
his country by an appeal to royal favour or railitary
power raay be overwhelraed, raay be hurled down by
it, if he should entertain such an idea — and I in no
wise accuse him of thinking of such an attempt ; hira
I accuse not; I  ' and here the excited orator
stretched out his long, bony arra, and pointed, with a
lean and alraost skeleton finger, at the Treasury
bench — ' I accuse you, I accuse his flatterers, those
raean, fawning parasites  '
Sir Eobert Peel rose at once, and in grave, indig
nant terms, called the learned gentleman to order.
' I ask the honourable and learned gentleman, as I
am one of those sitting on this side of the House,
whether he means to accuse me of being a fawning
parasite ?'
Checked thus suddenly in mid career, Mr.
Brougham seemed at once to perceive that the
phrase he had used and the charge he had brought,
were not to be justified, and instantly, therefore, dis
claimed every intention of applying the words to Sir
Eobert Peel hiraself — who truly observed on this
retractation that it was hardly sufficient — and
declared that he would, therefore, on behalf of Mr.
Brougham, make the apology and retractation which
ought to have been made by the learned gentleman
VOL, I. T

274 ACCESSION OF WILLIAM IV. [1830.
himself. This he did, and Mr. Brougham with great
good sense and good feeling adopted it. This inci
dent stopped, if it did not turn, the tide that was
setting strongly against the administration, and the
division on the amendment was very nearly the same
in result as the one already taken ; the numbers
being —
For the original raotion — Ayes . . 1 93
Noes . . 146

47
The opposition were not yet satisfied. The ques
tion of the regency, though not unlikely to create
disagreeable feelings in the royal raind, gave the
Whigs many advantages in debate, enabling them to
injure the rainisters in public opinion, without
seriously risking their chance of favour with the
king. Discontent and excitement were fast rising
out of doors, which from the personal popularity of
the king turned wholly against the adrainistration.
This personal popularity was caused merely by the
novelty of the king's behaviour. His brother,
George IV,, had for years entirely withdrawn himself
from public view, till Windsor had become in the
public opinion a second Capreee with its modern
Tiberius, The appearance of William in the
streets — his simple manners, talkative habits, his
bustling good humour, gave immense delight to the
gaping multitudes of London, who are ever pleased
to have some person of exalted station after whom

1830.] ACCESSION OF WILLIAM IV. 275
they may run, crowd, and shout. So good-natured a
person as the king, could not be, they thought, the
author of any evil ; they therefore made the
ministers answerable for every suffering of which
they coraplained. The opposition in parliaraent were
careful not to run counter to this popular estiraation.
To keep on good terras with the king was enjoined
by every rule of their policy. Consequently, when
Mr. Eobert Grant on the 6th of July, in pursuance
of a motion given sorae days before, brought on again
the subject of the regency, he and his whole party
were at iraraense pains to protest against any iraputa-
tion of a want of loyalty and respect towards the
sovereign thus beloved by his people. They were
profuse of declarations of respect, adrairation, nay,
almost of veneration for the raonarch whom a benefi
cent Providence had so happily placed upon the
throne of these realras. They humbled theraselves
in the dust when they approached the question, and
the prostration was an edifying spectacle in the month
of July, 1830.
Mr. Eobert Grant when requesting the attention of
the House to his notice, said in doing so, ' it is unne
cessary for me to say that I feel, in all their full
force, the magnitude, difficulty, and delicacy attend
ing the subject I have been so bold as to bring
forward. I am quite aware that it is irapossible,
under any circurastances — even considering this an
abstract subje,ct — that in a question so closely con
nected with the weU-being of the monarchy — so
T 2

276 ACCESSION OF WILLIAM IV. [1830.
intiraately blended with the interests of the state and
constitution of this country, there should not inter
vene in the heart of every loyal subject a feeling of
hesitation and dislike to enter upon those detaUs
which render the raeasure one so delicate and diffi
cult.'* He then proceeded to talk of the possible
death of the king, which he called ' the conjectm-al
anticipation of an event,' as a circumstance which
comraunicated to the subject an intense and sorrowful
interest' — ' an event which, whenever it may occur,
would fill the nation with mourning, and which now
could not be anticipated without the most profound
and painful emotion.' After having by this fulsome
talk defended himself and his party frora the imputa
tion of disrespect to the king, Mr. Grant proceeded
to urge the arguments which had been repeated many
times in the previous debates. He was met, how
ever, with a new objection. The House, said the
supporters of the administration, is precluded from
the course now proposed, by the address which it has
already laid at the foot of the throne. You have
already promised to adopt the course recommended
by the Crown, and cannot recede from that engage
ment. The opposition endeavoured to evade the
force of this objection, by vividly describing the
evUs that raight possibly result from the delay. And
one reraarkable observation which occurred during
the debate was, when its truth was soon painfully

' Mirror of Parliament, 1830, p. 2769.

1830.] ACCESSION OF WILLIAM IV. 277
exemplified, reraerabered with awe as well as with
sorrow. Mr. Huskisson on the 6th of July, when
dwelling upon the danger of postponing the settlement
of the regency, and the frail tenure of huraan life,
thus addressed the House in words of alraost pro
phetic and ominous warning : —
' My honourable and learned friend has well ob
served that of all men, the present ministry ought
to be the last to overlook the precariousness and
uncertainty of human life. He recalled to their
recollection the sudden raanner in which Lord Liver
pool had been struck to the earth, and incapacitated
from the discharge of his iraportant duties. On the
16th of February he was transacting the public
business of the country, in full vigour of raind and
body, and in the enjoyraent of coraplete health, and
the next day his faculties were gone. Who could
have expected that within a few days after the proro
gation of parliaraent, in which Mr. Canning had
appeared as the successor of Lord Liverpool, that
eminent minister would be numbered with the illus
trious dead?'*
The truth of this touching appeal to the prudence
of the House of Coraraons was within a few weeks
shown by the sudden and accidental death of him
who thus recalled them to a sense of the fleeting and
uncertain tenure of their own existence.
To these obvious suggestions of prudence, the Soli-

' Mirror of Parliament, 1830, p. 2781.

278 ACCESSION OF WILLIAM IV. [1830
citor, the Attorney General and Sir Eobert Peel replied,
and not without some force, by remarking upon the
apathy shown during the very debate in w-hich they
were engaged. They endeavoured at the sarae tirae
to justify their conduct by appeals to precedent, and
by describing the chances of raischief as unworthy of
regard. One arguraent eraployed by the opposition
was deeraed at that tirae peculiarly effective. All
the Whig speakers laid particular stress upon the
danger to the monarchy resulting from delay. The
manner in which they availed theraselves of this topic
was in accordance with their general rule of conduct.
The see- saw enabled them to take alternately two dif
ferent views of the same subject — in one part of their
statement to dweU upon the follies and inconsistencies
of the raonarchical institution — in the other, to extol
its benefits, and preponderating advantages. The two
portions of the argument would be of use, under very
different circumstances. That such a raode of reason
ing inight of itself lead to the mischief they described,
upon the principle that prophecies often fulfil thera
selves did not deter these daring politicians. The
thrones of Europe might be tottering to their faU, and
the theoretic excellence which the arguments described
might be approaching, but the opposition only remem
bered the long years in which they had been excluded
from power — power which they fancied now within
their grasp — with such a prize in view, they were not
men to falter because of the danger attending an argu
ment. In the month of July, in the year 1 830, one

1830.] ACCESSION OF WILLIAM IV. 279
of the raost learned and brilliant among the many
aspirants among the Whigs for place and honour,
thus spoke of the institution of monarchy — ' The his
tory of our hereditary form of government,' said Mr.
Macaulay, 'does not present us with any certain
security for the wisdom or virtue of the chief raagis
trate. The destinies of the community may be
entrusted to the weak and feeble hands of infancy ;
and this and other consequences have afforded ample
themes for the wit of the satirist and the eloquence
of the declaimer. Look at this raoment at the enor
mous weight and extent of power confided to the
hereditary monarch, whether an infant or an adult;
the population he governs is scarcely less than
120,000,000 of souls dispersed over the world frora
the Mediterranean to the Indian Archipelago — ^frora
the extreme north of the western to the extrerae south
of the eastern hemisphere ; an authority so vast and
so intricate, that perhaps few even of those who have
the task of guiding the councils of the sovereign are
fuUy aware of its extent and bearings. Yet this
enormous empire, with all its complicated interests,
may be placed under the control of a thoughtless boy
or girl. For a child, unable to walk or to express the
simplest wish in its mother tongue, the claims of
veteran generals and accomplished statesmen are
passed by — senates pay it horaage — and by the years
of its rule laws are nurabered, and public acts are
dated. To many this system raay appear, if not
absurd, unreasonable; but what is its vindication?

280 ACCESSION OF WILLIAM IV. [1830.
Why, in this enlightened age, do we resist, and would
oppose even to the death, any change of that system?
What is the advantage which counterbalances its
great, its numerous, its adraitted evUs? It may be
designated in one word, ' certainty.' For this it is,
and this alone, that we are content to forego aU the
advantages that might result from securing to the
realm a succession of Chathams or of Marlboroughs."
' There are raany great evils in a hereditary raonar
chy,' said Mr. Broughara, at the close of a raost
powerful and adrairably reasoned speech ; ' there are
raany grievous burthens to which it subjects us, and
there raay be raany sound political principles to which
it is opposed, but it has one great redeeming feature,
which would reconcile one to it - even were its faults
greater and more nuraerous — it renders the succession
to the throne certain, and provides in that way an
effectual reraedy against that evil which can never be
thought of without horror — the evil of civil war.'^
During the former debate on the same subject, the
learned gentleman had pressed with his usual power
the sarae arguraent. Speaking of the common rule of
succession, he said, ' This is a rule to which, as the
subject of a limited raonarchy, in return for the re
raoval of raany things that are evil, and the alleviation
of many things that are burthensome, I am corapelled
to subrait. This rule of accession to this office, con-

• See Mr. Macaulay's speech p. 2776, of Mirror of Parlia
ment, 1830. 2 Idem. p. 2790.

1830.] ACCESSION OF WILLIAM IV. 281
trary as it raay be to sound reason and the general
principles of liberty, does yet minister to us one ines
timable advantage — it substitutes certainty for uncer
tainty, it enables one to avoid the difficulties and
dangers of a disputed succession, and this is the polar
star which I look to as the subject of a limited
monarch." To all these fearful denunciations of danger, the
administration had no answer to raake, except that
they were not very likely to occur, and the assertion
that it was better to run that small risk, than to
settle a complicated matter in a hurry, and without
due consideration. This, however, hardly seems a
sufficient answer. The ministers raust have con
sidered the subject ; and the arrangeraents necessary
to constitute a safe regency were not very nuraerous,
and certainly not very difficult. What the minister
decided, the majority would adopt, and the minority
oppose. There were, probably, however, two other
circurastances which led the ministers to propose this
delay. The first was that love of ease, which gives
an administration more trouble than the most stirring
industry, but which, nevertheless, is ever found exer
cising its baneful influence over ministerial resolves.
The other circumstance was, that the ministry might
hope to find the new parliament a more docile
instrument than the old one; an anticipation in
which, if they entertained it, they were dooraed to

' Mirror of Parliament, 1830, p. 2617.

282 MR. brougham's MOTION [1830.
be grievously deceived. The division, however, was
raore in their favour than the last; many members,
considering the House bound by their former vote,
gave up their opinion, and submitted to that of the
majority. The numbers were —
For Mr. Grant's motion. Ayes . 93
Noes . 247

Majority .... 154
The next proceeding, and the last of the session of
a party character, was far raore useful to the opposi
tion. Mr. Broughara, on the 13th of July, brought
forward the raotion of which he had lately given
notice, on colonial slavery, in a speech which, cer
tainly in his own opinion, exercised a raarked influ
ence over his own career, as well as on those great
interests to which it related ;' a speech full of harrow
ing details of terrible cruelty, and of warnings to par
liaraent of the danger which must attend the system of
permitting the slave-holding colonies to legislate on the
subject of slavery. Mr. Brougham, on this occasion,
proposed no plan hiraself, neither did he blarae the
governraent for any negligence on their part respect
ing the raatter ; he acknowledged that they were not

' The speech which Mr. Brougham deUvered on this occasion
was afterwards published among his collected speeches, and is
preceded by this observation, written by himself: — ' The fol
lowing speech was delivered on the 13th of July, 1830. It i^
believed to have mainly contributed towards Mr. Brougham's
election as member for the county of York, which took place a
few weeks after.'

1830.] RESPECTING COLONIAL SLAVERY. 283
liable to any such accusation. ' In fairness I am
bound to say I cannot charge this as raatter of severe
blarae on the governraent, because I know the obstacles
of a financial nature which have stood in the way of
intentions sincerely entertained to provide a pure and
efficient systera of judicature for the West India
Islands.'' All that was directly proposed, and which
by the governraent was raost unwisely resisted, was,
' that this House do resolve at the earliest practicable
period next session to take into its serious considera
tion the state of the slaves in the colonies of Great
Britain, in order to the mitigation and final abolition
of slavery ; and raore especially in order to the amend
ment of the administration of justice within the same.'
Any one who had at that tirae carefully watched
the changes in public opinion, and attended to the
growth and gradual forraation of ideas upon the
matters brought for decision before the ivhole country,
could not fail to perceive that on the subject of
slavery their minds had been for sorae time made up,
and that resistance to their determination to put an
end to slavery in the dominions of England would
soon become impossible. Watching, then, the signs
of the times, a prudent rainister would have resolved
to yield to the iraperious feeling of the people, and
would have prepared the way for giving effect to
the popular will, at the least possible expense and

' Lord Brougham's Speeches, vol. ii. p. 132. Mirror of Par
liament, 1830, p. 2881.

284 MR. brougham's motion [1830.
trouble. This mode of proceeding, however, is seldom
adopted by English statesraen. Sir Eobert Peel had
not yet learned from experience the wise lesson which
certainly she teaches — that there is a time when to
yield wins the affection, another when it only obtains
the contempt of mankind. Mr. Brougham and his
party were therefore allowed exclusively to gain that
favour and really affectionate regard which the people
of England have always bestowed on those who have
endeavoured to relieve their country from the disgrace
which attends the sanction by law of the horrible insti
tution of slavery ; and which regard they are ever ready
to bestow on all who in any way generously endeavour
by their personal labours to alleviate human sorrow, and
for the poor, the weak, and the friendless, to lighten
the burthen of the many inevitable ills which attend
them through life. On the present occasion, Mr.
Wilraot Horton endeavoured to divert Mr. Brougham
from his course, by proposing a series of resolutions
full of coraplicated details, the only purpose of which
was to evade the difficulty which Mr. Brougham's
proposal raised. To these resolutions Sir George
Murray, the colonial minister, stated that he could
not assent, but he entreated Mr. Brougham to with
draw his raotion, in order that the world might not
be led to believe that the subject was not considered
of iraportance by the House of Coramons; to which
conclusion they would certainly come, if they were to
judge by the nurabers who would divide upon the
motion being put. This consideration was also

1830.] RESPECTING COLONIAL SLAVERY. 285
pressed by Sir Eobert Peel, who said, besides, that
there were expressions used in the resolution, to
which he could not assent. He saw much practical
evil, he said, in coming to an abstract resolution in
favour of abolition, without having previously deter
mined on the means to be employed in effecting it.
Besides this reason, there was another, still more
important, he said ; the resolution made no raention of
compensation, and that no precautions were alluded
to for preparing the slaves for freedom.
Mr. Brougham knew too well the advantage of his
position to relinquish it upon any such solicitation.
He had the country with him ; he therefore scouted the
hollow pretences which were employed to mislead
him. Of the character of the House he had a very
contemptuous opinion, and openly expressed it — being
indeed not particularly anxious for it to be held out
to the world as rauch deserving of adrairation and
respect. That he should feel this is not reraarkable,
as, during the raany years of his political existence,
he had seldom found it on disputed points of his way
of thinking. Against an adverse raajority he had
fought his way to the proud pre-erainence he now
enjoyed, but araidst the many triumphs of his great
intellect, he could as yet not lay claim to that of
having obtained a raajority in the House of Commons
against the rainister of the day. That was, however,
yet reserved for hira and his party to accoraplish ; but
had he yielded to the soft words now employed to make
him change his plan — had he not forced his proposal

286 DISSOLUTION OF PARLIAMENT. [1830.
to a division, his victory might still have been for some
years delayed. His friends indeed mustered in smaU
numbers on the occasion, the votes in favour of his
motion being —
Ayes  27
Against it — Noes  56
Majority  29
This division ended the party struggle for this
first session of 1830. Parliament was, on the 23rd
of July, prorogued by the king in person, to the fol
lowing August, but was the next day dissolved by
proclamation, and writs returnable the 14th of Sep
tember were immediately issued for a general election.
The peculiar state of affairs both abroad and at
home gave to the coming contests an extraordinary
interest, and the elections about to take place all men
felt would be araong the raost iraportant that had
ever occurred in the eventful history of the English
parliaraent.

CHAPTEE VII.
FEOM THE DISSOLUTION OF PAELIAMENT IN JULY
TO THE MEETING OF THE NEW PAELIAMENT IN
OCTOBEE, 1830.
TXT" HEN the proclaraation appeared which put an
' * end to the last parliaraent of George IV., an
irapartial spectator of the political strife which had
been carried on within it, would have found great
difficulty in explaining the actual condition of politi
cal parties — to state their names, to describe their
relative strength, their views, and prospects. Still
greater would have been his difficulty if at that
inoment he had endeavoured to obtain for hiraself, or
to give to others an accurate conception of the causes
which had brought about the present condition of
the adrainistration itself, and which produced the
low estimation in which it was held by the public at
large. Since the commencement of the session which
had just come to an end, raany changes had occurred
in the views and expectations of politicians. Hostility
and divisions seeraed to extend their baneful influence
over all sections of all parties ; and combination among
them, excepting for purposes of annoyance, appeared

288 STATE OF PARTIES. [1830.
almost impossible. This increased repulsion* did not
arise from any change in the public policy of the admi
nistration, neither could it be said to arise frora any spe
cific public acts of legislation, any positive proceedings
either at horae or abroad. The adrainistration, never
theless, had becorae decidedly unpopular. If at this
raoraent an opponent had been asked to put his finger
on the act or acts which had tended to produce, or
which united had produced this effect, he, if a candid
raan, would have allowed the task proposed to be
one of great, if not insuperable difficulty. The
strenuous anti-catholic would indeed have asserted
that the Emancipation Act was the reason of this
decline in the power and popularity of the adminis
tration; but this answer is not satisfactory, because
there is iu it no explanation of the decline in popular
favour since the meeting of parliament in the early

' In these our days of comparative calm, we can hardly
form an idea of the violent and fierce anger of this period —
and we start as we read the extraordinary language employed,
even in grave works, against opponents. The following passage
is really rather a subdued specimen of the virulent epithets
employed by educated men towards each other : — ' In this age
of reason, anything rather than reason has ruled — and it is
not by wisdom — unless indeed by that which is ' earthly, sensual,
devilish' — ^that the warp and woof of that web which is at this
time spread before us have been woven, and in which ' ample
room and verge enough' have been left for the characters of
hell, now traced there in black and fiery lines, that aU who
run may read.' — Quarterly Review, January, 1831. This tirade
is meant to describe the convulsion to which England was
brought by the Duke of WeUington's administration, and gives
us the view taken of it by the high-church party.

1830.] STATE OF PARTIES. 289
part of the year. It may, and perhaps does suffi
ciently explain why the administration could not
count upon, and did not receive, the support and
approbation, or confidence, of those who deemed the
concession to the catholics a wrong, or a mistake ; but
more than this occurred. The good will of the liberal
party out of doors, which at one time appeared about
to become hearty towards the administration, and more
especially towards its head, suddenly was checked,
and suspicion and distrust in their stead took posses
sion of the public raind ; and the causes of this peculiar
change require to be explained. The raischief to the
ministerial influence arising from the act of emanci
pation was known in the previous year (1829), and
the explosion of that year, and the immediate division
in the ranks of the ministerial party, were plain and
palpable ; but the effects in the present year had causes
distinct frora the raeasure of catholic eraancipation ; and
the certain proof of it is, as we have just said, that with
the classes to whora that raeasure was grateful the de
cline of the rainisters' popularity was raost raarked —
viz. , the liberal party generally. And this was the raore
extraordinary, because all the reforraing tendencies of
the adrainistration had rather increased than dirai
nished since the Emancipation Act. Legal reform had
not been checked, as was shown by the change in the
punishraent of forgery, and by the many discussions
that occurred concerning the administration of justice
generally. The Beer BiU was a direct concession to
public opinion, in favour, as was believed, of the poor
VOL, I. u

290 STATE OF PARTIES. [1830.
labourer, to whom beer is an important beverage.
Economy was, in the opinion even of Mr. Hume,
carried further than it had yet been by any preced
ing administration. Something, nevertheless, and
in despite of aU these increasing liberal tendencies,
created a suspicion in the public mind— dirainished
the popularity and the power of the Duke of Welling
ton, as well as of his colleagues, inducing a sense of
weakness among the ministers theraselves, which was
soon raade raanifest to the public, by a hesitation and
a want of firraness and decision in their language and
their acts.'
Two sets of causes did, in fact, lead to this result :
the one set was connected with our internal party
politics; the other was to be found in the extraor
dinary state of Europe, raore especially of France.
The disappointraent of the Whig expectations made
the politicians of that party actually hostile to the

' The language of the Quarterly Review is indicative of
the feelings entertained by the anti-catholic section of the Tory
party — ' And so far from obtaining the ease for which they looked
in parliament, the tergiverse administration discovered, when
too late, that they had broken the staff of their strength,
and that in breaking up the constitutional party, they had
virtually dissolved the government. Their imbeciUty during
the session of 1830 would have been ludicrous if lesser interests
than those of a nation had been at stake. Never knowing on
what resistance to reckon, nor on what support to depend, they
took the chance of the House, from night to night, and ven
tured upon no measure of importance, in the utter uncertainty of
carrying anything.' — Quarterly Review, January and February,
1831.

1830.] MINISTRY BECOMES UNPOPULAR. 291
Duke of Wellington and his governraent. The revo
lutions abroad, which excited the people at home,
enabled the opposition to give effect to their now
inveterate animosity in the elections that were about
to take place.
The Duke of Wellington, as we have seen, having
given offence to one large section of his friends, was
for a time steadily supported by those who had
formerly been his opponents. He, nevertheless, stiU
hoping to win back the anti-catholic party, and
always intending to do so the instant the cause of
momentary estrangeraent, as he thought it, was re
moved, kept aloof from all alliance, or even partial
connexion, with his new supporters. He turned a
deaf ear to their offers and advances, giving them
mortal offence by the contemptuous indifference of his
manner and speech. So soon as they were convinced
that coalition and friendship were impossible, they
began assiduously to assail the administration in
speeches, pamphlets,* newspapers — at political raeet
ings, in private society, in parliaraentary debates.
The whole raachinery of detraction, which by the
Whig party has been brought to a pitch of raarvellous
efficiency, was called into unceasing and most active

' 'A powerful attack was now opened on the WeUington
administration, through the medium of the press, and particu
larly by a pamphlet, the second of a series, attributed at the
time to the new member for Yorkshire.' [Mr. Brougham] —
Quarterly Review (or rather Mr. Croker ?), April and July,
vol. xiv. p. 282.
U2

292 EFFECT OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS [1830.
operation, and soon produced effects altogether un
looked for, either by theraselves or their opponents.
Events abroad just at this critical period occurred of
an extraordinary character, raoving to its lowest
depths the whole of English society — caUing into
play the energies of a united people — and thus
enabling the discontented politicians of the Whig
party to gather together a force in opposition which
no unaided manoeuvres or intrigues of their own
could ever have coUected. With this assistance, they
resisted and eventually overturned the administration
of the Duke of Wellington, changed the very system
of the government of their country, and effected what
has been truly termed a peaceful yet complete revo
lution. Of the events abroad, and of the peculiar con
dition of affairs at home, which led to these remark
able results, I will now proceed to give a general,
but for the purpose, I hope, a sufficient description.
Lord Aberdeen held the post of Secretary of State
for Foreign Affairs in the administration of the Duke
of Wellington. The name of Lord Aberdeen, unfor
tunately for that administration, had long been asso
ciated in the rainds of European politicians with
those of the raen who, throughout the various countries
of the continent, were deeraed the friends of despo
tisra — the enemies even of the most narrow and re
stricted form of constitutional governraent. In France,
more especially, was he looked upon as the enemy of
freedom, because he was believed to be not merely the

1830.] ON OPINIONS AT HOME. 293
friend, but the intimate adviser of Prince Polignac,
the most favoured and the last prime rainister of the
infatuated raonarch of that country, Charles X. The
Duke of WeUington also, although by his countryraen
always respected, in consequence of his great military
services, and sometiraes even greatly popular with
them, was known to European nations rather as a
diplomatist and statesman; and, in that character,
was considered the friend and powerful colleague of
those who, in 1815-16, arranged what they were
pleased to term the settleraent of Europe. His narae
was thus associated with those of men known as
the sworn ministers of despotic power — the friends of
the retrograde party — ^the enemies of advanceraent and
liberality wheresoever and howsoever it raight be
manifested. He was deemed a friend to the Holy
Alliance, its principles and its purposes; and his
advent to power on the death of Mr. Canning was
looked upon as a calamity by the Liherals, as they
were called, in every nation, whether of Europe or
America.* This opinion of the despotic tendency of
the Duke of WeUington's own character, and of his
administration, was unfortunately strengthened, and
appeared in some degree to be justified by the manner
in which the power of England was given to support
Dom Miguel of Portugal, who, by the people of

' This statement is made simply as of a matter of fact.
Whether this estimate of the Duke's character was correct is
another thing. That the estimate was as described in the text
cannot, 1 think, be disputed.

294 DOM MIGUEL, [1830,
England, and by most nations on the continent, was
considered a monster in human shape. This assist
ance was, on the continent, generally believed to have
beeu rendered because Dom Miguel was the chief of
the despotic as opposed to the liberal party in Por
tugal. This love of despotisra was supposed to have
overcome in the minds of the English ministers their
hatred of usurpation in the instance of Dom Miguel;
who, though confessedly a usurper, was supported by
the despotic, who are usuaUy what are termed the
legitimate party in the various countries in which
these epithets are employed to distinguish political
factions. But the fact of legitimacy happened, in
Portugal, to be on one side, despotism on the other,
and England was supposed, by the advice of the Duke
of Wellington and Lord Aberdeen, to have deserted
the legitimate and helpless queen. Donna Maria, in
order to aid and raaintain in power the cruel and
cowardly despot who had usurped her authority,*

' The Edinburgh Review for December, 1831, gives an
elaborate history of Portuguese affairs, and from it we may
learn the colour which the opposition in the year 1830 endea
voured to give the whole affair, ' Meanwhile, after our troops
were withdrawn from Lisbon the loyal Portuguese did make
an effort to shake off the usurper's heavy yoke. Oporto fell
into their hands and formed their rallying point. They had an
army on foot; but a vnthering change had taken place in the
councils of England; the more liberal members of her cabinet
had been compelled to resign, and Dom Miguel, well aware of
the Holy AUiance tendencies of the new ministry, proclaimed the
blockade of Oporto.' This and similar language, used by the

1830.] STATE OF FRANCE. 295
The influence of England, guided by the same
ministers, was believed also, throughout Europe, to
have been employed to fetter and thwart the Greeks
in their struggles for freedom — to have frustrated in
the first place the establishment of a republic in that
birth-place of liberty, art, and science; and then in
the second to have prevented a liberal prince, namely,
Leopold of Saxe Cobourg, accepting the offered throne
of that country, because he was supposed to be a
firm and enlightened friend of constitutional freedom.
This opinion, prevalent as it was in Europe and the
two Americas, by degrees extended to our own
country, and served, in conjunction with and in con
sequence of a curious combination of events, materially
to form and modify the English popular opinion re
specting the English administration.'
The fifteen years of peace enjoyed by France
since 1815 had not been spent in idleness by her
people. The industry of her writers was never raore
active, or raore usefully eraployed, than during those
eventful years. There was, however, one unfortunate
circurastance attending their labours, for which no

organs of the Whig party, caused continental politicians to
beUeve that the popular party in England considered the Duke
of Wellington an enemy of freedom.
' That the EngUsh ministry was really the cause of Prince
Leopold's refusal of the Greek Crown, may well be doubted —
but that great pains were taken to convince the world that they
were so, is certain. Prince Paul of Wirtemburgh was at this
time a candidate for the Greek Crown, and soliciting the favour
of Charles X. in aid of his suit. It was surely the policy of
our government to favour Leopold in preference to Paul.

296 STATE OF FRANCE, [1830,
one was answerable but the royal party, with the
king, whether it were Louis XVIIL or Charles X., at
their head. The royalist party was truly said to
have forgotten nothing, to have learned nothing
during the long period of abaseraent and of exile to
which it had been subject frora 1789 to 1815. No
sooner were they replaced in power by foreign arms,
than they essayed to efface every sign of the great
revolution by which the institutions of their country,
social, moral, reUgious, and political, had been over
thrown and remodeUed. The very Charter, which
even the conquering armies of their aUies thought
just and necessary, they endeavoured, frora the be
ginning of their new rule, to weaken and destroy.
AU the safeguards for security of person, property,
and reputation, which experience has taught us are
necessary for the raaintenance of a civilized commu
nity, they treated with conterapt — opposed — sought
by every artifice to render useless ; — hoping to be able
by degrees, through the various raeans furnished by
corruption, cajolery, and terror, to re-establish the
ancient despotisra. An acute and intelligent people,
like the French, with minds rendered peculiarly sus
picious and perspicacious by the extraordinary vicis
situdes of their late fortunes, could not fail to perceive,
and, perceiving, to resist and oppose these pernicious
attempts to degrade and enthral them. Finding that
the royalist party was beyond being taught, (for if
they could learn nothing from the terrible lessons that
misfortune had read them, to what instructors would
they Usten?) the whole intellectual powers of the

1830.] STATE OF FRANCE, 297
French were directed to the one great necessary
preliminary in their country to all improvement — viz,,
to annihilate the mischievous force of the royalist
party. For sorae time, the chiefs of the various
sections of the liberals hoped to do this by constitu
tional means ; and they, with laudable perseverance,
addressed themselves to the irksome labour of deriving
safeguards frora the iraperfect institutions which the
Charter of Louis XVIII. had given them. But from
this labour of construction they were eventually driven
by the thorough hopelessness ofthe task. If the royalist
party had honestly intended to maintain these insti
tutions, and apply the principles upon which they
were supposed to be based, fairly and in a generous
loyal spirit, France would indeed have enjoyed a far
happier lot than that which was in store for her. All
hope of huilding up being rendered vain, by this
dogged spirit of despotisra — by this perverse, shallow
and despicable policy of the Bourbons and their
friends — the true French party now applied their
whole energies to the pulling down and destruction
of the obstacle thus laid in the path of their iraprove
raent. This could only be done by enlisting with
them the nation — not simply the raajority of the
people — looking to nurabers only, but the great ma
jority of the inteUigent, wealthy, and instructed por
tion of society. Despotisra, with all its array of force
and artifice, was on one side; intelligence and true
patriotism were on the other. The struggle was
fierce, and in its results terrible, for raany years to the
popular party. The brute force of the army, the not

298 STATE OF FRANCE. [1830;
less effective but more disguised power of a corrupt
judicature and ruthless administration, were em
ployed to put down, silence, and crush all who dared
to invoke, for their own protection and that of their
country, any principles but those of divine right and
royal despotism. The battle was fought in the courts,
in the Chambers — by the press, in every shape — by
pamphlets, novels, histories, poems, songs, plays,
speeches, grave and gay, humorous and sarcastic — by
buffoonery and pathos — by every art — caricatures,
painting, music — nothing was too high — nothing too
raean, all were eraployed in this great conflict of
reason against force; and at length, spite of raany
reverses, the victory was to them who appeared the
weak. The growing intelligence of the people knit
them together ; the struggle had taught thera all the
arts of offence; their writers and thinkers were un
equalled as critics to assail, pull down — destroy. Un
fortunately, in this hurly-burly of existence, that
knowledge which was needed to construct, to huild up
the social edifice, when the great obstacle to all im
provement was removed, was not in an equal degree
possessed by the people or by their instructors. The
habits of a people living quietly under a law, abiding
by its forms, and by its own raachinery iraproving
and perfecting it, had not, have not yet, it is to be
feared, been acquired by the people of France. By
their fate they have been driven to force for aid,
because their rulers have never confined themselves
within the limits of the law. The raoment that the
legal forms gave the popular party superiority, the

1830.] STATE OF FRANCE. 299
king and his advisers had recourse to violence. They
resolved openly to break through the law. Sorae
pretence of an adherence to it had hitherto been pre
served — a pretence it was — ^but still the appearance,
even of obedience to legal forms, could no longer be
retained, as now, under every disadvantage, the ma
jority of the Chamber was at last opposed to the
arbitrary wishes and designs of the king.
On the 31st of July, in 1829, the session of the
French Charabers ended. During this session the
adrainistration was without a raajority in the Charaber
of Deputies, and unable, therefore, to execute any of
the arbitrary projects which were now prepared in the
mind of the king, Charles X. This weakness the
king a,ttributed to the incompetence of the ministers
themselves, never seeming to think that the raind
and feelings of the people raight in some degree ac
count for it. So soon, therefore, as the Chambers
were prorogued, an ordonnance appeared, changing
the whole of the adrainistration, and exciting terror
and indignation throughout France.* This sudden
change had a fatal influence on the popularity of the
Duke of WeUington in England. The person chosen
by the King of France to be one of his chief advisers,
as Minister of Foreign Afl^airs, and who was indeed

1 This ordonnance was issued in August, 1829. The sketch
in the text of French politics is introduced solely to explain
in some measure the state of our own affairs and the unpopularity
of the EngUsh ministers. It is therefore cursory, and but a
sketch.

300 STATE OF FRANCE. [1830,
soon after appointed President of the CouncU, was
Prince Jules de Polignac, lately arabassador in Eng
land, He was called frora this post to Paris in order
to receive the portfoUo of Minister for Foreign Affairs.
The prince was supposed to be a personal friend of
the Duke of WeUington, and to have been recom
mended by him to the king as his chief adviser.*
For this supposition there was not the slightest evi
dence; but men believed it, because of the known
influence of the Duke of Wellington with the royal
family of France, and because of his intimacy and
friendship with the prince himself. The rainistry of
Charles X. was known to have been chosen for the
especial purpose of forwarding the despotic plans of
the king ; and the people of England, as well as those
of France, expected that some coup detdt would be
attempted against the representative forra of govern
ment in that country — which, if successful in France,
might also be attempted in England.^ Frora this
raoraent the liberal party in both countries seemed to
be united to each other by identity of feelings and of
dangers. The English people looked on the coraing
struggle with breathless interest, and the acts of the

' The Wellington administration was a common name for
the new ministry in France. On the 2nd of November, Sir
R. Peel thought it requisite, in the House of Commons, to give
a formal and peremptory denial to this assertion. See Mirror
of Parliament, 1830, vol. iv. p. 31.
* ' The battle of EngUsh liberty has reaUy been fought and
won at Paris,' said the Morning Chronicle, the acknowledged
organ of the Whig party. The Times spoke out more fiercely,

1830.] STATE OF FRANCE. 301
French adrainistration were as anxiously watched as
those of our own. The rainisters of Charles were not
less disliked in England than in France — and the
danger which freedora incurred in consequence of their
despotic plans, was felt as a danger comraon to liberal
institutions in every part of the world.*
The indignation and terrors of the French people
were soon justified. By some strange fatality, every

' Mr. Brougham's language at that time spoke the feelings
of the people of England, and he thus, in the House of
Commons, expressed his admiration of the resistance made to
the arbitrary attempts of the king and his ministers. The
words are taken from the Mirror of Parliament, and not from
Lord Brougham's collected speeches.
' It has been said that the French know not how to value
Uberty; but I protest that I know of no nation on the face of
the earth that knows how to value liberty more — that is better
fitted for its possession — that knows better how to keep it, or
to preserve it if others design to wrest it from their grasp. My
heartfelt admiration — my cordial gratitude is due to the patriots
of that great nation for the illustrious struggle they are making —
for the war which they are now waging with arbitrary power —
and which for the sake of the peace of France — of England —
of Europe — most of all for the sake of the Bourbon king, I
hope will not proceed beyond the point to which bigotry and
bad counsels have already driven it. I hope that those counsels
wiU yield in time to the coming breeze — at least before they
be swept away by the gathering storm. — Mirror of Parliament,
1830, p. 2886, Lord Brougham's Speeches, vol. ii. p. 154.
There is a slight difference in the expression in the revised
speech by which its force is lessened. On the 2nd of November,
Mr, Brougham, not on the hustings, where great licence is sup
posed to be allowed and is certainly often taken, but in the
House of Commons, spoke of ' that revolution which in my con
science I beUeve to be the most glorious in the annals of man
kind.' — Mirror of Parliament, 1830, vol. iv. p. 37.

302 STATE OF FRANCE. [1830.
French adrainistration atterapts to put down by pro
secution such portions of the press as are opposed to
thera — and raost of thera have found courts and juries
obsequious and obedient, condemnation usually attend
ing the accusations made on the part of the adminis
tration. The new rainistry foUowed this coraraon
plan, and endeavoured by vigorous measures to silence
reraark and opposition. The usual effect followed —
opposition grew with persecution; the ill-will of the
people was increased, and nothing was gained beyond
the miserable pleasure of inflicting bodily and raental
suffering upon the opponents of the governraent.
The terrors of the people took suddenly a definite
forra. A suspicion arose that as the rainisters were
known not to possess a raajority in the Chambers,
they were about to make an atterapt to raise taxes
without the consent of the legislature, and therefore
contrary to law. To counteract this supposed project,
a plan of associations was proposed, and very generally
adopted, for the purpose of resisting the levying of
taxes not sanctioned and iraposed by the Chambers.
This proposal, which was for a perfectly legal purpose,
was prosecuted, under the pretext of its being an
attack on the king. Papers which published the
scheme were seized, and every effort to put down the
plan, by punishing and silencing those who adopted
it, was raade — but in vain. The associations spread
over the greater part of the kingdom, and were said
to have included, not only raore than half the Cham-

1830.] STATE OF FRANCE. 303
ber of Deputies, but also a considerable number of
peers themselves.*
The struggle between the people and the ministry
continued during the whole of the remaining part of
the year, increasing the animosity on both sides. All
were anxious for the assembling of the Charabers — by
these alone the dispute could be constitutionally set
tled. It reraained to be seen whether the rainistry
and the king would submit to this legal decision.
The Chambers were called together in March, 1830,
and in answer to the speech from the throne, an ad
dress of uncoraproraising hostility to the administra
tion was passed by a majority of 221 to 181. The
king, in reply, stated that his intentions, as already
declared in his speech, were immutahle — and shortly
after prorogued the Chambers to the 1st of September.
The interval was eraployed in preparing for a new
election. The rainistry having no intention of again
meeting a Chamber thus openly and decidedly hostile,
hoped that they could, by skilful arrangeraents, pro
cure the return of one more friendly and more docile.
The intentions of the ministry to dissolve the present
body was instantly divined by all parties — every doubt
being at once dispeUed by the instructions of the ad
ministration given to the various public functionaries
who could be made instrumental to the selection of

' These associations bore a great resemblance to the political
unions of England which soon after appeared, but which do not
seem to have been copies, but were suggested by the necessities
of the times, like causes producing Uke effects.

304 STATE OF FRANCE. [1830.
candidates favourable to the present government.
When everything was, in the opinion of the rainistry,
sufficiently prepared, the Chamber was dissolved, and
the elections were ordered to take place in June and
July, and the meeting of the new Chambers appointed
for the 3rd of August. These preparations were met
by the opposition party with equal activity, and with
that skill in arrangement which distinguishes every
class of the French people. The national feeling was
too powerful for ministerial influence.
As the election business proceeded, changes oc
curred in the ministry, by which every trace of a
liberal feeling araongst them was carefully removed.
Nothing now reraained to be done but to act upon the
plans devised, and the orders given — instructions
being sent to the heads of every departraent, and all
persons in the eraployraent of the governraent ordered
to vote for the governraent candidates. The officials
were said to have obeyed obsequiously these comraands
of their superiors. In spite, however, of all these
precautions, the popular party, having the whole
people — ^the instructed, the wealthy, as well as the
poor, and the nuraerous classes of the nation — with
thera, succeeded in returning an iramense majority of
the Chambers pledged to oppose and punish the mi
nisters who had atterapted, in this bare-faced and
illegal raanner, to corrupt and control the electors,
and to destroy the serablance even of a representative
governraent. Of this result the governraent were fully
aware — the victory could not be disputed — so that if

1830.] PROCEEDINGS OF THE FRENCH MINISTRY. 305
the ministry were resolved to retain their power, it
was now clear they could do so only by subduing or
putting aside the Chambers, and the law — attempt
ing, in short, a revolution in favour of despotism.
The ministry, infatuated themselves, acting for an
infatuated monarch, resolved to accept this alternative
— determined to overthrow the constitution, and in
the narae of the king to traraple upon the law. ' The
moment,' they said, ' was corae to have recourse to
measures which are in the spirit of the charter, but
which are beyond the limits of legal order, the
resources of which have been exhausted in vain.
Those measures, sire, your ministers, who are to secure
the success of them, do not hesitate to propose to you,
convinced as they are that justice will reraain the
strongest.' Such were the expressions with which
they concluded a long meraorial to the king, in which
they professed to explain, for his inforraation, the
internal situation of the country and the dangers re
sulting from the periodical press. They declared that
' recent events proved that political passions, hitherto
confined to the high places of society, begin to pene
trate the depths of it and to stir up the popular
classes.' They further declared that ' at aU times,
in fact, the periodical press has been, and it is in its
nature to be, only an instrument of disorder and
sedition.' Its effects, they asserted, ' were such as to
create and maintain public discontent — dissension in
the bosom of families which might, by degrees, throw
back the nation to absolute barbarism,' and that
VOL. I. X

306 THE KING ABROGATES THE CHARTER. [1830.
against these evils law and judicature were utterly
helpless; they therefore proposed to overthrow the
law and have recourse to force. This precious docu
ment was signed by aU the ministers.
In accordance with this advice, the king consented
to sanction certain ordonnances by which, simply on
the strength of his royal prerogative, he suspended, or
rather abrogated, the constitution. The nature of
these ordonnances and the subjects against which
they were directed, excited vehement suspicion m
England, and contributed greatly to affect the popu
larity of our own adrainistration. The first ordonnance,,
dated the 25th of July, 1830, aboUshed, in fact, the
periodical press, and overthrew that which experience
has taught us is the raost efficient safeguard of freedom
— viz., the liberty of unlicensed printing. By the
first article of this ordonnance the liberty of the
periodical press is declared to be suspended ; by the
second, it is ordered that no journal or periodical be
published without the royal authority, which is to be
renewed every three months; by the third, it is
declared that, in the provinces, this authority is to be
given by the prefects and sub-prefects; by the fourth,
the types and property of persons publishing without
such authority are declared confiscate, and ordered to
be seized ; by the fifth and sixth, it was ordered that
no writing under twenty printed pages be printed
without the authority of the Minister of the Interior
in Paris, of the prefects in the provinces ; and that no
work of above twenty pages, whether legal process,

1830.] THE KING DETHRONED. 307
memoires, or scientific paper, shaU be published with
out authority. In fine, the power of printing and
publishing upon any subject was utterly destroyed.
This ordonnance was signed by the king and counter
signed by the ministers.
Another ordonnance was issued at the same tirae,
dissolving the Chamber of Deputies, giving as a reason
the culpable manoeuvres that had been practised in
various parts of the kingdom with respect to the late
elections, and in order to prevent a recurrence of these
said iraproper proceedings, the king, by another edict,
entirely reraodelled the whole electoral systera — the
object and effect of which new plan were to restrict the
number of electors and throw the whole power of
election into the hands of the government authorities. *
These royal decrees were published on the 26th of
July, and before the end of the month, the elder race
of the Bourbons had ceased to reign in France. The
publication of these obnoxious edicts acted as a spark
upon a charged raine — the whole system of govern
ment was at once, by the fierce explosion, utterly
destroyed, and the foolish king paid with his crown
for the folly he had sanctioned, and his ministers with
their liberty for many years for the advice which they
had given.
The conduct of the French nation was in England

' This ordonnance consists of thirty articles, which minutely
describe the mode of proceeding by which the effect described
in the text is to be obtained. Any exposition of that mode of
proceeding is here unnecessary.
x2

308 REVOLUTION ACCOMPLISHED. [1830.
greeted with one universal shout of adrairation — un
bounded praise was bestowed not only on the courage
and skill with which the people of Paris rose upon and
expelled their delinquent king, but also on the wisdom
and cleraency which accorapanied their heroic victory.
When the news first carae of the insurrection by an
arraed populace, and of the combats in the streets and
places of that great city, which had witnessed within
the memory of raany then living the raost terrible and
sanguinary proceedings to be found in the history of
the world, a sort of instinctive terror took possession
of men's rainds, and they trembled lest the cause of
freedom and good government should be again dis
graced by the horrors and cruelty which had accom
panied the first revolution. But Paris of 1830 was
not the Paris of 1789. The results of the terrible
convulsion which had, at that period, desolated
France, and filled her cities and fields with carnage,
misery, and terror, were now seen in the beneficial
change which was manifest in the habits and feeUngs
of her people. As merciful as they were brave, the
heroes of 1830 tarnished not the lustre of their great
victory by any ferocity, either while in hot blood
resisting to the death the violent decrees of their
infatuated king, or, after their victory, by the forms
of law or by means of a subservient judicature. Law
immediately resumed her place, indeed, but it was a
law of mercy and of wisdom. Order was re-established
the moment that the royal family was expeUed. The
Charabers, like our convention in 1688, decided for
the people, and again estabUshed monarchy in the

1830.] EFFECT IN EUROPE. 309
person of the chief of the younger branch of the
Bourbons, by conferring the crown upon the Duke of
Orleans, who, by the name of Louis-Philippe, was
created King of the French.
The revolution which had proved thus successful at
Paris, was a signal for the opponents to existing
authority in every European community to rise in
revolt against the government — and men most dis
similar in character, views, and principles found them
selves suddenly united under the captivating title of
the friends of freedora and eneraies of despotism. The
danger that lurked under, and was hidden by these
specious naraes, was not at the moraent thought of,
but quickly became manifest, when success attended
resistance to authority. Every governraent, whether
despotic or not, counts araong its eneraies a host of
evil disposed and ruthless desperadoes. These raen
take advantage of every opportunity which is offered
to thera, to resist, to weaken, and if possible to destroy,
not simply the faulty government of which good raen
complain, but in fact all authority, all law; — what
they desire is confusion, hoping by its raeans to escape
control and punishraent, and to acquire wealth without
labour or care. Thus it happens, that the raost vir
tuous and holy cause runs the risk of being injured by
an association with vice, which is inevitable. Thus
also it happens, that every violent revolution, the
most wise, as well as the most raischievous, is always
foUowed by what is called a reaction — and the good
that may have been obtained is dearly paid for, by
continued, unnecessary trouble, commotion, alarm,

310 STATE OF BELGIUM. [1830.
and, consequently, by a destruction of property, and
the raisery which attends on want. The successful
resistance in Paris, to the soldiers of Charles X., ex
cited the populace of every large town in Europe.
Araong this populace in every town, there were raany
desperate, noisy raalcontents, who joined their voices
to those who had real grievances to coraplain of, and
urged the unwary and discontented to open and
violent resistance. The more real the grievances
complained of, and the raore bitter and veheraent the
honest anger felt by the suffering people, the raore
sure was the garae of these worthless wretches, who
traded in the business of revolutions. Bands of these
ruffians wandered over Europe for base purposes,
stirring up discontent to open violence — injuring that
sacred cause for which they pretended veneration —
and riveting the very despotisra against which they
affected to combat. The success of the Parisians, in
no place created greater excitement and enthusiasm
than in Brussels — and no people at that tirae ran
greater risk of danger frora a mischievous fellowship
with revolutionary desperadoes than the good burghers
of Flanders. The conduct of the King of the Nether
lands had given them legitimate cause of coraplaint ; —
they were, besides, a people joined against their wiU
to another with whora they had no syrapathy — -from
whora they differed in religion and in language, and
towards whora they had for ages entertained bitter
feelings of jealous rivalry. By their alliance with
Holland, the Belgians considered themselves injured
and insulted — they were saddled with a heavy debt —

1830.] STATE OF BELGIUM. 311
they were, being catholics, subjected to a protestant
dynasty. In the distribution of honours and emolu
ment, their gentry saw theraselves set aside for the
more favoured Dutch ; — the law was administered in a
language, with which they were just enough familiar
to despise and hate it; — in short, Belgium at that
period exhibited in herself that most unmanageable of
aU political entities, an insulted as well as injured
nationality. Had this feeling of nationality not
entered into the dispute, the discontent of the people
would never probably have gone beyond complaint;
now, however, the animosity among every class of the
population becarae a violent national hostility, ready,
nay anxious, to eraploy war itself as a raeans of escape
frora a connexion which they deeraed a degradation.
The King of the Netherlands was a raan of a narrow
and bigoted spirit. He reaUy hated the Belgians as
they hated him, and was ever betraying a puerile par
tiaUty for everything Dutch in his dominions. But
the Belgians, if united, were a raajority in the second
chamber ; and the king by his folly contrived to unite
against himself parties, which, except in that solitary
instance, have ever been divided by the bitterness of
theological hate.
The people of Belgium are erainently Catholic —
with the exception of the poor Irish, they are pro
bably the raost devoutly Catholic of any people
in Europe. But as there was a Young France, so
was there a Young Belgium. This latter party spoke
French as their native language — their literature was
French, and their estiraation of religion, more espe-

312 STATE OF BELGIUM. [1830,
cially of the Catholic religion, was that entertained by
Young France, who, in this instance at least, received
their inspiration from Voltaire, and the class of whom
the patriarch of Ferney was the chief. But this
Young Belgium differed widely from the imraense
raajority of the Belgian population — over whora the
Catholic priesthood exercised an alraost unlimited
dominion — and to a very large portion of whom the
language and literature of France were and are
utterly unknown. Had the King of the Netherlands
taken advantage of these circurastances, he might
easily have prevented a union between parties so
willing to be hostile. But instead of adopting this
plain and easy policy, he proved to the Belgian
people that he was hiraself a bigoted Protestant
as well as Dutchraan, to whom the whole Belgian
population were equaUy a subject of dislike. There
upon the priests saw in him only a persecuting
Protestant, The Liberals looked upon him as a
despot imposed on them by the Holy Alliance. The
hostile Belgic parties became united against him and
his country, and seized on every opportunity which
chance gave them of thwarting and foiling his
administration. The budget of the country was, by a rule of their
policy, voted for ten years. A revision, therefore, of
their civil list occurs at each decennial period. This
revision happened in 1830, and the ministerial
budget had been rejected by the second chamber, the
Belgian deputies having united for that purpose.
The national, Belgic feeling overruled all calculations of

1830.] DISCONTENT IN BELGIUM. 313
personal interest, and raany government functionaries
were nurabered in the obnoxious majority.
They were in consequence of their vote dismissed
— a proceeding which in England would create no sur
prise. But another case occurred which our notions
of parUamentary dependence would certainly not
justify. The deputy of Namur had voted against
the ministry. He enjoyed a pension for services
formerly rendered to the state of Belgium. Elected
by the people of Namur to represent them in the
second chamber, he in the performance of his duty,
and evidently with the approbation of his consti
tuents, voted in opposition to the budget, and was,
therefore, deprived of his pension.
These proceedings created great discontent through
out the Belgian provinces. All classes, and all
parties united now to organise their opposition, not
simply to the ministry, but to the king, and against
Holland. As yet, however, no direct steps were
taken to separate the two countries, every effort for
the moraent being directed to the one point of
uniting, and keeping united, the whole Belgian
portion of the so-called united kingdora. The most
active partizan in this scheme of Belgian unity was
M. de Potter, who aspired to be the O'Connell of
Belgium. At the tirae of this unwise attempt of the
king and his ministry to put down the Belgian oppo
sition, M. de Potter was in prison for a libel on
the governraent, which, though it subjected him to
punishraent, gained for hira, nevertheless, great
popularity. In principle he was a republican, and

314 M. DE POTTER. [1830.
belonged to the Liberals of Belgium — that is, to
Young Belgium. But aU distinctions of this
description were for the tirae forgotten, and M.
de Potter, though a republican, and no friend of the
priesthood, was hailed as the great leader of the
people and nationality of Belgium. He was not slow
to take advantage of the folly of the king. The
dismissed deputies were at once declared martyrs
suffering for the honour and happiness and inde
pendence of Belgium, for whom M. de Potter
proposed to raise a national subscription. The
real object was not hidden under this thin dis
guise. The pretence was to raise money throughout
the whole country for the suffering deputies. The
real purpose was to create an organized machinery of
opposition and revolution, which should extend to
every part of the country. The coraraittee which
received these subscriptions was, in fact, a revolu
tionary governraent. They communicated by raeans
of district coraraittees with every town and hamlet in
Belgium — under the name of subscriptions for the
dismissed deputies they obtained, or proposed to
obtain, large funds for ulterior objects — and by their
organization they sought to create and to maintain
a steadfast opposition to the government. On the 3rd
of February, 1830, M. de Potter, being then in
prison, addressed his countrymen through certain of
the newspapers,' laying before thera in detail a

' These were the Courier des Pays Bas, Le Beige, and Le
Catholique. This last consenting to publish M. de Potter's

1830.] ACCUSATION OF M. DE POTTER. 315
scheme of what he called Belgic confederation. The
extent and daring of this scheme, the specific nature
of the details set forth, and the universal syrapathy
expressed by the people, and their eagerness to join
in the plan, alarraed the legal functionaries of the
king, and induced thera to prosecute all who had
contributed to publish it. M. de Potter being in
prison was already in their hands. The other
editors, however — M. Vanderstracten, editor of Le
Beige, and M. Bartels, of the Catholique — were at
liberty. They were iraraediately arrested, together
with M. de Neve, the printer of Le Catholique, and
also M. Tielmans, an advocate and friend of M. de
Potter. Not content with arresting these persons,
the law officers seized various papers belonging to
M. Tielmans, and by that means got possession of a
correspondence which had been carried on between
M. de Potter and himself. Frora these the Crown
lawyers hoped at first to establish a charge of treason
against M. de Potter and his correspondent. The
evidence, however, was not in the end deeraed suffi
cient to substantiate this capital charge: that of
sedition was, therefore, preferred. Before the trial
took place above a thousand petitions were presented
to the Charabers in favour of the prisoners. These
petitions came from every hamlet in the country.
They were openly carried about by the priests, who

letter, proves that the catholic party was deeply involved in the
scheme. M. de Potter was himself proprietor of Le Courier des
Pays Bas.

316 TRIAL AND CONDEMNATION. [1830.
solicited signatures to thera on behalf of the raartyrs
about to suffer for the people and for Belgiura. The
Charaber raarked its opinion respecting these peti
tions by resolving to receive thera, by a raajority of
eighty-eight to eleven. And this majority was not
wholly Belgian — so strong was the feeling against
the folly and injustice of the ministry, that raany
of the Dutch raerabers joined with the Belgian
deputies in thus evincing their disapprobation of the
whole ministerial conduct in the matter.
The trial of the accused for sedition commenced on
the 16th of AprU, and lasted tiU the 30th. The trial
was by the judges, unaided hy a jury, and as all men
foresaw, three of the accused were found guilty —
MM. de Potter, Bartels, and Tielmans — the others
were acquitted.
Here was everything to excite the liberal and the
catholic Belgic population. First, the plan for
which they (the accused) were to be punished, was by
the whole people deemed not simply justifiable, but
in the highest degree praiseworthy and necessary.
Next, the accused were not convicted by a jury of
their country, but by hostUe, partisan judges — men
who were afraid to be just, even had they desired to
be so. The fact for which M. de Potter and his friends
were being tried, was for endeavouring to shield and
support functionaries who had resisted the Court. If
these judges were to acquit the accused, they might
soon expect themselves to be subject to the indigna
tion of the sarae authority, and visited in the same

1830.] EXCITEMENT OF THE PEOPLE. 317
way with punishment. Then, raoreover, among the
persons peculiarly selected for punishraent was the
organ of the catholic party in Belgium, M. Bartels.
The vengeance of the king and his ministry was
directed not merely against liberty, but against
Catholicism. M. de Potter was banished frora the kingdora of
the Netherlands for eight years; MM. Bartels and
Tielraans for seven. When the exiles endeavoured
to find refuge first in France, next in Prussia, they
were refused adraittance to either kingdoras, a cruelty
which served only to exasperate the people yet more,
because it was believed to have been evinced at the
solicitation of the Dutch king.
The excitement of the people and the conduct of
the Chambers alarmed the king and his rainisters:
they raodified their budget, after having punished
those who had voted against their original proposal,
and then presented it for acceptance to the Charaber.
The Chamber, with that good sense which has raarked
alraost every act of this legislature, accepted and
passed the modified measure. The obnoxious iteras
had for the most part been expunged. The consti
tutional victory had been gained, and the point for
which they had striven being conceded, they passed
the decennial budget. This the last united legisla
tive body of the kingdom of the Netherlands was
dissolved on the close of their session, which took
place on the 2nd of June. The general election
which immediately followed, was supposed to have

318 EFFECT OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. [1830.
added ,to the power of the administration, and the
friends of Dutch connexion fancied that all dangers
were passed, and that when the new parliament
should meet the Belgic party would find themselves
reduced to a helpless rainority. But the days of July
came in the midst of their security. The people of
Brussels were excited by the doings of their brethren
of Paris. Emissaries from France were quickly seen
actively employed in exciting the Belgian hostility to
Dutch domination. French statesraen hoped again
to gain possession of Antwerp, and to make Belgium
a province of France. A party in Belgium still
remembered and regretted the old days of the Empire,
and hoped to share in the splendour and power of the
great French nation. They, however, did not openly
avow these wishes, because the raajority of the nation
sought for a separate nationality. The catholic
priesthood dreaded the French — they feared their
infidelity. On the one side was the Dutch king, a
protestant bigot — on the other, the French, or rather
the Parisians, with the bigotry of their infidelity.
Which power was most to be dreaded they could
hardly determine ; they sought, therefore, in the tur
moil that followed, to keep steadily before the people
of Belgium the flattering idea of their own nationality.
They managed with admirable skill to enlist aU the
eager enthusiasm and vanity of the educated Belgian
youth on the side of this opinion, and succeeded at
length in placing on the head of Leopold the inde
pendent crown of Belgium. This result, however,
was not easily obtained, and raany and various were

1830.] REVOLUTION COMMENCED. 319
the dangers and the sufferings of the people, and great
the difficulties of their leaders, before this final victory
of their skill and prudence was won.
On the 25th of August, a riot began in Brussels :
fighting followed, and the scenes of Paris were enacted
over again. A series of negotiations and intrigues
followed. Liege followed the exaraple of Brussels,
and at length the real wish of the Belgian people was
expressed by formally deraanding a separation frora
Holland. Actual war eventuaUy broke out, and the
forces of the king were step by step forced out of the
kingdora, tiU at length nothing of Belgiura remained
to him but the citadel of Antwerp.'
On the 13th of September, the king convened an
extraordinary meeting of the States General, but by
this time all hopes of any arrangement betAveen the
two people had disappeared. The Dutch as well as
the Belgians were heartily tired of the connexions,
and nothing now gave them a semblance of unity but
the one Crown to which they were both subject. Two
parties mutually disgusted were not likely to propose
or arrange any raeans of an araicable solution of their
difficulties. In this hopeless condition of his affairs,
the king deterrained to seek assistance from his allies.
The powers of Europe were asked to interfere in
the dispute ; M. Van de Weyer being sent by the provi
sional government to England, in order to obtain the

' Any detailed history of these events would be out of place
here. The results, as stated in the text, are all that are needed
for the understanding of our own politics.

320 BELGIUM SEPARATES FROM HOLLAND. [1830.
intervention of England, was told by the Duke of
Wellington, that England would not interfere in their
affairs so as to control the people in the choice of a
governraent; but that we desired much the esta
blishment of a governraent by which peace and good
order might be maintained; and that as respected
hostilities, England was ready to aid in putting an
end to the present disastrous state of things. A pro
tocol was consequently signed, on the 4th of Noveraber,
by the rainisters of five powers represented in London,
by which an entire cessation of hostiUties was required:
and to that end they deterrained that ' the respective
troops should retire reciprocally behind the line which
previously to the treaty of May 30, 1814, separated
the possessions ofthe sovereign ofthe United Provinces
frora those which were added to his territory to form
the kingdom of the Netherlands, by the treaty of
Paris and by those of Paris and Vienna, in 1815.
This was required to be done in ten days. Eventually,
by this arrangeraent, the king of HoUand was required
and corapelled to evacuate Antwerp, and the Belgian
territory was retained in its entirety for the king who
was eventually selected to rule over that country.
The people, however, in the raeantime, through
the provisional government, had sumraoned a national
congress. On the 16th of October, a decree of the
provisional governraent issued, by which a congress
was convoked, and the raanner of electing it deter
rained. On the 10th of Noveraber it met.
Such was the state of Belgian affairs, when, at the
end of October, the parliaraent of England was called

1830.] INSURRECTION IN POLAND. 321
together. The Dutch king was driven from every
part of Belgiura, with the exception of the citadel of
Antwerp. A protocol of the five powers had required
a, cessation of hostilities and that the hostile arraies
should be withdrawn, each from the territories of its
opponent; and the Duke of WeUington signified to
the minister of the provisional government, M. Van
de Weyer, that he desired not to interfere with the
governraent which the people of Belgium chose to
adopt. In Germany the excitement which was communi
cated by the French revolution did not extend beyond
sorae of the rainor states, and the changes and dis
turbances which followed, caused little or no sensation
in England. The insurrection, also, which in the end
of the year broke out in Poland, had little effect upon
our politics at horae. The hatred to Eussia and her
dominion was very general in England, and the good
wishes of nearly aU classes attended the Poles, in
their attempts to cast off the hated thraldora of that
cruel dominion. But beyond good wishes our feelings
did not go. Poland was in no way connected with
England. We had promised her people nothing; we
had asked from them, we had received frora them, no
assistance. We gave their exiles a shelter beyond the
reach of any despot's arra; we fed them in their
necessities. But we had never said that we would
raise up unto thera a kingdom, and make them again a
nation ; we had never taken advantage of their war
like enthusiasm, nor reaped benefit from their heroism
VOL. I. Y

322 PROCEEDINGS IN PORTUGAL, [1830.
and their valour. From us, therefore, they had
nothing to hope; neither could they impute to us any
breach of faith, any base or dishonourable deception.
Their misfortunes excited our syrapathy, their mis
taken heroism deraanded and received our adrairation.
But between our fortunes and theirs no tie or con
nexion existed. We sorrowed when they failed, but
silently acquiesced in the decree of fate by which they
were overwhelmed.
With Portugal, however, we had raore intimate
political relations, though the popular interest was
small in the fortunes either of her princes or her people.
A very general contempt, indeed, was felt for the cha
racter of the Portuguese nation. They were regarded
as a degraded and degenerate race, incapable of rescuing
themselves from the thraldom of a raiserable despot,
and were, therefore, by our self-relying countrymen,
looked upon with contemptuous indifference. The
policy which permitted Dom Miguel to seize upon the
royal power and narae, and to exclude the legitimate
heir from her rightful dorainion, was generally viewed
with suspicion and dislike. If the hated miscreant
has outwitted you, said our people to the governraent,
you are raost inefficient diploraatists, and utterly unfit
to wield the power of a great nation ; if, on the other
hand, you have connived at his doings, if you have
looked on in calm acquiescence, while he has been
guilty of atrocities only equalled by the exaggerated
stories of the cruelties perpetrated by the Eoman
Caesars, then, indeed, there are not words of indigna-

1830.] STATE OF OPINION IN ENGLAND. 323
tion and horror which are sufficiently strong to mark
accurately the intense loathing and disgust which
arise in our minds upon the bare contemplation of such
disgraceful connivance. For the people, as a people,
we care little, but we are solicitous about the honour
of our own nation ; and that honour is tarnished, and
our great narae is lowered, when, under the sanction of
our authority, human nature is shocked and horror-
stricken by the infernal cruelties of this effeminate
and cowardly miscreant.
This extraordinary state of the continent affected
the whole of English society. In some it created
fear, in some hope, in almost all a desire of change
— but for very different reasons. The immense
raajority of the wealthy of the land had no interest
in bad governraent, nor in the continuance of the
old systera of representation. So long, however,
as they believed that system requisite for the safety
of their property, they stood by it; but when they
learned to think that its anomalies were not bene
fits, and that a much simpler, raore rational, and
fairer plan could be devised, they desired to reform
it, because, by so doing, they would remove one
great cause of discontent, and reconcile the great
body of the labouring population to the institutions
of the country. They perceived that the revolution
at Paris had greatly excited the hopes and the en
thusiasra of these classes; and they dreaded, and
wished by tiraely concessions to avert, commotion.
They looked, however, with suspicion on the Duke
y2

324 SUSPICION CREATED BY THE [1830.
of Wellington and his government, believing that
he sympathised rather with the despot who had been
foUed, than with the people who had so courageously
withstood him. They also feared his stubborn wiU,
because they thought that it would induce him to
resist the deraands of the people for that reform
which they themselves deemed not unreasonable. The
conduct of the government, also, was unfortunately
calculated in one respect to arouse suspicion, and
when connected with the late events in France, to
excite alarm also. The king, however, was person
ally popular, and looked upon as a person in whose
raind no scheme of despotism could enter, whose
temper was too frank and jovial to perrait him to
desire oppressive rule, and whose capacity was too
narrow to enable hira to devise a scherae for the
attainraent of it. The suspicion and distrust oc
casioned by the conduct of the King of France
and his advisers, did not therefore affect King
WUliara hiraself; but his rainisters were not esti
raated after the sarae fashion. They were believed
unfriendly to a free press, and were supposed to
have found in Sir Jaraes Scarlett an Attorney-
General who was not only willing but eager to em
ploy the law as an engine of oppression. During
the late session of parliament, the conduct of Sir
James Scarlett had been severely scrutinized, and
blame by persons of every party abundantly be
stowed upon hira, for his arbitrary, persecuting
prosecutions of Mr. Alexander, the editor of the
Morning Journal; and the French ministers were

1830.] CONDUCT OF THE ATTORNEY-GENERAL. 325
thought to have adopted the principles of Sir Jaraes
Scarlett, only employing them on a larger scale
and with a bolder hand. But still the principles
on which they acted were deemed the sarae as those
upon which he had acted ; and the simUitude excited
no coraraon alarra — no ordinary indignation, which
were also greatly enhanced by the peculiar personal
position of Sir James Scarlett himself, who was
very commonly supposed to be a renegade Whig,
Many, even distinguished members of that party,
did not scruple to accuse hira of having deserted
the raen with whom he had all his previous life
cordiaUy co-operated, and the principles which he
had constantly and even warmly espoused. These
accusations were only partiaUy true; but they were
for the Whig party eminently useful, and for the
rainistry as erainently raischievous. They were only
partially true, inasrauch as Sir Jaraes Scarlett could
hardly be considered to have deserted his party; —
that he had deserted his principles, could not well
be doubted.
When Sir Charles WethereU rebelled against his
chief, and rose as Attorney- General to raake a fierce
attack upon the Duke of Wellington, Sir Eobert
Peel, and the raeasure of eraancipation which they
as ministers of the Crown had proposed, it was
evident that the learned and indignant gentleraan
had resolved to relinquish his office, as it was ira
possible for hira to serve those whom he had
so violently assaUed. The office which he thus
relinquished was offered to Sir James Scarlett, and

326 SIR JAMES SCARLETT ATTORNEY-GENERAL. [1830.
by him accepted, with the approbation of the lead
ing Whigs. Sir Jaraes thus a second tirae became
Attorney-General. The first tirae of his holding
that office was when Mr. Canning, being deserted by
his old associates and colleagues, had been obliged
to raake Sir John Copley Lord ChanceUor, to appoint
a new Master of the EoUs, and a new Attorney-
General; Mr. Scarlett, acting with his friends, then
joined Mr. Canning, and became his Attorney-General.
He so continued till the Whigs were unceremoniously
ejected by the king, in order to make way for the
Duke of WeUington and Mr. Peel. But in 1829
the anger of the Whig party had subsided; they
were converted into friends of the administration by
the proposed plan of catholic emancipation.
When, therefore. Sir Jaraes Scarlett was asked to
resurae his old office in place of Sir Charles WethereU,
the "V\'^higs were well pleased that he should accept
the offer, and be a sort of forerunner of the whole
party of his friends, who hourly expected to follow
him. Coming into office just at the very height
of the anti-catholic fury. Sir James found his new
chiefs, the Duke of WeUington, Lord Lyndhurst, and
Mr. Peel, the butt of every protestant arrow, ex
posed daily to all the accusations which furious
bigotry and rancorous theological hate and ingenuity
could invent, and inventing dared to publish. Araong
the raost noisy of these accusers were the writers
of a paper called the Morning Journal, the editor
of which was a Mr. Alexander. In this paper, vio
lent invectives every day appeared, and certain charges

1830.] PROSECUTES THE MORNING JOURNAL. 327
were brought against the Lord ChanceUor which
demanded investigation. The new Attorney- General
hastened to defend his chiefs, and punish their
accuser. He proceeded first in behalf of the Lord
Chancellor, who had been accused of having received
a bribe from Sir Edward Sugden ; and of having, in
return for that bribe, advanced Sir Edward to the
high office of Solicitor-General.
In consequence of this scandalous accusation. Sir
James Scarlett, on behalf of Lord Lyndhurst, as a
private person, and not as Lord Chancellor, moved
for a criminal inforraation against Mr. Alexander.
In showing cause why this inforraation should not be
granted, Mr. Denraan, as counsel for Mr. Alexander,
stated, that the Attorney-General, who had, on behalf
of the Lord Chancellor, raoved the court for a crirainal
inforraation, had done so from fear; that he dared
not file an ex officio inforraation, which was the fair
course of proceeding, but had pusiUanimously sought
to shelter himself under the sanction of the court."
This raost unintelligible assertion was attended by
another as offensive as this was unraeaning. ' Mr.
Denraan observed that other erainent Lord Chan
cellors had deemed it sufficient to rely upon their
characters against any attacks of the press, but that
Lord Lyndhurst was under the necessity of coming
before the court to vindicate his.'^ As the criminal

• These are the words of Sir James Scarlett, in replying to
. Sir Charles WethereU in the House of Commons [March 2, 1830;
see Mirror of Parliament, p. 507], and stated by him to give the
substance of Mr. Denman's accusation. ^ Idem. ibid.

328 PROSECUTION OF THE MORNING JOURNAL. [1830.
inforraation was applied for on affidavit, which of
necessity denied the truth of the libel, it is difficult
to understand the raeaning of Mr. Denraan's taunt
of cowardice on the part either of the Attorney-
General or his client. Nevertheless, the Attorney-
General stated that partly in consequence of it, he
iraraediately filed an ex officio inforraation, and aban
doned the rule he had already obtained. The pro
ceeding so far appears perfectly justifiable, though
perhaps not altogether wise. Under the inforraation,
Mr. Alexander must have been convicted, and no
imputation of unfairness could have been justly raade.
Sir Charles WethereU, however, fiercely attacked the
Attorney- General in the House of Coraraons, describ
ing the whole proceeding ' as contrary to all precedent,
and to the spirit of the constitution.' This opinion
was rather the offspring of the furious and blinding
rage which at that raoraent possessed Sir Charles,
than of the good sense and fairness which usually
characterized the conduct, if not all the sayings, of
the ex-Attorney-General.' The whole of the subse
quent conduct of the Attorney- General in these cases
was, however, fairly open to severe animadversion,
and deservedly brought odium on the governraent
which permitted the oppression of which he was

¦ Few men in the profession of which he was so distin
guished a member have left behind them a higher reputation
than Sir Charles WethereU for unspotted integrity, and high-
minded gentlemanly bearing and demeanour in his whole
conduct at the bar.

1830.] PROSECUTION OF THE MORNING JOURNAL. 329
accused. A second ex officio information was filed
against the editor and proprietors of the paper,
because an article in it charged the Duke of Wel
lington with being an arabitious, unprincipled, and
dangerous rainister, and with keeping his Majesty
under degrading and unconstitutional control, and
his Majesty with being a king who could be so con
trolled. This was described as a libel on the king
and his government. Not content with this, another,
that is, a third, ex officio inforraation was filed against
the sarae defendants for a libel ' tending to degrade
the king, and bring his governraent into conterapt, and
inflarae the minds of his Majesty's subjects against
both Houses of parliament.' Even this did not satisfy
the appetite of the Attorney- General. He proceeded
in a fourth case by preferring an indictment against
the printer of the Morning Journal for a libel, which
appeared as a letter addressed to the editor of the
paper, and which accused the Duke ' of despicable
cant, and affected moderation' — of showing ' a want
of raercy, corapassion, and of those raore kindly and
tender syrapathies which distinguish the heart of a
raan frora that of a proud dictator and tyrant.' The
libel also charged the Duke with being guilty ' of the
grossest treachery to his country, or else the raost
arrant cowardice, or treachery, cowardice, and artifice
united.' And all this rodoraontade was indulged in,
and nonsense uttered, because the Duke had proposed
and carried the act for the eraancipation of the
catholics. No sooner was this indictraent preferred

330 PROSECUTION OF THE MORNING JOURNAL. [1830.
than the real author declared hiraself; and his situa
tion fully explained why the raving and rant had
been used against the Duke of Wellington, the author
being doraestic chaplain to the devout, and protestant,
and virtuous Duke of Cumberland ! The declaration
of the name and character of the actual author did
not at all affect the course pursued by the Attorney -
General ; he still pursued the printer, and allowed the
parson to reraain unmolested.
There is nothing to be said for any of these
defendants — they were raere raercenary traders in
anonyraous and vulgar abuse, and never, spite cf their
pretended anxiety respecting one peculiar form of
religion, prayed to God to ' keep their tongues frora
evil speaking, lying, and slandering.' Mr. Alexander,
in answer to the Lord Chancellor's affidavit, swore
that the Lord Chancellor was not the person aUuded
to in the corrupt transaction raentioned in the libel.
This every one saw was not consonant with the defence
raade for Mr. Alexander by his counsel, Mr. Denman ;
and raost persons believed that the denial was
hazarded, not because it was true, but because it was
supposed the best means of escaping from the conse
quences that might follow the lie of the libel. But
when the world saw that the whole power of the
government, through the instrumentality of its chief
law officer, was brought to bear in this wholesale and
vindictive fashion against a hostile paper, a suspicion
arose, and daily grew stronger, that the government
wanted only the power, not the wiU, to put down fre§

1830.] CONSEQUENCES OF THIS PROSECUTION. 331
discussion. Many years had not passed since great
danger had attended the freedora ofthe press — gagging
bUls were not forgotten, and it was suspected that, if
a fair opportunity were to offer itself, the obsequious
ness of parliament raight be tested by proposals, first
for the suppression of all discussion which raight, from
its forra and cheapness, reach the poor, and therefore
the numerous classes of society — and when this first step
was safely and firmly made, that the next would be an
attempt to put down every other species of observa
tion hostile to the governraent. When these suspicions
were afloat — when the raeraory of this persecution of
the press by a so-called renegade Whig Attorney-
General was fresh — the great coup-detat atterapted
by the friend and supposed follower and disciple of the
Duke of Wellington — viz., M. de Polignac, carae to give
plausibility and strength to the preconceptions of the
public mind — and when the Whig organ, the Morning
Chronicle, declared that ' the battle of English liberty
had really been fought in Paris,' a sincere, earnest, and
almost anxious assent was given to the assertion.*
But while such was the state of alarm and
suspicion of the more wealthy classes, and such the
influence upon them of the revolution in France,
' And although we now can look calmly on the events of
that period, and certainly find it impossible to believe what was
then beUeved of the Duke of WelUngton and his ministry, the
people had good reason to be alarmed. The manifestoes of the
Tory party of those days were all couched in the most vehement
phrases of despotism. Charles X. was declared by them to be
entirely in the right, and every act of the revolution of 1789

332 EFFECT OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION [1830.
very different indeed was its effect upon the poorer
classes of the country and the towns — classes which,
though both ranged under the one narae of labourers,
are totally different in the degree of their instruc
tion, and consequently in their habits of thought,
feeling, and conduct; and in any description of the
feelings of the people generally, the labouring in
habitants of the country and the towns raust be care
fully distinguished.
The success of the popular insurrection in Paris
exercised a strange and mysterious influence upon
the rainds of the illiterate, unthinking peasantry of
our agricultural counties. Of what had really taken
place in that successful outbreak against established
authority, these ignorant people knew actually no
thing. The ruraour reached them of some great
change having taken place, a change, as they were told,
by which the lowly and the poor were suddenly raised
to eminence and power. The rich they heard had been
defeated, and that all distinctions in society had ceased
to exist. The happy state of which they had so often
dreamed and talked, a state in which there were no rich
and no poor, in which all were equal, and all equally
happy, they fancied had at length arrived : nor did
they doubt but that they themselves also raight become

to have been utterly unjustifiable. Among these unjustifiable
acts was specially classed the suppression of the horrible feu
dality of France, and M. Cottu's plan for a dictatorship was
lauded as the true and only just mode of governing that country.
— See Quarterly Review, 1830, No. LXXXVI. p. 564, et seq.

1830.] ON PUBLIC OPINION IN ENGLAND. 333
sharers in this new-found felicity, if they were to
put forth their strength, and imitate the bright
exaraple of the people of France. The uneducated
and ignorant and wretched are but too apt to look
with envy and hate upon those endowed with wealth,
and to believe their own misery caused by their
happier brethren.
The rich against whom this hatred is directed
raay have done nothing to deserve it. On the con
trary, they raay be good and charitable, active in
their kindness, unpresuraing, and simply and vir
tuously enjoying the fruits of an honest, weU-deserv-
ing industry. Nevertheless, the poor are of necessity
little aware of the sympathy which is, in fact, felt for
thera. The distance is so great between the rich and
the poor; the habits which different positions in life
create are so opposite to each other, that few are the
raoraents in the poor raan's life, in which he is brought
into coraraunion with any rich raan. In the village,
in the town even, in the great mercantile and manu
facturing city, the one class is born, lives, struggles,
dies, separate from, unknown to the other. For a
moraent, by sorae accident, a member of the one class
may be brought into sorae sort of society with the
other. Coraing suddenly together, they are unable
to understand each other ; good intentions are raiscon-
strued, kind words are raisapprehended ; and what
raight be thought a fortunate raeeting, raay, in fact,
engender hate, or increase it, if already existing, on
one side, dislike or disgust on the other. The rural

334 STATE OF FEELING AMONG THE POOR. [1830.
gentry are eminently distinguished in England by
their sincere desire to fulfil their duties to the poor.
They have the wish to do good, though perhaps they
may not always possess the requisite knowledge or the
requisite means. This kindness, also, seldom with
them takes an offensive forra. It is really a down
right honest, active wish to be useful. Of every day
raany hours are devoted to the performance of neigh
bourly duties; and by none so willingly, continuously,
and earnestly are the duties performed as by the
wives and daughters of the gentry. In the year
1830, this spirit was as active as at the present
moment, and yet no sooner did the rumour come
araong the people, of the wonderful revolution by
which the poor had been raised to power in France,
than at once the slumbering jealousy and hate dwell
ing in the minds of the rural population burst forth
in deeds of open violence, or hidden raischief. The
want then felt was not in reality greater than usual —
wages were the sarae' — employment was little, if at
all less, and the price of provisions was by no raeans

' In every case of a riot, or large meeting of these insurgent
labourers, a demand was made by them for higher wages, and
they declared that they would be satisfied with 2s. 6d. per day;
in some instances 2s. Sd. was demanded. The ordinary rate of
wages in the southern counties, then and now (1849), was and
is Is. 6d. They never said wages had decUned; we know they
have not risen beyond Is. 6d. It is clear, then, that low wages,
that is, lower wages than common, was not the cause of the
extraordinary outbreak. That was, in fact, caused by the
rumour of the doings in France.

1830.] DISTURBANCE IN THE RURAL DISTRICTS. 335
high. Yet large raobs were coUected in Kent,
Sussex, Hants, and Wiltshire — in fact, generally
throughout the southern counties. Against the force
of the government these mobs were powerless.
They had not intelligence to use arras, had they
possessed thera, and they were utterly unarmed.
Excited as if by sorae spell the people had collected
together, and their ignorant anger was directed
against the small attempts at raachinery, which had at
that period been raade by the southern farraer. They
proceeded openly to destroy the threshing machines,
which in that part of the country were only then
coming into use, and satisfied their long-repressed
feelings by secretly and at night setting fire to the
stacks of corn upon which the machines would pro
bably have been employed. Their belief was, that
the threshing machines by abridging labour did thera
mischief; but then, with that wild contradiction
which ever distinguishes these mad sallies of unrea
soning hate, they burned the corn from which they
desired to obtain labour, and by which certainly they
were to be fed. Their anger respecting threshing
machines was not wonderful. Most of the persons
who were at the pains of teaching them held the
same opinions as to the evil effects of raachinery, and
to this hour throughout the populous regions of our
raanufacturing districts abuse of raachinery, and dis
sertations on the evil it does to the labouring raan,
are not only the raost successful of the coraraon-
places of the raob orator and popular demagogue, but

336 DISTURBANCE IN THE RURAL DISTRICTS. [1830.
are too commonly the topic of angry complaint
by the benevolent gentry.' The general firing of the
corn stacks, however, proved that there was some
thing more in the feelings then in action than a
desire to obtain work. The burning stack gave no
work, but did give vent to passion — to that hate
which, unhappily, too constantly lies about the igno
rant and wretched poor man's heart, and which raakes
him, while he mourns over his own raisery, wish to
bring down all others to the sarae sad level of dis
tress. Hate — not Want — thus expressed itself.^
While the labourers under the instigation of
' Hunt and Cobbett always raved against machinery.
2 Sir Robert Peel, speaking of the causes of these incendiary
fires, thus expresses his opinion respecting them — an opinion
worthy of all respect, as he had certainly the best evidence
the case afforded, but in which I find it impossible to ac
quiesce: — ' It is a gross error to suppose that the disturb
ance in a neighbouring county is local. Its object, I have no
doubt, is general; the fires constituting its overt acts, are neither
executed by the hands nor devised by the heads of the peasantry
of the county of Kent. No suspicion attaches to the resident
population; the whole of the matter, whatever maybe its origin,
has been devised by other heads than theirs, and proceeds upon
principles not local, but general. Up to the present moment,
however, no detection has taken place.' — Mirror of Parliaim&nt,
1830, vol. iv. p. 156. Looking back to those times, our wonder
is indeed excited by finding party-spirit attributing these pro
ceedings of an ignorant peasantry to their discontent, raised by
the continuance of the Tory administration in office, and to the
conduct of parliament respecting the civil list. — See Mr. Deni
son's speech, Nov. 15, 1830, Mirror of Pairliam-ent. These poor
creatures had probably never heard the words civil list, and
certainly never understood their meaning, even if they ever did
hear them.

1830.] FOLLY OF THE MAGISTRATES. 337
these evil feelings wrought mischief, and spread
insecurity and alarm over the land, they who were
in iraraediate authority over thera did much to
increase the evil by countenancing their doctrines.
The country magistrates were terrified by this sudden
outbreak of the peasant population, and sought to
make friends of these misguided men, by declaiming
against the low rate of wages given by the farraers,
and in some instances by assuraing illegally the power
to fix the rate of wages in their respective parishes.
They thus taught the labourers to believe that low
wages were caused by the employers, and that the
existence of low wages might fairly be imputed to the
employer as a fault, and they gave the working men
to understand that wages could be regulated by law.
The inculcation of such a doctrine by those who were
from their position teachers of the people, was an evil
far greater than the riots and the burnings which
induced the country gentlemen to be guilty of this
egregious folly and wickedness. Fortunately, the
government of the country was wiser than these sub
ordinate authorities. The Home Secretary wisely on
the Sth of Deceraber despatched a circular to the
justices of the peace throughout the country, warning
them that they were transgressing both the law of
the land and that of common sense, when they took
upon themselves to establish a rate of wages. ' The
magistrates,' said this letter,' 'have no power to settle

• Lord Melbourne was then Home Secretary, and is fairly
entitled to the credit of having had the courage to teU a disagree-
VOL. I. Z

338 STATE OF OPINION IN THE TOAVNS. [1830.
the araount of wages, and any interference in such a
matter can only have the effect of exciting expecta
tions which raust be disappointed, and of ultiraately
producing, in an aggravated degree, a renewed spirit
of discontent and insubordination.'
While among the poor peasants of the agricultural
districts there was this strong though vague expecta
tion of change beneficial to themselves, bringing with
it a sort of raystical millenniura, araong the more edu
cated labourers of the manufacturing towns — the
trading, raanufacturing, and mercantile classes — the
desire and hope of change took definite, though in the
instance of each class very different shapes. The
object of all these classes was to obtain political power
— that power they believed necessary to their well-
being — and all eagerly endeavoured either to persuade
or to force the aristocracy to share their peculiar
privileges with thera who made the demand. The
manner and extent of this demand by each class
brought out a peculiar result. The nearer the class
was to the aristocracy in wealth and importance, the
smaller was the demand : — each thought of himself and
his class ; but the shopkeeper could not ask for poli
tical power, and exclude at the sarae tirae from the

able truth, at the right, though a very disagreeable time. The
reader will find some very apposite and exceUent remarks on this
subj ect in the Annual Retrospect of Public Affairs, intheyearl831,
published in the Cabinet Library, vol. ii. p. 1 99. Some of the events
mentioned in the text occurred after the dissolution of the Duke
of Wellington's ministry, but as they illustrate the condition ofthe
popular mind previous to that event, they are here aUuded to.

1830.] STATE OF OPINION IN THE TOWNS. 339
enjoyment of that privilege the rich merchant or
manufacturer — he might, however, and did, often
neglect those poorer than hiraself— viz., the labourer,
or as he was called, the operative. The operative had
no one below him ; therefore his demand, including aU
above hiraself in wealth, appeared the raost generous,
as it was in reality most inclusive and extensive.
The rich merchant and manufacturer, who in wealth
equalled the landed proprietor, was gaUed by the dis
tinction drawn between his substance and his position,
and that of the landed gentry ; — he, like others, thought
of hiraself, asked for his own enfranchisement, and
appeared most selfish, because by the accident of his
position he had nobody above him about whom he
need be solicitous. In the minds of all these classes,
however, the desire for political power existed; but as
against each class separately, they who already were
possessed of power were too strong to be compelled,
and too wily and selfish to be persuaded out of their
peculiar privileges ; nothing remained for the expec
tants but combination — and this need, and this need
alone, made them regard the ranks below thera, and
bestow on their expectations and wishes any consider
ation; — and in the scramble which we are about to
witness, the history of which we are about to relate,
we shall perceive the one and the same idea or scheme
in the mind of all, and that is, by the corabined efforts
of all deraanding power to bring theraselves and their
class within the list of the privileged, and having
attained this benefit, no matter by whose aid, for
z 2

340 POPULAR DEMANDS. [1830.
theraselves, to keep out all below thera. Against
those who raonopolized the powers of the House of Com
mons, the wealthy merchants and manufacturers were
powerless : — So soon as they becarae themselves landed
proprietors, they felt and acted as landowners and not
merchants — and as merchants they, though wealthy,
had no means of frightening or persuading the raajo
rity in the House of Coraraons. In this difficulty they
had recourse to the small traders — with them they
made coramon cause, hoping by their nurabers now to
sway the councils of the country : they were deceived ;
their power was laughed at, and had they not
eventuaUy raised the immense majority of the people,
what in the phraseology of the day were called the
' masses,' they might have fumed for a century, and
won nothing from a conteraptuous aristocracy. To
the raasses, then, they at length applied — and at the
general election which had just occurred, declarations
had been raade, which throughout the country in
duced the labouring classes to take an active part in
the struggle. As the struggle proceeded, the necessity
for popular intervention was daily more evident.
The aristocracy firmly resisted, and refused every
concession; and at length yielded only when their
great leader the Duke of Wellington gave thera to
understand that civil war or concession was their only
alternative. This probability of war would not have
been foreseen or felt, had not the people — that is, the
raiUions of labourers throughout the country, become
excited, and taken an active part in the struggle as it

1830.] PUBLIC OPINION IN ENGLAND. 341
proceeded. When they were fairly roused, the aris
tocracy retreated frora their first deterraination of
unconditional refusal. With that practical wisdom,
which by an aristocracy has been so often shown, they
determined to give up as littie as possible, and by
taking advantage of the ill-cemented union of their
opponents, to separate one class from another, to con
cede what the richer asked, in order to be able to
refuse the demands of the millions who had made the
union formidable.
The excitement abroad, and the uneasiness and
excitement which were beginning at home when
the elections were about to take place, favoured in
no slight degree the plans of the opposition; the
Whigs consequently stepped forward, and placed
themselves at the head of all classes of reformers.
Had they been at that moraent actually in office,
or had they even hoped by the ordinary progress
of events in parliament to attain to office, the popu
lar enthusiasm respecting the French revolution,
which under their fostering care extended over the
raajority of the people, sweeping before it ancient
feelings, present fears, and those strong preposses
sions of caste which so peculiarly distinguish every
portion of English society, would not probably have
found in them this ardent support, but have been
met by a fierce and effective opposition. No great
move has hitherto been raade in England of a
political character unless with the aid and under
the guidance of sorae portion, and a large portion.

342 PUBLIC OPINION IN ENGLAND. [1830.
of the aristocracy. Whether in 1640, or 1688, or
1830, the popular chiefs belonged to this class,
and by their countenance maintained, increased, and
directed the popular enthusiasm or feeling which at
each epoch they found already existing; but which
had been brought about by circumstances to which
they had but little if at all contributed. There was
in 1830 among the people of all the industrious classes
of the towns, great and increasing intelligence, joined
to a feeling of discontent because of the anomalies in
the nature of our political institutions, and of the
many imperfections which existed in the adminis
tration of the national concerns; which imperfections
were generally supposed to be caused by the incon
gruities and faulty construction of these institutions ;
against which, therefore, the popular discontent was
directed; and these, together with the ministerial
errors they permitted and protected, were supposed
to have produced much, if not all, of that misery
which the industrious classes had so long and so
patiently suffered. For raany years, unrestrained
and very acute discussion had been industriously
carried on, in all the various shapes and methods
which a perfectly free press supplies, upon every
subject which touched the coraraon weal, whether
politically, raorally, or socially. During these years
no European war had distracted the attention of
our people, either by idle visions of a vain glory, or
by the terrors and distress which a costly contest
entails upon all, and raore especially the poorer

1830.] PUBLIC OPINION IN ENGLAND. 343
classes of society. The ingenuity of an industrious,
energetic, and highly inteUigent nation had been
during this long period steadily directed to the ira
proveraent of their physical and their raental condi
tion. Wealth rapidly increasing, kept up and fostered
this state of raental activity, created new wants, and
by so doing enlarged the views, as well as sharpened the
wits of the whole industrious population. In such a
state of things political discussion was inevitable, a dis
cussion which, as all classes took part in it, necessarily
brought to view aU the peculiarities of our institutions,
and into dispute the reasons adduced by those who
supported thera. Unliraited discussion, in its very
terras, raeans entertaining as well as discussing any
and every opinion, either upon abstract questions, or
subjects of iramediate and practical application. Now
though in England the great influence of its powerful
aristocracy gives a sort of precedence and fashion
to certain habits of thought and certain classes of
opinion, still even here perfectly free discussion, by
making nearly every raan familiar with the political
institutions of the country, gave rise to a variety
of opinions respecting them. The anoraalies to be
found in every part of our constitution were assailed
continually, and not without effect, by a large class
of systematic and acute reasoners on the science of
government, whose unsparing criticisras, and accu
rate and often profound deductions, were not always
refuted by those who argued in support of things
as they were, and who, by appeals to the beneficial

344 PUBLIC OPINION IN ENGLAND. [1830.
working of the system, sought to repel the hostile
inferences of a severe and inexorable logic. The
class of reasoners, caUed at this period Eadical
reforraers, had produced a much more serious effect
on public opinion than superficial inquirers perceived,
or interested ones would acknowledge. The impor.
tant practical effect was not made evident by con
verting and bringing over large numbers of political
partisans from one banner or class to another, or by
making thera renounce one appellation and adopt
another; but it was shown by affecting the conclu
sions of all classes, and inducing thera, while they
retained their old distinctive naraes, to reason after
a new fashion, and according to principles whoUy
different frora those to which they had been previously
accustomed. By imperceptible degrees, by the silent opera
tion of continued inquiry, a great change had been
wrought in public opinion during the fifteen years
of peace. Knowledge advanced — the ends for which
government is instituted became raore clearly defined
— the raeans by which these ends could be obtained,
understood — and a rational, in place of a sentimental,
estimation of political institutions and conduct, and
their results, became coraraon to all classes of the
kingdora. The country gentleraan — the educated
raen of the liberal professions — the fortunate raer
chant and trader — the raanufacturer, whose wealth
brought to hiraself and his family all the comforts
and elegant luxuries of life — the acute mechanic, with

1830.] PUBLIC OPINION IN ENGLAND. 345
his well-trained mind and skilful hands — the mere
operative, who, by congregating with the thousands
of his fellows, had by collision his intellect sharpened
and ideas enlarged — and, at last, the farmer in the
country and his far-away labourer in the fields, all
were subject in some raeasure to the influence of this
universal discussion. Knowledge came to all, though
in very different degrees; but with knowledge, a
feeling of discontent, because of injustice. The
various devices which, through favouring circum
stances, had in the progress of years been invented
and eraployed by the sinister interests of wealth to
its own ends, were now understood ; — stripped of the
seeraly cloak with which antiquity had .covered them,
they were exposed to public view only for public
scorn; and those institutions which had for ages
rested, securely upon the foundations of an old-
fashioned esteem, were suddenly found to be under
mined and tottering to their fall. Herein was
nothing violent; and the contrast between the situa
tion of France and England, and of their respective
modes of thought and feeling and action, was to the
philosophic observer of the varying destinies of our
race, a subject of curious and interesting speculation.
Discontent existed in both countries — a spark falling
upon this combustible mass raight, in both countries,
lead to an explosion ; but the difference of the result
is indeed a practical lesson for all those who, by acci
dent or by predilection, becorae in any way concerned
with the raanageraent and direction of those general

346 PUBLIC OPINION IN ENGLAND. [1830.
interests which constitute that which we call the
coraraonwealth. In France, rulers and ruled have
seldom been content to allow their differences to be
settled by the gradual operation of law, and to permit
the determinations of the raajority to be raanifested
by means of peaceful and perraanent forras. Force
has been usually the means by which all parties in
France have sought to give effect to their opinions.
The governraent abrogates the law — the people rise
in rebellion; a sanguinary conflict is the result — a
dynasty is overthrown — another established — ^heroic
courage — a clemency more heroic still, in fact virtue —
that is, heroic virtue — in a thousand shapes is seen in
the people ; but there is one thing wanting, one thing
of which the governors and the governed are alike
incapable — and that is, obedience to the omnipotence
of law — -that alraost superstitious regard for legality
and the forms of law, which distinguished the
Eoraan in ancient, as they distinguish the Englishman
and American in raodern tiraes — and which, if once
acquired by a people, will do more than anything to
win for them the immeasurable good which a perma
nent and orderly governraent can alone confer.
The Whigs in 1830, on the dissolution of parlia
ment, found the people in England discontented with
the condition of the government, and roused to enthu
siasm by the happy result of the great revolution in
France. Taking advantage of this state of things,
they at once assuraed the office of leaders of the people,
hoping to tum the popular feeling to their own party

1830.] REFORM IN PARLIAMENT. 347
beneflt. They evidently knew little of the popular
feelings which they sought to lead, and little sus
pected the strength of the current to which they were
about to commit themselves. Not aware of the highly
excitable condition of the people, they, when they began
the contest of the elections, employed language raost
inflararaatory and unguarded, supposing that it would
fall on the dull ears of ordinary constituencies. They
were startled by the response they received, and began
very quickly to be alarmed by their own success.
Araong the most popular topics, as they unex
pectedly found, was that of reform in parliament.
Political parties in England, and among thera the
Whigs, know generally very little of the popular opi
nions. Political men are accustoraed to live in sepa
rate, exclusive and narrow coteries. They forra a
society for theraselves ; their own set is to thera, the
world; and the opinions of that set, they fancy the
reigning opinions. Of the silent working of discus
sion during late years, the Whigs were profoundly
ignorant, and fancied that the people out of doors were
like the House of Coraraons. They knew weU what
the House of Coraraons felt and thought, and were
aware of the raeans by whieh that audience could be
affected — ^little dreaming that influences had been at
work among the people, to whom they were now about
to address themselves under very novel circumstances,
to which the smaU world of that House, and their own
pecuUar social circles, had been but little, if at all, sub
ject. To rouse any sudden or dangerous enthusiasm

348 MIDDLESEX ELECTION. [1830.
in their own class, they knew was utterly impossible —
was a danger against which it was unnecessary to
take any precaution. But, unexpectedly, they found
themselves among men who believed the words they
heard were intended to represent things, and therefore
assumed the protestations and fierce denunciations of
Whig orators to be significant of what the simple
meaning of the words indicated, and not mere empty
phrases, employed by wordy rhetoricians.
Two of the elections were at the time considered
important, because they were remarkable evidence of
the lively enthusiasm then prevalent ; these were those
of Middlesex and of Yorkshire, — for the first of
which Mr, Hurae was returned without opposition;
for the second Mr, Brougham, after a nominal
contest. In ordinary times these great consti
tuencies u.sually selected persons connected with, and
proposed by,^ the great landed proprietors of the
county, and who might therefore be deemed rather
the representatives of certain great families, than of
the so-called freeholders, A contest for a small
county even, was in those days so fearfully expensive,
that none but a rich man could pretend to present
himself as a candidate; and what are called liberal
opinions seldora found favour with great landed
potentates. In the two cases here mentioned, how
ever, neither of the candidates was connected with
the landed proprietors of the counties for which they
were chosen, nor had they theraselves possessions
which gave thera personally any claim to, or influence

1830.] YORKSHIRE ELECTION, 349
over, the suffrages of the freeholders. Mr. Hume
was, moreover, not a Whig — not in any way a party
man — nevertheless he was now put forward by the
Whig party, as the raost popular candidate whora
they could select to fight the battle of reforra in the
great raetropolitan county;' and although he had
always professed opinions far more deraocratic than was
agreeable to the Whigs, they now sought his aid, and
did not hesitate to raake coramon cause with this
uncoraproraising radical reforraer.
The election of Mr. Brougham was reraarkable
for reasons of another description. Though Mr.
Brougham was, by his extraordinary power as a
speaker, partially separated from, and exalted above,
the body of the Whigs in parliament, still he was
really a party man, and had hitherto been always
returned to parliament by a great Whig borough-
proprietor. From time to time, however, he pushed
his opinions in advance of the party to which he

' There was, indeed, a reason, not avowed, for putting Mr.
Hume forward for Middlesex, which, though a private oue, still
proves that Mr. Hume's opinions and conduct had found favour
with the country. The electors of Westminster would certainly
have chosen him. This gave Mr. Hobhouse an interest in the
Middlesex election, as a means of preventing Mr. Hume from
being his rival at Westminster. The Whigs had very lately
made up their quarrel with Mr. Hobhouse, and now looked upon
him as one of themselves. But Mr. Hobhouse was not of
sufficient popularity to carry the county election. If he were
removed from Westminster, the Whigs would lose a vote. They
had thus another reason for persuading Mr. Hume to stand for
the county.

350 ELECTION OF MR. BROUGHAM. [1830.
belonged, and by so doing won for himself a popu
larity which his abilities, great as they were, would
not have gained had he consented to be strictly,
servilely, a raere Whig. The county of York, in
those days undivided, returned four raerabers, and
frora its enormous size, rendered the mere standing
forward as a candidate a thing irapossible, except at
a cost which few persons were able, still fewer were
willing, to encounter.* This ruinous expenditure,
Mr. Broughara was not prepared for; but the enthu
siasm of the people in his favour stood him in the
place of raoney, and of county connexion. By the
popular voice he was selected, and invited, and car-
ried.2 At one bound he reached the topraost height
of parliamentary distinction. For his personal quali
ties alone he was chosen by the largest constituency
of the realm, and for the first tirae in his life had the
people for a patron.
One circumstance which was said to have contri-

' At the general election of 1826, Mr. John MarshaU was
returned without a contest; but as a contest was threatened, the
preparations necessary for one had to be made. These, together
with the expense of the nomination day (for the contest went
no further), cost the enormous sum of above 17,000?. Lord
Milton's expenses on a previous occasion were of an almost
fabulous extent — rumour said above 70,000/.
2 That his return for Yorkshire was unpalatable to the great
landed potentates of Yorkshire is weU known. Both Lord
FitzwiUiam and Lord Milton, personal friends of Mr. Brougham,
the latter intimately so, frankly declared to Mr. Brougham
himself their repugnance and discontent, caUing him, in York
shire phrase, ' a foreigner.'

1830.] RESULT OF THE ELECTIONS. 351
buted very materially to the defeat sustained in the
result of the elections by the administration, deserves
to be recorded; this was the Duke of Wellington's
determination not to influence the various contests by
any exercise of the powers of governraent. If such
were really the fact, as was asserted at the tirae,*
there can be no doubt but that the lukewarraness
of the adrainistration must have served very
seriously to damp the ardour of their friends, and
to turn aU the corrupt interests against thera. That
such conduct was in accordance with the Duke of
Wellington's general character is quite true, and
redounds greatly to his honour — the raore so, as at that
tirae pretence of purity was not the fashion. The
governraent was expected to use its great influence in
favour of its friends ; and when it abstained frora so
doing, it bewildered raany, and angered most of those
who had been accustomed either to yield obedience
to the comraands, to be guided by the advice, or to
accept the raoney of the governraent, and give their
votes as they were desired by those in authority.
But while the government was thus apathetic, the
various parties opposed to it were particularly active.
Wheresoever there was a popular election — one de
cided by a numerous constituency, not subject to any
direct control — the liberal and ultra were usually

' I have also of late years, on the highest authority, heard the
same assertion made, and made under circumstances which, if
the assertion had been incorrect, must have brought denial.

352 RESULT OF THE ELECTIONS. [1830.
successful against the rainisterial candidates. The
offended portion of the Tory borough-proprietors
chose opponents of the administration. The whole of
the Whig party were now hostile, as were those who
were called Liberals, or Eadicals. These, therefore,
selected representatives hostile to the ministry, as did
those called Mr. Canning's friends, who were indeed
favourably inclined to the Duke of Wellington, in
consequence of his conduct on the Catholic Emanci
pation Act, but who, from having been offensively
ejected from power with their leader, Mr. Huskisson,
had gone over to the Whigs and secretly allied thera
selves to that party. The ministry were now depen
dent entirely on that section of the Tory county
members and borough-proprietors who still, in spite
of catholic emancipation remained friendly, and also
upon the members of such rotten boroughs as had
been bought by their friends. The Annual Eegister
gives the result of the English elections in the fol
lowing words (the statement, though made by a
hostile ultra-Tory writer, is nearly accurate) : —
' The general result of the election was considered
to have diminished by fifty, the number of votes on
which ministers could depend, and the relation in
which they now stand to the more popular part of the
representation was stated to be as follows : — Of the
eighty-two merabers returned by the forty counties
of England, only twenty-eight were steady adherents
of the rainistry ; forty-seven were avowed adherents of
the Opposition, and seven of the neutral cast did not

1830.] RESULT OF THE ELECTIONS. 353
lean rauch to governraent. Of the thirteen great
popular cities and boroughs, with hundreds (London,
Westrainster, Aylesbury, &c.), returning twenty-eight
merabers, only three seats were held by decidedly
ministerial raen; twenty -four by raen of avowed
opposition. There were sixty other places which
might have contests, being more or less open, return
ing 126 merabers. Of these only forty-seven were
ministerial — all the rest were avowed opposition raen,
save eight, whose leaning was rather more against the
governraent than for it. Of the 236 raen, then,
returned by elections more or less popular in England,
only seventy -nine were ministerial votes; 141 were
in avowed opposition, and sixteen of a neutral ca^.
Ministers, therefore, could only look for a majority
among the close boroughs, and the Scotch [and Irish ?]
members; and unfortunately for thera, the great
famUies who comraanded the largest nuraber of close
boroughs were among their opponents.'*
The actual extent of the rainisterial loss was, how
ever, yet uncertain. As the elections proceeded, the
stirring events abroad rapidly succeeding each other,
aroused the constituencies and the people to an alraost
extravagant enthusiasm, and the hopes ofthe Opposi
tion were of a far raore sanguine character when the
new parliaraent raet in October, than in July, when the
old one was dissolved. Still, all was uncertain; and
aU prudent men anxiously asked, will the Duke of

* Annual Register, p. 147.
VOL. I. A A

354 RESULT OF THE ELECTIONS. [1830.
Wellington yield to the strongly expressed public
opinion — concede some reform — and thus preserve
peace and his own power undisturbed — or will he
sternly refuse all concession — put in jeopardy the
existence of his own administration — and perhaps
shake to its foundations the very constitution itself?
We are now about to learn how this anxious ques
tioning was answered.

CHAPTEE VIII.
FROM THE MEETING OF THE NEW PAHLIAMENT
ON OCTOBEE 26th, 1830, TO THE DOWNFALL OF
THE WELLINGTON ADMINISTEATION— AND THE
FOEMATION OF THE WHIG MINISTEY OP LOED
GEEY.
OUCH being the general political condition of
^ Europe, such the disposition of the public mind
in England, the new parliament met on the 26th of
October. The House of Commons chose Mr. Manners
Sutton for their Speaker ;' and the raerabers of the two
Houses proceeded severally to take the oaths necessary
on the coraraenceraent of a parliaraent. The requisite
previous forraalities being at length duly perforraed,
the king in person, on the 2nd of Noveraber, opened
the parliaraent by delivering a speech destined to be
followed by very memorable results. It served as a
signal for the explosion of all that party violence
and hate which had for sorae raonths been acquiring
strength by syrapathy with the exciteraent prevalent
throughout Europe, and which for the sarae period
having had no legitimate mode of manifestation, was
' Mr. Manners Sutton had already for four successive par
liaments presided in the Commons as Speaker. He had thus
passed fourteen years in the discharge of the arduous duties of
that high office, giving hitherto great satisfaction to aU parties.
AA2

356 PARLIAMENT MEETS. [1830.
now become dangerously virulent because of its en
forced silence. Through pamphlets, newspapers,
and speeches at elections, public meetings and public
dinners, its heat had been shown rather than let off.
Any one conversant with English habits could easily
perceive frora the raore than ordinary acriraony of the
language eraployed on these occasions, the raore than
common excitement in the pubUc raind at the time ;
and a stranger, who had listened to the vehement, nay
furious language in which the various speakers sought
to relieve their passion, would have been prone to
believe that some violent outbreak must follow anger
and indignation so loudly expressed.' But parlia
mentary debate is an imraense safety-valve. The
rush and the roar may be for the moraent startling
and soraewhat trying to the nerves of listening states
raen, but real danger seldom exists. On the present
occasion, however, the sound and the fury excited
more than ordinary alarm, because of the agitation and
change which the whole continent evinced. The fierce
language of parliament was believed to be soraething
more than an exhibition of raere party feeling — the

• I myself recollect having, in the year 1831, attended with a
French friend a meeting in favour of parUamentary reform, held
at the Crown and Anchor Tavern. So soon as the meeting ended,
my friend eagerly asked me at what hour I expected the insurrec
tion to commence, assuming that such warmth of language could
lead legitimately to no other result; and was disappointed and
annoyed to find that no violence was intended or expected. I
must fairly confess, however, that these peaceful intentions did
not throughout the reform contest satisfy active reformers.

1830.] king's SPEECH. 357
response by the people out of doors was so loud,
general, and sustained, that parUament seeraed rather
the echo than the voice itself of the people.
The speech delivered by the king was of unusual
length as weU as of great importance. It related,
according to ordinary custom, to foreign and home
affairs. In the sections which related to foreign
affairs, it mentioned specifically France, the kingdom of
the Netherlands, and Portugal — and by its language
gave the opposition an opportunity of indulging in
bitter and effective animadversion.
In speaking of horae affairs, it called the attention
of parUament to the question of the regency and the
civU list. It gave up the hereditary revenues of the
king, and asked in lieu thereof for a provision adequate
to ' support the civil governraent, and the honour and
dignity of the Crown.' His Majesty then adverted to
the disturbances which prevailed throughout the
country, and asserted that efforts had been indus
triously raade to excite among the people a spirit of
discontent and disaffection, and to disturb the concord
which happily prevails between those parts of my
dorainions, the union of which is essential to their
coraraon strength and coramon happiness ;" and,
therefore, expressed a deterraination to use vigorously
the powers confided to him by the law for the sup-

1 This was directed against Mr. O'ConneU, and the agitation
he had organized for the purpose of repeaUng the Union. Lord
Grey, in the debate which followed, praised and agreed with
this paragraph of the speech.

358 king's speech. [1830.
pression of all outrage and disorder. His Majesty
then, in strong terms, expressed his confidence in the
loyalty of his people, and closed his speech with a
paragraph studiously worded after the mysterious and
ambiguous fashion of these royal discourses ; but by
which the rainistry evidently intended to signify that
they had deterrained to resist every proposal for a
reforra in the Coraraons House of parliament.
Seldora has a king's speech been listened to with
the breathless attention and anxiety with which this
speech of Williara IV. was received by the crowded
auditory which then filled every corner of the old
House of Lords. Each paragraph as it was uttered
was received as a declaration of war. The clear and
distinct enunciation, the high shrill voice of the king,
gave a disagreeable effect to the words as they feU on
the ear of the many thoughtful raen who listened to
these important stateraents — for those words might
be the signal of great and disastrous coraraotion.
Triuraph was on the countenance of the rainisterial
phalanx — and depression visible in the bearing of the
opposition. They were ready, however, for the con
flict, and were not slow to perceive that the dogged
deterraination of the ministry to refuse all concession
had given to those who were now considered the
leaders of the people an iramense advantage. Had
the speech contained language of conciUation, and
expressed sorae wiUingness to yield to the rational
demands of the enlightened classes of the nation, the
Whigs might have sighed away another quarter of a

1830.] DEBATE ON THE ADDRESS. 359
century, in the vain hope of one day sharing the
power and the profits of office.
What the speech had indicated rather than de
clared, the Duke of WeUington in a few hours after
plainly, unequivocally stated. The speech which he
that night delivered on the motion for the address, in
answer to the king's speech, was the knell of his
ministry and of the existing constitution. Every
man, not blinded by party zeal, saw that reforra or
revolution was now inevitable — and all prudent raen
looked to the future with anxiety, if not with alarra.
In the Lords, an address, according to the coraraon
form an echo of the speech from the throne, was pro
posed by Lord Bute, seconded by Lord Monson. The
debate which foUowed was uninteresting with the ex
ception of two speeches, to which the position of the
respective speakers gave extraordinary importance.
The general purport of every discourse was, that the
people, though disturbed and discontented, were essen
tially loyal and attached to the reigning sovereign and
the institutions of the country. That the fires which
were to be seen flaming every night in the villages,
and the daUy riots and asserablages of the peasants,
were produced by the evil counsels of eraissaries who
noble lords asserted, were sent either from the raanu
facturing towns or frora France, in order to lead the
people into a violent resistance to the law, and to
frighten the gentry into a compliance with their
wishes. Marquis Camden said that ' the events
which have occurred on the other side of the Channel

360 DEBATE IN THE LORDS. [1830.
have sent forth evil-disposed persons all over the
country." What these eraissaries sought, who they
were, from whence and by whom sent, nobody pre
tended to say or to know. The lords were very
angry at the supposition that the fires were occasioned
by the peasantry — vehemently asserting, without a
shadow of proof, that political emissaries were travel
ling about the country counselling these atrocities.
No such emissary was discovered in any of the sub
sequent trials, but many peasants were charged with
the crirae of arson, convicted, and punished. The
denial of the lords, and raerabers for counties in the
House of Coraraons, was an idle atterapt to shift the
odiura of these offences frora the peasants among
whora they lived to persons whora no one knew or
saw. The Duke of Eichmond, however, confessed the
truth, when he said, ' My lords, I believe that a feel
ing does now exist among the labouring classes, that
your lordships — that the upper classes of society — are
to be considered rather as their foes than as their
friends.'^ This opinion he thought arose from the
neglect with which the petitions of the people cora
plaining of agricultural distress had been treated,
and therefore entreated their lordships at once to
inquire into and relieve the distress of which the
petitioners had complained. The Duke of Eichmond
evidently desired to employ these outrages as a means

' Mirror of Parliament, 1830, Sess. 2, p. 9.
^ Idem. ibid.

1830.] LORD grey's SPEECH. 361
of forwarding his own views respecting agricultural
protection. While protesting against and denouncing
these riots and incendiary fires, he was deterrained to
atterapt just what he was blaming — viz., to terrify
the lords into concession to his own narrow scheraes.
The thin pretence of anger and of horror did not veil or
disguise the real purpose of his aUusions, He was
thinking of, and seeking for high prices for corn whUe
recoraraending the sufferings of the poor peasantry to
the consideration of their lordships.
Each noble lord (all adraitting in some degree the
existence of distress, though not to the same extent,)
described his own nostrura for its relief. The agri
cultural lords dwelt on the benefits of protection and
the evils of the poor laws. The Irish peers insisted
upon the oft-told tale — Governraent, they said, must
do something for Ireland. Such is their ever-
recurring assertion. The noble lords, like raost of
their countrymen, forget that nations and individuals
must help theraselves, and that a people or a raan con
stantly soliciting others for aid raust in the end
become an object of contempt and scorn, and linger
out a life of degradation and misery.
At length, on the one side rose Lord Grey, who
now represented the powerful party of the opposition,
to declare what would be their policy during the
coming session ; and on the other, the Duke of Wel
lington, to state the course which in the pressing
exigency of the tiraes the governraent had determined
to adopt. The whole debate was, in fact, contained

362 LORD grey's speech. [1830;
in these two speeches, which raight be considered
party manifestoes; that of the Duke of Wellington
proved to be among the most important ever uttered
either by himself or by any preceding English
rainister. The opposition were not prepared to raove any
araendraent to the address, although they blaraed
alraost every proposal of the speech to which it was
an answer.
Lord Grey commenced with Ireland, and on this
subject expressed his almost solitary concurrence with
the principles and assertions of the speech, by praising
and agreeing with the indignation which the speech
expressed at the violent and seditious proceedings of
those now agitating for a repeal of the union between
Ireland and this country. There was, however, one
declaration which was reraerabered in 1833, when
Lord Grey was minister, and in the discharge of the
duties of that responsible office, was obliged to main
tain the peace in Ireland, When speaking of the
attempt to disturb the peace of the country, he said,
' I cannot view without grief and indignation the
efforts which are industriously made to excite araongst
a great people a spirit of discontent and disaffection,
which, if indulged, raust lead to a separation of two
parts of the kingdora, and will end in the weakness
and destruction of both. For one, I shall be ready to
aid his Majesty's government with every means by
which the laws can be carried into execution for
putting down such attempts ; and here I must express

1830.J LORD GREY'S SPEECH. 363
my gratification, that no new law is raentioned as
being necessary. The present excellent laws, if
promptly and strictly enforced, are quite sufficient for
the purpose, without the aid of any additional law.'
He then denied the truth of an assertion hazarded by
Lord Farnhara, who had said that the present discon
tent of Ireland was the result of passing the Act of
Emancipation — ' not to passing the act, but delaying
it so long, we may now attribute the existing discon
tent. We did not grant it on the ground of right
and justice, but through fear.' This alone was the
evil attending that great raeasure of justice. ' Oh,
would to God,' exclaimed the noble Earl, ' that the
warning voice of those who are now no more had been
attended to at that time (meaning of the union).
What calamities would have been avoided — what evils
would have been prevented ! Ireland might now be
in the enjoyraent of profound peace and content,
reaping herself the full advantage of her great local
resources, and interchanging with this country the
rautual benefits of their connexion. On the subject
of Ireland I have nothing to object to in the address.'
He then proceeded to observe upon the situation of
the country, saying, however, nothing new, and
siraply echoing what had already been said by the
speakers who had preceded him. From thence passing
to the subject of economy, he merely expressed his
hope that the proraises given (proraises sirailar always
being given) would be kept. On the subject of the
civil list, and the proposed intention of giving up the

364 LORD grey's SPEECH. [1830.
hereditary revenues of the Crown, the noble lord
indulged in approbation of the ministers, and eulogy
of the king; he guarded his approbation, however,
with these expressions — 'I raust here observe, from
the manner in which the noble Marquis (Bute) stated
the point, he seeraed to imply that these revenues
were to be considered as the exclusive property of his
Majesty, and that the sovereign had a right to eraploy
them as he pleased, without a reference to public
utility. Against such a construction it is ray duty
to protest. These revenues were originally given to
enable his Majesty to carry on the government of the
country with dignity and effect; and parliaraent, in
contributing to the expenses of the civil list, is
bound only to grant so rauch as may supply the defi
ciency of those other sources of revenue.' The fact
is, that this giving up of the hereditary revenues is a
mischievous farce. The king of England has no
hereditary property in the true meaning ofthe term;
all belongs to the nation. Originally ours was a
feudal government, and the lands which maintained
the raonarch and provided for his expenses were his
own. When, however, this source of revenue failed
and the government with the king at its head had
regularly to be provided for by taxation, the landed
property, so called, of the Crown, but belonging to
the state, ought at once to have been sold, and the
nation freed from the corrupt and mischievous jobbing
that now always attends the administration of what
is caUed Crown property. Lord Grey felt this truth,
but did not openly express it.

1830.] LORD grey's SPEECH. 365
The noble Earl then stated that he had touched
on all the topics raentioned in the speech relating
to our domestic condition, and thereupon proceeded
to a discussion of our relations with foreign powers.
The situation which Lord Grey occupied in a few
days after the delivery of this speech induces the
historian to scrutinize every word he then uttered, in
order to test his after practice by his present precept,
and we are not unwilling to recollect the following
words, and to pronounce thera on every fitting occa
sion to his friends and his followers. ' I do not
look for defence to augraented establishraents — to an
increased array and navy; on the contrary, I am
convinced that such precautions would bring upon us
the very danger which we sought by their adoption
to avoid. Were we to arm, as the noble lord has in
tiraated we ought to do, and as he says all Europe
is doing — if we were to adopt such a policy, I ara
sure that one little raonth would not elapse without
our being involved in a war with France. But, says
the noble lord, you see the hurricane approaching —
the storm is gathering in the horizon. What, then,
is to be done ? Why, put your house in order —
secure your roofs — bar your windows — raake fast your
doors — and then the storm may drive over you with
out injury. Admitted: but how is this to be
effected? Is it by the mode proposed by the noble
lord? No, it must be by securing the affections
of the people — by removing their grievances — by
affording redress — in short (I wiU venture to pro
nounce the word), it must be by Eeform.'

366 LORD grey's SPEECH. [1830.
The party of which the noble Earl was at this
moment the acknowledged head, have of late years
been accustomed to assume for themselves the merit
of having reforraed the House of Coraraons — assert
ing that on this question of reforra they had long
based their whole political system — that to carry it
they had directed all their efforts — and that on the
success of their endeavours to this end their whole
chance of political success depended. These, never
theless, are ill-founded pretensions. In no part of
their career as a party had they been earnest in their
endeavours to reforra the House of Coramons, and
when in 1782 they possessed a large majority in that
House, they deliberately rejected even a motion to
inquire into the matter. And although Lord Grey
was consistent in being a reformer, he stood alone
among his friends; and at this moraent having lost
nearly all hope, he spoke of it as a thing, indeed, that
at sorae tirae raust corae to pass, but when he knew
not, and, indeed, was not very solicitous to learn.
He said, ' I certainly do not wish to agitate measures
of this kind unnecessarily, or at an inopportune
raoraent. I have been a friend to reform during my
whole political life, because I have felt it to be a mea
sure, which, if not resorted to, would one day lead to
the destruction of the confidence of the people —
perhaps to that of the constitution itself. I am
convinced, therefore, that a raeasure of temperate
reforra must, sooner or later, be adopted by parlia
ment, and I sincerely trust it may not be put off as

1830.] LORD grey's SPEECH. 367
catholic eraancipation was put off, until the country
is threatened with internal strife and coraraotion.
My belief is, that a desire to carry into effect sorae
reform in the representation of the country, on the
principle of raaking it efficacious, and at the sarae
time relieving the fears of persons who iraagine that
reforra raust destroy the institutions of the country,
would be attended with effects the raost beneficial to
the general interests of the coraraunity. So far from
temperate reforra being hazardous, I ara of opinion
it may be carried with safety ; and I feel satisfied,
that if judiciously pursued, it will give satisfaction and
security to the country. * * * Whether or not we are
to expect that rainisters will undertake such measures
I do not know, but of this I am satisfied, that if they
do not make up their rainds to adopt the course indi
cated in time, it will be ultiraately forced on thera,
and reform will then be carried under circumstances
much less safe aud advantageous than those which
now present themselves, since they will, then, be
corapelled to yield to expediency what they now
refuse to yield upon principle. I have already told
your lordships that I have been a reforraer all ray
life; in ray younger days with all the warmth —
perhaps, I raay add, with all the rashness of youth —
I pressed the raatter of reform further than I now
might be disposed to do. But at the sarae tirae
I must say, that I never urged the question of reforra
on the principle of abstract right, which it is so much
the fashion to put forward — nor with a view to

368 LORD grey's speech. [1830.
universal suffrage, which in my opinion would not
iraprove the condition of the representation of the
country to such an extent as, I think, it might be
improved." With one further remark as an argu
raent against universal suffrage, the noble lord
disraissed the important topic of reform! That
which was to be the great means of his party and
rainisterial victory was, at this raoment mentioned in
this slight and almost slighting manner, quickly
dismissed as one of the necessary but tiresome
subjects, one of the common-places of opposition
rhetoric, obliged to be used as a sort of decoration in an
opposition speech, but about which no one was really
solicitous, because no one believed it to be of import
to party success.
The reraainder of Lord Grey's observations related
to foreign affairs. In speaking of France, and the
revolution which had there so lately occurred, he
used terms of unwonted and earnest eulogy. ' With
respect to what has already passed in France, I
certainly approve cordially and entirely of what has
been done.' I rejoice as an Englishman deriving the
benefits of a free constitution frora the consequences
of a sirailar raeasure. I rejoice, I say, in the success
which attended the popular party in the struggle. In

' Mirror of Parliament, Sess. 2, p. 13. Lord Grey was not
aware of the change that had taken place in the philosophy, if I
may so speak, of the radical reformers, whom he would have
found as hostile to all theories based on natural rights, as he
professed to be.

1830.] LORD grey's SPEECH. 369
such a case resistance was necessary — was noble —
and I cannot conceive a raore heart-stirring scene
than that of a brave people entering upon so holy a
contest with courage worthy of the cause, and using
victory, when attained, with such unparalleled raode
ration.' He then, having approved of the recognition
by the rainisters of the new government, expressed a
hope that what they had happily begun, they would
continue in the sarae spirit, and that consequently
perfect harmony and good-will might continue between
the two people.
The allusion in the speech to the affairs of the
Low Countries, he stated, caused a great abateraent
of the satisfaction he felt in consequence of the recog
nition of the new government of France. The phrases
of the king's speech to which Lord Grey alluded
drew down severe animadversion on the rainistry,
and served materially in the skilful hands of the
opposition to make the people believe that the Duke
of Wellington was ready to drag the nation into a
war in order to support the pretensions of the King
of the Netherlands to the Belgic provinces, from
which his troops had been expelled. The terms
employed in the speech were certainly liable to this
interpretation. They clearly evinced sorrow and
displeasure at the conduct of the Belgians, and
praised the character and conduct of the king. A
war to support the King of the Netherlands was
inevitably a war with France, — a war with France
would have led to a general European contest ; and
VOL. I. B B

370 LORD grey's SPEECH. [1830.
aU the dreadful scenes of the late terrible struggle
would have been renewed with misery and destruction
even greater than before. Certain phrases employed
by the Marquis of Bute seemed to assert that we
were bound by the treaties of 1814 to interfere and
to compel the re-union of Belgiura and HoUand.
From this dangerous doctrine Lord Grey solemnly
dissented, wisely asserting, that interference for such
a purpose could only lead to evil. He, on the con
trary, declared that he hoped Belgium might become
an independent nation and be instantly recognised as
such by our government. ' In every point of view,
therefore,' said he, ' I must object to the expression
in the king's speech to which I have aUuded, as
uncalled for, irapolitic, and unjust.'
The proposal to recognise Dora Miguel as sovereign
of Portugal was one on which he was not prepared
to give an opinion. ' I do not wish here to speak of
the private character of that prince, but I do not think
the proposed recognition of his authority in Portugal
consistent with a statesman-like view of our relations
with that country.'
Of this speech we are to judge as the raanifesto
of a great party. That such it was intended to bcj
no one can doubt, who reads that delivered by Lord
Althorp on the same night in the House of Comraonsj
Both speakers touched on the same topics, expressed
exactly the same opinions, and evidently acted in
concert with each other ; but they both so spoke as to
prove that they had themselves no large scheme of

1830.] LORD grey's SPEECH. 371
policy in their minds which could be proposed as a
substitute for that which the Duke of WeUington might
intend to pursue. Small and almost hesitating criti
cisra was alone hazarded, and no intention was raani
fested by these two opposition leaders of playing on this
occasion the great game of empire. Whatever raight
be their wishes, they clearly had no hope of imme
diately winning office, and evinced no intention of
doing raore than watching and finding fault in a
sraall way with the conduct of the existing adminis
tration. The false move of the Duke of .Wellington,
when in answer to Lord Grey, he raade his memorable
declaration against all reform in parliament, played
for the Whig party the garae which they had not
the courage or sagacity to play for theraselves. The
anger of the people out of doors, roused by the Duke's
impolitic avowal, forced the Whigs onward, and the
Duke retired, not before the parliamentary forces of
the Whig opposition, but in deference to the over
whelming force of that public opinion which he had
most unwisely roused and offended. To the small
criticisms of Lord Grey upon the foreign policy of
the governraent, as indicated by the speech, the
answer of the Duke of Wellington was sufficient ; and
if Lord Grey's attack had been really all that could
have been made, the Duke's reply would also have
been satisfactory. The noble lord did not complain
either of the language of the speech, or the policy of
the governraent respecting France; he insinuated a
doubt respecting its sincerity by expressing a hope
BB 2

372 DUKE OF WELLINGTON'S REPLY. [1830.
that it raight continue as it had begun. The Duke's
answer to this was — as we have begun, so shall we
continue, — if we had intended hostUity, we should
not have coraraenced with recognition. The noble
lord coraplained because the king expressed regret
at the late revolt which had occurred in the
Low Countries. The Duke repUed, 'We expressed
regret because we felt it — and being an ally of the
King of the Netherlands, and believing hira to be
a wise and good sovereign, we acted with that due
sense of right, no less than of generosity, which is
due from one friendly sovereign to another — in a
word, we stated what was strictly true.' * * * The
noble lord says, can this government be looked upon
as just mediators when it has pronounced sentence
against one of the parties? Why, my lords, I am
convinced the parties themselves will not attempt to
deny the fact stated in the speech frora the throne;
they cannot deny it. They have revolted — and aU
we say in the speech is, that they have revolted.'
As respected the recognition of the governraent of
Portugal, the Duke stated, that having failed to make
peace among the faraily of Braganza, there was
nothing for any ministry but to recognise, in order to
act with the government in existence. The very
principle of non-interference, he said, led fairly to this
result. Such was the Duke's plain answer to the not very
formidable objections of his opponent as regarded the
foreign policy of the government — his answer respect-

1830.] DUKE OF WELLINGTON'S REPLY. 373
ing Ireland and her grievances was cogent, and raay
at this present time be read with advantage. Having
justified his conduct in passing the Emancipation Act,
he triuraphantly asked, ' Will the noble Viscount
(Farnham) venture to say that we do not now stand
on better ground on the question of the repeal of the
union than we should have done had not the catholic
question been carried? I do not see the advantage
therefore of repeating reproaches against rae of having
given way on that occasion from fear; I gave way
because I conceived the interests of my country would
be best answered by doing so ; I gave way on grounds
of policy and expediency, and upon those grounds I
am ready at this raoment to justify what I did.' He
then added this pithy statement respecting the con
duct of those who were ever whining about the mise
ries of Ireland : —
' The noble Viscount (Farnham) and the noble
Duke (Leinster) have both of thera coraplained of the
poverty of Ireland. I can assure your lordships that
there is not any man either here or there, who is more
aware of its poverty, and the dangers to the erapire
from the state of the lower orders, than he who has
now the honour of addressing you. But I would beg
noble lords to observe, that it is not by coming here
to talk of the poverty of that country that we can
reraove it. If noble lords wiU endeavour to tranquU-
lize the country and persuade those who have the
means to buy estates and settle there by holding out
to them a picture of industry and tranquillity, with

374 DUKE OF WELLINGTON'S REPLY. [1830.
its other advantages, they wiU soon find the country
change its aspect, and complaints of the danger,
arising from its poverty, wiU no longer be heard.'
Of the outrages in the rural districts of England^
and the burnings which had supplied a therae for the
greater part of the debate, the Duke at once declared
that he had discovered nothing. ' What tbe irarae
diate cause of these disturbances is, the governraent
know no more than the magistrates and gentlemen of
the country.'* He proraised, however, to continue
strictly to search after the guilty, and to punish them
when convicted.
Had the Duke rested here, his governraent would
have been safe, and the policy of his opponents would
have been severely tried ; but as he had resolved not
to yield to any of the raany demands now being made
out of doors for sorae reforra in the mode of choosing
the House of Coraraons, he came boldly forward, and

' It was the fashion among the Tory, or, as they now began
to call themselves, the Conservative party, to attribute these
outrages to the designs of a political party, to consider them the
results of their secret but direct suggestions. The Quarterly
Review says, ' It is impossible not to connect the fires of Kent
with those in Normandy; and although the origin of the latter
has not yet been traced, inexplicable as it may still be, thu,s much
is certain, that it is a part of some heUish complot against the
existing institutions of society. — Quarterly Review, Jan. 1831.
They were, in fact, and simply the outbreak of an angry, ignorant,
andfwretched peasantry. There was no plot: a neglected and
benighted class of labourers thought themselves aggrieved, and
thus showed their hatred and took their vengeance. There is
nothing mysterious in the matter.

1830.] DUKE OF WELLINGTON'S REPLY. 375
after his accustomed and -honest habit of plain dealing,
thus announced his deterraination. The words have
become raeraorable in our history, and deserve to be
accurately stated. They were evidently well weighed
and deliberately uttered. Their raeaning is plain,
though the expression as it stands is hardly gram
matically accurate. They are remarkable, not because
the ideas they enunciate are new — the same things
had been often stated before without exciting com
ment, or raeeting with opposition; not because the
asserably in which they were uttered dissented frora
them, or doubted of their truth ; in the House of Lords,
probably not half-a-dozen persons could have been
found who would have hesitated a moment if asked to
give them an iraraediate and raost cordial assent; but
they were uttered at a time when an enorraous majority
of the enlightened men of England had resolved to ask
for a change in the constitution of the House of Com
mons — ^when their opinion of the faulty nature of our
systera of representation had passed from being a
mere deduction of the reason into the condition of an
intense and passionate feeling — a feeling that wrong
was done to thera — that injustice was suffered by
them; against this injustice their rainds, the rainds of
the enlightened raen of the country, had rebelled —
and they resolved to require of their rulers a change
in the representation of the country as a concession
simply to justice and common sense; their judgments
were convinced, their feelings excited — and at this
unlucky moraent the Duke of WeUington thus ex«

376 DUKE OF WELLINGTON'S REPLY. [1830.
pressed the settled conviction of his own raind, the
fixed determination of his own stubborn wiU : —
' This brings me to the recommendation which the
noble Earl (Grey) has raade, not only to put down
these disturbances, but to put this country in a state
to meet and overcome the dangers which are likely to
result frora the late transactions in France — viz., the
adoption of something in the nature of parliamentary
reform. The noble Earl has stated that he is not pre
pared hiraself to come forward with any measure of
the kind ; and I wUl tell him, neither is the govern
ment — nay, I will go farther, and say, that I have
not heard of any measure up to this moment which
could in any way satisfy my raind, or by which the
state of the representation could be iraproved, or
placed on a footing raore satisfactory to the people of
this country than it now is. I will not now enter
upon a discussion of this subject, as I dare say we
shall have plenty of opportunity for so doing, but I
will say that I ara thoroughly convinced that England
possesses at this raoment a legislature which answers
all the good purposes of a legislature, in a higher
degree than any scheme of government whatever has
been found to answer [them?] in any country in the
world ; — that it possesses the confidence of the country
— that it deservedly possesses that confidence — and
that its decisions have justly the greatest weight and
influence with the people. Nay, my lords, I will go
yet further, and say, that if at this moment I had to
forra a legislature for any country, particularly for

1830.] DUKE OF WELLINGTON'S REPLY. 377
one like this, in the possession of great property of
various descriptions, although perhaps I should not
form one precisely such as we have, I would endeavour
to produce soraething which would give the sarae
results — viz., a representation of the people containing
a large body of the property of the country, and in
which the great landed proprietors have a preponde
rating influence.
' In conclusion, I beg to state, that not only is
the governraent not prepared to bring forward any
measure of this description, but that as far as I
am concerned, whilst I have the honour to hold
the situation I now do amongst his Majesty's coun
cillors, I shall always feel it my duty to oppose any
such measures when brought forward by others.'*
Whether the estimation thus expressed of the
excellence of the English legislature be accurate or
not, is one question; whether the expression of it at
this time and in these terms, accompanied as it was
by the declaration that the governraent would resist
every atterapt to change it, no raatter how sraall
and insignificant might be the proposed alteration —
whether this was a wise and politic proceeding, is
another and very different question. Experience
will in some measure decide upon the first: tirae
raust and will test the value of the Eeform Act,
and teach us whether the expectations of the people
were wholly fallacious and doomed to disappoint-

1 Mirror of Parliament, 1830, Sess. 2, p. 18.

378 DEBATE IN THE COMMONS. [1830.
ment; but tirae has already answered the second
question; and no one probably would be more ready
than the Duke of WeUington himself to acknowledge
that his declaration of that night was a great poli
tical mistake; that it was founded on a thorough
misapprehension; that of the true state of public
opinion he was utterly ignorant ; and that therefore
he underrated, fatally for his party underrated, the
anger his stateraent would rouse, and the active,
steady, universal hostility with which it would be
met. Every man, however great his ability, com-
raits some errors of generalship, and this was a
capital blunder. Defeat followed as a necessary con
sequence. The scene in the Commons on the same night
was far raore aniraated. No one incident was so
important and startling as the closing announcement
made by the Duke of Wellington in the Lords ; but the
variety, the general excitement, the skilful debating
of Sir Eobert Peel, the vigorous and eloquent sallies
of Mr. Brougham, the eager curiosity of all to learn
frora the Coraraons of England the feelings of the
people of England, the iraportance of the crisis, the
danger and the turbulence abroad and at horae — all
these things raade that a raeraorable night in the
annals of our parliaraent. So soon as the House
asserabled, and before the Speaker read the speech
which had been delivered from the throne, Mr.
Brougham made the first and a significant raove in
the great garae that was about to be played, by

1830.] ME. brougham's NOTICE OF MOTION. 379
announcing that he would that day fortnight sub
rait to the House a proposition on the great question
of parliaraentary reform. Well skiUed in all the
forras of parliaraent, an adrairable adept in all those
arts which, by means of raanner and expression,
lend iraportance and give effect to every act per
forraed, every word spoken in a deliberative asserably,
Mr, Brougham seized upon the opportunity offered
him by the proposal of some forraal vote, to give,
in a deliberate and solemn manner, notice of a
motion upon which, he knew, and the world knew,
the fate of the ministry raight ultiraately depend.
The tone of his voice, the settled gravity of his
deraeanour, when he rose on that memorable occasion,
rivetted every eye upon hira who was now the great
popular chief. Having deterrained to give notice of
his intention when there was a question before the
House, he was enabled to accompany his notice
with an explanation. This was his explanation:
' He had,' he said, ' by one party been described as
intending to bring forward a very limited, and there
fore useless and insignificant plan; by another he
was said to be the friend of a radical, sweeping,
and innovating, and, I may add, for I conscien
tiously believe it would prove so, a revolutionary
reform.' Both these imputed scheraes he disavowed.
'I stand on the ancient way of the constitution.'
To explain at that raoment what the details of this
plan were to be, would have then been inconvenient
— was indeed impossible; but, said Mr. Brougham,

380 MR. brougham's NOTICE OF MOTION. [1830.
' my object in bringing forward this question is not
revolution, but restoration — to repair the constitu
tion, not to pull it down.'
This notice was a master-stroke of policy. It
chimed in exactly with the excited feelings of the
people. Its disclaimers, and its apparent positive
declarations, were alike directed to enlist on the side
of the speaker the largest possible number of adhe
rents. He spurned a sham reform; he was careful
to guard against violent and dangerous change. He
won to his proposition all the old affections, the love
for the ancient forms and substance of our institu
tions, by declaring that he stood on the ancient ways
of the constitution; while, by vaguely disclaiming
the imputation of liraited views, by declaring that he
raust have soraething large and effective, he gave a
licence to the imaginations of those more ardent
minds who hoped to attain some wide concessions
to the popular party, and who desired to establish
a regular symmetrical plan for electing throughout
the empire the representatives of the people. Con
fining himself to wide generalities, he really com
raitted hiraself to nothing. Whatsoever his actual
scherae raight have been, it would strictly have satis
fied the terras of his stateraent, while it might have
disappointed every expectation raised by that artful
announcement. The address was moved by Lord Grimstone in
an insignificant speech; but the very insignificance
of the person, and of his declarations, if they were

1830.] DEBATE IN THE COMMONS. 381
supposed merely his own, gave importance to every
word he uttered. This assertion is only apparently
paradoxical. A person of this description is supposed
to utter words to express not his own but another
man's ideas. These ideas, if conveyed in the skUful
terras which the prorapter on this occasion would
have himself employed, might probably have excited
no alarra, created no disgust. But, by the unskilful
treatment of an unpractised speaker, the statement
is blurted out, without preparation, unaccompanied
by saving clauses or softening expressions. Set thus
nakedly before the hearer, the real deformity of
the thought appears, and arouses suspicion and
hostility. Thus, when Lord Grimstone spoke of
the French revolution ' as an event which in its
• results was a subject of grief to every individual ' —
when, passing on to Belgium, he described her
people as ' tainted with a like spirit to that which
aniraated the French, and as having rebelled against
a king ready to raake every reasonable concession' —
his hearers forgot Lord Grimstone, and thought of
the Duke of Wellington and Sir Eobert Peel. These
then, they said, are really the opinions of the minis
ters — unconsciously betrayed by this unskilful and
unwary supporter. They are hostile to the new
governraent of France — they do lament the defeat
of Charles X., and feel sympathy with the ministers
who framed and signed his illegal ordonnances. In
times of excitement, men are prone to suspicion:

382 DEBATE ON THE ADDRESS [1830.
a careful statesman guards against the danger, and
employs not raen with a narae, but of intelligence.
The speech of Lord Althorp proved, that while
the party which he led had no plan to propose
in opposition to that of the administration, they were
prepared nevertheless to exclude that administration
if possible from office, to seize upon the government
and rule in its stead; although at the raoraent they
had no hope of accomplishing their wish — no scheme
for the attainraent of it. He had little fault to
find — his criticisras were even less pungent than
those of Lord Grey; and although in a few closing
sentences he laraented the total absence in the king's
speech of any allusion to reforra in parliaraent, and
expressed in plain words that he considered the
ministry unequal to the difficulties surrounding
thera, and that he was therefore ready to second any
raeasure the tendency of which raight be to displace
them; yet was Sir Eobert Peel so little raoved by
this very moderate reprehension — so little alarmed
by the sort of opposition threatened, that he, when
alluding to the noble lord, was profuse of compli
ments to the fair, temperate and candid speech of him
whora he knew to be forraally his chief opponent.
This lukewarm opposition, however, and frigid
advocacy of popular wishes, were far frora pleasing to
those who were considered peculiarly to represent the
opinions of large classes of the people. Mr. O'Connell
representing Ireland — Mr. Hume speaking on behalf

1830.] IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 383
of a very large body of reforraers in England —
Mr. Brougham, at that time, giving an eloquent voice
to explain the wishes, wants and suffering of yet
larger and more wealthy sections of the empire ; these
and raany others, earnestly, indignantly attacked the
speech and its defenders. Mr. Hume observed, with
more of epigram than is his wont, ' I object to the
speech,' he said, ' because, it appears to rae, the people
of England are left out of it' — ' and with two sentences
alone I can concur.' — ' There are nine paragraphs in the
king's speech on the subject of foreign politics, and
one only respecting econoray.' After dwelling at
great length on the suffering condition of the people
generaUy — on tbe many modes in which they were
oppressed by bad government, he, like alraost every
other speaker who had any constituents except borough
proprietors, declared that the only remedy for these
evils — the only measure which would satisfy the
people, was reform in parliament. AU these declara
tions made by Mr. Hume were important, because it
was evident that he spoke the opinions — that he
represented the feelings of the great raetropolitan
county for which he was returned. His sincerity,
earnestness, and honesty at all tiraes won for him
respect, and his cheerful good nature conciliated
even violent opponents. But on the present occasion,
his words were heard with an attention and respect
which would not have been accorded to thera, had he
been stUl raember for Montrose. His power hitherto
was owing to his industry and perseverance and

384 SPEECH OF MR. HUME. [1830.
honesty. The opinions he expressed were generally
those entertained by raen of good sense and ordinary
education; but whUe he thus faithfully represented
the right feeling and the coraraon intelligence of the
great body of his countryraen, his acquirements and
abilities were not those by which power is gained in
the House of Commons ; — unskilful, wandering, diffuse
in debate, he wearies, offends, seldom instructs, and
never convinces the House. Sarcasm he knows not
hpw to utter ; but were he endowed with that dangerous
faculty, his good nature is so great, that he would
seldora, probably never, eraploy it; to eloquence
he has no pretension, and although in his pro
posals and views of policy, there is much of real
wisdom, and often great shrewdness and penetration,
his raanner — his phraseology — his mode of arranging
his ideas, seriously detract frora his power, and render
impossible the attainment of any great personal in
fluence in parliament. These defects on the present
occasion, and for the occasion, were, however, over
looked. The great county of Middlesex spoke when
he spoke — and the millions he represented gave weight
to his speech. Sir Eobert Peel well knew and appre
ciated the increased importance of Mr. Hurae, and
was not sorry to find this power confided to one who
afforded to a dexterous debater so raany points of
attack. The sentiments expressed by Mr. Hurae he
felt were those entertained by a very large number of
his countrymen ; these sentiments on the present occa
sion raight not have been skilfully expounded, stiU he

1830.] SPEECH OF SIR R. PEEL. 385
knew they were generally believed to be founded in
truth, and he was therefore corapelled to answer them.
As regarded our foreign policy, all his efforts were
directed to the one point of persuading the House and
the people that no syrapathy was felt by himself or his
colleagues with the friends of despotisra abroad, and
that our governraent at no tirae had entertained the
idea of interfering on their behalf. These assertions
were probably at the tirae true, but he did not succeed
in convincing the world out of doors of their accuracy,
or of his own sincerity. The general belief was, that
if the people would have suffered our ministry to follow
out their own wishes, the French king, and the King
of the Netherlands, and Dora Miguel would have
found in England a willing, indeed, an ardent ally.
Many were the circumstances which led to this sus
picion — every word in the king's speech was susceptible
of this interpretation ; the language of the mover was
that of severe reprehension with respect both to the
French and the Belgian revolution; the appeal to
the treaties of 1814-15 looked like recurring to times
and principles all in favour of despotisra — tiraes when
the Holy Alliance kept continental Europe in thrall —
principles which raade every atterapt to establish a
representative governraent an overt act of treason.
In order to free himself and colleagues from these im
putations. Sir Eobert Peel, in terms the raost explicit,
repudiated the idea of any connexion having existed
between the adrainistration of Prince Polignac and
that of the Duke of WeUington. He asserted that
VOL. I. c c

386 SPEECH OF SIR R. PEEL. [1830.
the English ministry neither directly nor indirectly
influenced the King of France in the selection of his
adrainistration. He indignantiy repeUed the charge
of their having aided in fraraing or advising the iUegal
ordonnances which led to the overthrow of Charles X.
and his dynasty. He then defended the raode of our
interference in the affairs of Belgium, by insisting
strenuously on the justice of the end sought, which
was peace, and the raeans adopted, which were simply
those of mediation and advice ; mediation and advice
which we were asked to afford, and which we did afford,
in conjunction with the other powers of Europe, France
included. The proposed acknowledgraent of the government
de facto of Portugal was no less difficult to deal
with as a raatter of reasoning, while it was one of
far greater hazard, in fact, because of the horror and
indignation roused in the raind of the people gene
rally by the detestable private character and actual
atrocities of Dora Miguel himself. But Sir Eobert
Peel, using the sarae arguments which the Duke of
Wellington employed in the Lords, stated that all
attempts to arrange the faraily quarrels of the house
of Braganza had failed — that English interests re
quired that sorae raode of direct intercourse should
exist between the governraents of Portugal and Eng
land; that certain concessions which had been re
quired by us had been raade by Dom Miguel, and
that the doctrine of non-interference corapelled us to
abstain from any forcible attempt to establish the legi
timate queen. He did not, however, answer the

1830.] SPEECH OF SIR R. PEEL. 387
charge really brought against the conduct of the
administration with respect to Dora Miguel. That
prince had violated proraises solemnly raade to Eng
land — proraises on the faith of which we had not
only perraitted hira to enter Portugal, but had actuaUy
escorted hira thither. By the aid of, and under the
protection of our forces, he had treacherously and
violently put down the liberal party — had executed
many of their leaders — overturned the constitution
he had sworn to defend — and excluded the queen to
whom he had, with all the forras of religion, vowed
obedience. Our protection, our narae, our arras had
enabled hira to coramit all these atrocities; and we,
knowing what he was doing, permitted our troops to
remain in his service, so long as the constitutional party
had the power to check and control him. We reraained
untU that party was destroyed, and shielded hira from
aU harra, notwithstanding his open treachery and
avowed intention to depart frora his engagements.
With these charges Sir Eobert Peel did not grapple,
but slid over them with the dexterous assuraption
conveyed by these phrases — ' Without, in the slightest
degree, departing from those opinions which we have
expressed regarding the means by which Dom Miguel
has become possessed of the sovereign authority of
Portugal.' — ' Two years and seven months have now
elapsed, I think, since Dom Miguel assumed the
government of Portugal, apparently with the acqui
escence of his subjects.' He then gravely asks,
'seeing that English interests suffer by the present
cc2

388 SPEECH OF SIR R. PEEL. [1830.
uncertain state of affairs, consequent on the non-
recognition of Dom Miguel, and after the apparent
acquiescence of his subjects in his sovereignty for so
long a period, whether we are now prepared to renew
diplomatic relations, or whether we are never to
renew thera.' He seeraed entirely to have forgotten,
and hoped that his hearers had forgotten also, that
Dom Miguel was an usurper forced upon the Portu
guese by our means — and that the charge reaUy
brought against the adrainistration of the Duke of
Wellington, was that the power of England, whUe
intrusted to his hands, had been used for such
unjust and disgraceful purposes. This charge ought
to have been met. The dexterity of Sir Eobert
Peel raight for the raoraent enable hira to give a false
colour to the whole transaction, but the iraputation
remained. The people were not deluded, and the
fallacy eraployed by the chief minister in the House
of Coraraons increased in place of reraoving the
honest indignation of a generous nation. They felt
theraselves degraded by the unworthy conduct of the
adrainistration, and were not likely to be cajoled out
of their reason or their anger by the raere artifice of
a very shaUow sophism.
His answer to Mr. Hume's complaint of the conduct
pursued by the governraent of Ireland was far more
effective, and met with general acquiescence, because
it deserved it. Mr. Hume had spoken of a proclama
tion issued by the lord-lieutenant against seditious
raeetings as a tyrannical atterapt to silence Mr.

1830.] POWER OF MR. O'CONNELL. 389
O'ConneU — as a one-sided and partial measure — the
Orange party being aUowed to raeet, to speak, and to
act, whUe the great catholic party, with Mr. O'Connell
at their head, were condemned to silence. Mr.
O'ConneU's attempts to obtain a repeal of the Union,
Mr. Hurae called the raere whira of one man, which
government raight safely have perraitted to run its
course, and which, if treated with conterapt, would
have been harraless — persecution alone, he said, gave
it importance and strength. In this observation there
was great force. But Mr. O'ConneU's power in
Ireland was so remarkable and formidable, that any
government might be excused for looking at it with
alarm, and eraploying extraordinary precautions to
guard against the dangers that raight result from an
influence so illimitable. This influence extended, at
that time, over every portion of the catholic popula
tion of Ireland, and was great also in England with all
those who were called Eadical reformers ; but it ex
tended yet further — the catholic aristocracy of Eng
land felt grateful towards Mr. O'Connell for the
privileges obtained for them by his abUities and
perseverance. In England Mr. O'ConneU's power,
however, could work no iU. Great as was his ability
as an orator, over the sedate and well-governed mind
of the English people his dorainion was of little im
portance. He raight convince their reason, but could
never rob thera of it. If, then, we were to judge of the
necessity for issuing any proclamation in Ireland by
the danger which would result in England from the

390 LORD SHREWSBURY'S GRATITUDE [1830.
most perfect freedora of speech on the part of Mr.
O'ConneU or any one else, we should at once conderan
such a measure as a raost unnecessary and vexatious
exercise of power. But Mr. O'Connell in Ireland
could not be judged by rules applicable to England —
in Ireland he was all powerful. Of the extent and
nature of his dorainion there, we may gain some con
ception frora the language used respecting hira in the
House of Lords by Lord Shrewsbury. If one sur
rounded by, all the thousand controlling influences to
which Lord Shrewsbury was subject, could thus speak
and feel, we may easily believe that the excitable
people of Ireland, daily exposed to the fascinations of
Mr. O'ConneU's unequalled skill, without any counter
acting circumstance to check their ardour and restrain
or direct their enthusiasm — we may easily believe that
they were wholly and blindly subject to his uncon
trolled dominion. ' Much, my lords,' said Lord
Shrewsbury, on the Sth of Noveraber, ' has been said
of agitation, especially of that which has lately been
atterapted in the sister island. But reforra, ray lords,
and all agitation will cease. Much obloquy has been
cast upon a distinguished agitator and reformer of the
other House; but however much he may be raistaken
in the raeans or the end, I entertain a very different
opinion of that individual from what I believe to be
generaUy entertained by your lordships. However I
may laraent his interaperance — however I raay grieve
that a spirit of prudent wisdom does not always govern
him in his public conduct, I certainly cannot partake

1830.] TO MR. O'CONNELL, 391
of that indignation which is so lavishly poured out
upon hira. I see in hira our liberator from thraldom ;
he it was who under Providence (and without any
disparagement to the vigorous assistance he received
from others, be it spoken), he it was who crowned the
cause of religious liberty with success — he terminated
the strife — he appeased the storm of intestine war.
My lords, when oppression was at its height, when
irritation was most feverish, when the genius of
discord was raost busy to inflame the passions and to
excite to universal anarchy and outrage, he it was that
appeared like a leading spirit to restrain and to direct
the tempest — he endowed the infuriated multitude
with reason and with understanding — he waved his
charm over the people, and all was tranquU. Yes,
my lords, he guided the efforts of a whole nation,
frantic under tyranny and misrule, into a constitutional
means of obtaining their constitutional rights. But
for him Ireland would have been lost to England ; she
would have been worse than lost — she would have
been one scene of devastation and bloodshed. From
that he rescued her, and he has rescued us.'* Sir
Eobert Peel's estiraate of the power of Mr. O'ConneU
was nearly the same as that entertained by Lord

' Mirror of Parliament, 1830, Sess. 2, p. 117. — These
words were spoken on the debate which arose upon the
king's visit to the City being put off. They are not quoted
hecause they are wise or true words, but because they give a
striking instance of Mr. O'ConneU's power over the minds of
the catholics even of England.

392 SPEECH OF SIR R. PEEL, [1830.
Shrewsbury — his opinion as to the wisdom and justice
of the ends sought, and the means employed by the
learned gentleman, was, however, of a very different
character from that which Lord Shrewsbury held—
Sir Eobert Peel believed and openly asserted that Mr.
O'ConneU was no friend of peace, and that he had
hiraself declared that Ireland was not ripe for revolt —
was not yet ready to oppose force to force, — and Sir
Eobert then asked the House if, after such a state
raent, there could be any doubt as to the real inten
tion of the learned raeraber when he forraed the asso
ciation against which the proclaraation was directed.
' He is not to suppose that we are to be gulled and
deluded into the idea that the simple object of that
assembly was to promote petitions to parliaraent. His
object was to forra a permanent association, raeeting
in Dublin, the object of which would be to organize
the people of Ireland on this question (viz., of repeal),
to form their rainds on the subject, and to keep them
in continual agitation, until the time should arrive
when it would become dangerous to refuse the con
cession of their demands.' The object of the procla
mation was to put down such an association forraed
for such a purpose. But while this raeasure of
repression was adopted, the rainistry acknowledged
that the condition of Ireland deraanded and should
frora thera receive the raost careful and anxious con
sideration. That Mr. O'ConneU's real intention was such as
Sir Eobert Peel imagined is very doubtful — that the

1830.] MR. O'CONNELL'S PROCEEDINGS. 393
object of the association was what Mr. O'Connell
asserted, was certainly untrue. He wished not simply
to proraote petitions, but also to continue agitation.
But he entertained no hope, in fact no desire, to see a
repeal of the Union. He liked agitation because by
that he lived — he dreaded war, because he disliked
danger — and was in truth a kind-hearted raan. But
repeal could not, he well knew, be attained without
war; and still raore sure was he, that, if without war
repeal should be conceded by England, civil war
would iraraediately break out in Ireland herself,
which would cease only upon the extirpation of
one or other of the contending parties. If powerful
England were not there with her strong arm to
enforce the peace, fire and slaughter and famine and
pestilence would stalk over the land, and Ireland
would, by her own sons, be made a spectacle for the
scorn and horror and pity of the world. No man
knew this better than Mr. O'ConneU, and no man was
more afraid of the chances of so terrible a result.
The agitation, nevertheless, which he desired to
maintain was eminently mischievous. It made the
world believe that life and property were insecure in
Ireland,, and thereby rendered the amelioration of her
people's condition impossible. The great mistake in
the policy of each successive administration which
had to deal to with Mr. O'ConneU's influence in
Ireland was the not relieving hira from the pecuniary
necessity which drove him to agitate. When the
Emancipation Act was passed, his vocation was

394 REPLY OF MR. O'CONNELL. [1830.
clearly gone — a new theme for complaint was neces
sary in order that he raight live. The ministry knew
this, or they ought to have known it. At that tirae
Jthere was a fair opening for conciUation.* The true,
the safe, as weU as the generous policy was at that
raoraent to have ascertained the amount of his debts
and to have paid thera ; — for hiraself to have found
a position of honour and corapetence, for which, by
his knowledge as a lawyer, he would have proved
competent. Had this course been adopted, Ireland
would at this moment have been a peaceful and
flourishing country.
The bitter observations made on his conduct by
Sir Eobert Peel, called up Mr. O'Connell in his own
defence, before those whom he felt to be an adverse
audience. The circumstances were precisely those best
adapted to bring out into full action and raagnificent
display all the great powers of that raost finished
performer. At once he proudly separated hiraself
from the House. He was there to repel calumny —
but to beg no favour. He scornfully declared that he
had raore constituents than all his Majesty's rainisters
taken together; whora he taunted with having all of
thera slunk from populous places to take refuge in
rotten boroughs. He then attacked the speech they
had put into the mouth of the king, and bitterly
complained of the total disregard they had evinced in

' See on this subject Lord Cloncurry' s RecoUections. From
what he says, it seems clear that nothing but the ministerial
blundering drove Mr. O'Connell again to agitate.

1830.] REPLY OF MR. O'CONNELL. 395
every part of that precious document, of the distress
of the people both of England and Ireland. From
point to point he hunted the rainistry, through every
paragraph; from all, drawing with great skiU, and
with no appearance of forcing or unfairness, the con
clusion, that the ministers were in their hearts the
friends of despotism wherever it might be found —
whether evincing itself in the character of Dom Mi
guel of Portugal, Prince Polignac and Charles X. in
France, King William in Belgium, the Turks in
Greece, or the Orangemen in Ireland. He eraployed
aU his great powers to win the favour of the people of
England; he placed their deraands in the van of his
array, and brought in the demands and complaints of
his own country only as the necessary consequence of
those principles which he had established and invoked
on behalf of the English nation. To all this he
compeUed the House to listen with respectful atten
tion — and with great skill, frora an insulting cheer,
drew an arguraent in favour of the opinion against
which the cheer was directed. ' I ara much obliged,'
he exclaimed, ' by the sympathy that cheer iraplies :
it shows that there is no necessity for a separation of
the parliament of Great Britain and Ireland. I thank
you; you have triumphed over my country, but you
never wiU again. It is easy to triumph over the
individual, and I wish you joy of it.' Of himself and
his own power, and the mode in which he had em
ployed it to maintain peace, he thus spoke, —
After having described the horrible destitution

396 REPLY OF MR. O'CONNELL. [1830.
existing in almost every part of Ireland, after having,
as Mr. Brougham declared, exhibited ' in his speech a
picture of Ireland which, if not magnified in its pro
portions, if not painted in exaggerated colours, pre
sents to my mind one of the most dismal, melancholy,
and alarming conditions of society ever heard of or
recorded in any state of the civUized world :' he thus
continued : —
' There is disaffection in Ireland — disaffection in
consequence of the Union — disaffection to the govern
ment which has reduced the people to their present
state. And let rae teU the House, that you would
have riots and disturbances in Ireland, but for the
man who looks forward to the repeal of the Union,
and who happily possesses so much of the confidence
of the people as to be able to prevent thera. Take
away that influence, and what would be the result?
You raay send over a railitary secretary to put down
the public spirit by a military force, but iu vain.'
Tell the people of Ireland that you have no syrapathy
with their sufferings — that their advocate is greeted
with sneers and laughter — that he is an outlaw in the
land — and that he is taunted with want of courage,
because he is afraid of offending his God. Tell thera
this, and let thera hear also in what language the
Secretary of State, who issued the proclaraation to
prevent raeetings in Ireland, has spoken of Polignac.
If he be asked his reason for issuing that proclaraa-

' Sir Henry Hardinge was then Secretary for Ireland,

1830.] REPLY OF MR. O'CONNELL. 397
tion, he wUl answer, ' My will,' although at the same
moment it would be easy to deraonstrate its illegality.
But I wiU not enter upon this discussion now, I can
not trust rayself, ray feelings overpower me.' '
He boldly denied that he had ever eraployed the
language iraputed to hira by Sir E. Peel, and declared
that a desire for a repeal of the Union was not
with hira a feeling of late years, but adopted at the
commencement of his political life. His advocacy of
that deraand was his first political act. A powerful
defence of his systera of peaceful agitation, and a
fierce defiance and denunciation of the existing adrai
nistration, closed this remarkable speech.
Its effect upon the House was great, as well as
unexpected. The Whigs at this moraent viewed with
complacency his attacks on the administration, and
spoke in respectful terms even ofhis opinions and con
duct respecting a repeal of the Union. He was wrong,
they considered, but the subject was a legitimate
topic of discussion, which he had as much right to
raise, as they that of reform. Mr. Brougham spoke
of the speech just delivered as ' a powerful address,
in every respect worthy of his high character.'^ Sir
Edward KnatchbuU, who stUl represented and headed
the angry Tories, 'could not help adverting to the
deep and uninterrupted attention with which the
House listened to the speech of the honourable member

1 Mirror of Parliament, Sess. 2, 1830, p. 35.
2 Idem. p. 36.

398 STATE OF IRELAND. [1830.
for Waterford (Mr. O'ConneU), an attention alraost
unprecedented." Mr. Spring Eice, who at that period
of his career was a professed and ardent Whig, even
while challenging Mr. O'Connell to a sort of debating
duel on the subject of the Union, always referred to
hira in the raost courteous phrase which parliaraentary
language supplies. Mr. O'Connell, and that raeant the
whole liberal party in Ireland, and the Whigs were
still warra friends. The tirae had not yet arrived
when the latter party fancied they could attain their
ends and retain their power without his assistance.
One circumstance of this debate, respecting Ire
land, deserves especial notice, the more so, as it has no
reference to raere party politics, which unfortunately
have ever been the bane of Ireland. Every speaker
connected with Ireland, Sir H. ParneU, Mr. Maurice
Fitzgerald, Sir Henry Hardinge the Secretary for
Ireland, Mr. Spring Eice, all dissented frora Mr.
O'ConneU's opinion, which he took every opportunity
of expressing — viz., that Ireland had gone on dete
riorating since the Union — that her people of every
class were sinking in the scale of corafort and wealth ;
and that distress and absolute famine were daily ex
tending their cancerous circle over the land. Sir
Henry Parnell, indeed, who was not in the habit of
raaking hasty or ill-considered assertions, stated that
the consumption of commodities in Ireland had in
creased greatly since the Union. ' In proof of this, I

' Mirror of Parliament, Sess. 2, 1830, p. 36.

1830.] STATE OF IRELAND. 399
need only refer,' he said, ' to the evidence given before
the coraraittee which sat during the last session of
parliaraent, by which it appears that Ireland has heen
a more improving country than any other that can he
named.' ' This statement, made by an Irishman,
is entitled to peculiar attention. Sir Henry Parnell
was accustoraed to the sort of investigation by which
evidence is attained respecting the raaterial or physi
cal well-doing of a people. He was not an enthusiast,
nor had he a peculiar system of any kind to support,^
neither had he any interest in misleading parliaraent
and the country at large. He, nevertheless, is one
of the few instances of an Irishraan speaking of his
country and not indulging in unraanly whining respect
ing the raisery of her people — not pestering his hearers
with the offensive iraportunity of a professional raen-
dicant. Although Mr. O'ConneU's speech had proved an
effective attack on the administration, when looked upon

1 Mirror qf Parliament, p. 41.
3 Lord Anglesey's estimate of Sir Henry Parnell as an
authority hardly agrees with the assertion ofthe text: —
' I do not think PameU's secession is a great loss (this was
in 1832). He is a busy good man of business, but he is terribly
vn homme a systeme, and a too rigid parer of cheese and candle
ends.' Lord Anglesey's authority is much lessened by the succeed
ing sentences. ' They are taking everything from poor Ireland. I
fear he (Parnell) has suggested the withdrawing the king's plates.
Every guinea taken from expenditure in this impoverished
country is very pernicious economy.' — See Lord Cloncurry's
Recollections, p. 438. When wiU statesmen learn that spending
is not the way to benefit the poor — that is, the industrious poor?

400 MR. brougham's SPEECH. [1830.
merely as a parliaraentary philippic, he had done no
thing which really tended to weaken thera in the Houses
or even to affect their perraanent reputation out of
doors. Up to this raoment, with the exception of
Mr. Brougham's notice, nothing had occurred in the
House of Coraraons which could have excited alarm
in the raind of the rainisters. They had, on the con
trary, reason to congratulate theraselves. Lord Althorp,
speaking for the Whigs, had openly declared, that
though he had the wish to dispossess the adrainistration,
he had no plan for the attainraent of that end, neither
did he seem to suppose that anybody else had.
Judging from this. Sir Eobert Peel might reasonably
have supposed that in the Whig camp there was no
concerted plan of attack — that their warfare was stiU
to be a species of guerilla skirmishing, by which,
though annoyance raight be given, no power could be
won ; — and such we believe was really the case. The
opinions of the public out of doors had been, indeed,
gradually assuraing a definite shape. The public
expectations now carae to be concentrated on one
subject — their demands confined to one measure — and
that measure reform — but none of the Whig party,
with the exception of Mr. Brougham — and he could
now be hardly looked upon as a mere Whig — seemed at
all prepared to lead, or to join the people, in this new
movement in favour of an old measure. Lord Grey
this very evening had distinctly stated that he had no
plan to propose, so had said Lord Althorp ; yet both
of them must have been aware of Mr. Broughara's in-

1830.] MR. brougham's speech, 401
tended notice;' Lord Althorp indeed had heard the
notice given — Lord Grey, before he spoke, raust have
heard of it. Besides, in their daily intercourse  and
between Lord Althorp and Mr. Brougham the inter
course was daily and intimate — the subject must have
been discussed. That the Whig leaders looked on
with apathy, that they expected no advantage to
their party from the proposed endeavour and plan of
Mr. Brougham, is evident. Now at the eleventh
hour they held aloof. That they would give hira
only uncertain, unwilling aid, if he should proceed,
every act of the party proved. That such was
Mr. Broughara's belief, his speech this night as
plainly showed. The world remarked his altered
tone,^ and he himself was evidently aware of the
height of that great vantage ground to which he had
attained. At this moment, and for sorae days, he
was the great popular chief, and he was now to make
his first essay as the foreraost man of all his people.
His active genius had enabled him to win this high

' In fact, the terms of that notice (and vague and general
they were) had been settled at a large meeting of the Whigs, at
Lord Althorp's chambers in the Albany.
2 Sir Edward Knatchbull, while expressing his dissent from
the sentiments of Mr. Brougham, said, ' That honourable gentle
man, in the course of his speech this evening, has dealt out so
much blame on aU sides, and has cast such reflections on person?
of all parties, in a manner so different from that generally
pursued by him, that I cannot help expressing my surpiise.' Mr.
Brougham felt, and made others feel, that his position was
changed. VOL. I. D D

402 MR. brougham's speech. [1830.
position, whether he was equal to the raore difficult
task of retaining it, reraained to be seen.
His chief purpose on the present occasion was to
alarm the people, and thereby weaken, and, if
possible, destroy the administration. He sought to
create alarm, by fastening upon the government the
imputation of wishing, and intending to interfere
with the affairs of foreign nations, by which inter
ference we should inevitably be dragged into a war,
through the ignorance, irabecility, and utter ineffi
ciency of the ministers theraselves. There was
hardly an expression of contempt and scornful depre
ciation left by hira uneraployed when speaking of the
adrainistration. He described them as ' the most
feeble and incorapetent to manage the government of
any ministers into whose hands by a singular cora
bination of events the governraent of this country
ever fell.' WhUe thus incorapetent, he said, all their
acts proved, and none raore than the speech which
they had put into the raouth of the sovereign, that
they were ra-sh, head-long, obstinate, cursed with a
spirit of meddling, and yet without one particle of
the ability necessary for the raanageraent of the
dangerous affairs with which through their arrogant
and over-weening incompetence they were so prone
to interfere. As for the speech itself, in his own
language he proceeded ' to treat it as the speech of the
first rainister of the crown, and to carp at it, cavil at
it, and tear it, and rend it to tatters at his pleasure.'
But while thus dealing with the king's ministers.

1830.] MR. brougham's speech. 403
while thus unsparingly dissecting their speech, blam
ing their acts, and depreciating themselves, he was
most careful to seize upon every opportunity offered
him to give praise and pay personal corapliraents to
the king. His paternal goodness, he asserted, had
led his Majesty spontaneously to give up his here
ditary revenue and other rights which former
sovereigns had been most loth to part with. To
him he declared the people were affectionately loyal
— though they were unfortunately compelled to view
with apprehension the principles and conduct of the
ministers who conducted the affairs of the country.
Of domestic affairs, Mr. Brougham said little;
nevertheless, while speaking in terms of very guarded
though warm eulogy of Mr. O'ConneU, he erapha
tically declared his hostility to all idea of a repeal of
our union with Ireland.
' I wiU oppose that raeasure, although it be brought
forward by an honourable and learned gentleman
with whom I generally act — with whom I generally
agree — whose exertions for his country I have fre
quently had occasion to notice with admiration — and
it would be folly in me to deny it, whose services I
prize, and which I should be the last man to forget,
and which it would be most unjust in rae not to praise.
But though I esteera these services, I must designate
as bad the measure which he now contemplates ; and
I feel compelled here to declare that I wUl oppose it.'*

' Mirror of Parliament, 1830, Sess. 2, p. 39.
DD 2

404 MR. brougham's speech. [1830.
From thence he proceeded to draw an elaborate com
parison between the situation of Belgium and Ire
land, and to explain why he supported the separation
of the first from Holland, and yet was resolved to
maintain the union of the latter with England.
Policy demanded of him this explanation. His
enthusiastic eulogy of the French revolution of 1830
— his warm advocacy of the Belgian people — ^his
fierce denunciations of the ministerial foreign policy
— and his atterapts to raake the world believe that
a second Holy Alliance under English auspices was
about to be forraed and hold its sittings in London ; all
these things, if not attended with careful explanations
and guarding declarations, raight have been eraployed
to make the people deem him rash, enthusiastic, and
led away by theoretic views and republican schemes.
The middle classes upon whom his power chiefly
rested are exceedingly wary, and opposed in politics
to all rash experiments, and nothing therefore is so
daraaging to the reputation and power of a popular
leader, as to be considered flighty, rash, unsteady,
and prone to change. The Whigs also have since
the French revolution of 1789 been fearfully alive
to the danger of what they call levelling principles.
It was necessary, therefore, for Mr. Broughara, if he
sought to lead the middle classes or to derive support
from the Whigs, carefully to separate himself from
all those who were supposed favourable to republican
institutions, as well as from those who sought to
divide the empire. He therefore closed his exciting

1830.] MR. brougham's SPEECH. 405
speech by insisting on the necessity of maintaining
inviolate the integrity of the empire, and by an
earnest and even laboured description of the attach
ment felt by the English people to the monarchical
and aristocratic institutions under which they live.
' I wish,' he said, ' for no revolution ; and I speak
I am sure the sentiraents of the great bulk of the
people, who love the institutions of their country,
who love raonarchy and love nobility, because with
the rights and liberties of the people themselves, these
are all knit up together ; they have a strong attach
ment, I believe, to our form of governraent ; and for
my own part, I declare that I would infinitely rather,
if aU these raust perish, perish with thera, than
survive to read on the ruins the raeraorable lesson of
the instability of the best huraan institutions.'* To
this speech, raarked by great ability, and effective as
it was likely to prove out of doors, no rainisterial
reply was given during the present debate, neither
was the apathy of the speaker's own friends stirred
by it. The only incident worthy of reraark that
afterwards occurred on that evening, was the renewed
declaration of hostility to the administration by Sir
Edward KnatchbuU, who represented on this occasion
the old high Tory party. Eecurring to the amend
ment moved by himself to the address on the first day of
the last session of parliament, which had been defeated
by a combination of the Whigs with the friends of

Mirror of Parliament, 1 830, p. 40.

406 EFFECT OF THESE DEBATES [1830.
the administration, he reraarked, that Mr. Hurae even
had not supported him. Mr. Hurae eagerly answered
to this observation, ' Let the honourable baronet try rae
now, and he will find that my opinions respecting
the adrainistration are quite changed. Last year I
supported ministers under the mistaken idea that
they intended to bring forward measures for the good
of the country; but I should be happy now if the
honourable baronet is so inclined to put the sincerity
of my present professions to the proof.' These words
were spoken by Mr. Hume after the amendment had
been put and negatived without a division,* and with
this open declaration of war against the administra
tion by every section of the opposition, the proceed
ings of this important evening closed. What the
morning was to bring no one in either House of
parliament seemed to anticipate.
So soon as the country received the king's speech,
and learned the declaration of the Duke of Wel
lington respecting reform, a storm of indignation
arose in every part of the empire. The people rose
almost as one man in violent opposition, and
demanded in a tone startling alike to the rainistry
and the opposition the immediate disraissal of the
Duke of Wellington and the governraent of which he
was the head. For some raonths, as we have already
• Lord Blandford had proposed a long tirade early in the
evening, in the shape of an amendment, which indeed Mr.
O'Connell seconded, but to which no one paid the sUghtest atten
tion. It was an idle piece of raving, unworthy of remark.

1830.] ON PUBLIC OPINION. 407
described, the popularity of the Duke had been
rapidly declining. It declined rather because the
world guessed what was intended, than because as yet
anything had been said or done to countenance the
opinion formed by the people of the Duke's real wishes
and intentions. The manner in which, apparently
without evidence, the popular rumour connected his
narae with that of Prince Polignac and Charles X.
has been already stated. That the public expected,
and were waiting for, some outward manifestation of
the real intentions of the adrainistration was evident,
yet when it carae, in the very sense and of the exact
nature which they had looked for, they were surprised
as well as indignant". Being prone to suspicion, the
people interpreted every word of the speech unfavour
ably — what we now view with indifference, and can
believe to have been well intended and even prudent,
the people at that time at once assumed to be damning
evidence of a settled determination to aid despotism
in every part of Europe, and to attempt its establish
ment amongst ourselves.* From day to day, the

',Mr. Hobhouse, in the Commons, on the Sth of November,
most accurately described the sudden and extraordinary burst of
feeling occasioned by the first day's proceedings in parliament,
when he said, — ' I never recoUect in my life so decided a change
as that which has taken place in the feelings of what we may
call the people, as far as we can judge of that portion of them
with which we come into immediate contact, in the interval that
has elapsed since his Majesty came down to parUament. Imme
diately it was known that the speech, instead of being of a
pacific nature, such as might be expected from a monarch in the

408 DEBATE IN THE COMMONS [1830.
storra increased; — its influence was manifest in the
House of Commons, imraediately. On the evening of
the 3rd, when the report on the' address was brought
up, and thus another opportunity was afforded for
the expression of opinions respecting the address
itself, a host of members, representing counties, towns,
rotten boroughs even, rose to give voice to their
surprise and indignation at the language held by
the prirae rainister on the subject of reforra. The
storm grew so loud, that ministers were compelled to
speak, and to endeavour in some way to ward off
and shield themselves from this pitiless attack. The
attempt, however, was vain. In vain did Sir George
Murray use language wholly at variance with that of
his chief. In vain did Sir Eobert Peel endeavour to
shelter hiraself under the authority of precedent.
The quick and skilful debaters of the opposition
took iraraediate advantage of Sir George Murray's
language, using words of welcorae to hira, as to one
holding the same views as theraselves; thus forcing
him either to explain away the raeaning of those terms
which he had employed, or to remain fixed in a dis
agreeable juxtaposition with respect to the head of
the administration. When Sir Eobert Peel recurred
to the former night's debate, and replied to Mr.
Brougham's assertions, he also gave the opposition an

situation of his present Majesty, was one which threatened the
dreadful calamity of war, a universal alarm was spread. Every
man who met his neighbour in the street was loud in his angry
denunciations, and the feeling extended far and wide.'

1830.] ON BRINGING UP THE REPORT. 409
advantage. Sneering insinuations of his being forced
to speak at word of command — scornful expressions
of pity for his painful and humiliating position —
sUghting and contemptuous reraarks upon his enforced
arguraents, were flung out in order to destroy his
authority and influence. Every raode, in short, which
hostUe ingenuity could suggest, was pressed into
service. Every depreciating circumstance — every
accidental difficulty — every possible iraputation — all
were collected together, and discharged in one fierce
broadside against the unlucky secretary, in the hope
and with the intention of making the world believe
that he was a helpless puppet in the hands of a
despotic and overbearing chief. To arguraents coming
from a source thus described, and in their belief
truly described, the excited people would not listen.
They assumed everything to be true which was said
against Sir Eobert and his colleagues, they closed
their ears to aU that was advanced by or for them.
This hostility, however, was not confined to the
liberal ranks. The Tories were quite as violent as the
most sanguine and enthusiastic Eadicals. The for
midable nature of the popular excitement was not
yet apparent to these stiU angry politicians. They
saw in the present movement only a raeans of offend
ing, wounding, and punishing their old friends whom
they considered to have betrayed thera, and as yet
they entertained no fear of the consequences that
might foUow the indulging in a sweet revenge. Lord
Winchelsea, who might in his own person be deeraed

410 SPEECH OP LORD WINCHELSEA [1830.
a complete representation of the whole high Tory
party, felt on a sudden his bosom glow with an
unwonted fervour in favour of reform, and could not,
to use his own words, ' restrain his astonishment at
the declaration of the noble Duke relative to that
subject.'* He maintained that moderate reform
ought to take place— such as that described by Lord
Grey, with whora he professed cordially to agree.
The excited orator soon gave the key to his conduct.
Friendship to Lord Grey, and agreement with his
proposals, simply raeant an unreflecting hatred of
the Duke of Wellington. ' I must be allowed to
say,' exclaimed the angry lord, ' that I am convinced,
if the assertion of the noble Duke, made on a forraer
night relative to parliaraentary reform, was fraraed with
a view of conciliating and gaining the support of the
noble and high-minded persons with whora he has been
usually united, I can tell the noble Duke that he raight
as well attempt to take high heaven by storm. These
are times of danger and peril — times in which werequire
to have efficient men at the head of the administration
of the country. Now we see the consequence of having
not long since given up a great question, not on the
ground of justice or equity, but upon the ground of
fear. So far frora creating confidence, the yielding
up of that question has excited a feeling of distrust
in the rainds of the people. They no longer rely
on the governraent to afford them redress or to

'¦ Mirror of Parliament, p. 81.

1830.] AGAINST THE ADMINISTRATION. 411
mitigate their sufferings; they know that ministers
will grant nothing but upon compulsion. I am one
of those who feel the necessity of having competent
men at the head of the administration in the present
situation of the country ; and I feel bound to say that
those who compose the higher branches of his Ma
jesty's government at this moment, are not in my
opinion worthy of the trust and confidence of the
people in this hour of imminent peril."
In this difficulty he looked to Lord Grey and the
Duke of Eichmond, and entreated the House of
Lords immediately to address the Crown, respectfully
declaring that they had no confidence in his Majesty's
present advisers, and praying him to remove them
from his counsels, in order that those deserving of
the people's confidence raight direct the affairs of the
nation. Of the peril that was really irarainent, neither
Lord Winchelsea nor the party to whose feelings he
gave a voice, had any conception; they therefore
continued in their hostile course, and assisted their
old opponents into office. Then they awoke as from
a temporary delirium — sought again the guidance and
friendship of those whom they had driven from power
— repenting too late — crying aloud for aid against
an evil which they had rendered inevitable.
While such was the growing ferment in parliament
and in, the country, an incident occurred which, by

Mirror of Parliament, p. 81.

412 THE king's visit TO THE [1830.
making the ministry ridiculous, when they were
already unpopular, contributed in no small de
gree to the defeat which they almost immediately
suffered. Our kings, on their accession to the
throne, have for the most part been accustomed to
pay a visit of corapliraent to the city of London — and
the present sovereign had, by the advice of his
rainisters, acceded to the request of the City authori
ties, who had according to custom besought his Ma
jesty to honour the city feast with his presence.
This feast was to occur on the 9th of Noveraber,
which is the day on which the new lord mayor enters
on his office. The lord raayor elect was an alderman
of the name of Key, a person accustoraed all his life to
the operations of trade, and only suddenly and by an
accident connected with the busy turbulence of poli
tics. London, including in that term the whole vast
raetropolis, was, frora various causes, at this raoment
in a state of great, very unusual, and general excite
ment. All the thieves, and vagabonds, and even
raany well raeaning but ignorant weak-minded per
sons, had taken offence at the institution of a body of
effective police, in place of the old and useless watch
men. These new policemen watched during the day
as well as the night, and being a well organized,
respectable and intelligent body of men, were formid
able to the whole vagabond population who live by
depredation. Just when the excitement was at the
highest respecting this force, which some deeraed and
called an unconstitutional force, the opening of parlia-

1830.] CITY OF LONDON PROMISED. 413
ment occurred, and the minds of the people flamed
up in violent indignation. Against the unpopular
ministers very violent language was freely employed,
and there was reason to believe that their appearance
in the procession which was to take place on the 9th
from the palace to the Guildhall in the city would have
been made the pretext for a riot by the ruffians who
hated the new police, and longed for confusion and the
opportunity of indulging in plunder and devastation.
The conflicts that had so lately occurred in Paris
were still fresh in popular recollection ; and the timid
citizens of London were seriously alarmed at the
chance of a riot on the day of rejoicing — when the
streets would be crowded by a congregation of every
class of people both of the town and country. Under
these circumstances, there was nothing wonderful in
the fact of the lord mayor's receiving many corarau-
nications anonyraous and acknowledged, on a subject
which at the raoraent much occupied raen's thoughts.
Many of these letters were probably written with a
sinister view — many from an idle spirit of mischief —
many in good faith. They very generally it ap
peared took for granted not merely the possibility but
the probabUity of a riot if the ministers attended the
king — and we may assume, without being uncharit
able, that politicians hostile to the administration
would not have been sorry to see thera forced to be
absent from the procession and the banquet, by reason
of their extraordinary unpopularity. The lord
mayor elect, upon receiving this host of letters, all of

414 THE king's visit TO THE [1830.
which portended confusion and riot, becarae alarraed
also, and wrote to the Duke of Wellington, warning
him of the danger, and dweUing upon the terrible con
sequences of a nocturnal riot in the crowded streets of
an enormous city like London. The Duke could not
fail to perceive that in this statement there was rauch
of truth. Many disinterested, honest, and weU judg
ing persons at the time believed that a riot would cer
tainly take place, and they vehemently exclaimed
against the Duke of Wellington for having advised his
Majesty to accept the invitation of the City, For
this, however, the Duke really deserved no blame.
The acceptance was customary, and nothing except
the extraordinary events of the time, which he could
not foresee when the visit was promised, made the
proposed proceeding dangerous. The Duke, however,
was no sooner aware of the probable danger than he
determined to avoid the risk, by advising the king
to put off his visit. The citizens, deceived in their
expectations of a pageant, were loud in their abuse of
the Duke, The timid multitude were alarmed, and
believed that some terrible commotion was about to
happen; Sir Eobert Peel's letter announcing the
determination of the king not to visit the City on the
9th, was no sooner posted on the Exchange than the
whole of the City, that is, the raen of business, were
excited beyond all precedent. The people were to be
seen with anxious faces running here and there
inquiring what and where was the danger? Had
sorae vast conspiracy been discovered? — was a revolu-

1830.] CITY OF LONDON PUT OFF, 415
tion iraminent? — were the scenes of Paris to be
enacted in London? A thousand wild stories were in
circulation — mischievous people for raischievous ends
exerted all their ingenuity to create alarra, and
threaten danger, in the hope that the prophecy raight
contribute to its own fulfilraent. The funds fell at
once three per cent, — the two Houses of parliament
met in anxiety and almost alarm — and such was the
impatience of the members to ascertain the cause of
aU this commotion, and to give vent to their excite
ment respecting it, that they did not wait for the
appearance of the ministers, but at once expressed in
unmeasured terms their reprehension and sorrow at
the proceeding. The ministers, when questioned,
stated siraply the facts as they had occurred — and
then the world was angry because the danger was far
less than they had expected. They were indignant
because they had been afraid without cause — and the
opposition iraraediately did their utmost to turn the
incident to profit. The circurastances gave them an
advantage, and they were not at all too generous to
employ it for their own benefit. Every step taken by
the ministers in the affair was blaraed— contradictory
accusations, and condemnation, were hazarded without
scruple. First, the rainisters were blamed because
they had advised the king to accept the invitation,
and promise to attend the banquet. It was plain to
every man of common sense — so the accusation ran —
that a pageant of this description would bring people
of every sort and class together, and crowd thera into

416 DEBATE THEREON. [1830.
the streets — a riot in such a state of things was alraost
inevitable. Then it was said, having proraised, why
disappoint the people? If you were afraid, addressing
the ministers, the opposition said, you might have
stayed away — the king himself is popular, and could
with perfect safety have proceeded to the heart of his
metropolis surrounded by his loyal and loving subjects
— have thus gratified their wishes, and fulfilled his
proraise. The absence of his obnoxious ministers
would have grieved no one, but would simply have
insured the peace. But now, said they, you have
given the whole world to understand that there was
danger to his Majesty, while danger there was none —
you have preposterously risked the peace of the metro
polis, and by that the peace of the whole country —
you have caused the funds to be suddenly depreciated,
and by this means you have rendered whole families
beggars.' Why have you done this? For a selfish
end — your own unpopularity was so great, that you
could not appear araong the people without running
the chance of being hooted, perhaps pelted — and in
order to turn from yourselves the odiura attendant on
such a disaster, you have unjustly, raost ungenerously,
endeavoured to raake the king share the ill-feeling
which belonged to yourselves alone. Your duty was
to have retired frora the pageant — to have said to his
Majesty — ' You, sir, can go to the City amidst your

' Mr. Brougham distinctly asserted that such would be the
effect of this fall in the funds. He went further, and seemed to say
that the sum ofthe country's wealth was lessened in consequence!

1830.] DEBATE THEREON. 417
affectionate people with perfect safety, and loud
acclaim — we should mar the scene by our obnoxious
presence, and shaU, therefore, beg your Majesty's per
mission not to attend you on this occasion.' If such
a course had been pursued nothing would have
resulted except one more proof added to the number
already existing, and quite sufficient for aU practical
purposes, of the extent and bitterness of the popular
feeling against the present administration. As the
conversation proceeded in the House its acrimony
increased. Ministers at length said, if we be as you
say, thus unpopular and unworthy of confidence, why
not subject us and our conduct to the proper and con
stitutional test, by submitting a raotion to this House
for an address to the Crown, praying for our dismissal ?
Sir James Graham answered this challenge, by reite
rating with many bitter taunts his opinion as to the
unpopularity and unworthiness of the administration ;
and by declaring that the time for which the rainisters
appeared so anxious was not far distant. ' Upon this
day se'nnight the sense of the Coraraons of England
wUl be taken upon that which I consider the most
vital and important of all questions — viz., whether it
is expedient or not that the state of the representation
of the people of the United Kingdora should be consi
dered with a view to its araendraent. In reference to
that question, the Duke of Wellington has declared
himself against aU reform ; and the right honourable
baronet, following his exaraple, has also declared him
self unable to see his way, and incompetent at this
VOL. I. E E

418 SPEECH OF SIR J. GRAHAM. [1830.
tirae to give an opinion on so iraportant a subject.
His Majesty's rainisters therefore and the public have
corae to an issue upon this great question, whether it
be expedient that the state of the representation shaU
be considered with a view to its alteration. This is
the point upon which we have corae to issue, and as
far as I can see, it is the declaration which has been
raade by the Duke of WeUington on that point, and
the sentiraents which have been expressed by the right
honourable baronet, that have in an incredibly short
period of tirae effected the greatest possible change in
the sentiraents of the public with regard to the
rainistry.' '
This description of the popular feeUngs and the
change which had taken place, was perfectly true — ^it
was ' the fatal declaration' of the Duke of Wellington,
as Sir James Graham subsequently termed it, that
had brought this great and sudden change and pro
duced this extrerae exciteraent. But the change in
the popular raind was not the only one that had
occurred. The feelings of Sir Jaraes Graham himself
and the party to which he then belonged, had greatly
altered respecting the question of reform. Tha't
question had suddenly in their estimation become of
vital importance; and they who only a few days
before had listened with something very like indif
ference to the announcement made by Mr. Brougham,
: that iri a fortnight he would invite the attention of
the House of Coraraons to the subject of reform,
' Mirror of Parliament, p. 131.

1830.] STATE OF PUBLIC BUSINESS. 419
before a week had elapsed, determined to take issue
with the ministry upon it. In this they only foUowed
— they did not lead the public opinion. The popular
opinion made the subject important, and the Whig
party proceeded to take advantage of an excitement,
which they had in no way contributed to raise, and
to manifest emotions of solicitation and anxiety which
only a week before they would not deign to simulate.
There were now three iraportant questions before
the House in which the public took great interest,
upon all of which the administration were on the
unpopular side. There was first the question of
reform, upon which, as Sir James Graham declared,
issue was joined between rainisters and the people;
next, there was the subject of Negro Slavery, in
which Mr. Broughara, on the 3rd of November, had
given notice, that he would upon the 25th inst. sub
mit a proposition to the House, for a Committee to
consider the best and speediest raeans for the total
abolition of slavery ; and lastly, there was the great
question of Economy, of which the Civil List yet to
be proposed was an iraportant branch.
The subject of Parliaraentary Eeforra was fixed for
the 16th of November; on that day Mr. Brougham
was pledged to submit a plan to the House for its
consideration.' The plan Mr. Brougham intended to
' The Quarterly Review of April and July, 1831, speaks of
this pledge, and says, ' Among other phenomena, the appearance
in Yorkshire of Mr. Brougham in the {to him) novel character
of a parUamentary reformer, was not the least portentous.' —
Vol. xiv. p. 281.
E E 2

420 MR. brougham's INTENDED [1830.
propose was communicated formally to the Whig
party on Saturday, the 13th, and was very generally
known, and openly canvassed. There can be no doubt
but that the ministers were perfectly aware of the
extent, and indeed every particular of the proposed
scheme, and were probably convinced that though
Mr. Brougham might obtain a majority for his motion
respecting the subject, he would not be able ultiraately
to carry the substantive raeasure as he proposed it, or
persuade parliaraent to pass a bill in which such pro
visions were embodied. When we consider the great
change which Mr. Brougham had in conteraplation,
this anticipation of the adrainistration appeared
certain to be realized.
The plan, then, as Mr. Brougham proposed it
to his asserabled friends, on Saturday, the 13th of
November, was as follows : —
1. All copyholders and leaseholders were to
have votes.
2. All householders were also to have votes,
regardless of the rent or value of the house.
3. The great towns, such as Manchester, Glasgow,
Leeds, Sheffield, and others, were to have members.
4. All the rotten boroughs were to be deprived
each of half of their present number of merabers,
leaving at least one meraber to each.

' Sir Robert Peel, in July 20, 1831, when describing Mr.
Brougham's plan of reform as explained by himself in Yorkshire,
stated positively that disfranchisement of any kind formed no
part of it. See Mirror of Parliament, 1831, Sess. 2, vol. i.
D. 716.

1830.] PLAN OF PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. 421
5. AU OUTVOTERS of Towns were to be disfran
chised, but in Counties it was intended to permit
them still to have votes.
6. Freemen to vote if resident in the borough for
six months.
7. Elections were in aU cases to be effected in
ONE day.
8. A further point was in his mind, but not so
formally propounded as the seven first mentioned, and
this was, that the number of the House of Commons
was to be restricted to 500.
As regarded Scotland and Ireland, the same prin
ciples were to be applied.
The relative numbers as regarded Scotland were to
remain as at present, Ireland was to have 100, if the
whole number were to be as now, 658 ; but if that were
reduced to 500, then Ireland was to have 80 merabers.
The Universities were to remain as at present,*
By this scherae, the whole character of the House
of Commons would have been changed. Whether the
change would have been beneficial we need not now

' MS, of Lord Brougham, In a debate on April 14, 1831,
the Lord ChanceUor, speaking of his own plan, in answer to
Lord Carnarvon, said of it, ' There is no such mighty difference
between my project for reform and the plan matured by his
Majesty's ministers; that plan went considerably further th4n
that now under consideration, I certainly do not mean to say
that it proposed to disfranchise aU these boroughs, but this I
wiU say, that with respect to the extension of the franchise
to inhabitant householders, the BiU recently introduced falls
far short of that plan.' — Mirror of Parliament, 1831, p. 1402.

422 MR, brougham's plan. [1830.
inquire ; certain it is, that by it a more democratic
character would have been given to that branch in
the legislature, and that predominance which a very
small number of great landed proprietors had hitherto
enjoyed would at once have ceased to exist. To this
change, if it were to be peaceably effected, not only
the House of Coraraons but the House of Lords raust
be consenting ; and no one yet believed that an influ
ence could be found sufficient to persuade the Lords
to consent to so large a diminution of their power.
The calculations of the ministers, then, need not sur
prise us — they were such as any prudent raan would
have raade at that time ; no one unless endowed with
a spirit of prophecy could have foretold the remark
able events that were so soon to occur.
The ministers were resolved, however, and for
obvious reasons, not to take the issue which the
people and the party of the opposition offered them.'

' The Duke of Wellington, when speaking of the cause of his
retirement, and endeavouring to show that reform had nothing to
do with it, thus satisfactorily answered himself: ' I was defeated
on the civil list; in short, the government was placed in a
minority. Upon that, finding that I had the misfortune no
longer to enjoy the confidence of the House of Commons, I
thought proper to resign the situation I held in his Majesty's
service. Upon that occasion parliamentary reform had no more
to do, as far as I was concerned, with the resignation which I
tendered to his Majesty on the day following the defeat on the
civil list, than anything else in the world. I admit I resigned
next morning, because I did not wish to expose his Majesty and
the country to the consequences that might result from the govern
ment going out on the success of the question of parliamentary

1830.] TACTICS OF MINISTERS. 423
If Mr. Brougham were successful in his proposed
scheme, and obtained a majority in his favour, his
chance of eventual success, though still smaU, would be
increased. The public expectations would be greatly
excited, and the disappointraent to which it was sup
posed they were inevitably dooraed would be raore
bitter, and might therefore lead to mischievous conse
quences. The ministers therefore determined to ascer
tain the strength of their combined opponents (for it
was now clear that corabined they would be) on the
subject of the civil list. This question, moreover,
was beset with difficulties for the opposition, which
they at the present raoraent would be glad not to
encounter. The Whigs, from the raoraent of the pre
sent king's accession, had manifested a very anxious
solicitude as to his personal feelings — his dislikes and
predUections. They were profuse of compliments —
exceedingly fervent in their expressions of loyalty and
attachment — showed themselves, in fact, very desirous
of gaining his goodwiU — very fearful of giving him
offence. Kings, like other men, are peculiarly sus-

reform.' — Mirror of Parliament, 1831, p, 1206. And yet the
Duke goes on to say, with a sort of blind pertinacity, ' but to
say I resigned on account of parUamentary reform, is wrong.'
Sir E. Peel, however, said, July 20, 1831, in the House of
Commons, ' that though we retired on the civil Ust question,
with rega,rd to which we were in a minority, yet it is impossible
to deny that the anticipation of the probable manifestation of
opinion on the question of reform in this House, entered into
the consideration of the government.' — See Mirror of Parlia
ment, July 20, 1831.

424 DETERMINE TO BEGIN THE [1830.
ceptible on the subject of money; so that when the
question of the civil list came to be discussed, the
opposition would find themselves in a disagreeable
dUemma. If they were liberal in their votes of money,
and thus sought to win the favour of the sovereign and
the court, they would raost certainly give offence to
the people, and weaken that popularity which at this
raoment made them formidable. If, however, they
sought, by econoray, to strengthen their power with
the public, they would infallibly raake eneraies araong
those who surrounded and influenced the king, and pro
bably displease the king hiraself. The mere discussion
besides was dangerous. In the hurry and exciteraent
of debate, expressions fall from unwary or unskilful
speakers which by them may be quickly forgotten,
but which rankle deeply in royal bosoms, and for a
longer tirae than in those, of less exalted persons. The
less a man has to think of, and the more highly he is
taught to think of himself, the more easily is he
offended, and the raore lasting is his anger, the raore
bitter his hate. To an opposition seeking office, the
discussion of a civil list must always prove difficult
and full of peril.
The ministry determined therefore to begin the con
test upon the question of the civU list. Sir Henry
ParneU had given notice that he would, when the
government proposed to vote the civil list of the new
sovereign, raove for a select coraraittee on the subject.
Such a motion if carried would show that the adminis
tration no longer possessed the confidence of the House,

1830.] CONTEST ON THE CIVIL LIST. 425
and would justify, nay, would render necessary a
change in the government of the country. A victory
on the other hand, and of this, the adrainistration
beUeved theraselves assured, would shatter and dis
tract the opposition, and render their after proceed
ings uncertain, and might probably dishearten, and
thus sow dissensions araongst them. On the* 15th
of Noveraber, the Chancellor of the Exchequer raoved
that the House do resolve itself into a Coraraittee of
the whole House on the civil list, whereupon Sir
H. Parnell raade the raotion of which he had given
notice. The debate which succeeded, though short, and
maintained almost entirely by Sir H. Parnell on the
part of the opposition, and by the Chancellor of the
Exchequer for the ministry, was nevertheless impor
tant. The party by whom the amendment was pro
posed had little expectation of being successful. They
looked upon it as one of the coraraon raodes of oppo
sition, and never thought that what they now pro
pounded, as the opponents of an adrainistration, they
would be immediately expected to put in practice as
their successors in office. The world however long
remembered the statements and declarations then
made by Sir H. ParneU in the name of the Whig
party, and often recurred to them as tests of the
sincerity and good faith of those who had employed
these professions of economy as means of party war
fare. Sir Henry ParneU complained of the complexity
of the accounts and the largeness of the sum de-

426 DEBATE ON THE CIVIL LIST. [1830.
manded by the administration for the civil list of the
new king. That sum amounted to 970,000^. — for
everything, which at that time was included in what
was called the civU Ust. The Scotch and Irish civil
Usts were included under the head of the English
civU Ust; and although a saving of 85,000?. was
asserted by the government to have been raade in the
whole items of expense, Sir Henry declared himself un
able to ascertain how such saving had been effected, or
whether in fact it had been effected at all. The new
reign, he said, afforded an admirable opportunity for
thoroughly revising the heterogeneous expenditure pro
vided for by the civil list ; and that the disturbed state
of the country showed the time had arrived at which
a minute exaraination should be carried into every
branch of expenditure : ' I trust,' said he, ' that the
deraands of the people of England to have their
burdens diminished, will on this occasion be attended
to, and that this House will not continue to give its
sanction to that extravagant expenditure which has
led this country into its present financial difficulties.'*
His proposal was to appoint a committee, which
should examine into and reduce if possible every item
included under the term civil list. He followed step
by step the expenditure as classed by the rainisters,
and commented on, and condemned the extravagance
manifested under each head. The royal salaries he
considered improperly regulated by the scale of 1820,

" Mirror of Parliament, 1830, Sess. 2, p. 237.

1830.] SIR H. PARNELL's SPEECH. 427
when the civil list of the late king, George IV., had
been settled, which scale, he asserted, was higher than
any before known. The pensions of the English,
Scotch, and Irish civU list, in his opinion, also re
quired revision and instant curtailment; so did the
salaries of our ministers at foreign courts, and the
salaries charged on the superannuation fund. The
EngUsh civil list had in some degree been the subject
of inquiry, and from what had already been discovered,
it was clear that a more searching investigation was
needed ; but the Irish civU list, and that of Scotland,
had never been looked into. The hereditary revenues
of Scotland especially was a subject which demanded
light to be thrown on it, yet had those revenues been
studiously withheld from any species of scrutiny.
Three propositions on which Sir Henry strenuously
insisted excited especial attention, and won for him
assent to his general proposal to inquire. The first
of these was, that the amount of all the items taken
together was too large, and might be easily and bene-
ficiaUy reduced. The second, that the scale upon
which the personal expenses of the monarch were
regulated was, when originally adopted, extravagant,
and now still more so, because of the fall in the price
of all commodities, except money, the purchasing
power of which had in other words greatly increased ;
and the last proposition was, that the items of expense
jumbled together under the one head of civU list,
ought to be carefully separated one from the other.
He stated that some of these should be permanentiy

428 SPEECH OF SIR H. PARNELL. [1830.
provided for, whUe others should be subjected to
constant revision by being placed among the annual
votes of parliament: — That the monarch's personal
expenses, and all that was needed for his corafort and
dignity, ought to be kept by theraselves and not con
founded with other subjects of expense of a nature
entirely different, and in no way connected with the
king, his feelings, or comfort, or with the dignity of
the crown: — That the country ought not to be induced
to suppose that a raiUion was voted and provided for
the king and the royal family, when in reality a sura
not exceeding 400,000?. was destined to that purpose :
— That for the sake of the king, as well as the people,
a clear understanding should be come to on this
subject, and to that end an accurate investigation
was absolutely necessary. The whole subject, too,
of what is called the hereditary revenue, required
strict inquiry, in order that the real expenditure and
incorae should be placed before parliament. Much
confusion and misconception arose frora the manner
in which those revenues were spoken of and dealt
with, and no real economy could be effected with
respect to them while they were permitted to remain
in the present unsatisfactory condition.
The concluding observation of Sir Henry ParneU
deserves remark. ' In conclusion,' he said, ' 1 would
beg to observe that the wish of those who support
this motion is that his Majesty may continue to be
the most popular, and the raost deservedly popular,
monarch that ever sat on the throne of these realms.'

1830.] SPEECH OF SIR H. PARNELL. 429
For what purpose was such a statement hazarded?
William the Fourth at this time had done nothing to
earn such a character. He had indeed succeeded to a
king who had for some years withdrawn hiraself frora
the public gaze, and who was generally supposed to
live in his seclusion a dissolute and crapulous life.
By the contrast, the present king appeared in a favour
able Ught. But if Sir Henry Parnell raeant what he
said, when he asserted that Williara the Fourth was
at that tirae the most deservedly popular king that
England had ever seen, he must indeed have had a
strange notion of what are the great duties and obli
gations devolving upon the sovereign of a powerful
people. If indeed he did not mean what he said, then
does he deserve grave rebuke, for having bestowed
this fulsome praise upon a raonarch whora he knew to
be whoUy unworthy of such panegyric. Waste of
money is not tiie only culpable extravagance — praise
thus bestowed often does more injury than money
thrown away.
To the proposal of Sir Henry Parnell the govern
ment resolved to give a direct refusal, and the Chan
cellor of the Exchequer replied to his speech by utter
ing a string of denials and assertions without order
or connexion. The feeling of the old high Tory party
was shown by Mr. Bankes and Mr. Holme Sumner
declaring themselves favourable to the araendraent.
The debate, however, seeraed to excite no great inte
rest, and a division was called and taken alraost
directly. None of the great speakers or leading mem-

430 DEFEAT OF THE ADMINISTRATION. [1830.
bers took any part in the discussion ; and suddenly,
and to the surprise of all raen, the adrainistration
found themselves in a minority on a question which
put an end at once to their official existence.* The
numbers were —
For the original motion . . . 204
For the amendment for a com
mittee of inquiry . . . . 233

Majority .... 29
No sooner were the nurabers declared, than Mr.
Hobhouse, with more eagerness than good taste or
good feeling, rose and said, ' Sir, may I ask the right
honourable baronet (Sir Eobert Peel) whether, after

' Eumour said, and we believe rumour in this instance was
correct, that the Duke of WeUington was highly displeased by
the negligence which allowed of this surprise. The result was
anticipated by nobody; and the probability is, that if the defeat
of the ministers had been considered probable, or even possible,
many votes would have been differently given, and many ob
tained from persons not present at the division. Some were
absent from carelessness, some from anger. Of the first class,
most would have been recalled to their posts by the fear of
defeat, and many of the second class also. Many a pouting
supporter, who would show his displeasure by absence when no
real danger threatened, would be among the first and most eager
to vote when the existence of his party was at stake. The
Duke's notion of discipUne was sorely disturbed by the conduct
of the subordinates on this occasion; while his confidence inthe
generalship of the leader in the House of Commons was also
greatly shaken. In proof of the assertion that this result was
not expected. Lord Sidmouth's evidence may be adduced : ' Last
night's division was a surprise to the ministers and their oppo
nents.' — Life of Lord Sidmouth, vol. iii. p. 428.

1830.] MINISTERS RESIGN. 431
such an expression of the opinion of the House, it is
the intention of ministers to retain their places, and
to continue to carry on the business of the govern
ment? Sir, I shall take an opportunity of putting
this question to an issue.' Mr. Brougham, seeing the
blunder coraraitted by this eager partisan,* gently sug
gested that, although natural, the question was pre
mature ; and turned it aside by himself asking Sir
Henry Parnell whether it would not be better to post
pone appointing the coraraittee till the morrow. The
House, however, decided upon appointing the com
mittee at once, which was done. Some routine busi
ness then followed, and this reraarkable sitting was
closed, and the House adjourned at half-past ten.
And thus ended the adrainistration of the Duke of
WeUington. The scene which occurred upon the succeeding
evening excited extraordinary interest and curiosity.
AU were anxious to hear the rainisterial declarations.
Whether the Duke of Wellington would under such
circurastances resign, or whether he would try a second
contest, no one except the raerabers of the cabinet
knew during the early part of the day ; and as there
is always soraething exciting and dramatic in the

^ Mr. Hobhouse, on a subsequent occasion (March 3, 1831),
made a most handsome apology for this somewhat indecorous
haste. The manliness and generous feeling evinced by Mr.
Hobhouse on this last occasion, completely atoned for any want
of courtesy in the present instance. — See Mirror of Parliament,
p. 634. (1831.)

432 SCENE IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. [1830.
transactions of parliament when the fate of an adrai
nistration is about to be declared, the two Houses
were crowded both by raerabers and strangers. There
was also another circumstance which, as affecting the
coming rainistry, was looked to with no common inte
rest. The motion of Mr. Brougham for a reform in
parliament stood for that evening, and he had openly
and rather ostentatiously declared that he had no
intention of postponing his measure; and, though
aware before he entered the House that the rainistry
had resigned, and that Lord Grey had been sent for
by the king and coraraanded to form an administra
tion, he was apparently about to proceed and propound
his plan. Up to the last moraent the public was un
certain as to what course he would pursue. One of
the sheriffs of London appeared at the bar of the
House with a petition signed by the Lord Mayor,
Aldermen, and Coraraons of the city of London, in
favour of reforra ; and Mr. Alderman Wood, a great
and known friend of Mr. Brougham, on raoving that
the petition be read, took occasion to give at sorae
length the history of the petition, stating that the
declaration lately made by the Duke of Wellington
had compelled the corporation again to express their
opinions on the subject, and to lay before the House the
deliberate assertion of thera again. These prelimina
ries induced many to suppose that Mr. Brougham stUl
held to his previously expressed intentions.
Sir Eobert Peel now forraally stated to the House
that the administration had resigned in consequence

1830.] MR. brougham's MOTION POSTPONED. 433
of the last night's vote, and that he and his colleagues
only held their offices tiU their successors should be
appointed. Lord Althorp, who acted as leader of the Whig
party, thereupon rose to suggest to Mr. Brougham
the propriety of postponing 'the serious and ira
portant debate' intended for that evening, to a raore
fitting opportunity. The answer given to this sug
gestion by Mr. Brougham excited attention and
eager curiosity. Mr. Brougham knew before he
entered the House that the Duke of Wellington's
administration was at an end ; he knew also that Lord
Grey was coraraanded to form another; and although
he had learned this late in the day, and was there
fore himself in a state of suspense during the whole
morning as to whether he should be called upon to
make his motion, yet when he entered the House the
cause of that suspense no longer existed, and he raust
have deterrained in his own mind not to proceed on
that evening. ' But of the future he was by no raeans
certain. He felt, what indeed all the world felt, that
he, and the peculiar position which he held, was, and
must continue to be, a subject of great difficulty and
anxiety to the Whig leaders and the Whig party.

¦ He was, indeed, wholly unprepared, was without notes or
documents of any kind, and had abstained from going through
the labour of preparation, because he had learned from one of
the retiring ministry their determination to resign. He did not
prepare for a speech, because he had determined not to make
one.

VOL. I. F F

434 CONDUCT OF MR. BROUGHAM [1830.
He must also have felt, what aU the world believed,
that the wish of the Whig leaders was, if possible, to
frame an administration without him, but that to do
so was not easy, if it were possible ; and that, conse
quently, the great and embarrassing question would
be what post they should offer, and what post he
could be induced to accept. Up to this moment no
coraraunication had been made to him, except that
which inforraed him, that Lord Grey had been sent
for by the king; and the answer which he gave to
Lord Althorp must have made raanifest to his noble
friend, as doubtless was intended, that Mr. Brougham
was not in a mood which raade neglect of him and
his pretensions politic or even safe. Mr. Brougham
declared, that he was anxious at all times, out of
his suprerae respect to the House, to defer to its
wishes and act upon its suggestion. The question
of reforra was, as his noble friend had said, the
most important question ever submitted to parlia
ment. Of this iraportance he was himself deeply
sensible, as well as of the responsibility he incurred
in undertaking to propose it for consideration, and
of the difficulty in which he was now placed by
the request of Lord Althorp, backed as that request
was by the expressed wishes of others. ' I am
anxious,' said the learned gentleraan, ' of course, both
frora the respect which I owe to the House, and out
of regard to the interest of the question itself (he said
nothing as to his desire to raeet his friend's wishes) to
defer to the declared sense of the House, as well as to

1830.] ON THAT OCCASION. 435
the shape in which I shall bring forward the motion,
as to the manner in which I shall bring it forward,
and to the time at which I shall bring it forward. I
throw myself therefore fully, freely, and respectfuUy
upon the House. If the raotion be put off, I own it
wiU be contrary to ray opinion and to ray feelings.
The House raay be right, or it raay be wrong ; I raay
be right, or I may be wrong ; but I think I ara right.'
I beg it therefore to be understood, that if I yield I
do so in deference to the wishes of the House. And,
further, as no change that may take place in the admi
nistration can hy any possibility affect me, I beg it to
be understood, that in putting off the raotion, I will
put it off tiU the 25th of this month, and no longer.
I will then, and at no more distant day, bring for
ward the question of parliaraentary reforra, whatever
may be the condition of circumstances and whosoever
may be his Majesty's ministers.'^
Every word of this statement tended to prove that
he who uttered it was jealous, suspicious, and in some
degree actually displeased. The detractors from Mr.
Brougham's farae irapute to him a wish for office —
as if such a wish were an unworthy desire — and they
appeal to the above words in proof of their assertion,
' He does not state upon what he might be right or wrong,
and appears to be what is vulgarly caUed beating about the
bush. If he meant the House to beUeve that he, if pefmitted,
intended to proceed with his motion, then the whole speech was
an artifice; as it is certain that he entered the House with the
fixed determination not to proceed.
' Mirror of Parliament, ibid, p, 273,
F F 2

436 CONDUCT OF ME, BROUGHAM. [1830.
as to what they are pleased to caU his lust for place.
There is, however, nothing necessarily unworthy in a
desire, an anxious desire for office and the power
which office gives. That which is unworthy in such
circurastances is, not the desiring office, but desiring it
for unworthy and selfish ends, and the being ready to
pursue those ends by unworthy raeans. That Mr.
Broughara should desire office, and high office, was, in
his position, natural and praiseworthy. His activity
and ability had in no slight degree aided the Whig
party ; and by his own ability he had placed himself
at the very head of the great popular feeling of his
country. He had been raost triuraphantly elected to
the representation of the raost distinguished consti
tuency of the country — he was, for all purposes of
debate, the leader of the great opposition party in the
House of Coraraons — he was at that raoraent, without
doubt, an object of great regard and confidence to the
whole popular party in the country; and every
suggestion of prudence and of a high-rainded and
exalted arabition led hira to declare hiraself the great
popular chief, and at all hazards, and no matter at
what sacrifice as regarded personal ambition or feel
ings of personal and party friendship, steadily to
maintain that character. The really difficult question
for him to determine at this raoraent was, whether he
could raaintain that character and yet hold office with
the Whig party. The phrase eraployed by him this
evening seeraed to say that he had decided the question
in the negative, and that he had resolved to forego aU
expectation of place. The world so construed these

1830.] CONDUCT OF MR. BROUGHAM. 437
expressions. When again, on the succeeding evening
the learned gentleraan reiterated the assertion that he
had no connexion with the new adrainistration, many
persons believed, more firmly than before, that his
resolution was fixed to be the great popular chief, and
to separate himself from all raere party ties. But
there v/ere others who put a very different interpreta
tion upon these eager professions of a disregard of
office. They said that these voluntary denials were
the offspring of a veheraent desire for place, and a
fear lest he should be passed over — that his motion
was insisted on in order to make the incoming party
feel his great power and their own utter inability to
conduct the government without his friendly aid,
which aid would not be given unless he was himself
accepted as one of the great chiefs of the coraing
administration. The result seemed in sorae degree to
justify this last description. The history, nevertheless,
of the whole transaction, as related by those who were
the chief actors in the scene which they described,
accounts very differently for all that occurred. Lord
Grey, up to the last hour of his Ufe, remained in
apparently friendly and cordial relations with Mr.,
afterwards Lord, Broughara; and their joint descrip
tion of the circumstances under which Mr. Brougham
consented to give up his great independent position
and become, in fact, one of the leaders of the Whig
government, places in a strong light the many diffi
culties of Mr. Brougham's position, and raay probably
induce posterity to judge of the course which he
determined to pursue with more of favour and leniency

438 CONFLICTING STATEMENTS [1830.
than the violent prejudices of party permit his co-
temporaries to exhibit. Subsequent events, which
severed the old party ties, have so rautually embittered
the minds of aU the chief actors in these raeraorable
scenes, that an unprejudiced judgment frora them re
specting the conduct of those with whom they acted,
we may look for in vain ; and passion so distorts the
memory as well as the judgment, that an accurate
statement of facts seeras as difficult of attainment as a
just appreciation of the facts when related. At every
step we are raet with contradictions with respect to
the events as they are said to have occurred. We
need not wonder to find conclusions at variance with
each other, when the preraises on which they rest are
thus unsettled.
One party — the one most favourable to Mr.
Broughara — thus relates the history: —
Lord Grey, when commanded by the king to form
an administration, obeyed the injunctions of his
Majesty with the belief, 1st, that without Mr.
Brougham's co-operation he could not forra an efficient
government ; and 2ndly, that there was no objection
on the part of the king to Mr. Brougham's receiving
some iraportant office. Under this irapression, the first
list of the proposed adrainistration and its friends sub
raitted to the king contained the narae of Mr. Brougham
as Master ofthe EoUs.* To this arrangement, it is said.

' This programme must have contained some name as that
of the proposed chancellor. The name by some was said to
have been that of Sir J. Leach, as weU as that of Lord

1830.] RESPECTING THAT CONDUCT. 439
the king immediately and pereraptorUy objected.
That the king should have so positively prohibited
this arrangeraent certainly seems strange. That the
king had no invincible objection to Mr. Brougham was
made plain by the result. Why, then, should he, the
king, have objected to his being Master of the EoUs?
The office is certainly perraanent ; and he who holds it
may sit, and often has sat, in the House of Commons :
and Mr. Brougham, with such a perraanent office, and
a seat in the Coraraons, would have been truly formid
able — but not as regarded the king. The king would
have had no reason to fear hira. The persons who,
under such circumstances, would indeed have had
good cause for alarm were his Whig friends, and
from them would the objection most naturally corae.
But nevertheless the king himself, according to the
statement of Lord Grey to the person most interested,
did spontaneously and peremptorily object. An offer

Plunkett. The name of Lord Lyndhurst has also of late years
been mentioned, but such a proposal can hardly be deemed
possible. The changes of that noble lord have indeed been
great and sudden, and his notions respecting political opinions
are and always have been exceedingly lax and accommodating;
but such an appointment, at such a time, would have created
incurable doubt and suspicion in the public mind, and have
destroyed the new ministry at the very outset. Sir John Leach
would, it was thought, be wilUng to resign the office of Master
of the Rolls, in order to make way for Mr. Brougham, if he
received a peerage, and was made Lord ChanceUor of Ireland
—Lord Plunkett coming, according to this programme, to
England as the EngUsh Lord ChanceUor; by no means an
improbable, and certainly not an unwise arrangement.

440 NEGOTIATIONS WITH [1830.
was in the meantirae raade to Mr. Broughara, through
Lord Duncannon, with which the world becarae, in
sorae raanner not explained, acquainted, and on which
raost of the iraputations which the opponents of Mr.
Broughara so freely cast upon him entirely rested.
Lord Duncannon was comraissioned to inquire whether
he would accept the office of Attorney-General. This
offer was at once positively and (it is said) calmly^
refused: — upon which Lord Grey declared that his
hopes of being able to frarae a cabinet were at an end,
and waited on his Majesty for the purpose of com
municating to him the failure of his negotiation, and
the impossibility now of forming an administration.
' Why so ?' was the king's inquiry. ' Why not raake
hira Chancellor? Have you thought of that?' The
answer was, ' No — your Majesty's objection to the one
appointraent seems to preclude the other.' ' Not at
all, not at aU,' was the king's reply. The reasons for
the one appointment and against the other were said
to have been then very clearly stated by his Majesty,
and orders were given to offer Mr. Broughara the
seals. Lp to this moment no other coraraunication than
the one above-described had been made to Mr.

' I own that I am sceptical as to this supposed calmness on
the part of the learned gentleman. That he should feel hurt, if
not insulted, by such an exclusion from the cabinet, would have
been natural, and by no means deserving reproach; and that
anger, under such circumstances, should find words and acts by
which to manifest itself is nothing wonderful.

1830.] MR. BROUGHAM. 441
Brougham by or on behalf of Lord Grey ;' and up
to this moment, it was the intention of Mr. Brougham
to retain his distinguished position in the Coraraons,
untrarameled by office; and when from the raarked
lead he had taken in all the proceedings of the
opposition men were naturally led to ask, and speculate
upon what was to be his position in the new order of
things, he quite as naturally attempted to satisfy the
public curiosity respecting hiraself. He had done
this in sorae degree on the 16 th of Noveraber, when
he consented to postpone his motion respecting
reform; and again on the 17th, when Sir Matthew
White Eidley proposed to postpone certain inquiries into
election petitions, because of the absence of the rainis
ters, Mr. Brougham took occasion to define the indepen
dent position he desired to hold, by saying, ' He (Sir M.

' Mr. Croker, when the writ for Knaresborough (Mr.
Brougham was returned for Knaresborough as well as York
shire) was moved in the House of Commons, on the 23rd Nov.,
took occasion to comment on the conduct of Mr. Brougham.
This proceeding on the part of Mr. Croker seemed rather to
have been suggested by spite and envy, than by any real care for
the pubUc interest, or for the character of pubUc men, though
that flimsy pretence was used on the occasion to justify this
ebullition of vulgar spleen. Speaking, however, of the volun
teer declarations of Mr. Brougham, he asks, ' Were the asser
tions in question meant as a stimulant? Had the then honourable
gentleman been neglected? or, what is worse, had he previously
been offered some post that he did not think suitable to his high
character and .station in society?' — Mirror of Parliament, p. 327.
This alludes to a story prevalent at the time, that the ofiice of
Attorney-General had been offered to, and contemptuomly refused
by Mr. Brougham.

442 NEGOTIATIONS WITH [1830;
Eidley) says that ministers wiU not be in their places,
and that therefore we cannot proceed. But I here
beg leave to differ from the honourable baronet. We
can do many things in these days without the assist
ance of rainisters; and with respect to election-
petitions, we can do just as well without them as
with them. I speak this with all due respect for the
future adrainistration, and with all due respect for
the distinguished persons of whora it may be cora
posed, and who will undoubtedly govern the country
upon right principles. / have nothing to do with
them except in the respect I hear them, and as a
member of this House. I state this for the information
of those who may feel any interest in the matter.'^
Having thus atterapted to satisfy the curiosity of
those who felt an interest in the matter, and having
again on Friday, the 19th of November, presented
petitions, and spoken on them in the Commons, Mr.
Brougham certainly surprised the world by suddenly,
on the next Monday, November 22nd, appearing as
Lord Chancellor in the House of Lords.
This sudden change in the deterraination of Mr.
Broughara resulted chiefly frora considerations of
party. Had he thought solely of himself, he could
not but be aware of the great personal loss which he
sustained by his elevation to the peerage. If the
statements, however, raade by Lord Grey were correct;
if the successful forraation of the Whig administra-

Mirror of Parliament, ibid. p. 280.

1830.J MR. BROUGHAM. 443
tion depended upon Mr. Brougham's active co-opera
tion; and if his refusal would have led to the
reconstruction of the old Tory rainistry, then indeed
we need not be surprised to find that Mr. Brougham
should shrink from incurring the lasting anger and
active enmity of the whole Whig party by keeping
aloof frora them, and thereby preventing them, per
haps for another quarter of a century, tasting the
sweets of office. For thus ran the argument of those
Whig friends, who induced him to accept the offer of
the seals. ' If you refuse. Lord Grey will finally
declare to the king that he is unable to form a
cabinet. The whole Whig party will ascribe this evil
result to your selfishness. That very circumstance
upon which you insist as your chief pride, and which
gives you your present power and importance — viz.,
the representation of Yorkshire, will only belong to
you for the present parliament. A contest at the
next election will be inevitable, and your Whig friends
wiU be either hostile or lukewarm. The enormous
expense of a Yorkshire election is beyond the power
of your purse, and you will have therefore to return,
if you can find one, to sorae presentation borough or
populous town. Your proposed raeasure, too, of
reform wUl never be so likely to succeed as by the
endeavours, and under the auspices of a governraent
pledged to bring forward and support sorae large
scheme of parliamentary reform. As the Chancellor
of such a rainistry, you wiU be called upon to render
a service to the cause of reform which no other man

444 MR. BROUGHAM LORD CHANCELLOR. [1830.
can render — and which you cannot render in any
other character. We see, and we acknowledge, the
personal sacrifice we ask you to make. We know
that if you siraply look to personal considerations ; if
you think only of your own influence apart frora all
considerations of the public good, you wUl reraain in
the House of Commons and wield the great power
which your singular abilities confer upon you as a
raember of that House. But we appeal to higher
motives, asking you to think less of yourself and
more of your country, and to adopt that course which
will give effect to the principles which during your
whole political life you have endeavoured to advance.'
This argument thus skilfully employed produced the
effect desired, and Mr. Broughara passed alraost
directly from the bar of the House at which he
had as counsel been engaged when this argument was
used, to the woolsack, and took his seat as Lord Chan
cellor before the patent which created him a peer was
made out.'

' The arguments as stated in the text were employed by
two noble friends of Mr. Brougham, on the morning of Friday,
\9th November, 1830. On the afternoon of Monday, 22nd of
November, he presided in the Lords as Chancellor, though at
the time not a peer. This by the carping enemies of the new
Chancellor was called indecent haste; and Mr. Croker was, in
consequence, on a sudden seized with a novel and violent fer
vour of patriotism and respect for constituencies. As Mr.
Brougham was the only man of the new cabinet ennobled by his
genius, all the crawling tribes endeavoured to assail him. See
Appendix A.

1830.] LORD GREY'S MINISTERIAL STATEMENT. 445
On the evening of the 22nd, while Mr. Brougham
was presiding as Lord Chancellor, Lord Grey raade his
first statement in the character of prirae rainister, and
in general terras set forth the principles upon which his
government would be conducted. Prominently, and
directly in the foreground, the noble lord placed the
question of reforra in parliament. He had, he said,
whUe out of office, declared that the great question
of reform could be satisfactorily introduced by the
government alone, and that the governraent ought
immediately to propound some raeasure respecting it.
What out of office he had professed, he was about,
now that he was in office, to perforra ; and he promised
that -a proposal for the reforra of our representative
system should be introduced immediately for the
consideration of parliament; a proposal not of any
wUd or unreasoning change — not of universal suf
frage — not a raere theory of pretended accuracy and
efficiency. He desired to stand as much as possible
on the fixed and settled institutions of the country.
What he sought was to do all that was necessary to
secure to the people a due influence in the great
council of the nation, and of restoring by that raeans
confidence and satisfaction in the deterrainations of
parliament. Anything short of this would, he said,
be insufficient ; but while seeking for this end, he was
anxious not to disturb by violent changes the esta
blished principles and practice of the constitution.
And he then announced to the Lords, that to such

446 LORD grey's exposition [1830.
a raeasure he had secured his Majesty's gracious
assent. Besides this great subject of reforra. Lord Grey also
proraised to consider iraraediately the iraportant raatter
of the poor, and the laws which regulate the provision
which the state provides for them.
He then most earnestly declared that he and his
colleagues would direct their serious attention to
economy in every department of the state ; and every
saving that could be safely adopted, would be raade
with the most ' unflinching severity.' '
While such were his principles and promises
respecting our home or doraestic concerns, of those
which regarded our neighbours, he assured their lord
ships that peace and araity with all the world, aud
raore especially with France, would be the object of
his raost ardent desire. To raaintain peace by all
means consistent with the honour of the country, and,
therefore, as far as possible to preserve a system of
non-interference, would be the first object and first
duty of hiraself and his colleagues. The words of the
noble lord respecting our relations with France excited
universal interest, and earned universal adrairation.
' But between governraents like those of France
and England, standing on the sarae principles of public
liberty, and influenced by that great interest, there
will be, I trust, a siraUarity of sentiraent and feeling,
and a sincere desire to maintain the peace of Europe, by

' Mirror of Parliament, 1830, Sess. 2, p. 310, et seq.

1830.] OF HIS INTENDED COURSE. 447
a conduct totally exerapt from aU views of aggrandise
ment and ambition, and to secure that good under
standing and confidence which ought to prevail
between two great and enlightened nations.' '
He suraraed up his statements by this general
declaration —
' To sum up aU in a few words, — the principles on
which I now stand, and upon which the administra
tion is prepared to act are, the amelioration of existing
abuses, the promotion of the most rigid economy in
every branch of the public expenditure, and, lastly,
every endeavour that can be raade by governraent to
preserve peace, consistent with the honour and cha
racter of the country. Upon these principles I have
undertaken an office to which I have neither the affec
tation nor presumption to state that I am equal. I
have arrived at a period of life when retirement is
more to be desired than active employment; and I
can assure your lordships, that I should not have
emerged frora it, had I not found — raay I be permitted
to say thus rauch without incurring the charge of
vanity or arrogance? — had I not found myself, owing
to accidental circumstances, certainly not to any raerit
of my own, placed in a situation in which if I had
declined the task I had every reason to believe that
any attempt to forra a new governraent on principles
which I could support would have been unsuccessful.
Urged by these considerations, being at the same time

' Mirror of Parliament, 1830, p. 314.

448 LORD GREY PRIME MINISTER. [1830.
aware of my own inability, but acting in accordance
with my sense of public duty, I have undertaken the
government of the country at the present moraentous
crisis.' '
This declaration on the part of the new preraier
excited very general interest throughout the country,
and rendered hira and his colleagues for the tirae
exceedingly popular. Sorae of these colleagues were
known to the public as having generally expressed
liberal opinions of the Whig school. -The plain pro-
raises of their chief were believed, and the public
expectation was high in consequence.
Lord Grey hiraself had been in early life, and
during the terrible tragedy of the French revolution,
an avowed reforraer. His declarations of principles
in those days went soraewhat further than the leading
Whigs chose to follow. There was, however, in Lord
Grey's manner at every period of his life a certain
stateliness, which induced both his friends and his
opponents to class him as a very aristocratic liberal.
There was nothing in his mental or moral character
which fitted him for the career of a demagogue — and
all his efforts in support of an extension of the suffrage,
though sometiraes in arguraent supported and enforced

' Mirror of Parliament, 1830, p. 314 : see also p. 471.
Lord Grey in a speech on Lord Wynford's motion, for a com
mittee to inquire into the causes of the general distress, stated in
general terms his opinion as to the influence of past govern
ments on the happiness of the people, blaming the war with
France, and the taxation which necessarily resulted from it.

1830.] LORD GREY PRIME MINISTER. 449
by wide generalities respecting popular rights, never
made him a favourite with the people. Later in life,
when he became a peer, his fervour on the question of
reform was very much diminished, and his attention,
like that of all other men of those days, was directed
to the great struggle maintained with Napoleon.
Lord Grey was inclined to peace so long as it was
possible — and never failed to give expression to his
peaceful desires upon all fitting occasions. When at
length peace carae, and Napoleon was subdued, he
again from time to time expressed his opinion as to
the necessity of a reform in parliament. This opinion
was stated with a certain grave earnestness which
made men believe it to be that really entertained by
the noble lord. There was, however, nothing beyond
the decorous gravity which always attended him,
which induced the world to put faith in these profes
sions. He spoke without passion, and never evinced
much sympathy with the people. In this he greatly
differed from his more celebrated and far more gifted
colleague. Lord Chancellor Brougham, who, if he could
have acquired the even, equable manner of the premier,
would probably have retained that public confidence
and admiration which his ardour and his genius had
excited. The remaining members of Lord Grey's
cabinet, with the exception of Sir Jaraes Grahara and
Lord Palmerston, were persons of very narrow abiUty
—of smaU reputation for talent — and without influence
with the people either on the ground of capacity or
on that of earnest popular leanings. The aristocratic
VOL. I. G G

450 ADMINISTRATION OF LOED GREY. [1830.
character of this liberal administration also excited
remark; and men observed that there were only two
members of the cabinet who were not either peers or
the sons of peers.' The list was as foUows :—
Lord Grey  First Lord of the Treasury, and
Premier.
Lord Brougham  Lord Chancellor.^
Lord Althorp  Chancellor of the Exchequer, and
leader of the Ilouse of Commons.
Marquis of Lansdowne ... President of the CouncU.
Lord Durham'  Lord Privy Seal.
Lord Melbourne  Secretary of State, Home De
partment.
Lord Palmerston  Secretary of State, Foreign Af
fairs.
Lord Goderich  Secretary of State, Colonies.
Sir James Graham  First Lord ofthe Admiralty.
Mr. Charles Grant  President of the Board of Control.
Duke of Eichmond  Postmaster- General.
Lord Holland  Chancellor of the Duchy of Lan
caster.
Lord Carlisle  Without office.
Besides these raerabers of the cabinet, there were
other persons in office, who enjoyed an influence very
little, if at all, inferior to that of sorae of the cabinet
ministers themselves. The most important of these

' ' Lord Grey's cabinet consisted of fifteen members — thirteen
peers or sons of peers, one baronet, and one untitled commoner.'
— Quarterly Review, vol. liii. p. 270.
^ See Appendix A.
' See Mirror of Parliament, 1830, p. 543. Lord Grey is
there reported to have defended himself from the charge of
nepotism, and to have alluded both to Lord Durham's and Lord
Howick's appointments, and to have justified them.

1830.] ADMINISTRATION OF LORD GREY. 451
were Lord John Russell, who was then Paymaster of
the Forces, and Mr. Stanley, Chief Secretary for Ire
land. The following also forraed part of the adrainis
tration : —
Lord Auckland  President of the Board of Trade,
and Master of the Mint.
Mr. Charles W. W. Wynn Secretary at War.
Sir James Kemft  Master-General of the Ordnance.
Duke of Devonshire  Lord Chamberlain.
Marquis Wellesley  Lord Steward.
Lord Albemarle  Master of the Horse.
Marquis of Winchester... Groom ofthe Stole.
Mr. Agar Ellis  First Commissioner of Land Ee-
venue.
Mr. C. P. Thomson  Treasurer ofthe Navy, Vice-Pre
sident of the Board of Trade.
Sir Thomas Denman  Attorney -General.
Sir W. HoRNE  SoUcitor- General.
In Ireland.
Marquis of Anglesey  Lord Lieutenant.
Lord Plunkett '  Lord Chancellor.
Lt.-Gen. Sir John Byng, Commander of the Forces.
Mr. Stanley ^  Chief Secretary.
Mr. Pennef ATHER  Attorney-General.
Mr. Ckampton  SoUcitor- General.

' Sir A. Hart was Chancellor of Ireland under the preceding
administration, and an attempt was made to keep him in his
office, on the plea that it was judicial, and ought not to be dealt
with as if it were a poUtical office.— See Lord Brougham's (C.)
speech in Mirror of Parliament, p. 445. See also pp. 493
497, 542, 713, c^se^.
^ Mr. Stanley had hitherto sat for Preston, but was on this
occasion, when presenting himself, after taking office, to his old
constituents, rejected by them; Mr. Henry Hunt, who was
known by the absurd nickname of Orator Hunt, being chosen
yin his stead.
G g2

452 LORD grey's administration. [1830.
In Scotland.
Mr. Jeffrey  Lord Advocate.
Mr. Cockburn  Solicitor-GeneraL
Some of the above appointraents excited surprise.
Lord Melbourne, Lord Palmerston, Mr. Charles
Grant, and Lord Goderich were all old friends of Mr.
Canning, and had forraed a part of that adrainistra
tion against which Lord Grey had declared open war,
and to which while it existed he always raanifested
very bitter hostility. A few years had sufficed raa-
teriaUy to change and obliterate old party distinctions,
and the tiraes that were approaching were destined
still raore completely to disorganize the whole old
political world. These four persons, indeed, and also
the Duke of Eichmond, who had belonged to the old
Tory party, appeared not to have formed for them
selves any very rigid rule for their political conduct.
Mr. Canning had during his whole life been a vehe
ment opponent of every attempt to alter the existing
method of electing the House of Coramons,' and never
were there raore cordial supporters than he found
when propounding his views against all reforra, in
these very men, who now, without any explanation or
pretence at explanation, joined his raost marked and
most bitter opponent, and formed part of a cabinet

' Lord Brougham says, ' It is difficult to overrate the effects
of this resistance in obstructing parliamentary reform. Mr.
Canning and Lord Dudley especially, the men of greatest
talent in the party, were truly formidable antagonists.' — Lord
Brougham's Speeches, vol. ii. p. 545.

1830.] LORD grey's ADMINISTRATION. 453
pledged to bring forward iraraediately some large plan
of parliamentary reforra, and whose whole influence
depended upon the extent of that reforra, and the
favour it raight win from the people of the country.'
The public at the tirae were so intent upon the object
to be obtained, that they were not inclined to scruti
nize very severely the conduct of the inferior people
who swelled the ranks and fought under the banners
of reform. The proceeding escaped animadversion in
the general exciteraent. The raen, besides, were
useful; and reformers, like other raen, are but too apt
to wink at, if they do not forgive or forget, a profli
gacy which promotes their long-cherished wishes.
The victory over the late ministry thus unex
pectedly gained, being the result of a corabination of
political parties, the new premier was naturally led to
consider whether these allies could be made available
in the construction of his own administration. Among
them he could not fail to see that old high-church
party, whose anger at the passing of the Catholic
Emancipation Bill had not yet been appeased. He
was induced to make overtures to some of the chiefs
in the Coramons, who had been araong the most
vehement opponents of the Duke of WeUington, and
who had drawn conclusions from the subserviency of
parUament exceedingly adverse to the present consti-

' Lord Brougham himself has described his own emotions,
when he beheld the conduct of these his former coUeagues, in
words which wiU be long remembered.— See vol. ii. p. 547, of
Lord Brougham's Speeches.

454 NEGOTIATIONS WITH [1830.
tution of the House of Commons. Lord Blandford,
listening only to his anger and obeying all its
suggestions, had proposed a scherae of the widest
democracy as a remedy for the present evil. The old
Tory party, however, did not assent to his plans,
though they entirely agreed in the imputations he
cast upon the corrupt subservience of parliament, and
cordially shared in all the vehement indignation which
that subservience aroused. Lord Grey, however, had
no intention of proceeding to the extreraities pro
posed by Lord Blandford, and believed that his own
raore prudent and temporising plans and arrangements
raight raeet with favour frora those who listened with
sorae degree of complacency even to Lord Blandford's
so-called extravagancies; and Lord Grey was not
deceived. The Duke of Richmond, who had often
made himself conspicuous by supporting the principles
which distinguished this party, became an active
raeraber of the new cabinet. Foreraost in the Com
mons in denouncing the policy of the late adrainistra
tion, and the corrupt obedience of parliaraent to its
coramands, was Sir Edward KnatchbuU, member for
the county of Kent. To him overtures were also
made by Lord Grey, and they were favourably received
by the indignant county member. The secret history
of the negotiations which followed is not very accu
rately known, and the world has yet to learn upon
what point those negotiations failed, but we know
that the old Tory party, in the person of Sir Edward
Knatchbull, was on the very brink of the precipice,
and was only saved by an accident from faUing into

1830.] THE ULTRA TORIES. 455
the raging gulf of reform politics.' In the violent
scenes which we are about to witness, we shall indeed
find this party, and more particularly Sir Edward
himself, absolutely furious in their opposition to the
Eeform BiU. It is nevertheless true, that this vehe
ment opponent was only accidentally prevented being
one of the very adrainistration by whom that measure
was submitted to parliaraent. These various and not
very edifying intrigues and their results show how
completely the old and formerly compact Tory party
was now rent into many pieces. The most numerous
but not the raost influential section still held together,
and acted for a few years under one chief — viz., the
Duke of Wellington. All that portion, however, who
had looked to Mr. Canning as a leader had thrown
aside their most distinctive and most cherished views
of policy, and openly and permanently connected
themselves with the Whig party, the old and fierce
opponents of their former leader. That section which
retained the long-known and favourite appellation of
Tories, as distinguished from the newly-adopted name
of Conservatives, were yet without any leader ; they
floated in political space, apparently beyond the influ
ence of any one great central power, and were ever
and anon ready to rush into another system; to
attach theraselves perraanently to those with whom
they had hitherto been at strife, for the purpose of
opposing and if possible destroying that influence
' The reason assigned for the failure of this negotiation
was the certainty of Sir Edward's rejection by the county of
Kent, if he accepted office under Lord Grey.

456 ADJOURNMENT OF PARLIAMENT. [1830.
which they had all their lives defended and extoUed.
Chance frustrated this intention, and we shall soon
see this party returning suUenly to the ranks of their
old friends, to be again offended — again to start away
and to wander about without a chief or even guide,
not knowing where to go, where to rest, whom to trust,
or what to do.
The new ministry thus suddenly and unexpectedly
called into existence, after going through some routine
business, proposed to adjourn the Houses of parUa
ment tiU the 3rd of February of the coraing year.
Sorae objection was raised <to the length of the recess,
but was not insisted on. The remarkable condition of
the country and the ministry made the line of policy
about to be adopted by the government a subject of
most moraentous iraport. Expectation out of doors
was high — great distress was said to exist in various
parts, and among various classes of the kingdom —
great reforms and changes had been promised by the
administration, and expected by the people. Among
these, reform in parliaraent still occupied the first
place. Tirae, and care, and patient inquiry were
needed to prepare a raeasure which should equal the
hopes of the people, and at the sarae tirae escape the
danger which lies in the path of every efficient and
earnest reforraer — viz., that of unnecessarily disturb
ing and departing frora old habits and forras — and thus
when no such vital change is required, converting
peaceful reform into forcible and dangerous revolution.
END OF VOL. I.

APPENDIX.

APPENDIX.

ll/TE.BEOUGHAM'S accession to the Whig cabinet
-»-'-'- and his influence upon its councils while a mera
ber of it, were raatters of so much iraportance, as to raake
all the circumstances connected both with the one and
the other, subjects of interest for the historian of the
reforming administration of 1830. I have, however,
been unwilling to break the thread of my narrative in
the text by a minute discussion of the many ex
traordinary circumstances connected with Lord
Brougham's relations with the Whig party. But in
order that those circumstances should be properly
appreciated, I shall now gather together all that I
know respecting them, appending the story to ray
general narrative in the forra of a separate note, or
dissertation. Mr. Brougham was by birth in no way connected
with the aristocratic party of the Whigs ; but through
his ability, and more especially by his exertions upon
the subject of the orders in council opposed to
Napoleon's Milan and Berlin decrees, became known
to the public. Young and ardent, he, with some
others, contributed to establish, and by his writings

460 APPENDIX.
to support the Edinburgh Review, which at once took
the Whig side in politics. This circurastance brought
hira into intiraacy with the Whig leaders. There
was always soraething, however, in the raanner and
the character and circumstances of Mr. Brougham,
which made his connexion with the Whigs anything
but a hearty connexion. In the first place, he was
not one of them by birth or connexion ; he was, more
over, vehement, self-wiUed, and self-confiding, and
was therefore never an obedient partisan. His ability
was too great, nevertheless, to permit them to neglect
him. Tet after he had taken a very leading part in
the House of Comraons, he was allowed for some years
to remain without a seat in parliament, when in 1812
he was unsuccessful at Liverpool. When he became
attorney-general for Queen Caroline, a line of separa
tion, very distinct and marked, was drawn between
the Whig party and himself, and his fierce denunciations
of George IV. upon the celebrated proceedings on the
bill of pains and penalties, made the king his personal
eneray, and the Whigs, who were ever looking to
office, shy of forraally allying themselves with one
who had given mortal offence to the dispenser of the
good things of the state.
Mr. Brougham, so early as 1805, became known to
Lord Grey, and from the first their friendship appears
to have been warm and steady ; and its continuance,
with one single interruption (viz., during Mr. Can
ning's adrainistration), to the day of Lord Grey's
death, is honourable to both of them. Friendships

APPENDIX. 461
are seldom so steady between political raen. Of the
steadiness and warrath of this friendship I have now
lying before me unanswerable evidence, in letters
written by Lord Grey, extending frora the year 1812
to the time of his death. I wished much, for the
purpose of doing justice to both statesraen, to insert
here textuaUy rauch of this correspondence. To this,
however. Lord Brougham entertained an unconquer
able repugnance; so that all I can now do is to
attempt, by giving the substance of this evidence, to
describe the general impression it has left on ray
mind. Had I been able to lay before the world the
very words in which Lord Grey's feelings of con
fidence and friendship were expressed, the effect upon
others would, I have no doubt, be as vivid as that
produced upon myself. Unfortunately, I raust be
content with, general descriptions, in place of the
specific phrases which now lie before rae.
In 1812 the contest occurred at the Liverpool elec
tion between Mr. Brougham and Mr. Canning ; and
thereupon Lord Grey took occasion, even at that
early period, to express his strong desire to cul
tivate and secure the closest and most confidential
connexion both political and personal with Mr.
Brougham. He was delighted to believe that Mr.
Broughara was likely to be successful; and his
pleasure was evidently increased by the fact, that the
person to be defeated was Mr. Canning; the opponent
made the expectation of triumph doubly gratifying.
Mr. Broughara, however, was defeated; and then.

462 APPENDIX.
frora the expressions eraployed by Lord Grey to
describe his sorrow upon that event, we learn the
importance he attached to Mr. Brougham's influence
in the House of Commons. His exclusion frora the
House he considered an irreparable loss both to his
friends and the public, and he declared that nothing
ought to be left unatterapted to prevent so great an evU.
On the death of Lord Londonderry in 1822, and
before the arrangements in the administration conse
quent on that event were raade, speculation was rife;
and one of the contingencies contemplated was a nego
tiation with the Whigs; upon the bare possibility
of the governraent being offered to Lord Grey, he
wrote to Mr. Broughara describing his views upon
the supposed coraing events. He declared that, as
regarded raeasures and principles, there could be no
difficulties between hiraself and Mr. Brougham ; and
after stating that he still adhered to his former
expressed opinions on the subject of Parliamentary
reform, he went on to discuss the question of what
would be the position and conduct of Mr. Brougham,
and he frankly confessed, that upon Mr. Brougham's
decision the fate of any Whig governraent raust
depend. Who was to lead in the House of Coramons
was a most important point; and upon this subject
Lord Grey declared, in language as strong as could be
eraployed, that the lead in that House raust be openly
taken by Mr. Brougham ; that in order to be able to
take this lead really and effectively, it was necessary
for Mr. Brougham to form part of the government.

APPENDIX. 463
'In office,' he said in effect, 'you must be, or the
governraent, I ara persuaded, could not go on.' Mr.
Broughara at that time was accustomed to express
great reluctance to pursue any course that would take
him from his profession. With this feeling Lord
Grey sympathized ; but he plainly said, that he could
not imagine it possible for anything to prevail on
him (Lord Grey) to take office, unless Mr. Brougham
joined him and led the House of Comraons.
Though such were Lord Grey's feelings in 1822,
and though he continued to entertain them both as
respects Mr. Brougham and reform, the Whigs gene
rally appear to have entertained very different notions.
They were not acquiescent in the notion that Mr.
Brougham ought to be their leader — in short, that
without his aid no governraent could be forraed — or
that reform was to be the great business of their
administration. In 1823, I find Lord Althorp stating
that there was what he called a republican forra of
governraent for the opposition. This he said he
thought a bad plan, though, if acquiesced in by Mr.
Brougham, he (Lord Althorp) would not object.
Lord Grey and Lord Althorp were old and attached
friends of Mr. Broughara — the younger men of their
party, however, looked upon him with jealousy, not un
mixed with fear and dislike. Lord Althorp's opinion of
his friend's power and proper position coincided with
that of Lord Grey; he stated, in fact, that for the post
of leader Mr. Brougham was alone corapetent, and he
found it difficult to use words sufficiently strong to

464 APPENDIX.
express the pleasure he felt upon hearing that Mr.
Broughara had consented to act as the leader of the
opposition at that time. But though Lord Althorp
was anxious to put Mr. Brougham forward, upon
iraportant occasions, as the leader of the party, he
was eventually overruled, and hiraself constituted chief.
In 1827, when the Liverpool administration broke up,
and an adrainistration was supposed about to be forraed,
with Lord Bathurst as King Log at the head of it —
Lord Althorp stated to Mr. Broughara that he had not
yet consulted with anybody upon it, but that his own
opinion was, that iraraediately after the holidays Mr.
Broughara ought to raove an address praying the king
to form an adrainistration united in principle, stating,
in raaking the motion, the principles upon which the
Whigs had been acting for some years past, and saying
that they would continue to look at measures and not
raen, but that they felt that the country could not be
well governed upon an absurd systera of corapromise,^
and that things were coming to such a crisis that they
felt it their duty, whatever raight be their opinion of
individual measures, to call the attention of the country
to the situation in which the interests of the erapire
were placed.
The office here proposed to be iraposed on Mr.

* This statement is curious and instructive, when considered
with reference to the conduct of the same persons in their junction
with Mr. Canning. A more ' absurd system of compromise' was
never known, and so thought Lord Grey of the Whig coalition

with Mr. Canning.

APPENDIX. 465
Brougham was clearly that of leader of the party.
Lord Althorp was not only wiUing but eager to place
the burthen and confer the honour on any one in
preference to himself, and Mr. Brougham he evidently
considered the only fit person for the task. But the
Whig party consists of many, and the persons opposed
to the leadership of Mr. Brougham were sufficiently
united and powerful to give effect to their opposition.
During the administration of Lord Liverpool, the
opposition formally chose Mr. Tierney for their leader
in the House of Comraons. Frora this office, however,
Mr. Tierney quickly retired, and for many sessions no
acknowledged leader existed. In debate Mr. Brougham
always took the lead, and during the period of Mr.
Canning's leadership in the House of Coraraons on the
part of the ministry, after the death of Lord London
derry, the real opposition chief, so far as debating was
concerned, was certainly Mr. Brougham ; but the
Whigs always carefully showed that he was not the
formal leader of their councils as a party. When
Mr. Canning became minister, and was deserted by
his firiends, Mr. Brougham, through his energy and
incessant activity, becarae a prominent instrument in
the formation of the aUiance which took place between
Mr. Canning and the Whigs. Mr. Broughara, however,
took no office under Mr. Canning, and refused, as I
have ahready related, the office of Chief Baron, which
Mr. Canning offered hira. At this tirae, and in con
sequence of his large share in promoting this aUiance,
a coolness occurred between Lord Grey and Mr.
TOL. I. H H

466 APPENDIX.
Brougham — between Mr. Brougham and Lord Howick
the difference was too great to be accurately described
by the moderate term coolness.
There was however in the transactions of that time
something very significant of the feelings of his Whig
associates towards him. No situation was offered
hira corapatible with a seat in the House of Commons.
His leader on the circuit, Mr. Scarlett, was made
Attorney-General. Mr. Tierney, the ostensible leader
of the Whig party in parliament, becarae a raeraber of
Mr. Canning's adrainistration, and the only step taken
to provide for Mr. Broughara was a step to take him
from the House of Comraons. There was at the time
a reason stated for Mr. Brougham's exclusion — viz.,
the king's personal dislike. But this would have
prevented the offer of a judgeship, which they who
allege the king's antipathy as a reason for his (Mr.
Brougham's) exclusion assert, was really offered him
by Mr. Canning.
Both Lord Grey and Lord Althorp had misgivings
as to the junction with Mr. Canning. ThoBe of
Lord Grey were not conquered, or reasoned away,
and he went into violent opposition to Mr. Canning's
administration. Lord Althorp would seem eventu
ally to have acquiesced in Mr. Brougham's views on
this raatter.
The expression of Lord Althorp's opinion, however,
was not less raarked than that of Lord Grey, and
our only w6nder is, how such difficulties of prin
ciple were in his case eventually overcorae, so far

APPENDIX. 467
as to aUow hira to give any species of support to
Mr. Canning.
We have seen, nevertheless, that his friends did
accept office under Mr. Canning, and that Mr. Can
ning openly declared that he was opposed both to par
liamentary reform and the Test Act, and that his
ministry was not formed on the principles of civil
and religious liberty, even to the extent of being
pledged as a rainistry to catholic emancipation.
The Whigs who had joined Mr. Canning afterwards
formed, in conjunction with Lord Goderich, an admi
nistration which we have seen soon came to a
ludicrous termination. So soon as George IV. had
ignominiously ejected, and Mr. Huskisson and his
friends had unhandsomely deserted them, they again
became a united party in opposition. The difference
between Lord Grey and Mr. Brougham was healed,
and old feelings of friendship, and even of affection,
were revived — if, indeed, they had ever really been
diminished. Lord Althorp, however, now seems to have become
ostensibly the leader of the party in the House of
Commons, though constantly taking counsel with
Mr. Brougham, and necessarily throwing on his
shoulders the real burthen of debate.
At length the general election, consequent on the
death of George IV., took place, and the Whigs and
the Whig leader had to frame a programme of their
intended operations during the coming campaign.
We should remember that the world was in commo-
hh2

468 APPENDIX.
tion — thrones had been shattered — many seemed just
tottering to their faU— and great changes, in fact a
revolution, were about to occur in England. On the
eve of such great events, the following is the plan
of operations proposed by Lord Althorp. It justifies
every statement I have made, as to the absence of
everything that deserved the name of a plan; and
because it does so, I will, in this instance, give the
words used upon the occasion : —
' I shall be in town on the 26th (October), where
I conclude I shall find you ; we can then discuss the
course which ought to be taken. I am inclined to
ground our opposition to the government mainly if
not entirely on their total inefficiency.-^ I think the
greatest danger which we run, and the thing most to
be avoided, is the giving people an opportunity of
saying that we were very raoderate and mealy-
mouthed as long as there was a chance of the Duke
of Wellington taking us in, but that now we despair
of this we are become violent. We who know the
accusation not to be true will not be believed, and it
is of iraportance, therefore, if possible, so to conduct
our mode of procedure as not to give a colour to it,
I think with this view we ought to be cautious how

' In September, Lord Althorp had written thus—' If the report
be true that Huskisson and Co. are coming in, we shall have to
take a new departure at the beginning of the session ; for one
cannot then say that the ministry is inefficient. I do not, how
ever, believe the report.' — (September 5, 1830.) Mr. Huskis
son's death shortly after reUeved the party from this cause of
alarm.

APPENDIX. 469
we urge anything against the ministers which might
have been equally weU brought forward last session.
I should also be for giving thera raore credit for the
quickness with which they acceded to the wishes of
the people in acknowledging Louis PhUip. I think
they deserve credit also, it being better to do a thing
late than never, for having at last reraoved Lord
O'NeU from the office of Postmaster-General. With
respect to the regency question, I conclude the Duke
will propose the queen as regent, either with or
without a council. I should prefer the Duchess of
Kent, but they are both very well fitted for the office,
and provided they are not either of them to be saddled
with a council, I should not be inclined to run into
the trap which in this case will be set, and to give
him the popularity with the queen, which his fight
ing the battie of the queen against the Duchess of
Kent would undoubtedly give hira. These are ray
present views, but I shaU be glad to talk them over
with you, and to hear what you think about thera,
being by no means wedded to my own opinion. —
(Oct. 5, 1830.)
Considering the actual position of all political
affairs, and the events which immediately followed,
a more narrow view of things can hardly be con
ceived. Mr. Brougham was now meraber for Yorkshire;
and these are the terms of gratulation employed
by Lord Althorp on the occasion of that great
triumph : —

470 APPENDIX.
' If I have not written to you before, it is not from
ray feeling less pleasure in your triuraph than any
other of your friends. It is the highest honour and
the greatest reward that ever was bestowed -upon a
public raan, and the greatest that can be ; and what
is more, it is weU deserved.' — (August 26, 1830.)
The extraordinary activity of Mr. Brougham in
parliament and out of doors now made him the most
popular and powerful of all the liberal politicians.
He became the great proraoter of education — the
leader of the anti-slavery raoveraent — one of the chief
parliaraentary organs of the various dissenting bodies
— and at length, when member for Yorkshire, he
became the head of the parliamentary reforra party.
Just when he had arrived at this great height of
popularity, the administration of the Duke of Wel
lington was overthrown, and the Whig leader. Lord
Grey, was ordered to frarae an adrainistration. And
now accurate stateraents as to dates becorae of great
importance. The 15th of Noveraber of the year 1830 was on
Monday. On the raorning of the 16th the Duke of
Wellington resigned ; and there is a belief that the
Duke gave the king two pieces of advice — first, to
send for Lord Grey, and second, to consent to a
raeasure of raoderate reform. Eumour has added one
other item, as having been added by the Duke by way
of warning to his Majesty, and that was, not to
consent to Mr. Broughara's being raade Master of the
EoUs ; because at that tirae he deemed Mr. Brougham

APPENDIX. 471
the most dangerous person in parliament, and thought
that his powers for raischief would be indefinitely
increased if he were raade entirely independent, as he
would have been if Master of the EoUs, and aUowed
to hold, as he then would, a seat in the House of
Coraraons. For ray own part, I do not believe that
any snch advice was given by the Duke of WeUington.
Lord Grey was sent for by the king on the after
noon of the 16th, and on that day Lord Grey saw
the king.
During this interview with the king. Lord Grey
explained the principles on which his administration
would be founded and would act: respecting them
Lord Grey experienced no difficulty with his Majesty,
But on mentioning, among the persons to be con
nected with his adrainistration, the narae of Mr.
Brougham, a difficulty — a real difficulty arose. The
important question now arises, what was the nature
of this difficulty ?
There is sorae reason to believe, that the difficulty
did not relate to the situation of Attorney-General;
but this reason is not conclusive. That it may have
related to the situation of Master of the EoUs is
possible, though not probable.
On the 16th, Mr. Brougham had been offered the
situation of Attorney, and had peremptorily refused
it. Of this Lord Grey was aware on the 16th, but
whether he knew of the refusal before he mentioned
the narae of Mr. Brougham to the king is not clear.
If he did know it, he would not speak to the king of

472 APPENDIX.
Mr. Broughara as the intended Attorney- General;
but, having ascertained Mr. Broughara's resolution on
that point, he might have raentioned his narae in
connexion with the office of Master of the EoUs.^
That he did do so, and that he received frora the
king a positive refusal to grant it. Lord Grey asserted,
and gave the king's refusal as a reason to Mr.
Broughara for not appointing him to that office, which
it was well known he anxiously desired.
But there is another explanation, which certainly
does not altogether redound to the credit of Lord
Grey, as a plain-dealing, honest man, but which,
nevertheless, has been asserted — and not by raean
authority, — and the explanation is as follows : —
It has been said that the notion of Mr. Brougham's
being Master of the EoUs never entered the head of
anybody except that of Mr. Brougham, and that
either Lord Grey never gave the reason supposed to
have been assigned to Mr. Broughara by him, or that,
if he did so, it was a device to escape from a difficulty.
That Lord Grey had resolved not to allow Mr.
Brougham to reraain in the House of Commons, and,
at the same tirae be connected with the governraent,
and that he therefore had, at the outset, resolved to
leave him out of the government entirely, or to force

' Sir J. Leach was at this time Master of the RoUs, but was
ready, it was said, to take a peerage, and be Chancellor of Ire
land, thus making a vacancy, and enabUng Lord Grey to appoint
Mr. Brougham to the office.

APPENDIX. 473
him into the Lords by making hira ChanceUor, Lord
Grey being supposed unable to trust Mr. Broughara
in the Commons, but not being afraid of Lord
Broughara in the House of Peers.
My own opinion on all the facts that I have been
able to ascertain, does not agree with either of the
above explanations, but is as follows : — Mr. Broughara
desired the EoUs — the Whigs were resolved that he
should not have that office. Of these two assertions,
the first I believe on direct testimony; the second
is a raatter of inference. That the situation of
Attorney-General was offered and refused on the
16th, is proved also by direct testimony — viz.,
that of Lord Grey himself; and I therefore do not
believe the statement which attributes to Lord
Grey a deterraination to reraove Mr. Broughara frora
the House of Coraraons if he became in any way
connected with the government. And after the state
ments above quoted, raore especially that in which
Lord Grey proposes that in case he raakes a
governraent, Mr. Broughara should lead the House
of Coraraons, and in which he states that he
cannot conceive his attempting to forra a govern
ment possible unless Mr. Brougham was to form
part of it — such a determination on the part of
Lord Grey seems utterly incredible. That the
king spontaneously resolved to refuse Mr. Brougham
the office of Master of the EoUs is highly improbable
— Mr. Brougham's friends knew that he was anxious

474 APPENDIX.
to have it, — but there is no evidence that his political
opponents were aware of his wishes on that head. It
would seem more probable, therefore, that if the king
were prompted on the occasion, that the prorapting was
by the Whigs, than that it came frora the Duke of
Wellington or Mr. Peel.
When Mr. Broughara, on the evening ofthe 16th,
consented to postpone his motion respecting reform,
he had been offered the situation of Attorney-General,
and gave evident syraptoras of having felt himself
offended by the offer. ^
So soon as Lord Grey was sent for by the king, he
instantly sent to Mr. Brougham notice of the circum
stance, and on that day the offer of the post of Attor
ney-General was made and refused. From that time
to Thursday evening he heard nothing from Lord
Grey or the administration, which, by that time, was
so far framed as to raeet in council. The first cabinet
council was held by the new administration on Thurs
day, the 18th of November, at Lansdowne House.
At that council Lord Grey announced that he had the
king's consent to offer Mr. Broughara the great seal,
subject to the concurrence of the cabinet, and the
cabinet thereupon unaniraously resolved to make the
offer. That night Lord Grey wrote to Mr. Brougham,
simply requesting to see hira as early as he could the
next morning — viz., on Friday. Mr. Brougham did

' The observation at the time was, that he was ' sulky.'

APPENDIX. 475
see him that morning on his way to Westrainster, and
refused the seal, giving as his reason the great uncer
tainty of the continuance of the ministry, and the
great sacrifice, therefore, which acceptance would
entaU on him. Lord Grey said, 'Do not give a
positive answer tiU you have seen Althorp.' Lord
Althorp and Lord Sefton afterwards, and during the
sarae morning, saw Mr. Broughara at the House of
Lords, and pressed hira with the argument stated in
the text; and then, but not till then, Mr. Brougham
acceded to their wishes.
That evening — viz., on Friday, the 19th, he pre
sented certain petitions, left, and never again entered
the House of Coramons.
There is much in all these transactions to excite
surprise in any one who knows the footing upon which
Mr. Brougham had always been with Lord Grey and
Lord Althorp. That the man who had won the
battle was to be passed over in the division of the
spoil — that the post for which he was deemed raost
fitting eight years before should no longer be offered
him, viz., leader of the House of Commons — that he
was to be kept out of the Cabinet, and to be con
tented with the comparatively subordinate position of
Attorney- General, does indeed seem strange, and
plainly proves that some powerful influence was at
work against him, which was sufficient to counteract
the wishes both of Lord Grey, the premier, and Lord
Althorp, the leader of the House of Commons and

476 APPENDIX.
Chancellor of the Exchequer. A wary man would
have hesitated, under such circunistances, to put
himself in the power of those who could thus act,
and Lord Broughara in after years discovered that he
had trusted too much to the honour and generosityof
those for whose interest he withdrew frora the House
of Comraons, and ceased at once and for ever to be
the great popular chief.

New Books and New Editions,
PRINTED FOR
John W, Parker and Son, West Strand.

Fraser's Magazine for February.
Price 2s. 6d., or by Post, 3s., contains :

Mr. Benjamin Disraeli as Leader and
and Legislator.
Suggestions about Gift-Books.
Hie Licence of the Streets. By a
Grrmnbler.
The late J. W. M. Turner.
Hypatia; or, New Foes with an Old
Face. By the Author of ' Yeast.'
Chaps. III. and IV.
Modern History and other Matters
at Cambridge.

Autobiography of Captain Digby
Grand. Chapter VI. and VII.
Dialogue between John Dryden and
Henry PuroeU, on the subject of
their forthcoming 'Dramatick Opera
of Eng Arthur.'
History of the Hungarian War.
Chapters IV. and V.
Eomantio Fables and Popular Super
stitions.
State and Prospects of England.

History of Normandy and of England.
By sie FEANCIS PALGEAVE.
Vol. I. Octavo. 2l«.

On the Methods of Observation and
Reasoning in PoHtics.
By GEOEGE COENEWALL LEWIS, M.P.
Two Volumes. Octavo. [In tlie Press.

On the Influence of Authority in Matters
of Opinion.
By G. COENEWALL LEWIS, M.P.
Octavo. \Qs. Qd.

NEW BOOKS AND NEW EDITIONS,

The Works of Dr. Isaac Barrow,
Gonvpa/red with ihe Original MSS., and enla/rged with materials hiiherto
v/npvhlished.
Edited for the Syndics of the University Press, Cambridge.
[Priming for Publication.

The Institutes of Justinian.
A New Edition, with English Analysis and Notes. !
By THOMAS C. SANDAES, M.A.,
Late FeUow of Oriel CoUege, Oxford.
Octavo. [In the Press.

History of Trial by Jury.
By W. FOESYTH, M.A.,
Late FeUow of Trinity CoUege, Cambridge ; Author of Hortemius.
Octavo. 8s. 6d.

Of a Liberal Education,
With especial reference to the Studies of
the University of Cambridge.
By W. WHEWELL, D.D.,
Master of Trinity CoUege, Cambridge.
Part III. The Revised Statutes, 1851 — 1852. [In the Press.
Part I. Principles and Eecent History. Second Edition^
4s. 6d.
Part II. Discussions and Changes, 1840—1850. Ss. U
Parts I. and II. together, in cloth, 7s. 6rf.

FEINTED FOR JOHN W. PARKER AND SON. 3
Meliora ; or, Better Times to Come.
Being fhe Contributions of mcmy Men touching the Present State ami
Prospects of Society.
Edited by VISCOUNT INGESTEE.

The Volume contains Papers by

EOBEET Bakeb.
Eev. T. Beames, M.A.
Hon. F. Byng.
W. Beckett Denison.
Viscount Ingestee.
Eev. C. Giedlbstone, M.A.

Viscount Godeeich.
Montague Goee.
De. Gut.
Eev. De. Hook.
Henet Mathew.
Eev. C. G. Nicolat.
Foolscap Octavo.

J. Nutt.
Hon. and Eev. Sidnet
Godolphin Osboenb.
Eev. j. B. Owen, M.A.
Maetin F. Tuppee.
&c. &c.

Leaves from the Note Book of a Naturahst,
By W. j. B E 0 D E E I P, F.E.S.,
Author of Zoological Recreations.
Eeprinted from Fraser's Magazine.
Post Octavo. 10s. Qd.

The Upper Ten Thousand
Sketches qf American Society.
By A NEW YORKE E.
Eeprinted from Fraser's Magazine.
Foolscap Octavo.

Yeast : a Problem.
By CHAELES KINGSLEY,
Eector of Eversley.
Second and Cheaper Edition. 5s.
Reprinted, with Additions, from Fraser's Magazine.

NEW BOOKS AND NEW EDITIONS,

Sequentise ex Missalibus^
ANGLICIS, GALLICIS, GERMANICIS DESUMPTA
CoUegit, recensuit, notulasque addidit.
JOANNES M. NEALE, A.M.,
CoUegii SackvUlensis Custos.
Printed uniformly with Mr. Trench's Collection of
Sacred Latin Poefry. [In the Press.

English Synonyms.
Edited by E. WHATELY, D.D., Archbishop of Dublin.
Second Edition, Enlarged. 3.?.

On the Study of Words:
Five Lectures addressed to the Pupils of the Diocesan
Training School, Winchester.
By EICHAED CHENEVIX TEENCH, B.D.,
Examining Chaplain to the Lord Bishop of Oxford, and Professor of
Divinity in King's College, London.
Second Edition, Enlarged. [Nearly Eeadg.

Babylon and Jerusalem:
A LETTER TO IDA, COUNTESS OF HAHN-HAHN.
From the German. 2s. %d.
The Countess Hahn, the novel writer and tourist, was in May last converted to
Roman Catholicism, and published various books against Protestantism .tnd Pro
testants. The present is a translation of the best of the replies which her controversial
wntmgs elicited from the divines of Germany. It is temperate, .and fall of good feel
ing, but at the same time truly pastoral, and containing matter for deep thought and
reflection.

PRINTED FOR JOHN W. PARKER AND SON. 5
Theophili Episcopi Antiochensis Libri tres
ad Autolycum.
Bdidit Prolegomenis Versione NotuUs Indicibus Instmxit
GULIELMUS GILSON HUMPHEY, S.T.B.
CoUegi Sanctiss. Trin. Ap. Cantabrigienses Sooius.
Jussu Stndicoeum Pkei.1 Academici, Cantabeigi^.
Octavo. 6s.

The Old Testament.
Wineteen Sermons on the First Lessons for the Sundays between Septuagesima
Sunday and the First Svmday after Tnnity.
By F. denison MAUEICE, M. A.,
Professor of Divinity in King's CoUege, and Chaplain of Lincoln's Inn.
Foolscap Octavo. Qs.

The Testimony of Prophecy.
The Concluding Series of Lectures, delivered in the Chapel of
the Hon. Society of Lincoln's Inn, on the foundation
of the late Bishop Waeburton.
By ALEXANDEE M'CAUL, D.D.,
Professor of Divinity and Hebrew in King's CoUege, London,
Octavo. [Nearly Beady.

Bishop Pearson's Five Lectures on the Acts
of the Apostles and Annals of St. Paul.
Edited in English, with a few Notes,
By j. E. C E 0 W F 0 0 T, B. D.
Divinity Lecturer of King's CoUege, Cambridge ; late FeUow and Divinity
Lecturer of GonvUle and Caius CoUege.
Octavo. 4s.

NEW BOOKS AND NEW EDITIONS,
The Choephorse of iEschylus,
With Notes Critical amd Eocpkmatory.
By JOHN CONINGTON, M.A.,
Fellow of University CoUege, Oxford.
Octavo. [Prepa/n/ng for Publication.

Arundines Cami, sive Musarum Cantabri-
giensium Lusus Canori,
Collegit atque edidit HENEICUS DEUEY, M.A.
Fourth Edition. 12«.

Complete Latin Grammar for Learners.
By JOHN W, DONALDSON, D.D.,
Head Master of King Edward the Sixth's School, Bury St. Edmunds.
Uniformly with Dr. Donaldson's Complete Greek Graimmw/r. 3s. Qd.
Exercises adapted to the Complete Latin
(jrammar. |-j„ ^J^ p^e^j.

Progressive Exercises in Latin Lyrics.
By JOSEPH EDWAEDS, M. A.,
Second Master of King's CoUege School.
Fourth Edition, carefully Revised. 3s.

PRINTED FOR JOHN W. PARKER AND SON.

On the Diseases of the Kidney :
Their Pathology, Diagnosis, and Treatment.
WITH AN INTKODUCTOET CHAPTEE ON THE
Anatomy and Physiology of the Kidney.
By GEOEGE JOHNSON, M.D., London,
FeUow of the Eoyal CoUege of Physicians, and Assistant-Physician to King's
CoUege Hospital.
Octavo. [In the Press.

An Elementary Treatise on the Differential
and Integral Calculus.
By T. G. hall, M.A.,
Professor of Mathematics in King's College, London.
Fifth and cheaper Edition. Post Octavo.

[Nearly Heady.

Grammar of Musical Harmony.
Bemg the Substance of Lectures delivered in St. Martin's Sail, and tlie
Training Institutions of the National Society.
By JOHN HULLAH,
Professor of Vocal Music in King's CoUege and Queen's CoUege.
Eoyal Octavo. [Nearly Heady.

German Word-Book :
A Compa/rative Vocahula/ry, displaying the close affinity between the
German and English Languages.
With the Alphabet, Eules, and Examples for a correct
Pronunciation.
By a. BEENAYS, Phil. Dr.
Professor of German in King's CoUege, London.
Zs.

NEW BOOKS AND NEW EDITIONS.
Manual of Geographical Science.
Edited by the Rev. C. G. Nioolay, F.E.G.S.
Part the Fu^st, Octavo, 10s. Qd., containing:
Mathematical Geography. By M. O'Beien, M.A., Professor
of Natural PhUosophy and Astronomy m King's CoUege, London.
Physical Geography. By D. T. Ansted, M.A., F.E.S.,
Professor of Geology in King's CoUege, London.
Chartography. By J. E. Jackson, F.E.S., late Secretary
of the Eoyal Geographical Society.
Theory of Description and Geographical Terminology. By
Eev. C. G. Nicolat, F.E.G.S., Librarian of Kmg's CoUege, London.
Also, (to accompany the 'Manual of Geographical Science,') 5s.
Atlas of Physical and Historical
Geography.
Engraved by J. W. LowRY,
Under the direction of Professor Ansted and Eev. C. G. Nicolat.

The Earth and Man ;
ob,
physical geogeaphy in its eelation to the history
of mankind.
By PEOFESSOE GUYOT.
Slightly abridged, with Corrections and Notes. [Nearly Beady.

Recreations in Geology :
By MISS E. M. ZOENLIN.
Third Edition, considerably Enlarged.

[Nearly Beady.

LONDON : JOHN W. PARKER AND SON, WEST STRAND.

0949