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THE ADVENTURES OF KING JAMES II.
OF ENGLAND.

BY THE SAME AUTHOR.
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'MjrveiA II

THE ADVENTURES

OF

KING JAMES II
OF ENGLAND

BY THE AUTHOR OF
'A LIFE OF SIR KENELM DIGBY," "ROCHESTER, ETC.,
" THE LIFE OF A PRIG," ETC., ETC.

WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY THE RIGHT REV.
F. A. GASQUET, D.D.
ABBOT PRESIDENT OF THE ENGLISH BENEDICTINES

WITH NUMEROUS ILLUSTRATIONS

LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO.
39 PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON
NEW YORK AND BOMBAY
1904

PREFACE.
When once a character has become historical, it is
usually studied in no other light than that of his
tory. Yet it may have been chiefly remarkable for
characteristics other than historical, and, in some
cases, its personality cannot be rightly understood
or judged solely from the part it played in historical
events. Most readers of English history have decided
that James II. was a failure, many of them that he
was a fanatic, and not a few that he was a fool ;
such decisions having been mainly founded upon his
actions as a King ; that is to say upon his doings
during little more than two of the sixty-eight years
of his life. It is a question whether he ought not
to be judged rather as a soldier and a sailor — and
he may be fairly described as having been a sailor
and a soldier by training and profession — or as a
civil official, in which capacity he spent many years
of his life, than as a King, which he became by
accident, and remained for a very short time, in

vi PREFACE
comparison with the periods he spent in his naval,
military and civil appointments.
The following pages contain an attempt to
demonstrate that the life of James II. was chiefly
remarkable for the number and variety of his ad
ventures. The historical and political aspects of
that life are here but slightly noticed, and only so
far as seemed necessary to make the whole coherent.
The Author wishes to express his gratitude to
Abbot Gasquet for the admirable Introduction ; to
Mr. Walter Herries Pollock for revising the manu
script ; and to his wife for her assistance in correcting
the proofs.

TABLE OF CONTENTS.
Introduction ...

PAGE xvii

CHAPTER I.

Birth of Duke of York— Henrietta Maria— Woodstock— Stern Discipline
—Dr. Duppa— Insurrection— Battle of Edgehill— The Court at
Oxford — Renewal of the Civil War in the Spring— James con
signed to the care of Northumberland— Taken to London

CHAPTER II.
At St. James's Palace— Attempt to get James out of the hands of the
Parliament — The Queen angry with James for refusing to accept
her Letter— The Royal Children allowed to visit their Father at
Maidenhead— The Plague in the City— James at the House ofthe
Lord Mayor -At Sion House— The King at Hampton Court-
Visits of his Children — Presence of Cromwell — James in Trouble
about a Letter to his Father— Bamfield— Hide and Seek— Escape
from St. James's Palace — The Hague — Quarrels between Bamfield
and Berkeley  15

CHAPTER III.
James Lord High Admiral at Fifteen — The Fronde— Henrietta Maria at
the Louvre — Death of Charles I. — James in Paris — Breaking the
news of King Charles's Death to the Queen — Pere Gamache —
Charles II. and James take their Mother to St. Germains — Mdlle.
de Montpensier — Charles II.— At Jersey — Carteret — Charles goes
to Scotland and James to Paris — Death of the Princess Elizabeth
— The Queen tries to make the little Duke of Gloucester a
Catholic — Quarrel about it with James — Herbert and Radcliffe
persuade James to go to Lorraine at Brussels— Byron and Berkeley
— Duke of Lorraine — At Breda — Clarendon goes to James — Return
to Paris — -Proposed Match between James and Mdllc. de Longue
ville  32

CONTENTS

CHAPTER IV.

Cardinal Mazarin — Turenne — James enters French Army under
Turenne— Difficulty as to Outfit— Battle before Etampes— Siege
of Etampes — March against Lorraine at ViUeneuve St. Georges —
Negotiations for a Truce — Charles II. takes part in them . . 51

CHAPTER V.
Battle against Conde before the Walls of Paris — Another March
against Lorraine at ViUeneuve St. Georges — Turenne besieged—
Return to Paris — Epernay — A drunken General — Siege of Bar-le-
Due — James's Regiment suffers severely at Siege of Ligny — Siege
of Verviers — Paris — Siege of Mousson — Narrow Escape of James
from an Explosion  68

CHAPTER VI.
Lieutenant-General at Twenty-one — Relief of Arras — Explosions of
Gunpowder on Horse-back — James's skill with a Patrol — A Message
wrapped in Lead — Red-tape in the Spanish Army — An After-
dinner Reconnaissance by " Men of Quality " — Turenne and
James have an Adventure in the Dark — Great Battle of the
Relief of Arras — Buckingham — Fourth Campaign under Turenne
— Mazarin makes Peace with Cromwell — Charles summonses
James to Brussels  81

CHAPTER VII.
Quarrels between Clarendon and Berkeley — James takes Service with
the Spanish Army against Turenne — Failure of Attack on Calais —
Attempted Relief of St. Venant— The Spanish Generals' Siesta
prevents the Taking of a Convoy — Siege of Ardres — Flight —
James has an Interview with some old friends in the French Army
— Winter Quarters at Brussels and Antwerp — Spanish Generals
nearly captured — Battle of Dunkirk — Defeat of the Spanish Army
— Death of Cromwell  98

CHAPTER VIII.
The Select Knot — Risings in England — Generous Offer by Turenne —
James offered post of High Admiral to the Spanish Fleet — The
Restoration — Return to England — James again made Lord High
Admiral of the British Fleet — Anne Hyde — Married to James —
Anger of Clarendon, Princess of Orange, and the Queen — Henrietta

CONTENTS ix
PAGE
Maria comes to England — Calumnies against the Duchess of
York— Berkeley confesses— Birth of a son— James and Anne
reunited— Henrietta Maria receives Duchess of York— Dinner,
and a race for grace — Venner and the Fifth-Monarchy Men —
Arrival of Catherine of Braganza  n8
CHAPTER IX.
The Appearance, Character and Recreations of the Duke of York —
Hunting, skating, pelemele and the guitar — His amours — Lady
Southesk — Lady Robarts — Lady Chesterfield — Lady Denham —
Miss Hamilton — Miss Jennings — Arabella Churchill — Duchess of
York and Henry Sidney — Greediness of the Duchess — Her extrava
gance — The Post Office — James at the Admiralty — His Letters
— Beer or Wine and not Grog in the Navy — The Chartered
African Company — Friction with Holland — Differences of
opinion with Clarendon — • War with Holland — Clarendon on
Coventry, Lawson, Ayscue and Penn  135
CHAPTER X.
James's Fleet — War — Buckingham says he will " make one of it " —
James captures ten Dutch Merchant Ships — First Great Battle of
Southwold Bay — Brounker prevents a Second Battle by lying
— Return to England — Plague in London — At request of the
Queen Mother, Charles will not allow James to sail with the next
Expedition — Great Fire of London — Friction between James and
Clarendon — Coventry — James has smallpox — Fall of Clarendon
— James tries to save him — Made by Charles to give the Order
to Clarendon to leave the Country  153
CHAPTER XI.
De Ruyter sails up the Thames, and destroys English Ships —
Coventry becomes an Enemy of James — Buckingham another —
Buckingham tries to get Monmouth legitimised — Unpleasant
ness between the Queen and James — Duchess of York becomes a
Catholic — James and Catholicism — Turenne becomes a Catholic
— James consults a Jesuit — James and Charles think of becoming
Catholics — Charles's Treaty with Louis XIV., in which he pro
mises to become a Catholic and to make his country Catholic —
Death of Henrietta Maria — Visit of the Duchess of Orleans to
England— Her Death — Charles contrives to throw the odium of
his Treaty with France on some of his Protestant Ministers —
Illness of James— Death of the Duchess of York— Only two of

x CONTENTS
PAGE
her eight children survive — When did James become a Catholic ?
—Suspected of being one— Charles keeps making excuses for
putting off his Reception into the Catholic Church . . 169
CHAPTER XII.
England joins France in a War against Holland — Junction of English
and French Fleets— Great Battle against De Ruyter — Second
Battle of Southwold Bay — Return — Question of a Second Naval
Expedition the same year — Unpleasantness with Rupert and
Shaftesbury — Test Act — James resigns all his Offices rather than
take the Oath — His consequent sacrifices — Urged to marry again
— The Princess of Innspruck  189
CHAPTER XIII.
Adventures in search of a Second Wife — Lord Peterborough — Duchess
of Guise — Mdlle. de Rais — Princess Anna of Wurthemburg —
Mdlle. de Montpensier— Long negotiations for, and eventual
marriage with Mary of Modena — Her arrival in England . 205
CHAPTER XIV.
Bills to exclude James from the Throne — Monmouth — James's
Daughters brought up Protestants — Very yielding to his Brother
about religion, except that he will not go to the Anglican
Churches — Popularity of Second Duchess of York — Duchess
Mazarin — Duchess of Portsmouth — Visit to her — Anger of the
Queen — The Dutch Party and the French Party— Prince of Orange
and Princess Mary — Their Marriage— Flirtations of Prince of
Orange with her maids-of-honour  223
CHAPTER XV.
Temple — France defeats Holland in Diplomacy — Pretended Popish
Plots— Father Bedingfield — Forged Letters — Tonge — Titus Oates
— Danby — Shaftesbury — Coleman — Charles orders the Bishops to
try to persuade James to become an Anglican — On their failure,
Charles sends James into exile to Brussels . ... 238
CHAPTER XVI.
Bills of Exclusion — Pepys in Prison— Duchess of Portsmouth schemes
to induce Charles to appoint her Son to succeed him on the
Throne — Illness of Charles II. — James summoned to see him —

CONTENTS xi

PAGE

Temple, Halifax and Sunderland — Exile of Monmouth — James's
place of exile changed from Brussels to Edinburgh — Their Re
ception in Scotland — Return of Monmouth without leave —
Pretended discovery in a black box — Recall of James — Entertain
ment of Charles and James by the Mayor and Aldermen—
" Sacharissa " — Shaftesbury indicts James as a Popish Recus-
sant, and the Duchess of Portsmouth as " a common neusance " . 250

CHAPTER XVII.
Dangerfield and the Meal-tub Plot — James sent a second time to
Scotland ; but nominally as its Viceroy — His popularity in Scot
land — Bill of Exclusion passes through the Commons ; but
thrown out in the Lords — Judicial Murder of Lord Stafford —
Halifax's Bill of Limitations — James at this time distrusted and
disliked Sunderland — Sunderland a gambler — Fitz Harris Plot —
Charles, fearing the passing of an Exclusion Bill, suddenly dis
solves Parliament — Anger and fall of Shaftesbury — Rule of James
in Scotland — Argyle and the Scotch Test Act — Charles puts pres
sure upon James to induce him to return to the Established
Church  264

CHAPTER XVIII.
Duchess of Portsmouth desiring part of James's income from the Post
Office, his presence is required in England — His return — His
voyage back to Scotland — Wreck of his Ship — James and his
Duchess recalled to England— Duchess of Portsmouth and Sunder
land seek the favour of James — James established at St. James's
Palace — Monmouth makes a semi-royal progress and is arrested
— Rye House Plot — Execution of Lord William Russell — Suicide of
Essex in the Tower — Monmouth becomes an Informer, and is
banished — Friction and Correspondence between the Prince of
Orange and James — Princess Anne married to Prince George of
Denmark — James's illegitimate sons received at Court — Charles
places the cares of Government in the hands of James — Predic
tions of a fortune-teller  278

CHAPTER XIX.
Last Illness and Death of Charles II.— He is received into the Catholic
Church by Father Huddleston— James hears Mass with open
doors— Calls on Duchess of Portsmouth and settles Annuities on
herself and her son — His new Ministers — Sunderland . . • 295

xii CONTENTS

CHAPTER XX.
The Coronation — Acts of Royal Clemency — Punishment of Titus
Oates— Louis XIV. and James II.— Scottish Parliament— English
Parliament — Invasions by Argyle and Monmouth — Execution of
Argyle — Capture of Monmouth — An interview granted to him
by James — His execution — Judge Jeffreys and the Bloody Assize —
Leniency of James — Kindness of James to the French Huguenots. 311
CHAPTER XXI.
Sunderland — Father Petre — James and Catherine Sedley — James and
the Dissenters — Catholic Officers in the Army — The Dispensing
Power — James desires the Repeal of the Test Act — Repeal of
the Habeas Corpus Act — Standing Army on Hounslow Heath —
Ireland — Clarendon — Tyrconnel — -Louis XIV. — Barillon — Innocent
XI. — Adda — Leyburn — James's imprudent zeal— Councils of
Moderation from the Pope and from many English Catholics . 327
CHAPTER XXII.
Reaction in James's character — His attempted conversions of others —
Rochester, Middleton, Kirke, Salisbury and Sunderland — Princess
Anne on Lady Sunderland — James's Confessors — Opposition of
various Catholic Monarchs to the advices of Popes — Toleration of
Dissent — Penn the Quaker — James and the Dons of Oxford — His
pilgrimage to Holywell — At Shrewsbury — Castlemaine sent as
Ambassador to Rome — Appointments taken from Protestants and
given to Catholics — James has private interviews with Candidates
— Difficulties of his Position — Opinion of a modern Cardinal . . 350
CHAPTER XXIII.
Virtues of James as a Ruler — Makes his illegitimate son Duke of
Berwick — Birth of an Heir to the Throne — Petition of the Seven
Bishops — Sent to the Tower — Their Trial — Reception of the news
of their Acquittal at Hounslow Heath — James and the Prince
of Orange dislike each other's Ambassadors — Friction between
James and William — Plotting by the Dutch Ambassador — Skelton
sent to the Tower — White made Marquis d'Albeville — Protestant
ism in the Navy — Choice of an Elector of Cologne — Offers by
Louis XIV. — James will not believe that the Prince of Orange
intends to invade England — Correspondence with Princess Mary
— Prince of Orange's Declaration — Preparations for War — James
discovers Sunderland's treachery — Appoints Middleton in his
Place — Sunderland and Petre  36g

CONTENTS xiii

CHAPTER XXIV.
Prince of Orange sails— Driven back by a Gale — James consults Peers
and Prelates — Concessions — Receives news of William's Landing
at Torbay — Desertion of Cornbury — Interview with the Bishops
— James goes to his Army at Salisbury — Violent attacks of
haemorrhage — Many desertions — Ought James to have fought? —
Return to Whitehall — Desertion of Prince George and Princess
Anne — Skelton liberated and made Governor of the Tower — A
Council — The Queen and her Baby Son sent to France — James's
letter to Feversham  388
CHAPTER XXV.
Churches pillaged — James's Flight — Stopped at Sheerness — A Prisoner
of Feversham — The Council at Whitehall invite James to return
— His Triumphal Entry into London — Feversham imprisoned by
William at Windsor — Mulgrave asks James to make him a
Marquess — Generals' offer to raise 10,000 men in support of James
— He takes a walk with Balcarres and Dundee — William's Troops
take possession of Whitehall — James sent to Rochester . . 405
CHAPTER XXVI.
Escape of James — He goes to France — Arrival at St. Germains —
Hospitality and kindness of Louis XIV. — Bad taste of Mary at
Whitehall — Jacobitism in Scotland — Jacobitism in Ireland — Tyr
connel raises an Army — Louis XIV. encourages and helps James
to go to Ireland — Bad reports of both James's and William's
Armies in Ireland — Schomberg — James finds his Irish Parliament
and Ministers almost as troublesome as his English — Cruelties of
his French General, de Rosen — James's anger with him — Winter
Quarters at Dublin  428
CHAPTER XXVII.
Machine Guns — Colonel Teague O'Regan — Schomberg takes most of
Ulster — De Rosen replaced by Lauzun — War on the Continent —
William wounded — Battle of the Boyne — Death of Schomberg—
Louis XIV. writes to ask James to return to France and to
invade England with a French Army of 30,000 men — When he
reaches Versailles James finds that altered circumstances prevent
Louis XIV. from carrying this out  445
CHAPTER XXVIII.
Jacobites fail both in Ireland and in Scotland— Jacobite Plots in Eng-

CONTENTS

land — The Non-juring Bishops — Scotch Officers form a Regiment
for France — Wars in Europe of Louis XIV. — Death of Tyrconnel
— Death of Louvois — Louis XIV. furnishes James with an Army
and a Navy to invade England — Russell promises to try to keep
the English Fleet out of the way ; but declares that if he meets
the French Fleet, he will be bound to fight it — Defeat of the
French Fleet at the Battle of La Hogue — James sees the Fleet of
Louis XIV. burned before his eyes — Princess Anne writes to beg
her Father's forgiveness — Troubles with his illegitimate children
— At Chaillot and La Trappe — Retreats  462
CHAPTER XXIX.
Ill-health of Mary of Modena — Life at St Germains — Death of James's
Daughter, Mary of Orange — Louis XIV. fits out another expedi
tion for the invasion of England by James — Misunderstandings —
French Transports wrecked — Barclay's horrible plot to Assassin
ate William spoils all — James invited to be a candidate for the
Crown of Poland — Jacobite hopes extinguished by the Peace of
Ryswick — William's offers for James's Son — Attacks of hasmorr-
hage — Paralysis — Goes to the Waters of Bourbon — Last Illness —
Visited on his deathbed by Louis XIV. — His Death . . . 479

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.

James II. From a Portrait by John Riley, in the National
Portrait Gallery  Frontispiece
Mademoiselle, Duchesse de Montpensier . . . facing page 4g
Duke of Buckingham  „ 92
Anne Hyde, Duchess of York, First Wife of James II.
By Sir Peter Lely  „ 122
Anne, Countess of Southesk  „ 141
Medal Exhibiting a First-rate Ship of War, Struck
to Commemorate the Appointment of James, Duke
of York, Lord High Admiral  „ 154
Charles II. By Sir Peter Lely  „ 187
Mary of Modena, Wife of James II. By W. Wissing . „ 219
Duke of Monmouth  „ 224
Duchess Mazarin  „ 230
William III. (Prince of Orange). By Jan Wyck . . „ 237
Sir William Temple  „ 255
Earl of Shaftesbury  „ 261
Duchess of Portsmouth. By Sir Peter Lely ... „ 278
Rye House. From an Old Print  „ 287
Judge Jeffreys. By Kneller  „ 320
Robert Spencer, Earl of Sunderland. Ob. 1702.
From the Original of Carlo Maratta, in the Collection
of The Right Honble. The Earl Spencer ... „ 327
Anne Digby, Countess of Sunderland. By Sir Peter Lely „ 355
The Earl of Castlemaine at the Feet of Pope
Innocent XI. From a Contemporary Work in honour
of his Visit, published in Rome  „ 363
The State Coach used in Rome by the Earl of
Castlemaine. From a Contemporary Work in honour
of his Visit, published in Rome ..... „ 368

xvi ILLUSTRATIONS
James Fitz James, Duke of Berwick. After Sergent . facing page 371
Queen Mary, Wife of William III. By W. Wissing . „ 383
James II. After Kneller  „ 390
Princess George of Denmark (Queen Anne). By
Michael Dahl  „ 398
Louis XIV  „ 431
Duke of Schomberg . . . . . . „ 457
Mary of Modena, Wife of James II. From a Mez-
*°tint  479

INTRODUCTION.
It is to be feared that we are frequently not very
generous, or indeed quite just, to the memory of some
who have occupied great positions in the world's
history. The lives and characters of such people are
commonly, if not indeed generally, estimated by the
success or failure of the work accomplished during the
often very brief period of their power, or while they
have occupied some distinguished place in Church or
State. Although this may have been but a mere
fraction of the entire span of their lives and not
perhaps that in which they could best display their
characters or their activities, posterity has often not
looked beyond this ; and has, not infrequently at least,
judged them by the results of the few years of place
and power, allowing these to obliterate all else be
sides. In the event of success and fame attaching
to this period of authority there is obviously no
question of injustice to the memory, even if all but
the public part be forgotten ; but what if it has been
marked by failure? Is not failure often the only
note by which posterity frequently characterises the
whole life, however brilliant its earlier years, however
worthy of commendation its previous manifestations
of conspicuous energy and courage ?

xviii INTRODUCTION
The story of King James II. furnishes us with a
good illustration of this unfortunate tendency. His
brief and inglorious reign, terminated by his ill-judged
flight from England and his deposition by the re
presentatives of the nation is practically all that
many people know or care to know about him. In
reality, however, there is much more to learn : his true
life was one of great adventures on sea and land ;
and in many difficult circumstances and even amidst
overwhelming adversities he manifested a bravery, a
calmness and a capacity, in which few of the Kings
of England have excelled him. It is with the inten
tion of drawing popular attention to the facts of King
James's life as a whole that the author of these Ad
ventures of King fames II. has written the volume
now given to the public. The facts speak for them
selves ; and the many stirring incidents related in
these pages can hardly fail to arrest the attention,
and to interest those who will peruse them. Indeed,
the life of the Prince will be found to be so active
and so full of adventure in its earlier part, that the
few years of his reign form but a passing episode
in the whole story. In place of the unfortunate
memories connected with that period, the mind re
tains rather the picture of James as a hero and a
capable military commander. We see him, for
example, as a boy effecting his escape in 1648 from
St. James's Palace ; being trained in fighting by
the great Turenne in his wars against the Fronde,
and against Spain and Lorraine as the allies of

INTRODUCTION xix
Conde ; commanding an army in the service of Spain
and fighting against his old master-in-arms, Turenne.
We shall see reason also to appreciate him as Duke
of York in the work done for the English fleet. The
"instructions" indeed which he issued in 1662 were
reprinted in 1717 and are said to have remained as
the recognised basis of navy administration till the
beginning of the nineteenth century. The Prince's
knowledge of naval matters and his intelligent
interest in the fleet are acknowledged by no less an
authority than Pepys ; and in recognition thereof,
when in 1664 the Dutch Settlement of New Am
sterdam, on Long Island, fell into the hands of the
British, Charles II. granted a patent to his brother,
and the place was renamed after him, New York.
Nor was the Duke's administration of the navy
confined to mere theory or desk-work : on the
declaration of war against the Dutch, in 1665, he
assumed the command of the fleet and set sail for
Holland. Here he maintained a blockade of the
Dutch ports for two months, until he was driven by
stress of weather to return to England. He was
followed by the Dutch fleet in considerable force
under Opdam and compelled to fight a great naval
battle off Lowestoft, in which his ship, the Royal
Charles, specially engaged that of the Dutch com
mander. The result of the battle, in which the
Duke of York manifested conspicuous coolness and
valour, was in favour of the English ; but owing to
some misunderstanding the victory was not followed

xx INTRODUCTION
up and the Dutch were allowed to escape. These
and many more adventures and doings of James II.
as Duke of York will be found detailed in the follow
ing pages and it is consequently quite unnecessary
even to recapitulate them in the brief Introduction
which I have been asked to write. I purpose there
fore to devote the space at my disposal to the
consideration of the question of the conversion of
James as Duke of York to the Catholic religion, and
of the many complications which necessarily arose
from this change of faith on the part of the heir-
apparent to the Crown.
Doubts have been thrown by more than one
writer on the sincerity of James's conversion. They
have pointed out that the change of religion wrought
no change in the immoral relations which character
ised the life of the Prince whilst Duke of York ; and
that even whilst insisting, almost with bigotry, upon
the principles of the faith he had adopted, he was
setting at nought in his own private life the funda
mental principles of Christian morality. To explain
this strange contradiction some have supposed— for
it is merely a supposition without any facts upon which
to base such a theory — that James had embraced the
profession of the Catholic Faith from mere motives
of State, and because he considered that the Throne
would find greater support from the principles of the
old Church than in the new doctrines of the Re
formation. As a matter of fact, however, James
was much too clever a man to be led by any such

INTRODUCTION xxi
chain of reasoning, and it is quite impossible to follow
the story of his change of religion without seeing that
it was dictated by conviction alone, and by conviction
so strong that he was compelled by it to face the
most serious consequences for conscience' sake — con
sequences which at once involved him in danger in
regard to the succession and which eventually led
to his being deprived of his throne. The objection
on the score of his continued immorality after his
change of faith is in reality no objection at all. The
grace which will bring conviction to the mind is not
always, nor indeed perhaps generally, that which will
strengthen the will to resist evil, especially when that
evil springs from habits long persevered in and which
are changed or eradicated only by contrary habits
formed as the result of many combats fought to a
victorious issue. The world would be a very dif
ferent place to what it is, if faith necessarily secured
the following out of strict morality. Serious religious
convictions ultimately, no doubt, assist in the process
of self-conquest and the triumph of virtue over vice ;
and this it did in the case of James II. whose con
duct in the last years of his life was irreproachable,
even amidst the unblushing immoralities of the court
of Louis XIV.
The change in the religious sentiments of
James II. was by no means sudden. It was the
result of a long process of thought, and according to
his own account no single individual had much to do
with it. In an interview he had very shortly after his

xxii INTRODUCTION
accession with Ferdinand d'Adda, the Apostolic
Nuncio, he spoke at some length about his conver
sion. No one, he declared, even out of the number
of religious with whom he had come in contact, had
ever spoken to him on the subject of religion with one
exception. Once, when a youth, he had visited a con
vent of nuns at Paris in company with his mother, the
late Queen, where one of the old nuns had addressed
him and begged him to embrace the Catholic faith.
He had replied that he was much too young to be
able to form any opinion on the question, and there
the matter rested. What had led to his conversion,
however, was mainly the reading of a history of the
Reformation (probably, as we shall see, that written
by Dr. Heylin), and having another book put into
his hands, which had been written by a Protestant
minister against the Catholic position.
The actual date of James's conversion is not
known, but it is probable that it was before the
outbreak of the Dutch war of 1672 that he was
satisfied of the claims of the Catholic Church. It
would almost appear that his brother King Charles II.
was the first to make up his mind as to the ne
cessity of submission to the authority of Rome.
The papers on the Church, found after his death
and certified by James II., make it clear that,
although the King did not take the step until the
last moment on his deathbed, he was long fully
satisfied that the Catholic position was the only
sound one in matters of religion. There is reason to

INTRODUCTION xxiii
believe that in the winter of 1668-9 Charles expressed
his convictions to James and his resolution to be
reconciled to the Church. James in his behalf
inquired from a Jesuit, Father Symond, whether
it were possible to obtain a dispensation to remain
outwardly a Protestant after joining the Church in
communion with the Pope. The reply was of course
a decided negative, contrary to what might be be
lieved possible according to popular notions of Jesuit
casuistry ; but the secret treaty with France in
1670, which so alarmed the English people, contained
a provision for the attempted restoration of England
to the Catholic Church. The Duke of York was
proclaimed by his adversaries as "a partner" in
the secret treaty, and they endeavoured to connect
the change in his religious opinions with this ar
rangement with France. It seems more probable,
however, that it was not until 1676 that James
made his formal submission, as upon ioth April
of that year a letter from Francesco Ferriesi, the
Florentine Envoy in London, says : " Last Sunday
Easter day, the Duke of York only went to the
door of the Chapel with the king and then to his
own apartments, which gave rise to much anger
against the Catholics. In order to quiet the bishops
the king has allowed the little princess, though not
old enough, to receive the Sacrament solemnly."
The writer adds that, in consequence of this, addi
tional rigours are threatened against the Catholics.
Before this time, however, namely in 1670, the

xxiv INTRODUCTION
wife of the Duke of York had declared herself a
Catholic, and a paper in her own writing, dated 20th
August of that year, stated her reasons. They were
briefly the following : She had read the history of
the Reformation written by Dr. Heylin and had
spoken to Dr. Sheldon, the Archbishop of Canter
bury, and Bishop Blandford of Worcester about her
difficulties. They both told her that the Catholic
Church possessed many things much to be desired
in any Church, and Blandford in particular said that
had he been brought up a Catholic he would not
have changed. They advised her in order to quiet
her scruples, to receive the Communion. This she
did on Christmas Day 1669, but she became more
than ever disturbed in mind and at last spoke to a
Catholic friend. He brought a priest to her who
explained the Catholic doctrines clearly, and with
many fears of the consequences, she took the step
and was received into the Church in the early days
of 1670. " I knew the difficulties," she says, "and
how I should lose my friends and be discredited if
I made this change, and I pray God that the poor
Catholics may not suffer by this my conversion. I
beg of Him to send me any trials in this life instead
[of] that."
The same year, 1670, in the summer, James
was taken seriously ill, and nine months after (31st
March, 1671) the Duchess died as a professed
Catholic. This naturally inclined the Duke to
thoughts of religion, although there is no positive

INTRODUCTION xxv
evidence that he took any real steps to set his con
science at rest. No doubt the very critical position
of Catholics at that time was sufficient to make the
strongest man pause before taking a step which
would involve him at once in the greatest peril
and which would be almost certain to intensify
the miserable persecutions of which Catholics were
then the object. Knowing what we do of the true
sentiments of the King we are not surprised to find
that he would have been willing to protect this
scattered remnant of the old religion had he been
able. The Internuncio Apostolic of Brussels, Mon-
signore Airoldi, visited England in 1670, and says
that Arlington himself took him to see the King
at Whitehall. He was introduced into the royal
presence by a secret staircase, and was charmed with
the reception accorded him by Charles. He thought
that the King was well disposed towards Catholics
and he was sure that Arlington would do anything
for them. The Nuncio was not the only one who
thought that Arlington's policy was favourable to
the ostracised Catholic remnant. Evelyn records in
his Diary that " Papists and swarms of sectaries
are now boldly shewing themselves in their public
meetings. This was imputed to the same Council,
Clifford warping to Rome as was believed, nor
was Lord Arlington cleare of suspicion."
Charles II. really did all that it was possible
for him to do in behalf of his Catholic subjects.
" Pretty it is," says Pepys, " to consider how the

xxvi INTRODUCTION
King would appear to be a stiff Protestant and son
of the Church, and yet willing to give a liberty to
these people, because of his promise at Breda." He
attempted to pass an Emancipation Act and made
a royal declaration for universal toleration, but the
nation was profoundly and determinedly anti-Catholic.
Nor was the Queen, Catherine of Braganza, perhaps
very wise in thrusting her religion upon the notice
of the people, and with the people of London hostile
and bigoted making such public show of her chapels
and services. " My Lord Brouncker and I," writes
Pepys on 23rd January, 1667, "walking into the
Park, I did observe the new Buildings ; and my
Lord seeing I had a desire to see them, they being
the place for the priests and friars, he took me back
to my lord Almoner and he took us quite through
the whole house and Chapel and the new monastery,
showing me most excellent pieces in wax-worke, a
crucifix given by a Pope to Mary Queen of Scotts
wherein is a piece of the Cross, two bits set in the
manner of a cross in the foot of the crucifix, several
very fine pictures but especially very good prints of
Holy Pictures. I saw the dortoire and the cells of
the priests and we went into one ; a very pretty
little room, very clean, hung with pictures, set with
books. The priest was in his cell with his hair-
clothes to his skin, bare-legged with a sandal only on,
and his little bed without sheets and no feather-bed ;
but yet, I thought, soft enough. His cord about
his middle, but in so good company, living with

INTRODUCTION xxvii
ease, I thought it a very good life. A pretty library
they have and I was in the refectorie where every
man had his napkin, knife, cup of earth and basin
of the same and a place for one to sit and read
whilst the rest are at meals. And into the kitchen
I went where was a good neck of mutton at the
fire and other victuals boiling. I do not think they
fared very hard. Their windows all looking into a
fine garden and park, and mighty pretty rooms all.
I wished myself one of the Capucins."
Yet in spite of the outward appearances, which
made such a monastery in London in 1667 possible,
those who knew felt how impolitic such manifesta
tions of religion really were. In this same year
Henry Howard, Earl of Arundel, who had been
corresponding with the Roman authorities on the
necessity of having Catholic bishops in England,
declared that he must cease writing as it was
dangerous for any one to be accounted a Catholic
in these times. In fact the pressure of anti- Papal
feeling grew so steadily, in spite of the good-will of
Charles II., that it seemed impossible to believe that
the old faith would not be stamped out altogether
in the course of but a few years. In the national
madness which followed upon the perjuries of Oates
against the good name of Catholics, even the rights
of ambassadors from Catholic States were ignored.
Signor Francesco Ferriesi, the Florentine Minister,
and his family were carried off to prison from their
beds on the 29th of November, 1677, on suspicion of

xxviii INTRODUCTION
being Papists. The authorities endeavoured to force
him to take the test oath and then ordered him to
quit England upon his refusal. Early in the follow
ing year, the same authority records seeing a public
bonfire of altar furniture, vestments, catechisms,
missals, images, crucifixes and other holy things,
and he adds, "if things go on like this there will
soon be no Catholics, either English or foreign, in
the country". Of this period Macaulay says that:
" Hatred (of the Catholic religion) had become one
of the ruling passions of the community and was as
strong in the ignorant and profane as in those who
were Protestants from conviction ". In 1678 a noble
lord declared in the House of Peers, amid cheers
of approval, that he " would not have so much as a
Popish man or a Popish woman to remain amongst
us ; not so much as a Popish dog nor a Popish bitch ;
not so much as a Popish cat to mew or purr about the
King ". No accusation was too vile to make against
the defenceless Catholic. Under a different temper
the nation would have smiled at the disclosures of
Oates and his fellows and would have placed no
credence on his perjuries, yet it allowed itself to
be stirred to the depths by them. The existing
laws against Catholics were executed with a vigour
and a barbarity hardly conceivable in a civilised
nation, multitudes were thrown into prison and num
bers suffered death. On the monument raised to
commemorate the great misfortune of the fire of
London was placed an inscription declaring that it

INTRODUCTION xxix
was the work of the Papists, though, after the closest
parliamentary inquiry, not a shadow of proof could
be found to warrant such an assertion ; yet this in
scription, though erased by James II. when on the
throne, was again put up by William, our Dutch
King. In 1 67 1 there were preparations made for ex
acting from Catholics the fines for non-conformity
and "a certificate of all the recusants convicted"
and whose names stand chargeable on the " Pipe-
roll " was drawn up by order of the King, whether
for the purpose of calming public indignation by
threatening the resuscitation of the penal laws im
posed for non-attendance at church and not receiving
the Eucharist according to the reformed rite, or with
any real design of oppressing the Catholic remnant
does not appear. The returns were forthcoming for
only a portion of England, but these give a total
of 10,236 Catholics whose names are entered as
convicted at quarter sessions of not going to the
Established Churches. It is moreover noted that
these numbers include few of the gentry or nobility ;
that it is " more than probable that the number of
recusants in those counties from which there was no
return of convictions may equal if not exceed the
number certified " ; and that the amount at that date
owing to the royal exchequer by the unfortunate
Catholics in the twenty-three counties, in which the
convictions were known, was computed at between
four and five millions sterling.

xxx INTRODUCTION
On 3rd September, 1673, James was married by
proxy to Mary Beatrice of Modena, a Catholic. At
once a fresh panic was stirred up by those who
hated the Catholic name. James was advised to
retire with his wife into the country, but this he
courageously refused to do and remained in London
to face the storm. The attempt of Burnet and
Stillingfleet to bring him back to the Established
Church was renewed by Archbishop Sancroft and
the Bishop of Winchester in 1678 with the cognis
ance of the King. James was not shaken, but he
was constrained to allow his two daughters to be
brought up as members of the Church of England,
and with great reluctance consented to the marriage
of the elder with the Prince of Orange. As the
result of the firm attitude of James, now that he had
determined his religious opinions, the Protestant party
under Shaftesbury made a deadset at him, with the
intention of driving him from public life and ex
cluding him on the score of religion from his right
of succession to the Crown. In the first they were
successful, but, even with the adventitious aid of
Oates' perjuries against him, Charles could never be
induced to assent to the Exclusion Bill, although the
Protestant party hoped to the last to find some way
to prevent James's accession.
The King was undoubtedly very fond of his
brother and the Cabal thought that, by keeping them
apart, Charles would in time be alienated from James.
But in this it did not succeed, although all during the

INTRODUCTION xxxi
time the Bill of Exclusion was being prepared the
King was much isolated. The Earl of Ailesbury,
who in January, 1680, had an audience with his
Majesty to present him with some dispatches, wrote
in his Memorials : " The solitary manner I found
the King in put me in mind of some verses in
Manuscript that went about then : —
" Thus have I seen a king at chess,
His rooks and knights withdrawn,
His queen and bishops in distress,
Shifting about, growing less and less
With here and there a pawn."
The public acknowledgment of James's religious
sentiments, which after his marriage with Mary of
Modena could no longer be doubtful, led, as his
former wife had feared in her own case, to the
passing of additional restrictive measures against the
unfortunate "papists," and to the stricter enforcement
of those that had fallen into abeyance. It was
ordered that all persons holding any office — civil,
naval, or military — should take the oaths of allegiance
and supremacy at the next quarter sessions, and re
ceive the Sacrament in open church on some Sunday ;
if they neglected or refused to make this declaration,
they were to be fined ^500 and disabled from be
coming executors or guardians, or suitors in a court
of law. Charles himself soon after refused to allow
the Duchess of York to have the use of a chapel, and
forbade all Popish recusants to walk in the park or
to visit at the palace. The Established Church took

xxxii INTRODUCTION
up the outcry and the bishops ordered all English
men who had taken orders in the Church of Rome
to quit the kingdom under pain of death : all who
frequented the chapels of the Queen or ambassadors
for the purpose of hearing Mass were to be fined
;£iooand imprisoned for a year, and any Papist who
dared to enter a royal palace was to be thrown into
prison, or if a peer to be sent to the Tower for a
twelvemonth. Then, as a next step, Parliament drew
up an oath which each member was called on to
sign. In this he denied Transubstantiation and de
clared the Invocation of the Saints and the Virgin
Mary to be superstitious and idolatrous. It was on
the occasion of the passing of this bill in the House
of Lords that one of the members made the declara
tion referred to above of his unwillingness to have
anything Popish about him.
For several years the battle of parties raged round
the determination ofthe Church majority to secure the
exclusion of James from the throne because he was a
Catholic. Every kind of pressure was put upon the
Duke, even by his staunch friends, to surrender the
ruling of his conscience to expediency, and making
a virtue of necessity to save his Crown by declaring
himself a Protestant. In August, 1681, Hyde was
sent to Scotland to tell him from the King that he
felt he could no longer uphold his brother unless he
conformed at least outwardly, so far as to attend the
Church services. James, however, resolutely refused
to adopt such a dishonest line of conduct and allowed

INTRODUCTION xxxiii
matters to take their course whilst resting upon the
inviolable rights of conscience. In the result James
was brought back from Scotland, whither he had
been sent into practical exile, and once more, in spite
of the Test and other Acts, entered into the King's
councils and was in constant communication with
him. It was in consequence of this that James was
enabled to secure for his royal brother the consola
tion of being received into the Catholic Church on his
deathbed by the Benedictine, Father Huddlestone,
who had formerly helped his Majesty to escape from
Worcester after the battle. In receiving the Sacra
ments Charles declared his penitence for the scandal
of his life, and on being asked by James whether he
should send for a priest said : " For God sake,
brother, do and lose no time ". He also thanked
the Duke for undertaking this for him, as it was a
perilous and punishable matter to aid in reconciling
any one to the Church, and James in particular by
this action imperilled his succession to the throne.
~~ It was one of the curious chances of this curious
time that the people, after all the long-debated Exclu
sion Bill and the bad blood it engendered, whatever
they may have felt, acquiesced in the accession with
a good grace. James spoke to the Council of the
members of the Church of England as " good and
loyal subjects" and added, "therefore I shall always
take care to defend and support it". Much was
subsequently made of this expression ; and the King
later declared that he would better have expressed

xxxiv INTRODUCTION
his sentiments "by assuring them he never would
endeavour to alter the Established Religion " — since
" they could not expect he should make a conscience
of supporting what in his conscience he thought to
be erroneous ".
Strangely enough, then, James commenced his
reign with a large amount of public good-will. A
strong faction had driven him into exile and tried
to deprive him of his birthright on account of his
religious principles. He had stood firm and refused
to court popularity at the sacrifice of his conscience,
and he had triumphed and was upon the throne.
" The estimate which all parties had formed of his
character," writes Macaulay, " added weight to every
word that fell from him." And so " on the Sunday
which followed his accession, his speech was quoted
in many pulpits. ' We have now for our Church,'
cried one loyal preacher, ' the word of a King and
of a King who was never worse than his word. ' "
From the first, what was of real importance, both
for the peace of the kingdom and the welfare of
religion, was that the new King should be prudent.
That he would use his power and position in order
to secure some measure of toleration for the Catholics,
and at least some breathing space from the persecu
tions which for a century had pressed so heavily
upon them was to be expected, and was expected by
all. Despicable indeed would be the character of
any ruler who did not do his utmost to protect those
of his own household in religion. But prudence, in

INTRODUCTION xxxv
the state of public feeling and with the great and
powerful majority in the nation anti-Catholic, was
the only course to pursue. At Rome, where Cardinal
Philip Howard had the ear of the authorities in all
matters concerning England, this was well understood,
and letter after letter came to the new King urging
upon him the need of caution. But this was just the
quality that was conspicuously wanting in James's
^character. As the late King had died in 1685 and the new
King professed a different faith from that of the
nation, it was thought best, to avoid disputes and
scandals, to have the funeral service conducted in as
private a manner as possible. " The king was this
night very obscurely buried," is the expression of the
ever-courteous Mr. Evelyn, who the following day
adds : " Dr. Tenison preached to the Household.
The second sermon should have been before the king,
but he, to the great grief of his subjects, did now for
the first time go to masse publickly in the little
Oratorie at the Duke's lodgings, the doors being set
wide open."
Before the first year of his reign had come to an
end the King's indiscretion had gone very far indeed ;
and Fr. Petre had become one of his chief advisers.
On New Year's Day, 1686, the King and Queen at
tended the Chapel of St. James in state and received
the Holy Communion. The Duke of Gordon, a
Scotch Catholic, carried the sword of state and the
Chapel was crowded with Protestants. Dr. Ley-

xxxvi INTRODUCTION
burn, the Catholic Vicar-Apostolic, was lodged at
St. James's Palace in the apartments of the Almoner.
He went about publicly in a black cassock with his
gold cross visible and paid visits to ministers and
others dressed in this way, and even made a call of
ceremony upon two of the Protestant bishops who
were then in London. James himself took a keen
and personal interest in the work of preaching.
Catechism was publicly held in the royal chapels,
and sermons in English were arranged for several
times a week in the chapels belonging to the am
bassadors. "We have great hopes from the Cate
chism," writes the Nuncio to Cardinal Cybo ; " it is
now given everywhere and a great number attend
it. By the end of Lent I trust the vineyard will
be much enlarged. . . . The King is most zealous
and thinks only of trying to spread the Catholic
religion ; night and day he is ever working for the
glory of God."
In the Holy Week of 1686 the chapels in London
were thrown open for the usual elaborate ceremonial
of the Catholic Church during that time. Multitudes
drawn by curiosity crowded into them and parties
larly went to see the altars of repose, known as the
Easter Sepulchres, about the preparation of which
great care was taken. On the Feast of Pentecost
D'Adda, the Papal Nuncio, opened another public
chapel attached to his house ; and on Corpus Christi
Day, James came up from Windsor to be present at
the celebration in the Royal Chapel of St. James.

INTRODUCTION xxxvii
After the Mass and sermon there was a procession
of the Blessed Sacrament round the enclosure of the
priests. In November, 1686, the new Royal Chapel
at Whitehall was opened with what Evelyn calls
"the musiq of the Italians — for Popish service.
Here," he adds, "we saw the Bishop in his mitre
and rich copes, with 6 or 7 Jesuits and others in
rich copes, sumptuously habited, often taking off
and putting on the Bishop's mitre, who sate in the
chaire with armes pontifically and was adored and
cens'd by 3 Jesuits in their copes ; then he went
to the altar and made divers cringes there, censing
the images and glorious tabernacle plac'd on the
altar, and now and then changing place : the crosier,
which was of silver, was put into his hand with a
world of mysterious ceremony, the musiq playing,
with singing. I could not have believ'd I should ever
have seene such things in the King of England's
Palace, after it had pleased God to enlighten this
nation."
**~ It is unnecessary to multiply instances of the royal
indiscretions. From his accession, although he had
every reason to know the hostility of the nation as a
whole to the faith to which he belonged, James never
hesitated for a moment to give it his support under
all manner of circumstances naturally most irritating
to the members of the Established Church of the
nation. It would almost appear as if he regarded it
as his conscientious duty to act as he did, and yet this
can hardly have been so when, as we know, he was

xxxviii INTRODUCTION
warned by the authorities at Rome itself against the
danger of his method of action, f Be this as it may,
his action raised the No- Popery feeling to a frenzy ;
and a national rising against him became inevitable.
Oh, the pity of it ! In the circumstances under which
James came to the throne, with all the legacy of
hatred against the Catholic Church in the hearts of
the people at large, a wise and prudent monarch might
without much difficulty have brought his people to a
more reasonable frame of mind. "It is evident that,
in such circumstances," writes Macaulay, " the great
est service which an English Roman Catholic could
render to his brethren in the faith was to convince
the public that, whatever some too subtle theorists
might have written, whatever some rash men might,
in times of violent excitement, have done, his Church
did not hold that any end could sanctify means in
consistent with morality. And this great service it
was in the power of James to render. He was
King. He was more powerful than any English
King had been within the memory of the oldest man.
It depended on him whether the reproach which lay
on his religion should be taken away or should be
made permanent."
As a matter of fact James failed, as the world
knows, to render this signal service to the religious
body of which he was a member. His abolition
of the Test Acts, under the cover of the Royal
Dispensing Power, however legal from a constitu
tional point of view, under which alone it had the

INTRODUCTION xxxix
sanction of the majority of the judges, was a mis
take, if not a crime. His attempted appointment of
Catholics to positions in the Universities which, ex
cept by a great stretch of the royal prerogative,
should have been held by members of the Estab
lished Church ; and his Declaration of Indulgence, for
not reading which several of the Anglican prelates
suffered, cost him the allegiance of the Established
Church, and made even those who looked with
religious reverence on the sacred claims of the
kingship, turn towards the Prince of Orange as the
deliverer from an insupportable tyranny.
The Earl of Ailesbury, a true friend of the
King, says of this time : " Now I begin to enter
upon the first wrong measure the good King took,
not but that I think it very hard that persons of
merit and service and for the assistance of their
ancestors, should be excluded because they dissented
in principles of religion ; but the law was against
them and I always laid it down for a maxim that
a dispensing power in the crown might be of the
last ill-consequence and tending to subvert the fun
damental laws of the kingdom ". For this reason
the Earl whilst thinking that there were certain facts
which went to show that the King according to
English law did possess the power of "dispensing,''
especially when the Parliament was not sitting, ear
nestly begged the King not to exercise it. Parlia
ment, he said, " was in good humour " and had asked
that James might give the names of all that he

xl INTRODUCTION
desired to exempt from the operation of the Test,
or should ask for a definite number. The King
would not listen to this excellent advice ; but on his
deathbed he sent a message to him by his confessor,
Father Saunders, saying : had " I taken your sug
gestion — I had never rendered my soul to God my
Creator in a foreign country".
In James's " eagerness to remove the disabilities
under which the professors of his religion lay,'' says
Macaulay, "he took a course which convinced the
most enlightened and tolerant Protestants of his time
that those disabilities were essential to the safety
of the State. To his policy the English Roman
Catholics owed three years of lawless and insolent
triumph and a hundred and forty years of subjection
and degradation."
The years of King James's exile abroad so far as
concerns religious matters may be described very
briefly. It is acknowledged by all that, from the
time of his flight from Ireland till his death in 1701,
the dethroned monarch led the most exemplary of
lives. In 1690 he paid a visit to the celebrated Dom
Armand le Bouthellier de Ranee at La Trappe, the
monastery where was established the strict observ
ance of the Cistercian rule. Here James followed
out the life of the community, going to the choir and
dining in the refectory with the brethren. This visit
he repeated on three or four occasions and always
declared that he felt himself much helped in the
spiritual life by these retreats from the world. In

INTRODUCTION xli
1695 he first began to practise great austerities and
is said to have " turned St. Germains into a sort of
solitude". He composed religious treatises and the
devotions, for the Fridays of each week which were
recited in his chapel to obtain the grace of a happy
death. His charities also are said to have been very
considerable, considering the limited means at his
command. A letter from Lord Perth, which describes
the last hours of the unfortunate King, speaks of his
fervent faith and great love for the Catholic Church.
Blessing the Prince of Wales, we are told, he said :
" Be a good Catholic. Fear God : never give up the
Catholic Faith and religion. It is impossible to lose
too much for God's sake." He spoke also to his
followers who were not Catholics, exhorting them at
least to inquire into the truth of the religion in com
munion with Rome. To the end, says the writer,
he is " a true Christian and a zealous Catholic. As
I write he is as resigned to God's will as a religious
of La Trappe ; no word of complaint escapes his
lips : he asks for nothing and refuses nothing that
the doctors order. His religious principles appear
not less in the pardon he accords to all his enemies.
' I pardon them all,' he says, ' even the Prince of
Orange and the Prince of Denmark.'
" In a word the King is dying the death of a
Saint. . . . Just now the head ofthe English College
at Douai, who is a man of sterling good qualities,
spoke to him of the recompense which he would re
ceive for having sacrificed everything for God. ' Sir,'
d

xlii INTRODUCTION
the King replied, ' I have sacrificed nothing. I was
a great sinner and prosperity had corrupted my heart.
I have lived disorderly and if with advancing years I
have left my evil ways it is because I have at any rate
had the time and opportunity for entering into myself
and for reflecting upon my wretched state. I should
never have done penance had not God in His mercy
afflicted me and given me time, leisure and grace to
think a little about my salvation. For myself I have
never wished to regain my throne.' "
James had expressed a wish to be buried in the
Parish Church at St. Germain's, but his body was
provisionally placed in the English Benedictine
Church of St Edmund's in the Faubourg St. Jacques.
Here many miraculous cures were said to have been
worked through his intercession and a considerable
devotion was manifested to the departed King. The
corpse remained with the Benedictine Fathers, await
ing transportation to Westminster Abbey, till the
French Revolution, when the coffin was broken up
for the sake of the lead and the contents thrown away,
— it is said into the common sewer.
It may not be uninteresting to record the opinion
of his character formed by one of his followers who
was not a Catholic and who did not sympathise with
his royal master in his religious aspirations. Thomas
Earl of Ailesbury says : "I do affirm he was the
most honest and sincere man I ever knew, a great
and good Englishman and a high protector of trade,
and had nothing so much at heart as the strength

INTRODUCTION xliii
and glory of the Fleet and Navy ; it was never in so
high a pitch, nor in so great lustre, as during the
time of his administration, not only when Duke of
York, but the same after his coming to the Crown,
until he was obliged to retire out of the nation ".
Writing after the King's death to the Earl, Father
Saunders, the King's chaplain, says : "My lord, I had
the honour to be his confessor nine years and during
that time his Majesty's confession was such that I
could never require of him the least penance ". This
" I mention the rather to shew what a holy life the
King led ; and he expired with the most entire
resignation to the will of God, and never was heard
to complain or murmur once during the twelve years
he had been out ofthe Kingdom." F. A. GASQUET.
Athen^um Club,
iSth fitly, 1904.

d

CHAPTER I.
The stormy life which it is proposed to describe
in the following pages began in an exceptionally
stormy October. A wet autumn had succeeded one
of those soaking summers which are occasionally
experienced in our very changeable and uncertain
climate. Within thirty miles of London barley was
still lying out, unharvested, in the middle of October ;
nor did the weather clear up till a month later.
Rainy weather, or rather its consequence, a de
plorable harvest, has sometimes an adverse effect
politically, when the discontent thereby engendered
is superadded to already existing dissatisfaction pro
ceeding from other causes. Any additional discontent
was peculiarly unwelcome in the autumn of 1633,
when this country was in a state of dangerous dis
quiet and irritation, for reasons but too well known
to all readers of English history. In short, when
James was first laid in his cradle, the House of
Stuart, in the male line, was beginning to totter.
Before he was laid in his grave, it had fallen.
During the months preceding his birth his
parents had been separated for the first time since
their marriage. The coronation of Charles as King

2 ADVENTURES OF
of Scotland had taken him to the North. During
his absence Henrietta Maria had lived at the royal
palace of Greenwich, in the portion of it known as
the Queen's House, which her husband had speci
ally built for her. There were ample precedents for
the selection of Greenwich Palace as a royal birth
place, King Henry VIIL, Queen Mary, and Queen
Elizabeth having been born there ; but, in this
instance, Henrietta Maria, putting sentiment aside,
gave the preference to St. James's Palace.
In James's own Memoirs the date of his birth is
said to have been the 1 4th of October ; his sister,
Princess Elizabeth, gives the same date, but several
histories make it the 13th, a recent and learned
authority gives it as the 15 th, and on a medal struck
during the lifetime of its subject it is stated to have
been the 24th of November, a mistake evidently
owing to a confusion of the day of his birth with
the day of his baptism ; for in Archbishop Laud's
Diary, we read : " November 24. Sunday. In the
afternoon I christened King Charles his second son,
James, Duke of York, at St. James's."
The baby was committed to the care of a gover
ness, in Lady Dorset, the wife of the Edward Sack
ville, afterwards Earl of Dorset, who killed Lord
Bruce in a duel, outside the walls of Antwerp.
Unlike his ugly brother, Charles, James was a
beautiful child ; and Mademoiselle de Montpensier,
Henrietta Maria's niece, says in her Memoirs that
he became the Queen's favourite son.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 3
Fortunately for James he had a devoted mother.
Through the long corridors of the palace, her beauti
ful voice was often heard singing the tiny Duke of
York to sleep.1
Henrietta Maria was the most beautiful woman
of her day at the British Court ; and during the
infancy of James her perfections of figure and of
face were at their zenith. Her features were excel
lent, her complexion was fair, her eyes were large,
dark and brilliant, and her hair was of a rich chest
nut colour. Waller respectfully wrote of her : —
Could nature there no other lady grace,
Whom we might dare to love with such a face,
Such a complexion, and so radiant eyes,
Such lovely motion, and such sharp replies ?
Beyond our reach, and yet within our sight,
What envious power has placed this glorious light !
Of all the celebrations in honour of the birth of
James the most remarkable was the masque and
ballet given by the Inns of Court, at a cost of
.£22,000 and lasting three days. This masque was
in reality chiefly intended for the pleasure of the
Queen, who attended it. Another masque was got
up for her benefit, but for a much more practical
1 See " Mrs. Godfrey's " charming work, Home Life under the
Stuarts. The still popular nursery ditties " This is the way the
ladies ride," " Dance, Thumbkin, dance," and " Bo-peeper,
Nose-dreeper, Chin-chopper," were no novelties even in the
babyhood of James II., nor were the familiar nursery legends,
"This little pig went to market," "A apple-pie" and "The
house that Tack built". I*

4 ADVENTURES OF
purpose. Up to about a year before the birth of
James, she had been very slow in acquiring the
English language, if not actually obstinate in refusing
to learn it; and her tutor in English, a learned
barrister, conceived the happy idea of utilising a
masque as a lesson for his refractory pupil. He
had a special masque written in English for per
formance by the Queen and her Maids of Honour,
and the part "allotted to the Queen herself was so
prodigious in length as to draw from her the com
plaint that it was " as long as the whole play,"
which, by the way, lasted eight hours. The lesson
proved most successful. Her Majesty afterwards
progressed so rapidly that she talked English almost
entirely, and neglected the education of her children
in her native language to such an extent that when,
some time after she had taken refuge in France, the
Prince of Wales arrived there, his cousin, Made
moiselle de Montpensier, says:1 "he neither spoke
nor in any manner understood the French lan
guage ". Of James, on the contrary, she says that,
although much younger than Charles, " he spoke
French well, which gave him a manner very
preferable to that of his brother".
When he was in London, James's childhood was
generally spent at St James's or Somerset House ;
when in the country, at Woodstock, which must
have been a delightful place for a little boy. To
1 Memoirs of Mademoiselle de Montpensier, pp. 93, 123.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 5
begin with, there was the beautiful park ; then the
large courtyard, protected by its gate-house, was a
place in which a child might safely be given its
liberty ; on wet days, again, there was the great
church-like hall for a play-room, with its fine tapestry,
embroidered with the whole history of a boar hunt,
which to a lad would serve in place of a picture-book,
and another attraction to children would be the
famous labyrinth.1
Kind and gentle as was James's mother, she was
subject to sharp but short fits of temper, and to her
children she could be stern enough on occasion, as
may be seen by a letter written by her, when James
was five years old, to his brother Charles : —
" Charles, " I am sorry that I must begin my first
letter by chiding you, because I hear that you will
not take phisicke. I hope it was onlie for this day,
and that tomorrow you will do it ; for if you will
not, I must come to you and make you take it, for
it is for your health. I have given order to mi Lord
of Newcastel to send mi word tonight whether you
will or not ; therefore I hope you will not give mi
the paines to goe ; and so I rest
"your affectionate mother
" Henriette Marie."
It is easy enough to read between the lines of
this letter that if Henriette Marie had been given the
1 Excursion by Three Norwich Gentlemen in 1636.

6 ADVENTURES OF
"paines" of going to Charles, Charles would have
been given pains by Henriette Marie. In the
seventeenth century, corporal punishment was the
prime factor of education, even in royal households.
As an instance of this, it may be mentioned that
when the poor, little, short-lived grandson of King
James II. was so unsteady on his legs, owing to
water on his brain, as to be afraid of attempting to
walk without a helping hand, his mother, the future
Queen Anne, after reasoning and fighting with the
child on the subject for an hour, sent for her hus
band, Prince George of Denmark, put the usual
old-fashioned instrument of domestic punishment
into his hand, and induced him to flog the little
invalid until he made an effort to walk alone.
Happily for James himself, he had. a very gentle
tutor in Dr. Duppa, of whom Dr. Burnet1 wrote
that : "he was a meek and humble man, much loved
for the sweetness of his temper ". The same en
tertaining though not always trustworthy writer
states that Duppa "had been the King's tutor,
though in no way fitted for that post".
When James was about eight years old, the
political storm, which had for some time looked
very threatening, burst in dire earnest, and England
was on the eve of a civil war. The King was in
great need of money to provide for his own part in
it ; and the Queen went to Holland, in reality to
Successively Bishop of Chichester, Salisbury and Win
chester.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 7
raise funds for this purpose, though ostensibly to
give the little Princess Royal an opportunity of
meeting the young Prince of Orange, to whom she
was betrothed. By dint of pawning and borrowing,
she succeeded in raising ,£2,000,000.
On her leaving England, the King took his sons,
Charles and James, to York ; but the spark of in
surrection was struck at Hull, and shortly afterwards
Yorkshire was ablaze. Indeed, when the Queen
passed through that county, on her return from
Holland, she was herself exposed to the fire of the
rebel arms. Yorkshire being in such a condition,
James and his brother Charles were sent to Oxford
under the care of Dr. Duppa.
The two lads were soon to take a lesson in a
rougher school than that of their mild tutor, namely,
on the field of battle. Affairs had got to such a
head that the imminence of severe fighting in the
midland counties became highly probable, and the
King wished to have his two elder sons under his
own immediate protection. Protection it might be
that he could afford them, but of comfort suited to
young boys he had little to give. Rarely had a
royal army travelled with less luxuries or con
veniences than his. Very few were its waggons
and it was without a single tent.1 For several days
the boys were taken about with their father's army,
while it tried to find the enemy. Scouting must
1 Clarendon's History, bk. vi., p. 41.

8 ADVENTURES OF
have been little understood on either side, as the
two bulky armies wandered about Warwickshire for
some time in fruitless search of each other.
But one morning the two young Princes awoke
to find the camp in a state of hurry and excitement,
and they were told that at midnight news had been
received from Prince Rupert that the hostile army
was stationed at Kineton, within seven or eight miles
of the King's ; and that on receiving this informa
tion their father had given orders for his own army
to advance at daybreak. As to the boys them
selves, their father placed them under the care of
Hyde, afterwards Lord Clarendon, with instructions
to keep them in a place of safety on the high ground
of Edgehill. Children are impatient at long delays ; and
James, on his first battlefield, at the age of nine,
must have found most of that day tedious ; for, al
though the army was ordered to be ready very early
in the morning for an immediate attack, the action
did not actually begin till nearly three o'clock in the
afternoon. Soon after the opening of the engage
ment, James had the good fortune to see a fine
charge made by his father's cavalry. The scene
would be the more exciting, because, as Hyde, who
was beside the young Princes, tells us, it took place
" among hedges and through gaps and ditches,
which were lined with musketeers". Of all this
there would be a fine view from the high ground.
The glint of steel and the clatter made by swords

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND g
striking upon armour, the smoke from the large-
bored muskets, and the reports of the fire-arms of
different descriptions — cannons, pistols, dragons, car
bines, muskets and harquebuses — would delight a boy
of James's age, unless, which well might be, he were
too much frightened to enjoy them. On the other
hand, he may have been too young to realise the
danger. If he did feel any alarm, he must soon
have regained confidence, for the galloping horse
men went farther and farther away, and the din of
war grew gradually more distant and indistinct.
Presently his father, the King, rode up, well pleased
with the progress of the battle.
But the day was not yet won. Warlike sounds
became clearer and nearer again. Some of the
royal cavalry, even some of the King's own horse-
guards, in their bright armour and brilliant uni
forms, were seen retiring, and retiring very fast,
while detachments of the black-armoured and brown-
armoured Parliamentary horsemen appeared from
various directions. One of these hostile detachments
came very near the royal group before the return of
the King's cavalry, and it could very easily have
captured Charles and his two sons,1 who had only
a very small escort, if it had not failed to notice
them, owing to all eyes being concentrated upon
Rupert's retreating cavalry.
The King then sent for his reserve and an-
1 Clarendon's History, bk. vi., p. 48.

io ADVENTURES OF
nounced his intention of leading it in person. His
next care was to provide for the safety of his boys.
It looked as if there might be serious fighting close
at hand, and a soldier would now be a more fitting
protector for them than a mere politician, such as
Hyde. Calling to the Duke of Richmond, Charles
asked him to take the two Princes out of reach of
danger. In reply, the Duke implored his Majesty
to assign that duty to another, and to allow him to
return into action. The King then made the same
request to the Earl of Dorset, the husband of James's
late governess, who refused point-blank, declaring
with an oath that he would not " be thought a
coward for the sake of any King's sons in Christen
dom ". Upon which Charles turned to Sir William
Howard and gave him an absolute command to
retire out of range of the fighting, with the two
young Princes and an escort of about fifty pensioners.
The King then cantered forward at the head of
his reserve cavalry and Sir William retreated with
his young charges. Sir William had not ridden a
hundred yards when he saw a considerable body of
rebel horsemen approaching, and he at once made
for the nearest shelter, a smal] barn, utilised at that
moment as a temporary hospital for some of the
King's wounded warriors. Behind the hedge sur
rounding this barn, Sir William tried to conceal the
Princes. This endeavour did not altogether deceive
the Parliamentary horsemen ; but seeing the King's
uniforms at the door of the barn, they suspected it

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND ii
to be filled with musketeers in ambush, ready to
pour a murderous fire upon their nearer approach ;
and, thinking it more prudent to retire, they lost a
golden opportunity.1
This was not the only moment of approximate
danger experienced that afternoon by the young
Princes. At another, when a few of the enemy's
troopers happened to pass not far from where they
were standing, one trooper recognised the Prince of
Wales and galloped towards him in the hope of
effecting his capture. Sir John Hinton, who was
riding near, spurred his horse to the rescue of the
Prince. The trooper and Sir John exchanged pistol
shots ; but it is difficult to take accurate aim from the
back of a galloping horse, and both bullets flew wide
of their mark. The combatants then closed, and the
1 Clarke's Life of King James II. In 1816, the Rev. James
Stanier Clarke, historiographer to the King, brought out The
Life of James II. Collected out of Memoirs Writ of His Own Hand
&c. Published from the original Stuart MSS. in Carlton House.
These, then recently acquired, MSS. had been written by some
one who had before him James's own Memoirs, written in his own
handwriting ; and, in many cases, a direct copy is given of James's
own MS. It is uncertain who wrote, or rather compiled, the
work. It is not unlikely to have been Lewis Innes, ¦• whom
Voltaire called Le Jesuite Innes. King James placed his original
Memoirs in Innes's hands. His warrant, when doing so, begins :
" James R. James the Second by the Grace of God King of Great
Britain &c. &c. To our Trusty and Wellbeloved Mr Lewis
Inese, Almoner to our deerest Consort thei Queen, and Principal
of Our Scotch Colledge at Paris Greeting." When reference is
made to James's Memoirs, in the following pages, it is to the book
described above.

12 ADVENTURES OF
trooper was dismounted. Sir John belaboured him
with his sword, though ineffectually, as the man was
in armour. Just then, however, a Royalist soldier
rode up and ended the affair by battering in the
trooper's helmet and skull with a pole-axe.1 This
must have been the first specimen of very near
fighting witnessed by James.
It was well that the early darkness of an evening
in late October then put an end to hostilities, as a
boy of nine had seen quite enough for a first day
of active service. The killed in the action have
been variously estimated at from 1,000 to 5,000;
and the view of such a battlefield, even from its
outskirts, was a stern experience for a mere child,
hitherto nurtured in the luxury of a court.
The King, the Queen, and the court settled down
for the winter at Oxford ; and the courtiers tried to
persuade themselves that politics looked more hope
ful. All that was loyal, learned, and refined was
represented at the court in Oxford during the few
succeeding months, and the boy whose adventures
form the subject of these pages would naturally con
trast his then peaceful life with the hardships and
horrors of the short campaign in which he had so
lately taken a passive part.
Unfortunately this happy condition of the court,
and of James's affairs, was soon to come to an end.
In the early spring, his mother went to Bath in
1 A MS. which was in the possession of the late Dr. Lingard.
See his History, vol. viii., p. 5, note.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 13
hope of obtaining relief from an acute attack of
rheumatism ; and from Bath she went to Exeter
for her confinement. Meanwhile his father had to
leave Oxford for the war, which was now raging
more furiously than ever. The news that reached
Oxford from the front grew worse and worse ; and
it is a matter of history that the Scottish army, to
which the King had entrusted himself, eventually
betrayed him to that of the Parliament. The
Prince of Wales had already been sent to France,
and the Duke of Gloucester and the Princess Eliza
beth were in the charge of the Earl of Northum
berland in London. On the 24th of June, 1646,
Oxford surrendered to Sir Thomas Fairfax, "no
other article," say James's Memoirs, "being made
for the Duke than that he was to be delivered into
the hands of the Parliament, to be disposed of ac
cording to their pleasure". The pleasure of the
Parliament was to place him, practically as a
prisoner, in the keeping of the Earl of Northum
berland.1 James was sent towards London in charge of a
strong guard, and the Earl of Northumberland had
orders to meet him on the road. Northumberland
treated his little princely prisoner with great respect :
he met him with a procession of stately coaches and
a retinue of noblemen and men of noble families.
1 Algernon Percy, tenth Earl. He took an active part against
Charles I., but did not consent to his death, and he afterwards
promoted the restoration of Charles II.

14 ADVENTURES OF KING JAMES II.
However gloomy his forebodings, the boy could
scarcely fail to be pleased and inspirited by his re
ception, and by the deference paid to him. When
he came within sight of the gates of London, a
crowd of citizens proceeded from them, and when he
was within hearing distance, his ears were greeted
with loud cheers in his honour. As he passed
through the city, loyal hands strewed the streets
with flowers for his coach to pass over, and the
boy entered London more like a conqueror than a
prisoner. It is remarkable that almost the same
scene was to be repeated, many years later, when
he was once more brought to London practically a
prisoner, though nominally a King, a few days
before he left London and England for ever.

CHAPTER II.
On James's arrival at St. James's Palace, the Parlia
ment immediately voted .£600 for the purchase of
his coach and apparel,1 and ^7,500 a year for the
expenses of his maintenance, in addition to the sum
already given for the expenses of the Duke of
Gloucester and the Princess Elizabeth. The only
condition made by the Parliament was that all
James's tutors and servants should be dismissed and
that new ones should be engaged by their own re
presentative, the Earl of Northumberland. To give
him his due, Northumberland did everything in his
power for the welfare and personal comfort of his
young prisoner, and James lived in far greater luxury
as a captive under that Earl than he had enjoyed in
the brilliant but impoverished court at Oxford.2
An attempt was made in the winter to get James
out of the hands of the Parliament. The affair was
to be managed by Mrs. Kilvert, lady-in-waiting to
Princess Elizabeth, and a man named Hill, the
barber appointed by the Parliament to attend on
James. The plot was on the point of execution,
when a letter written by James was intercepted, and
1 Whitelock's Memorials, July, 1646.
2 James's Memoirs, vol. i,, pp. 31 et seq.
15

t6 ADVENTURES OF
the whole secret was discovered. Hill was imme
diately arrested and imprisoned, but Mrs. Kilvert
escaped detection.
Northumberland laid the whole affair before the
Parliament, which at once despatched a commission
of two peers and four members of the House of
Commons to examine James. As soon as James
had learned that the plot was discovered, he gave
the cypher, which he had received from his father,
to Mrs. Kilvert, "desiring her to hide it in some
such part of the house as was agreed betwixt them,
that it might be in his power to recover it again,
though she herself should be sent away ".
On the arrival of the commissioners, they began
by demanding the cypher. James said " that he had
burnt it". Then they threatened to send him to
the Tower unless he instantly revealed the names of
his accomplices. The lad absolutely refused to do
anything of the kind. Northumberland also tried to
persuade James by pointing out to what dangers he
was exposing a guardian who, although in duty
bound to keep him in custody, had done everything
in his power to alleviate his detention and to make
his life at St. James's Palace agreeable. The boy
gave a civil reply ; but respectfully submitted that,
much as he would regret to do anything which might
compromise the Earl of Northumberland, who had
been so kind and courteous to him, his first duty was
to his father, and that he was bound to obey that
father's command to observe the strictest secrecy

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 17
about the points in question. The members of the
deputation from the Lords and Commons, however,
continued to press the lad ; and, by talking about
sending him to the Tower and using other forcible
arguments, the four men at last induced James to
promise that he would not receive a letter from any
person whatsoever without imparting its contents to
the Earl of Northumberland.1
Shortly after this promise had been made,
a man well known to James slipped a letter into
his hand, and whispered into his ear that it was
from his mother. Remembering his promise and
fearing that the letter might contain information
which it would be very undesirable that Nor
thumberland should acquire, James refused to accept
it. The intermediary, as was his duty, reported
what had happened to the Queen. It has already
been observed that, though very amiable, her temper
was not of the longest, and on this occasion she
gave way to an outburst of it. Here was her
favourite son refusing to receive a letter from his
loving mother. Had their bitterest foes already set
him against his parents ? The defection of courtiers
and cavaliers, like Northumberland, was inexpres
sibly distressing ; but what was all that in comparison
1 The account of this first attempt at escape is taken from
James's Memoirs, vol. i., pp. 30-34; Perfect Occurrences, ist Jan.,
1647 > Moderate Intelligencer, 24th Dec, 1647 ; Mercurius Civicus,
3rd Sept., 1646 ; And Journal, Lords, viii., 620, and ix., 77-78.
2

i8 ADVENTURES OF
with the defection, as she supposed, of her own and
her best loved son ?
A request from the King for permission to see
his children was peremptorily refused by the Par
liament. But, a little later, at the intercession of
General Fairfax, and on his guarantee for their
safe return, leave was given for the children to be
absent from St. James's for two days to meet their
father. Before 7 a.m. on the 16th of July, a coach con
taining the young Dukes of York and Gloucester,
the Princess Elizabeth and Northumberland, followed
by two others in which sat the gentlemen and ladies-
in-waiting, and escorted by a strong guard of armed
and mounted city militia, left St. James's Palace and
made its way to Maidenhead, where the King was
to meet his children. Somehow news of the expe
dition had leaked out ; crowds of people from the
neighbouring villages had flocked into Maidenhead,
and when, at about ten in the morning, the carriages
with their military escort entered the town, the
children, from the windows of their coach, saw many
signs of rejoicing, and heard loud shouts of welcome.
The very streets through which they passed were
strewn with green leaves, scented herbs, and summer
flowers in their honour.
The party reached the Greyhound Inn, at which
the meeting was to take place, an hour too soon, and
they had a tedious time of waiting until a little before
eleven o'clock, when the King, very plainly dressed,

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND r9
galloped up to the door, accompanied by a rather
ominously armed escort.
The meeting between the children and their
father must inevitably have been a sad one. "It
is not one of the least of my misfortunes," was one
of Charles's first remarks, " that I have brought you
and your brothers and sisters into the world to share
my miseries."
When they had dined, they all went to Caver
sham, a beautiful place on the Thames, opposite
Reading, and there they stayed till the following
evening. The three children had not returned to St.
James's Palace more than a week before the hot
July weather produced a virulent outbreak of the
already lurking plague. Northumberland begged
to be allowed to take his young charges beyond
its ravages, to Sion House, and an order was
actually given to that effect ; but it was recalled on
a rumour that an attempt was about to be made
to rescue the children from the hands of the Parlia
ment ; and instead of being taken out of the plague-
stricken city, they were carried into its very heart
and deposited in the house of the Lord Mayor.
Dangerous as was this residence in the very
midst of the plague, it did not last very long,
and Northumberland was permitted to remove his
charges to Sion House. Another concession, made.
almost simultaneously, was permission for the King,
who had been removed to Hampton Court, occa-

2o ADVENTURES OF
sionally to visit his children, a permission of which
he eagerly and frequently availed himself. James
without doubt valued and enjoyed the privilege of
his father's visits, although they may have been
rather formal and solemn. Sir Thomas Herbert,
who used to accompany the King, says that it was
the custom of the royal children to fall on their
knees before their father and ask his blessing, which
he used to administer with great fervency ; and we
read that Charles spent much of the time allotted
to these meetings with his children in instilling into
them sound principles of morality and religion, and
in giving them good advice as to details in their
future conduct.
Most of us have been accustomed to regard these
interviews between Charles I. and his children, during
his captivity, as we were taught to regard them, and
as we certainly ought to regard them, with respect
and reverence.
Yet, in contemplating these meetings of Charles I.
with his children, it is easy to imagine the constraint
likely to have resulted, partly from the consciousness
that trivial talk about unimportant subjects would
be out of place on such occasions and partly from
grave forebodings which both parent and children
kept unuttered from fear of giving pain. One must
consider too the very serious nature of the advice
which the father would consider it his duty to
give to his children, when possibly he might have
few, if any, more opportunities of giving them

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 21
any. Again it is not improbable that there were
efforts on the father's part to cheer them, for the
moment ; and we all know what is generally the
effects of efforts such as these. Nor can it be quite
forgotten that seventeenth century children must
have been very different from children of the
twentieth century if they found long parental lec
tures upon religion, morality, and generally becoming
behaviour, very acceptable.
Northumberland and Fairfax were occasionally
present during a portion of the time spent by Charles
with his children ; but it is much more remarkable
that a frequent visitor at these interviews was Oliver
Cromwell, who described them as the most touching
sights he had ever witnessed. James, long after
wards, said that all the other Parliamentary officers
who were introduced to himself and his brother
and sister in those times kissed their hands ; but
that Cromwell, and Cromwell only, also bent his
knee. In one interview, when the King was alone with
his children, he told James,1 by that time a boy of
fourteen, that he considered himself in the power of
the army and not of the Parliament ; but that he was
uncertain to what extent the army was prepared to
act at the bidding of the Parliament, " that he hoped
well, yet with much doubt and fear". And then
James received from his father a very strict com-
1 Clarendon's History, bk. x., pp. 66. et seq.

22 ADVENTURES OF
mand that, if the army should at any time prevent
the King from seeing his children, or not allow the
King's friends to visit him freely, James was to
infer that he also would soon be put into a prison,
and that he should at once " bethink himself
how he might make an escape . . . and transport
himself beyond the seas. The place he recom
mended to him was Holland ; where he presumed
his sister would receive him very kindly, and that
the Prince of Orange, her husband, would be well
pleased." In course of time the contingencies, suggested
by King Charles as possible, actually took place, and
James, in obedience to the commands of his father,
" bethought himself how he might escape, and trans
port himself beyond the seas ". To do this was now
very difficult ; for, since the King himself had become
an acknowledged prisoner, the young princes were
given less liberty. James's first effort was to write
a letter to his father, which he managed to send
off, under cover of a letter to his sister, the Princess
of Orange. This letter was intercepted after it
had left St. James's Palace. Northumberland was
summoned by the Parliamentary leaders, severely
reprimanded for allowing it to pass, and threatened
with imprisonment in the Tower for his carelessness.
He was also required to search James's rooms until
he found the key to the cypher in which it was
written. When this had been discovered, the letter
was found to contain questions as to James's best

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 23
method of attempting escape. After this incident,
the boy was watched more carefully than ever.1
Fortunately for the lad of fifteen, older and more
experienced heads were plotting on his behalf, and,
without informing him of particulars, they contrived
to make him sufficiently aware that a scheme was
on foot for his escape, and to convey instructions
as to the part it would be necessary that he should
personally play in the attempt.2
The three royal children, although kept entirely
within the precincts of St. James's Palace, its garden
and its park, were permitted to converse with those
" persons of condition " — as Clarendon calls them —
who came thither to visit them. Among such was
Colonel Bamfield, an Irishman, whom Clarendon
describes in one place as " a man of wit and parts,"
and in another as "of a restless and unquiet spirit".
He appears to have taken delight in intrigues, and
he had laid a deep plot for the escape of the young
Duke of York.
His first instructions to James were that he and
his sister and his little brother were to acquire a
mania for playing at hide-and-seek in the palace
and its environs every evening, and that James was
1 Perfect Occurrences, 19th Nov., 1647.
2 The account of what follows is chiefly taken from James's
Memoirs, vol. i., pp. 30-38; Clarendon's History, bk. xi., pp.
129-30 j King's Pamphlets, Brit. Mus.; A Declaration of His
Highness, the Duke of Yorke, his going away, &c. ; and Ellis's
Letters, second series, vol. iii., p. 329.

24 ADVENTURES OF
to hide in places where his brother and sister would
be long in finding him. In that palace concealment
would not be very difficult. The playing of this
game was, said Bamfield, of the utmost importance.
It was to be played every evening for a fortnight,
and, at the end of that time, the Duke of York
should hear further. Meanwhile, George Howard,
brother to Lord Suffolk, carried verbal messages
backwards and forwards between James and Bam
field. Now that the children were confined within
the limits of St. James's, their custodians were only
too glad that they should have an amusement which
they could fully enjoy within those limits ; and for
that reason, their long and daily games of hide-and-
seek were rather encouraged than otherwise.
The Princess Elizabeth was in her brother's
secret, and the little Duke of Gloucester, though
ignorant of it, thoroughly enjoyed the game for its
own sake. When it came to James's turn to hide,
he hid himself in such unexpected places that his
brother and sister always had to spend a very long
time in search of him, and generally the game ended
by his coming out of his hiding-place of his own
accord. h
Bamfield had given James the promised instruc
tions by Friday, the 21st of April, 1648. On that
evening, Northumberland, who had been away for
the day, returned a little before eight o'clock,. and
went at once to the rooms of the Princes. The boys
had just finished their seven o'clock supper. After

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 25
talking to- them for a short time, Northumberland
went to the room of the Princess Elizabeth, and, as he
himself described it, " passed some time in mirth with
the young ladies". As soon as he had withdrawn
and gone to his own apartments, the three young
royalties began one of their usual games of hide-
and-seek. The Princess Elizabeth proposed that James
should hide first, and he immediately left his brother
and sister, ostensibly to do so. He proceeded first
to his sister's bedroom, and in it he locked up a little
dog that generally followed him. Then he went
quietly down a back staircase ; but seeing two of
his gentlemen-in-waiting conversing at the foot of
the stairs he went back again and waited in a
passage. When the sound of their voices ceased,
he stole forth again, and finding that they had gone
away he descended the staircase and passed through
a door leading into the garden. Stealthily crossing
the garden, he went to a door on the opposite side
which barred the way to the park. This door he
found securely locked.
Towards ten o'clock, the hour at which James
used generally to go to bed, formally escorted thither
by the Earl of Northumberland, the Earl sent an
official to ascertain whether the Duke was ready to
receive him. The official returned and said that
James was not in his rooms. Northumberland, who
supposed that James was either engaged in hide-and-
seek or " playing with the gentlewomen (as he used

26 ADVENTURES OF
to doe)," sent a second messenger, who also came
back without being able to find him. A third was
despatched with a like result. Angry at being kept
waiting, Northumberland sent people to look for him
in all directions, mentally anathematising these games
of hide-and-seek as a nuisance, and determining to
put a stop to them. Every one of the emissaries
returned without success ; and now Northumberland's
anger gave way to alarm. Yet he was assured that
the Duke of York had been " little mOre than half
an hour before with the gentlewomen, playing and
very merry'.
After every corner of the palace had been ex
amined, search, and fruitless search, was made, first
in the garden and afterwards in the park.
We left James before a locked door, which pre
vented access from the garden of St. James's Palace
to the park. But early in the evening he had
persuaded the gardener to lend him the key of this
door,1 and now, taking it from his pocket, he let him
self out through the doorway. On the other side of
the door, in the park, he found Colonel Bamfield and
a servant awaiting him. James was in his indoor
clothes, with bare head, silk stockings and thin
shoes ; and the servant at once threw a cloak over
his shoulders and placed a periwig and a hat upon
1 " It was also advertized that the Duke had that evening called
to the gardener for the key of a backe door that was a private way
into the garden very seldome used " (A Declaration of His High
ness, the Duke of Yorke, his going away, &*c).

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 27
his head. Thus disguised, they took him to a place
where a hackney-coach was in readiness, and drove
at once to Salisbury House. There they rang the
bell and went in as if to pay a call, the coach re
maining at the door for a long time, as if it were
awaiting their return when their visit should be ended.
In truth, however, as soon as they had entered the
house, they passed straight through it, and out at its
back into a lane leading to the river. There they got
into a small boat which took them some little way
down the Thames and landed them on the same side
of the river close to Old London Bridge. Walking
to the house of a surgeon close by, they found a
certain Mrs. Murray, whose part it was to disguise
James in female attire. When this had been accom
plished, Bamfield and the servant took James to the
Thames again, went on board a previously bespoken
four-oared barge, and ordered the master to row
down the river.
They had no sooner started than the master of
the barge began to be suspicious ; for Bamfield, when
engaging him, had told him that, when he should
come on board, he would bring a friend, and the
man had not been prepared to find that friend a
woman. His orders had been to take his passengers
to a certain place at the mouth of the Thames, and
now he began to discuss this place with Colonel
Bamfield, exhibiting great uneasiness, and declaring
his opinion that he would find it impossible to pass
the blockhouses at Gravesend without his barge be-

28 ADVENTURES OF
ing challenged and searched. If his employer would
have no objection to such a searching, of course it
would not matter !
Bamfield then felt half-inclined to land just before
reaching Gravesend and to walk with James through
the town to the farther side of the blockhouses and
there to run the chance of being able to get a small
boat to take them to the Dutch ship of seventy tons,
which was waiting for them lower down the river.
Yet the risk of not finding a boat in which to row
out to it seemed very great, and he hesitated to run
it. Having informed the master of the barge that
for choice he would prefer to be untroubled by
officious searchers, he discussed the situation with
him at some length. The man then raised fresh
objections against attempting to run past the block
houses, observing that the bright moon would make
such an attempt exceptionally dangerous ; and he
protested that the risk both to himself, personally,
and to his barge, would be very great.
Before deciding further, Bamfield went into the
cabin, or large room of the barge. Meanwhile the
barge-master, whose curiosity was greatly excited
by Bamfield's evident fear of the boat being searched,
was anxious to find out something further about his
passengers, and walking very quietly to the door of
the room he peeped through a fissure between its
boards. A candle was burning on the table, and
before it was sitting the young lady. While the
barge-master was watching her, to his surprise, she

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 29
lifted up one leg, laid it upon the table, drew her
dress above her knee and pulled up her stocking
in so unfeminine a manner that the barge-master's
suspicions were fully confirmed. He afterwards de
clared that the vision so absolutely confounded him
that he hardly knew what he did or said. Opening
the door he stood before his employer with a be
wildered look upon his countenance.
Perceiving that the barge -master had discovered
half the truth, Bamfield thought it better to tell him
the whole of it, especially as, previously to engaging
him, he had been assured of the man's trustworthi
ness. James promised him that, if he would get his
passengers safely on board the Dutch ship, he should
be very highly rewarded, adding that, if he were
afraid of discovery and punishment on his return
to London, he should be taken in their ship to
Holland. The barge-master promised to do his
best and begged to be taken on board the Dutch
vessel. When they came near Gravesend, the barge-
master put out every light on the barge, stopped
the rowers, and let the boat float slowly down with
the outgoing tide. Fortunately the sky became
overcast, and the barge passed the blockhouses
without discovery. Then it was rowed to the ship
in waiting, and James, Bamfield, the barge-master
and the servant went on board. Although the
barge-master was in the secret, nobody else on board
the vessel was aware of the identity of James.

30 ADVENTURES OF
The winds being favourable, the ship reached
Flushing the next day, and James, as soon as he
had landed, went to a house and changed his female
for masculine attire. From Flushing he travelled to
Middleburg and from Middleburg to Dort. Thence
he sent a messenger to his sister Mary, the Princess
of Orange, who thus, as Clarendon says : " knew as
soon almost where he was, as she did of his escape
from London". The Princess sent him "all such
things as were necessary for his remove to the
Hague," and when he reached it received him very
kindly. The Princess of Orange by word, as well as the
English Royal family by letter, highly commended
the exploit of Colonel Bamfield in delivering James.
As to Bamfield's future, the Queen, who was in
France, thought that he would be amply rewarded
by being made a groom of the bedchamber to the
young Duke of York ; and that for a governor the
Duke ought to have a man of higher social position.
His former governor, Lord Byron, was in England,
and the Queen sent Sir John Berkeley to act as his
governor in Byron's absence. Now it so happened
that Berkeley was the man whom Bamfield most
" hated of all men living," x and he considered him
self degraded, insulted and altogether most ungrate
fully and shamefully used by Berkeley's appointment.
James, therefore, was immediately put upon a most
1 Clarendon's History.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 31
unpleasant footing with the man to whom at that
time he was most indebted.
There was subsequently a great deal of quarrel
ling between Bamfield and Berkeley ; and before
very long, says Clarendon,1 " Bamfield, by a special
command of the King, who had discovered more
of his foul practises than could be known to the
Prince, was not suffered to come any more to the
person of the Duke. So he returned into England ;
where he was never called in question for stealing
the Duke away."
Can it be possible that the Parliament was
rather relieved at getting rid of James, and that it
may have connived, or even more than connived,
at his escape? Bamfield's immunity from "ques
tion " and punishment, and Northumberland's easy
and rapid exoneration are very curious facts!
1 History, bk. xi., p. 200.

CHAPTER III.
A portion of the British fleet, which had remained
loyal to the King, took refuge at Helvoetsluys and,
very much against his will, James, Duke of York,
was appointed its Lord High Admiral. At the age
of fifteen to be the admiral of a fleet manned by un
paid sailors in a condition bordering on mutiny, with
ships very scantily provisioned, and to be warned
by a confidential friend that his appointment as
admiral had been a contrivance of his enemies for
his ruin, was anything but a pleasant position. To
make matters worse, his own advisers and officers
were quarrelling fiercely among themselves.
England was not the only country at that
period in which there were risings and civil war.
Although somewhat relieved by the Peace of West
phalia, France was still at war with Spain, and
she was internally disturbed by the Fronde. There
was fighting in the streets of Paris; the King,
Louis XIV., was only ten years old, and the Queen
Regent and Cardinal Mazarin were with difficulty
endeavouring to cope with insurrection. Therefore
Queen Henrietta Maria did not find France a very
comfortable place of refuge ; for a time, her very
hostess, the Queen Regent herself, was in want,
32

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 33
and the exiled Queen of England was in absolute
poverty. The royal family of France was presently driven
from Paris by the Fronde, and Queen Anne of
Austria, with her court, retired to the strongly
fortified chateau of St. Germains. Henrietta Maria
then established herself at the Louvre, her object
being, if possible, to mediate between the Queen
Regent and the people, an object which eventually
she accomplished.
But long before there was any approach to
mediation, the Queen of England found herself
besieged in the Louvre by the Parisian Frondeurs,
while they, in their turn, were besieged in the City
of Paris by her sister-in-law, the Queen Regent.
The position of Henrietta Maria was the more trying
just then because she was in the greatest anxiety
about her husband, as indeed she had every cause
to be. The difficulty of getting despatches and
letters through the besieging troops into the Louvre
was extreme, and she was often for some days
without receiving any news of King Charles at the
most critical period of his career.
On the 30th of January, 1649, when little more
than fourteen, James was rendered fatherless by the
fall of the headsman's axe at Whitehall. He was
already on his way to join his mother in Paris, and,
when he had with difficulty got through the lines
of the rival armies to the Louvre, he found that the
news of his father's death had not preceded him.
3

34 ADVENTURES OF
It seemed as if it would be cruel to mar the delight
which his mother expressed at seeing him again,
after their very lengthy separation, by telling her
just then of the awful catastrophe. For this reason
it was arranged that the news should not be broken
to her until the morrow, and that the duty of
breaking it should be undertaken by Lord Jermyn,
the head of her little court.
Early the next day she asked a brave and faith
ful gentleman of her household to make an effort
to get through the lines to St. Germains, and there
inquire whether any further news of her husband
had arrived from England. All that followed
must have been a very painful experience to James.
Jermyn showed no signs of breaking the bad
news. As the morning progressed, the Queen
became more and more anxious for the return of
her messenger. The dinner-hour arrived. When
her chaplain, Pere Gamache, had said grace, he
was proceeding to leave the room as usual, when
Jermyn followed him to the door and begged him
to remain in order to comfort his royal mistress
when an opportunity should occur of announcing the
evil tidings.
When the weary meal was over, the few courtiers,
with an effort, " made conversation " on general sub
jects for about an hour, and still either Jermyn had
not the courage to break the news, or he found no
suitable occasion of doing so. Meanwhile, that the
Queen was clearly becoming more and more anxious

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 35
at the non-return of her messenger, was evident, in
spite of all her endeavours to repress her feelings,
or at least to conceal them, for the sake of her son.
Presently a time came when she could bear the strain
no longer, and in a piteous voice she expressed her
wonder at her messengers long absence.
" Surely," said she, " he ought to have returned
before this with his tidings ! "
" The gentleman despatched on this errand," re
plied Jermyn, "is known to be so faithful, and so
prompt in executing all your Majesty's commands,
that, if he had aught but disastrous tidings to bring
back, he would doubtless have been in your presence
ere this."
Jermyn flattered himself that he had thus dexter
ously begun his dreaded task ; but he was undeceived
when the Queen said, hastily and sharply : " What
ever they may be, I see that you know them full
well "7
Pere Gamache says of what followed : " I do
indeed know somewhat," replied Lord Jermyn.
"Then the Queen, dreadfully alarmed, entreated
him to speak less darkly, and after many circum
volutions and ambiguous words, he at length ex
plained the horrid truth to her, who never expected
such intelligence."
1 Memoirs of the Mission in England of the Capuchin Friars
in the Service of Queen Henrietta Maria, by Father Cyprien de
Gamache. Reprinted at the end of vol. ii. of The Court and Times
of Charles the First. London : Henry Colburn, 1848.
-> *

36 ADVENTURES OF
And he adds : " She stood motionless as a statue,
without words and without tears. A great philo
sopher has said that ordinary griefs allow the heart
to sigh and the lips to murmur; but that extraor
dinary afflictions, terrible and fatal, cast the soul
into stupor, and by locking up the senses, make the
tongue mute and the eye tearless."
We need not dwell upon the sequel. It may be
sufficient for our purpose to say that James spared
no effort to comfort his mother.
Prince Charles, or Charles II. as he now styled
himself, was at the Hague at the time of his father's
death ; but in the early summer he joined his mother
at the Louvre ; and he and his brother James,
dressed in deep mourning for their father, escorted
their mother, riding by the side of her carriage, when
she left the Louvre to take up her quarters at St.
Germains. During the journey she was yelled at
by the mob of Paris, and threatened by her creditors.
Of the two brothers, James seems to have been
at that time more attractive than Charles. James,
says Mademoiselle de Montpensier,1 was " very
pretty, with a good face and fine figure, and of fair
complexion". He "spoke much to the purpose,
and I left him well pleased with our conversation".
She also praises his manner. On the other hand she
tells us that although Charles was tall, and had "a
beautiful head, black hair, a brown complexion," and
1 Memoirs of Mademoiselle de Montpensier, p. 123.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 37
" a tolerable figure," his ignorance of French made
him very awkward, and that at dinner he "ate no
ortolans, but threw himself upon a piece of beef and
a shoulder of mutton," and she sarcastically adds :
"his taste appearing to me to be as good in these
as in some other particulars". Henrietta Maria
tried to make a match between her son Charles
and the lady who describes him in these unflattering
terms ; but without success.
On the death of Charles I., his eldest son was
immediately declared King by Sir George Carteret,
the Lieutenant-Governor of Jersey, who called a
number of privateers, which he had fitted out, his
Majesty's navy. With these ships he made many
privateering expeditions and numerous captures of
English merchant vessels. About eight months after
the death of his father, Charles was persuaded by
Carteret to go to Jersey, to be there solemnly and
formally proclaimed King of England, and he took
his brother James with him. It is said that, while at
Jersey, James exhibited a talent for seamanship;1
and this probably means that he accompanied Sir
George Carteret on some of his privateering voyages.
As the two royal brothers made Jersey their head
quarters from September till May, James must have
had time, if not opportunity, for such expeditions.
The cadet might do well by beginning his naval
experiences under Carteret, for that Governor's
1 Die. of Nut. Biog., vol. xxix., p. 182.

38 ADVENTURES OF
courage was beyond all question, and about a year
after Charles and James left Jersey he made such
a valiant resistance1 against Admiral Blake and
General Haines, in Elizabeth Castle, a fortress built
on a rocky island more than half a mile from the
southern shore, to the west of St. Heliers, that his
enemy was glad to offer to himself and all the
loyalists in the island a full pardon, with a guar
antee of the immunity of his property, if he would
capitulate. This he consented to do, but only after
he had received a command to that effect from
Charles. James and Charles were very affectionate brothers,
and if left to themselves they would probably have
always lived without serious disagreement. Unfor
tunately, the friends and advisers of both did a good
deal to disturb the peace which would otherwise have
existed between them. Yet, happen what might,
they always loved each other, and James was very
loyal to Charles, not only as his eldest brother, but
also as his King. In short, Charles II. had no more
loyal subject than James. The brothers had seen
very little of each other for some time before they
1 Carteret had with him a garrison of about 1 50 men and
provisions for eight months. At something under three-quarters
of a mile, the guns of those days did comparatively slight injury
to the castle walls ; but a shell from the hill above St. Heliers
fell into the church of Castle Elizabeth and into a powder
magazine beneath its floor. In the explosion which followed,
more than fifty of Carteret's garrison were killed (Ceesarea :
The Island of Jersey, p. 269, note.).

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 39
went to Jersey together ; and their constant inter
course on that island gave them great opportunities
of interchange of ideas, and of adding personal friend
ship to brotherly affection.
James was still with his brother in Jersey when
deputies came from Ireland and Scotland offering
loyal assistance ; and when, at last, Charles deter
mined to go to Scotland, it was arranged that James
was to return to Paris.
The Princess Elizabeth and the Duke of Glou
cester were in the hands of the Protector in England,
and rumours reached the Queen and her court at
Paris to the effect that "Master Harry" — he was
no longer allowed to be addressed, or spoken of, in
England, as the Duke of Gloucester — was to be
apprenticed to a shoemaker, and his sister Elizabeth
to a buttonmaker. But worse news still arrived of
the Princess in 1650, when James learned that the
sister who had been so long his constant companion
and playmate at Sion House and St. James's Palace
had, as her father's faithful physician described it,
"died on the 8th of September, 1650, in her prison
at the Isle of Wight, of a malignant fever, which
constantly increased, in spite of medicine and reme
dies". Pere Gamache furnishes ample evidence of
the intense sorrow caused to James by the death of
this favourite sister.
Harry, Duke of Gloucester, was the only son
of the late King remaining in the hands of the Pro
tector, and finding his captivity serving no useful

4o ADVENTURES OF
purpose, Cromwell sent him to his mother in Paris.
Relatively to the religion of Gloucester, James acted
in a manner not a little remarkable, considering his
attitude in respect to religion in later life.
Queen Henrietta Maria was exceedingly anxious
to bring up her two younger children, who were not
yet of an age to choose for themselves, in her own
faith. With the little Princess Henrietta she found
no difficulty ; but with Harry, Duke of Gloucester,
it was a very different matter. The boy had a
strong prejudice against everything connected with
popes and priests, and his brother Charles, who
had heard of his mother's wish to bring the lad up
in her own creed, wrote to him, commanding him
on no consideration to consent to change his religion.
There was a brother on the spot, however, who
made use of verbal persuasion and gave personal
assistance to the boy in his resistance against every
attempt to make him a Catholic. This was the
future James II., who was at that time bitterly
opposed to the Catholic Church ; and he was in a
position of some importance in the household of his
mother at that time, as the eldest son present, for
the Queen Regent had required his brother Charles
to leave Paris in deference to the wishes of Cromwell.
Hitherto Henrietta Maria had given up one
of her largest salons to be used as an Anglican
chapel for the Protestants of her household, and Dr.
Cosin, the exiled Bishop of Durham, had acted as
its chaplain. Suddenly, however, Queen Anne of

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 41
Austria objected to there being any chapel other
than Catholic in her palaces, therefore Queen Hen
rietta Maria, much against her will, was obliged to
close the Anglican chapel which had been a great
boon and convenience to her dependants. The
Duke of York, greatly put out at this, had now to
go to church in the embassy chapel of Sir Richard
Browne, ambassador of the late Charles I., and still
resident, with many of an ambassador's privileges,
in Paris. The Queen's Protestant court and ser
vants had also to perform their devotions at Sir
Richard Browne's, and on this account they con
sidered themselves the victims of violent religious
persecution. To the Queen's intense annoyance,
the Duke of York took the Duke of Gloucester with
him to these Anglican services at the house of her
late husband's ambassador.
On one occasion, when the Queen, perhaps not
very wisely or judiciously, had been endeavouring
to press the Duke of Gloucester to become a
Catholic, her want of success roused her temper,
and she dismissed the boy from her presence in
a rage. He went straight to his brother, confided
to him his woes, and asked his protection. James,
at that period full of Protestant zeal, went at once
to his mother, and spoke his mind very freely to
her upon the subject of her efforts to proselytise his
brother. The Queen's temper had not yet quite
cooled, and his sharp words roused its embers into
a flame. A battle-royal between mother and son

42 ADVENTURES OF
ensued; and the Queen was then as angry with
James as she had been with Harry.
The Queen's fit of anger was as usual short
lived, and very soon she became reconciled to
James. In the genial atmosphere of this peace
making, she took the opportunity of trying to con
vert James himself, and with such lamentable failure
that she and he were on the point of having a
second and more violent quarrel than the first.
Religious controversy, particularly when it takes
place between near relations, is apt to put a strain
upon the temper ; and an angry apostle spreads
very little gospel.
When Charles had left Paris for Scotland, he
had given his brother James orders 1 " that he
should conform himself entirely to the will and
pleasure of the Queen his mother, matters of re
ligion alone excepted ". As we saw in the last
chapter, James had readily availed himself of the
liberty accorded to him in these exceptional matters ;
and he longed for liberty in mundane matters as
well. Unfortunately, as barriers against that liberty,
there existed, not only his brother's strict injunctions,
but also his own impecuniosity.
Two friends of James's, Sir Edward Herbert,
formerly Attorney-General to his father, and Sir
George Ratcliffe, although neither of them at this
time holding any office at court, were very frequent
1 Clarendon's History, bk. xiii., p. 385.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 43
visitor's, at James's rooms. As we shall have plenty
of opportunities of observing, when James placed
confidence in an adviser at all — and he did not place
confidence very readily — he confided in him too
much ; and he opened his heart to Herbert and
Ratcliffe, accepting their advice with a freedom
greatly exceeding prudence.
These two men tried to make him impatient with
his own restrained position, and they held up the
Duke of Lorraine as an example for all unfortunate
Princes to follow; remarking1 "that he being by
the power and injustice of the King of France
driven out of his principality and dominions, had, by
his own virtue and activity, put himself at the head
of an army ; by which he made himself so consid
erable that he was courted by both the Crowns of
France and Spain, and might make his conditions
with either according to his own election ; and in
the meantime lived with . great reputation and in
great plenty, esteemed by all the world for his
courage and conduct ".
Herbert and Ratcliffe had presently a new and
a special reason for wishing to please James and to
obtain an influence over him ; for a report, and a
report which they had reason to believe true, to
the effect that Charles had died in England, was
privately brought to them. They, therefore, urged
the Duke of York to leave Paris and to visit the
1 Clarendon's History.

44 ADVENTURES OF
Duke of Lorraine at Brussels. Knowing but too
well his want of cash, they raised sufficient money
on their own personal credit, added to what little they
themselves possessed, to provide for the journey.
Henrietta Maria was one day aroused from a
reverie by James's suddenly saying without preface : J
" I have made up my mind to go to Brussels ".
Knowing his poverty, she rather contemptuously
replied : " And how, pray, do you imagine it possible
to make such a journey ? "
" I am going to visit the Duke of Lorraine, who
was always a friend to my father and continues his
friendship to my brother, the King," said James.
Considering her son both impertinent and fool
ish, the Queen became angry. She told him that it
was nonsense to talk about making an expensive
journey without money. He answered that she
need not trouble herself on that score. This made
her more angry still. Then she exercised her
authority and forbade him to go ; when he quietly
but firmly said that, much as he should regret to
disobey her, he most certainly would go : where
upon she became furious. In her wrath she sent
for James's attendants, Byron and Berkeley, and
asked them what was the meaning of this folly,
and why they tolerated such a scheme. Finding
that they knew nothing whatever about it, she con
cluded, and concluded rightly, that her son's two
1 See Clarendon's History from which this account is taken.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 45
friends, Herbert and Ratcliffe, for both of whom she
had a profound dislike, were responsible for the
mischief. Byron and Berkeley had scarcely left her when
she was informed that James had publicly announced
his departure for the morrow, stating that he would
be accompanied by Herbert and Ratcliffe, and calmly
telling his other attendants that they could either
remain in Paris or follow him to Brussels, at their
own pleasure, and at their own expense.
If powerless to prevent it, his mother was de
termined that James should not start on this esca
pade unprotected and unwatched ; so she ordered
Byron, as his tutor, and Bennet, as his secretary,
accompanied by sufficient attendants and servants,
to go with him at her own cost, with instructions to
send her frequent reports of what her son might be
doing. She would have sent Berkeley too, but he
was sulking, and he begged not to be sent in an
inferior position after having previously acted as the
Duke of York's tutor.
The Duke of Lorraine visited James immediately
after his arrival at Brussels, treated him with great
civility, and very liberally gave him 1,000 pistoles, or
about ,£800. All this pleased James. His two
counsellors, however, now received news with which
they were not at all pleased. They learned that
Charles, far from being dead, was in full life and
vigour, and was advancing at the head of an army
against Cromwell. There was, therefore, no prospect

46 ADVENTURES OF
in the near future of their protege, upon whom they
had just spent so much money, becoming King of
England. The next question was, what they could
do to make the best of a bad business.
The Duke of Lorraine, who always followed his
own sweet will in everything, had publicly married a
second wife, by whom he had a daughter, while his
first wife was still living ; it was not surprising, there
fore, that his second marriage was declared null and
void at Rome. Ratcliffe proposed to the Duke of
Lorraine that the young Duke of York should marry
this bastard daughter. Lorraine had observed that
Ratcliffe and Herbert were very second-rate in their
manners and appearance, whereas Byron and Bennet
were courteous and refined ; and for this reason, be
fore giving Ratcliffe a definite answer, he consulted
Byron and Bennet. Neither of them had ever heard
of the proposed match, and Lorraine sent for Ratcliffe
and told him that King Charles's consent to the
marriage must be received before he considered
whether he would give his own ; that without doubt
the King would give it, but that until that form had
been gone through, he could not proceed in the
matter. Ratcliffe and Herbert now came to the conclusion
that there was nothing more to be got in Brussels,
and, although they had induced James to go there
with the object of attaching himself for a time to
the Duke of Lorraine, their own purses as well as
James's were so exhausted that they advised him

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 47
to leave Brussels and to revisit his sister at the
Hague, in the hope of receiving some assistance
from her until something better should turn up.
We have already noticed that Byron and Bennet
were commissioned by the Queen to keep her con
stantly informed of James's movements ; and, when
she heard that he had gone to his sister at the
Hague, she despatched Clarendon1 to bring him
back at once to Paris. When Clarendon reached
Antwerp, he heard that the Duke of York was a
most unwelcome guest in the States General, that
his sister, now a widow and entirely dependent on
the States for her jointure, as well as for the fortune
of her son, dared not offend them, and that the Duke
of York had been sent from the Hague to Breda.
Thither went Clarendon, and he found the Duke
with his attendants and servants in a state of great
confusion ; they had no money, they were all quarrel
ling, and they were at a loss to know what to do and
where to go. The only thing they all, with one
exception, agreed upon was to abuse Ratcliffe ; and
so voluble was he as to be a match for them all.
" You are men of no parts," roared he, " of no under
standing, of no learning, of no principles, of no reso
lution ; and I despise every man of you alike and
impartially, so I am just to everybody."
Hitherto, James had enjoyed his journeys with
the accompanying changes of scene ; but at Breda
1 At that time Sir Edward Hyde; but it seems most convenient
to describe him throughput by his best-known title of Clarendon,

48 ADVENTURES OF
the quarrels among his followers had reached an
unendurable height, and he was personally, as Clar
endon puts it, " in present want of everything ". As
his own Memoirs say of him : "He was wholly
unfurnished of money and had he not been casually
supplied with the tenths of some prizes, which were
taken by the Jersey frigates to the Northwards, and
which by reason of contrary winds were put into
Dunkirk, he could not possibly have subsisted, and
must have been driven to the last extremities".
The " tenths of some prizes," by the way, had prob
ably been sent by the loyal and faithful Sir George
Carteret. James, in short, was by this time dis
gusted with his expedition and his surroundings ;
and when Clarendon had given him a letter from
the Queen, commanding him to return forthwith
to Paris, and had also assured him that unless he
did so he would incur his mother's very gravest
displeasure, he not only started for Paris, but did
so very gladly, in spite of his expectation of coming
in for a severe scolding on reaching it.
However, when James arrived at Paris, he was
kindly received by the Queen, whose anger as usual,
though quickly roused, was soon allayed, and he was
not sorry to be with her again. Thus ended this
foolish expedition, made at the suggestion of bad
advisers, imprudently trusted. It is a pity that it
was very far from the last to be made under similar
conditions by the future James II.
A brilliant marriage was now attempted for the

MADEMOISELLE,

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 49
young Duke of York, and it was very nearly ar
ranged. The lady was Mademoiselle de Longue
ville, who was, as James tells, next to Mademoiselle
de Montpensier, "the greatest match in France".
James constantly visited her, and the young people
themselves appear to have liked each other. For
all that it fell through. According to James's own
account, it was broken off because the court of
France refused its consent, but Mademoiselle de
Montpensier states in her Memoirs that the reason
of its failure was an objection on the part of Charles
and his mother, when, as she says, " I endeavoured
to prove to the King and Queen of England that I
did not consider it to their advantage". Fifty
thousand crowns a year, she told them, " was not
enough to support the Duke with a wife and, pos
sibly, a family". Be that as it may, she admits that
both Henrietta Maria and Charles were afterwards
very angry with her about the matter. And it is
likely enough that she in some way or other was
the cause of the match not coming off; for just at
that time she was busily occupied in cold-shouldering
Charles, who wanted to marry her.
Mademoiselle was a young lady with a will of
her own and somewhat given to intrigue ; but she
was not very successful in her own matrimonial
endeavours; for she would not marry Charles II.
because it had been hinted to her that she might
have Louis XIV. James seems to have felt some
pleasure in recording that this " caused her wholly
4

50 ADVENTURES OF KING JAMES II.
to break off with the King of England ; by which
means reaching at what she could not get, she lost
what was in her power to have had and missed both
of them ". It would be only natural that James
should feel some satisfaction in reflecting that, if
her scheming lost him an heiress, it lost her two
kings.

CHAPTER IV.
When James was of the age of nineteen, his mother
received one of the occasional visits paid to her by
Cardinal Mazarin, a distinguished ecclesiastic, Italian
by birth, but above all things a Frenchman, once a
soldier and never a priest, far from faultless, but
possibly less faulty than historians represent him,
and at the time of which we are treating practically
the ruler of France.
In the course of his conversation with the Eng
lish Queen, he began to talk about her son, the
Duke of York. " The Duke," said he,1 " is now of
years to learn his me'tier, and has at present a good
opportunity of improving himself by being placed
under the care of a General reputed equal to any
in Christendom, with whom he would have the
good fortune of gaining the experience, and making
the observations likely to enable him afterwards to
serve the King, his brother, whose only hope of
recovering his rights must necessarily be in the
sword." The General meant by the Cardinal was the
Vicomte de Turenne, brother to the Duke of
Bouillon, and, on his mother's side, a grandson of
1 Clarendon's History, bk. xiii., p. 436.
51 4*

52 ADVENTURES OF
William I., Prince of Orange. He had just returned
to the allegiance of the court. The campaign of
the Old Fronde against the New Fronde, a contest
described by Michelet as the " burlesque of war . . .
comic in its origin, its events, its principles," had
come to a pause. It was a time in which great
generals as well as great politicians were sometimes
on one side and sometimes on the other. The very
Old Fronde itself, after fighting furiously against
the court, turned round and sided with the court
against the New Fronde. Nor should Turenne be
hastily blamed for his volte-face, for the times were
difficult and the situation was complex.
When Mazarin suggested that James should
volunteer for the French service under Turenne,
that General, who had lately commanded Spanish
troops, was about to command the French army in
its war against Spain, whereas Conde, who had
been fighting with French troops against Spanish,
had now taken a command under the banner of
Spain in its war against France. And, although it
is anticipating, it may be added that Turenne was
destined to have James on his own side at one
period, and on his enemy's at another.
When he heard of the Cardinal's suggestion,
James was eager to avail himself of it ; but when
he asked leave from his mother and from his brother
to do so, neither of them would do more than
promise to think it over. He was the more anxious
for employment because money was very short in

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 53
the English royal family in Paris. Charles was
paying for James's board at his mother's table.
Royalties and courtiers were all in sore need of
funds ; a great peer, like Ormonde, was living en
pension at a pistole — about sixteen shillings — a
week,1 and altogether the circumstances of the- little
court were extremely embarrassed.
Although the Duke of York, says Clarendon,
pressed his request " with earnestness and passion,"
he "found the Queen as well as the King very
reserved on the point, which proceeded from their
tenderness towards him". Lord Byron, James's
tutor, supported Charles and his mother in this atti
tude of reserve. Partly out of revenge upon Byron,
and partly to please James, Berkeley strongly advised
James to free himself from a tutor by joining the
French army, observing: "that his very entrance
into the army would set him at liberty, and put him
into his own disposal, since no man went into the
field under the direction of a governor ".
Charles held a council to decide whether James
should be granted his wish. Berkeley was not a
member of the council, and Clarendon, who hated
Berkeley, seized the opportunity of out-doing Berke
ley in pleasing James by declaring his opinion, with
all the authority of a Chancellor, that the King
ought not to restrain his brother from undertaking
an expedition "out of his own princely courage,
1 Clarendon's History, bk, xiii., p. 442,

54 ADVENTURES OF
and to attain experience in the art of war, of which
there was likely to be so great use ". After this,
" much of the prejudice which the Duke had enter
tained towards the Chancellor was abated," says
Clarendon. After overcoming all the fuss and ceremony
made about obtaining leave to serve in the French
army, James had the greatest difficulty in joining it.
Having scarcely any money, he had to borrow £250
from a money-lender, and to beg some horses from
his brother, as an outfit. Only Berkeley, a Colonel
Worden, and a few servants accompanied him.
When James joined the French army, the Gov
ernment of its monarch was in a very miserable
condition. James's Memoirs inform us that "at that
time money abounded as little in the French court
as in the English ". Then, on the pretence of the
presence of evil counsellors about the King, several
French potentates were more or less in rebellion,
such as the Duke of Orleans, "the King's unkell,"
the Princes of Conde and Conty, and although not in
act, at least in sympathy, the Duke of Longueville.
Then besides the civil insurrections, the country was
at war with Spain.
Turenne and James were mutually pleased with
each other. James may have been to some extent
attracted to Turenne because instead of his being,
like most Frenchmen, a Catholic, he was a Calvinist ;
for James was a strong Protestant in those days.
Indeed Turenne had refused to marry a niece of

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 55
Richelieu's, a marriage which would have insured to
him wealth and advancement, solely on the ground
that she was a Catholic.
James went to war on this occasion in very
different attire from the silks and velvets of a boy-
prince in which he had accompanied his father on
the field of Edgehill. He now wore the uniform of
an officer of France, as he rode on his pad with the
troops, followed by servants bringing his armour and
a heavy charger for use when he should go into
action ; and he held in his hand the baton which
even captains were privileged to carry at that
period. James became devoted to his General, and
Turenne took a great fancy to the young English
man. While James was with his army, Turenne
usually kept him close at hand. Turenne was
very short-sighted, and, although on a tomb at
Florence with so early a date as 13 17 Sabrino is
described as " inventore degli occhiali," no officer
would have dreamt of going into action in spectacles
in the seventeenth century — the combination of
spectacles and armour would not have been im
posing— Turenne therefore used to keep James
by his side and, as James's Memoirs tell us,1 he
used to desire him " to observe as exactly as
he could and inform him what the enemy were
doing". Even so unfriendly a witness as Burnet
1 Vol. i., p. 122.

S6 ADVENTURES OF
testifies that James II.1 "was very brave in his
youth," and that "he was much magnified by M.
Turenne ". And elsewhere 2 Burnet says that James
"had great advantages by being formed under the
greatest general of his age," and that Turenne "said
often of him " that " There was the greatest Prince
and like to be the best general of his time".
Some weeks passed after James had joined
Turenne, without his seeing any actual fighting.
Before he left Paris, Mademoiselle de Mont
pensier had figured largely by putting a spoke in
the wheel of his proposed match with Mademoiselle
de Longueville, and she was to re-appear just before
his first action in the war. Turenne was informed
that mademoiselle, who had been at Orleans, where
she had induced that city to declare in favour of
Turenne's enemy, was about to pass through both
armies on her return to Paris, and that she was then
at Etampes.3 Now he knew that his enemies had
not done any foraging for several days, and con
sidered it certain that on the following morning
they would forage on an unusually large scale.
Turenne also thought that, as the enemy's generals
would be entertaining mademoiselle, and even escort
ing her on her way towards Paris, the guard in pro
tection of the foragers would "not be very careful".
1 History of His Own Times, vol. i., p. 168.
''¦Ibid., p. 619.
3 A town with something under 8,000 inhabitants, thirty-two
miles south-west of Paris.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 57
He, therefore, determined to march all night with his
whole army, to appear suddenly before Etampes, and
to place himself between that town and the road to
Orleans, along which the enemy's men usually went
for forage. By that means he hoped to capture all
their foragers with their forage,1 and this would be
the easier because the generals, with some of their
troops, would probably be escorting mademoiselle on
her start towards Paris, on the opposite side of the
town. Turenne, closely accompanied by James, started
at eight in the evening, and with his army " marched
all that night in great order and silence. Before
sun-rise they had passed all the defiles, having taken
a compass to put themselves betwixt Etampes and
Orleans." 2
1 The country round Etampes is very flat and very fertile.
Etampes has now " a very large public granary, and near the town
are about forty flour mills '' (Beeton's Encyclopcedia).
'2 This account is chiefly taken from James's Memoirs. But,
in addition to this, the author has had before him James's own
account. The Memoirs are compiled from James's own MSS. and
in many cases his own words are quoted ; but the whole of his
MSS. relating to his experiences under Turenne are given verbatim
at the end of vol. ii. of De Ramsay's History of Viscount de
Turenne, published in 1735. They are entitled Memoirs of the
Duke of York, and, in a preface, Turenne's nephew, Cardinal de
Bouillon, says that, when he visited the exiled James II. at St.
Germains in 1696, James "put into my hand the sheets hereto
annexed, into which, he assured me, he had transferred every
thing that he had found in his Memoirs concerning the late
M. de Turenne, from the year 1652 inclusive, to the year 1660 ".
James, he adds, spoke of Turenne as "the most consummate

58 ADVENTURES OF
When Turenne emerged into the open near
Etampes, instead of finding the space between the
town and the foragers very loosely guarded, he be
held, to his astonishment, the whole of his enemy's
army drawn up in battle array. Here was a most
unwelcome surprise !
As a matter of fact, the enemy was as much and
as unpleasantly surprised at the appearance of the
army of Turenne, as was Turenne at the appearance
of the enemy. What had happened was this. In
stead of sending out foragers, the enemy had drawn
up all the troops for review by mademoiselle.1 When
Turenne's troops appeared, Conde's General im
mediately asked mademoiselle what she would advise
under the circumstances, whereupon, comfortably
settling herself in her travelling carriage, and giving
her servants orders to start for Paris, she told the
General and his staff that they best knew what orders
had been left with them by her father and the Prince of
Conde ; after which she pursued her journey to Paris.
It is one thing to be drawn up in battle array,
and another to be ready for battle ; and on this
occasion the troops at Etampes were not in the
General and the greatest man he ever knew, and the best friend
he ever had ". The Memoirs of the Duke of York at the end of
De Ramsay's book is the only portion of James's manuscript
Memoirs that we have, at any great consecutive length, and the
substantial agreement of it with the Memoirs edited by Clarke goes
far to show the care, accuracy, and trustworthiness of their compiler.
1 James's account of this day, and Mademoiselle de Mont-
pensier's do not quite agree.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 59
best condition for making an attack. Presently
Turenne perceived that they were retiring into the
town and, thinking this to be a symptom of weak
ness, he immediately charged, hoping to fall upon
the enemy when part of its army was inside the
town and part still outside. Very heavy fighting
followed. Those troops of the enemy which had not
succeeded in entering the gate of the city before
Turenne attacked them, took refuge behind walls in
the suburbs. So close was the fighting that in one
place the soldiers of both armies stood on either side
of an unmortared wall, and hurled its heavy stones
at each other, " so that by little and little the wall
decreased ".
The editor of the Memoirs says that "bythe
exact account which the Duke gives in his Memoirs
written in his own hand of every circumstance of
this great action, it may be observed that his Royal
Highness (though he never mentions his own danger)
was present in the places where the service was
hottest " ; and then he gives one instance in point.
When, at the end of the first day's fighting,
Turenne retired from the suburbs, D'Hocquincourt,
who was leading the van, moved too quickly, and
Turenne, who was with the rear-guard, was rather
slow in getting away. The consequence was that
Turenne and James, with the rear-guard, might all
have been captured or killed if the enemy had made
a sally and surrounded them.
"Berkeley, who attended the Duke, told Monsieur

60 ADVENTURES OF
de Turenne that the van was marched away; to which
he replied, shrugging up his shoulders, that it was
now too late to remedy it. They therefore retreated
as fast as they were able." The day, as a whole,
was claimed as a victory for the King's troops, and
it may have been one ; but it is very clear that
Turenne and James had to run for it at the end,
and we learn that they "were not a little glad when
they got to their quarters at Etrechy, which is two
leagues from Etampes in the road to Paris".
Some days later, orders came from Cardinal
Mazarin to Turenne to lay siege to Etampes.
Turenne then began to make elaborate and delib
erate preparations for that purpose ; but suddenly
his deliberation was changed into desperate hurry.
News arrived that James's friend, the Duke of
Lorraine, who had obtained the Cardinal's leave
to enter France with his troops by assurances of
his loyalty to the King, had now declared himself
on the side of the King's enemies, and was marching
against Turenne to relieve Etampes.
In order to hasten matters, Turenne made an
assault upon the town. The enemy responded with
so formidable a sally that, instead of taking the
town, Turenne had to defend himself against his
enemy outside it. The engagement was very heavy
and, although Turenne punished the enemy, his own
losses were considerable.
A companion of James in this war was the Count
of Schomberg, who was, like himself, a volunteer.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 61
-"IK
While they were standing together in an avenue
leading to the town, Schomberg was shot in the right
arm. Thirty-eight years later he was destined to
be again on a battlefield with James, not however
fighting on his side, as now, but against him. This
happened in the last battle in which either of them
was ever to take an active part, a battle in which
Schomberg, though victorious, was killed, and James,
though unhurt, was defeated.
Turenne advanced up the avenue, with James at
his side, accompanied by two squadrons of cavalry.
From all that could be seen, Turenne supposed that
he was attacking a weak place in the suburbs of the
town ; but he was mistaken ; for three battalions
of the enemy's infantry and several squadrons of
cavalry were awaiting him. The advance of the
enemy was so sudden that James "had not time
so much as to alight and put on his armour, but
was forced to get it put on as he sat a- horseback
on his pad, which he had not time to change, though
his charging horse stood ready by him ". For a
short time both James and Turenne were in a very
critical condition, and they would have been either
killed or taken prisoners if some of the King's Foot-
guards had not most opportunely come to their
support and opened a heavy fire upon the enemy.
The advantages on either side were that day
undecided, and, on those which followed, Turenne
pressed the siege. He had begun to undermine the
wall of the town when he received news that the

62 ADVENTURES OF
Duke of Lorraine " was marching with all imaginable
expedition towards Paris " ; so he determined to raise
the siege of Etampes, thus "to prevent his being
inclosed between the enemy's two armies ".
Turenne was so short of horses for artillery and
transport, that he had to send to Paris for a large
supply, "and the court was necessitated to send
them all their coach-horses, those of the King and
Queen not excepted ".
Turenne rested two or three days at Etrechy, a
small walled-town, which had been his base during
all his operations before Etampes ; and next he
resolved to make a sudden march and intercept the
Duke of Lorraine at ViUeneuve St. Georges, where
he heard that the Duke had arrived with his army.
Thus Turenne hoped to prevent this new enemy from
making a junction with the old at Etampes.
The morning after Turenne had come to this
decision, he started very early and made such a rapid
and successful march " that the first intelligence the
enemy had of him was the unexpected appearance
of his whole army". But Turenne had made one
mistake. Although so near his enemy, he found a
river between himself and the object of his attack.
As a consequence, he had to march all night in order
to reach a place where his troops could safely cross
it, and then come round to a favourable position from
which to attack Lorraine. About daybreak he had
reached a village little more than a league from
ViUeneuve St. Georges. There he halted and gave

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 63
his men a rest before opening a great action against
Lorraine. Just as everything was in readiness for the ad
vance, two apparently very incongruous companions
rode up to Turenne, one of them, a well-known
envoy of Cardinal Mazarin, and the other a captain
of Lorraine's Guard. They informed Turenne that
negotiations were in progress between the King's
Government and Lorraine, and that no less a person
than the King of England was at that moment with
the Duke of Lorraine, having arrived at his camp
the evening before, with powers to attempt media
tion. They added that Charles desired James to
go to him immediately. Turenne gave minute in
structions to James and then ordered him to start
forthwith for Lorraine's headquarters. Meanwhile
Turenne advanced his troops and placed them in
advantageous positions for an attack, in case the
negotiations for a truce should come to nothing.
As James passed through the enemy's lines, he
observed their army also to be very skilfully drawn
up in order of battle. When he had reached the
Duke's quarters, he found his brother in great per
plexity. A day or two earlier Charles had received
a letter from his friend Lorraine, urging him to leave
Paris, to come to the camp, and to try to make
terms between the King's Government and himself.
Charles desired James "to use his best endeavours
that the treaty " of peace might succeed ; for said
he, if the two armies were to engage in a battle,

64 ADVENTURES OF
he would be, " very much put to it how to behave
himself". It would not be at all "consisting with
his reputation, when there was a sudden prospect
of a battell, to withdraw without having his share in
the honour of it ". The difficulty was to determine
on which side to fight. On the one hand, Lorraine
was his personal friend — " he had particular obliga
tions to him " — and he had been his convivial guest
on the previous night ; nay, he was his guest at
that very moment : on the other hand, he was under
the protection of the King of France, and the only
income he possessed was an allowance from that
King. That he did not at all wish to lose !
In reply, James told Charles that Turenne would
only come to terms with Lorraine on his guarantee
to stop the making of a pontoon across the Seine, to
march out of France in a fortnight, and never again
to assist the rebel Princes. He had scarcely finished
speaking when Lorraine himself came in. James
stated Turenne's terms to the man whom he had
so lately worshipped as a hero, and to whom he was
indebted for a considerable gift of money. Through
out the careers of both Charles II. and James II.
the acceptance of these gifts of money constantly
hampered them.
Lorraine, however, heard what James had to tell
him very good-naturedly. "He received the message
in his ordinary way of raillery, but His Royall High
ness could easily perceive that what was naturali to
him at another time, was now extreamly forced."

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 65
As to the pontoon, said Lorraine, he would stop
that at once ; indeed he there and then despatched
a messenger for the purpose, but nothing, said
he, would ever induce him to make the other and
very dishonourable conditions demanded by Turenne.
On James's inquiring whether he was to carry back
that answer to Turenne, Lorraine replied that he
could give no other. Lorraine suspected from
James's manner that he " was more inclined to see
the two armies engaged than that the business
should end peaceably ". For this reason, he per
suaded Charles to send Lord Jermyn with James,
"to try if he could persuade Mr de Turenne to
more reasonable terms ".
On his return, James met Turenne advancing
against his enemy. James simply delivered Lor
raine's answer without comment ; but " Lord Jermyn
urged all the arguments and used all the persuasions
he could invent, to incline Mr de Turenne not to
insist so rigorously oh his propositions," yet entirely
without effect. When Jermyn was about to return
to Lorraine, he wanted James to go with him ; but
" his R. Highness absolutely refused," telling Jermyn
that, if he were to consent, the action would begin
before he could get back ; because Turenne, be
lieving the army from Etampes to be already on
the march, was anxious to defeat his present enemy
immediately, before the yet absent enemy could
arrive and combine forces.
Jermyn then went back to Lorraine, and Turenne

66 ADVENTURES OF
continued his advance. Just as he got within cannon-
shot of the enemy, there galloped up to him, as an
envoy from Lorraine, King Charles himself. Charles
made a last attempt to induce Turenne to relent;
but, said that General to Charles : " I know that His
Majesty, the King of England, has too great a re
gard for the King of France, to press one of his
Generals to make terms against his interests ".
The rival armies were so close to each other that
every moment was of importance. Charles, terribly
afraid — not of fighting, but of losing a dear friend
if he fought on one side, and of losing what was
still dearer, his income, if he fought on the other
— tried to put off the evil moment by persuading
Turenne to send his terms in writing to Lorraine,
with a message that unless they were immediately
signed, he would open fire at once. Turenne agreed
to make this last concession and sent one of his
officers, De Gadagne, with the required document.
On the high ground above ViUeneuve St. Georges
stood, as then usually stood in the most conspicuous
place near a town, the gallows ; and close to this
gallows was standing the Duke of Lorraine beside
some of his artillery. Gadagne rode up to the
gallows and gave the Duke the written statement
of terms. As soon as Lorraine had read the terms,
which were exactly the same as those that had been
dictated verbally, he gave orders that his gunners
should open fire. " But it seems the canoneers were
privately better instructed than to obey, for they did

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 67
not do it, and Mons1 de Gadagne plainly told the
Duke of Lorraine, that they durst not ; once more
assuring him that he must either sign, or expect
instantly to be attacked. Whereupon Monsr de Lor
raine signed the Treaty." James therefore saw his
late hero ignominiously worsted, and declining action
the very first time that he met him on a field of
battle. Turenne and Lorraine then rode up to each other,
and, "some few cold compliments having passed
between them, each returned to his own army ".
We shall see later, how far the Duke of Lorraine
kept his signed promise never again to assist the
rebel Princes.

5*

CHAPTER V.
The next active service experienced by James,
under Turenne, was at the walls of Paris and
against Conde. When we think of Paris as it
is now, it is difficult to realise how much smaller
it was in the boyhood of Louis XIV. Perhaps
it may be roughly described as having consisted
of an ill-shaped circle, with the Rue de Rivoli,
or a distance of something over two miles, for its
diameter. Turenne had drawn up his army some way from
the walls on the north side of Paris. Conde, who
had collected his army at St. Cloud, conducted it
through the Bois de Boulogne to the walls and
gates of Paris ; and finding that the Parisians would
not admit him into the city, he went round the north
of the town with the intention of establishing him
self near its south-east corner at Charenton, where
he hoped to place his army in a strong position,
between the Marne and the Seine. As Conde
passed between Turenne's camp and Paris, Turenne,
who had galloped in advance of his army from the
north to St. Denis, to confer there with Cardinal
Mazarin, heard of Conde's movements, and at once
sent to hurry on his troops in order to pursue him,
68

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 69
hoping, if possible, to prevent his reaching Charen
ton. Consequently Conde had to fight a rear-guard
action, as he progressed, first to the east and then
towards the south of the walls of Paris. As Conde
passed between Paris and where the cemetery of
Pere la Chaise 1 now stands, he was very hard
pressed, and when he came to the suburb of St.
Antoine he recognised the impossibility of traversing
without disaster the couple of miles or more which
lay between his vanguard and Charenton. " Re
solved on playing the best of a bad game," he with
drew his troops into the Faubourg St. Antoine, and
ensconced them behind some " very strong entrench
ments already made by the inhabitants for their own
security during the Civill War ".
All visitors to Paris will remember that there is
a considerable rise in the road from the city to Pere
la Chaise ; and at Charonne, which is close to the
present cemetery, Louis XIV., then a boy of fifteen,
Cardinal Mazarin, and the French court, took up
their position to watch the battle.
Conde, with Turenne's forces on three sides of
his own, and the walls of Paris, with the Porte St.
Antoine closed against him on the fourth, was in a
very awkward position. Turenne, however, did not
want to advance until his artillery and sappers, left
behind in his chase after Conde, came up ; but the
Cardinal and the King sent repeated messages, in
1 The priest, Pere la Chaise, was then living. He became
confessor to Louis XIV.

70 ADVENTURES OF
spite of his remonstrances, urging him to attack at
once. He most unwillingly yielded to the pressure
thus put upon him, and began the attack, with
the result of a severe check, owing to a brilliant
charge on the part of the enemy, led by Conde in
person. Very severe fighting followed at the barricades
and among the walls of the suburbs of St. Antoine.
Great bravery was exhibited on both sides and the
slaughter was very heavy. When Turenne's artillery
arrived, the guns turned the tide of the battle ; but,
just when Conde's troops seemed to lie in the
palm of Turenne's hand, to the surprise of both
combatants, the gates of Paris suddenly opened to
receive the Prince and his army into its shelter, and
the guns on the Bastile opened fire upon, the army
of Turenne. The reason of this sudden change of conduct
on the part of the Parisians is easily explained.
The Duke of Orleans, who was the chief man in
Paris, was so afraid of both the Royalists and the
rebels, , that, James's Memoirs tell us, he "com
manded the gates of his pallace to be shutt, and
coaches to be in a readiness at a back door of the
gardens to carry him to Orleans ". But his daughter,
Mademoiselle de Montpensier, whose character was
as strong as her father's was weak, obtained his
authority to demand full powers at the Hotel de
Ville. Armed with these powers, she went to the
Porte St. Antoine, had it opened, mounted to the

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 71
towers of the Bastile, and personally superintended
the cannonade upon the troops of Turenne.1
When Conde, covered with dust and blood, met
her at the gate of St. Antoine, he exclaimed : " Ah !
Mademoiselle ! I am in despair : I have lost all my
friends." And, brave man though he was, he burst
into tears.
In the opinion of James, Conde never showed
Mmself a better General or a more courageous soldier
than on that day ; and James, who accompanied
Turenne throughout the action, had ample means of
judging. Conde afterwards told James that " he was
never so long exposed to danger as he then was ".
It may be worth mentioning that during this part
of his service under Turenne, James was employed
in writing despatches from the front to Turenne's
brother, the Duke of Bouillon.
After Conde's retreat within the walls of Paris,
James accompanied Turenne in his march against
the Spanish army, a march in which little of import
ance took place. The army of Spain withdrew into
Flanders, and Turenne returned to his quarters near
Paris. His rest there was not destined to be a long
one ; for he was soon disturbed by the information
that the Duke of Lorraine, faithless to his written
promise, was once more advancing with all his
troops, which, moreover, had been reinforced by
some Spanish levies.
1 See her most interesting account of the day's proceedings in
her Memoirs.

72 ADVENTURES OF
Turenne marched against him forthwith. When
well on his way, orders were delivered to him from
the court that he was " not to attempt anything upon
the Duke of Lorraine, nor to stir from that place,"
three leagues from Lagny on the Marne, " till farther ,
orders, unless the Duke of Lorraine should march
on Paris," as negotiations were at that moment in
progress between the Duke and the Government^
But James states that Turenne, in the face of these
orders, resolved to march against Lorraine the next
day, saying : " Though my orders from the court
are positive not to leave my post, yet being morally
certain that the Duke of Lorraine intends to deceive
them, and knowing that it is for my Master's interestjs
that I should inarch, I think it better to venture my
head by disobeying orders than to let M. de Lorraine!
gain his post and pass me ".
The next day Turenne marched to ViUeneuve St.
Georges, whither also Lorraine was marching ; so the
rival armies met once more at that place, and they
encamped within about a mile and a half of each
other. A day or two later Conde left Paris and
marched with all his troops to join his forces with
those of Lorraine. The enemy was now, as James
tells us, double the number of the King's troops,
which were hemmed into "a narrow nooke, as it
might be called, between the Yerre and the Seyne ".
Fortunately for Turenne, on arriving, he found and
secured four large boats ; otherwise his " ruine had
been inevitable ". With these boats he made two

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 73
bridges and fortified them with outworks on the
farther side of the rivers.
In this position the King's army remained for a
month, practically besieged by the combined forces
of the enemy. Both sides spent most of their time
in making intrenchments and fortifications.
Except in one instance, there was little fighting
beyond skirmishing. Turenne superintended every
thing, moving about among intrenchments, palisades
and skirmishers, and making constant use of James's
eyes to supply for his own shortsightedness. Forag
ing was his greatest anxiety. In its management
he showed great skill, especially in arrangements
for bringing in convoys. ' ' The whole fortune of
the French Monarchy depended on each of those
convoys, for had any one of them miscarried, the
army had been lost, and after that the ruin of the
Crown must have succeeded."
A messenger got through to Turenne bringing
news from the court that the Parisians were becom
ing every day more dissatisfied with Conde and his
party, and he also delivered to Turenne an urgent
order to make his way through to the court, if he
could possibly do so.
This was a most difficult task to accomplish;
but, one night, Turenne, with admirable strategy,
got his whole army across the river and, to use the
proper word, escaped. This flight, however, proved
a victory ; for the Parisians had been so frequently
assured by messengers from Conde that Turenne's

74 ADVENTURES OF
army was closely besieged and on the point of capitu
lating that, when disillusioned, they lost all confidence
in Conde and Lorraine and became profuse in their
professions of loyalty to the King.
Then Turenne, followed by the King and the
court, entered Paris, and, say James's Memoirs, he
was "so far from meeting any opposition, that he
was saluted everywhere as he passed along with
great acclamations of joy. . . . The Duke of Orleans,
as the King entered at one end of the City, went out
at the other. And as for his daughter, Mademoi
selle, she stayed in her lodgings at the Tuilleries,
till she received a command from his Majesty im
mediately after he was in the Louvre, to depart
from Paris, which accordingly she did."
Turenne had no intention of allowing Conde and
Lorraine to have a restful time in their winter
quarters. James " went along with Mr de Turenne,
who marched his army directly for Champagne ".
Epernay champagne is an exhilarating beverage,
and, although the champagne of the middle of the
seventeenth century was not of the kind drunk at
the present day, it was sufficiently potent ; for at
Balieux, a town in Epernay, where Turenne halted
on the 2nd of November, his large army got so
drunk that there were not enough soldiers in a
condition even " to make the ordinary guard for
the Duke [of York] and Mr de Turenne". This
caused a delay of two days.
The first fighting of importance took place in the

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 75
siege of Bar-le-Duc. The town had been surrendered
to. the Spaniards by its "addle-headed Governor,"
as James calls him ; and Turenne was anxious to
retake it. On his arrival, Turenne had only five
guns and those "very small for battering pieces " ;
but he " gave them their double charge of powder " ;
and, after pounding away all day, the guns had
" opened a faire breach ".
The only Lieutenant-General then with Turenne
was General de Fott, and Turenne ordered him to
lead the assault. He obeyed ; but they were still
within reach of the Epernay wine, and General de
Fott was so drunk — he " was the only officer whom "
James "ever saw drunk in the French army during
all the time he was with it " — that he insisted on
staggering in front with the leading men in the
assault, and, as he thus presented an easy, conspicu
ous, and ludicrous mark for the enemy, he was very
soon shot dead. The assault, however, was success
ful, and the taking of the lower town was witnessed
by Cardinal Mazarin, who came up with some fresh
troops, while it was in progress. The upper town
held out some time longer.
James was honorary Colonel of a regiment of in
fantry. While this regiment was at Ligny, it met
with a disaster. La Ferte had prepared a mine
under the walls of Ligny, and he ordered the Duke
of York's regiment to be in readiness to attack im
mediately after its explosion. As soon as the mine
had been fired, La Ferte, without waiting to see

76 ADVENTURES OF
the result, and even before the smoke had cleared
away enough to admit of an inspection, ordered
James's regiment to rush the assault. There was
a hard frost, and the ice in the fosse before the
walls, though not very strong, bore the men as
they charged for the expected breach ; but when
they reached the wall, they found that there was
no breach at all. The mine had only defaced the
outer part of the wall. Retreat, therefore, was a
necessity: as they hurried back, the "ice broke
under them and most of them fell into the " ditch ;
and this " gave more leisure to the enemy to do
more execution on them ". By this stupid blunder
on the part of La Ferte, James's regiment "lost
four Captains, some Lieutenants and Enseigns, and
about a hundred men slain outright".
It was now mid-winter and the Royalist troops
made great complaints at not being allowed to go
into winter quarters. They further objected to be
ing made to undergo long marches in a country
already devastated by rival armies passing and re
passing through it : but the Cardinal insisted upon
the capture of Vervins before the campaign ended.
" Never was march more grudgingly undertaken by
the common soldiers, or even by the officers, who
were all of them worn out and sinking under the
fatigue of long service." To add to the difficulties
of the march, the frost broke up, and as they were
passing through a country with a clay soil, the
roads and cart-tracks were almost impassable for

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 77
baggage. Most of this baggage was lost, and
many of the horses died.
About three miles before they came to Vervins,
James narrowly escaped being taken prisoner by
the Spaniards. He, with Turenne and another
officer, had ridden forward to make observations,
when they were met by a small body of horse be
longing to the enemy, which they took to be some
of their own men. They were within pistol-shot of
their opponents before they discovered their mistake,
and if the enemy had ridden up to them, their capture
had been inevitable. Instead of doing so, however,
the horsemen stopped, raised their weapons, took
aim and fired — fired without hitting anybody — and
this just gave the three officers time enough to
gallop off and escape.
In the siege of Vervins, the King's half-starved
soldiers kept grumbling at their treatment; and
when the enemy on the walls, "according to their
custome, began to raile at" the Cardinal, the
Royalist soldiers "only said Amen to all their
curses ".
Happily for Turenne, the enemy within the city
were in an even worse plight than their besiegers,
and, on the 28th of January, the town capitulated.
Then the King's troops were sent into winter
quarters, "and the Duke, the Cardinal, and all
the Generals and persons of quality went for Paris,
where they arrived on the 3rd of February ".
Splendid as the court of Louis XIV. became

78 ADVENTURES OF
later, it was somewhat sombre at the time of James's
return to Paris at the end of his campaign under
Turenne. Nor were circumstances favourable for
the royal English refugees in France. With the
exception of their own immediate attendants and
a few extreme loyalists, the English in Paris were
afraid of approaching their own royal family. As
evidence of this fact it may be sufficient to quote
from so good a Royalist as Sir John Reresby,1 when
in Paris about the time with which we are dealing :
" At Paris, I saw the King, the Duke of York and
Prince Rupert, playing billiards in the Palais Royal ;
but I was incognito, it being crime sufficient the
waiting upon his Majesty to have caused the se
questration of my estate, had it been known to
Cromwell ".
It must have been a relief to James, whose head,
as his Memoirs tell us, was then so " full of Warr,
that he reckoned the time lost and not worth remem-
bring which was not imployed in the field," to be
summoned to attend Turenne in a second campaign.
As it turned out, there were few, if any, great en
gagements in this expedition ; for, as Turenne's army
only numbered some 16,000 men against the Spanish
army of 30,000, he could do little else but follow his
enemies about, harass their convoys and foraging
parties, and attack their rear when they laid siege
to any place garrisoned by Royalist troops. Yet,
1 Reresby 's Memoirs, ed., 1875, P- 2<>.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 79
in one instance, Turenne played a very bold part,
namely when he besieged the then strongly fortified
Mousson,1 a town on the Meuse about ten miles
from Sedan, where fighting of far greater import
ance was to take place in the second half of the
nineteenth century.
Here James was very near meeting with his
death. Turenne was trying to approach the town
with entrenchments. "As I was going to the head
of the approaches," writes James, " while we stayed
a litle time in the first battery, a great shott came
from the town, which passed through three barrells
of powder, without firing them, which had it done,
all who were in the battery had inevitably been blown
up : but the danger came so suddainly and was so
soon over, that none of us had time to be concerned
for it."Turenne frequently inspected the trenches in
person. On one of these occasions, James was
standing by him in a trench, when a Captain came
up to the General and very slightly bowed to him.
At that moment, a bullet from the walls, shatter
ing his skull, laid the Captain dead at the feet of
Turenne ; "at which unhappy chance, some who
were present made this unseasonable raillery, that
*At Mousson, or Mouzon, in the Franco-German war, on
the 29th or 30th Aug. 1870, MacMahon crossed the Meuse in
his attempt to relieve Bazaine, and on the 30th the Germans
captured about 3,000 of the French troops, about a mile or two
South of Mouzon.

80 ADVENTURES OF KING JAMES II.
if the Captain had been better bred, he had escaped
the bullett, which only hitt him there, for not bowing
low enough to his Generall ".
Those interested in military matters may find
many details of the manner of warfare of the period
in James's account of the siege of Mousson, such as
the great use made of hand grenades, the bewildering
effect produced upon those attacking a fortress by
fireworks thrown down among them from the walls,
and by the rolling " from off the walls a Bomb, or
Mortar-Granado, by means of two strong pieces of
timber fastened together ".
After the surrender of Mousson, nothing occurred
that need be noticed here ; and, at the end of the
campaign, James returned to Paris, and there spent
the winter of 1653-54 with his brother Charles.
Towards the end of it, Cardinal Mazarin began to
negotiate with the Protector, Oliver Cromwell, and
Charles thought it better for that reason to leave
France. Mazarin was greatly relieved by Charles's de
parture, and he paid up the arrears of his pension,
gave him half a year's pension in advance, and
promised its continuance.

CHAPTER VI.
James began his third campaign under Turenne
with the rank and office of a Lieutenant-General, a
high post for a youth not yet twenty-one.1 The
Spanish army had laid siege to Arras on the 3rd of
July, 1654, and Turenne marched to its relief.
For some time, the chief work of the troops
under James was to endeavour to intercept convoys
on their way to the Spanish army drawn up before
Arras. The Spaniards had made a very hurried
rush to that town in order to get there before
Turenne and La Ferte could prevent them ; and in
this they had been very successful ; but by reason
of this hurry, they had not been able to carry with
them either sufficient provisions for their army, or
enough gunpowder for the purposes of the siege.
To convey powder in carts would have been very
risky, now that Turenne's scouting parties were con
stantly moving about the country round their camp ;
therefore the Spaniards had their powder brought to
them from Douay, Cambray and other places, by
cavalry at night, each trooper carrying a bag con
taining 50 lb. weight of powder behind his saddle.
1 Many years later, however, one of James's own sons served
him with the same rank at the age of nineteen.
81 6

82 ADVENTURES OF
Every night one of Turenne's Lieutenant-Gen
erals went out, with about a thousand horse, to try
to intercept these powder carriers. On one of these
expeditions, as James was " with Mr Turenne, visit
ing the guards," he "perceived a great blaze of fire,
quick and violent like that of blowing up of gun
powder ". This mystery was explained next morn
ing when it was discovered that "an entire regiment
of horse, consisting of six score, going from Douay
to the enemy's camp, all of them, officers as well as
soldiers having behind them a bagg of powder,
besides about four score horses laden with hand
grenades, which were led by countrymen on foot,
had been all blown up. . . . Indeed it was a very
dismall object to behold a great number of poor men,
who were brought into our camp with their faces
disfigured and their bodies burnt by powder, so that
few recovered, their companions having been all
killed outright."
None of the men could tell how the accident had
happened ; but a long time afterwards, when James
was in Flanders, he happened to be talking to a
lieutenant in a cavalry regiment, when he noticed
the mark left by a severe burn on his face and
inquired how it had been caused. " He answered
me, that it was by the blowing up of powder at such
a time near Arras, and upon my examining him
concerning the particulars of it, he told me that
happening to be in the rear of the whole regiment,
he saw one of the troopers with a pipe of tobacco

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 83
lighted in his mouth, whereupon he rode up to him,
and taking it gently from him, threw it away, after
which he beat him with his sword : the soldier being
drunke, pulled out his pistol, and presented it to his
breast ; upon which the Lieutenant threw himself
from his horse apprehending what might happen,
and the trooper at the same instant firing at him,
it lighted on the bag behind the Lieutenant's horse,
which taking fire, blew it up, and so, from one
successively to the other who was next, it spread
through the whole regiment : he being on the
ground escaped best cheape, having only his face,
his hands, and some parts of his body scorched."
James was much employed in patrolling the coun
try. Once, when out with a large body of cavalry, his
scouts brought him word that some of the enemy's
horse were in a village in front of him. He at once
advanced his whole body of cavalry as near to the
village as he could, and got it well concealed under
cover. Then he sent a small number of men to the
village, with orders to gallop back, "when the enemy
came out to charge them. . . . This they performed
so dextrously, that the enemy were closse upon us
before they perceived us, so that none of them
escaped us."
The Governor of the French garrison in Arras
occasionally sent messages to Turenne or La Ferte.
The carrying of these messages and getting them
through the lines was a work of great difficulty and
great danger. The messages were wrapped in lead,
6*

84 ADVENTURES OF
so that, rather than that they should fall into the
enemy's hands or be lost, the bearers might swallow
them. On one occasion, a messenger had cause to do
this ; and, having swallowed the little leaden-cov
ered packet, he got through without being captured
and presented himself before the French Generals.
Turenne and La Ferte were particularly anxious,
at that time, for intelligence from the Governor
of Arras, and they waited very impatiently for the
message. Medicinal assistance failed to give them
what they wanted. When twenty-four hours had
passed, they sent for the messenger and interrogated
him. He had nothing to tell them and nothing to
give them. This caused them great anxiety, and
" Monsieur de la Ferte cryd out with a great passion,
' II faut eventrer le coquin '. This put the fellow into
such a fright," as superseded the necessity for surgi
cal interference ; and, as it turned out, the information
contained within the leaden case was of the greatest
importance. Turenne's intimate knowledge of the punctilious
formalities and red-tapism observed in the Spanish
army, on at least one occasion stood him in good
stead. He had resolved to go in person to take
a view of the enemy's lines. When in front of
them, he observed that the part under the command
of Don Fernando de Solis was the weakest, both in
men and in fortification, and he determined to make
a reconnaissance before it. " Some of our officers,"

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 8
says James, "were bold enough to represent to Monsr
de Turenne the extreme hazard which he ran by going
so near the enemy in so open a country, where they
could tell every man wee had, and thereby knowing
our force, might draw out and defeat us without any
danger to themselves." Turenne freely admitted
that this they could easily do ; and that, if he had
the troops of Conde before him, he would on no
condition make such a venture. But he assured
them that, having himself served under the Spaniards,
he knew enough of their ways to feel sure that, upon
his approaching their lines, Don Fernando would
not dare to move on his own responsibility, without
first sending to consult the Count of Fuensaldague,
the Governador de las Armas ; that the Governador
de las Armas would do nothing until he had sent to
ask the opinion of the Archduke ; and that the
Archduke would express no opinion until he had
persuaded Conde, who was stationed at a place
at a very considerable distance, to come and hold
"a Junto to consider what must be done on that
occasion ".
It turned out exactly as Turenne had foretold ;
and, long afterwards, James learned from Conde
himself that, by the time the Spaniards and he
had decided at their Junto what should be done,
Turenne had attained his object, and, adds James,
" wee were wholly out of their danger and gotten
into our camp ".
A little later, Turenne, contrary to the advice

86 ADVENTURES OF
of La Ferte and all his staff, who believed the
enterprise to be hopeless, made up his mind for a
grand attack. He knew that the Governor of Arras
was short of powder, and that unless relieved very
soon, he would be obliged to capitulate.
About two days before the attack, " all the men
of quality at the Court," who were with the army,
had been dining with Turenne and James in the tent
of the Marquis d'Humieres; and emboldened by
their dinner, they eagerly expressed a desire to go,
there and then, to inspect the enemy's lines. Tu
renne mounted his horse and led them out to gratify
their ambition.
They had not proceeded far, when they saw a
small party of their own cavalry pursuing some of
the enemy's scouts. Turenne, observing this, com
manded the men of quality to intercept the fugitives
before they reached their lines; but the enemy's
party had got too long a start and they reached their
lines before they could be caught. Turenne's diners,
however, came upon some of the enemy's foot, who
were making fascines in a little wood, within half-
cannon shot of their own lines. These they made
prisoners. " And here Monsr de Turenne tooke this oppor
tunity of viewing that part of their lines which he had
not seen before. But he continued not long there, for
they plyed us very hard with their cannon." The
enemy's cavalry then came out and chased the diners
- — " wee were about sixty or seventy officers and

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 87
volunteers "—until they were beyond the range of
Conde's guns, when the hunt ended.
But the party was not to return, even now, in
peace. Some of the enemy presently appeared from
another quarter. Turenne charged them. Further
complications followed, and there was some very
sharp fighting. At last the enemy, says James,
"made us begin to turn our backs". Happily at
this critical moment, a squadron of the French
Guards came up and just saved the situation ; or
Turenne, many of his staff, and " all the young men
of quality " would have been lost. Even as it was,
says James, "the enemy had the chase of us for
almost a mile," and all the great men's pages were
captured. "Very few were killed and not many
hurt ; yet it vexed Monsr de Turenne to have re
ceived that little affront in person, and made him
desirous to have some kind of revenge, and he hoped
to have it that very night."
He had heard that the enemy would come
out of their lines and forage at a particular place,
on the night in question. The country surrounding
Arras is exceptionally rich, and it afforded ample
opportunities for foraging. As soon as it was
dark, Turenne started with forty squadrons of
cavalry and three or four Lieutenant-Generals.
When he reached the foraging ground, to his
surprise, he found nobody there. Either his in
formation had been false, or the enemy had heard
of his intended attack. There was accordingly

88 ADVENTURES OF
nothing more to be done ; so he gave orders to
return to camp.
Of this return to camp, James had something
more to tell us. "The night happened to be ex
ceedingly dark, and our guides mistaking their way,
instead of leading us to our camp brought us to the
lines of the enemy." They met a sentry. " Who
goes there ? " asked he. " Turenne," was the reply.
" Don't you mean Lorraine ? " asked the sentry.
" No, Turenne," said a Royalist soldier. The sentry
then fired. The King's troops still supposing that
they were at their own camp, " cried out to him, not
to fire, for Mr de Turenne was there in person.
This obliged the enemy to fire some few small shott
at us, and one great gun, which absolutely undeceived
us, but withall put us into the greatest disorder im
aginable, causing such a panique fear in our common
men, that I am confident, if that moment fourty
horse had come out upon us, wee had been
defeated." On account of the darkness of the night, the
squadrons were obliged to march in such close order
that, when this sudden stop occurred, they all got
mixed up together. It was more by good luck than
good management that Turenne's troops got back to
their camp without much mischief. Fortunately for
them, the darkness confused their enemy almost as
much as themselves. In their return, James says :
"the confusion was so great that, of ten squadrons
which ought to have been behind mine, there was

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 89
not one at our marching back ; so that I happened
to have the rear in our coming off".
Two days later, in the evening, Turenne ad
vanced for his grand night attack, and knowing
that Don Fernando de Solis's position was the
weakest, and the farthest from that of Conde, he
selected it for his first point. James gives a long
and interesting account of this great battle and
of the relief of Arras. Some notice of his own
experiences in it is as much as can be attempted
here. Turenne divided his army between his eight
Lieutenant Generals, of whom James was one.
James's own regiment, that of York, was under
another General. A march was made in the early
part of the night, and then there was a halt. A
night had been carefully chosen when the moon
would be shining during the march to this halting-
place, and would set before it would be time to move
on ; as the first march was to be made while they
were still beyond the range of vision from the
enemy's camp, and the second when they were
within it.
It was very fine and still up to the time when the
halting-place was reached. Then the moon went
down, intense darkness set in, and a fresh breeze
sprang up. The halt took place at about the ex
treme distance of cannon-shot from Don Fernando's
lines. When Turenne ordered the actual attack to

go ADVENTURES OF
begin, he marched in silence and darkness until his
van was within half-cannon shot of the enemy.
Then followed a scene which James describes as
one of the finest he ever witnessed in his life. At
a given signal, torches were suddenly lighted all
along the line of the advance. " They made a
glorious show, which appeared the more by reason
of the wind, which kindled them and made them
blaze through the darkness of the night." Why
this tell-tale illumination should have been made,
it is difficult for the modern mind to understand.
The response from the enemy was the immediate
firing of three cannons and the gradual lighting up
of his camp and lines by fires and torches.
Turenne's attack then began, and James says
that its first part did no great credit to his troops.
" Had not the vigour of the officers who led them,
and the horse by keeping so close to their rear,
obliged the common men to do their duty, they had
not performed it as they ought, nor as I always till
then had observed them to do, for I never knew
them to go on so unwillingly." Yet " in a very litle
time all our five battalions made themselves masters
of that part which they attacked ".
Some one now whispered to James, who was
standing at the head of his cavalry, that Turenne
was wounded and that things were going very badly
to the right. Fearing that the report might spread,
and in order to encourage the infantry in front by
showing them that they were closely supported by

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 91
cavalry, James ordered his band to beat the kettle
drum and to sound the trumpet. " This encouraged
the foot sufficiently ; " but its effect was not entirely
satisfactory. The sound of the music revealed the
position of James's cavalry to the enemy, and "the
kettledrum was soon silenced" by a bullet from a
Redan to the left, from which Don Fernando's men
" plyd us with their shott ".
The truth was that, although Turenne's attack
had been successful, La Ferte's had failed, and his
men, says James, "came running away to shelter
themselves amongst the horse which I commanded.
The disorder was very great, the officers complaining
aloud that they had been abandoned by their soldiers,
and the soldiers crying out that they had followed
their officers, who had not behaved themselves as
became them." Worst of all, the runaways brought
lighted torches in their hands, which attracted the
fire of the enemy upon James's cavalry.
Turenne's infantry having made openings in the
enemy's lines, he ordered the cavalry to advance.
At the first place where James attempted to gain an
entrance, the enemy were firing "vollys of small-
shott" and throwing " hand-grenados " ; so he rode
along the line until he found a better opening.
There he entered at the head of Turenne's own
regiment, which at that time consisted of only two
squadrons. The enemy's huts being on fire, he was
for a time enabled to see where he was going ;
but farther on, as he afterwards found out, he passed

92 ADVENTURES OF
through some of the enemy's horse, " without either
seeing them, or being discovered by them," owing
to the darkness. He pressed slowly on, and just as
the dim dawn began to break, he "came to the
countervallation," along which he had to ride for
some distance before he came to a bridge. As it
grew lighter, he found that he was in Lorraine's
quarter and that all his own cavalry, except the two
squadrons of Turenne's regiment which had kept
close to him, had lost him in the darkness. Seeing
four or five squadrons of the enemy upon a height,
within musket shot, he thought it prudent to halt
and to send gallopers back to find and bring up
some of his other cavalry.
While he was waiting, the Duke of Buckingham,
who was not very friendly to James, came up to
him and asked "why I would not pursue the
victory and charge those horse which were before
me. To which I answer, that I had no mind to
receive an affront and expose myself to a certain
defeat, what I saw of the enemy already being twice
our number, besides what part of them might be
behind the height on which they were. . . . Thus
resolved, I continued there, and would not give way
to his importunities."
As bad luck would have it, near to where he
was standing was Prince Francis's tent, which con
tained his plate and a month's pay for his army.
Some of James's men discovered this and, one
after another, his troopers, in spite of his own and

DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 93
his other officers' commands and threats, rushed
into the tent and set to work to plunder it. This
continued until James was left with only officers and
"twelve cornetts" beside him.
There were as yet no signs of the cavalry for
which he had sent ; and James says : " being in
full sight of the enemy, I expected every moment
to be charged and beaten " ; therefore he galloped
off to try to find and bring up his lost squadrons,
ordering Colonel Montaulieu to hold the position as
best he could, till his return.
Near the bridge, James found a squadron of
cavalry, and he hurried back with it ; but before
he had reached his old position, he met his men,
whom he had left to hold it, in full flight. " At
this," says he, "the squadron which I brought with
me took such a fright, that they also ran and left
me, it being impossible to stop them." Most fortu
nately, just at that time, the Mareshall D'Hocquin-
court came up with several squadrons and retrieved
the disaster.
By degrees, James collected his scattered men
and another squadron ; and, as there was now
enough cavalry on the position which had been
recovered, he moved off "betwixt the counter-
vallation and the town ". On rising ground, not
far off, he saw some horsemen, which, from their
red coats, he took to be a certain English regiment
of the King's. He was riding to join them, when
an officer of Turenne's galloped up, told him that

94 ADVENTURES OF
the men he took for friends were enemies, and urged
him to go at once to Turenne, who was in great
need of support.
The four squadrons led by James arrived most
opportunely for Turenne, who had only three
squadrons and a " battalion which was rather for
show than of any use, it being composed of men
and officers rallyd together, who had been broken
either by the enemy, or by plundering".
The unfortunate position of Turenne was due
to the blundering of La Ferte, who had been well
beaten, and Turenne had got isolated through going
to help him. In addition to the assistance now ren
dered by James, Turenne was presently strengthened
by the arrival of seven guns, which soon turned the
tide of warfare in his favour. At the same time, his
troops were doing well, also, in other quarters ; and,
to make a long story short, the battle was won and
Arras was relieved.
After the relief of Arras and various minor ad
ventures, James went into winter quarters at Paris
with Turenne about a week before Christmas.
The fourth campaign in which James served
under Turenne included the sieges and taking of
Landrecy, Conde and St. Guislain. The account
of it given in James's Memoirs is in his own words,
but his personal adventures in the course of it call for
no special notice. It is worth observing that, when
James describes his campaigns, so far from his
making a boast of his own bravery, the only acts

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 9S
for which he claims any special credit are those of
prudence. We have already quoted one or two
instances of this. In another, some of his officers
were giving chase to a few of the enemy's troopers.
James suspected that the ostentatious flight of those
troopers was being made with the object of enticing
their pursuers into a trap, therefore he rode as fast
as he could to recall his officers, and succeeded
in doing so, to their great annoyance. Shortly
afterwards, he had the satisfaction of seeing his
prudence justified, by the appearance of 200 of
the enemy's horsemen emerging from a covert,
where they had been waiting in a carefully prepared
ambush. Towards the end ofthe fourth campaign, Turenne
was summoned by the Cardinal to the court, and
as all the other Lieutenant-Generals were then on
leave, James for a short time was in command of the
army of the King of France. " By this accident,"
says James, " I came to have the command of the
army committed to me, at the very time when peace
betwixt France and Cromwell was concluded and
actually published, and by which Treaty, I was by
name to be banished from France."
When the army had gone into winter quarters,
and James had returned to Paris, he received from
Mazarin an apology for that peace, which he thus
describes : " The Cardinal acquainted me with the
reasons which had induced him to this peace, excus
ing it to me as a thing which he had been obliged to

96 ADVENTURES OF
do, out of mere necessity for the service and safety
of the Crown : for that, had he not then closed with
Cromwell, the Spaniards had prevented him by strik
ing up an alliance with that Usurper, having offered
to assist him in taking Calais, which they would have
put into his hands ".
Mazarin assured James that he " should still
find the same markes of his Master's esteem and
kindness ". James adds : " And truly upon this occa
sion, I cannot but do the memory ofthe Cardinal that
right to affirm that he had been a very ill minister,
if he had not made that Treaty with Cromwell in
such a juncture of affairs ; and the King of France
would have had just reason to be ill satisfied with
him, if he had missed that opportunity ".
Mazarin promised James that his pension of 6,000
pistoles should continue to be paid, and he induced
Cromwell to consent to James's remaining in France
and serving in the French army, on condition that
he never fought in the army which attacked Flanders.
Charles, however, wrote to James commanding him
to leave the French army and France. James sent
letters promising obedience, but suggesting that he
would better be able to serve his brother's interests
if he remained in the French army, and kept up the
kind personal feeling between the French court and
Charles, still existing, in spite of the recently made
treaty with Cromwell.
While James was in Paris, his sister, the Princess
of Orange, came there to visit her mother. With

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 97
the Princess came her maids-of-honour, and among
these maids-of-honour was a girl with whom James
fell in love and whom he eventually made his
wife. But this matter shall be dealt with in a later
chapter.

CHAPTER VII.
At the time when James was summoned by his
brother to Brussels, there was a great deal of
quarrelling going on between Clarendon, Charles's
Chancellor, and Sir John Berkeley, James's favourite
Councillor. James was thus placed in a very un
pleasant position, and, to make matters worse, his
own secretary, Sir Henry Bennet, partly from
jealousy of Berkeley, sided with Clarendon. Prob
ably at Clarendon's advice, Charles wrote to James,
and had ordered him when he came to Flanders
to leave Berkeley behind him in Paris.
James obeyed his brother by going to Flanders,
but he disobeyed him by taking Berkeley with him.
When he reached Bruges, where Charles was then
staying, he observed that Berkeley met with a very
cold reception. Charles had at this time offered
himself as an ally to Spain. He was in a position
to offer material assistance by recalling the English
and Irish regiments then serving in France, and by
joining these forces with those of Spain and of
Conde. After the usual delays when any question
of importance had to be considered by the Spaniards,
his offer was accepted. All the British and Irish
regiments with Turenne responded to Charles's
98

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 99
summons, with the exception of that under Colonel
Sir James Darcey ; and Charles ordered James to
write to Darcey, urging him to leave the French
and join the Spaniards, now that the French were
allies of Cromwell. James represented to his brother
that he had received great kindness from the French
court and that to write such a letter would not only
lose him all his French friendships but also his 6,000
pistoles a year. Charles had been pressed to demand
the writing of this letter by his Ministers, whose
object was to drive James into such a position that
his complete rupture from the French court would
be inevitable. By degrees they succeeded, and to
such an extent that James even talked about serving
in the Spanish army, if his brother should so com
mand him.
Not content with all this success, Charles's Minis
ters were further determined to get rid of Sir John
Berkeley. They represented to Charles that a man
so intensely French in his sympathies as Berkeley
would be as unwelcome as he would be distrusted
in the Spanish army. The result was that Charles
told James to send Berkeley away. But the Princess
Royal, who had lately come to Bruges, Lord Bal-
carres, and all James's friends urged him to stand
by his faithful servant and on no consideration to
dismiss him.
It was clear to James that he could not keep
Berkeley at Bruges without quarrelling with his
brother, so he both sent Berkeley away, and went

«7 %

ioo ADVENTURES OF
away himself, having previously told Berkeley where
to meet him. James had an idea of going back to'
France ; and a report reached Bruges to the effect
that he had the intention not only of returning to
France, but also of rejoining the French army. At
this Charles was greatly alarmed, the more so as
James's enemies were not above most mendaciously
hinting that he was inclined to tamper with Crom
well's party in England. Charles sent two mes
sengers after James without success. Then he
despatched Lord Ormonde, who found him at
Zuleystein. Ormonde's orders were to assure him
if he would only return, not only himself but all his
servants should be treated with all kindness, so that
he should have no further occasion to complain.
That as to Sir John Berkeley, for the present he
should stay in Holland, but that, within a month, he
might have free leave to come and wait upon his R. H.
again, and that things past should be forgotten."
On returning to Bruges, James was received very
kindly by his brother, who, at his request, made
Berkeley a peer, with the title of Baron Berkeley
of Stratton. James dismissed Sir Henry Bennet
from his service ; but as if to counterbalance, and
more than counterbalance, the elevation of Berkeley
to high rank, Charles made a peer of Bennet, with
the title of Earl of Arlington ; and by the irony of
fate, Arlington, who had sided with Clarendon in
attempting to ruin Berkeley, was destined later on
to take a leading share in the ruin of Clarendon.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 101
At his brother's orders, James took service, in
1657, in the Spanish army. In four campaigns he
had fought under Turenne against Conde : he was
now to fight with Conde against Turenne.
Both Don John of Austria, the Commander-in
Chief of the Spanish army, and Conde, received
James with great civility ; but Lord Bristol, who
disliked James, tried to injure him by persuading
Charles to make Monsieur de Marsin Lieutenant-
General of all his forces. De Marsin, says James,
" was a very good officer as any I know," but Bristol's
object was "that the King being above me, and
Monsr de Marsin the next under me, I might have
the less power and authority, or rather be made a
meer cypher ".
Conde having opened the campaign very bril
liantly by relieving Cambray, he sent his army
to Mons, and that place was chosen for the general
rendezvous of the Spanish army. Thither, there
fore, James marched with his regiments in the
second half of June. The Spaniards intended to
deceive Turenne by pretending to march to the
relief of Montmedy, while their real object was by
" marching backward suddenly to fall on Calais,
which we hoped to carry in a few houres, having
knowledge of a weak part of it, by which wee
thought wee should easily be masters of it ".
The attack upon Calais was entrusted to the
Prince de Ligny. James was ordered to follow and
join the Prince at Calais. When he was within a

102 ADVENTURES OF
day's march of that town, he received a letter from
Don John giving him "notice ofthe miscarriage of
the enterprise". De Ligny, said Don John, was to
have surprised Calais by seizing at low water that
part of the town without the walls, adjoining the
quay. " But he coming half an hour too late, the
water was then so high that it was impossible for
him to pass, so that he was constrained to draw
back ; having done nothing, but only given the town
a hott alarm." And more than this, the attempt
opened the eyes of the Governor to the weakness of
the point of attack, which he immediately fortified,
and thus rendered Calais impregnable.
After this failure, the Spanish army moved away
from Calais, " marching up and down to no manner
of purpose ". And the unsatisfactory news arrived
that Montmedy had surrendered to Turenne, who
had thence proceeded to besiege St. Venant. Don
John marched to its relief; but, on his arrival, he
found that Turenne had so strongly fortified his
position as to render it impregnable ; and all that
seemed left for the Spaniards to do was to try to
intercept the convoys which were to bring food and
ammunition to Turenne's army.
It presently transpired that four or five hundred
waggons were on their way to Turenne from Bethune;
and an excellent position was chosen for the purpose
of attacking and capturing them. To effect this the
Spanish troops were under orders to start very early
in the morning. James had his men in readiness

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 103
shortly after sunrise ; yet it was nearly mid-day before
the order came to advance. Delay was but too
likely to render the enterprise futile. " I am sure,"
wrote James, " some were not wanting to put Don
John in mind of it, and myself for one, but we began
our march never the sooner for that advice."
When, at last, the start was made, De Ligny
led the cavalry on the right and Conde the cavalry
on the left, while James, whom Don John had ap
pointed, " Mestre de Camp Generall" for the day,
led the infantry. " As for Don John and the Marquis
of Caracena, they marched before with their three
troopes of guards, till they came within one closs,"
that is to say within a field, "of the plaine, and
there according to their usuall custom took their
siesta (or afternoon sleep)". This siesta was to be
taken, be it observed, just when the critical moment
of the whole day's undertaking was imminent! It
was siesta time ; therefore, of course, the siesta must
be taken, whatever might be about to happen.
The country through which they were passing
was enclosed, and they could march but slowly.
When James had ridden through the gap cut by the
pioneers in the last hedge leading on to the plain,
he saw the enemy's convoy coming leisurely along ;
therefore, as his men came through the hedge, he
made them take up their position "in order of
battell". Then he sent to tell De Ligny of the
approach of the convoy, informing him "that it
was absolutely in his hands: he having nothing

104 ADVENTURES OF
more to do than to march up to them, and take them
all". De Ligny sent as a reply to James " that he had
observed all this, as well as myself, and was not ig
norant how easy it was to intercept that Convoy, but
he durst not fall upon it without order from Don
John or the Marquis of Caracena," who, as we are
aware, were then taking their siesta, and could not,
on any consideration whatever, be disturbed.
Upon this, James galloped up to De Ligny, and
urged him not to lose this splendid opportunity. De
Ligny replied that James did not yet know the
punctilious military etiquette of the Spaniards. If,
said De Ligny, he were to attack without orders, " it
might cost him his head ; especially if he should not
succeed in his attempt, or should receive some little
affront". James said that success was certain and
that, in case of failure, he would himself undertake to
bear the blame : but nothing would induce De Ligny
to attack without orders.
The leaders of the convoy, suddenly perceiving
their danger, made all the haste they could ; and
the foremost waggons had already entered within
Turenne's lines, when Don John's guards came up
to De Ligny with orders to attack ; but by that time
"the business was past retrieving".
The next night James told Conde about this
misadventure, and Conde replied that evidently
James was a "stranger to the proceedings of the
Spanish army," and that he had better prepare him-

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 105
self "to see more and grosser faults committed by
them ". And James learned that, at the very time
that the convoy was passing, the officers who were
standing close to Don John and De Caracena, as
they lay asleep within a field of the plain, actually
saw the convoy coming : " yet they durst not awake
them to give them intelligence of it, which had it
been done, the convoy must of necessity have been
taken". In spite of all this, James declares both
Don John and De Caracena to have been men of
" much bravery and good sence ". De Caracena, was
"certainly a very good officer," and "had not Don
John had the misfortune (as I may call it) to be edu
cated as a son of Spain, he had undoubtedly proved
an extraordinary man, being endued with very good
natural parts, as well as courage " ; but both Generals
lived when on a campaign exactly as they lived
when in Brussels or any other large city. On a
march, as soon as Don John reached his quarters,
he went straight to bed, however early it might be,
and he had his supper in bed. When his army did
not march, he seldom got on horseback or even left
his tent.
The Spanish army, a little later, marched to
besiege Ardres, a small town at one time celebrated
for having been the nearest to the scene of the Field
of the Cloth of Gold ; but now better known for its
breweries and distilleries ; and travellers may re
member its name as the second station after leaving
Calais for St. Omer.

106 ADVENTURES OF
On the 28th of August, a council of war was
held in De Caracena's quarters. " When wee were
all mett, wee were conducted to the top of a tower
which was there, from whence with perspective
glasses we viewed the town, and without any other
help, or information, the Council resolved there of
the attacks." Conde was ordered to make his
attack on the left bastion, and James to make his
on the right, while the Spaniards were to make
theirs upon the half-moon which lay between the
two bastions ; and that no time might be lost, it was
arranged that, if possible " they should fasten their
miners to the body of the place that very night ".
Conde and James, not considering their distant
inspection from the top of the Tower sufficient, went
in person much nearer to the bastions to observe
the position ; but Don John and De Caracena sent a
" Major de Bataille " to perform that duty for them,
" it not being the custom of the Spanish Generalis
to expose themselves on such occasions ".
It was a bright moonlight night, when Lord
Muskerry led the regiment ordered by James to
begin the attack on the right bastion ; and, when
James himself went to see how it was progressing,
he found that Muskerry had "almost finished a
lodgement just upon the edge of the ditch, over
against the bastion, which commanded into the
ditch on both sides of it, and had already lodged
the body of the battalion in the ditch of the raveline
which covered the point of the bastion ". James

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 107
adds : " I now thought it time to endeavour to fasten
my miner to the wall ".
Both Conde and the General in command of the
Spanish army were equally successful ; " they also
had fastened their miners to the place, so that we
doubted not, but that wee should be master of it in
24 houres ".
While all this was going on, Don John and De
Caracena "were sitting in their coaches at a good
distance from the attack, out of shott of the enemy " ;
and when Don John was informed that both Conde
and James had gone in person to superintend the
assault made by their men, he said : "No hazen ben "
(" 'Tis not well done of them ").
The soldiers under the walls maintained their
positions when it grew dark, and held them through
out the night. Everything promised well for the
capture of the town next day.
Soon after sunrise, intelligence was brought to
Don John that St. Venant had surrendered to the
French and that Turenne was at that moment
marching to the relief of Ardres. This greatly
perturbed Don John ! There was no delay in as
sembling a Junto this time! He held one at once.
Nor was it long in arriving at its decision, which
was to raise the siege forthwith, and be off.
There was almost greater danger in withdrawing
from the attack than there would have been in con
tinuing it. In several places the besieging soldiers
had begun the assault, and as they retired from the

108 ADVENTURES OF
walls, they were " exposed to all the great and small
shott of the town ". So dangerous was the retreat
that James sent a lieutenant with about thirty horse
men to get as near the town as they could without
exposing themselves to fire, and to gallop up to any
soldier they might see wounded and carry him into
safety. " Having given this order, I followed my
self," says James, " to see it put in execution.
Where observing that, as my men were coming
out of their attack, the Lieutenant had only drawn
his party under cover of a hedge, within muskett
shot of the town, but had not followed my orders, I
galloped up to him and again commanded him to do
it ; which he obeyed." At last all the troops got
away, and with less loss than might have been ex
pected ; and then they had " a very uncomfortable
march," for several days, over roads which were
" almost impassable by reason of the extraordinary
rains that fell ". In all this march they were in
reality running away from Turenne ; nor did they
cease to retreat until they obtained shelter, behind
the great fortified canal at Mardyke, Dunkirk and
Oudekerke. Turenne soon arrived and proceeded
to besiege Mardyke.
On the first evening after the arrival of the
French, James rode out, attended by only twenty
horsemen, " to view their army ". A party of French
officers, perceiving them, galloped towards them,
pulled up, and fired ; but without doing any damage.
James beat a hasty retreat and the French officers

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 109
gave chase. They had almost caught him, when
one of them recognised a large greyhound which
usually followed him, and he called out: " Is the
Duke of York here ? " James turned in his saddle
and said: "Yes". When his face was seen, they
cried : " Sur parole," and James pulled up.
The French officers alighted and so also did
James. He found, as he says, "amongst them
severall persons of the best quality, all of my old
acquaintance . . . and wee continued talking to
gether for almost an houre, till Mons. de Turenne
sent to them to come away. ... I have related
this passage thus particularly, that it may be ob
served what civilities passed betwixt enemies in that
country ; and that I had as many friends in the
French army at that time, when I was actually in
service against them, as I had when I served under
them." The French officers paid several visits to James ;
and one day a Colonel Reynolds, who was in com
mand of one of the English regiments sent by
Cromwell to the assistance of Turenne, claimed the
same privilege. This aroused the suspicions of some
of his brother officers who accompanied him and
closely watched him ; but he contrived to convey
to James his desire to help the royal cause. An
officer named White reported the affair to Cromwell,
who summoned them both to England. The ac
cuser and the accused sailed in the same ship, which
was wrecked, and both were lost.

no ADVENTURES OF
In the neighbourhood of Mardyke and Dunkirk,
James came in for a good deal of desultory fighting.
In December, the Spaniards opened the sluices and
inundated the country. Further warfare was then
impossible, and the French withdrew ; but it was
suspected that they intended a sudden return. Don
John and De Caracena went to Bruges, and James
was left for a second time in command of an entire
army. About Christmas it was ordered to retire
into winter quarters, and James reached Brussels
on ist January, 1658.
The latter part of the winter 1657-8, James
spent at Antwerp and Brussels with his brother
Charles. In the spring, Charles told the Spaniards that he
had ascertained from letters from England, which
he had intercepted, that Cromwell was pressing the
French to besiege Dunkirk, and that it would be
prudent to strengthen its garrison. Don John, how
ever, did not believe the news and refused either
to increase its garrison or to add to its scanty
ammunition. " The French, according to their custom, drew
first into the feild this year ; and in their way to
Dunkirk, at Cassel, took prisoners of warr the Duke
of Gloucester's regiment of foot, which consisted of
four hundred men." The Spanish generals were
still dawdling at Brussels, when the news arrived
that Dunkirk was invested by Turenne. It was at
once decided that the Spanish troops should concen-

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND m
trate at Ypres, a concentration which was effected
by the ist of June.
When the Spanish army had proceeded to the
relief of Dunkirk, its generals did a thing most
unusual with them. In order to " observe the
Line of the besiegers," they not only personally
approached the line, but actually went too near
it, and without sufficient escort. The Mareshall
D'Hocquincourt was "shott in the belly'' and died,
and Lord Feversham and Henry Jermyn were both
" shott through the thigh ". Conde took the papers
out of D'Hocquincourt's pockets, and James, at the
request of one of D'Hocquincourt's officers, helped
to bring away his body. The story goes on to say :
" Had the enemy pressed hard on us, wee had not
only been forced to have left it behind, but all the
General officers there present had run the hazard of
being made prisoners ".
The position afterwards taken up by the Spanish
army was with the sea on its right and the canal of
Turnes on its left. " We had neither cannon nor
tooles," says James, "nor hardly powder enough
for our foot ; without all which necessarys wee came
and camped within less than twice cannon shott of
the Enemies Line." No trouble was taken to
provide against an attack. The first evening, being
at supper with De Caracena, James said that he felt
uneasy at their undefended position and expressed
his belief that Turenne would attack them in the
morning. De Caracena said that that was exactly

112 ADVENTURES OF
what he desired. James replied that he knew Tu
renne well enough to feel certain that De Caracena's
desire would be fully gratified.
And so it proved ! At five o'clock on the follow
ing morning, Turenne's whole army was seen by
James to be advancing from its lines. "The Eng
lish," says James, " were drawing out, whom I easily
knew by their red coats." x James went to Don
John and informed him of Turenne's advance. Don
John seemed "not to beleeve". Conde, irritated
by Don John's indolence and incredulousness, turned
to the young Duke of Gloucester, and asked him in
a loud voice whether he had ever seen a battle won.
" No," replied the Duke. " In half an hour," said
Conde, " you will see one lost ! "
When the French army advanced to the attack,
Don John ordered James to command the troops on
the right, against which the English regiments were
then advancing.
Accompanied by his own troop of Horse-Guards
and ioo infantry, James hurried to the point to
which he had been directed by Don John. It was
on the ridge of some sand-hills, up which the enemy
would have to advance. On reaching the ridge, he at
once joined the men he had brought with him to the
Spanish troops under Boniface on the same ridge.
"This," says he, "was all I had leisure todo,
before the English attacked us ; who came on with
1 There were 6,000 of Cromwell's English troops with Tu
renne's army.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 113
great eagerness and courage: but their heat was
such, that they outmarched the French, so that
had the opportunity been taken, they might have
paid deer for their rash bravery. But they whose
business it was to have taken that advantage, either
tooke no notice of it, or had some other reason,
unknown to me, why they sent not some Horse
to fall upon their flanques. Whatsoever the occa
sion was, the opportunity was let slip, and the English
came up without the least disturbance to make their
charge." Colonel Fenwick was leading the English. At
the foot of the hill, which " was exceeding steep,"
Fenwick made his men " halt and take breath for two
or three minutes ". Then he led the attack and the
English scrambled up the hill " with a great shout ".
Half-way up, Fenwick was shot, and then Major
Hinton took the lead. In spite of the difficulty
of rushing up hill in deep sand, the English did not
"stop till they came to push of pyke" and, out of
breath as they were, they took the crest, driving
Boniface's Spaniards down on their own side, and
killing on the spot, besides many private soldiers,
nine captains, as well as several subalterns, but
losing a good many of their own officers and men.
James then charged them with his Horse-
Guards, but over ground very difficult for cavalry,
and consequently "to no purpose ". After a very
sharp encounter, he and his Guards were beaten
off, and he says : "All at the head of my own troop

H4 ADVENTURES OF
were either killed or wounded ; of which number I
had been one, had not the goodness of my armes
(armour) preserved me". Small wonder that after
this, he generally had himself represented as wear
ing armour in his portraits !
When he rallied his Horse-Guards, only forty
joined him. He then tried to rally Boniface's
Spaniards. While he was doing so, De Caracena
rode up. " Why did you not charge the enemy
with your horse?" roared he. "I did so," replied
James, " and was worsted for my pains ! "
When Boniface's men had by degrees got into
some sort of order, the English troops were lost
to sight for a short time behind a sand-hill ; but
presently James saw them approaching him from
the side, and he commanded the Major, who was
at the head of Boniface's Spaniards, to charge them
in front, while he himself charged them with his
forty troopers on the flank.
" I put myself immediately at the head of my
forty Guards," says James, "and charged that bat
talion so home, that I broke into them, doing great
execution upon them, and driving them to the edge
of the sand-hill next the strand. As for the battalion
of Boniface, they did not charge, seeing I had already
broken the English ; but discovering from the top
of the sand-hill, where they were, that our whole
army was in rout, they scattered, and every man
endeavoured to gett off, which few of them were so
lucky as to perform."

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 115
The English infantry fought very bravely ; when
James's horse got among them, not one of them
asked for quarter or threw down his arms ; " but
everyone defended himself to the last ; so that wee
ran as great danger by the butt end of their muskets
as by the volley which they had given us. And
one of them had infallibly knocked me off my horse,
if I had not prevented him when he was just ready
to have discharged the blow, by a stroke I gave him
with my sword over the face, which layed him along
upon the ground."
A squadron of French cavalry galloped up on
James's flank, as soon as he had made this charge ;
and he would have been cut off, had not the French
horse been at that moment charged in their turn on
their own flank by De Ligny.
Meanwhile things were as bad, or even worse,
on Don John's extreme left. Conde made a valiant
fight, but at last he had "to run for it, as fast as
his neighbours had done before him ; though he did
what was possible to be done, in both capacities, as
a Generall, and as a soldier ".
The battalions in Don John's centre " fired at
too great a distance, and presently ran away," and
the cavalry, which was drawn up behind the infantry,
seeing the general rout, for the most part ran away
" without being charged, or even without seeing an
enemy". James's own regiment stood its ground,
with the result that, except Lord Muskerry, who
caught a loose horse, after losing his own, and

116 ADVENTURES OF
galloped off, not a soldier or an officer escaped.
Besides two Colonels, and their regiments, James
says : "I know not of any Spanish horse that be
haved themselves well in this battell".
James, in the meantime, was reduced to twenty
followers. A curious thing happened to him as he
was following the Spanish army in its retreat. He
saw four or five French troopers, whom he mistook
for some of Don John's men, attacking one of his
officers, a Lieutenant Victor ; and, riding up to
them, he shouted to them in French to leave him
alone, as he was one of their own officers. The
French troopers, in their turn, mistaking James for
a Frenchman, at once rode off, after returning to
Victor his sword, which they had taken from him.
"Thus," as James puts it, " both I and they were in
errour, and I knew not my mistake till Victor told me
of it afterwards."
There was nothing left to be done now but to
run. So crowded were the roads with the frightened
and flying Spaniards, that James had to go round
the main body, and in doing so was almost captured.
Presently he came upon Don John, Conde, De
Caracena and their staffs, in headlong flight. Just
as he reached them, Don John's horse fell lame, and
the whole party had to face about and make a short
stand, to give him time to mount another charger,
" which being done, wee sett spurrs to our horses,
and did not stop till the Enemy had left pursuing
us ". After saying this, however, James declares that

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 117
Don John, De Caracena and Conde had all shown
great personal courage during the action, and had
been so late in retreating that each of them very
narrowly escaped capture by the enemy.
Thus ended the action called by Clarendon the
Battle of Dunkirk, an action, however, better known
as the Battle of the Dunes. The victorious Turenne,
who attributed his success chiefly to the courage and
steadiness of his English allies,1 returned to the siege
of the town of Dunkirk, which shortly afterwards
surrendered. Things were getting quieter when the news
arrived of the death of Cromwell ; on which James
asked Don John to relieve him of his command, and
joined his brother at Brussels.
1 Lingard's History, vol. ix., p. 264.

CHAPTER VIII.
Oliver Cromwell died on 3rd September, 1658.
Charles II. did not land in England until more than
twenty months later, on 25th May, 1660. But, from
the time of Cromwell's death, reports of risings in
England kept both Charles and James in a state of
constant expectation of a summons from their fol
lowers in England to cross the Channel and put
themselves at the head of volunteers banded together
to restore the Crown by force. The affairs of
Charles in England were conducted by a secret
Council known as the Select Knot. In almost
every county Royalists promised to flock to the royal
standard, and Conde placed troops at the disposal
of James, who was to land at their head on the
coast of Kent. All these plans were frustrated by
the traitor, Sir Richard Willis, who was at the head
of the Select Knot.
For some time James stayed at Boulogne, in
disguise, awaiting events ; but no news came of any
definite rising except that of Sir George Booth.
The Governor of Boulogne was told of James's
presence in the town, and, as he was nominally
exiled from France, the Governor determined to
arrest him. But he was misinformed as to James's
t?8

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 119
lodgings, and he went to several houses, at which
he was told that James lived, without finding him.
On a certain night, James was awakened by a
violent knocking at the door of his lodging, and,
on looking out of the window, he saw some soldiers
outside. Evidently, thought he, they had come to
take him ! " But their business was not to search
for the Duke, it was only to bring home the master
of the house, who was dead drunk and brought home
betwixt four of them."
Just when James was beginning to despair of
any action on the part of the loyalists in England,
a message arrived from Turenne expressing a wish
to see him at Amiens. Thither James hastened,
artd he was received most kindly by his old chief,
against whom he had so lately been fighting. Tu
renne "had desired to speak to the King, his
brother; but since His Majesty was not to be
found," he had sent for James. "He offered him
hi s own regiment of foot, which he would make up
to 1,200 men, and the Scots-Gendarmes, to carry over
with him" to England, besides a quantity of arms
and ammunition, including six field-guns, and " as
much meal as would serve for the sustenance of
5,000 men for the space of six weeks or two
months". He also promised to lend ships to
transport them. And besides all this, "he offered
the Duke to pawne his plate and make use of all his
interest and credit, to make up such a sum of money
as should be thought necessary for the carrying on

120 ADVENTURES OF
of the business ; concluding all with this expression,
that his R. H. might easily beleeve he had no orders
from the Cardinal, who was then at the Conference,
to perform all this ; but what he did was freely of
himself, out of no other motive than kindness to the
Duke, and to his family "7 These details are given
only to show Turenne's fondness of James, even
when he had lately been his enemy on the battle
field. As will have been observed, James had
now been offered troops for the invasion of Eng
land by both the two mortal enemies, Conde and
Turenne. Turenne's offer was eagerly accepted. A few
days later, the Governor of Boulogne, who was
still searching for James, was surprised to hear
that James, whom he could not find, was, in his turn,
searching for him. Instead of surrendering to arrest,
James presented to the Governor a letter from Tu
renne, ordering him "to furnish his R. H. with all
the vessels and fisherboats which he could get to
gether in all his Government of the Boulonois ". All
was going prosperously with the preparations for the
expedition, "when letters from England brought the
unwelcome news of Sir George Booth's defeat by
Lambert ". This put all hope of an immediate in
vasion out of the question, and James, at Turenne's
advice, returned to Flanders, Turenne insisting on
his taking with him a present of three hundred
pistoles, 1 James's Memoirs,

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND I2i
He had not very long received these favours
from the greatest General in France, when he re
ceived a favour from France's enemy, Spain, in
an offer of the appointment to the office of High
Admiral to the Spanish fleet : El Admirante del
Oceano. Whatever might be James's obligations
to Turenne, there was no occasion for any scruple
in accepting this offer, as Cardinal Mazarin had
just refused James permission to remain in France
with his mother.
James, however, never filled the post of Spanish
Admiral, for, before he could do so, came the Restora
tion of his brother to the British Throne. Of that
important incident in the history of England, it is
needless to say anything here ; and so far as James
was concerned in it, it may be sufficient to observe
that immediately before his return to England, the
Parliament sent him ,£10,000 for his immediate needs.
James, as we have seen, had been nominally made
Lord High Admiral of the British navy, when he
was only fifteen. At the age of twenty-seven, he
was formally confirmed in that appointment.
We must now look back to a time shortly before
the Restoration. Among the maids-of-honour of
the Princess of Orange, was Anne Hyde, a daughter
of Clarendon. The contemporary descriptions of
her person and her character vary considerably.
Sir John Reresby says that "she was a very hand
some woman and had a great deal of wit ". Gram
mont also credits her with a great deal of wit, but

122 ADVENTURES OF
says that although she "had a majestic air," and
"a pretty good shape," she had "not much beauty".
Burnet calls her "a very extraordinary woman,"
with " great knowledge ". Bronconis in his fournal,
says : "La Duchesse de York est fort laide ; la
bouche extraordinairement fendue, et les yeux fort
eveillez, mais tres courtoise ".
Of her relations to James, his own Memoirs
say : "It happened that after some conversation
together, the Duke fell in love with her, she having
witt, and other qualitys capable of surprising a heart
less inclinable to the sexe than was that of his
Royall Highness in the first warmth of his youth.
She indeed shewed both her witt and her vertue in
managing the affaire so dexterously, that the Duke
overmastered by his passion at last gave her a
promise of marriage some time before the Restora
tion." That James was overmastered by his passion
is only too true, but there have been differences of
opinion respecting the amount of virtue shown in
the matter by Anne Hyde. Some people con
sider that she yielded to James's immediate ad
vances on his promise of marriage in the future.
Others look upon his declaring her to be his wife,
in the presence of witnesses, and signing with a pen
dipped in his own blood the promise to go through
the ceremony of marriage with her later, thus to
right her in the eyes of the world, as an actual,
although an irregular, marriage. Without knowing

ANNE HYDE, DUCHESS OF YORK, FIRST WIFE OF JAMES II.

BY SIR PETER LELY.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 123
very exactly what was said or done at the time by
the two contracting parties, it would be impossible
to speak decisively as to whether it was or was not
a marriage ; and the question must remain open.
Whether it was a marriage, or only a simple
betrothal, it seems probable that it took place either
in January or early in February, 1660, shortly
after James returned to Flanders, on the failure of
Booth's rising and the intended invasion of England
with forces supplied by Turenne. On 25th May
Charles landed at Dover ; and Anne followed the
court to England.
Shortly after the Restoration, James informed
the King of his relations to Anne Hyde. Charles
was terribly angry. James fell on his knees and 1
begged his brother's permission to marry her pub
licly, protesting that unless his Majesty gave his
consent he would go abroad and live there to the
end of his life.
According to Macpherson,2 James and Anne
were privately married on 3rd September, at
Worcester, where Clarendon at that time had a
house ; but there seems to be some doubt as to
the exact time and place of the marriage ceremony.
When Clarendon, who though Chancellor, was
at that time still Edward Hyde, knew of the
1 Most of this account is taken from The Continuation of the
Life of Edward Earl of Clarendon, ed. 1759, pp. 27 et seq.
2 Hist, of Great Britain from the Restoration to the Acces
sion of the House of Hanover, vol. i., pp. 10, 11.

124 ADVENTURES OF
marriage, he was furious. The news was broken
to him by Lords Ormond and Southampton. He
declared to them in his passion, that as soon as
he went home he would turn her out of his house,
as a  , to shift for herself, and would never see
her again ; and that he would much rather his
daughter were the Duke's  than his wife. He
did not believe that the Duke had really married
her ; but, if he had, Hyde hoped their lordships
would concur with him in recommending the King
to send her at once to the Tower, and to cast her
"into a dungeon, under so strict a guard, that no
person living should be admitted to come to her ;
and then that an Act of Parliament should be im
mediately passed for the cuttiug off her head, to
which he would not only give his consent, but would
very willingly be the first man to propose it ".
Just then the King came in, when Hyde re
peated all that he had just said, adding : " Your
Majesty, an example of the highest severity in a
case that so nearly concerns you, and that relates to
the person who is nearest you, will be so seasonable,
that the rest of your reign will be the easier to you,
and all men will take heed how they impudently
offend you ".
At that moment James entered, and Charles,
adroitly changing the subject, walked out with his
brother. Hyde went home and told his wife to
order Anne not to come down to dinner or supper ;
but to go to her room and remain in it.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 125
The next morning, James heard about his wife's
quasi-imprisonment ; and complained to the King
that this was "an indignity offered to him". Then
Charles sent for Hyde and told him to give Anne
her usual liberty ; but Hyde pleaded that, so long
as he was Chancellor, the King should follow his
advice, and he did not " take off any of the re
straint he had imposed ". Unknown to Hyde, how
ever, James contrived to obtain access to his wife
in her chamber of seclusion.
All this time, Hyde never spoke to James, nor
spoke James to Hyde, about the marriage. To still
the gossip about the matter, however, James used
frequently to sit beside Hyde on the Woolsack in
the House of Lords and talk to " him upon the
matters which were debated . . . which made all
men believe that there had been a good under
standing between them ".
Charles, on the contrary, talked to Hyde about
the marriage every day ; and he " told his brother
he 'must drink as he had brewed, and live with her
whom he had made his wife".1
The Princess of Orange came to England about
this time, and was very angry when she heard of
the marriage. She declared to her brother, the
King, that she would never yield precedence to
a woman who had stood behind her chair as one
of her maids. Worse still, a letter came from the
Gurnet's Hist, of His Own Times, ed., 1724, p. 168.

126 ADVENTURES OF
Queen- Dowager, informing the King, " that she
was on the way to England, to prevent with her
authority, so great a stain and dishonour to the
Crown ".
Hyde's enemies, and especially Lord Berkeley,
had encouraged James in his advances to Anne,
hoping thereby to bring Hyde into disgrace.
Hyde's conduct in the matter, as it happened, had
exactly the contrary effect ; and it was during the
very height of the excitement about the marriage
that Charles rewarded his Chancellor's services by
making him a Baron and giving him a present of
.£20,000. Many of those about the King were determined
that Anne Hyde should never be acknowledged as
Duchess of York. " Divines and lawyers were pro
duced," says Lingard,1 " grave and learned casuists,
who maintained in presence of the Duke, that no
private contract of marriage on his part could be
valid without the previous consent of the sovereign."
But a still more objectionable device was adopted.
Charles Berkeley, a nephew of James's friend, Lord
Berkeley, and afterwards created successively Baron
Berkeley of Rathdown, Viscount FitzHardinge and
Earl of Falmouth, was the chief agent in this matter,
which is thus delicately described by Clarendon :
"In the meantime it was reported abroad that the
Duke had discovered some disloyalty in the Lady,
1 History., vol. ix., chap. ii.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 127
which he had never suspected, but had now so full
evidence of it, that he was resolved never more to
see her, and that he was not married". In short,
the divines and the profligates between them had
convinced James that his marriage was invalid and
that Anne was unfaithful.
As Lord High Admiral, it was the duty of James,
the naughty son, to meet his irate mother at Calais,
and escort her to England. The meeting took place
in October, 1660, and James's flag-ship was accorii-
panied by a fleet of the finest vessels in the British
navy. But the dignity of the Lord High Admiral did
not protect him from a maternal wigging. Henrietta
Maria passionately reproached him for his iniquitous
conduct in offering to marry Anne Hyde. James,
sore at heart on account of what he believed to be
Anne's infidelity, replied : " I ask your pardon for
having placed my affections so low ; I have been
punished by the unworthiness of the object ; I never
will see her again ; nor can I own as my wife, a
woman who has been so basely false to me". His
mother at once forgave him and they embarked
together for England.
Pere Gamache thus describes the naval pageant
on leaving Calais : " All those mighty vessels were
hung, from the topsails to the decks, with the gayest
flags, numerous as the leaves of the trees, the masts
of that great fleet seemed to rise as thickly as a
forest. Their cannon began to discharge . . . and
in truth, for half an hour, they made a most marvel-

128 ADVENTURES OF
lous noise." But the sea was so calm that the
voyage to Dover, which with a favourable wind
could be accomplished in three hours, took two
days. The Queen-Dowager was received in England
with every demonstration of reverence and loyalty ;
but, to her, London was now a place that was
full of most painful associations and she fell into a
profound melancholy. James was equally miserable,
and he was longing to be with his wife, in spite of
the scandalous accusations against her.
Much as Charles disliked James's marriage, he
neither gave way to passion about it, like his
mother, nor gave full credence to the stories of
Anne's infidelity, like his brother ; and when, in
November, her child was to be born, he sent the
Marchioness of Ormonde, the Countess of Sunder
land, "and other ladies of known honour and fidelity
to the Crown," with the Bishop of Winchester, to
be present ; as if a possible heir to the Crown was
expected. When Anne was exceedingly ill, the
Bishop asked her searching questions, the replies
to which appeared to establish her innocence, and
these replies were reported to the King.
Anne's child was a boy ; and when James heard
of its birth, he longed to see it and to visit his wife ;
but, in spite of what his brother told him about her
replies to the Bishop's questions, he still believed in
the calumnies of Charles Berkeley. His unhappiness
was increased by the deaths from smallpox of his

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 129
eldest sister, the Princess of Orange, and his brother,
the Duke of Gloucester, till his depression of spirits
became so great that the court grew uneasy about
him. The serious condition of James alarmed Sir
Charles Berkeley, if it did not stimulate his con
science, and he went to James and explained to
him how the universal opinion that a marriage with
Anne Hyde would ruin the Duke of York and be a
national calamity had induced him to do all in his
power to dissuade him from it ; and that, " when he
found he could not prevail with him, he had formed
that accusation, which he presumed could not but
produce the effect he wished ; which he now con
fessed to be false, and without the least ground ;
and that he was very confident of her virtue ". He
therefore begged his Highness "to pardon a fault
that was committed out of pure devotion to him".1
James's relief was so great that, instead of being
angry with Berkeley, he forgave him ; and he hurried
to his wife and his child. When his mother heard
of this, she was very angry ; and she became still
more so when the King made excuses for his
brother, and gave her the details of Sir Charles
1 Grammont's story of this affair is far more picturesque and
entertaining ; but it varies in important particulars from that
of Clarendon, which is much the more likely to be veracious.
Grammont says that Lord Arran, Talbot, Jermyn, and Killigrew
all brought the same accusation against Anne Hyde, on their
own pretended personal experiences. 9

I3o ADVENTURES OF
Berkeley's confession. At this she flew into one
of her violent passions, and she exclaimed in a tone
loud enough to be heard by a number of courtiers :
" If that woman is brought into Whitehall by one
door, I shall go out of it by another, never to re
enter it".
Henrietta Maria was very soon to retunn to
France, and it is probable that she would have left
England in hot anger with James and with a cold
feeling towards Charles, had not Cardinal Mazarin
written to her,1 telling her plainly that she would
not receive a good welcome in France, if she left
her sons in displeasure ; and advising her very
strongly to make the best of what could no longer
be avoided. On New Year's Day, 1661, James took his wife
from Clarendon's residence, in state, to Whitehall.
" As the Queen passed to dinner," says Gamache,
" the Duchess of York knelt to her ; her Majesty
raised her, kissed her, and placed her at table."
Pepys wrote, on the same day : " The Queen is
said to receive her now with much respect and
love ".
Perhaps the awkwardness and tension of that
first meeting and dinner may have been a little
relieved to both mother-in-law and daughter-in-law
by a trifling distraction at the beginning of it.
There happened to be great rivalry between the
xSo the Abb6 Montague told Clarendon (see Continuation
of the Life of Clarendon).

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 131
King's Anglican chaplain and his mother's CathoHc
chaplain as to who should say grace at meals. The
banqueting hall was very crowded. In those times
almost anybody was admitted to see the royal
family at dinner. Both chaplains struggled vali
antly through the crowd, each trying to reach the
royal table before the other to say grace. In trying
to force a passage, the Anglican chaplain fell, and
Pere Gamache, the Queen's chaplain, arrived at the
table first and asked a blessing. Then the King
began dinner, and he had scarcely done so when lais
own chaplain came to the table ; but too late ! At
this "all the lords and gentlemen who stood behind
the royal chair set up a loud laugh, and shouted that
the King's chaplain and the Queen's priest had run
a race to say grace, but the chaplain was floored,
and the priest had won ".
The same afternoon, James led his wife to
his mother's bed-chamber, where Queen Henrietta
Maria received her graciously and made her sit
beside her. Clarendon afterwards entered the room.
The Queen then told him that any unkind things
which she might have said about the marriage were
due to the provocation which she had -received
by so ill-assorted a union ; and that the King had
assured her that it had not been arranged or
encouraged by Clarendon. Clarendon replied that
she could not possibly have been more provoked
by it than he had been.
"Therefore," said the Queen, "do I receive
9*

132 ADVENTURES OF
your daughter as my daughter, and I will heartily
forgive the Duke and her ; and I am resolved ever
after to live with all the affection of a mother to
wards them."
This apology and reconciliation must have cost
the Queen a great deal ; and a relief was brought
to a trying situation for all concerned, by the de
parture of Henrietta Maria for Paris on the following
day. James "being somewhat indisposed, stayed
behind at Whitehall," as his Memoirs inform us ;
but the King escorted his mother to Portsmouth,
where she was to embark for France.
Just at that time, a so-called Fifth- Monarchy
man, a wine-cooper named Venner, was at the head
of a conventicle of revolutionary fanatics, in Coleman
Street ; and, while the King was at Portsmouth, he
called upon his followers not to pray, but to work, to
take up the cause of their King, Jesus, and never
to sheathe the sword till Babylon should be made a
hissing and a curse.
James was lying asleep, when he was awakened
to be told that these rebels had gone to St. Paul's,
had driven some of the trained bands before them,
had traversed the city, and had taken up their
position in Caen Wood, between Highgate and
Hampstead. Although unwell, James hurried up and de
spatched "some of the few horse which were yet
left not paid off," to " look after them ". For two
or three days, Venner and his men lurked in the

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 133
woods, and the royal soldiers, not knowing the
country, failed to find them.
Emboldened by his immunity, Venner marched
his men towards London again, reaching Aldgate
about seven o'clock one morning, and entered the
city crying "Live King Jesus!" They met with
" no resistance, and so passing by Leadenhall, and
driving before such loose men of the Militia as
offered to appear upon the noise, they passed on ".
News of their advance having been brought to
James, he hurried off to meet them ; but, by the
time he had reached St. Paul's, he learned that
Venner and nearly all his men had been taken.
" Venner had no less than nineteen wounds on him,
and it was with great difficulty that the surgeons kept
him alive till he could be condemned and hanged ;
as he and the rest of his fanatick crew that were left
alive, soon were, except two, who were made use of
as witnesses against the rest."
It was not very long after these events that the
King was again at Portsmouth, this time in order
to welcome his bride, Catherine of Braganza, the
Infanta of Portugal.
As Lord High Admiral, James preceded his
brother, and, when the Portuguese ships neared
the Isle of Wight, he put off from his frigate in a
launch, boarded the royal vessel, and was received by
the Princess in a cabin in which was a throne with
a canopy and all the paraphernalia of a miniature
Presence Chamber. James could speak Spanish, the

134 ADVENTURES OF KING JAMES II.
native language1 of Catherine's mother and under
stood by Catherine herself, and so soon as the
profuse courtesies inseparable from all meetings
with royalties from the Peninsula were over, they
conversed freely and began a friendship, whieh was
destined to be somewhat intermittent.

CHAPTER IX.
Hitherto we have been chiefly studying James,
Duke of York, as a soldier. It is now time that we
looked at him from another point of view, and
inquired into the appearance, the manner, and the
character of the young man of twenty-seven who
took his place in the restored and newly constituted
English court, as heir-presumptive to the Crown.
In height, James was neither tall nor short, though
somewhat above the average ; and he was well-
formed and muscular. His face was rather lengthy,
especially in the chin, and he was fair in complexion.
Charles II. and many of the courtiers wore small
and narrow moustaches ; but James was clean shaven.
He was healthy and active, a great walker and a
lover of fresh air, exercise and sports. In manner
he was good-natured and pleasant, ready to talk to
all comers and, if more stately than his brother
Charles, he was like him free from formality, though,
like him again, he was very conversant with court
etiquette, and exact in the observance of it. An
author who lived in James's times describes him as
"extremely courteous with the civilities of his hat".1
If, in some of these respects he resenibled his
1 The Life of James IL, anon. pub. by Knapton and others, 1703.
135

136 ADVENTURES OF
brother, he resembled his father in stammering,
although in a less degree. Indeed the compiler of
his Memoirs describes it as only "something of a
hesitation in his speech". The same writer says:
"He abhorred the duplicitie of a refined courtier,
was an assured friend if he professed it, and whom
he could not serve he was always sincere enough to
let him know it ". Naturally he was quick-tempered ;
but he had considerable self-control. Macpherson is
probably right in saying of him 7 "His chief praise
consisted in his strict adherence to truth". And
again : " Sincere in his professions and minutely ob
serving his word, he was respected by those whom
he favoured least ".
Unlike most of the members of his brother's court,
James was not, for his times, intemperate2 ; he never
used bad language, he hated gambling, and he was
careful and prudent in money matters. Even his
enemy, Bishop Burnet, admits that "he had no personal
vices but one sort ". That one sort was " wandering
from one amour to another ". Yet, continues Burnet,
" he had a real sense of sin and was ashamed of it ".
With much less natural ability than Charles,
James had more firmness and strength of character.
James liked work : Charles only cared for play.
Charles made friends quickly and soon forgot them :
James was slow in making a friendship, but, once he
1 History of Great Britain, vol. i., p. 68.
2 "What never 1"
"Well !  scarcely ever." A popular play.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 137
had made it, he trusted his friend beyond the bounds
of prudence, and never forsook him unless his in
fidelity was proved beyond all possibility of doubt.
The word of James was as sacred as that of Charles
was worthless, and if James was obstinate in his
slowly formed and sometimes erroneous judgments,
his obstinacy was preferable to the fickleness of the
far more perceptive Charles. James sought the
welfare, or at least what he supposed to be the
welfare, of others : Charles was intensely selfish in
his objects and in his actions.
All through his life, James was fond of hunting,
as is evident from frequent mention in the enter
taining pages of Pepys. In 1663, and in June —
an unlikely month for hunting — Pepys says : "The
Duke having been a-hunting to-day, and so lately
come home and gone to bed, we could not see him,
and we walked away ". Three weeks later, he tells
us that the Duke came in from hunting "and shifted
himself"; i.e., changed his clothes; "he having in
his hunting led his horse through a river up to his
breast". In 1666, Pepys says that James was
hunting regularly three days a week ; and, at the
end of November in the same year, "It blows hard
and rains hard, yet the Duke of York is gone
a-hunting ". The next year, Charles and James
were hunting for four or five days successively at
Bagshot, and, on one of them, the usually sober
James appears to have got drunk with the rest of
the party, at Sir George Carteret's.

138 ADVENTURES OF
Twenty years later, when King of England,
James had not lost his love of hunting. At a time
when cares and troubles were thickening, Sir John
Reresby wrote of James : " These two days His
Majesty killed two stags ; he was indefatigable at
that sport, loving to ride so hard that he usually lost
his company ".
In the same year (1686), Sir John Bramston1
wrote of James's having been invited by the Duke
of Albemarle to hunt some out-lying deer at New
Hall near Chelmsford. James had the good' luck
to get away with the hounds, while most of the field
were on the wrong side of the covert in which they
found. The stag was killed between Romford and
Brentwood. " The King was near at the death
. . . and well pleased that he was in, but the Lords
thrown out." The next day, a stag was found in
New Hall Park. After taking a turn or two
round the park, he leapt the palings, "took the
river, . . . and was killed at Hatfield. His Majesty
kept pretty near the dogs, though the ditches were
broad and deep, the hedges high, and the way of
the fields dirty. . . . Most of the Lords were cast
out again. . . . The King was much pleased that
the Lords were thrown out." The King's coach
had gone the wrong way, and, when the members
of the court came up, Lord Dartmouth advised that
a messenger should be sent to Copt Hall, Lord
1 Autobiography of Sir John Bramston, London, Camden
Society, 1845, PP- 226, 227.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 139
Dorset's house, to say that the King would come
to dinner there.
The messenger met Lady Dorset in her carriage
on her way to stay somewhere else. Lord Dorset
had gone to dine with Sir William Hicks, and the
cook and the butler had gone to a fair at Waltham.
However, Lady Dorset got out of her carriage, sent
it for the King, and hurried back on foot to Copt
Hall. " By breaking open locks and doors, and with
the help of her maids, by such time as His Majesty
arrived, had washed, and viewed the gardens and
house, a very handsome collation was gotten for
him." Pepys writes of James playing pelemele, in St.
James's Park, soon after the Restoration, that being
the first time that Pepys saw it played.1 This game,
which was played as early as the thirteenth century
in Languedoc, and has been claimed as the parent
of modern croquet, was very fashionable in England
during the reigns of the Stuarts.
Like most of his contemporaries, James enjoyed
a cock-fight. The Duke of Beaufort wrote to his
wife that he had won three guineas from James " at
the cockpit seeing Lord Grandison's cocks fight".2
As to indoor games, he was ready for any fun.
lIn Charles I.'s time it used to be played where now stands
St. James's Square : but during the Commonwealth it was dis
continued and some houses were built there. After the Restora
tion it was played on the present Mall, to which it gave its name.
2 Duchess Sara, by Mrs. A. Colville, p. 57.

140 ADVENTURES OF
Pepys says that he found the Duke of York sitting
on the floor with the ladies of the court playing at
" I love my love with an A, &c ". He was always
ready, too, for Blind-man's Buff and Hunt the
Slipper. Another of James's amusements was skating.
On the 15th of December, 1662, Pepys went to
" the Duke, and followed him into the Parke, where,
though the ice was broken and dangerous, yet he
would go slide upon his seates, which I did not
like, but he slides well". Yet another of James's
recreations was the guitar, which he played, says
Grammont, " fairly well ".
It was much to be regretted that these were not
the only amusements in which James indulged and
that he was not contented with sports unsupple-
mented by vices. Due weight must be given to
the consideration that he lived in a very licentious
age, and in a most licentious court, nor should the
exceptional temptations to which, for various reasons,
royalties are exposed, be forgotten.
Although fond of his wife, it is doubtful whether
James was really very much in love with her until
long after his marriage, if indeed he was in love with
her even then. His ready credence to the base
and lying calumnies about her supports this doubt,
as also do his infidelities not very long after his
marriage had been publicly declared.
To begin with, he was a great admirer of Lady
Carnegie, daughter of William, Duke of Hamilton.

ANNE, COUNTESS OF SOUTHESK.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 141
Her husband's father having died, she became Lady
Southesk. Talbot, afterwards Duke of Tyrconnel,
had been in Portugal ; and, when he returned to
England, he found the Duke of York in full flirta
tion with Lady Southesk. Although her husband
was an old friend of his, he had not until now known
Lady Southesk, and he had forgotten the title of
Carnegie's father, nor did he know that Lady South
esk had been, until quite lately, Lady Carnegie. A
few days after Talbot's return to England, James
took him with him, for appearance' sake, on one of
his visits to Lady Southesk, and left him in the
ante-room while he himself paid his addresses to
the lady. While Talbot was waiting, Southesk
came in.1 "Welcome, Carnegie," exclaimed Talbot.
" Welcome, my good fellow ! Where the devil have
you been, that I have never been able to set eyes
on you since we were at Brussels? What business
brought you here ? Do you wish to see Lady
Southesk? If this is your intention, my poor
friend, you may go away again ; for I must inform
you that the Duke of York is in love with her, and
I will tell you in confidence that, at this very
moment, he is in her chamber." Southesk did go
away, but happily this apparently untoward incident
had the effect of putting an end to James's rela
tions with Lady Southesk ; but her husband's retreat
from his own door became the subject of innumer-
1 See Grammont.

142 ADVENTURES OF
able ballads, epigrams and what were then called
"libels," which still further widened the breach
between himself and his wife, who became a great
gambler and is described by Pepys as "devilishly
painted ".
Another object of James's affections was Lady
Robarts. Fortunately her husband — a man described
by Clarendon as of a morose nature with " pedantic
parts," ill-educated, and proud and imperious, and
by Grammont as " an old, snarling, troublesome,
peevish fellow, in love with " his wife " to distrac
tion " — absolutely refused the offers of various high
posts intended to take him away from London and
his wife. " He perfectly well understood the mean
ing of these propositions."
A man of a still more jealous disposition was
the husband of the beautiful Lady Chesterfield,
although he never fell in love with his wife until
James, Duke of York, had done so, when he took
her away from London to his distant home in the
country, and became the object of a host of sarcastic
verses on the jealous husband.
One of the ladies flirted with by James had a
husband who carried jealousy to its utmost limit.
Old Sir John Denham, the poet, at the age of
seventy-nine, married a girl of eighteen, in the
beautiful Miss Brook, a very near relation of the
Earl of Bristol. With young Lady Denham, James
set up a violent flirtation. Pepys describes "the
Duke of York taking her aside and talking to hex

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 143
in the sight of ail the world, all alone ; which was
strange, and what also I did not like. Here I met
with good Mr. Evelyn, who cries out against it, and
calls it bickering ; for the Duke of York talks a little
to her, then she goes away, and then he follows her
like a dog.'' For all that, Pepys says that Lady
Denham worried James " with matters of state, being
of my Lord Bristol's faction, and that he avoids ".
Their relations were abruptly terminated by Lady
Denham's sudden death.
"As no person," says the gossiping and not
always veracious Grammont, in writing about Sir
John and Lady Denham, "entertained any doubt
of his having poisoned her, the populace of his
neighbourhood had a design of tearing him in
pieces, as soon as he should come abroad ; but he
shut himself up to bewail her death, until their fury
was appeased by a magnificent funeral, at which he
distributed four times more burnt wine than had
ever been drunk at any burial in England."
A courtship that had a much less serious ending
was that between James and Miss Hamilton. The
court was then in the country, and James, who was
hunting every day, used to come home very tired.
In the evenings he flirted with Miss Hamilton as
long as he could keep awake. " He entertained her
with what he had in his head," says Grammont, who
afterwards married her ; " telling her of miracles of
the cunning of foxes and the mettle of horses ; giving
her accounts of broken legs and arms, dislocated

i44 ADVENTURES OF
shoulders and other curious and entertaining adven
tures ; after which, his eyes told her the rest, till such
time as sleep interrupted their conversation."
With the charming Miss Jennings, afterwards
Duchess of Tyrconnel, James fell desperately in
love ; but she was as virtuous as she was pretty.
To his endearing words she gave the coldest recep
tion ; and when he thrust little love-letters into her
pocket or muff, she pretended not to see him doing
so, and pulled out her handkerchief, or shook her
muff, in such a manner that the letters fell to the
ground before the eyes of the courtiers. By this
method she gradually got rid of her royal tormentor.
The advances of James were not so sternly re
pelled by Miss Arabella Churchill, a daughter of
Sir Winston Churchill and a sister of the celebrated
Duke of Marlborough. Grammont describes her as
"a tall creature, pale-faced, and nothing but skin
and bone ". After making love to this girl for some
time, James apparently grew tired of her. But one
day, out coursing, he rode up to her in order to
find fault with her clumsy riding of a frisky horse.
Already frightened by the frolics of her mount, she
was still further upset by the criticisms of the Duke,
and she soon lost at the same time her temper and
all control over her steed. The horse ran away : the
girl now also lost first her head and then her seat ;
she screamed and fell. Although otherwise unhurt
she was stunned and lay as if dead upon the ground,
with a most woeful disarrangement of her toilet.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 145
James was the first to reach her and to raise her in
his arms from the earth ; and from that moment he
fell more in love with her than ever.
James and Arabella Churchill had four children.
These were James Fitzjames, born in 167 1, and
created Duke of Berwick ; Henry Fitzjames, born
in 1673, commonly called the Grand Prior, and
created Duke of Albemarle ; Henrietta, who was
married to Lord Waldegrave, and another daughter,
who became a nun. Arabella Churchill afterwards
married Charles Godfrey, Clerk-Comptroller of the
Green Cloth, by whom she had two daughters, and
she lived to be eighty-two.
If James was scandalously unfaithful to his wife,
he either had, or fancied he had, reasons for being
jealous of her affection for Sidney, a son of the Earl
of Leicester, and a brother to the Algernon Sidney
who was beheaded, as well as to the famous Lady
Sunderland, the Sacharissa of the poet Waller.1
Sidney is supposed to be the man intended in : —
And little Sid, for simile renowned,
Pleasure has always sought, but never found.
(Dryden and Mulgrave's Essay On Satire).
Grammont asserts that, on the advice of her maid-
of-honour, Miss Hobart, the Duchess of York pre
tended to admire Sidney, in order to awaken the
1 Lord Orford makes out this character to be Robert Sidney ;
but Sir Walter Scott, and Blencoe in his Notes to Sidney's Diary
of the Times of Charles II., think that it was Henry, Robert's
younger brother. 10

146 ADVENTURES OF
jealousy, and if possible to regain the love, of her
husband; but Sir John Reresby says that "the
Duchess was not unkind to him, but very inno
cently ".
It was generally admitted that Henry Sidney
was one of the handsomest men, if not quite the
handsomest man1 at the court of Charles II., and
as her Master of the Horse, he was frequently in
the presence of the Duchess of York. That he was
in love with the Duchess is much more probable
than that the Duchess was in love with him. Be
that as it may, Sidney was dismissed from the court.
As time went on, the Duchess of York gradu
ally gained a stronger and stronger influence over
her husband, until his brother, the King, laughed at
him for being ruled by his wife. But it is to be
feared that his feelings towards her were rather
those of respect than of affection, if we may judge
from the date of the birth of the Duke of Berwick.
Bishop Burnet witnesses to this when he says :
" The Duke had always one amour after another, in
the management of which he seemed to stand more
in awe of the Duchess than, considering the in
equality of their ranks, could have been imagined ".
This looks as if the Bishop considered that a
husband who married a woman of inferior rank
could not be expected to be faithful to his wife.
1 But Swift calls Sidney " an idle, drunken, ignorant rake,
without sense, truth, or honour " (Diary of the Times of Charles
II, Blencoe's Introduction, p. xxxvi.).

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 147
Pepys again says : " In all things, but in his amours,
he is led by the nose by his wife ".
Two events of importance in the private life of
James, during the first few years after the Restora
tion, were the births of his daughters, Mary in 1662,
and Anne in 1665. Although both were destined
to be Queens of England, scarcely any public in
terest was taken in the birth of Mary because it
took place when rejoicings were being made at the
marriage of the King, who, it was hoped, would
have children of his own, and only a faint interest
was taken in that of Anne, when Charles II. had
been married three years without having a child.
The Duchess of York was a prodigious eater and,
unfortunately, she encouraged her little daughters,
who inherited her taste, in the habit of over-stuffing
themselves. The Princess Anne was so crammed
with chocolate by her mother that she became as
round as a ball and was seriously ill. As to the
Duchess herself, Grammont says that she was " one
ofthe highest feeders in England," and that "it was
really an edifying sight to see her eat ". She " grew
so fat and plump, that it was a blessing to see her ".
The Duchess was also very extravagant ; and she
got her household accounts into such confusion that,
when James ordered an audit of them, his balance
sheets showed a deficiency of ,£20,000 a year.1 The
revelation of this state of things must have been
1 Die. of Nat. Biog., vol. xxix., p. 184.
IO *

148 ADVENTURES OF
especially trying to a man naturally so economical
as James. James was no idle man, after the Restoration.
It is true that in receiving the revenues of the Post
Office, or about £"21,000 a year, he held a sinecure ;
but his post of Lord High Admiral alone gave him
plenty to do, even in times of peace. His corre
spondence shows this.1 From these letters it is
clear that much of the work of the navy consisted
in convoy work for British merchant ships. There
are numbers of letters giving sailing orders to cap
tains going to sea. There are many, again, to
"The Principal Officers and Commissioners "of the
Navy, and these are usually signed " Your affection
ate Friend, James". In those days there seems to
have been no rum or grog on board ship. In a
letter to the Duke of Albemarle, James expresses
a wish that, when sufficient beer cannot be supplied
to a ship going to sea, wine may be sent instead,
and that "a pure wine" and a sound wine — "not
vinegar"! He adds: "Possibly the men may be
contented with a less quantity of drink, and thereby
stowage may be saved, if it may be allowed them
stronger ; or perhaps it may be judged to give it
them by itself, and the water by itself". Then there
are letters to provincial mayors from James, ordering
them to "imprest, or cause to be imprest," "able
2 Memoirs of the Eng. Affairs Chiefly Naval from the Year
1660 to 1673. Written by His R. H. James, Duke of York &°
pub. from his original letters, London, 1729.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 149
mariners or seamen" — 700 in one instance. And
there is a letter to the captain of a ship going to
sea, commanding him to exchange such prisoners as
he may take " of the Turks or Moors," for English
men who are slaves at Algiers ; and, as to the re
mainder, "to sell them to the best advantage" he
" can for his Majesty's use".
On the whole, James made an excellent Lord
High Admiral ; but both Clarendon and Burnet
blame him for appointing landsmen to naval posts,
and posts connected with the navy. Burnet par
ticularly condemns his system of giving command to
young gentlemen " of quality," before they were fit
for it. Yet Burnet admits that James, as an admiral
" arrived at great skill ".
Among the appointments of James was that of
Governor of the Chartered African Company.1
King Charles was very sensible of the importance
of commerce to England and of the extension of its
foreign trade. To this end he established the
African Company, with his brother James as its
Governor and Chairman of Committee of Manage
ment. This company imported gold from Guinea
1 Shareholders in the Chartered Company of the present may
be interested by Pepys's description of the Chartered Company of
the long past : " This day I heard the Duke speak of a great
design that he and my Lord of Pembroke have, and a great many
others, of sending a venture to some parts of Africa to dig for
gold ore there. They intend to admit as many as will venture
their money, and so make themselves a company. ^250 is the
lowest share for every man " (2nd October, 1660),

lSo ADVENTURES OF
and supplied the West Indian planters with slaves
from Africa at great profit.
A formidable rival to the company, however,
existed in the Dutch, who had taken the opportunity
of the civil war to build several forts on the coast
of Africa. The Dutch also obstructed the commerce
of the East India Company. James urged his
brother to go to war with them at once, in order
to put an end to their interference with English
merchandise, and thus to endeavour to raise a
great British trade upon the ruins of the Dutch
trade. Comparisons with certain events in modern times
are here very tempting ; but they shall be resisted.
Personally, Charles disliked the Dutch, because
they were strong Protestants, because their most
influential men were tradesmen, because he was
jealous of their navy, and because they were gov
erned by a constitutional republic ; but he was in
fluenced by Clarendon, who opposed a war against
them, considering that such a war would be a breach
of the Treaty which had been lately made with the
States General of Holland.
This led to a great deal of friction between
James and his father-in-law ; and a very sharp
wrangle between them on this subject is recorded in
The Continuation of the Life of Clarendon. While
Charles was pressed by Clarendon to maintain peace
with Holland, James was being urged by the City
merchants to bring about a war with that country.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 151
James probably hastened hostilities by quarrelling
with the Dutch Ambassador,1 "telling him that,
whereas they (the Dutch) think us in jest . . . he
did not doubt to live to see the Dutch as fearfull of
provoking the English under the goverment of a
King, as he remembers them to have been under
that of a Coquin (Cromwell) ".
After many months of delays, things came to a
crisis and war was declared. Clarendon gives the
following sarcastic description2 of the men with
whom James took counsel in the preparation of
his navy for the war — namely Coventry, Lawson,
Ayscue and William Penn.3
" Lawson was in truth, of a man of that breeding
(for he was a perfect Tarpawlin) a very extraordinary
person. He understood his profession incomparably
well, spake clearly and pertinently, but not pertina
ciously enough when he was contradicted. Ayscue
was a gentleman, but had kept ill company too long,
which had blunted his understanding, if it had been
ever sharp. He was of few words, yet spake to the
purpose and to be easily understood. Pen, who had
much the most understanding, had a great mind to
appear better bred, and to speak like a gentleman.
He had got many good words which he used at
adventure. He was a formal man, and spake very
leisurely but much, and left the matter more intricate
1 Pepys, 6th September, 1664.
2 Continuation of the Life of Clarendon, p. 27.
3 Father of William Penn, the famous Quaker.

152 ADVENTURES OF KING JAMES II.
and perplexed than he found it." As to Coventry,1
" He was a sullen, ill-natured, proud man, whose
ambition had no limits. . . . His parts were very
good, if he had not thought them better than any
other man's ; and he had diligence and industry,
which men of parts are too often without . . . and
he was without those vices which were too much
in request."
1 Continuation of the Life of Clarendon, p. 183.

CHAPTER X.
According to Clarendon, the Duke of York had a
fleet of " fourscore sail " ; x or, as his Memoirs state,
" ninety-eight men of war of severall rates ". Al
though many things were wanting in his ships, even
"beer and other provision of victual," he found it
necessary to put out to sea without them, not only
to be before the enemy, but also to prevent his own
sailors from going on shore and bringing the plague,
then very prevalent, on board his ships.
As soon as war had been talked of, the Duke
of Buckingham had said: "I'll make one of it";
and, when it was declared, he asked to have the com
mand of a ship. James objected that, however high
a man's rank might be, if he had never been at sea,
he ought not to command an important ship, and
a small one would not have satisfied Buckingham.
Greatly annoyed, Buckingham persuaded one of
the captains, who happened to be his friend, to
take him on board his ship as a volunteer. Then
he sent a message to James, claiming, as a Privy
Councillor, to be present at all the councils of war.
This James flatly refused, the rule of the navy being
1 Continuation of the Life of Clarendon, pp. 250, 251,
153

154 ADVENTURES OF
that none but flag-officers should be summoned to
those councils. On receiving this reply, Bucking
ham went on shore to complain to the King.
In the beginning of May, 1665, the fleet sailed
for Holland, with James as Lord High Admiral and
Prince Rupert as Vice-Admiral. James made the
Royal Charles his flag-ship, and the royal standard
floated at its main topmast. The Dutch fleet not
yet being ready for sea, James occupied himself
during May in coasting, and he made the very lucra
tive capture of ten Dutch merchant ships on their
way home from Bordeaux.
It was not on the coast of Holland, but on that
of England, that James was first to meet with and
to fight the Dutch fleet. On the evening of the ist
of June, as he lay quietly at anchor in Southwold
Bay, the 1 1 3 men-of-war of his enemy suddenly
appeared on the horizon. The next morning, the
hostile fleet did not come into sight again until ten
o'clock, when under "a fresh gale," James set sail,
closely accompanied by thirty of his best ships.1
The rest of his fleet, however, lagged behind, and
he did not wish to attack until they came up and got
into order. This they did not do until the close of
the evening ; so there was no fighting on that day.
During the night, which was very calm, the two
fleets were within a couple of leagues of each other,
the English fleet being three or four leagues from
1 The account of the following naval battle is taken mainly
from James's Memoirs, pp. 407 et seq.

MEDAL EXHIBITING A FIRST-RATE SHIP OF WAR, STRUCK TO COMMEMORATE THE
APPOINTMENT OF JAMES, DUKE OF YORK, LORD HIGH ADMIRAL.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 155
Yarmouth and about eight to the eastward of
Lowestoft. As early as 2 a.m. the Dutch " were discovered
lighting their matches, and consequently preparing
themselves for the fight ". Between two and three 1
o'clock a few shots were fired ; and soon after three,
the actual engagement began in a fitful sort of style.
Unfortunately for James, his sailing order was
delayed — "the sayler who was got up the mast to
give the signall, happened to be embarassed and
long about it " — and this " little accident lost above
six hours," as the English fleet, in consequence of
missing the favourable moment, had to tack and
wait for the wind. During these manoeuvres, the
Dutch captured a British ship of fifty guns ; though
not before her captain and half her men had been
killed. The heat of the battle began about ten o'clock.
There was not a cloud in the sky on that peace
ful-looking June morning, the sea was very calm ;
and there was a pleasant fresh breeze from the
south-west. Presently, James, on board the Royal Charles,
bore down upon Opdam, the High Admiral of the
Dutch fleet : and the two flag-ships kept " plying
one another most furiously for some hours".
After the severe cannonade had continued for
some time, Sir John Lawson — the "perfect Tar-
1 On the 3rd June, the sun rises at ten minutes to four, and
the dawn, of course, begins much earlier.

156 ADVENTURES OF
pawlin " mentioned by Clarendon — was wounded,
and his ship, the Royal Oak was disabled. Owing
to some mistake, "the fighting instructions not
being so well drawn as since they have been, all
that Division lay by to look after their flag , . .
so that the Duke was left very much exposed,
having now but four or five of his own Division on
head of him ".
Things now went badly with the English fleet.
Four ships were disabled and the Earls of Marl
borough, Portland and Falmouth, as well as Lord
Muskerry, were killed. Falmouth, Muskerry, and
Boyle, a son of Lord Burlington, were all killed
by one cannon-ball, as they stood close to James
on the quarter-deck ofthe Royal Charles; "their
blood and brains flying in the Duke's face," says
Pepys. About two o'clock, the fire of the Dutch began
to slacken. Instead of broadsides, Opdam only
fired at James with two or three guns at a time ; and
James believed either that most of Opdam's guns
must be dismounted, or that the greater number of
his men must be lost. In order to see how matters
stood, he gave orders to his own men to cease firing
and, when the air was "somewhat cleared from the
great smoak," he saw that three of his own ships,
which had been disabled, were now refitted and had
come to his assistance.
James was within musket- shot of Opdam, and
he ordered his master gunner to re-open fire. At

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 157
the third shot, " Opdam and his ship blew up.1 At
which terrible sight, the enemy's fleet all gave way,
and ran for it, putting right before the wind, except
the Orange, a stout ship of eighty-four guns, which
to the surprise of all still kept her luff."
It soon became pretty plain that the Captain of
the Orange " intended desperately to run her on
borde the Duke". He stood "on the poop brand
ishing a two-handed brod-sword " ; but, after re
ceiving a couple of broadsides, one from a ship so
close to his own that their yard-arms touched, he
was obliged to strike his colours. Three days after
wards, this brave sailor, who was the son of Scottish
parents, " dyd of the bruises and hurts he received
in his rash attempt ".
At half-past two, James, who was now pursuing
his enemy, saw four of the Dutch men-of-war run
foul of each other. He immediately signalled to
one of the two fire-ships which accompanied him
to attack them. Fire-ships were vessels filled with
combustible matter and, when they were to be used,
the sailors on board them fixed their rudders so that
they should run on to the enemy's ship ; then their
crew set them on fire, left them in small boats, and
1 The Life of James. II., anon. pub. by Knapton and others
1703, says that Opdam's ship " carried 84 guns and 500 men," and
that it " was blown up by a shot which fell in her powder magazine
and all on board perished". Clarendon says that "either by an
accident on Opdam's own ship, or from a grenado or other shot
of the Duke's ship, his gunroom took fire ".

i S8 ADVENTURES OF
rowed to one of their own men-of-war. Sometimes,
they even ran the fire-ship against an enemy's vessel
and fastened her to it, before firing and leaving
her. On the present occasion, all the four entangled
ships were set in flames by the fire-ship. Three
others of the Dutch fleet afterwards suffered the
same fate, and the English ships pursued the Dutch
with full sail. That evening a council of war was
held at which it was decided to continue the chase,
and, if the Dutch ships could be overtaken, to fight
out the battle to a finish. At this council, Penn, who
was in command on the flag-ship under James,
observed, says Burnet, that if this second battle
came off, there would be hotter work in it than there
had been in the first.
When night had set fairly in, James "infinitely
tired with the labour of the day," as Clarendon says,
went into his cabin to take some rest. " At eleven
o'clock, he lay down upon a quilt in his clothes, so
as to be ready upon any occasion that should happen."
James's groom of the bedchamber was Braun-
ker, a brother of Lord Brounker, whom he eventu
ally succeeded. Clarendon describes him as " never
notorious for anything but the highest degree of
impudence " and chess-playing, while Grammont calls
him an " old fox ".
Brounker was a great coward. Having been
already terribly frightened during the battle of the
day, he was yet more alarmed on hearing of Penn's

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 159
remark that there would be hotter work still on the
morrow ; and he determined to try to prevent it.
No sooner did Brounker make sure that James
was sound asleep, than he slipped out of the royal
cabin, went to Captain Cox, the master of the ship,
and tried to persuade him to shorten sail. He urged
that a ship, carrying the King's only brother, ought
not to be run, in the dark, into positions likely to
expose it to the enemy's fire-ships ; and that, at the
pace at which they were then sailing, they might
very likely find themselves, when it became light,
right in the middle of the Dutch fleet.
Cox replied that he was only the ship's master
and could but obey the Admiral's orders " to make
all the sail he could ". Brounker used the same
arguments to the Vice-Admiral, Sir William Penn,
who had not gone to bed because he was in great
pain with the gout. Brounker told him that he
" knew well how miraculously the Duke was pre
served that day, and that they ought not further
to tempt God".1 Failing with Penn, he exerted
his powers upon Captain Harman, and as fruitlessly.
Brounker "finding his Rhethrick could not pre
vail, went cunningly down between decks, and, after
some little stay, came up again to Harman, pretend
ing to be just come from the Duke (tho' he had not
been so much as in his Cabin), and told him with the
greatest confidence imaginable, that he brought im-
1 Continuation ofthe Life of Clarendon, p. 269.

160 ADVENTURES OF
mediate commands from his Highnesses own mouth,
that he should forthwith shorten Sail. Captain Har
man, thinking it impossible for a gentleman in his
post to come with a Ly in his mouth," believed the
supposed order, and acted accordingly.
The result of Brounker's "Ly" was that "the
remainder of the fleet escaped, which otherwise
would probably have been all taken, for it was after
wards known that there was such a confusion among
the officers that nobody would obey : " for both the
Dutch High Admiral and the Vice-Admiral had
been killed, and there was a dispute as to who
ought to be in command, " which begat so great
an animosity as well as confusion amongst them,
that the morning if they had been pursued, would
in all probability have proved as dismal to them as
the day before had done ". Pepys writes of this mis
deed of Brounker's as having caused " the loss, as
the Parliament will have it, of the greatest victory
that ever was, and which would have saved all the
expense of blood and money and honour that fol
lowed ".
James did not learn the cause of this lost oppor
tunity "till some years after, when Mr. Brounker's
ill course of life and his abominable nature had ren
dered him so odious, that it was taken notice of in
Parliament, and upon examination found to be true,
as here related ; upon which he was expelled the
House of Commons ". Brounker was not the only
evil-doer among James's officials. Pepys says (16th

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 161
June, 1665) : " Captain Grove, the Duke told us this
day, hath done the basest thing at Lowestoffe, in
hearing of the guns, and could not (as others) be got
out, but staid there ; for which he will be tried ; and
is reckoned a prating coxcombe, and of no courage ".
He also says : " Several of our Captains have done
ill ". As Pepys was Secretary to the Admiralty, he
had opportunities of hearing of such things. Sand
wich told Pepys " How poorly Sir John Lawson
performed, notwithstanding all that was said of him ;
and how his ship turned out of the way while Sir J.
Lawson himself was on the deck, to the endangering
of the whole fleet ".
There can be no doubt that James showed great
courage in the battle above noticed. Pepys states
that he was told by one who ought to have had good
opportunities of judging, that James " is more him
self, and more of judgment is at hand in him, in the
middle of a desperate service, than at other times
. . , and though he is a man naturally martiall to the
highest degree, yet a man that never in his life talks
one word of himself or service of his own, but only
that he saw such or such a thing". James's own
Memoirs, written long after Pepys wrote the above,
are witnesses to the truth of the last remark.
Although James returned to England as a hero,1
his victory did not cause the joy which it would
1 Pepys writes : " The Court is full of the Duke and his
Courtiers returned from sea. All fat and lusty and ruddy by
being in the sun." II

162 ADVENTURES OF
otherwise have done, because the nation was just
at that time saddened by a virulent outbreak of the
plague. James's wife and children were at Twick
enham with Clarendon, several of whose servants
had died of the plague, and James removed them to
York, while he himself joined the King at Oxford,
whither the Parliament had been removed with the
hope of escaping the infection.
As soon as his ships had been repaired, James
hastened to take the command of his fleet ; but, at
the request of the Queen Mother, Charles refused
to allow the heir to the throne to expose himself
afresh to the dangers of war, and Lord Sandwich
was given the command, much to James's annoy
ance. Sandwich's expeditions are beyond our subject.
It will be sufficient to say that, when both the
British and the Dutch fleets had been driven from
battle by a storm, the same winds fanned some
flames which broke out at a baker's oven, until they
spread into that awful conflagration commonly known
as the Great Fjre of London.
Of James's action during this great calamity,
Evelyn says : " It is not indeed imaginable how
extraordinary the vigilance and activity of the King
and the Duke was, even labouring in person, and
being present to command, order or encourage the
workmen "7 1 Diary, 6th Sept., 1667,

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 163
Macpherson says 1 that " the Duke of York
who was afterwards accused as the author of the
calamity," — on the ground that it was the result
of a popish plot — " was active in stopping its pro
gress. . . . On the evening of Wednesday, it broke
out afresh in the Inner Temple ; but, by the care
of the Duke of York, who held the watch there
that night, it was extinguished before day."
At the period immediately following the Great
Fire of London, James, Duke of York, was the
idol of the British nation. He was heir to the
throne ; he was a distinguished soldier and sailor, he
was good-looking, agreeable, exceedingly active and
hardworking in his public posts, and remarkable
for that straightforwardness which is so dear to all
right-minded Englishmen.
On the whole, James was at this time on good
terms with his father-in-law, the Chancellor ; but
now and then there was friction between them.
James had strenuously supported, in the House of
Lords, a Bill for the Relief of Dissenters in Religion ;
but Clarendon had spoken " violently against it ".
Clarendon's opposition had greatly annoyed his son-
in-law. Again Sir George Savile had been very
civil to the Duchess of York when she was in
the North, to escape the plague, and James asked
Clarendon to persuade the King, who had declared
he would create no more peers at present, to make
1 Hist, of Great Britain, vol. i., p. 89.
II *

164 ADVENTURES OF
an exception in Savile's case, and create him a
Viscount, as he was one of the richest commoners
in England and spent his money like a prince.
Clarendon refused on the ground that Savile was
an infidel, and was fond of expressing his impious
opinions. Then James asked Clarendon to induce
the King to make his secretary at the Admiralty,
Coventry, a Privy Councillor. Clarendon replied
that there were too many Privy Councillors already
and that Coventry's " wrangling, litigious nature
would give the Board much trouble".
James imprudently told Coventry of Claren
don's refusal, thereby making Coventry an enemy to
Clarendon, and then he persuaded his brother to
admit Coventry to the Privy Council, where Cov
entry revenged himself upon Clarendon by doing
all he could to oppose and injure him. But the
behaviour of Clarendon, which incensed James most
of all, was his advice to the King to economise
in his navy, and in the defences of the mouth of
the Thames, at the very moment when James, as
Lord High Admiral, was warning Charles of the
dangers from the Dutch fleet, and urging him to
fit out his ships for sea as quickly as possible and to
hurry preparations for the protection of the British
shores and harbours.
These differences of opinion, however, made no
actual breach in the relations between James and
Clarendon ; and James tried to befriend his father-in-
law, in the troubles which soon afterwards beset him.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 165
The fall of Clarendon is an historical event which
only indirectly concerns our subject. Although pos
sessed of a clear judgment and brilliant talents, the
Chancellor had made himself unpopular with almost
all classes. He was accused of having brought
about James's marriage with his daughter, with the
object of becoming the ancestor to a line of British
Kings ; he was said to have accepted large presents
from suitors for his favour ; it was argued that his
magnificent house could not have been built out of
his limited private fortune, and that it must have
been erected with money received from the enemies
of his country.1 Among his bitterest enemies, were
Buckingham, Coventry, and Lady Castlemaine, the
King's mistress, whom he had bitterly offended by
refusing to allow his wife to call upon her.
In the midst of all this trouble, when James
might have been of some service to Clarendon, he
caught the smallpox and was very ill. Besides
this, just at that time, James was unfortunately out
of favour with his brother, the King, who was
angry with him, and jealous of him because it was
reported that he was in love with Miss Stewart,
1 It stood at the top of St. James's Street, near the entrance
to Albemarle Street. Stones originally intended for repairing St.
Paul's Cathedral were used in its building. The following satire
was circulated about it : —
Here lie the sacred bones
Of Paul beguiled of his stones.
Here lies the golden briberies
Of many ruined families.

166 ADVENTURES OF
afterwards Duchess of Richmond. The ill-feeling
of Charles towards James was probably instigated
by Brounker, in revenge for his dismissal by James
for ill-conduct. " There is some fear," writes Pepys,
" that Mr. Brounker has got into the King's favour,
and will be cherished there ; which will breed ill-
will between the King and the Duke of York, he
[Brounker] lodging at this time at White Hall since
he was put away from the Duke of York."
Buckingham, who hated James, was also then in
"the King's favour". Pepys writes1 that he learned
from a friend that " Before the Duke of York fell
sick, Buckingham was admitted to the King of his
Cabinet, and there stayed with him several hours, and
the Duke of York shut out. That it is plain there
is a dislike between the King and the Duke of York,
and that it is feared that the House will go so far
against the Chancellor that they must do something
to undo the Duke of York, or will not think them
selves safe. . . . That he fears some furious courses
will be taken against the Duke of York ; and that
he hath heard that it was designed, if they cannot
carry matters against the Chancellor to impeach the
Duke of York himself ; which God forbid ! "
So soon as James had recovered from the
smallpox, he exerted himself on behalf of his father-
in-law, with as much zeal as if he had never had a
dispute with him. Herein was exhibited the contrast
1 Diary, 16th November, 1667.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 167
between his own faithfulness and the unfaithfulness
of his brother. Clarendon had always proved him
self a most faithful servant to Charles, and now,
when popular opinion had set in against him, Charles
deserted him. With the exception that Clarendon
was the father of his wife, James, on the contrary,
owed him little ; Clarendon had opposed his marriage,
and the father-in-law and the son-in-law had had
differences of interest and of opinion on a great
many occasions ; yet now James turned out a very
good friend to Clarendon, and Charles a very bad one.
Out of revenge for his support of Clarendon,
James was calumniated to the King by Clarendon's
enemies, and the ill-feeling on the same account in
the Houses of Parliament was the beginning of that
popular hostility towards James which, if it some
times sank to a smoulder, was never fully extin
guished during the remainder of his life.
An attempt was made to impeach Clarendon in
the House of Lords. At that time, James was not
sufficiently recovered to appear in the House ; but
he asked all his friends among the peers to defend
his father-in-law ; and the impeachment failed by a
small majority.
In the midst of Clarendon's troubles, his wife, of
whom he was passionately fond, died very suddenly.
On this, the King paid him a visit of condolence and
made, as was his wont, great professions of eternal
friendship, yet within a fortnight he sent James to
Clarendon with a royal command to leave his king-

168 ADVENTURES OF KING JAMES II.
dom. As James had pleaded, and pleaded in vain,
on behalf of Clarendon to Charles, it was singularly
unfair and cruel to make him the bearer of this
odious order.
Nearly every day James had visited Clarendon,
and, when he had to be the bearer of the King's
command to leave the country, he executed his com
mission, as Clarendon tells us, " with much trouble,"
expressed himself as "much unsatisfied with the
King's resolution," and said that "he knew the Chan
cellor's innocence ". The fate of Clarendon, however,
was sealed, and he left the country amidst the jeers
of his enemies.

CHAPTER XI.
While at the head of the Admiralty, though not
permitted to go to sea, James suffered much more
mortification than he ever did afloat. For some
time he had warned the Government in vain against
the dangers likely to follow in case of an attack by
the Dutch before the British fleet could be ready
for sea, and it was only after infinite trouble that,
in 1667, he persuaded the authorities to order a fort
to be built at Sheerness, a boom to be thrown across
the Medway, and a sufficient number of fire-ships to
be prepared for emergencies ; but the commissioners
owed nearly a million sterling, their credit was gone,
and they could obtain neither materials nor labour
without immediate payment : therefore the works
agreed upon proceeded very slowly.
In the month of June, 1667, when these defences
were yet unfinished, De Ruyter suddenly appeared
at the Nore and sailed up the Thames. One of his
divisions advanced as far up the river as Gravesend,
while the other prosecuted the Admiral's chief ob
ject in destroying the English shipping in the Med
way. A few broadsides levelled with the ground the
half-completed fort at Sheerness, and heavy Dutch
169

170 ADVENTURES OF
fire-ships forced the boom at the entrance to the
Medway, until they broke its chain. Very soon
afterwards the guard-ships at Chatham were in a
blaze, and the Royal Charles, which had been
James's flag-ship in his late victorious battle against
Opdam, was destroyed by his enemy.
On the following morning, the Dutch fleet ad
vanced triumphantly up the river. First came two
men-of-war of the line, then half a dozen enormous
fire-ships, and finally the rest of the fleet. While
the two battleships anchored and engaged the
batteries on the shore, the six great fire-ships passed
behind them and reduced to ashes the three first-
raters, the Royal fames, the Royal Oak and the
London. With the ebb of the tide, the Dutch fleet
sailed down the river, after burning two of its own
ships which had run aground. The loss to the Eng
lish navy, heavy as it was, was not so severe as it
might have been ; but that the Queen of the Ocean
should be unable to put a fleet to sea, and that an
enemy should sail up her principal river and burn
her battleships of the line with comparative impunity,
was a disgrace to Great Britain and to the British
navy which must have been intensely galling to
James, as Lord High Admiral.
But this was not his only mortification. We have
seen that he had done his best to render a splendid
service to Coventry by persuading Clarendon to get
him made a Privy Councillor, that he had had a
wrangle with Clarendon on his refusing to do so,

KiNg jAmes ii. of England 171
and that Coventry, when James, through his direct
influence with Charles, had got him into the Privy
Council, made use of his position at the Council to
ruin Clarendon in revenge for the last-named states
man's opposition to his own admittance to the Council.
Perhaps Coventry could scarcely be severely
blamed for availing himself of this cruel, though
somewhat natural opportunity of revenge : but he
was certainly to be most severely blamed for going
very much further than this. Utterly forgetful of
the debt of gratitude which he owed to James, Cov
entry began to fear lest James should be offended
with him on account of his retaliation upon Clar
endon ; therefore he sided with Buckingham and
Arlington, who shared the same fear, in an attempt
to render James powerless by vilifying him to the
King. In consequence of this conduct, Coventry was
dismissed from James's service at the Admiralty,
when, like a servant who has been sent away for a
fault, he made out that he had left at his own re
quest, and that he and his employer had parted on
the best of terms. But Captain Cocke told Pepys
that there were " high words between the Duke of
York and Sir William Coventry," and that James
had been heard to say that " he could not endure
the sight of him ". Pepys, however, says : " We
. . . observed all things to be very kind between
the Duke of York and Sir W. Coventry ; which
did mightily joy me".

172 ADVENTURES OF
Buckingham was even more vindictive against
James than was Coventry. James and Buckingham
had never liked each other, and the unpleasantness
between them on a French battlefield, as well as on
board ship before the English fleet sailed against the
Dutch, has already been noticed in these pages.
Buckingham was well aware that James held him
in great contempt ; for James was a bad hand at
concealing his feelings. In the hope of increasing
his own power, Buckingham now endeavoured to
lower James in the estimation of Charles. At one
time, he fancied that he had succeeded ; but after
wards he perceived that his efforts to set the King
against James had failed. Alarmed at this, he re
versed his policy, sought a reconciliation with James,
and sent a message to him through Lord Berkshire
offering his services. These advances were declined
by James, who stated that he refused them, first be
cause Buckingham had already made him promises,
which he had not performed, and secondly because
he did not desire to enter into any cabals.
Buckingham then began to be uneasy as to his
future position. If Charles were to die, he reflected,
James would be King, a King over whom Bucking
ham would have no influence whatever ; therefore, to
prevent such a contingency, he tried to get Charles
to acknowledge a secret marriage with his former
mistress, Lucy Barlow, thus legitimising the boy
whom he had created Duke of Monmouth, and
making that boy, instead of James, the next heir

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 173
to the throne. Into the details of Buckingham's
much more villainous attempt to induce the King
to allow him to spirit away the Queen, so as to
enable Charles to obtain a divorce, on the ground of
her desertion, to marry again, and thus to get a son
to bar James's succession to the Crown, we need not
enter. Misfortunes never come singly, and the party
that was forming a cabal against James induced
the Queen to take a dislike to him. His Memoirs
tell us that she " was not of herself over kind to the
Duke ". There was some unpleasantness between
the Queen and James on the question of regimental
precedence. James gracefully gave way ; but there
were plenty of courtiers ready to keep up the recol
lection of this dispute in the Queen's mind.
In the year 1668, Clarendon wrote to James:1
" Public persons begin to report that the Duchess
is become a Roman Catholic ". After extolling
James's fidelity to the Established Church, Clar
endon urged him " to apply some antidote to his
wife's popery" and "to expel the poison " ; adding :
" I do most humbly beseech your Royal Highness, by
your authority to rescue her from bringing a mischief
upon you and herself, that can never be repaired ".
In the same year, Clarendon wrote a very long
letter to his daughter herself about her change of
religion, saying : " You bring irreparable dishonour,
1 Life of James II. , Knapton, 1703, Supplement, p. 5.

174 ADVENTURES OF
scandal, and prejudice to the Duke, your husband,
to whom you ought to pay all imaginable duty, and
who I presume is much more precious to you than
your own life ".
The reports mentioned by Clarendon arose from
the absence of the Duchess of York from Communion
and prayers in her chapel ; and the King, who had
heard of this absence, spoke about the matter to
James. The Duchess of York had admitted to her
husband that she intended to be a Catholic, and
James repeated her admission to Charles ; x " Upon
which his Majesty charged the Duke to keep it as a
great secret, which was accordingly done, for none
but Father Hunt, a Franciscan who reconciled her,
the Lady Cranmore, and Depuy, a servant to the
Duke, was privy to it ".
To what extent James was influenced by his
wife's change of religion is uncertain — possibly it
may have been to a large extent, but there is little
direct evidence on the question ; and shortly after
the date of her reception into the Catholic Church,
James had the subject of that Church brought be
fore his mind through another and a very different
channel. James was a hero- worshipper, and to him the
greatest living hero was Turenne. There could
be no question that Turenne was one of the greatest
military heroes then alive ; but, besides this attrac-
1 Memoirs, p. 452,

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 17S
tion, in James's eyes his strong Protestantism had
been another. About the year 1669, to James's
great astonishment, news reached him that the
hitherto extremely Protestant Turenne had become
a Catholic.1 The conversion of his friend and hero
is almost more likely to have influenced James
than that of his wife ; but the pair of conversions
combined would inevitably turn his attention to the
subject of Catholicism.
In his early life, James's inclinations had tended
rather towards Presbyterianism than Catholicism.2
Up to the date of his leaving the army of France
to join that of Spain, the only known occasion on
which he had thought for a moment of the possible
claims of the Catholic Church was when, on his
happening to visit a convent, a nun begged him
"to pray3 every day that, if he was not in the
right way, God would set him right " ; a request
which made a great impression upon him at the
time. The following account of the reasons of James's
change of religion is given in The Secret History
of Whitehall^ an account corroborated at much
1 After many long conversations with the famous Bossuet
(Life of Turenne, by De Ramsay, vol. i., p. 355).
2 Memoirs of Sir John Reresby, p. 81.
3 Burnet's History, vol. ii., p. 169.
4 The Secret History of Whitehall from the Restoration of
Charles II. down to the Abdication of James II. Writ at the
request of a Noble Lord and conveyed to him in letters by  ,
late Secretary and Interpreter to the Marquess of Louvois, who

176 ADVENTURES OF
greater length by James's own Memoirs} The
Duke of York " says that some supposed his
mother's interest to have gone some way towards
it, and also his having been so long among Roman
Catholics in France and Flanders and other places ;
but it was not so. When he had to leave France
for Brussels, he read Heylin's History of the Re
formation. There he perceived that 'notwithstand
ing the many strained pretences (say they) which
the Protestants made use of to colour the schism of
their country, he saw clearly that their separation,
so clearly contrary to the Maxim of Unity, which
is the foundation of the Church, was nothing else
but a mere effect of human passions ; that it was
the incontinency of Henry VIII. and ambition of the
Duke of Somerset, the policy of Queen Elizabeth,
and the avarice of those that were greedy to seize
upon the revenues of the Church, had been the
principal causes of that change, wherein the spirit
of God had no concern '. . . . From thenceforth
he became a Roman Catholic at heart. ... He
acquainted the King his brother with it soon after
the Restoration, who highly applauded him ; but
engaged him to put that restraint upon himself, as
to keep it secret."
by that means had the perusal of all the Private Minutes between
England and France for many years. Published from the Original
Papers by D. Jones, gent., London, R, Baldwin, 1697. Letter
dated 2nd March, 1685.
1 Vol. i., p. 630,

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 177
Burnet says1 that James told him "he came to
observe that there was more reason to submit to the
Catholic Church than to one particular Church, and
that other traditions might be taken on her word,
as well as Episcopacy ''.
Readers of these pages need not fear that they
have stumbled unawares upon a theological treatise ;
but James's change of religion bore so strong an
influence upon his subsequent adventures that some
notice of it is inevitable.
In order to settle his mind on the question,
James sent for a priest who passed in England
under the name of Simons, or Simeon. His real
name was Lobb, and he was Provincial, or Chief
Officer, of the Jesuits in this country.2 After much
discourse on the matter, James expressed a wish to
become a Catholic, but, on the condition that he
might obtain a dispensation from the Pope to ap
pear outwardly a member of the Anglican Estab
lishment,3 at anyrate until "he could own himself
publickly to be a Catholick, with more security to
his own person, and advantage to " the other Catho
lics in England. " But the good Father insisted
that even the Pope himself had not the power to
grant it ; for it was an unalterable doctrine of the
Catholic Church Not to do evil that good might
1 Hist., vol. i., pp. 168, 169.
2 Records of The English Prov. of the Soe. of Jesus, vol. vii.,
P-5- 3 Memoirs, p. 441. 12

178 ADVENTURES OF
follow." What this Jesuit said to James "was
afterwards confirmed to the Duke by the Pope
himself, to whom he wrott upon the same subject".
Charles's own inclination to the Church was well
known to James, and he opened his mind to him on
the subject. Charles expressed himself quite as de
termined as James to become a Catholic ; but he
also desired to be one secretly. When told that a
dispensation to remain outwardly an Anglican was
an impossibility, Charles arranged a private meeting
for the consideration of the matter between himself,
his brother, Lord Arundel of Wardour, Lord Arling
ton, and Sir Thomas Clifford.
After a very lengthy consultation, Charles x said
that he was not only determined to become a
Catholic, but also to make the Catholic religion the
religion of his kingdoms. " I expect," said he, "to
meet with many and great difficulties in bring
ing it about, and I choose rather to undertake it
now, when I and my brother are in our full strength
and able to undergo any fatigue, than to delay it till
we are grown older, and less fit to go through with
as great a design."
The Memoirs state that Charles said this " with
great earnestness, and even with tears in his eyes ;
and added that they were to go about it as wise
men and good Catholics ought to do ".
Charles's method of going about it as a wise
1 Memoirs, p. 442.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 179
man and a good Catholic was to confide his inten
tions to Colbert, the French Ambassador, and to dis
cuss with him their probable political consequences.
In a letter to Louis XIV., Colbert wrote that Charles
said -f " Besides the spiritual advantages he should
draw from it, he believed it to be the only means of
re-establishing the monarchy ". The upshot of all
this was that a treaty was made between Charles II.
and Louis XIV., whereby Charles undertook to
make the Catholic religion the established religion
of England, and then to join with Louis XIV. in a
war against Holland, for which Louis XIV. was to
reward him with ,£200,000 a year " by quarterly pay
ments ". Many provisions and details were included
in this treaty, which was to be kept a dead secret.
In the same year, Charles and James were one
day hunting in the New Forest, when a messenger
rode up to them with a despatch. It contained
news of the death of their mother, Queen Henrietta
Maria.2 The royal brothers at once started for
Hampton Court, where they remained until the
mourning ceremonials were completed.
Some mystery surrounds the manipulation of the
secret treaty between Charles II. and Louis XIV.
The treaty itself may be read in the appendix to
1 Memoirs of Great Britain and Ireland, by Sir John Dal
rymple, 1790, vol. i., pp. 88-91.
2 Mademoiselle de Montpensier wrote of her aunt : " She
could not sleep, the doctors gave her a pill to cure her wakeful
ness, which it did so effectually that she never woke again ".
12 *

180 ADVENTURES OF
volume ix. of Lingard's History ; but it is pretty clear
that Charles only gave his brother half confidences
in the making of it.
Louis XIV. sent Charles's sister Henrietta,
Duchess of Orleans, to Dover to meet her brother
and to endeavour to induce him to begin the war
against Holland before he announced his intended
conversion to the Catholic faith.
Knowing the object of her visit, James opposed
it ; for he did not believe that, if Charles went to
war with Holland without the consent of the Parlia
ment, the House of Commons would vote him suffi
cient money to carry on the war to a successful
conclusion. But James's opposition did not prevent
the Duchess's visit, and, worse still, Charles reached
the meeting place three or four days before James,
who had been ordered by his brother to remain in
London to guard against an anticipated riot. The
consequence was that, before James could arrive,
the Duchess of Orleans had restored Buckingham,
who had fallen out of favour, into the graces of
Charles. It was during this meeting at Dover,1 on
ist June, 1670, that the great secret treaty was
signed. Reresby states 2 that on this occasion the Duchess
of Orleans " confirmed his Royal Highness the Duke
in the Popish religion, of which he had not yet been
suspected ; and it was said to be one of the greatest
'Strickland's Princesses, vol. vi., p. 547. 2 Memoirs, p. 81.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 181
arguments that his mother, the Queen, had com
manded him upon her last blessing to embrace that
religion ". Possibly the Duchess may have given
him some such message ; but it is evident that she
and James were not on very good terms during the
visit, and James's own Memoirs even go so far as
to state that it was " hurtfull ... to those measures
which had been taken as to the Catholic religion ".
It was during this same visit of the Duchess of
Orleans that an event took place which had a con
siderable influence on the future fortunes of James.
Charles fell in love with one of his sister's maids-of-
honour. He had asked his sister, Henrietta, for a
jewel in memory of her visit. She ordered Louise
de Keroualle to fetch her jewel-case. When she
returned, Charles, taking the hand of the beautiful
maid-of-honour, said that she was the jewel he
wished for. After Henrietta's death, he made her
first a maid-of-honour to his Queen, secondly his
mistress, thirdly Duchess of Portsmouth ; and she
greatly influenced him to James's prejudice.
In less than three weeks after the Duchess of
Orleans had left Dover, she was dead. Her illness
was a very short one ; and as usual in the case of
the rapid deaths of royalties, foul play was suspected.
According to royal etiquette and custom, it was
necessary that the King of England should send
an envoy to offer his condolences to the King of
France, after her death, and Buckingham offered
himself for the purpose. Charles willingly consented,

1 82 ADVENTURES OF
and with an ulterior purpose. He instructed
Buckingham to take the opportunity of proposing
a treaty to the French King, which was, in short,
exactly the treaty already made, minus the clause
about religion. Then he sent privately to Louis,
begging him to pretend to Buckingham that the
treaty was a fresh one ; and assuring him that the
original treaty, with its religious clause, in which
Charles guaranteed to make England Catholic,
should be strictly fulfilled.
Buckingham fell into the snare, and the more
readily, because he was deceived by Colbert and
Arlington, who pretended to throw difficulties in
the way of the treaty.1 Buckingham persuaded
Shaftesbury, and the King persuaded Lauderdale
to approve, and to be a commissioner to the treaty
with Arlington and Clifford. By this ruse, Charles
was enabled to throw the blame of the treaty bind
ing him to attack Holland upon his Protestant
Ministers.2 While all this was proceeding, James was laid
low by illness, and his doctors feared that he was
about to be a victim of consumption. Happily
these fears were destined to be dissipated. But
although he recovered, the shadow of death hung
over his house, and on the last day of March, 1671,
1 Dalrymple's Memoirs, vol. i., p. 44.
2 " Of Arlington and Clifford, it has often been said that they
were Catholics. But hitherto they had certainly professed them
selves Protestants " (Lingard's History, vol. ix., chap, iv., p. 100).

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 183
his wife died, six weeks after her confinement. Her
baby, and her little boy, Edgar, then only six years
old, died within the next twelve months ; and of her
eight children, only two, the future Queens, Mary
and Anne, lived to maturity.
During the later years of her life, James had
greatly respected his wife and had been, after a
certain fashion, much attached to her ; but there is
little evidence of his having entertained towards
her any very great affection. If her death made a
blank in his life, he showed no very extravagant
want of resignation.
So far as the material interests of James were
concerned, his wife's death affected them chiefly
through the apparently unlikely medium of religion.
After lengthy consideration and probation, the
Duchess of York had been received into the
Catholic Church about six months before her
death ; 1 and although rumour had busied itself with
the matter for some time previously, beyond the
nearest members of her family, and those already
named, it was not definitely known that she was
a Catholic until after her death.
Then the storm burst ! James had tried to keep
his own Catholic inclinations a secret ; but a man in
his position could scarcely have interviews with a
Jesuit priest without somebody knowing of it. Again
his wish to be a Catholic was known to, at least, his
1 Memoirs, p. 452,

1.84 ADVENTURES OF
brother, Arundel, Arlington, Clifford and the French
Ambassador. And, now that his wife had died a
Catholic, the world rushed to the conclusion that he
had become one also. So anxious were James's
enemies to convict him of recusancy, that they even
commissioned a miscreant to break into his safes and
steal his private papers. " Last night," says Pepys,
"the Duke of York's closet was broken open, and his
cabinets. . . . The rogue that did it left plate and a
watch behind him, and therefore they fear that it was
only for papers, which looks like a very malicious
business in design to hurt the Duke of York."
When James actually became a Catholic is very
uncertain. Some historians, among them Macaulay,
have believed it to have been one year or even two
years before his wife's death. No attempt shall be
made here to dogmatise upon this question ; but it
may be observed that his wife died in March, 1671,
and that on Easter Sunday, 1673, Evelyn wrote1
that he " waited " to see whether James would re
ceive the communion with the King, " but he did
not, to the amazement of everybody. This being
the second year he had foreborne and put it off."
If Evelyn be correct, James must have received
Anglican communion at Easter, in 1671, immedi
ately after the death of his wife. Then in 1673,
when negotiations were in progress for James's mar
riage with Mary of Modena, strong objections were
1 Diary.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 185
made to the match at Rome, on the ground that
James was not a Catholic. And, so late as 2nd
April, 1676, Evelyn wrote: "This is the first time
the Duke appeared no more in the chapel, to the
infinite grief and threatened ruin of the nation ". It
will be remembered that, when James asked whether,
if he became a Catholic, " he might have a dispen
sation for outwardly appearing a Protestant," he had
received a most decided answer in the negative, first
from Father Simons, and secondly from the Pope
himself. Again in James's own Memoirs, (vol. i.,
pp. 482-3) it is stated that shortly before Christ
mas 1672, the King sent Clifford and Arundel to
persuade him to receive the Anglican communion,
"which his Royal Highness had forborn to do for
severall months before, though he continued going
to Church with the King". From this it is fair
to infer that he had communicated as a Protestant
some time early in 1672, and that, although unwill
ing to be any longer an Anglican communicant, he
was not yet a Catholic and continued to attend the
Anglican services.
In his Memoirs (vol. i., p. 63 1 ) he says of himself :
" being fully convinced he could resist no longer,
so in the year 1672, before he went to Sea, he
withdrew from the Communion of the Church of
England ". Withdrawing from one communion, how
ever, does not necessarily mean immediately joining
another ; nor does it appear to have meant this in
James's case, for he goes on at once to say: "yet

186 ADVENTURES OF
for some time [he] continued to wait upon the
King to Cheppel". He would seem, from what
Evelyn wrote, above, to have continued to attend
the Chapel Royal until 1676, and it may very possibly
have been at about that date that he was actually
received into the Catholic Church.
The news that his wife had died in the Catholic
faith gave those who had brought about the fall
of Clarendon, and feared the resentment of his son-
in-law, an opportunity of lessening the influence of
James by spreading a report that "like wife like
husband," he had become a Papist.
The positions of the two royal brothers, at
this time, were remarkably different. Charles had
secretly signed an agreement, not only to become
a Catholic himself, but also to make the Catholic
Church the Established Church of his kingdom ;
and he had already received his quarterly payments
in advance, for these unfulfilled promises. James,
on the contrary, whether he was as yet a Catholic
in esse or only in posse, implicated nobody except
himself ; he had neither asked nor received payment
for his religious promises or actions, nor was there
any temporal advantage that he was at all likely
to gain by them ; and while Charles was at the
zenith of his popularity, James was the victim of
an outburst of popular vituperation. All James's
services in naval administration, his victories won
in person as an Admiral, and his successful labours
in the foundation of colonies, were now forgotten

CHARLES II.

BV SIR PETER LELY

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 187
in the popular outcry against an heir to the throne
who was reported to have committed the unpardon
able sin of religious recsuancy.
As has too often happened, religion was being
used as a tool for political purposes and personal in
terests. The King used the Catholic religion as a tool
for securing his Throne with the aid of Louis XIV.
The men who had ruined Clarendon used the Catholic
religion as a tool for breaking down the power of
Clarendon's possible avenger, and they even hoped
to use that tool for erecting a barrier between that
possible avenger and the Throne.
As to Charles's promise to become a Catholic,
when Louis XIV. inquired when it was to be ful
filled, Charles replied that he was going to send
some one to ask the advice of the Pope as to the
best time and place. When he still delayed and
was again questioned on the subject, Charles de
clared that he could not find a person fit to be
entrusted with so delicate a negotiation with the
Pope. When the French King suggested the
Bishop of Laon, Charles accepted the offer, but, a
few days later, he sent a message to the effect that
he had been reconsidering the matter, and had come
to the conclusion that, as the Pope was old and
infirm, it would be better to wait till the next Pope
should have been elected. Later still, he professed
religious scruples and desired a conference with a
theologian ; but he made it a sine qua non that the
theologian should be a thorough proficient in his

188 ADVENTURES OF KING JAMES II.
own favourite science of chemistry, as it would be
necessary that the conference should take place under
pretence of a chemical discussion. Finally Charles
made so many and such various excuses for delay
that Louis, wearied out, dropped the subject.

CHAPTER XII.
The war between the combined forces of the French
and the English against the Dutch, for which
Louis XIV. had so long been anxious, was declared
in March, 1672. The Dutch Admiral, De Ruyter,
was at sea, with seventy-five men-of-war and a number
of fire-ships, before the allies had sailed. Fire-ships
were so much dreaded that, during the action about
to be described, James issued an order that their
very name was never to be mentioned, and that if
anybody saw one approaching, he was to communi
cate the news to the nearest officer in a whisper.
De Ruyter stationed himself in the Straits of
Dover in order, if possible, to prevent a junction of
the French and English fleets. James, whose fleet
was then at the Nore, in the mouth of the Thames,
had only forty ships of the line and a dozen fire-ships
ready for sea, but he had the good luck to pass
through the Straits of Dover in a fog, without either
seeing or being seen by the Dutch, and he joined
his fleet to that of the French on 4th May, at their
appointed meeting place, St. Helen's, on the east of
the Isle of Wight.
James commanded the combined fleets, and he
hoisted his flag on The Prince, a splendid ship of
189

190 ADVENTURES OF
a hundred guns that was making her first voyage.
His own squadron was the Red, Spragge was the
Vice-Admiral of his squadron and Harman his Rear-
Admiral. Comte d'Estrees commanded the French
fleet, and he was Vice-Admiral of the combined
fleets. His squadron was the White. Sandwich
was Rear- Admiral of the fleet, and his squadron was
the Blue. Evelyn, who was at that time at Dover,
says : " The Duke of York with his and the French
squadron, in all 170 ships (of which above 100 were
men-of-war) sailed by, after the Dutch, who were
newly withdrawn. Such a gallant and formidable
navy never, I think, spread saile upon the seas. It
was a goodly and a terrible sight, to behold them
as I did, passing eastward by the straights 'twixt
Dover and Calais in a glorious day."
As they sailed eastward, James was joined by
several of his ships of the line, which had not been
ready for sea when he left the Nore.
De Ruyter was in no hurry to begin hostilities.
For many days he kept the allied fleets in pursuit,
and led them near dangerous sands on the coast
of Flanders, where he availed himself of shallows
familiar to the Dutch sailors,1 but owing to their
" being out of the Tradeway for the English," un
known to our pilots. He showed excellent seaman
ship in these manoeuvres ; but he failed in his object
of wrecking any of the ships of the allied fleet. He
1 The account of what follows is taken mainly from James's
Memoirs, vol i., pp. 459 et seq.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 191
succeeded, however, in embarrassing his enemy ; for
soon many of the English ships " wanted water and
provisions, occasioned by" their " hasty coming out
to join the French ".
Seeing that the Dutch avoided fighting, and de
siring to supply the needs of his ships, James sailed
for Southwold Bay, on the coast of Suffolk, while
De Ruyter anchored his fleet on his own coast.
Late one afternoon, De Ruyter's privateers brought
in an English collier which they had captured ; and
De Ruyter learned from its Captain that the allied
fleets were at anchor and leisurely taking in pro
visions, therefore he determined, as the wind was
favourable, to sail that evening with his whole fleet,
to surprise the allies at day-break, and thus to attack
them in an unprepared condition.
This plan was admirably conceived and very
nearly successful. It so happened that James,
when he noticed that the wind came from the east,
determined to give orders for standing out to sea,
so as to be in readiness in case of the Dutch fleet's
sudden appearance ; but he was dissuaded from
doing so by his Captain, who stated that news had
just come in from two separate sources to the
effect that the Dutch ships were lying at anchor,
and "that most of them had their yards and top
masts down, and were taking in all sorts of pro
visions ".
Not long after James had received this informa
tion and decided to remain at anchor, Lord Sand-

192 ADVENTURES OF
wich came to him x and urged him to weigh anchor
and to put out to sea, pointing out that, with an
easterly wind, he would be in a very dangerous
position in the possible, and not improbable, event
of an attack from De Ruyter.
Having changed his mind once, James was disin
clined to change it a second time ; he also believed the
information which he had received from his Captain ;
and Sandwich, just at that time, lay under some
suspicion of want of courage, a suspicion which had
arisen on false grounds. James, therefore, refused
to move, and he even hinted to Sandwich that his
advice had been tendered from timidity.
As the event proved, James's "first thoughts
were best," and Sandwich's advice had better have
been taken. About two in the morning firing was
heard in the distance, and James instantly gave
orders to prepare all the ships and to stand out to
sea. He was fully justified in so doing ; for as
soon as it was light, the Dutch fleet was seen to
windward, bearing down upon the allies.
The firing that had been heard proceeded from a
French ship that was a slow sailer and for various
reasons had been left far in the rear when the allied
fleets had been making for Southwold Bay. Her
Captain had seen some Dutch scouts and concluded
that the whole Dutch fleet was not very far astern
of them ; therefore he gave the alarm to the allies,
1 Life of James II., Knapton, 1 703.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 193
by firing " all the way he stood in to joyn our fleet ".
Had it not been for this fortunate incident, the
allied fleets could scarcely have failed to sustain
a very serious disaster. Even as it was, only a
few of their ships had had time to get into line,
even by cutting their cables, before the battle began.
The wind, though not very strong, was dead in their
faces ; the very tide was against them. As to some
of the ships, their Captains were on shore, and they
did not leave their anchorage until some hours after
the battle had begun.
De Ruyter's fine fleet, a splendid but unwelcome
sight, came gaily before the wind upon the dis
concerted allies. The Zealand Squadron attacked
D'Estrees and the White Squadron ; Van Ghent
attacked Sandwich and the Blue, and De Ruyter
himself attacked James and the Red. Of the Blue
and Red Squadrons, only twenty ships could be
brought up in time " to bear the brunt of the
battle ".
Between seven and eight o'clock, the " Ingage-
ment began with great fury ". Although the breeze
was rapidly dropping, what still remained of it was
entirely in De Ruyter's favour, and he took every
advantage of it, especially in his attack upon James's
flag-ship. The morning was beautifully fine and
clear, but in a few minutes the atmosphere round the
ships became thick with the smoke from their guns.
After the Admirals had given each other one broad
side, De Ruyter ordered two fire-ships to be run on to
r3

194 ADVENTURES OF
The Prince. Sir Edward Scott was the first person
to see them coming and, in obedience to the order
of the day, he informed Captain Cox in a low
whisper. He had only just done so, when a round
shot killed that Captain, and also carried away the
head of a man standing near. Sir Edward then
whispered his information to James himself. James
at once gave orders, which had the effect of sinking
one fire-ship and diverting the course of the other.
Escaping the fire-ships, and that only very
narrowly, The Prince sustained a heavy fire for
three hours. Before eleven o'clock, her main top
mast had gone, most of her rigging1 was torn in
shreds, and more than two hundred of her crew
were killed or wounded. The ship was now in
such a condition as to be unworkable and practic
ally out of action ; so privately ordering the officer
in command, if possible, to get her towed out of the
line and to refit her, James " slipped into his boat "
and rowed to the St. Michael, a ship that was a
second-rater, but within convenient distance. As
soon as he was on board, he hoisted the royal
standard ; but the wind had dropped, and there
was not now even sufficient breeze to float the
flag. Meanwhile, the Zealanders showed very little
courage in fighting the French fleet, but their lack
1 Macpherson (Hist, of Great Britain, vol. i., p. 158) says
that the Dutch effected this by " using their chain-shot and
directing their fire to the rigging ",

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 195
of zeal was counterbalanced by the energy of De
Ruyter and Van Ghent, who kept up a tremendous
fire upon the Red and the Blue Squadrons, of which,
even now, only twenty ships were in the battle, the
rest being unable to get into the line before the
afternoon. In order to avoid a sandbank, the Si. Michael
was obliged to tack and to sail south, whereby she,
and a few of James's other ships, which had to tack
for the same reason, got on the weather side of De
Ruyter ; but the Amsterdam Squadron was still to
the windward of them, and they were thus placed
between two fires. For that matter so also was
De Ruyter, and " the Enemy and we were much
mingled together".
In consequence of the dead calm, the smoke
from the heavy cannonade hung in dense clouds
round the ships, and, for some time, James could
see nothing ; but by-and-by, a gentle breeze rose up
again from the east. When it began to dispel the
thick smoke, the first thing that James saw, appear
ing above it, was the blue flag of Lord Sandwich,
on the mast of the Royal James. As the atmosphere
became still clearer, a much less welcome sight met
his eyes. Sandwich's ship had Van Ghent's ship on
one side and Brakell's on the other, "by which
means raking him for and aft, they together de
stroyed him a world of his men ". The three ships
were all close together, and Sandwich ordered his
men to board Brakell's ship, "with swords, half-
13 *

196 ADVENTURES OF
pikes, and pistols, artd after some resistance they
mastered her ".
Relieved from her foe on the one side, the Royal
James had the good fortune to kill, with one of her
shot, Admiral Van Ghent on the deck of the ship
that was still firing at her, on the other. But the
Royal James was in a very disabled condition, and
she was beginning to bear away from Van Ghent's
ship to retire for repairs, when a fire-ship ap
proached her. Good luck once more befriended
her, and her guns sank this dangerous enemy. She
had almost got clear away altogether, when yet
another fire-ship bore down upon her from the
windward side. This last attack she was unable
to resist ; the fire-ship ran full on to her side, and
she was soon in a hopeless blaze.
" This the Duke beheld with sorrow, but could
not help, he being to the Leeward of her, though he
past close by her and saw the sea all covered with
her men, some sinking, some swimming, and others
buoying themselves up upon what they could next
catch hold of."
James ordered the ship next to him to " ly by,
and save all she possibly could ". Unfortunately, the
Admiral was not among those saved. Sandwich
was drowned ; but his body was recovered, and
eventually it was buried in Henry Vllth's chapel
at Westminster Abbey.
The attention of James was soon diverted from
the exigencies of others to his own. His ship, the

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 197
St. Michael, had received so many shots between
wind and water, and was sailing so badly, that he
sent a lieutenant to ascertain how much water there
was in her hold, and that officer brought back the
unwelcome information that there were fully five
feet. This was discovered just in time, the leaks
were stopped, the pumps were set at work, and the
ship was able to continue firing without lying by.
The vessel which had been Van Ghent's flag
ship now opened a deadly fire on the St. Michael;
but suddenly and unaccountably it slackened. Long
after the battle it was ascertained that this slackening
of her fire was occasioned by the death, from a shot,
of the Captain who commanded her. Immediately
afterwards, James disabled with a heavy broadside
another Dutch ship which was bearing down on him.
The St. Michael was now again filling very
rapidly with water. A Dutch ship was passing
within musket-shot ; and some of James's officers
begged him not to fire on her, because she had
struck her flag, but James saw by the manner in
which her crew were working, that she had done
nothing of the kind and that her flag had been shot
down, so he ordered a broadside which raked her
fore and aft.
About five o'clock in the afternoon, the Captain
of the St. Michael told James that his ship could no
longer keep in the line of battle ; that, in addition to
the bad condition of her rigging, and the loss of so
many of her crew that there were not enough men

198 ADVENTURES OF
left to sail her and to work her guns, her hold was
filling so rapidly that unless he lay by to stop her
leaks, she would inevitably and speedily go to the
bottom. James then decided to row to the London;
and, lest the fleet should be discouraged, he ordered
the Captain of the St. Michael to keep the royal
standard flying on his ship until he should see it
hoisted on the London}
The breeze had now freshened so considerably
that it took James nearly three-quarters of an hour
to reach the London. When he got on board, he
found her much disabled, " especially in her head
sails ". It was now seven in the evening, and De
Ruyter showed signs of having had enough by
signalling to his ships to accompany him in joining
the Zealand Squadron, which was still languidly en
gaging the White Squadron of the French. By this
time several of the English ships had joined James,
who had now between twenty and thirty men-of-war
with him, as well as some fire-ships to windward of
the enemy. Such was the position just after sunset,
when the battle had continued for twelve hours,
and De Ruyter evidently thought it wise then, " to
keep as he was," an opinion shared also by James.
Thus ended the Battle of Southwold Bay, one
1 Sheffield, afterwards Duke of Buckingham, who was present
at the battle, says (Works, vol. ii., p. 15) : "The Duke of York
himself had the noblest share in this day's action," and then he
mentions his changing ship twice "to renew the fight, which
lasted from break of day till sunset ".

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 199
of the most stubborn ever fought by the British
navy. Our ships were largely outnumbered by the
enemy : they began the engagement under the dis
advantage of surprise, and both wind and tide were
against them. The allied fleets lost but one ship of
the line, while the Dutch lost three ; and, as will be
presently seen, the action began by an attack upon
the allied fleets on the coast of England, and it ended
by the Dutch fleet being driven for shelter behind
the sand-banks of Flanders.
Incessant as had been the labours of the crews of
the English ships during the day, they had little rest
during the succeeding night ; for James ordered as
many ships as was possible to be at once refitted, with
a view to attacking the enemy again in the morning.
At day-break, James found his fleet in a worse
condition than he had expected, and De Ruyter was
in an even more serious plight. The Admirals of
both fleets were anxiously watching each other's
movements. Each had many ships too much dis
abled to go into action, and neither felt in much of
a hurry to begin a battle.
The chief English ship, The Prince, however,
was refitted, and ready for service again, and James
once more went on board her, re-hoisted his flag on
her mast, and signalled to his flag-officers to join
him in a council of war. At this council they were
unanimous in the opinion that the allied fleets ought
to return to Sheerness to be refitted, and orders
were given to sail thither.

200 ADVENTURES OF
De Ruyter, when he perceived that James,
whom he had been every moment expecting to
attack him, was sailing away, inferred that the
allied fleets must be in a more disabled condition
even than his own, and, acting upon that inference,
he gave orders to attack. As soon as James saw
the enemy approaching, he signalled to his fleet to
put itself in order of battle.
When De Ruyter found that James was not
running away, but was going to accept battle, he
immediately gave orders to tack, and James, in his
turn, became the pursuer. De Ruyter now fled in
earnest, without waiting to secure his disabled ships,
fifteen of which he left in his rear. James was on
the point of capturing all these ships, when "from
a clear sun-shiny day, there fell all of a sudden so
thick a fog that nobody could see the length of a
ship before him ". During the hour that it lasted,
James " brought to " lest " the enemy might get to
windward of him". When it cleared, the nearest
of the Dutch ships was out of cannon-shot, and, the
breeze freshening, he chased the enemy until nine
or ten o'clock at night, when " having reason to fear
that he might otherwise fall in with the Bancks of
Flanders; he stood off therefore close haled till
midnight, then tacked again, and made after the
Enemy till ten next morning, 30th of May. But
then getting no sight of them, and judging by that
time they had sheltered themselves within their
sands, whither it was not advisable to follow them,

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 201
he in fine found it requisite to tack about, and make
(as he did) the best of his way for the Buoy of the
Nore in order to refitt."
Evelyn writes of his visit "to the fleete, now
riding at the Buoy of the Nore," which he describes
as " miserably shattered " ; and he laments " the folly
of hazarding so brave a fleete, and loosing so many
good men for no provocation, but that the Hollanders
exceeded us in commerce and industrie, and in all
things but envy ".
James went to sea again in less than a couple of
months, and he " cruised between the Vly and the
Texel, so as only just to see the land from the
top-mast head " ; but very bad weather came on
and lasted so long that he returned to England in
August, putting " a shore about three thousand sick
men, most of the scurvy, which they contracted by
reason of the bad wether, which obliged us to have
our ports shut and calked, which did so heat the
lower decks and so stifle the men as to cause that
distemper ".
The combined fleet came to anchor at Lowe
stoft, and there James was told that, two days
earlier, De Ruyter's fleet had been visible from
the shore, and that " it was sayled back to the
Weelings ; whereupon it was judged convenient for
the English fleet, that had suffered much by the
bad wether, to go to the Buoy of the Nore, the
season of the year being too far advanced to keep
out the great ships any longer in those seas".

202 Adventures of
The King, with Rupert, Shaftesbury and some
of the Cabinet Council, came to the Nore to see
James and his fleet. Rupert and Shaftesbury with
out saying anything to James, who observed them
" very busy in talking aside and whispering," urged
Charles to order the fleet to sail at once and to
attack De Ruyter in the Weelings. It was only
through a friend that James found out what was
going on. When he had done so, he begged his
brother to send for some of the "old Commanders
of the Navy," and obtain their advice on the ques
tion. Charles consented, and, on their arrival, he
ordered James himself to propose to them an im
mediate expedition against the Dutch, to which the
old Commanders unanimously objected, on the ground
of the lateness of the season and the condition of the
ships. Charles acted upon their advice ; but Rupert
and Shaftesbury stuck to their opinion and there
was considerable unpleasantness between James and
Rupert, as well as between James and Shaftesbury,
in consequence. An event occurred in the following year (1673),
which closed James's naval career for ever. Ar
lington, who entertained ill-feelings towards James,
induced the Houses of Parliament to pass a Bill re
quiring all persons, holding office under the Crown,
to receive the sacrament according to the rite of the
Established Church, to take an oath of membership
of that Church, and to make a declaration against
Transubstantiation. If, as is probable, James had not

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 203
then been received into the Catholic Church, he was
inclined to join it ; he had lost all faith in the Church
of England, and he almost, if not quite, believed in the
Catholic doctrines ; therefore to make a declaration
against Transubstantiation was impossible on his
part. As he could not take the oath or make the
declaration, required by this Test Act, he was obliged
to resign all his offices, including that of Lord High
Admiral. Prince Rupert was appointed to that post,
in his place ; and such an appointment following his
recent difference with Rupert, must have been a
most unwelcome one to James.
It is but fair to James's memory to emphasise
the fact that, when he relinquished his public offices,
he not only sacrificed the very great powers,1 but
also the enormous revenues attached to them, for
conscience' sake ; and although there is no evidence
that he was avaricious, or, in the wrong sense, a
lover of money, he was very conscious of its value.
For the moment, James's public life was at an
end ; and his private life now calls for some atten
tion. The Duchess of York had not long been dead
when James's friends urged him to marry again.
Neither he nor Charles had a son, and it was feared
that the Crown would pass away from the male line
of the House of Stuart. Six months after his wife's
death, James spoke on the subject to his brother.2
1 Apparently with the exception of the Post Office.
2 Memoirs, p. 453.

204 ADVENTURES OF KING JAMES II.
Charles strongly desired James to make a second
marriage, and it was decided to make advances to
the Princess of Innspruck. Sir Bernard Gascon, or
Gascoigne, the British Ambassador at Vienna,1 was
entrusted to carry on the negotiations, which pro
gressed slowly, but terminated in articles which were
signed and exchanged on both sides. Matters had
got so far as the sending of Lord Peterborough
to France with power to marry the Princess for
James by proxy ; but when he landed at Calais,
news came from Vienna that the Empress was dead,
and that, immediately after her death, the Emperor
had resolved to fill the vacancy by marrying the
Princess of Innspruck himself; whereupon James was
jilted. His further matrimonial adventures must be
reserved for the next chapter.
Strickland's Princesses, vol. ix., p. 14. James's Memoirs call
Gascoigne a Florentine.

CHAPTER XIII.
The adventures of James in search of a second
wife1 were conducted rather by proxy than in
person. Nevertheless, James took a considerable
part in them by letter.
When Peterborough was in Paris, after learning
that the Innspruck engagement had fallen through,
James wrote to inform him that "four wives" had
been suggested to him ; first, the Duchess of Guise,
a match much favoured by France ; secondly Mary,
only sister of the Duke of Modena ; thirdly Made
moiselle de Rais, and fourthly the Princess of
Wurthemburg. Peterborough was instructed by
James "to endeavour by all diligence he could to
1 This account of them is chiefly taken from the Earl of
Peterborough's " Negotiations Concerning the 2nd Marriage of
James II." in The Genealogies of the Mordaunt Family, a book
of which Miss Strickland states that only twenty-four copies were
printed. The " Negotiations," however, are reprinted as a supple
ment to The Lije of James II., Knapton and others, 1703,
where the present writer found them. Henry Mordaunt, second
Earl of Peterborough, was a faithful loyalist who was wounded at
the battle of Newbury, was often imprisoned, and lost his estates
by sequestration. He was in high favour during the reigns of
Charles II. and James II., but, after the accession of William and
Mary, the Commons resolved to impeach him for high treason.
The impeachment, however, was dropped.
205

206 ADVENTURES OF
get sight and knowledge of them, or at least their
pictures, with the most impartial relations of their
manners and dispositions "7
Peterborough found the Duchess of Guise, the
youngest daughter of the Duke of Orleans, at the
French court, and he reported her to be " low and
ill -shaped," and apparently feeble in constitution;
therefore she was at once rejected. He saw a
picture of Mademoiselle de Rais, and that was quite
enough to decide her fate. It was " an ill picture " !
He then visited the Princess Mary Anna of
Wurthemburg at her convent school, and was in
troduced to her by Father Gilbert Talbot, her
confessor. James received the following inventory
1 Besides these ladies, Mademoiselle de Montpensier states
that there was a report that James was to marry herself. De Lauzun,
whom she eventually married, came to her one evening and said :
" I come to tell you that, if you desire to marry the Duke of York,
I will entreat the King to send me to England to-morrow, to
negotiate the marriage". He added that he was so anxious for
her welfare that he would do all in his power to obtain this
splendid marriage for her, if she wished it ; and he asked her
what she thought about it. "What I think of," she replied, "is
nothing, but you ; and I am only occupied in finding an oppor
tunity to speak to the King, and of telling him that after all that
has passed, he need have no fear that the public, or certain indi
viduals, could believe that he had sacrificed me in permitting me
to marry you." Throwing himself on his knees, De Lauzun said
his only desire was to serve her ; but that it was not for him to
oppose his own will to the King's. " I have, therefore, nothing
to desire — but death, death ! " he exclaimed ; and weeping bitterly
he left her (Memoirs of Mademoiselle de Montpensier, vol. iii.,
p. 156). De Lauzun will have to figure again towards the end
of this volume.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 207
of this prospective property from Peterborough :
" She is of a middle stature, fair complexion, brown
hair ; figure and face turned very sweetly, her eyes
grey, her looks grave and sweet, and in her person,
she has the motions of a woman of quality and well
bred ; but, above all, she has the appearance of a
maid in the ripeness of her youth, and a sanguine
and healthful complexion, fit to bear strong children,
and such as be likely to live and prosper. Although
there is much modesty in all her behaviour, yet she
is not scarce of her discourse and speaks well and
pertinently of everything."
In reply, James ordered Peterborough " to pro
ceed in his application to the Princess, and to give
hopes to her and her friends that he would send
sudden orders to demand her in the usual forms ".
But " sudden orders " of a very different nature were
delivered to Peterborough by an express messenger.
This fresh command was that Peterborough should
go, incognito, to Dusseldorf, the residence of the
Duke of Newburg, and inspect his daughter.
Peterborough at once started for Dusseldorf, ac
companied only by a friend and couple of servants.
At the gate of the city they said they were " strangers
brought by curiosity to see the place," and they
established themselves at an inn. Having hired a
guide, they expressed a desire to see the palace.
The guide placed them in a part of the cloister of
the Jesuits' church, where he told them they would
see the court party on its way to mass. Unfortun-

208 ADVENTURES OF
ately this gave little opportunity of seeing the young
Princess, as her hood was hanging over her face.
Then the guide told an officer of the court that
there were two gentlemen belonging to the train
of the English Ambassador at Cologne who were
anxious to see the palace and would like the honour
of doing reverence to the Duke.
An audience was promised ; and after a tedious
delay, the Duke received them with some ceremony,
wearing a grey suit, with a diamond hat-band, dia
mond buttons, and a diamond sword. Probably he
had his own private suspicions as to their errand.
" He inquired concerning the Duke of York's mar
riage, where was Monsieur de Peterborough, and
whether he continued at Paris after the disappoint
ment of the Treaty of Innspruck. . . . He said after
wards he heard the Duke (of York) was like to be
married to an English lady. They assured him they
had heard no such thing." The visitors begged the
further honour of being presented to the Duchess
and her daughter.
After another long delay, Peterborough was
taken to an upper room, where the Duchess and
her daughter were evidently expecting him. The
Duchess said that, as she could not speak French,
her daughter would act as her interpreter.
The Princess was a pretty blonde, with light
hair, blue eyes and a beautiful complexion ; but with
a face rather too round. For a girl of eighteen she
was " inclining to be fat " ; and, as her mother was

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 209
fat, future fatness was a thing to be seriously feared.
Besides this, "the great genius did not appear of
the business or conversation, for which she has been
praised since she came to sit upon the greatest
throne in Europe."
Leaving Dusseldorf, Peterborough went to Co
logne, and from thence sent an express messenger to
his employer, with his report of this fresh candidate.
Apparently it did not please James ; probably the
incipient obesity alarmed him ; for he immediately
sent orders to Peterborough to go to Paris, where
" he would meet directions ".
There was a strong party at the English court
pressing Charles to make his brother marry the
daughter of the Duke of Newburg. On the other
hand, the reigning favourite, the Duchess of Ports
mouth, in order to ingratiate herself with the houses
of Lorraine and Bouillon, was urging the attractions
and suitability of Mademoiselle d'Elbeuf. In obedi
ence to his mistress, Charles sent orders to Peter
borough to pay a visit of inspection to this young
lady. She was a niece of Turenne, which was a
recommendation to James ; but when Peterborough
visited her, he found her to be only twelve years
old ; therefore, as James was forty, she had to be
rejected. James then fell back upon Mary Anna,
and he ordered Peterborough to " demand to marry
and bring home " that young lady.
Peterborough, acting on his instructions, went to
the convent in which Princess Mary Anna was at
H

210 ADVENTURES OF
school, and hinted at the honour about to be con
ferred upon her. The girl could not "conceal her
joy upon this occasion ; and she was not to be
blamed, considering the provision it would have
been for an orphan maid to marry a Prince so great,
both in his circumstances and fortune and merit ".
Political intrigues, however, were again at work
at Whitehall, and shortly after this interview, Peter
borough received a letter, which, but for an unfortun
ate mistake, should have reached him some days
earlier, and before he had his interview with Princess
Mary Anna, ordering him to break off the negotia
tions for that Princess, to go to Italy, and there
formally to demand the hand of the Princess of
Modena for the Duke of York.
From the first, Peterborough had considered the
Princess of Modena the most suitable match ; but
he disliked this " uncertain and changeable proceed
ing,'' and he was now placed in a very unpleasant
position towards Mary Anna. As he himself puts
it, the event had turned "upon the resolutions of
State Ministers ". He contrived that the unwelcome
news of her rejection should be broken as gently as
possible to the Princess Mary Anna; and, "much
ado there was to appease a mind disappointed to
that degree &c. ... But at last she was forced
to appease her discontent ; and though the Earl (of
Peterborough) durst see her no more, yet he wished
her much happiness."
Peterborough again started -incognito. The

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 211
King of France greatly favoured the mission and
the Modena match, and there were no apparent
difficulties in the way of it.
On reaching Lyons, Peterborough had scarcely
entered his hotel when two gentlemen were an
nounced. To Peterborough's great surprise, since
he was travelling incognito, one of these gentlemen
gave him a letter addressed to the Earl of Peter-
borough, from the Secretary to the Duchess of
Modena, very courteously saying that the object of
his visit was known, that the Princess of Modena
was determined never to marry at all, but to be a
nun, and that the Duchess " thought it reasonable
to give timely advertisement thereof".
Peterborough was not going to relinquish his
mission so readily. Leaving his carriage and ser
vants at Lyons, in order to deceive the authorities
into believing him to be still there, he went
away privately, with an attendant, and reached
Turin, where he visited and consulted the English
Ambassador. That Ambassador declared that he
knew nothing about the proposed marriage, beyond
what he had learnt from a letter which he had re
cently received from the Duchess of Modena, beg
ging that, if Lord Peterborough should arrive at
Turin on any such business, he should be told that
it was impossible. Peterborough next went to the
French Ambassador, who recommended patience,
perseverance, and a quiet visit to Plaisance on the
Po, which he described as "an agreeable city ".
14*

212 ADVENTURES OF
Three days after Peterborough had arrived at
the agreeable city, he was visited by Nardi, the
Duchess of Modena's secretary, a man who " prac
tised all Italian civilities ". Nardi presented a letter
from the Duchess to Peterborough, confessing that
she was aware of his errand, and expressing her
anxiety that the envoy of so great a Prince should
be prevented from receiving a refusal. At the same
time, she said that there were other Princesses of
the House of Modena ; and that if his Lordship
•' would come and divert himself at her Court, she
would esteem herself favoured by his reception".
Peterborough excused himself on the plea, and with
the lie, that he was merely travelling for his own
pleasure. The Duchess had taken care to let it be known
at Whitehall that the proposed match would not be
acceptable at Modena. On learning this, James
sent an express messenger to Peterborough with
fresh orders. As the Princess Mary of Modena
was not available, Peterborough was now to make
overtures for a marriage with her aunt. " This
sudden change in the affair did infinitely mortify"
Peterborough, " whose head had turned round under
this variety of uncertainties, but he had to obey
and be patient". Some one else, too, was most
desirous that James should marry the aunt instead
of the niece. For when the Duchess of Modena
had explained to her daughter where England was,
and who the Duke of York was, adding that it was

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 213
proposed she should marry him, and that his age
was forty, the poor girl burst into tears, and begged
that this privilege might be transferred to her aunt.
Surely, she cried, the age of the elder Princess of
Modena, who was thirty years old, was more suit
able to that of a bridegroom of forty than her own,
which was only fourteen.
Peterborough was racking his brains as to his
next proceeding, when a letter was brought to him
from the French Ambassador, informing him that
Louis XIV. was sending to his assistance a valuable
ally in the Marquess Dangeau, "a man of good ap
pearance, very cunning, and bred to all the arts and
confidences of Courts," and that the Marquess was
commissioned to endeavour to further the negotia
tions for the hand of the Princess Mary of Modena,
" with all the offices of France ".
On Dangeau's arrival, it was arranged that he
was to go alone to Modena, there to plead James's
cause with the Princess and her mother, the Duchess,
who fortunately happened to be an old friend of his
own. She was delighted to receive so welcome a
guest, and such good use did Dangeau make of the
privilege of friendship, that he was soon able to
write to Peterborough to say that all difficulties had
been overcome, with the single exception of obtain
ing a dispensation from the Pope for the marriage of
the Princess "to a Prince not yet declared of the
same religion ". In the same letter Dangeau advised
Peterborough to come boldly to Modena and propose

2i4 ADVENTURES OF
for the Princess. Peterborough refused to go there,
in the character of an envoy, as long as there might
be any danger of a rebuff on account of either a dis
pensation, or anything else ; but he consented to
visit Modena under a strict incognito, and as a
private traveller.
On his way thither he was annoyed at being met,
a mile from Modena, by Nardi with a coach and six,
and at being lodged in splendid apartments good
enough for an Ambassador ; but Nardi met his re
monstrances by declaring that, although the Duchess
might not yet yield him public honour, she wished
to do all that she could for his comfort in private.
Peterborough was soon granted an audience of
the Duchess of Modena, and, in order to keep up
the farce of his being incognito, he was taken to her
apartments by a back staircase. The Duchess re
ceived him with much courtesy ; but she said that
the Princess wished to be a nun, and that she was
young and of a delicate constitution. She added
that even if her daughter would consent to give up
the idea of being a nun, " Italian Princesses depend
ing much upon the reputation of zeal for the Catholic
religion, there would be a difficulty in obtaining a
dispensation for an alliance with a Prince, though
never so great, that was not declared of the same
Church ".
It required a great deal of persuasion on Peter
borough's part to obtain the Duchess's consent to his
having an interview with her daughter, and, when

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 215
it had been obtained, Peterborough had to wait a
long time before that daughter appeared. When
she did so this was what he saw. A girl, who, " was
tall and admirably shaped, her complexion was of
the last fairness, her hair was black as jet, so were
her eyebrows and her eyes, but the latter were so
full of light and sweetness as that they did dazzle
and charm too. There seemed given unto them
from nature power to kill and power to save, and in
the whole turn of her face, it was the most graceful
that could be framed, there were all the features, all
the beauty, and all that could be great and charming,
in any human creature."
Having treated her with the respect due to his
future mistress, Peterborough asked her pardon for
being the instrument of disturbing her self-imposed
retirement and for crossing her inclinations ; but he
protested that a personal interview had only con
firmed the opinion he had formed from her portrait,
that her consent to a marriage with the Duke of
York would be the only possible medium of bringing
him true happiness.
The Princess thanked him for his compliments,
and expressed her gratitude to the King of England
and the Duke of York ; but she inquired with some
asperity why, when there were so many Princesses
of merit who would readily accept the honour now
offered to herself, the King and the Duke should
persist in endeavouring to force the inclinations of
one who had an invincible aversion to marriage in

216 ADVENTURES OF
any shape, and had, so far as lay in her power,
already avowed herself to a very different kind of
life. With tears in her eyes, she begged Lord Peter
borough, if he had any influence with his masters,
to prevent her from enduring any further persecution
on the subject.
The Earl begged her pardon for refusing to
obey her. Had her command been received before
he saw her, perhaps, said he, he might have sub
mitted to it ; but now that he had seen her, this
was impossible. He felt convinced that her true
vocation was, not the religious life, but to enrich her
generation with princes of the highest character.
His own country was much in need of such, and he
was going to be so bold as to risk her indignation
in the hope of making her one of the happiest
Princesses in the world. But say what he might,
she " seemed unsatisfied " and retired.
The next day, Peterborough complained to Nardi
that he had been induced to come to Modena on the
understanding that the only obstacle in the way of the
marriage was a dispensation, and that now it trans
pired that the unwillingness of the young lady herself
was a far more insurmountable difficulty. He had
always understood that Italian ladies, "when it came
to be in earnest," had no will as to their marriages
but that of their parents ; and he hinted his opinion
that, if the Duchess really desired the match, her
daughter would consent to it. The English Parlia
ment, he observed, would be meeting soon ; so

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 217
he would very shortly be obliged to leave Modena,
therefore the matter must be decided one way or the
other, immediately.
A day later, the Duchess sent word that there
were " greater hopes of the young Princess's concur
rence " ; and after tedious and provoking delays, the
girl finally yielded to her mother's wishes. James's
own Memoirs state that " it was with no little
difficulty that the young Princess consented to it,
she being then but fifteen years old,1 and so in
nocently bred, that till then she had never heard of
such a place as England, nor of such a person as
the Duke of York".
The same authority says that " the Duchess her
mother was obliged to get the Pope to write to
her, and persuade her to comply with her mother's
desires, as most conducing to the service of God
and the public good ". This letter of the Pope,
however, would appear to have been written on a
misunderstanding — probably he had been led to
believe that James was already a professed Catholic
— for shortly afterwards, when the Princess had
withdrawn her opposition, and everything seemed
satisfactorily arranged, the Abbot Dangeau, brother
to the Marquess, who had been to Rome to try
to obtain the dispensation, returned empty-handed.
Instead of bringing a dispensation, he brought some
thing very different, in a threat from the Pope to
1 i,e„ in her fifteenth year.

218 ADVENTURES OF
excommunicate any priest who might officiate at the
proposed marriage. It may be inferred from this,
that the Pope had now discovered that James was
either not yet a Catholic, or, if a Catholic, only a
Catholic in secret. The Duchess was greatly pained
and alarmed at this information, and the Princess
seized the occasion for re-asserting her unwillingness
to be married at all.
Meanwhile letters came from the would-be
bridegroom, urging speed in the proposed marriage.
" When you shall have contracted the Princess in
my name," wrote James, "you are to present to
her, as a token of my esteem, such part of my j ewels
in your custody as you shall judge convenient, and
the morning of the day of performing the solemnity
of the marriage, you shall present her with the
remainder of my said jewels, as a further pledge
of my affection." The possibility of any objection
to the match occurring on the part of the young lady
at so late a stage does not seem to have entered
James's head for a moment. Indeed, two days later
he wrote to Prince Rupert : "My marriage is agreed
on with the young Princess of Modena "}
In spite of the difficulty about the dispensation,
all the members and adherents of the House of Este
pressed the Duchess to proceed with the marriage
in spite of the Pope. They " did frankly advise
the Duchess of Modena suddenly to make up and
1 MS. Memorials of Mary Beatrice of Modena, in the Archives
#u Royaume de France,

MARY OF MODENA, WIFE OF JAMES II.

BY W. WJSSINQ.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 219
perfect the marriage, the peace and excuse of the
thing being easier to be had after it was done, than
any present license to be had for doing it ".
The Duchess, yielding to this very questionable
advice, asked the Bishop of Modena to perform the
marriage ceremony, but he refused. It was only
after much trouble that a poor priest, an English
man by birth, was persuaded to undertake the office,
and the marriage was celebrated with great cere
mony. Peterborough was "conducted to a chamber
near the chapel, where he reposed himself, till so
much of the service was done as seemed obnoxious
to the religion which he professed ". After which he
was led to the chapel, where by proxy he married the
Princess of Modena for the Duke of York. A grand
dinner followed with a ball at night, and the next
day there was a great cavalcade, in which rode
Peterborough, through the streets of the city to the
Cathedral, where a solemn Te Deum was sung, in
honour of the wedding.
When the time was definitely fixed for her
departure from Modena, the Princess screamed for
two whole days and nights, and she was only
pacified by her mother's promise to accompany her
to England.1 James had written to tell Peter
borough that his bride's journey would " be most
conveniently performed by sea to Marseilles, whither
the galleys of the most Christian King will be
1 Memorials of Mary of Modena,

220 ADVENTURES OF
ordered to bring her, &c". But, child as she was,
the bride positively refused to consent to anything
of the sort, and nothing would satisfy her but to
travel overland to Calais, and she got her own way
in the matter !
This journey was long and tedious ; but when
Dover was reached, James met his bride on its
sands, where " she took possession of his heart, as
well as of his arms" ; and, in "a great room before
his bed-chamber ... in presence of all the lords
who attended him from London," Peterborough
states that he went through the marriage service,
" after the forms of the Church of England ". But
what really took place, according to James's Memoirs,
was as follows : " The Bishop (of Oxford) asked the
Dutchess of Modena and the Earle of Peterborow,
Whither the said Earle had married the Dutchess
of York, as Proxy for the Duke ? Which they both
affirming, the Bishop then declared, it was a lawfull
Marriage." " Mary Beatrice, in after years, acknowledged
that she did not like her lord at first," x and she
is said to have been very far from concealing her
unfavourable impressions, on being presented to him.
The marriage of the Duke of York to a Papist
was the signal for another outburst of popular fury
against him ; so much so that " a certain lord,2 and
he a Catholic," strongly advised James to write from
1 Memorials of Mary of Modena, 2 Memoirs, p. 487.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 221
Dover to the King, desiring to be allowed to keep
away from London, and retire quietly to Audley
End, or some such country place, "where he might
hunt and pray without offence to any, or disquiet to
himself". James replied that, until the King dis
pensed with his services, he should certainly con
tinue to attend him.
When the Commons had heard of the marriage,
before Mary reached England, they had voted an
address to the King, asking him to send a messenger
to stop her at Paris, so as to prevent its consumma
tion. Charles replied that he could not in honour
dissolve a marriage that had been solemnly executed.
In spite of the unpopularity of the marriage — a
marriage the more unpopular because strongly
favoured and encouraged by France — the King met
the Bride and Bridegroom at Gravesend and gave
his new sister-in-law a hearty welcome. " He was
always kind to me," she said, many years later,1
"and was so truly amiable and goodnatured, that
I loved him very much, even before I became
attached to my Lord, the Duke of York." When
the party reached Whitehall, nothing could have
been kinder than the reception given to the child-
bride by the Queen : but, not very long afterwards,
a coolness arose between them because the Queen
would not allow her to use the Catholic Chapel in
St. James's Palace, where the Duke and Duchess
1 Memorials of Mary of Modena ; and Strickland's Queens,
vol. ix., p. 59.

222 ADVENTURES OF KING JAMES II.
took up their quarters. A private room had been
fitted up as an oratory, in which the Duchess of
York might hear mass. As a matter of fact this
was the King's doing, as he wished the Duchess's
religious practices to be conducted as secretly and
as unostentatiously as possible, so as not to further
exasperate the Protestant conscience, already in a
condition of great irritation.
The Duke and Duchess held their courts at St.
James's much as the King and Queen held theirs at
Whitehall, and the King took a pleasure in presenting
himself with the other courtiers at the levees of his
young sister-in-law.
When the Duchess of Modena left England to
return to her own country, her daughter felt miserably
lonely ; the girl had not yet fallen in love with her
husband ; and although he treated her very kindly,
he regarded her rather in the light of a child and a
plaything, than as a wife and a companion.
A time was to come when Mary was to love
James, and even to love him intensely ; but the
first passion aroused in the young Duchess by her
husband was that of jealousy. Into its causes we
will inquire in the convenient place.
Although James hated gambling, he thought his
wife ought to conform to the customs of the court
by playing at basset. The game did not amuse his
Duchess and she was both scandalised and terrified
at losing the, as it seemed to her, enormous stakes
for which she was obliged to play.

CHAPTER XIV.
During the years succeeding James's second mar
riage the English Parliament was chiefly engaged
in legislating for his ruin. A large part of a com
plete life of James II. would necessarily be occupied
by a description of these transactions ; but their
notice here must be brief. Possibly it may too often
have been repeated in these pages that the enemies
of Clarendon feared the resentment of James for
their treatment of his father-in-law, and therefore
determined to prevent his coming into power ; but
the fact is so important that considerable insistence
upon it is necessary. These enemies raised a No-
Popery cry, and they sought by legislation against
Catholics to render James helpless during the life
time of Charles II., and, even, if possible, to prevent
his succession to the Crown. By the first Test
Act they had already deprived the Duke of York
of his offices, including the influential post of Lord
High Admiral ; in the second, they endeavoured to
expel him from the House of Lords and the councils
of the King. They never ceased in their efforts to
set Charles against his brother, and fearing lest, by
practising his religion in secret, James might frustrate
their designs by rendering it impossible ever to prove
223

224 ADVENTURES OF
that he was a Catholic, they tried to insure his ex
clusion from the throne by making forfeiture of the
right to succession the punishment for a Prince of
the blood who married a Catholic.
Another method of injuring James adopted by
his enemies was that of exalting Monmouth, and
endeavouring to induce the King either to avow his
legitimacy, or to declare him to be his own chosen
successor, or to encourage him in a wild scheme
for forcibly seating himself upon the throne when
it should become vacant. Handsome,1 tall, well-
shaped, charming in manner, very agreeable in
conversation and an admirable dancer, Monmouth
was exceedingly popular at the court. From his
father he had inherited the faults of character with
which the Royal House of Stuart was so richly
endowed, and from his mother, the low cunning
sometimes to be found in those of plebeian birth.
James himself2 " had a reall kindness for him, till
he came at last to be convinced of his treacherous
designs, and, even after that, the Duke continued
to live fairly well with him, as he did with all those
for whom the King had a kindness".
When they were still on good terms, James and
Monmouth together got up what would now be
1 He was " the finest nobleman eyes ever saw as to his ex
terior, and that was all, save that he was of the most courteous and
polite behaviour that can be expressed" (Memoirs oj Thomas,
Earl of Ailesbury, p. 1 20).
2 James's Memoirs.

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KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 225
called a military tournament, at the end of the long
Terrace in Windsor Park. There was a model of
a city with fortifications, trenches and siege works.
James commanded the garrison of the city, and
Monmouth led the attack; "great guns fired on
both sides, granados shot, mines sprung, &c. . . . to
the great satisfaction of a thousand spectators. . . .
Being night it made a formidable show."1
Monmouth persuaded his father to make him
General over all the forces in England, with the
object "that in case any accident should happen to
the King, he might have a push for the Crown".2
Monmouth indeed is considered by some to have
been the first Commander-in-chief of the British
army, properly so called. In the document grant
ing him this appointment, Monmouth was spoken
of as the King's " natural son " ; but, before it was
signed, Monmouth had the word " natural " scratched
out. James noticed this, and pointed it out to the
King, who, "taking out his sizers, cutt the Com
mission in two, and ordered another to be prepared
for him to sign with the word Natural in it".
Charles entertained great affection for this natural
son ; but on occasion he said that " much as he
loved the Duke (of Monmouth) he had rather see
him hanged at Tyburn than own him for his legi
timate son ".
On one point James yielded, if unwillingly, with
1 Evelyn's Diary, 21st October, 1673,
2 James's Memoirs, pp. 494-7.
r5

226 ADVENTURES OF
surprising readiness, considering his resolute refusal
to submit to the Tests. In spite of his professed
desire to become a Catholic and to make his country
Catholic, Charles insisted on James's children being
educated as Protestants. James's Memoirs state that
" it was much against his will that his daughters went
to church and were bred Protestants ; and that the
reason he had not endeavoured to have them in
structed in his own religion was because he knew,
if he should have attempted it, they would have
immediately been quite taken from him ".
The second Duchess of York's first-born child
was a daughter.1 She was naturally anxious that it
should be brought up a Catholic ; but James told
her2 "that their children were the property of the
State, and that the Parliament had decreed that they,
like the two Princesses born of his first marriage,
should be educated in the State religion. Besides
this, it was the pleasure of the King, to which they
were bound to submit."
James is said to have been priest-ridden; but, it
is impossible to believe that a priest could have
advised him, under any circumstances, to consent
to his children being brought up Protestants. His
consent, unwilling as it was, must have been given
solely on his own initiative and responsibility. It is
difficult to imagine him as desiring to reign himself
as a Catholic and yet tolerating the prospect of being
1 Born ioth January, 1675.
2 Memorials of Mary of Modena.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 22;
succeeded on the throne by Protestant monarchs who
would be his own descendants. He has often been
abused as an obstinate, unyielding bigot. Whatever
he may have been later, he was not open to such an
accusation at the time with which we are now dealing.
It is inconceivable that his brother would forcibly
have taken his children from him, if he had refused
to permit them to be brought up as Protestants. But
James seems to have had almost as great a faith in
the Divine Right of Kings, as he had in the Divinity
Himself. During his brother's lifetime, he was his
most loyal subject, and it was his expectation of
equal loyalty from his own subjects, when he himself
became King, which led to many of his subsequent
troubles. It was probably owing to his exaggerated
ideas of the submission due to a King who could
do no wrong, that he yielded on the question of the
religion of his children. But his consent, however
grudgingly given, to his children being brought up
as Protestants, goes far in support of the theory
that, when it was given, he had not yet been
received into the Catholic Church.
He either put off his own reception into the
Catholic Church, or concealed the fact that he had
become a Catholic, to please his brother. In 1678,1
a correspondent wrote of the "strong suspicion of
the Duke's having embraced the Roman religion '' ;
which shows that his conversion was not yet con-
1 The Secret History of Whitehall from the Restoration of
Charles II., etc. 15 *

228 ADVENTURES OF
sidered an unquestioned fact. And even as late as
1682, the same correspondent wrote that the French
Embassy had received the following orders respecting
what they were to say, when talking to the English
Protestants : "As for the Duke, they were to affirm
they thought and had reason to believe he was no
more Catholic than the King : but that being a Prince
of a high and inflexible spirit, and heir presumptive
to the royal diadem, he disdained to be compelled by
any subjects either to take an oath or to give any
account of his religion, only to gratify their humours
and fancies ".
The theological position of James at this period,
and indeed at several others, is very difficult to
understand. His moral life was not that of a re
ligious man ; he submitted to the education of his
children as Protestants ; he continued for a long time
to attend the Protestant services in the Chapel Royal ;
if he went to mass at all, he did so secretly, and he
did not openly profess himself a Catholic. Yet he
refused to take the Tests, he resigned his offices
rather than do so, thus sacrificing large incomes as
well as great powers: he lost popularity, incurred
odium and risked his succession to the Throne
rather than deny the common report that he was
a Papist. It shall not be suggested in these pages that
James changed his religion without a full conviction
that it was his duty to do so. Very far from it.
But an enemy to his memory might have some

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 229
show of reason for submitting that a man of his loose
life would not have risked the troubles and disabili
ties such a change was likely to bring about, unless
he hoped for some counterbalancing advantages from
such a change of creed in this world, as well as in the
next, that possibly the arbitrary rule of Louis XIV.,
as an avowed Catholic King, might appear to him
far better than the shilly-shallying government of
his brother, Charles II., and that, as a soldier and a
sailor, he may have believed a firm, decided and
straightforward policy, supported by the Pope and
the King of France, to be more likely in the end to
ensure the stability of the throne of England, than
any pandering to the Protestantism of Anglicans,
Presbyterians, and Dissenters of various descriptions,
who did not know their own minds.
If there were symptoms of a decrease in the
hitherto great popularity of James, that of his wife
was on the increase. The childishness and innocence
of the Duchess of York added to her attractions at
the court. She worked very hard at her studies in
the English language, and her rapid progress in it
delighted the courtiers. James was fond of literary
society, and his young wife shared this taste with
him. She used to have long conversations with
Waller, who, old as he was, could yet write very
flattering verses in her honour. But her husband's
enemies were jealous of her popularity, and many
sorrows were in store for her. One of the first was
the loss of a child. The fatality among James's

230 ADVENTURES OF
children was extraordinary. He lost several that
had been born to his first wife, and the same fate,
at first, followed those of his second. But troubles
of a different kind came in the way of Mary of
Modena. Among the relations of the young Duchess of
York, was the Duchess Mazarin, or, as she was
called in England, the Duchess of Mazarin, a witty,
literary, brilliant and very beautiful woman. A niece
of Cardinal Mazarin, she had married M. de Meil-
leraye, and the Cardinal had persuaded the King of
France to create him Due Mazarin — not Due de
Mazarin ; for so the Cardinal specially desired.
During his exile, and before her marriage,
Charles II. had fallen deeply in love with her and
had proposed for her hand to her uncle, the Cardinal ;
but in vain. Sixteen years after Charles had sat on
the throne, the Duchess of Mazarin, tired of her very
sanctimonious and prudish husband — "he mutilated
the finest statues, bedaubed the rarest pictures, and
forbade the women and wenches on his estate to
milk the cows, an employment which he feared
might suggest bad thoughts." 1 — thought she would
come to England and re-open the question of love
with her former admirer, on her own account. But
she kept her intentions to herself, and came to
London, professedly as a visitor and for the purpose
of seeing her cousin, the Duchess of York.
1 Louise de Keroualle, by H. Forneron, p. 126.

DUCHESS MAZARIN.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 231
James gave a great entertainment in honour of
the arrival of his wife's relation in London. The
King did not appear at it ; but he sent his compli
ments to her, by Lord Sunderland. She had not
been very long in this country, when the Duchess of
York had another baby. The Duchess found her
relative a most entertaining companion during her
confinement, and she used to keep her by her bed
side for hours together. The King often visited his
sister-in-law, and had thus many opportunities of
renewing, not only his acquaintance with, but also
his love for the Duchess of Mazarin, with results
which are only too notorious.1
Until the sudden success of the Duchess of
Mazarin over the King, Louise de Keroualle, whom
he had made Duchess of Portsmouth, had been the
reigning favourite, and she was exasperated with
jealousy at being supplanted by this new rival. She
was also very angry because James, who now openly
encouraged his wife's intimacy with the Duchess of
Mazarin, had never permitted her to accord the
slightest notice to herself.
As we have had opportunities of observing,
James was brave, honest and true ; but he was not
always prudent ; and he now did a very unwise
thing. In order to shield his innocent wife from
the dangerous resentment of the Duchess of Ports
mouth, he took her to pay that lady a visit. They
1 Louise de Keroualle, pp. 130-6.

232 ADVENTURES OF
found the King in her rooms, and he was profuse
in his acknowledgments of the service his sister-in-
law had done him by paying this visit to his favourite
sultana. One of the busy-bodies of the court at once took
the news to the Queen that the Duchess of York
had visited her husband's notorious mistress, the
Duchess of Portsmouth. At first the Queen refused
to believe it ; and, when she did believe it, she was
mortally offended. That night she gave a ball. In
her Memorials, Mary Beatrice describes her own
reception by the Queen. " The same evening, when
I met Her Majesty in the dance, and made a pro
found curtesy to her, which is the custom on such
occasions, instead of acknowledging it, she scorn
fully turned her back on me before the whole Court."
Through his injudicious action in this matter,
James made the Queen an enemy of his wife,
without pacifying the Duchess of Portsmouth.
The adventures which next befel James, how
ever, were connected, not with his second wife, but
with the eldest daughter of his first ; and they were
destined to be followed by very far-reaching results.
There were two parties and two influences at
work in England, one in favour of an alliance with
the French against the Dutch, and the other in
favour of an alliance with the Dutch against the
French. The Dutch party was immeasurably the
strongest, in spite of the fact that the King and his
brother were the leaders of the French party.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 233
Danby, the Lord Treasurer, a very powerful and
arbitrary Minister, was the leader of the Dutch
versus the French party, and his policy was to make
an alliance between England, Holland, Austria and
Spain to check the aggressions of Louis XIV.
It was James's wish that his daughter, Mary,
should be married to the Dauphin of France, and it
is probable that Charles, if left to himself, would
have favoured such a match. Danby, on the con
trary, was anxious that the Princess Mary should
be betrothed to the Prince of Orange, in order
to strengthen the Dutch alliance. The Prince of
Orange would be next heir to the Throne, if James's
children were all to die ; and, as he was a Protestant
Prince, Danby argued that his marriage with the
Duke of York's eldest daughter would have a tend
ency to allay the popular apprehensions on account
of James's religion. Charles was not in a position
to withstand the pressure of Danby, and he yielded
to it very readily when Danby showed that a
marriage of the Princess to the Prince of Orange
would be for his own personal interest, an interest
which he always preferred to that of his brother, or
indeed of any one else. The first attempt made by
Charles to open negotiations on the subject was a
failure; but four years later a fresh attempt was
made, this time not by Charles but by the Prince of
Orange. The Prince fancied that he had only to
intimate his readiness to marry the Princess, in order
to insure a warm welcome ; but, to his great surprise,

234 ADVENTURES OF
when his overtures reached England, they were
received rather coldly. The Prince then thought it
judicious to come to England in person.
Having reached this country, he went to New
market, where the court was then stationed.1 The
King and James received him very kindly and talked
about the alliance, or Peace as it was called, that
was proposed between England, France, Holland
and Spain. The Prince of Orange replied that be
fore he discussed the question of the Peace, he would
like to see the Princess. At this Charles laughed;
but said he would leave Newmarket for London
sooner than he had intended, with the object of
giving the Prince an early opportunity of doing what
he desired. When he had seen the Princess Mary, the Prince
of Orange said that she would suit his purpose.
The King said this was all very well ; but that the
matter of " the Peace abroad " must first be settled.
The Prince replied that the marriage question must
be disposed of first, the Peace question afterwards.
The King repeated that the Peace was the primary
question, the marriage the secondary.
To this the Prince gave a not unreasonable
reply. He said it was possible that in the Peace
negotiations he might be obliged to agree to terms
on behalf of his allies to which they would take con
siderable exception, and that, if his acceptance of
1This account is taken chiefly from the Works of Sir
William Temple, ed. 1770, vol. ii., pp. 419 et seq.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 235
those terms were to be immediately followed by an
arrangement for his own marriage, his allies might
imagine that he had purchased his wife at their ex
pense, whereas if he did not begin to negotiate for
the Peace until after his marriage, they would have
no excuse for bringing such an accusation against
him. This argument did not avail with King
Charles, and both sides were so unyielding for
three or four days that Danby began to despair
of the match being made. Sir William Temple, a
persona grata to the Prince of Orange and at one
time English Ambassador to the United Provinces,
called upon the Prince, one evening after supper,
"and found him in the worst humour". The Prince
declared that he repented having come to England,
that unless his match with the Princess Mary should
be agreed upon in two days, he would go straight
home, and that, in such a case, he and the King of
England, instead of being as now the greatest of
friends, would then become the greatest of enemies.
Finally he desired Temple to repeat every word of
what he had then said to the King the next morning.
Temple did so, and he pointed out to Charles
how much harm might follow a breach with the
Prince of Orange, now that so many of the King's
subjects were in an ill-humour at the good terms
existing between Charles of England and Louis of
France. Charles replied : " Well ! I never yet was
deceived in judging of a man's honesty by his face ;
and, if I am not deceived in the Prince's face, he is

236 ADVENTURES OF
the honestest man in the world, and I will trust him
and he shall have his wife. You shall go forthwith
and tell my brother so."
When James had received the King's message
through Temple, he looked much surprised and
greatly annoyed. The obstinacy of the King on one
side, and of the Prince of Orange on the other, had
led him to hope that, after all, the match which he
disliked might not come off. However, he told
Temple that he always obeyed the King, and only
wished that all the King's other subjects were equally
obedient to him.
The Prince of Orange, when informed of the
King's consent, was even more surprised and pleased
than James had been surprised and vexed. At first
he refused to believe it. Then he embraced Temple
and told him that he had been the means of making
him the happiest of men.
Within a few days the marriage took place. The
ceremony was strictly private and it was performed
by the Bishop of London in a bedroom in St. James's
Palace, at nine o'clock at night, in the presence of
the King, the Queen, the Duke of York and the
Duchess of York, who was hourly expecting her
confinement.1 A couple of days after the wedding,
to the Prince of Orange's ill-concealed annoyance, a
son was born to the Duchess of York. The child,
however, was short-lived.
1 Strickland's Queens, vol. x., p. 270.

WILLIAM III. {PRINCE OK ORANGE).
BV JAN WYCK.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 237
The young Princess of Orange was by no means
enamoured of her husband ; the first few days of her
marriage were saddened by the dangerous illness of
her sister Anne from smallpox ; and her honeymoon
began "inauspiciously owing to her husband's giving
scandal by falling in love with one, if not two, of
her maids-of-honour. The bride and bridegroom
had not even got out of England, on their way to
Holland, when these shameful flirtations were in full
progress.

CHAPTER XV.
The Prince of Orange left England pleased with
the English ladies but vexed with the English King,
who absolutely refused to agree to the hard terms
which the Prince desired to impose on France, as a
condition of peace.
" France," said King Charles to Sir William
Temple,1 " is so weary of this war that, if it can get
out of it with honour, it will never begin another in
my reign. King Louis is now past his youth, and
has become lazy ; when the war is over, he will turn
his attention to the pleasures of his Court and the
interests of his buildings, and he will leave his
neighbours in quiet."
" Sir," replied Temple, " in the course of my life,
I have never observed men's natures to alter with
age or fortunes. The good boy makes a good man,
the young coxcomb an old fool, and a young rogue
an old knave : and I believe that the King of France
will always have some bent or other ; sometimes
war, sometimes love, sometimes building ; and I am
of the Prince's opinion that he will make a peace
with the secret intention of making another war."
In the negotiations which succeeded, France
1 Temple's Works, vol. ii., pp. 422, 423,
238

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 239
showed no sign whatever of yielding. The match
between an English Princess and a Dutch Prince
was made an excuse by the French Government
for taking up the line of offended dignity and
estranged interests. Indeed, as Temple says,1 the
match with the Prince of Orange, which was sup
posed to have given France so severe a blow, was
turned by French diplomacy to France's advantage.
Much as James's sympathies were with France,
he considered her behaviour on this occasion both
unfriendly and dangerous to England ; and he hon
estly and frankly advised his brother and the council
to declare war against her. James may have been
obstinate, he may have been prejudiced, and he
certainly made many mistakes of judgment ; but he
never permitted personal prejudices to stand in the
way of his doing what he believed to be right.
When Charles threatened France with war, Louis
promptly stopped his allowance. On this, Charles,
through Barillon, made a secret treaty with the
French King, whereby he promised, on the renewal
of his allowance, to dissolve his Parliament, which
had now existed for seventeen years, to disband his
army, and not to assist the Dutch, if the war should
be renewed. The text of this treaty was drawn up,
no doubt most unwillingly, by that enemy of France,
Danby, the Lord Treasurer ; and Barillon seized the
opportunity of crushing Danby, and rendering both
J Temple's Works, vol. ii., p. 451.

240 ADVENTURES OF
Charles and James helpless in the hands of France,
by disclosing the whole affair to Montague through
an intermediary, and giving him an enormous bribe
to impeach Danby for high treason, in conducting
negotiations with France to the prejudice of England.
The result of Barillon's most perfidious action was,
says Dalrymple, the " ruin of Lord Danby's Ministry,
the dissolution of the Parliament, the disgrace of the
King on account of his traffic for money with the
French, and the foundation laid for a long train of
evils to him and his brother ".
In the same year (1678), some time before the
impeachment of Danby, an event occurred which had
a disastrous effect upon the fortunes of the Duke of
York. He was now, at any rate secretly, a Catholic,
for his Memoirs x state that he had a confessor, in a
certain Father Bedingfield.
Just as the mail had arrived one day at Windsor,
in 1678, Father Bedingfield happened to be passing
the post office, and, having entered it, he asked
whether any letters had arrived for him. A thick
packet was put into his hands, and when he had
opened it he found that it contained five letters,
four of which were signed with the names of four
Jesuits with whom he was familiar. He at once
perceived that neither the signatures nor the letters
were in the handwriting of the Jesuits in question ;
and, besides this, that their spelling, language and
xP-Si7-

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 24I
many mistakes of fact, showed them to be forgeries.
On reading them, he found them to contain highly
treasonable suggestions of plots against King Charles.
Suspecting some trick, he took them straight to the
Duke of York, who immediately showed them to the
King. When he had read them, Charles confided to
his brother that a man named Tonge had warned
him of a Popish plot to assassinate his person, that
Danby had been inclined to believe in it, and had
asked his permission to lay the matter before the
Privy Council ; but that he was so incredulous of
the whole story that he had replied : "No, not
even before my brother ! "
The informer had further told Danby that a
packet containing treasonable letters, and addressed
to Father Bedingfield, the Duke of York's confessor,
would reach Windsor on a certain day ; and thither
Danby hastened to intercept them at the post office ;
but he was just too late. When he went to the
King he found that Charles already had the letters
in his hands, having received them, through the
Duke of York, direct from Father Bedingfield him
self. The letters were carefully examined and there
could be little doubt that they were all the work
of one man.
Now that Danby had arrived, James urged him,
as Lord Treasurer, to produce the letters before the
Committee of Foreign Affairs and to read them aloud ;
but, say James's Memoirs, " that Lord, it seems, had
16

242 ADVENTURES OF
conceived some hopes that this pretended conspiracy
might stand him in stead when the Parliament met,
and serve to screen him from their displeasure (which
he much apprehended) by turning their eyes and at
tention another way"; so James could get nothing
done. The originator of this shameful conspiracy was,
as readers need scarcely be told, the notorious Titus
Oates, an English clergyman, who had pretended
conversion to the Catholic faith, and gone, first to
the English Jesuit College at Valladolid, from which
he had been ignominiously expelled for ill-conduct,
and then to that of St. Omer, where, by tears of
professed repentance, he had obtained admission.
Leaving St. Omer's, he returned to England, and
there, with his friend Dr. Tonge, the Rector of St.
Michael's Church, Wood Street, he prepared alarm
ing stories of Jesuitical plots against the King and
Government of Great Britain.
Titus Oates professed to be serving the King
by exposing one of the most detestable, dangerous,
and diabolical plots ever contemplated by the mind
of man. The Windsor letters he declared to be
genuine. When it was proved to him that they
were not in the handwriting of their supposed
authors, he said that it was a common trick of the
Jesuits to write their letters in a feigned hand and
purposely to put in faults of grammar.
Oates professed to have been employed by the
Jesuits in Spain, where he had been received by

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 243
Don John, who, in his presence, had paid money
for the purpose of poisoning King Charles. When
asked to describe Don John, he said he was1 "leane,
tall and black, whereas the King and the Duke knew
him to be a little, fat, and well-complexioned man,
though he had browne hair ". Oates was speaking
about the Jesuits' house in Paris, when he was asked
where it was situated. " Close to the Louvre," he
replied. "Man," said Charles, "the Jesuits have no
house within a mile of the Louvre!" Charles II.
may have had reasons for knowing something about
this matter ; for his eldest son is said to have been
a Jesuit. In a letter to the General of the Jesuits,
Charles says that this son was born to him " in the
island of Jersey, when he was little more than six
teen or seventeen years old, of a young lady of one
of the noblest families in his dominions ".2
There were enemies of James, as well as some
extreme Protestants, who were of opinion that,
although Oates might have exaggerated and made
mistakes in his evidence, it was possible that there
might be a residuum of truth in his story of the plot.
Even in a cleverly written, though, in the present
writer's opinion, unconvincing work that appeared in
1903, by Mr. John Pollock, the same view is taken.3
1 James's Memoirs, p. 520.
2 Istoria della Conver sione alia Chiesa Cattolica de Carlo II.
Re d Inghilterra, &°c, per Giuseppe Boero ; and see Gentleman's
Magazine, Jan., 1866, p. 26.
3 The Popish Plot. 16*

244 ADVENTURES OF
Oates declared that a very large meeting of
Jesuits had been held in London in April to ar
range for the assassination of the King, the over
throw of the Government and the establishment of
Popery. Now it was quite true that there had been
a large meeting of Jesuits in London, during the
month of April ; although not to plot, but to nomin
ate a treasurer and to arrange the internal concerns
of the society. Oates and Tonge said that it had
been held at an inn in the Strand. As a matter of
fact it had been held, and held very imprudently, in
the Duke of York's Palace at St. James's. Nor
were the names of those attending it those in the
list supplied by Tonge and Oates.
There can be no doubt that Oates's great object
was to raise popular prejudice against James ; and
Oates was probably the tool of men in a very much
higher position. James's Memoirs state that Oates
made "no scruple of calling the Duke a Rascal, a
Papist, and a Traitor ; he shall be hanged, says he,
and I hope to live to see it ; we will have no more
regard for him than if he were a Scavenger of Kent
Street ; he hoped (he sayd) to see him at the barr
of the house of Commons, where there were many
better men than he : if the devil has a hotter place
in Hell than an other, he hoped he would bestow it
upon him ".
Charles tried to prevent the report of the plot
being made public,1 " which he sayd would alarme
James's Memoirs, p. 523.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 245
all the Kingdom, and put thoughts of killing him
into men's heads who had no such thoughts before ".
But Danby hoped to shield himself from the anger
of the Parliament, and to obtain its favour for his
zeal against Popery, by drawing its attention to the
pretended conspiracy.
Dalrymple says1 that Shaftesbury contrived the
plot with the object of destroying the Duke of York's
chance of the Throne, as a Papist; and that "by
making the Duke one of the objects of the pretended
assassination, it prevented the suspicion of its being
directed against him ".
A great deal of mischief was brought about
by the injudiciousness of Coleman, the Duchess of
York's secretary. This man exercised a zeal not
according to knowledge. He was full of plans, eager
to be doing something, confident that, if only this,
that, or the other were to be done, England would
be brought back to the Catholic faith in no time.
Instead of minding his own business,, he wanted to
meddle in politics and to be employed in great enter
prises. James "had oft forewarned him to be care
ful how he carryd himself, not to be so busy and
meddlesome, &c, that if he run himself again into
troubles, he must not thinke that being the Duchesse's
Secretary will protect him ".2
Scheming and conspiring to convert England to
the Catholic faith was high treason in those times,
1 Memoirs, vol, i,, p. 170, 2 James's Memoirs, pp. 533, 534.

246 ADVENTURES OF
and Coleman was executed, although it is almost
certain that he had not plotted to take the life of the
King. But he had been very imprudent, and very
much harder was the fate of many secular priests and
Jesuits, who had been guilty of nothing beyond
doing their sacerdotal duties and were yet executed
as traitors, either on the false witness of Titus Oates
and his accomplices, or as a consequence of the
religious frenzy excited by his plot.1
When Charles saw clearly that the object of the
conspiracy of Titus Oates, and the fanning of the No-
Popery flame, had for an object the exclusion of his
brother from the Throne, he determined, if it were by
any means possible, that James should be persuaded
'The following extract from a letter dated 31st October,
1678, and in the possession of Lord Kenyon (Kenyon MSS. Hist.
MSS. Com. No. 356), may give some idea of the drift of Oates's
accusations and the common report of them: "The manner to
put it in execution was thus : — One Conyers, a Jesuite, with
four Irish ruffaines undertooke to murder the King at Windsor,
21. Sept. last, and thereupon a great cry was to be made that
the phanatiques had murdered the King, an alarame presently
thereupon to bee given to the whole army, being then about
16,000 quartered in or neare London . . . were immediately to
march to London to assist the proclaimeing the Duke of York,
and under that pretence to fall upon and to massacre the people.
The Duke of Yorke was to take the Crowne by gift from the
Pope, and least any opposition should bee made, the French were
to bee ready with an army and fleete, to seize upon our fleete,
bume and destroy such as opposed, and take the rest, and then
the whole nation was to be shared among this crew etc." In
reality the army quartered near London had been raised for the
exactly opposite purpose of attacking the French in the war against
France recommended by the Duke of York,

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 247
to sacrifice his creed for the prospect of a Crown.
For this purpose he sent the Archbishop of Canter
bury and the Bishop of Winchester to represent to
him the great trouble brought upon the nation by
his having withdrawn from the religion for which his
father had died "a glorious martyr," and to try to
induce him "to return to his Mother the Church,
which opened her arms to receive him again ".
James allowed them to go on speaking to him for
half an hour without interruption, and then replied
that he had made up his mind to become a Catholic,
leisurely and not hurriedly ; but that at that particular
moment he had no leisure, but was in a very great
hurry, and must therefore wish them good-morning.
After they had gone, and when he had a little time
at his disposal, he wrote to the Archbishop and
informed him that it was a " full conviction in all
controversial points that forced him to embrace a
religion he well foresaw would change his condition
in this world, from one of the happiest Princes in
Europe to that of the most unfortunate and aban
doned man upon earth "7
Two days after James's interview with the Bishops,
Charles asked him what had taken place at it ; and,
finding that James would not apostatise, he asked
him what he advised under the very difficult circum
stances theh existing. James answered that his
counsels could be of little use to the King when the
1 James's Memoirs, p. 540.

248 ADVENTURES OF
King's present advisers were his greatest enemies,
and the popular feeling was furiously enraged against
him. " The King tould him he was convinced it was
absolutely necessary to yield to this torrent, accom
panying his discours upon it with great expressions
of kindness for his Person and sorrow for the oc
casion, and in conclusion desired that he would
withdraw for some time out of England." Thus, as
politely as he could, did Charles act upon Shaftes
bury's advice to banish the Catholic heir to the
Crown. The King, for the satisfaction of James, wrote
him a letter ordering him to leave the country, a
letter in which the bitter pill was gilded with kind
words. Three days later James and his Duchess
were ready to sail. Charles bid good-bye to his
brother and his sister-in-law with tears in his eyes,
and said that as the wind was contrary, they must
not embark yet. " What, Sir ! " replied the Duchess
of York, " are you grieved ? You who send us
into exile ! Of course we must go, since you have
ordained it." For this speech, she afterwards blamed
herself, saying that the King " was placed in a cruel
strait, and was compelled to yield to the clamours of
our enemies "}
The winds must indeed have been, as Charles
said, contrary ; for their voyage from England to
1 Memorials of Mary of Modena, and Strickland's Queens,
vol. ix., p. 86.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 249
Holland took nine days. The Prince of Orange
received them with great respect and took them to
the Hague. From the Hague they went to Brussels,
where they lived in the house which had been occu
pied by Charles II. before the Restoration.

CHAPTER XVI.
The enemies of the Duke of York were not satisfied
with his banishment ; indeed one of their objects in
effecting his exile was to be enabled the more easily
to bring about his ruin, both by prejudicing his
brother against him, when he was not at hand to
reply to their accusations, and by preventing him
from rallying his friends to defend him in Parliament
against Bills of Exclusion. At the very time that he
was writing letters urging the naval authorities at
home to be on their guard against the threatening
armaments of France, informers pretended to know
that he was coming back to England at the head of
60,000 French soldiers to seize the Crown.
His very friends were in danger. Even poor old
Pepys, because he was faithful to his master, the late
Lord High Admiral, was accused of Popery and
treason, and imprisoned in the Tower. In a mel
ancholy letter to James, he said : " How injuriously
soever some would make these just endeavours of
mine toward your highness inconsistent with Pro-
testancy, neither they, nor any ill-usage I can receive
from them, shall (by the grace of God) make me any
more quit the one, than I suspect your royal highness
250

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 251
will ever take offence at my perseverance in the
other".1 No advantage was taken by James of the oppor
tunity of inducing his daughter Anne to be reconciled
to his own religion while she was at Brussels. The
Life of Her Late Majesty, Queen Anne, published
in 1 72 1, says (vol. i., p. 12): "Nor was she im
portuned to go, or ever went to mass with her father,
as I have been assured by her protestant servants,
who attended her there, but the family lived in
perfect harmony, as if there had been no manner
of religious difference between them, which seems
strange if his royal highness, the Duke of York, was
that zealous bigoted Prince as he is represented to
have been. For where could he have had greater
opportunities of prevailing with his daughter to have
come over to the Church of Rome, than in a country
where that religion is established."
The English Parliament, meanwhile, was busily
engaged upon a Bill for the Exclusion of the Duke
of York from the Throne. Weak as was Charles in
yielding to the popular clamour against his brother,
he would not give way on the point of the succes
sion. Hearing of this, James wrote him a most
grateful letter. " I have but one life to loos," said
he, " and I shall be always ready to lay it downe in
your service, and at the rate things now go there is
too great a probability an occasion may not long be
1 Pepys's Memoirs and Correspondence,

252 ADVENTURES OF
wanting. They will never be satisfyed, unless your
Majesty unking yourself." He urged Charles not
to go on yielding to flatterers ; but to take strong
measures before the militia, who were ready to rise
against him, had " a man to head them ; and," he
continued, "the only person capable (I think) ofthat
imployment (pardon mee for nameing him) is the
Duke of Monmouth, for I am sure the same reesons
and perswasions that has prevailed with him to
behave himself to you and me as he has done, will
make him stick at nothing that favours his ambition ;
and therefore I beg your Majesty will have a watch-
full eye upon his actions for your own security ".
Monmouth was imprudent enough to speak, in
the House of Lords, in favour of the Bill of Exclu
sion ; and he said he should vote for it because he
knew of no other way of saving the life of the King
from the malice of the Duke of York. When the
King heard this, he declared that it reminded him
of the kiss of Judas. Essex, Halifax, Sunderland
and the Duchess of Portsmouth kept the favour
of the King by pretending to be against the Bill,
although in reality they wished it to be passed. The
Duchess of Portsmouth joined Monmouth's party;
but in her heart she entertained a hope that her
own son might succeed to the Throne of England.
In a letter to Louis XIV.1 Barillon wrote : " The
Duchess of Portsmouth to serve her son, the Duke
1 Translated in Dalrymple's Memoirs, vol. i., p. 277.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 253
of Monmouth to serve himself, and each making a
tool of the other, while they appeared linked in the
strictest amity, formed a project of getting parlia
mentary sanction for the King's naming his suc
cessor, similar to that which had been given by
parliament to Henry VIII. Lord Sunderland and
Lord Shaftesbury concurred in it."
Thus were James's various enemies plotting
against him, when an event occurred which for a
short time interfered with their plans.
On the 22nd of August, 1679, Charles II. was
attacked by fever, in consequence of a severe chill.
This chill would seem to have been the result of
loitering by the river-side at Windsor, after getting
heated in a game of tennis. It may be that he
was fishing ; for, in a letter written a few months
later by Lady Sunderland to Sidney, she writes
about his complete recovery and his likelihood of
remaining well if he could be kept from "fishing
when a dog would not go abroad ".1 For the time
being, however, he was very ill, and his doctors and
courtiers were much alarmed.
The Memoirs of James II., state that, "finding
himself wors, and more feverish after Physick and
letting blood," Charles "ordered my Lord Sunder
land to send away an Express to the Duke to
come to him immediately but with as small a
retinue as possible". On receiving the summons,
1 Diary of The Times of Charles II, by H. Sidney, vol. ii ;
letter dated 18th May, 1680.

254 ADVENTURES OF
without any unnecessary delay, James started, in
disguise, for England, accompanied by only Peter
borough, Churchill and a barber. On arriving at
Calais, he found the wind blowing the wrong way,
and he was obliged to wait there for some days
before he would cross to Dover. Meanwhile,
Charles's fever had become greatly reduced, by the
use, as Bishop Burnet says, of " Quinquina, called
in English, Jesuits' Powder".
The disguise worn by James was not discovered,
and he arrived at Windsor Castle, at seven o'clock
one morning in a common hackney-coach, just as
the now convalescent King was shaving.
Charles received his brother very affectionately,
and the courtiers, whatever their real feelings may
have been, professed great delight at seeing him.
But there was one exception ! The sudden appear
ance of James was as unwelcome as it was unex
pected to Monmouth ; that usually graceful and
fluent courtier was very ill-at-ease and awkward in
manner when James spoke to him, and was at a
loss to know what to say in reply. As soon as the
King's illness had assumed a serious phase, he had
begged him on no account to send for James, and
he had understood his father to have consented to
his request. By some means he had found out that
Sunderland, Halifax, Hyde and the Duchess of
Portsmouth had had something to do with the recall
of the Duke of York ; and, although Sunderland
assured him that that recall was none of his doing,

SIR WILLIAM TEMPLE.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 255
Monmouth dropped dark hints of vengeance against
Sunderland and his party.
Nearly all the politicians were now playing for
their own hands. The course of coming events was
most uncertain ; but, whatever might happen, each
man wished to be on the winning side and secretly
endeavoured to be in favour at the same time with
James, Monmouth, and the Prince of Orange. Each
party was trying to deceive the other party, and it
is scarcely too much to say that each member of
each party was trying to deceive the other members
of his own party. For instance, Halifax, Sunder
land and Temple 1 had bound themselves to mutual
confidence and alliance ; yet Halifax and Sunderland
had encouraged the King, when taken ill at Windsor,
to send for James, but had not informed Temple
that they had done so. A little time after James's
arrival, Temple discovered that Halifax had taken
so important a step without telling him of it. Very
angry at this, Temple went to see Halifax. " I
found my Lord Halifax in physic," says Temple ;
" but saw plainly his distemper was not what he
called it. . . . All our talk was by snatches, sickness
&c. . . . but no politics." Temple only hinted his
knowledge of Halifax's want of candour, by saying
that he was so disgusted with the untrustworthiness
of politicians, that he would have nothing more to
do with them and should retire to his property in
1 See Temple's Works, vol. i., pp. 490-520.

256 ADVENTURES OF
the South of England and grow melons. In reply,
Halifax said that he, too, had perceived the perfidy
of political allies, and that he intended to retire to
his home in the North of England where, as the
climate was too cold for melons, he should devote
his time to the cultivation of carrots and cucumbers.
Temple was very angry and he was so determined
to have nothing more to do with politics that he
seriously contemplated letting a whole year pass with
out receiving communion in the Established Church
so as to disqualify himself from office of any kind.
Before James left Windsor, Sunderland, Halifax
and Hyde, who were much frightened by Mon
mouth's threat of vengeance against themselves,
pointed out to the King the dangers entailed upon
his brother through the retention by Monmouth of
the office of Commander-in-chief of the army. They
were greatly relieved when Charles acted upon their
suggestion, sent for Monmouth and required him to
resign that office and to withdraw for a time to the
continent. Monmouth exhibited considerable temper
and disrespect towards his father, on receiving these
commands, but he was obliged to obey them and
he went to Holland. Nearly all the King's advisers
were in a hurry to get rid of James as soon as the
King recovered. It was decided that, although, in
the present temper of the populace, it was urgent
that James should be exiled from London, some in
convenience might arise if he were out of the United
Kingdom : so his place of banishment was changed

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 257
to Scotland. This change of residence was made
chiefly at the suggestion of Secretary Coventry, who
"urged at least the great unadvisedness of putting
the Heire of the Crowne into the power of a for-
reign Prince ".
In October James came to London with his
wife and his unmarried daughters. The Prince and
Princess of Orange accompanied them as far as
Maesland Sluys : and there James saw his daughter,
Mary, for the last time. Little leisure was allowed
to the Duke of York in England, and, on 27th
October, he and the Duchess started for Scotland,
much against their will leaving the Princesses, Anne
and the little Isabella, at St. James's. The Duchess
of York, who was a bad sailor, had been very ill in
crossing from Holland to the Downs, and she was
so weakened that the King pressed her to remain
at court ; but she insisted on accompanying her
husband to Scotland.1
The journey from London to Edinburgh, bad at
the best of times in the coaches and upon the roads
of those days, was even more than usually tedious
and miserable in the short days and wet weather of
the month of November. No wonder then that
James's Memoirs make mention of the "endless
fatigues in traveilling" of that expedition!
At most places "on the road the gentry ex
pressed great duty and loyalty"; but "when the
1 James's Memoirs, p. 571,
*7

258 ADVENTURES OF
Duke arrived at York he met not so good a recep
tion as he had reason to expect ".
In spite of the prejudice felt by the Puritans of
Scotland against the religion of James, he received
a most loyal welcome in Edinburgh. The Scotch
were flattered at having the heir to the Throne to
live among them. Excellent as was his reception
and charming the place of his residence, one of the
most beautiful cities in the world cannot have looked
its best in November and December; and, as the
fine Palace of Holyrood was almost entirely without
furniture, the Duchess of York had to endure very
great discomforts.
Poor as they were, the Scotch were very proud,
and the Duke and Duchess of York had to use great
tact in dealing with them. One day the Duchess,
noticing that places were prepared for three at the
dinner-table, asked James the reason. He replied
that he had invited General Dalziel to dine with
them. She then inquired whether it was not con
trary to etiquette for a private gentleman to dine at
a royal table. While she was speaking, the private
gentleman in question was approaching the table and
overheard her remark. " Madam," said he, " I have
dined at a table where your father stood behind my
chair ! " This was true, for as a General in the im
perial service, he had once dined with the Emperor,
for whom, as a vassal of the empire, the Duke of
Modena had done personal service. The Duchess
had the tact to pass the matter off as a joke.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 259
The city of Edinburgh, as the minute-book of
the town council records, " did unanimously accord
that his royal highness and his duchess be compli
mented with a handsome treat," this " treat " taking
the form of a banquet, at which the numerous pies
and pasties were all gilded and trimmed with gold
fringe. So anxious were the authorities of Edin
burgh to do honour to their royal visitors, that they
not only conferred the freedom of their city upon
James himself, but also upon the members of his
court, and even upon his cooks, his coachmen, his
footmen and his " silver-scourer ".
James contrived to make himself very popular
in Scotland : he did much to counteract the violent
feeling excited against the English Government by
the autocratic rule of Lauderdale, and he seems to
have been happy there until news of a very un
pleasant character came to disturb his peace. The
unwelcome tidings were, that without the King's
leave, Monmouth had returned to England.
Charles was very angry at Monmouth's unper
mitted return, and he ordered him to leave the coun
try at once. Monmouth remained, whereupon his
father deprived him of all his remunerative offices.
Yet Monmouth "continued at his house, where all
the discontented party had free access to him, to
project and cabal without the least constraint ". 1
Without authority from the Heralds, Monmouth
x James's Memoirs, p. 579.
17 *

260 ADVENTURES OF
removed the bend-sinister from his coat-of-arms ;
and, not to be outdone, and wishing to establish
his claim, the Duchess of Portsmouth omitted the
bend-sinister also from the arms of her little son,
who had been created Duke of Richmond.
The Duke of Monmouth and his supporters gave
out that a black box had been found containing the
contract of marriage between his father and Lucy
Barlow, but the witness reported to have seen it,
when examined before the Council, denied all know
ledge of it. Very angry at the whole affair, Charles
published a formal declaration that he had never
been married to Lucy Barlow, whereupon Mon
mouth's friends retorted that "if the eye and fear of
God could not restrain " the King " from living in
adultery, it could not be expected that they should
restrain him from swearing falsely ". 1
In January, 1680, the King somewhat unex
pectedly recalled James and his Duchess to London.
They went by sea and they were rowed up the
Thames in a royal barge. The King received them
most affectionately at Whitehall Stairs, while guns
were firing from the Tower and from the ships on
the Thames. That night London was illuminated
and the reception given to the returned exile proved
that, if his religion was sinful, the citizens, though
hating the sin, yet loved the sinner. The Lord
Mayor gave a sumptuous banquet in honour of the
1 Somers, Tracts, viii., pp. 187-208.

EARL OF SHAFTESBURY.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 261
royal brothers. The Dowager Lady Sunderland,
in a letter to Henry Sidney,1 thus describes it :
"The Lady Mayoress sat next the King, all
over scarlet and ermine, and half over diamonds.
The Aldermen drank the King's health over arid
over upon their knees, and wished all hanged and
damned that would not serve him with their lives
and fortunes. They attended him to Whitehall
at two o'clock in the morning, they would not
trust him with his guards, who were all drunk, but
brought some of their own, and they all went
merry out of the King's cellar. The next day
they came in a full body to give both the King
and the Duke thanks for the honours they had
done them. The Mayor is now as well affected as
anybody, and was as ill."
Shaftesbury was determined to counteract the
exhibition of loyalty to the Duke of York which
followed the return to London, and, while he was
about it, he made up his mind to do it thoroughly.
For this purpose he took a very extreme step.
Accompanied by Lords Huntington, Russell, Grey
of Warke, Gerard of Brandon, and Cavendish, as
well as by nine commoners and his tool, the notorious
Titus Oates himself, he went to Westminster Hall,
and after representing to the Grand Jury there
assembled2 "the mighty dangers of Popery," he
indicted the Duke of York as a recusant, desired
1 Diary ofthe Times of Charles II., vol. i., p. 301.
2 Memoirs, vol. i., pp. 590, 591.

262 ADVENTURES OF
that, as such, two-thirds of his estate might be seized,
and " that the Post Office should not be left under
the control of so dangerous a Papist ". " And then,"
say the Memoirs, " (to put him in good company) he
desired at the same time, the Duchess of Portsmouth
might be presented as a common neusance."
The case of the Duke of York was eventually
taken in the Court of King's Bench, where Lord
Keeper Guilford contrived to let it fall through.
The serjeant who held the case against the Duke
persisted in arguing, to the great annoyance of the
Lord Keeper, who remarked that the serjeant " spoke
with a cadence but that all he said signified nothing".1
The indictment of the Duchess of Portsmouth " as
a common neusance " was more effective ; though
not in a legal sense of the word. Its framers had
never intended to proceed with it : their only object
was to frighten her, and that object was attained.
It was hinted to her that some of her actions would
be proved to be treasonable, and, as was desired,
her nerves were completely upset.
Shaftesbury and Monmouth were well aware that
she hoped the King would name her son as the
successor to his Throne. Through the agency of
Lord Howard of Escrick, she sought to make terms
with Shaftesbury. This was exactly what Shaftes
bury wanted ; and it resulted in an agreement that
the indictment and all other accusations against the
1 Lives ofthe Norths, vol. i., pp. 247 et seq.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 263
Duchess should be dropped, on condition that she
would do her best to induce the King to permit the
Bill of Exclusion to pass, and consent to be em
powered to name his successor to the Crown, as was
Henry VIIL, and also that she should use her
interests generally on behalf of Monmouth's faction.
Not altogether without reason might the Dowager
Lady Sunderland write to Sidney:1 "Truly I fear
there will be some scurvy patching, for the Duchess
of Portsmouth is so damned a jade that for my part
I think it folly to hope, and she will certainly sell us
whenever she can for ^500 ".
As the event proved, "Sacharissa" was not
altogether at fault when she wrote this.
1 Diary of the Times of Charles II., vol. i. p. 226.

CHAPTER XVII.
A handsome and well-mannered impostor, named
Dangerfield, managed to give James much annoy
ance in the year 1680. Having obtained an intro
duction to the Duke of York, he professed to give
him the details of a revolution which had been
plotted by the Presbyterians. James passed him on
to the King, who commissioned Coventry to investi
gate his story. Dangerfield stated that, in the house
of a certain Colonel, there were smuggled goods,
and he went with the officers to search for them.
Behind the Colonel's bed, he produced what he had
probably carried there himself, namely a bundle of
papers about the proposed revolution. These were
suspected to be forgeries, and Dangerfield w;is ar
rested. An officer of the Mint, who happened to
be passing, recognised him as a coiner of false nioney
and asked for his further arrest for that crime. 1
Dangerfield then pretended great remorse, turned
completely round, and stated that he had been bribed
by the Catholics to accuse the Presbyterians I of a
plot, that he had been offered .£2,000 by Lord
Arundel to murder the King, and £500 by Lord
Powis to murder Lord Shaftesbury. To prove his
good faith, he said that, if search were made \n a
264

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 265
meal-tub, in a certain house, evidence of the plot
would be found. Found, of course, it was ; and the
Meal Tub Plot, like all stories against Catholics,
however absurd, was credited by many people, in
the then feverishly anti- Popish condition of public
opinion. Besides Monmouth and the little Duke of Rich
mond, as competitors for the throne to which James
was the rightful heir, another was now intriguing.
The Prince of Orange, who would have been the
legitimate heir in the case of the failure of James
and his children, had the additional claim of being
the husband of the heiress to the throne, if James
were dead or excluded. Sunderland and Godolphin
were at this time working in the Prince's interest.
The partisans of all the three pretenders to the
next succession were agreed on one point, that it
was most desirable to keep the Duke of York away
from the King, and that, for this reason, he should
not be in England. It was during the October races
at Newmarket, in 1680, that the decision to exile
him again was intimated to James. Some very
painful conversations with his brother were the im
mediate consequence. Charles told James that he
was going to send him again to Scotland, there to
act as his Viceroy. For a moment, James lost his
temper and declared "that if he were pushed to
extremities, and saw himself likely to be ruined by
his enemies, he would find means to make them " —
not the King — " repent it ; nay, that he would throw

266 ADVENTURES OF
himself into the arms of Louis XIV. for protection".1
But, at the same time, he protested, so far as Charles
was concerned, his readiness to go loyally anywhere
that his Monarch might desire.
In stormy October weather, the Duke and
Duchess of York sailed for Scotland, not being
allowed to take with them their little daughter,
whom they were never to see again alive. In his
Absalom and Ackitophel, Dryden thus celebrated
their exit : —
Go, injured hero ! while propitious gales,
Soft as thy consort's breath, inspire thy sails ;
Well may she trust her beauty on a flood
Where thy triumphant fleets so oft have rode,
Soft on thy breast reclined, her rest be deep,
Rocked like a Nereid by the waves asleep.
Unfortunately the gales were anything but pro
pitious and James's consort was very sea-sick : but,
after a tempestuous voyage, the Duke and Duchess
of York received a warm welcome and splendid
hospitality at Leslie, from the Duke of Rothes, and
their reception at Edinburgh was even better than
before. Holyrood was now fairly furnished, and the
Duke and Duchess did everything they could to
make their court an attraction and a pleasure to the
great families of Scotland.
James did all in his power, also, to ingratiate
himself with the common people. He became an
ardent golfer, and he generally chose as his partner
1 Strickland's Queens, vol. ix., p. 112.

KING JAMES II. OE ENGLAND 267
a citizen or even a mechanic. In a match against
the Duke of Lauderdale, for a heavy stake, he took
a working shoemaker to second him. Having won
the match and received the stake, he handed the
gold coins to the shoemaker, saying : " Through
your skill I have won this game, and you are, there
fore, entitled to the reward of the victory ".
Cameron of Lochiel had rendered great services
to the cause of the Stuarts, and James received him
with great deference. Before the whole court he
asked him questions about his military adventures,
and said much that could not fail to be pleasing to
him. Intending to knight him, James then asked
him for his sword, which Lochiel took off in its
scabbard, and presented to the Duke. The sword
was rather rusty and James, who was unable to draw
it, said : " This sword used never to be difficult to
draw when it was required in the service of the
Court ! " Lochiel was too simple a character to have
an answer ready in return for this courtly compli
ment, and, quite ignorant of what the Duke intended
to do with it, he took the sword, wrenched it from
its sheath, and presented it to James, who turned to
those at his side and said to them: "You see, my
lords, Lochiel's sword obeys no hand but his own,"
and then he knighted him.1
But popular as James made himself in Scotland,
his religion was neither forgotten nor forgiven by
1 Memoirs of Sir Ewan Cameron; and Sir Walter Scott's
Tales of a Grandfather, vol. iii., pp. 250, 251.

268 ADVENTURES OF
some of the people. On Christmas Day the boys
of King's College burned the Pope in effigy, before
the very windows of the Duke and Duchess, in the
court of Holyrood.
With the increase of the Duke of York's friends
in Scotland came an increase of his enemies in Eng
land. The House of Commons was in a ferment over
the bill to exclude him from the succession. Just be
fore that bill was brought up, Dangerfield was led into
the House, and he J " impudently accused the Duke
that he had proposed to kill the King, and to the
end this accusation might strike more terrour into
the Duke's friends, he sayd My Lord Peterborough
was present and My Lord Privy Seal was acquainted
with it". Peterborough " vindicated himself so vic
toriously, that even Essex, one of the opposite leaders,
pronounced the informer unworthy of credit ".2
The Bill of Exclusion passed the Commons with
out a division ; but its supporters trembled for its
fate in the Lords, and doubted whether it would
obtain the royal assent. The Duchess of Ports
mouth, says Dalrymple, was "offered £ 100,000 by
that party if she could gain the King to their side ".
She " threw herself at his feet, shed floods of tears,
and conjured him, by his own safety, to yield to that
House of Parliament which had brought destruction
upon his father for opposing its desires ".3 The bill,
'James's Memoirs, pp. 115, 116.
2 Lingard's History, vol. ix., p. 237.
3 Memoirs, vol. i., p. 277.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 269
however, was thrown out in the Lords, at the first
reading, by sixty-three to thirty.
The same year (1680) the sad news reached
James, in his northern exile, of the judicial murder
of Lord Stafford, the victim of Titus Oates's pre
tended Popish Plot, on a charge of high treason.
If Dalrymple is to be believed, Charles II. was little
less guilty in allowing the death of Stafford than his
father, Charles I., had been in permitting that of
Strafford.1 " The hardest part of his fate," says
Dalrymple of Stafford, "was to fall unprotected
by his sovereign, and a victim to his sovereign's
mistress, both of whom knew that he was guiltless.
The Duchess of Portsmouth, in the rage of her
disappointment because the exclusion had not suc
ceeded, attended the trial, dealing sweetmeats and
smiles amongst his persecutors."
Halifax, who by trying to please everybody
pleased none, had tried to keep in with the King
and the Duke of York by opposing the Bill of
Exclusion, and he now brought in a Bill of Limita
tions, in the hope of keeping in with the Commons
also. This futile effort would have made James a
King in name only. If he remained a Catholic, he
was to be banished five hundred miles from the
shores of England, and, when Charles died, he was
to have the title of King of England, while the
Princess of Orange acted as Regent, or, failing her,
1 Memoirs, vol. i., p. 281.

270 ADVENTURES OF
the Princess Anne. But, if James had a son, and
he was brought up a Protestant, he was to become
Regent, when of age, and King on his father's death.
Charles actually approved of this bill, which was re
jected by the Commons, who would not even consent
to James becoming the nominal Monarch.
These Bills of Exclusion and Limitations were
so threatening that James became very doubtful
about his succession to the Throne, and he thought
it high time to bring some pressure to bear upon
his brother. For that purpose he selected Churchill,
whom he commissioned to urge the King not to allow
the Parliament to sit again until the excitement stirred
up by Titus Oates and his party had subsided, but
to make an alliance with France whereby subsidies
might be obtained without any need of a Parliament,
and he told Churchill to point out to the King1 "that
matters were come to such a head that the Monarchy
must be either more absolute or abolished ".
To only one of these requests would Charles
listen, namely that of an alliance with France, and he
desired Churchill to ask James to sound the French
as to the terms they were prepared to offer. This
exposed James to the danger of being accused of
negotiating with France to the injury of England.
At this period, the French Ambassador looked
upon James as a very doubtful friend to France, if not
as an actual enemy. James's advice to his brother to
1 James's Memoirs, pp. 659, 660.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 271
make war on France, some years earlier, was known
and by no means forgotten.1 In a letter written on
5th December, 1680, by Barillon to Louis XIV.,
Barillon says that he had told Montague " that as
regards the Duke of York, his past conduct frees
your Majesty from all you might have done for him
if he had persisted in the first engagements which he
had formed ; that at present your Majesty had too
much prudence to charge yourself with the protection
of a Prince against whom all England seemed to be
united ".
Considering the confidence afterwards placed by
James in Sunderland, it is a curious fact that in the
year with which we have lately been dealing (1680)
James should have said in a letter to Hyde : "I am
very glad to find his Majesty continues to be ill with
Lord Sunderland and Lord Essex : I think he is in
the right and I know not why there should be any
time lost in putting both of them out of their places ".
Sunderland was then a man of about forty. He
had been Ambassador at Madrid and at Paris, and
he was a Privy Councillor. Even at this time he
was subsidised by Louis XIV., and was also acting
in the interests of the Prince of Orange.
In May, 1680, when Henry Sidney was return
ing to Holland, his nephew, Sunderland, urged him
"to use his uttermost endeavours with the Prince
{of Orange) to come over," adding; "without him
1 See Dalrymple's Memoirs.

272 ADVENTURES OF
nothing can be done ; if he does come he will answer
for it he will have more credit with the King than
anybody ". And Sunderland's wife, in her letters to
Sidney, keeps harping upon the necessity of the
Prince of Orange putting in an appearance at the
English court, meaning pretty clearly as a pretender
to the Crown in case of the exclusion of the Duke of
York. English politics were at that time in a very
complicated condition; it was doubtful to whom
the Crown of England would go when Charles II.
died, and Sunderland, like many others, wished to
be in favour with the new King, Queen, or Power,
whoever or whatever he, she, or it might be. He
was a keen and able politician, and a clever and un
scrupulous diplomatist. Among non-political vices,
his favourite was gambling.
"My Lord," 1 wrote his wife to Henry Sidney,
her husband's uncle, " has fallen again to play to a
more violent degree than ever, all day and night.
It makes the horridest noise in the world ; 'tis talked
of in all the coffee-houses, and 'tis for such vast
sums ... he plays for £5,000 in a night at la
Basset." This future trusted servant of James LI. voted
for his exclusion from the Throne in the year 1680.
In the following year the Parliament sat at Oxford,
and debated over another Exclusion Bill. Ann-
1 Diary ofthe Times of Charles IL, vol. ii., p. ioq,

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 273
papal excitement was increased, in this debate, by
the reading of some evidence, given by an Irish
man named Fitz Harris, of a fresh Popish plot ; and
although Fitz Harris was afterwards hanged for his
perjury in this very evidence, it, for the moment,
sufficiently fanned the fire of Protestant zeal to
make the passing of the Exclusion Bill extremely
probable. At this King Charles became alarmed. It
was clear to his mind that the Parliament was
bent on passing an Exclusion Bill of some sort ;
and each new Exclusion Bill introduced was more
exclusive than the last ; so he determined on a des
perate remedy. Without the slightest warning, he
dissolved Parliament. Shaftesbury was so enraged
that he completely lost his head and called upon his
friends to keep their seats and join with him in sign
ing a protest against the dissolution : but his efforts
were in vain, and this exhibition of temper and dis
loyalty confirmed his own ruin, if it did not bring it
about. On the other hand, this act of firmness on the
part of the King was, all things considered, wonder
fully successful ; although it practically placed him
in open conflict with his Parliament. He now ap
pealed to the nation against the factious conduct of
the Commons, and the response was an outburst of
loyalty which enabled him to overcome his enemies.
Shaftesbury was sent to the Tower on a charge of
suborning witnesses to give false evidence against
18

274 ADVENTURES OF
the Queen and the Duke of York ; but he was
afterwards allowed to fly the country, and he died
abroad.
While all these affairs affecting his interests were
in progress in England, the Duke of York was not
idle in his place of exile. He gave much and care
ful attention to the commercial and maritime interests
of Scotland ; he put an end to many of the nefarious
extortions of Lauderdale's officials, thereby incurring
the enmity of that corrupt Duke and his Duchess,
and he made several progresses to the principal
towns. On those progresses he received royal
honours and a hearty popular welcome wherever
he went. Even so hostile a historian as Burnet
says of his rule in Scotland : 1 "In matters of justice
he showed an impartial temper, and encouraged all
propositions relating to trade ".
Possibly his rule may have become rather more
stern during his second residence in Scotland than
it had been during the first ; but the horrible story
of his witnessing, and taking a pleasure in witnessing,
the infliction of torture, eagerly accepted by Macaulay,
who always wrote of James as if he were a prisoner
at the bar against whom he held a brief for the
prosecution, is unsupported by any evidence worth
having. Yet severe punishments were undoubtedly
inflicted, during his rule in Scotland, upon the
Presbyterians and Nonconformists, not because of
^History, vol. i., p. 570.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 275
their religion, but on account of their disloyalty.
Against the moderate Presbyterians he entertained
no ill feeling ; but the extreme party, and that a
large one, disowned the King's authority as well as
that of everybody who would not subscribe to the
Solemn League and Covenant. The leaders of
these insurgents were two men, named Cargill and
Cameron ; and there was some fighting, followed
by very severe punishments, as was usual in those
times in cases of open rebellion.
There is no evidence, however, of personal
vindictiveness on the part of James. On the con
trary his own leanings seem to have been quite in
the opposite direction.
While the English Parliament was discussing a
Bill to exclude the Duke of York from the succes
sion, the Scotch Parliament was passing an Act
asserting his rights, and declaring that no difference
in religion could divert those rights.
Some pressure, however, must have been brought
to bear upon James, either by his Scottish Council
or by the King himself, to induce him to consent
to the passing of a Test Act, which practically ex
cluded both Catholics and all Nonconformists from
holding office under the Crown. The first man
of importance to get into trouble through this
Test Act was the Earl of Argyle, the leader of
the extreme fanatics. When being sworn in as a
Commissioner of the Treasury, he only took the
Test oath with explanations. James was inclined
18 *

276 ADVENTURES OF
to accept those explanations ; but, until further orders
should come from the King, he thought it best to tell
Argyle to place himself voluntarily under arrest in
Edinburgh Castle. The King's Advocate, however,
took the matter very much more seriously and ac
cused Argyle of high treason. To the surprise
of James, the court found him guilty, and King
Charles granted permission that judgment should
follow, ordering that the execution was not to take
place until he sent further commands. Probably
it would never have taken place ; but Argyle es
caped from his prison in the disguise of a page
of his daughter-in-law, Lady Sophia Lindsay, and
fled to Holland.1 Some of the Council were for
having Lady Sophia (by whose strategy he escaped)
whipped through the streets of Edinburgh, but the
Duke prevented it by saying that "they were not
used to deal so with Ladys in his Country ".
The attention of James was presently turned to
another subject. Hyde, son of the late Chancellor,
Clarendon, was sent to Edinburgh by Charles,2 "to
tell the Duke in plain termes, that unless he would
conforme and go to Church, he must expect no
leave to return to Court, nor could his Majesty, he
sayd, support him any longer, but on that condition,
that he had struggled hard to defend him hithertoo,
but that now, without his complyance herein, not
only he but the King himself must be inevitably
1 James's Memoirs, p. 710. 2 Ibid., p. 699.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 277
ruined ". For two or three days, Hyde endea
voured " to press his Royal Highness with all
manner of arguments to swallow if possible this
bitter pill"; but without effect. At last he "pulled
a paper out of his poket writ by the King himself,
profering, that in case he would promis to go to
Church without doeing more, he should have libertie
to come to Court". Yet James stood steadfast.
In addition to his political anxieties, James had
the sorrow of losing his infant daughter, the little
Princess Isabella, who died in her fifth year, far
away from her father and mother, at St. James's
Palace. As James says, of himself and his wife, "it
was the more afflicting to both, because they had not
the satisfaction of seeing and assisting her in her
sickness ; but those hardships were the unavoidable
sequels of their uneasy banishment and cruel perse
cution ".
The northern climate did not agree with the
Italian constitution of the Duchess of York, and
James ordered Churchill to ask the King's permis
sion to send her to Tunbridge Wells or Bath ; but
Charles would not give his consent. Halifax feared
that it would be dangerous to the Crown of King
Charles himself to allow either the Duke or the
Duchess of York to return to England, so long
as James remained a Catholic. James's return to
England, however, was brought about from a. very
unexpected and apparently unlikely quarter.

CHAPTER XVIII.
The Duchess of Portsmouth began to realise that
the King's life was not a very good one, and, owing
to her partisanship with the enemies of the Duke of
York, she feared that she would have little to hope
for in the next reign, if James ascended the throne.
Anxious to provide for her own future, she made the
modest suggestion to the King that he should invest
,£ 100,000 in her name, in foreign securities. The
King refused, for the simple reason that he had
not got the money. Then the Duchess consulted
Sunderland, who proposed a way out of the difficulty.
Let her ask the King, said he, to grant an annuity
of ,£5,000 a year, for fifty years, out of the income
received by the Duke of York from the Post Office,
and settle it upon herself, or to the person to whom
she might give it. Then let her sell the right to this
annuity, and she would probably obtain the desired
,£100,000 as its purchase money.
The Duchess of Portsmouth unhesitatingly made
this proposition to the King and she took Sunder
land with her to explain its details. Sunderland
had been for some little time out of favour and out
of office ; but his clever scheme for satisfying the
278

DUCHESS OF PORTSMOUTH,
BY SIR PETER LELY,

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 279
rapacious mistress, without completely clearing out
the King's privy purse, pleased Charles so much
that he received Sunderland into favour again, and
shortly afterwards replaced him as Secretary of
State.1 To complete the proposed financial negotiation,
however, the Duke of York's presence was abso
lutely necessary, as he would have to go through the
form of consenting to be relieved of the incubus of
.£5,000 a year, and a message to that effect was
despatched to him in Scotland. He was delighted
at the opportunity thus afforded of coming to Eng
land and to his brother ;2 and he was " too sencible
of the Duchess of Portsmouth's power to think he
could purchass her favour too dear ". Therefore he
hastened to England, although "all this while" he
" knew very well his revenue was so settled that
nothing but an Act of Parliament could alienate any
part of it, which he took care not to mention to any
living soul ". So far as this transaction is concerned,
we may dispose of it at once by saying that eventu
ally the scheme failed, and that in its stead it was
arranged that Charles should pay to the Duchess
,£10,000 out of each quarter's allowance that he
received from Louis XIV., until she had received in
all ,£100,000. The nation was greatly surprised to hear of the
1 Dalrymple's Memoirs, part i., pp. 16 et seq. ; also Lingard's
History, vol. x., p. 27, and James's Memoirs, vol. i., p. 724.
2 James's Memoirs, p. 724.

280 ADVENTURES OF
arrival of the Duke of York at Newmarket. Andrew
Marvell wrote of his return : — l
My insolent brother shall bear all the sway,
If Parliaments murmur, I'll send him away,
And call him again as soon as I may.
A reaction of popular feeling nevertheless set
in, in James's favour. On the ioth of March, 1682,
he landed at Yarmouth "the seamen running up to
their necks in water to receive him. His arrival
at Newmarket put every one into an ecstasy." 2 His
brother seemed delighted to see him ; and he was
privately informed that he would be allowed to live
henceforth in England. As soon as the business
for which he had come had been disposed of, he
started for Scotland to fetch his Duchess.
Early in May, 1682, a time of year when a fine
and successful voyage might fairly be expected,
James sailed for Scotland on board a frigate called
The Gloucester. Through some misadventure, ac
cording to one authority owing to James's insisting
on a course being taken in opposition to the advice
of the pilot ; but, according to others, owing to the
obstinacy of the pilot in not obeying the orders of
James, himself an experienced sailor and very familiar
with the coast of Suffolk, a serious catastrophe took
place in an early part of the voyage.3 When James
1 Poems on Affairs of State, vol. i., p. 251.
2 Sir N. W. Throckmorton's MSS., Hist. MSS. Comm., Tenth
Rep., Appendix, 176.
3 Letter of Lord Dartmouth to Erasmus Lewis, Dalrymple's
Memoirs, part i., p. 128 ; Life of fames II, Knapton, pp. 68, 69 ;

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 281
was asleep in his berth at half-past five on a Sunday
morning, he was awakened by the violent striking
of the ship's hull upon the dangerous sand called the
Lemon and Ore. When he got on deck he found
that the ship, after several severe concussions, had
sprung a leak, that her rudder was broken, and that
there were eight feet of water in her hold. Sir John
Berry, the captain of the ship, states that he urged
James to get into his barge and leave the ship at
once, but that James refused, hoping that the vessel
might yet be saved. In spite of pumping and
baling, it was soon clear that she must inevitably
go down, whereupon Captain Berry again pressed
James to leave her.
It was only, says Lord Dartmouth, when " my
father, finding she was ready to sink, told him that
if he stayed any longer, they should be obliged to
force him out,'' that James consented to leave the
sinking ship and to get into his boat. When he did
so, he insisted upon a heavy box being put into it.
Dartmouth asked James whether there was anything
in it worth a human life, to which James replied that
it contained papers of such importance to the King
and to himself, that he would rather lose his own
life than that they should be lost. Then he called
Letter of Sir John Berry, Commander of The Gloucester, in Cor
respondence of Henry Hyde, vol. i., p. 71 ; Strickland's Queens, vol.
ix., pp. 137 et seq.; Burnet's History, vol. i., p. 523; Peterborough
in the Mordaunt Genealogies; also Memorials of Mary of Modena;
and Ellis's Letters, second series, vol. iv., pp. 67 et seq.

282 ADVENTURES OF
upon several of his attendants to follow him into
the boat. Bishop Burnet mendaciously says : " The
Duke got into a boat and took care of his dogs
and some unknown persons, who were taken from
that earnest care of his to be priests. The long
boat went off with few, though she might have car
ried above eighty more than she did."
The latter statement is in direct contradiction to
the evidence of the eye-witness, Sir Thomas Dick,
Lord Provost of Edinburgh,1 who was himself in
the boat in question. He says: "There leaped
from the shrouds about twenty or twenty-four sea
men, which made all the spectators and ourselves to
think we would sink, and all having given us over
for lost, did hinder an hundred more from leaping
in upon us. With those that were left was Lord
Roxburgh," and several others whom he mentions.
" They all being at the place where I jumped would
not follow because it seems they concluded it more
safe to stay in the vessel than to expose themselves
to our hazard. . . . We were so thronged we had
no room to stand."
As to the priests, Mary of Modena, who heard
the whole story from James and would naturally be
interested in the priests on board, only mentions
one, her own almoner, as saved ; and he was not
taken into the boat, but saved himself by clinging
to a plank.
1 Letter of Dick to Ellis, 9th May, 1682, Ellis's Letters,
second series, vol. iv., pp. 67 et seq.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 283
Respecting Burnet's assertion that the Duke
saved his pet dogs, Lord Dartmouth writes : "I
believe the reflection upon the Duke for his care of
the dogs to be as ill-grounded ; for I remember a
story, which was in everybody's mouth at that time,
of a struggle that happened for a plank between Sir
Charles Scarboro and the Duke's dog Mumper,
which convinces me that the dogs were left to take
care of themselves, as he did, if there were any on
board ".
When the boat had gone a little distance from
the sinking ship, James saw the Marquess of Mon
trose, who had thrown himself into the sea, strug
gling against the waves. At once James ordered
the boat to be brought to, and that the Marquess
should be rescued. Those on board protested that
to do so would be to endanger all their lives ; but
James insisted and Montrose was saved.
Shortly afterwards, a man in the sea clung to
the side of the boat and begged to be taken in.
James recognised in the suppliant a very indifferent
musician. One of the rowers had raised his oar to
push the man away, when James peremptorily com
manded that he should be taken on board. "He
is a poor fiddler enough," said James ; " but we will
save him ! "
Unfortunately the rescued violin-player over
heard this remark disparaging his music, was deeply
offended, became a bitter enemy of the man who
saved his life, and was one of the first to offer his

284 ADVENTURES OF
services to the Prince of Orange after his landing
in England. The loss of life through the sinking of The Glou
cester was very large, probably between a hundred
and fifty and two hundred. To the widow of every
seaman who was drowned on the occasion James
gave eleven months' pay, as well as a sum of money
for every child of a sailor thereby made an orphan.1
Five or six days after reaching Edinburgh,
James re-embarked with his wife and sailed for
London, where he received an affectionate welcome
from his brother and an ovation from the public.
Dryden rejoiced over their return in rather too
optimistic a vein : —
No more shall faction civil discords move,
Or only discords of too tender love :
Discords that only this dispute shall bring —
Who best shall love the Duke or serve the King.
Meantime the party opposed to the Duke of
York were not idle. The Duchess was near her
confinement, and it was confidently put about that,
if the child should be a daughter, arrangements had
been made for substituting a boy in its stead. As
it happened a girl was born, but it lived only a few
weeks. The Duchess of Portsmouth now considered it
to her interest to seek the favour of the Duke of
York : but she was ready to act against his interests
1 Loyal Protestant, Nos. 189, 193; Lingard's History, vol. x,t
p. 28, note,

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 285
at any moment, and she played fast and loose with
him to the end of the reign of Charles II.
Foe to England, Spy to France,
False and foolish, proud and bold,
Ugly, as you see, and old,
a contemporary ballad described her. Sunderland
was now acting in her interests, and she considered
it wise to reconcile him not only to the King but
also to the Duke of York. With what momentous
consequences that reconciliation was fraught for
James is but too well known! It was a reconcilia
tion more ruinous to his career than perhaps any
other event in the course of his life.
But this reconciliation was not entirely the Duch
ess of Portsmouth's doing. James's brother-in-law,
Hyde, also had a hand in it. Sir John Reresby
wrote that1 Halifax had informed him how Hyde,
now Lord Rochester, "had lately brought my Lord
Sunderland to be Secretary by engaging the Duke
of York for him, who now seemed kinder to that
Lord (Sunderland), who had done all he could
against him in the late Parliament, than to his
Lordship (Halifax), who did all he could to serve
him, and had most considerably opposed the passing
of the Bill of Exclusion". Historians have accused
James of being unforgiving. No charge could be
more unjust. As we have just seen, he forgave
Sunderland and received him into favour with im-
1 Memoirs, p. 269

286 ADVENTURES OF
prudent readiness. As we shall presently see, he
forgave Monmouth, he offered to hear all that could
be said in favour of Lord William Russell, and
he showed a very forgiving spirit to the Duchess
of Portsmouth. When even his arch-enemy Shaftes
bury asked his pardon, and begged his friendship,
he replied : " that he knew him too well to trust
him in anything relating to himself, but if he would
make such submission to his Majesty as became him,
and give convincing proofs of a true conversion, he
would take him willingly by the hand ; for that if
the greatest enemie he had in the world (which he
tooke him to be) would become a dutifull subject to
the King, he could easily overlook the injuries done
to himself, and readily forgive them with all his
heart".1 Now that James was established at St. James's
Palace, Monmouth thought it wiser to keep out of
London ; and he went into the country, making a
sort of royal progress, even touching for the evil at
Liverpool. Reports of his proceedings reached the
King. A semi-royal progress was bad enough : but
to touch for the evil ! — even the easy-going Charles
could not stand that. The impudence of his dearly
beloved bastard in assuming the most precious pre
rogative of royalty touched him to the quick. He
sent orders that the perpetrator of this blasphemous
parody of what was then considered to be a holy rite
James's Memoirs, pp. 734, 735.

RYE HOUSE.

PROM AN OLD PRINT.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 287
should be arrested and brought to London. When
he arrived in London, he was liberated on bail.
The discontents became desperate at seeing the
Duke of York again in high favour with the King,
and they began to make fresh plots against him. At
a farm called the Rye House, on the road from
London to Newmarket, meetings were held by those
prepared to take disloyal action. Lords Essex,
William Russell, Grey, and Howard of Escrick were,
or were reputed to have been, among the conspira
tors. Monmouth and the self-exiled Earl of Argyle
were asked to join in a rising, and it is said to have
been proposed to assassinate the two royal brothers.
The plot was discovered, some of the minor conspira
tors became King's evidence, and many arrests were
made, among them being those of Lord Essex, Lord
William Russell, and Lord Howard of Escrick who
at the trials betrayed his associates.
The evidence that Lord William Russell had been
present at meetings of the conspirators was clear ;
he even admitted it ; but he denied having con
sented to the plot to assassinate the King and the
Duke of York, and the evidence on this point was
very weak and doubtful.
Lord William was condemned to death. His
father, the Earl of Bedford, had been one of the
principal supporters of the Exclusion Bills, he had
had almost as much to do with the fierce opposition
to the Duke of York as had Shaftesbury ; in short,
he had been one of James's most relentless enemies.

288 ADVENTURES OF
Yet now, in the hope of saving his son's life, he
appealed to the heir to the Crown, whose ruin he
had so zealously attempted. Candidly admitting
his former antagonism, he declared that it had pro
ceeded from no personal animosity, but from what he
had honestly believed to be the interests of his faith
and country, and he promised " never any more to
meddle in the least opposition to his royal highness ".
James readily and generously consented to listen to
any just pleas that could be put forward on behalf of
Lord William ; but, when the same request was made
to his brother, the King impatiently refused to listen,
saying : " If I do not take his life, he will soon have
mine ". The Earl of Bedford, through the Duchess
of Portsmouth, offered ,£50,000 — some say .£100,000
— to the King for hisjson's life. Charles replied : " I
will not sell my own and my subject's blood at so
cheap a rate ". Lord William Russell met his death
with great fortitude.
The King, one day, asked James to accompany
him to the Tower of London. They had been there
some little time, when news was brought to them
that a terrible tragedy had just occurred within its
walls. Lord Essex had committed suicide ! The
subsequent piece of gossip that he was assassinated
by the orders of the royal brothers, while they were
in the Tower, is scarcely worthy of mention. Besides
Lord Howard, another informer was provided in
Monmouth. When his conspiracy in the Rye House
plot had been proved, he obtained forgiveness from

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 289
both Charles and James, and "named all the persons
concerned with him in " the plot ; with one imma
terial exception, adding many details. " Then he
promised that, if James should ever ascend the
throne, he would be the first to draw the sword to
defend the King's rights, if occasion should so re
quire." After this interview, Charles never again
saw Monmouth, whose further conduct so exasper
ated the King, that he banished him from the
country.1 About the year 1683, we find the first symptoms
of differences of opinion between James and his son-
in-law, the Prince of Orange. William of Orange
had always distrusted the Peace of Nimeguen, by
which France had kept most of her new conquests
in the Spanish Netherlands, the County of Burgundy
and some imperial towns in Alsace. That, however,
had not justified the Prince of Orange in attacking
the French near Mons, when he was actually carrying
the signed Peace in his pocket.
Although the Netherlands had revolted and freed
themselves from the yoke of Spain, the United
Provinces and Spain had now been for a long
time allies ; and William of Orange encouraged
Spain to withstand any further encroachments from
Louis XIV., who was then at the zenith of his
power. Charles II., on the other hand, was practically
in the pay of Louis XIV., and James realised that the
1 James's Memoirs, pp. 742, 743.
19

290 ADVENTURES OF
security of his own Throne, if he ever ascended
one, might very possibly depend upon the support
of France. On 14th August, 1683, James wrote from Windsor
to the Prince of Orange : 1 Though we differ in our
opinions as to affairs on your side of the water (which
I am sorry for), that shall not alter my kindness to
you. For people may be very good friends, I
think, though they may differ in point of judgment
as well in matter of state, as religion." In subsequent
letters, he protested against the hostile attitude as
sumed by Spain and the United Provinces towards
France. Another source of discord arose between James
and William. In May, 1684, James wrote2 to the
Prince, noticing his cordial reception of the Duke of
Monmouth, "after his having been engaged in so
horrid a conspiracy,3 for the alteration of the Govern
ment, and ruin of our family". And, a few days
later, he wrote to his daughter, the Princess of
Orange : " I must tell you it scandalizes all loyal and
monarchical people here to know how well the Prince
lives with, and how civil he is to, the Duke of
Monmouth. . . . Let the Prince flatter himself as he
pleases, the Duke of Monmouth will do his part to
have a push with him for the crown. ... It will
become you very well to speak to him of it."
By the following October, the friction had in-
1 Dalrymple's Memoirs, vol. i., p. 108.
2 Ibid., pp. 118, 119. 3The Rye House Plot.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 291
creased ; and James wrote to William : x " Pray
consider whether he (the King) has had reason to
be satisfied with several things you have done for
some time past. I could say more upon this subject,
but am not encouraged to do it, since I have found
that you have had so little consideration for things
I have said to you, which I thought of concern to
our family, though you did not."
Charles, who had insisted upon Princess Anne,
the daughter of James, being brought up a Protes
tant, determined to marry her to a Protestant hus
band. For this purpose, he selected Prince George,
the brother of the King of Denmark. Lingard
says : " his religion constituted the sole merit of that
Prince"; and Evelyn wrote of him: "he has the
Danish countenance, blonde — of few words, spake
French but ill, seemed somewhat heavy, but is re
ported to be valiant ". James did not like either
the match or the man, but was helpless in the
matter. Unlike her sister's private bed-chamber marriage,
Anne's was a brilliant affair in St. James's Chapel ;
but, like Mary's, it took place at night, at ten o'clock,
on 28th July, 1683.
Another domestic incident in the life of the
Duke of York demands some notice, at this time,
namely, the arrival for the first time at the English
Court, in 1684, of his illegitimate son, James Fitz
1 Dalrymple's, Memoirs, p. 125.
19 *

292 ADVENTURES OF
James, a boy of fourteen. As stated above, this
lad's mother had been the maid-of-honour, Arabella,
daughter of Sir Winston Churchill, and sister to John
Churchill, page-of-honour to the Duke of York, and
afterwards first Duke of Marlborough. James Fitz
James, with his brother Henry, had been brought
up at Catholic colleges in France. Charles II.
ordered them to come to England for their holidays
in 1 684 ; and he offered to ennoble the eldest : ' but
the Duke of York refused, probably out of considera
tion for the feelings of his wife, who greatly disliked
the public appearance of her husband's illegitimate
children at the English court, and strongly objected
to their even bearing the surname of Fitzjames.
After the holidays, to the relief of the Duchess of
York, the two boys were sent back to France.
An extraordinary change now took place in the
position of James. Charles not only consulted him
in everything, but also threw upon him as much
of the labour of Government as was possible. As
Macpherson says : 2 " The Duke of York to whom
business was pleasure, managed the State, and left
his brother to his indolence and ease". Bishop
Burnet corroborates this evidence,3 observing that
the Duke "had got the whole management of affairs,
English as well as Scottish, into his hands. . . . The
King had scarce company about him to entertain
1 In 1687 James created him Duke of Berwick,
2 History of Great Britain, vol. i., p. 419,
s History, vol i., p. 382.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 293
him, when the Duke's levees and couchees were so
crowded that the antichambers were full. . . . Waller,
the celebrated wit . . . said the House of Commons
resolved that the Duke should not reign after the
King's death : but the King in opposition to them
was resolved he should reign even during his life."
Although James was now in favour, in power,
and to some extent popular, there was a strong
undercurrent of opposition to himself and to his
rule. A contemporary piece of doggerel 1 laments
that King Charles
Whispers with knaves, and jests all day with fools,
Is chid to Council like a boy to school ;
False to mankind, and true to him alone,
Whose treason still attempts his life and crown.
Rouse up and cry, No slavery, No York,
And free your King from that devouring Stork.
Halifax was plotting at the same time against
the Duke of York, against Sunderland, against the
Duchess of Portsmouth, and against the Duke of
York's brother-in-law, Hyde, whose advancement to
the peerage under the title of Earl of Rochester,
had aroused his jealousy. Perceiving his own de
clining influence, Halifax was endeavouring to effect
a reconciliation between Charles and his son, Mon
mouth, and it was, to a large extent, through his
influence and letters that Monmouth was so well
received in Holland, especially by the Prince of
Orange. 1 Poems on Affairs of State, vol. i., p. 165.

294 ADVENTURES OF KING JAMES II.
About the time with which we are now deal
ing, a fortune-teller came to the court,1 and James
happened to enter the chamber in which the pro
phet was being consulted by several of the courtiers.
The Duke desired the man to tell him his for
tune. The fortune-teller presently foretold that James
" should come to be King ; but that he should
reign but a little while, for he should be betrayed
by one that walked in the next room. The gentle
man walking was John Churchill (now Duke of
Marlborough), and great notice was taken of the
thing. But, says the Duke, I desire to reign no
longer than till I am betrayed by Churchill ; he
reposing, it seems, great confidence in him, though
it happened according to the fortune-teller's predic
tion ; for he was betrayed by Churchill."
1 Reliquice Hearniance, p. 247.

CHAPTER XIX.
Great events were now impending. John Evelyn
was at Whitehall on the evening of Sunday, ist Feb
ruary, 1685. "I can never forget," he says, "the
inexpressible luxury and prophanenesse, gaming and
all dissoluteness, and as it were total forgetfulness
of God (it being Sunday evening), which ... I was
witness of, the King sitting and toying with his con
cubines, Portsmouth, Cleaveland, and Mazarine, &c,
a French boy singing love songs, in that glorious
gallery, whilst about 20 of the greate courtiers and
other dissolute persons were at Basset round a large
table, a bank of at least 2000 in gold before them."
The next morning the Court had something
more serious to think of. King Charles II. fell on
the floor in an apoplectic fit, after dressing. His
doctors bled him, they forced open his clenched
teeth, they poured an emetic down his throat, and
they held a hot iron to his head. Such were the
remedies used for the comfort of invalids in those
days ! The Duke of York was with his brother
immediately after his fall, and the Queen came in
shortly afterwards, followed by the Duchess of York.1
1 Barillon, 12th and 14th February. And also Account of
the Death of Charles II., by a Nun of Chaillot, written from the
words of James II. and his Queen. 295

296 ADVENTURES OF
When they had all been with the King some
time, the Queen whispered to the Duchess of York :
" My sister, let me beg you to tell the Duke, who
knows the King's opinions about religion as well
as I do, that I implore him to take advantage of
any opportunity that may occur of speaking to him
about it ".
The King was now in great pain, and the Queen
becoming hysterical, was led out of the room. It
was not until an hour later, that the Duchess was
able to give her husband the Queen's message, when
he replied : "I think of nothing else ! " Very likely.
But what could he do? If his brother wished for a
priest, there was nothing to prevent him from asking
for one. James knew that some years earlier Charles
had expressed his intention of becoming a Catholic,
but he had never done so, and since James had been
a Catholic, Charles had frequently pressed him to
return to the Established Church of the country.
Had he then any reasons for supposing that his
brother now wished to be received into the Catholic
Church ? The Queen's wish, expressed that morning,
was no sign of any such wish on the part of the King
himself. The Archbishop of Canterbury and four other
Anglican Bishops were constantly with Charles,
and one or other of them remained in his bedroom
throughout the night. Early on Thursday morn
ing, Ken, Bishop of Bath and Wells, took advantage
of a favourable opportunity to warn the King of

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 297
his danger, and was encouraged by the resignation
shown by Charles to read the Office for the Visita
tion of the Sick. When told that confession was
a matter, not of obligation, but of choice, Charles
was silent ; but, when asked whether he repented
of his sins, he assented. Ken then read the form
of absolution and asked the King whether he would
receive communion. Charles at first was silent.
When the question was repeated, he replied that
there was still time enough for that. Bread and
wine were then brought in, and preparations were
made for celebrating. Ken repeatedly asked per
mission to administer the sacrament ; but all that
could be got from Charles was that he " would think
of it ".
The Queen sent a message to the King, asking
his forgiveness for any offence she might have com
mitted against him. " Alas ! Poor Woman ! " said
Charles. " She beg my pardon ? I beg hers, with
all my heart." l Presently she came in and sat be
side him ; but, in her sorrow and anxiety, she was
speechless. The Duchess of Portsmouth was no saint ; but
she was no infidel. Like the devils, she believed,
although we have no evidence as to whether she
trembled. She was in short the aristocratic proto
type of the woman of a lower position in life, de
scribed by Cardinal Newman, who, said he, would go
1 Ellis's Letters, vol. iii., p. 337.

298 ADVENTURES OF
to church, genuflect before the Blessed Sacrament,
and then pick the pocket of the person sitting next
to her. In the course of the day, after Dr. Ken had
spoken to the King, the Duchess of Portsmouth
asked the French Ambassador to go to the Duke
of York,1 who, she most unwarrantably declared, was
thinking only about his own interests, and to urge
him to consider his brother's soul. " I cannot with
decency enter the room," said she — Bishop Burnet
falsely stated that she attended the King's death
bed — " besides that, the Queen is almost constantly
there." She also said : " Monsieur the Ambas
sador, I am going to tell you the greatest secret in
the world, and my head would be in danger if it
was known. The King of England is at heart a
Catholic." Like the Duchess of Portsmouth, no saint, Barillon
like her had faith. He at once determined to tell the
Duke of York what the Duchess had said ; and as he
had the entrde to the King's bedchamber, he was
soon in James's presence. To make an excuse for
taking him into another apartment was not so easily
or so quickly done ; but done it was, at last.
That the Duchess of Portsmouth was better ac
quainted than any one else with his brother's inner
most mind and opinions, James knew only too well.
He had feared that his brother had lost all desire
1 Barillon's Letter to Louis XIV., 18th February, 1685,
Dalrymple's Memoirs, vol. i., appendix to part i., pp. 153, 154.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 299
to enter the Catholic Church, but here was pretty
clear evidence to the contrary. " There is no time
to lose," said he to Barillon. " I will hazard all
rather than not do my duty in such a matter." The
question remained how they were to proceed. " We
thought of various expedients," says Barillon. It
was getting late, the hour being between six and
seven in the evening. Many courtiers and some
Anglican bishops were in the King's bedchamber.
Devices were suggested for clearing the room ; but
James, without doing so, and, while some twenty
people were standing at a short distance, bent over
his brother and whispered into his ear the question
whether he would like to see a priest, and be received
into the Catholic Church. Charles's malady had
made him rather deaf and it was some time before
he could be made to hear this question. When he
did so, he said loudly : " Yes, with all my heart " ;
and then in a low tone : " Please lose no time ". A
moment or two later he added : " But will you not
expose yourself too much by doing it?" "Sir,"
replied James, "though it cost me my life, I will
bring a priest to you ! " l
James went into the next room, repeated what
had passed to Count de Castel Malchor and Barillon,
and asked them to find a priest.
Any priest who received a convert into the Cath
olic Church committed the crime of high treason,
1 James's Memoirs, p. 747.

300 ADVENTURES OF
and was liable to all its consequences. It is true
that a Catholic Prince appeared to have his foot
already on the steps of the throne ; but he had
many Protestant enemies, and his succession might
very possibly be opposed, and even prevented by a
revolution. In that case a priest who should be
known to have received the King into the Church
would be in the most imminent peril of his life.
"Though other Priests were sent for," say the
Memoirs, " yet it fortuned none could then be got
but Father Huddleston, a Benedictine Monk who
had been so assistant to His Majesty in making his
escape after the Battle of Worcester." Huddleston
"had contributed to save the King at Boscobel,"
says Ailesbury,1 "and by his industry [Charles] was
hid in the oak tree, and under the boards of the Altar
where he said Mass, at the house of the Pendrells ".
This priest was disguised in a periwig and cloak and
taken up a back staircase to a small room leading
into the King's bedroom. By the irony of fate, he
was brought thither by the notorious Chiffins, whose
mission had too frequently been to bring to the King
nocturnal visitors of a different sex and of a very
opposite character.
When James was told that Father Huddleston
had arrived, he said aloud: "The King wills that
everybody should retire, except the Earls of Bath
and Feversham ". These two peers were the Lord-
1 Memoirs, vol. i., p. 90.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 301
of-the- Bedchamber and the Lord-in- Waiting. When
the rest had withdrawn, the priest was brought in
through a private door, which opened on the right
side of the King's bed. James introduced him by
saying : "Sir, this worthy man once saved your
life. He now comes to save your soul." Throwing
himself on his knees at the bedside, Huddleston
offered his services to the dying King.
James's Memoirs give an account of what fol
lowed. Charles received Father Huddleston " with
great joy and satisfaction, telling him he desired to
die in the faith and Communion of the Catholic
Church ; that he was most heartily sorrie for the
sins of his past life, and particularly for having dif
fered his conversion for so long, that he hoped
nevertheless in the merits of Christ, that he was in
charitie with all the world, pardoned his enemies and
begged pardon of those he had any ways offended,
and that if it pleased God he recovered, he was re
solved by His assistance to amend his life. Then
he proceeded to make a confession of his whole life
with exceeding tenderness of heart."
Then Charles solemnly repeated after the
priest:1 " O, my Lord God, with my whole heart
and soul I detest all the sins of my life past, for
the love of Thee, whom I love above all things,
and I firmly purpose, by Thy holy grace, never to
offend Thee more ! " A Protestant, Lord Ailes-
1 Huddleston's Brief Account, dedicated to Queen Catherine,

302 ADVENTURES OF
bury, confirms Charles's penitence, saying: "The
King made a general confession with a most true
and sincere repentance, weeping and bewailing his
sins, and he received what is styled all the rites of
the Church, and like a true and hearty penitent ".
Father Huddleston then gave him absolution.
As soon as he had been summoned, Huddleston
had asked one of the Queen's Portuguese Carmelite
monks to fetch the Blessed Sacrament and the holy
oil from St. James's Chapel. They had now been
brought into the little ante-room by which Huddle
ston had entered and that priest returned to it, took
the holy oil and gave the King Extreme Unction.
Then he prepared to give him Holy Communion.
Charles raised himself as much as he could and said :
" Let me meet my heavenly Lord in a better posture
than lying on my bed " ; but being desired to lie
quiet, he did so, repeating the act of contrition.
After giving him the Host, Father Huddleston fin
ished the prayers, said a few kind and encouraging
words, and left him, having been with him altogether
about three-quarters of an hour.
After this Charles was wonderfully peaceful, as
even the Protestant Bishop Burnet admits. When
the courtiers were re-admitted, Bishop Ken again
asked the King whether he would like to receive
Communion. Charles quietly replied : " I hope I
have already made my peace with God ". Ken
then knelt down and prayed aloud.
The Queen came in and knelt by the King's

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 303
bed ; and Charles " spoke most tenderly to " her, and
he begged her forgiveness for all his infidelities.
During the night Charles alternately slept and
suffered. About two in the morning, he spoke to
James, called him "the best of friends and brothers,"
and asked his forgiveness. He wished him a long
and prosperous reign, and begged him "to be kind
to his children and not to let poor Nelly starve ".
He asked his brother1 "to take out what he had
in his pocket ". James found it to contain a small
cross "of gold, about three inches long, having on
one side a crucifix enamelled and embossed," etc.
" Within was enchased a little fragment, as was
thought of the true cross, and a latine inscription in
gold and Roman letters." Reprobate as he had
been, Charles seems to have carried this little re
ligious object about with him.
The King suffered a great deal of pain in the
early morning of Friday, 6th February, but he was
quite sensible till about ten o'clock, when he lost
consciousness, and between eleven and twelve he
died. The question may be asked, Why if Charles II.
was to become a Catholic, there should be so much
mystery and concealment? As was said above, it
must be remembered that the priest receiving him
into the Church endangered his life ; for James's
retention of the throne, even if he ascended it,
1 Evelyn's Diary, ioth Sepu, 1685. Evelyn heard King James
tell this anecdote,

304 ADVENTURES OF
was known to be doubtful. Moreover the popular
animosity towards Catholicism was in a highly in
flammatory condition, and it was but too certain
that very little would set it in a blaze. If the news
had gone abroad that the new King had made a
Papist of the late King, on his deathbed, there might
have been a riot, and even such a revolution as to
prevent his ascending the throne. In that case the
priest who reconciled Charles II. would have been
a dead man.
One person at the court, however, made no such
excuses. When Queen Mary, many years after
wards, was describing what had taken place to the
nuns at Chaillot, in the presence of and with the
help of her husband, she frankly said : x " that he
would have done better if he had persuaded his
brother to avow his religion instead of resorting to
so many little expedients about leaving the chamber.
She thought deception very wrong, at such a time,
and on such a subject."
Well ! Ladies are heroic ! But it should be
remembered that those principally concerned had
very little time in which to make up their minds
how to act, in an exceptionally critical and difficult
situation. On the afternoon of the day on which Charles II.
died, James II. received homage, congratulations,
and compliments from all the members of the court :
Chaillot MSS., quoted by Miss Strickland, Queens, vol. ix.,
p. 329.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 305
even from those who had formerly opposed him, and
voted for his exclusion : nor was his accession un-
welcomed by the general public.
On this point however, there is conflicting evi
dence. Burnet says that, when James was pro
claimed King, "it was a heavy solemnity. Few
tears were shed for the former, nor were any shouts
of joy for the present King. A dead silence, but
without any disorder or tumult, followed it through
the streets."1
The following morning, the new King said to his
Council : 2 "I have been reported to have been a
man for arbitrary power, though that is not the only
story which has been made of me. I shall make
it my endeavour to preserve the Government in
Church and State, as it is by law established, I
know the principles of the Church of England are
for Monarchy, and that the members of it have
shewn themselves good and loyal subjects, and
therefore I shall always take care to defend and
support it."
As soon as the first brief and formal meeting of
the Council was over3 the "King was impatient to
assist at his devotions on so extraordinary an occa
sion, so went immediately to Mass with the Queen
in the little chapel at St. James's where ... he
caused the doors to be left open, that all the world
might see, &c".
1 History, vol. i., p. 620. 2 James's Memoirs, vol. ii., p. 3. 3 Ibid.
20

306 ADVENTURES OF
It might be thought that for some years every
body must have known that James was a Catholic,
but, up to Charles's death, many people still clung
to the hope that his actual reception had not yet
taken place, and never would take place. Of his
hearing mass with open doors, Kennet writes 7 "It
was a great surprise to the people of England to see
the King so suddenly and so openly declare himself
a Roman Catholic, when he had never before publicly
professed himself of that Faith ".
•Even among some of those who were well
aware that the King had long been a Catholic, his
worshipping with the door of his chapel open was
considered an outrage against decorum. The French
Ambassador wrote : 2 " Mass is celebrated publicly at
Whitehall, which the King and Queen attend to
gether. The door of the chapel remains open, and
the ante-room is filled with Catholic and Protestants :
the latter retire at the Elevation of the Host, to
avoid kneeling."
On a later occasion, the King gave the Duke of
Norfolk the Sword of State to carry before him to
his chapel. Instead of entering it, the Duke stopped
at the door, when the King said : " Your father would
have gone farther ". " Your Majesty's father," replied
Norfolk, " would not have gone so far." 3
1 Complete History of England (1706), vol. iii., p. 444.
2 Barillon to Louis XIV., ist March, 1685.
3 History 0] the Revolution (pub. in 1725), by Lawrence Echard,
P- 77-

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 307
The funeral of Charles II. was necessarily semi-
private. It " could not be performed with so great
solemnity as some persons expected," say James's
Memoirs, "because his late Majesty dying in, and
his present Majesty professing a different religion
from that of his people ... it was thought more
prudent to doe it in a more private manner, though
at the same time there was no circumstance of State
and pomp omitted, which possebly could be allowed ".
The burial took place at midnight in Westminster
Abbey. The first call paid by the new King, after his
brother's death, was to the Duchess of Portsmouth.1
This is a good instance of the forgiving spirit of
James II., for, although she had lately favoured, or
pretended to favour, his cause with Charles II., she
had for long been his inveterate enemy, and, even
when professing to be his friend, she had been very
treacherous, as James was well aware. Yet he gave
her a pension of .£3,000 a year, as well as one of
,£2,000 a year to her illegitimate son, the Duke of
Richmond. This chapter began with a quotation from the
Diary of John Evelyn, describing the condition of
the court at Whitehall, on the night preceding the
seizure which proved fatal to Charles II. Another
quotation shall now be made from the same Diary.
It was written only ten days later, and it shows
1 Barillon 's Letters.
20 *

308 ADVENTURES OF
how great an alteration had already been made in
the court by the new King and Queen. " The face
of the whole court was exceedingly changed into
a more solemn and moral behaviour : the new King
affecting neither prophaneness nor buffoonery."
Among the Herbert MSS. is a letter in which
the writer says : " On Sunday last, the King, going
to Mass, told his attendants he had been informed
that since his declaring against the disorder of his
household, some had the impudence to appear drunk
in the Queen's presence. ... He advised them at
their peril to observe his orders, which he would see
obeyed." The same letter mentions his discourage
ment of duelling, which had brought about several
tragedies in his brother's reign. " I know a man,"
said King James, " who has fought nine duels, and
yet is a coward, having manifestly shown himself so
during an engagement at sea."
The new King hated buffoonery, drunkenness,
coarse jests, and all " flaunting of immorality," and
from this it might be supposed that he was a pattern
of chastity. Such was not exactly the case ; but this
is a matter which shall be dealt with presently.
After the death of Charles II. King James left
his old home at St. James's Palace, and made White
hall his principal residence ; although he still occa
sionally spent a few nights at St. James's.
The first thing James had to do after finding him
self King of England, was to appoint his Ministers.
His brothers-in-law, the two Hydes, Clarendon and

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 309
Rochester, received his special consideration, favour
and confidence. The Earl of Rochester, he made
his Lord High Treasurer, and the Earl of Claren
don his Lord Privy Seal. Halifax might well
dread James's accession to the Throne ; but, when
he attempted to apologise, the King gracefully told
him that he should forget all his past conduct,
except his opposition to the Bill of Exclusion, and
he made him Lord President, a high honour, but a
somewhat empty one, a post moreover in which
he soon discovered that he was to exercise little
influence. Neither had Godolphin, who had been a
useful Minister to the late King, any reason to
hope for favour from the new ; but James appointed
him Chamberlain to the Queen, to whom he proved
a valuable servant.
None of the Ministers of Charles II. had less
claim to the favour of James II. than the Earl of
Sunderland ; but of all the talents possessed by that
highly gifted politician, none was more remarkable
than the very rare one of converting into trustful
friends those to whom he had been a dangerous
enemy. James yielded to his blandishments and
arguments, and allowed him to retain his post of
Secretary, thereby unconsciously sowing the seeds
of his own ruin. And Sunderland was not content
with turning the King alone from an enemy into
a friend ; he also contrived to change the enmities
of Rochester and Clarendon into friendships.
Sunderland was shrewd enough to perceive that,

310 ADVENTURES OF KING JAMES II.
under the new reign, the favouring of Catholics and
Catholic interests would be the best means of obtain
ing favours from the King. To this end, he flattered
and took into his confidence, or pretended to take
into his confidence, several Catholics, especially two
men who had been faithful servants to James, as
Duke of York, in his days of trouble : one was
Richard Talbot and the other Henry Jermyn. Be
sides these, he made a friend of Edward Petre, a
Jesuit Father, nearly related to the Lord Petre who
had died in the Tower. This was a judicious step
on the part of Sunderland, in his own interest, as
Petre possessed the confidence of the King. And,
to watch over the interests of the Catholics, Sun
derland induced James to consent to the appoint
ment of a secret board, consisting of Lords Arundel,
Belasyse, Powis, and Castlemaine, Jermyn, who was
created Lord Dover, Talbot, later Duke of Tyr
connel, Father Petre, and himself.

CHAPTER XX.
The coronation of James II. took place in Easter
week, 1685. His instinct, naturally economical, ex
hibited itself in curtailing the cavalcade from the
Tower, thereby saving an expenditure of £60,000 ;
but he showed no stinginess in anything required to
make the Queen's coronation magnificent. As the
crown jewels had been plundered by the Round
heads, this was an expensive matter, and more than
£100,000 were spent upon those purchased for
Queen Mary.
The Protestants had lately been scandalised by
the King's hearing mass with open doors : the Cath
olics were now to be scandalised by his taking part
in the Coronation Service in Westminster Abbey,
and by his submitting to be crowned by the Protest
ant Archbishop of Canterbury. The Catholic his
torian, Lingard, says that "he found casuists willing
to pronounce in his favour and to furnish him with a
precedent in the conduct of Sigismund, Prince of
Sweden, who, though a Catholic, had received the
rite of consecration from the Lutheran Archbishop
of Ural ". The King and Queen, of course, did not
receive communion ; nor was the Communion Ser
vice celebrated, neither was the copy of the Protest -
3"

312 ADVENTURES OF
ant Scriptures presented to the King with the usual
exhortation to prize it above all earthly treasures;
but, as Macaulay says, the King "received from
those false prophets " — the Anglican bishops — " the
unction typical of a divine influence, and knelt with
a semblance of devotion, while they called down
upon him that Holy Spirit of which they were, in
his estimation, the malignant obdurate foes". But
it was possible to regard the coronation as a civil
ceremony, and eye-witnesses stated that the King
did not join in any of the prayers ; therefore Macau
lay is too severe, and even unjust, in going on to
say : " Such are the inconsistencies of human nature,
that this man, who, from a fanatical zeal for his
religion, threw away three kingdoms, yet chose to
commit what was little less than an act of apostasy,
rather than forego the childish pleasure of being
invested with the gewgaws symbolical of kingly
power ".
What was looked upon as an evil omen presented
itself when James was crowned. The crown, which
had been made for Charles II., did not fit the new
King's head. It shook and tottered ! Indeed it
had nearly fallen, when Henry Sidney saved it from
doing so by putting his hand on it, as he whispered
to the King : " This is not the first time, your
Majesty, that my family have supported the Crown ".
Yet, even then, the perfidious Sidney was in treason
able correspondence with the Prince of Orange.
This portent alarmed the Queen. Many years

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 313
later she thus mentioned it : x " There was a pressage
that struck us, and every one who observed it ; they
could not make the crown keep firm on the King's
head, it appeared always on the point of falling, and
it required some one to hold it steady ".
As if to make up for the curtailments in the
Coronation Service, the King somewhat increased
the splendour of the preliminaries and of the sub
sequent festivities. There was a revival of the pic
turesque and pretty old custom, a custom which had
long fallen into disuse, of strewing flowers and sweet-
scented herbs before the King and Queen, upon the
blue cloth upon which they walked from West
minster Hall to the Abbey. And, at the banquet
which followed the coronation, several ancient cere
monies, which had fallen into abeyance, were
revived. Soon after the coronation, the King gave a
great example of royal clemency, in ordering that
all prisoners confined for refusing to take the oaths
of allegiance and supremacy should be liberated.'2
This had the effect of setting free, not only some
thousands of Catholics, but also many Dissenters and
twelve hundred Quakers.
Justice, however, had to be considered as well as
mercy. The miscreant, Titus Oates, unquestionably
deserved punishment. He had already been in-
1 Memorials of Mary of Modena, quoted by Miss Strickland,
Queens, vol. ix., p. 169.
2 Lingard's History, vol. x., p. 63.

314 ADVENTURES OF
dieted for perjury, and was awaiting his trial when
Charles II. died. His guilt was proved beyond all
doubt and he was convicted. The court, in passing
sentence, regretted, and regretted justly, that the
law did not permit of his being put to death, as a
punishment for the innocent deaths, or judicial mur
ders, caused by his perjury ; but the court may not
have been so just in the punishment by which it
endeavoured to make up for the technical impossi
bility of inflicting the death penalty : although even
Macaulay admits that " horrible as were the suffer
ings of Oates, they did not equal his crimes ". He
was ordered to be flogged through the streets twice,
to be imprisoned for life, and to be exposed in the
pillory five times every year.
The most powerful monarch in Europe, when
James ascended the throne, was Louis XIV.
Charles had been his pensioner, and the question
arose whether James was now to be his pensioner
in Charles's place. Money was sorely wanted,
Charles's pension was overdue ; and James received
about £60,000 from Louis in the spring of the year
in which he was crowned ; but he never received
anything further during his reign. Louis XIV.
would have been content to subsidise James, if he
would have become his dependant and summoned
no Parliament to make grants of money. James,
however, preferred to be free from any foreign as
sistance, which might possibly entail foreign inter
ference, and he called a Parliament very early in his

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 315
reign, to the great annoyance of Louis XIV. and
of Barillon, his Ambassador.
In Barillon's interesting and entertaining letters
to the King of France, he puts long speeches
into James's mouth which make James appear a
mean sycophant, ready to do anything to please
Louis XIV. for money ; but Lingard was probably
right in regarding the evidence of Barillon with
grave suspicion, or at least in accepting it with very
considerable qualifications ; for James's conduct was
not at all in keeping with the tone he is made to
assume in Barillon's letters.
Louis XIV. was anxious to have the King of
England as an ally, or rather perhaps as a vassal.
The whole of the rest of Europe was hostile to
France. Louis was quarrelling even with the Pope.
He was professedly a tremendous Catholic ; but
Catholicism's chief attraction in his eyes seems to
have been its support of the monarchical principle
and Catholic Monarchs ; and he would have liked
the Pope, as well as the King of England, to be
practically under his suzerainty. The Catholic Em
peror warned the new King of England against
trusting too implicitly in his French neighbour ;
but, without wishing to be his paid mercenary, and
anxious as he was to have a free hand, James
sympathised with the extravagant monarchical ideas
of Louis XIV., and inclined more to an alliance
with France than to an alliance with any other
European country.

316 ADVENTURES OF
The King had summoned a Scottish Parliament,
even earlier than an English, and he had asked it
to set the Southern Parliament -a good example
He had been very popular in Scotland, and the
Scotch were pleased with this mark of confidence.
Their Parliament voted a larger grant to the new
King than it had given to his predecessor. At
the same time, it passed very severe measures
against all opponents, of the Established or An
glican Church, especially against the Presbyterians,
whom the Lord Chancellor described as "the new
sect among us, sprung up from the dunghill, the
very dregs of the people "}
When the English Parliament opened, things
began well. The King had important news to
communicate in his opening speech. Argyle, with
an army of rebels, in Monmouth's interest, had
landed in Scotland ! The Commons assured James
of their loyal support against the invader, and they
imposed duties even beyond his demands. But
friction between the new King and his Parliament
exhibited itself on an early day of the session.
The House resolved itself into a Grand Committee
of Religion and framed a petition requesting the
King to put into execution the penal laws against
all persons not conforming to the Established
Church. James rejected this as an insult, as well
he might. Even Macaulay admits as much. " For,"
1 JCennet's Complete History, vol. iii. p. 447.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 317
says he, " to place a Papist on the throne, and
then to insist on his persecuting to the death the
teachers of that faith on which alone, on his prin
ciples, salvation could be found, was monstrous."
But the loyalty of the Parliament was again
aroused by another rebellious invasion. The Duke
of Monmouth himself landed on the coast of Dor
setshire, at the head of a large body of followers,
and proclaimed James a murderer, the poisoner of
his brother, a regicide and a usurper.
Important as were those events, the rebellions
of Monmouth and Argyle were not adventures in
which James took any but a passive part. It may
be enough to say that, in about a couple of months
from his landing, Argyle was taken prisoner and
executed ; that Monmouth allowed himself to be
proclaimed King at Taunton ; that his little army
was completely routed at Sedgemoor, and that he
was captured in a ditch, in a miserable condition.
Monmouth earnestly begged for an interview
with the King. In his letter, given at length in
James's Memoirs (vol. ii., pp. 332, 333) he not only
promised to prove his loyalty, but added: "could
I say but one word to you, you would be convinced
of it, but it is of that consequence, I dare not doe it,
therefore, Sir, I doe beg of you once more to let me
speak to you ".
James has been severely criticised for granting
the interview. It has been said that he ought not
to have consented to see Monmouth, unless he had

3i8 ADVENTURES OF
determined to pardon him. Macaulay says that "to
see him and not to spare him was an outrage on
humanity and decency". Even the compiler of his
own Memoirs wrote :. " The King suffering his good
nature to overpower his judgment, at last consented
to see him ". But Lingard very justly says : " His
predetermination to refuse the prayer of the criminal
has been assumed without any proof; and the in
terview . . . was reluctantly granted by him, as a
favour to the prayers of Monmouth and of Mon
mouth's intercessors," one of whom, by the way, was
the Queen Dowager, "and on the representation that
the disclosures to be made by the prisoner would
on account of their superior importance cancel his
crimes of treason and usurpation. In such circum
stances, the refusal of the interview might, with
greater reason, have been adduced as a proof of
cruelty." When Monmouth was brought before the King,
however, he had nothing whatever to tell or to dis
close. All he did was to crawl about on his knees
and beg in the most abject manner for mercy. This
being the case, James had no excuse for pardoning
him. As a last resource, Monmouth hinted that, if
allowed to live, he might again become a Catholic.
When he had said this, James offered to send him
a priest but said nothing about pardoning him as a
reward for changing his religion, or rather becoming
reconciled to the religion in which he had been
brought up as a youth. Monmouth, in spite of the

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 319
promises in his letter, having said nothing to show
that he deserved pardon, James had no reason for
granting it. The interview terminated and, in due
course, Monmouth met the fate he so richly deserved.
Unfortunately the consequences of Monmouth's
insurrection did not end with his own very just
execution. Some of the King's officers, more es
pecially a Colonel Kirke, who was afterwards one of
the first of James's officers to desert him for the
Prince of Orange, showed their loyalty by trying
the prisoners taken from Monmouth's force, as
rebels, by martial law, and putting them wholesale
to death. When the King heard of these proceed
ings, he sent peremptory orders to stop them, and
ordered that all prisoners taken with arms, as well
as those who had harboured and encouraged the
insurrectionists, should be tried in due course and
before a civil tribunal, by ordinary law. For this
purpose, he sent a commission of five judges to the
country to hold a special assize and try the prisoners.
James's intention in despatching this commis
sion was excellent ; but the consequence was both
lamentable and disastrous. He was rarely happy
or judicious in his selections for posts of important
trust, and he was singularly unfortunate in the choice
of the leading judge for this assize.
Sir George Jeffreys had proved himself a shrewd
and an intelligent lawyer at the bar. He was quick
at discerning the merits of a cause, and he had
considerable knowledge of the law. But these were

320 ADVENTURES OF
his only virtues. He was servile to men in power,
and his violence and arrogance overpowered his
opponents. For public opinion he cared nothing,
he was most unscrupulously corrupt, and he was a
hard drinker. Such was the man whom Sunderland
had persuaded Charles II. to make a judge and now
induced James II. to take into his confidence, and
place at the head of the commission entrusted with
the trial of the followers and supporters of Monmouth.
The compiler of James's Memoirs says of
Jeffreys, in relation to this commission, "his im
prudent zeal, or as some said, avarice, carrying him
beyond the terms of moderation and mercy, which
was always most agreeable to the King's temper,
so he drew undeservedly a great obloquy upon his
Majesty's clemency, not only in the number but the
manner too of several executions ".
Well might the compiler speak of Jeffreys's
avarice, if it be true that he received a bribe of
£14,500 for saving Mr. Prideaux from prosecution.1
There is abundant evidence that Jeffreys frequently
received bribes for liberating prisoners, and for miti
gating their sentences ; and he is said to have
amassed a very large sum of money over the assize
in question. In the course of that assize, 330 people were
executed as traitors and felons, more than 800 were
transported to act as servants — practically slaves
1 Com. Journ., ist May, 1689, quoted by Lingard, vol. x.,
p. 90, note. See also Kennet, vol. iii., p. 438.

JUDGE JEFFREYS.

BY KNELLER.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 321
— for ten years in the West Indies ; many were
flogged, only few were pardoned.
A Major Holmes, who had fought under Mon
mouth, was brought a prisoner to the Tower. He
was an old man, and had lost a son and an arm
in the brief campaign. On hearing of his case,
James desired to see him. " The King, who loved
courage., even in an enemie," says the compiler of
the Memoirs, "discoursed freely with him, and no
one was more frequently in the King's antichamber,
til it was thought fitt to send him down into the
West, as one who could best informe the Lord Chief
Justice, who were most criminal, and who most de
served mercy ; and that he might doe some service
ere he received his pardon, which was differed (only
for that reason) til after his return ; but instead of
that, the first news the King heard of him was that
he had been hanged with the rest."
When the King questioned Jeffreys, on his re
turn, about "that, and his other severeties," Jeffreys
made plausible excuses for all of them, " with the
pretence of necessary justice". One of James's
greatest faults was, as a contemporary said of him,
that those whom he trusted could do no wrong in
his eyes. Burnet states that James received daily accounts
of the proceedings at the "Bloody Assize": but
Burnet was not in England at the time, and his
statement was made on hearsay. On the other
hand, the Earl of Mulgrave, who had the means of
21

322 ADVENTURES OF
knowing what happened, says that James " compas
sionated his enemies so much, as never to forgive
Jeffreys in executing such multitudes of them in
the West, contrary to his express orders".1 Even
Burnet admits that James pardoned a number of
the convicted prisoners ; and James's Memoirs
state that "his inclinations were no ways bloody,
but ever bent on mercy ; and after all he par
doned thousands on this occasion, who had for
feited both life and estate". As a proof of the
King's leniency, the Memoirs proceed to say
that "the punishments which were performed in
London, under the King's own eye, were much
more moderate," and several instances are given of
traitors having been pardoned and even of having
been liberated without trial. It is recorded in The
Lives of the Norths that, when Lord North in
formed the King of the excessive severities of
Jeffreys, he sent orders to stop them. Before he
had been aware of their extent, he used to talk
about the " campaign of Jeffreys," in playful distinc
tion from the campaign of Monmouth, which had
not long before been in everybody's mouth ; but
it is clear that, when he realised Jeffreys' cruelty,
he strongly disapproved of it.
An attack, made by the most brilliant, although
not the most judicial of modern historians, upon
James's Queen for allowing her maids-of-honour to
1 Accounts of the Revolution, Castrated from His Works, vol.
ii., p. xi. ; quoted by Lingard, vol. x., p. 91.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 323
screw ransoms out of the parents of girls arrested
at Taunton, was shown by the late W. E. Forster1
to be utterly unjustifiable and to rest on the very
flimsiest evidence.
In judging of the severities of Jeffreys in the
Bloody Assize, the common punishments of the
times must be borne in mind. Drawing, hanging,
and quartering was the penalty of high treason :
that for petty treason, or the murder of a husband,
master, or superior officer, was punishment by burn
ing for a woman and hanging for a man ; and fel
onies of all kinds were punishable by hanging. If
a man would not plead, he was pressed by heavy
weights until he died. Branding on the left hand
was one of the minor punishments. Men coiners
were hanged, women coiners were burned to death.
Petty larceny was punished by cutting off an ear,
or whipping. Among the penalties for other of
fences, were the pillory, boring the tongue with a
hot iron, and cutting off the right hand.2
There are many instances recorded of James's
lenity. He gave a free pardon to Ferguson, who
had drawn up Monmouth's traitorous proclamation,
and also to Hook, who had been a confederate in
a plot to assassinate James by shooting him in the
back, as he came out of Somerset House.
Even a violent Nonconformist, Edmund Calamy,
1 William Penn and Thomas B. Macaulay, pp. 61 et seq., by
W. E. Forster.
2 See Besant's London in the Time of the Stuarts, p. 345.
21 *

324 ADVENTURES OF
records in his Diary l that when Story was brought
before the Privy Council for assisting Monmouth,
the following conversation took place between the
King and the prisoner : —
King. — "You were in Monmouth's army, were
you not ? "
Story.—'1 Yes, an't please your Majesty."
James then asked him whether he had made a
speech before a large crowd, and if so, what he
said. Story. — " I told them, an't please your Majesty,
that it was you fired the city of London."
King. — " A rare rogue, upon my word ! And
pray what else did you tell them ? "
Story.- — " I told them, an't please your Majesty,
that you poisoned your brother."
King. — " Impudence in the utmost height of it.
Pray let us have something further ; if your memory
serves you."
Story. — " I further told them that your Majesty
appeared to be fully determined to make the nation
both papists and slaves."
King. — " To all this, I doubt not but a thousand
other villainous things were added. But what would
you say if, after all this I were to grant you your
life?" Story. — " I would pray for your Majesty as long
as I lived."
1 Quoted by Mackinnon in his Hist, of Civilisation, vol. i.,
pp. 201-2.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 325
King — "Why then, I freely pardon all that is
past, and I hope that you will not, for the future,
represent your King as inexorable."
Another instance was soon given of James's
dislike to severity and persecution. Louis XIV.
revoked the Edict of Nantes. All the Huguenot
ministers were ordered to leave France and thou
sands of their flocks followed them. An immense
number came to England. King James, says Lord
Ailesbury,1 received "all the French Huguenots
that were so inhumanely used and obliged to leave
France, and in my hearing exclaimed against his
brother of France's severity. He gave ,£15,000 out
of his privy purse and ordered collections through
the kingdom, Wales, &c, not to be collected in the
churches, but the churchwardens to go from house
to house individually, so that no dissenters of
any kind whatsoever should escape." Even Burnet
bears testimony to this ; and Kennet says : 2 " King
James advanced Popery, but it cannot be denied
that his generosity extended in a particular manner
to the distressed Protestants, who had lately fled
from France on account of their religion, for he
not only granted them briefs, but gave also large
sums out of his Privy Purse ". Then he describes
the collections, which the King ordered to be made,
and states that very many people refused to con
tribute, but for all that, .£40,000 was paid into the
1 Memoirs, vol. i., p. 103.
2 Complete History, vol. iii., p. 472.

326 ADVENTURES OF KING JAMES II.
Chamber of London.1 And he presently says that
one of the refugee ministers " solicited a patent for
the erecting of a Nonconforming and Independent
French Church in Soho Fields, which was readily
granted". Later, however, James made the great,
and in a Catholic inexplicable, mistake of insisting
that, in order to receive monetary relief, these French
Protestants must receive the sacrament from the
hands of the ministers of the Established Protestant
Church in England.
King James was not the only Catholic Monarch
who condemned the King of France's atrocious treat
ment of the Huguenots. An historian, so adverse to
Popes and popish potentates as Macaulay, writes :
" The courts of Spain and Rome took the side of
religious liberty, and loudly reprobated the cruelty
of turning a savage and licentious soldiery loose on
an unoffending people ".
1 Account ofthe Commissions, 15th March, 1688, quoted by
Macaulay, vol. i., chap. vi.

ROBERT SPENCER, EARL OF SUNDERLAND,
OB. 1702.

PROM THE ORIGINAL OF CARLO MARATTA IN THE COLLECTION OF
THE RIGHT HONOURABLE THE EARL SPENCER.

CHAPTER XXI.
In the last chapter we dwelt upon the misfortune
of King James in placing confidence in such a judge
as Jeffreys. Unhappily Jeffreys was not the only
bad adviser that the new King had about him.
The worst of all was Sunderland. Few, if any,
characters in English history have been greater time-
servers. But, for that matter, most of the Ministers
of the Stuarts were time-servers to the best of their
abilities. To some extent, they may have excused
themselves on the ground that to serve the King
or those in power at the time, was to serve their
country. If the King was changed, they accepted
the change and they changed with him. In those
days, when a Minister's policy was not accepted,
he did not resign his office, as he would now : he
resigned his policy. Bribes were regarded as the
perquisites of power, and judges and Ministers had
no more scruple in taking them than a physician
has scruples in taking his fees.
All this must be taken into consideration in
judging Sunderland. It would not be very difficult
to show that some of his contemporary statesmen
were as ready to trim as he was, had they had the
ability to do so, or that they would as eagerly have
327

328 ADVENTURES OF
accepted bribes if they had been offered to them.
Sunderland simply did successfully what some of his
contemporaries tried to do and failed to do.
Sunderland has been severely blamed for be
coming a Catholic to please King James, and for
returning to the Anglican Church to please King
William. He shall not be defended on this point
here. But it may be no harm to observe that the
religion of some men sits upon them very lightly.
It does not matter to what religion a man belongs,
say they, so long as he is sincere, and their idea of
sincerity is absence of enthusiasm.
Another of the King's advisers was the aforesaid
Jesuit priest, Father Petre. Well bred, courteous,
a zealous Catholic and a good theologian, Petre had
many attractions in the eyes of James II. He was
fitted by rank, education, natural abilities and his
reputation for virtue to be the trusted friend as well
as the spiritual adviser of the King. He had suffered
a year's imprisonment after the Titus Oates con
spiracy, as a priest and a Jesuit, and he had been
fortunate in escaping with his life. Among the
archives of the society,1 is the Informatio de P.
Odouardo Petre, in which it is stated that he " en
dured with the greatest constancy the filth and
wretchedness of that foul prison " of Newgate,
where " he was in daily expectation of the gallows,
which he only escaped by the interest and interven
tion of the Duke of York." When in Newgate, "he
1 See Foley's Records S.J., vol. vii., p. 274.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 329
proved himself an angel of comfort to his fellow
prisoners ". In his own order, the Society of Jesus,
he had held important offices, having been at one
time Rector of the London District, and at another
Vice- Provincial of England.
It is possible to be humble and yet susceptible
to flattery, and this appears to have been the case
in the character of Petre. In his very zeal to ad
vance the cause of religion, a priest may welcome
what he may believe to be an opening for greater
usefulness, when it may turn out that the opening
is in reality to a sphere of work quite beyond his
province, and altogether unsuited to either his voca
tion or his abilities.
Queen Mary, in her later life, told the nuns of
Chaillot that " She never liked Petre, that his violent
councils did the King much harm and she believed
he was a bad man "7 That he was a bad man, the
present writer is disinclined to think, but how much
mischief is done in the world by good weak men,
good injudicious men, and by pious fools! Some
times they appear to do more harm than even bad
men. As to his imprudence, one of the letters of the
English Province of the Jesuits (1685-90) 2 states
that James II. said: "I was so bewitched by Lord
Sunderland and Father Petre as to let myself be
prevailed upon to doe so indiscreete a thing " as
something which he mentions.
1 Quoted by Miss Strickland, vol. ix., p. 195.
2 See The Month, September, 1879.

330 ADVENTURES OF
The compiler of James's Memoirs, believed by
some authorities to have been a Jesuit himself, says
of Petre that " he was indeed a plausible but weak
man, and had only the art by an abundance of
words to put a gloss upon a weak and shallow
judgment ".
In the reign of James II., priests were permitted
to walk about the streets in clerical attire. On one
occasion, Petre met his old schoolmaster, Dr. Busby.
"Are you that Petre that was our scholar?" asked
Busby. Petre replied that he was. " Well. How
come you to have this garb on ? " inquired Busby.
" I had not had it on, honourable master," replied
Petre, "but that the Lord Jesus had need of me."
" I never heard that our Lord and Saviour had
need of anything but an ass," was the Doctor's
rejoinder. Lord Ailesbury, usually a credible witness, ac
cuses Petre of accepting bribes.2 But Ailesbury
loved King James and was anxious to throw the
blame of the mistakes of his reign upon his advisers
rather than upon himself; therefore he was unspar
ing of, and possibly unjust to, his councillors. Ailes
bury, at best, only accuses Petre of accepting bribes
on hearsay. Probably he was misinformed ; but if
Petre was given to understand that accepting bribes
was a recognised custom among ministers, it would
be rash to condemn him for availing himself of them
1 Ephemeris Vitaz, by Abraham de la Pryrne, p. 60.
2 Memoirs, vol. i., p. 129.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 331
to a limited extent, and to all intents and purposes
in the form of what are now termed in certain
businesses, " commissions ". Ailesbury was a strong
Protestant, and consequently without any special pre
judices in favour of Jesuits, whom he describes as
usually " crafty, wise, and intriguing," which he says
that Petre, unlike most Jesuits, was not. This is
an admission ; for not a few historical writers, con
sidered Petre to have been very crafty and exceed
ingly intriguing.
King James made an ever increasing use of Petre
in secular affairs, until, at Sunderland's suggestion,
he made him a Privy Councillor. In one of the
loose sheets in James's own handwriting, from which
his Memoirs were compiled (vol. ii., p. 17.), he
wrote that, in consequence of Sunderland's request,
"the King, contrary to his own judgment, and the
Queen's advice, made Father Petre a Privy Coun
cillor (though he was not sworn till some time
after) for as soon as the Queen heard what was
designed, she earnestly begged the King not to
do it, that it would give great scandal not only to
Protestants, but to thinking Catholicks and even
to the Societie itself, as being against their rules ".
The permission given to Petre by the Provincial
to accept that office, as well as Petre's acceptance
itself, we may safely consider to have been very
grave mistakes ; for among the Jesuit archives ]
1See The Month, January, 1887, p. 82.

332 ADVENTURES OF
is a letter, or a copy of a letter, from the General
of the Jesuits, Father Gonzales, to the English
Provincial (13th March, 1688), in which he "says
that he never was more surprised than hearing that
Father Edward had accepted this office, one which
Bishops themselves considered a high honour. He
was also greatly surprised at the Provincial having
permitted it, and that without consulting the General,
for although the Provincial may not consider it one
of the honours interdicted by the Jesuit vows, it is
an honour which would excite envy in others." And
he adds that the very name of Privy Councillor is
of a kind " que nos regies nous interdisent expresse-
ment ".
The King tried, and tried in vain, to persuade
the Pope to make Petre a Cardinal. On this point
" Innocent XI. constantly refused the requests of
James II., and among the reasons of his refusal
stated his persuasion that the applications proceeded
from the ambition of Father Petre." J The writer in
The Month says that the Pope afterwards " distinctly
affirmed his disbelief in the Jesuit's guilt". That
he may have done ; but he does not seem to have
affirmed his disbelief in Petre's ambition, and it is
certain that he never consented to James's applica
tions in his favour.
And here it must be confessed that the mind of
James II. was very far from being monopolised by
1 The Month, Nov., 1886., p. 382.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 333
popes, priests and theology. To be quite candid,
his faith was stronger than his morals. Some allow
ance must be made for the difficulties and tempta
tions to which royalties are exposed with regard to
morality ; the tone of the court from the Restoration
to James's accession must also be considered ; so also
must be the example set before the Duke of York by
that professedly very Catholic Monarch, Louis XIV.
There were regal champions of the Reformed
Churches, again, who were as bad as Louis XIV.
in their morals, and indeed even worse than he.1
It is difficult in our times to understand how a
man, who was ready to sacrifice three kingdoms for
his faith, could yet yield to profligacy ; but faith does
not always prevent misdoings ; the proceedings of an
earlier King than James II. in acquiring the wife of
Uriah the Hittite is a case in point ; and possibly
James, in some measure, may have agreed with his
brother Charles in thinking "that God would not
damn a man for a little irregular pleasure". It may
be also worthy of mention that there are people of
the greatest orthodoxy and full of faith who shrink
from everything immoral and immodest, and yet
yield readily to the sin of pride, or to the temp
tation of grievously injuring others by detraction.
Adultery, it should be remembered, is not the only
sin for which it is believed that a man may be damned.
Startling examples of such Protestant religious reprobates
may be found in vols. v. and vi. of Janssen's most interesting
History ofthe German People at the Close ofthe Middle Ages.

334 ADVENTURES OF
On his accession, James had tried to get rid of
his mistress, Catherine Sedley, and he had induced
her to withdraw from the court. He had no in
tention that she should become to him what the
Duchess of Portsmouth had been to his brother;
on the other hand, that was exactly the intention
of Catherine Sedley.
To give James his due, he never fell in love
with women solely on account of their animal beauty,
but he was very susceptible to mental attractions.
Catherine Sedley was so plain that King Charles
once said he believed his Catholic brother's confessor
had made him take her as a penance. In their
early acquaintance, she had herself been astonished
at James's passion for her, and was at a loss to
discover its cause. " It cannot be my beauty," she
said ; "for he must see that I have none ; and it
cannot be my wit ; for he has not enough to know
that I have any."
Of wit, nevertheless, she had inherited a large
share from her father, the dissolute poet, Sir Charles
Sedley. James, in order to get her to leave the
court, gave her a handsome house in St. James's
Square, and .£2,000 a year. While he refused to see
her, she refused to give up her rooms at Whitehall ;
although she did not occupy them. In a little time,
their relations were renewed, and presently broken
off again, when, to pacify her, the King doubled her
allowance. From this it is pretty clear that, fall as
he might, he made efforts to free himself from this

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 335
sin. After three months, he fell again, at first clan
destinely and afterwards more openly ; and he was
imprudent enough to create Catherine Countess
of Dorchester. Great was the consequent public
scandal ; and nobody was more scandalised, accord
ing to his own account, than her abominably pro
fligate old father, who afterwards helped to bring
William and Mary to supplant James on the Throne,
when he said that King James had made his
daughter a Countess, and that he would repay the
honour by making James's daughter a Queen.
King James's Queen was terribly distressed at
her husband's infidelity and the consequent public
scandal. On two successive days it was observed
that she did not once speak to him at dinner, and
that there were occasionally tears on her cheeks.
The worst feature of the whole miserable affair
was that it was being made use of for political pur
poses. Catherine was a bitter Protestant — she had
a religion as well as her paramour, and it took the
form of an intense hatred of the Catholic Church.
She used to mock at the most solemn ceremonies of
that Church, and sarcastically to sneer at its doc
trines, in James's presence. Rochester, and some of
the other pillars of the Established Church of Eng
land, hoped that the influence and ridicule of the
King's mistress might destroy, or at least materially
weaken, his devotion to his adopted religion ; there
fore they deliberately encouraged his conjugal infi
delity.

336 ADVENTURES OF
Sunderland was shrewd enough to perceive their
object and he was determined to defeat it. If the
King were to veer towards the Anglican Church,
Rochester would probably become all-powerful in
Sunderland's place. For this reason, Sunderland
became suddenly very anxious about James's morals.
He spoke strongly to the Queen on the subject and
suggested that she, together with the principal Cath
olics about the court, should respectfully lay the
matter before the King and make a strong appeal
to his better feelings.
One day, James lounged carelessly into his wife's
apartment, suspecting nothing unusual. Great was
his surprise to find the Queen, the Lord Chancellor,
Father Petre, the Capuchin Friar who was the
King's Confessor, the Catholic noblemen attached
to the court, and the most distinguished of the
Catholic priests then in London, awaiting his arrival
on their knees.
The Queen was in tears. "Let me go away,"
she said. "You have made your woman a Count
ess : make her a Queen. Put my crown on her
head. Only let me hide myself in some convent,
where I may never see her again." She then con
trasted his religious zeal with his immoral life.
" You are ready to risk your Kingdom for your
soul," she added. "Yet you are risking your soul
for that creature ! " As she was then very delicate,
and was thought by some of her doctors to be going
into a decline, her words came with the more effect..

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 337
Father Petre also remonstrated with the King, in
the presence of the other ecclesiastics and the Cath
olic noblemen.
The suddenness and unexpectedness of this on
slaught of reproach abashed and embarrassed King
James. He felt ashamed and confused, on no other
occasion in his life can he have felt more so than
during this most unpleasant and humiliating adven
ture : there was literally no excuse to be made, and
he said that he would separate from Catherine Sedley
at once. Forthwith he sent her a written order to
leave Whitehall for her house in St. James's Square,
and from thence to go abroad, most imprudently
adding that he dared not trust himself to give the
order by word of mouth.
Catherine treated both the messenger and the
order with disdain. 7' She said she should stay where
she chose. If the King desired to remove her, he
would have to do so by force. Rather than make
matters worse by having a second scandal about
her ejection, James granted her an interview ; and
the matter ended by her consenting to leave Eng
land and live in Ireland upon an estate given to her
by the King, where she had the impudence to pose
as a martyr for the Protestant faith.
In six months, the exiled mistress returned to
England, and the King resumed his visits to her.
Indeed, it is to be feared that at that time he also
paid visits of a similar character to several other
women, avoiding, however, all public scandal. If
22

338 ADVENTURES OF
the Queen knew of or suspected those visits, she
affected ignorance of them.
With all his conjugal shortcomings, James loved
his wife. For the first few years of his married
life with her, he had looked upon her as a child
and a plaything. Then he fell in love with her:
but it was a love which was for some time sub
servient to his other loves. There is evidence
that he frequently repented of his illegal amours.
Fits of illicit passion alternated with fits of passion
ate repentance. A time came, probably when he
had been on the throne for rather more than a
year, when his infidelities as a husband were alto
gether overcome ; but it was a long conflict, nor
was the battle with his own passions fought so
manfully as the battles which he had fought under
Turenne, or as Lord High Admiral of the British
fleet. There must have been many periods during the
first Jialf of his reign, while he was championing the
Catholic cause, when he was at the same time in a
position in which he could not approach the Sacra
ments of the Church for which he was endangering
his Crown. There were others, when he was re
pentant, in which he seems to have made spasmodic
efforts to atone for his past misdeeds by furthering
what he supposed to be the interests of his Church.
But these efforts were in reality acts of extravagant
imprudence. In short, until about a year or more
after he had ascended the throne, James may be

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 339
described as having been, from a religious point of
view, rather an " Old Testament sort of character ".
In the early part of his reign King James was
deceived by the professions of loyalty which came
from the Anglican bishops, the clergy, and the
universities, into believing that they could be de
pended upon to use all their influence in support
of the Crown. Feeling safe as to these, he en
deavoured to relieve the Nonconformists from tests,
oaths, and persecution, not only for the sake of such
of them as were Catholics, but also for the purpose
of winning the Protestant Dissenters to loyalty to the
Throne, in addition to the already loyal Anglicans.
Scotch Dissenters, on the contrary, he treated, at
first, after a very different fashion. He distrusted
their loyalty. And from this Charles James Fox
argues,1 and with some show of reason, that James's
zeal for absolute monarchy exceeded his zeal for the
Catholic Church. " It is to be observed " says Fox,
"and carefully to be kept in mind, that the Church
of which he not only recommended the support, but
which he showed himself ready to maintain by the
most violent means (in Scotland) is the Episcopa
lian Church of the Protestants ; that the test which
he enforced at the point of the bayonet was a Pro
testant test, so much so, that he himself could not
take it, &c." And all this simply because "he
judged the Church of England to be the most fit
1 A History of the Early Part of the Reign of James II., by
C. J. Fox, pp. 123 et seq. 22 *

340 ADVENTURES OF
instrument for rendering the monarchy absolute. . . .
The Presbyterians were thought naturally hostile to
the principles of obedience."
The loyalty of the English, as well as of the
Scotch, was shortly to be put to a severe test by the
new King. It had been necessary to raise an army
for the purpose of resisting the invasions of Mon
mouth and Argyle ; that army has been variously
estimated at from 14,000 to 19,000; and James,
believing no King to be powerful without a stand
ing army, desired to maintain instead of disbanding
it, although the object for which it had been raised
was accomplished. In that army were a good many
faithful and tried Royalist officers, who were Cath
olics. Legally speaking, their religion disabled them
from holding commissions ; for this reason, and also
to enable Catholics to hold civil offices, James de
sired the repeal of the Test Acts. Again, a Monarch,
in his opinion, was not secure on his Throne unless
he could keep in prison men suspected of treasonable
conspiracy ; for this purpose he desired the repeal of
the Habeas Corpus Act.
It was not only in the Commons that these
measures met with opposition. In his own Council
they were opposed by its Lord President, Lord
Halifax, who, before long, was removed from office
to make way for Sunderland. Rochester, though
more careful in his expressions, was known to dis
approve of those measures as strongly as did Halifax,
and he also began to lose the royal favOur. In Par-

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 341
liament, the King's speech was very badly received.
James daily attended the debates which followed it ;
and when he saw clearly that his requests would not
be granted by Parliament, he suddenly prorogued it,
intending to effect by his own dispensing power, as
King, that which he had lost the hope of obtaining
through constitutional legislation.
The aforesaid dispensing power claimed by
James, was the source to which many of his future
troubles owed their origin. Eleven out of twelve
judges decided that, since James was King of Eng
land, the laws of England were his laws, consequently
that it was his prerogative to dispense with those
laws in such cases as he might think right ; and that
this was an ancient " prerogative, which never yet
was taken, nor can be taken from the Kings of this
realm "7 This judgment was given in a test case,
in which a Colonel had ordered his own coachman
to bring an action against him for holding a com
mission in the army without having taken the neces
sary oath about religion. The Colonel pleaded a
dispensation under the Great Seal, and won his case.
In fairness to James II. and also to the eleven judges,
it should be remembered that, beyond question, our
Kings had always claimed and had often exercised
the dispensing power ; but the free use of it by
a Catholic King, in a Protestant country, greatly
alarmed the people.
1 Stafe Trials, xi., pp. 1165-99.

342 ADVENTURES OF
Encouraged by Jeffreys, the Lord Chancellor, by
Sunderland, now Lord President of the Council, and
by Petre, King James made a liberal use of this dis
pensing power. He gave dispensations under the
Great Seal for the appointments of many Catholic
officers, civil officials, and even Privy Councillors,
and he dispensed from the penal laws Noncon
formists of all kinds, Catholics, Quakers, Presby
terians and others, first in England and afterwards
in Scotland. He dispensed priests serving churches
and chapels in London and elsewhere from the
laws, which made saying mass in public penal, and
he dispensed from the penalties of high treason
several members of religious orders who opened
monasteries, friaries, and colleges. There were
Benedictine monks at St. James's, Carmelite Friars
in the city, Franciscan Friars in Lincoln's Inn Fields,
and Jesuits in the Savoy. He also gave dispensa
tions to continue to hold the emoluments of their
livings to two beneficed clergymen who became
Catholics, on condition that they paid curates to
perform the services in their churches, according to
the Anglican rite.
In spite of all protests, he kept his standing army
in camp on Hounslow Heath ; and this was regarded
as a constant menace to the city of London. As
King of England, he claimed ecclesiastical su
premacy in the Established Church, a supremacy
which unquestionably had been conferred upon the
Crown by law. The Bishop of London, Compton,

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 343
had opposed in the House of Lords the measures
asked for in the King's speech, and he was conse
quently dismissed from the office of Dean of the
Chapel, as well as from the Council. Compton took
his revenge by encouraging London clergymen to
preach against the " errors of Rome ". The King
then commanded the two Archbishops to order their
clergy to abstain from controversy in their sermons ;
but Compton refused to suspend a clergyman who
continued to rail very furiously against " Rome " in
the pulpit.. A commission was appointed to deal
with ecclesiastical cases, and for the refusal in ques
tion it suspended Compton. This gave great public
offence, and the Bishop of London was regarded as
a martyr. The discontent of the King's subjects with his
policy in England was increased by his proceedings
in respect to Ireland. He had appointed his brother-
in-law, Clarendon, chief Governor of that country.
Most of its natives were Catholics, and Clarendon
was instructed to admit Catholics to offices of State
as impartially as Protestants. Out of the incomes of
two vacant Protestant bishoprics, £2,190 was to be
divided among twelve Catholic prelates. Claren
don, though deeply disapproving of these measures,
faithfully obeyed his instructions.
The reform ofthe army in Ireland was entrusted
to Richard Talbot, who was made successively Earl
and Duke of Tyrconnel. Tyrconnel was a Catholic,
brave and generous, but rash, overbearing, impetuous,

344 ADVENTURES OF
and utterly wanting in tact. And he had worse faults.
When the court were trying to get rid of the first
Duchess of York by blackening her character to her
husband, Talbot is said to have stooped to lend an
active hand in that most infamous attempt.
Tyrconnel made pretexts for turning Protestants,
both officers and privates, out of the army, and he
replaced them with Catholics. Having quarrelled
with Clarendon, he managed that the King should
be persuaded to recall that nobleman, and should
appoint himself in his place. As Viceroy of Ire
land, Tyrconnel carried affairs with a very high
hand ; and James tolerated his conduct, although
the Catholic noblemen in England kept imploring
him not to ruin the interests of the Catholics in
their country by permitting Tyrconnel to inflame
the wrath of the Protestants with his violence in
Ireland. There were two special objects in the policy of
Tyrconnel : one was to establish, with a strong
army and a Catholic legislature, a country where
James would be safe and his religion welcome, in
case he should lose England by a Revolution, and
the other to render Ireland in a condition to declare
its independence in the case of James dying without
a male heir and Mary of Orange succeeding to the
throne of England.
Meanwhile, Tyrconnel's proceedings in Ireland
were creating consternation in England, and greatly
damaging the prospects ofthe King. In fact, Tyr-

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 345
connel unintentionally did much towards bringing
about the subsequent Revolution. But another in
fluence was effecting more towards the ruin of
James II. than even the extravagances and violence
of Tyrconnel. Louis XIV, through his Ambassador, Barillon,
kept on urging James to the most autocratic action
and extreme measures in relation to religion. Far
from being satisfied with James's impetuous impru
dence, both in religion and in politics, Louis XIV.
exhibited considerable impatience with what he con
sidered to be James's timidity and lack of zeal.
In a letter to Barillon (16th November, 1685) the
French King says : " I learn on all hands that the
King of England manifests a strong disposition to
enter into every kind of engagement contrary to
my interests". In other letters he expresses his
annoyance at James's dilatoriness in obtaining the
repeal of the penal laws.
Just at that time, Louis XIV. was in a religious
humour. Wearied by her imperiousness, he had
lately given up living in adultery with Madame de
Montespan ; his Queen was dead, and he had secretly
married the gentle nursery-governess, Madame de
Maintenon. Her piety impelled her to importune
her husband to do everything in his power for the
welfare of the Church ; for that purpose he preferred
to use a cat's-paw, and the. cat's-paw he selected was
the King of England.
AH this French influence weighed heavily with

346 ADVENTURES OF
James II. Unfortunately it outweighed a great deal
of Catholic influence of an exactly opposite character.
Some of this opposite influence came from no less a
Catholic personage than the Pope, himself. Kennet
states in his Complete History (vol. iii., p. 444) that
Pope Innocent XI. " wrote a letter to King James on
his accession to the Crown, to this effect, that he was
highly pleased with his Majesty's zeal for the Catholic
religion, but he was afraid his Majesty might push
it too far," etc., and thus injure both the Catholic
cause and himself, " by attempting that which his
Holiness was well assured by long experience could
not be a success". Innocent XL, wrote Lord Ailes
bury,1 " disapproved of all done here " : and Ailesbury
also says, on the same page, that the Papal Nuncio,
his " very good friend, . . . lamented these pernicious
counsels given to the King by a cunning dissem
bler, and by a hot-headed and ignorant churchman "
(Petre). This informal Papal Nuncio, Adda, after
wards a Cardinal, had come to England with in
structions from the Pope "to respect the religious
prepossessions of those among whom he was to
sojourn, to exhort the King to temper his zeal with
prudence and moderation, and to solicit his inter
cession with the French monarch, in favour of the
French Protestants." 2 Adda frequently wrote to
Rome complaining of James's rashness and indiscre
tions. ^Memoirs, vol. i., p. 152.
2 Lingard's History, vol. x., p. 102.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 34;
The Pope also sent Leyburn, an English Do
minican and soon afterwards a bishop, to endeavour
to persuade the King to be prudent. James gave
Leyburn rooms in Whitehall and ,£1,000 a year ;
but he gave little attention to his advice. Adda,
likewise, he honoured without adopting his policy.
He persuaded the Pope to make Adda a real and
not an informal Nuncio, and some two years after
James had ascended the Throne, Adda was publicly
received as Nuncio, with great pomp and ceremony,
"preceded by a cross bearer and a flock of priests
and monks in their formal habits," says Echard,1 who
adds that the Duke of Somerset refused to introduce
the Nuncio, it being high treason to assume the
character of a Papal Nuncio in England. " But I
am above the law," said the King. " But I am not
above it," replied Somerset : a reply which lost to
him several appointments.
The Spanish Ambassador, Don Pedro de Ron
quillo, was another Catholic who respectfully advised
the King to act temperately in religious matters.
Ailesbury bears witness to Ronquillo's disapproval
of the unwise steps taken by the King in such
affairs. According to the contemporary writer,
Kennet,2 at his first audience with the King after
his accession, the Spanish Ambassador asked per
mission to speak freely, and told James that he knew
that there were priests about the court who would
1 History of the Revolution, p. 84.
2 Complete History, vol. iii., p. 444.

348 ADVENTURES OF
" importune him to alter the established religion in
England," and said that, if he did so, he would
repent it. King James was annoyed and asked
whether the Kings of Spain did not take counsel
with their priests about affairs of State. "Yes,
Your Majesty," replied Ronquillo, "they do, and
that is the reason our affairs are managed so badly."
Another foreign and Catholic influence in favour
of moderation was that of the Emperor. On one
occasion, says Bishop Burnet, the Emperor said
that he was going to ask the Pope to write to
James on the subject. "If he did," adds Burnet,
"it had no effect." After the Revolution, the
Emperor wrote to James:1 "If your Majesty had
. . . entered into consultations with us, and such
others as have the like sentiments in this matter, we
are verily persuaded that, by this means you should
have in a great measure quieted the minds of your
people, which were so much already exasperated
through their aversion to our religion ; and the
public peace had been preserved, as well in your
Kingdoms as here, in the Roman Empire".
Lastly, a large number of the influential English
Catholics were strongly opposed to any measures
likely to irritate the English people. Of this there
is plenty of evidence. Lingard and Macaulay are
agreed on this point. Ailesbury writes : 2 "I knew
many Lords and a great number of gentlemen of
1 9th April, 1689, Harleian Miscellany, vol, i,
2 Memoirs, p. 152,

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 349
the Roman Catholics, that lamented, crying out :
' These measures will ruin us all ! ' " A Jesuit Father
in writing to another Jesuit, said i1 "Not long since
some of these (Catholic) Lords objected to the King,
he made too much haste to establish the faith. To
whom he answered : I am growing old and must
take large steps, else, if I happen to die, I might
perhaps leave you in a worse condition than I found
you. When they asked him " — as indeed well they
might — ¦" Why then was he so little concerned about
the conversion of his daughters, who were the heirs
of his kingdom, he answered : ' God will take care
of that, leave the conversion of my daughters to me.
Do you, by your example, convert your tenants and
others to the faith.' "
1 Records of the Eng. Prov. S. J., vol. v., pp. 157 et seq.

CHAPTER XXII.
The period dealt with in the last chapter was one
of the most important in the life of James II., for
it was in the course of it that he conquered his illi
cit passions and became a faithful and devoted hus
band. He was a changed man ! From a convert
to the Catholic Church by conviction, yet a convert
who did not care enough for that Church to practise
its precepts and to give up what it forbade, possibly
also a convert who, while believing it to be the only
true Church, had been led to join it almost as much
on account of what he imagined to be its support
of law and order and monarchical principles, as on
account of its orthodoxy, from such a convert he
became a sincere penitent for his past transgressions,
a devout Catholic, and a faithful and affectionate
husband. So far, so- good.
But facts must be faced and not be forced,
whether they be edifying or unedifying, and whether
they point a moral or whether they do not. And
it appears to be a fact that the period of the re
formation in the moral character of James II. was
immediately followed by a course of the most im
prudent actions of his life. 35°

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 351
The effort to overcome his passions was doubt
less great, painful, and exhausting. To a man of
his temperament it was a violent wrench ; and, when
it was once made, there was almost as violent a
reaction. In cases such as his, it often happens
that the penitent sinner, forgetting the difficulties
he himself found, and the great length of time he
spent in mastering his sin and acquiring a penitential
spirit, expects all other sinners to become equally
penitent forthwith, and is profoundly astonished and
scandalised unless every one of them does so im
mediately. If his own moral improvement be ac
companied, as it often is accompanied, by a sudden
increase of religious zeal, he then expects all other
sinners not only to become penitent, but also to
renounce the religions in which they were brought
up and to become devout adherents to his own
creed. And so it was with James II. With his moral
regeneration came a religious regeneration. He
had for some time been a convert to the Catholic
Church in the sense of having joined it, and even
of having suffered much on its account ; but now
came a conversion of a deeper and more genuine
kind. He became very devout and he overflowed
with zeal for his religion. But his zeal was not
according to knowledge. He wanted to convert
everybody ; and, in his attempts to convert, as in
many other matters, success did not immediately
crown his efforts.

352 ADVENTURES OF
His method of trying to convert his brother-in-
law, Rochester, was somewhat forcible. Burnet says
that Lady Rochester had hinted to the Queen that
her husband had some inclination to become a
Catholic. On the strength of this, James informed
Rochester of the necessity that a Minister of State,
holding so high a position of trust as that of Lord
High Treasurer, must be of the same religion as
his King. If Rochester could not be a Catholic,
he must vacate that position ; but to give him an
opportunity of conversion to the Catholic religion,
Dr. Leyburn should talk to him. A controversy
was arranged to take place between Leyburn and
some Protestant ministers in Rochester's presence.
Rochester professed himself quite open to convic
tion ; but, as usual in such cases, nothing came of
the controversy. Yet James was not unkind in
the matter : nay, he was absolutely generous ! In
order to make Rochester's dismissal the easier,
he abolished his office and settled an annuity of
£4,000 a year on himself and his son for ninety-
two years.1
The King was also anxious for the conversion
of Lord Middleton and sent a priest to talk to him
for that purpose. They soon fell into an argument
about transubstantiation. " Now," began the priest :
" You believe in the Trinity ! " " Stop ! " replied
1 Correspondence of Henry Hyde, Earl of Clarendon, and of
His Brother, Lawrence, Earl of Rochester, vol. ii., pp. 116-9
and 134.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 353
Middleton: "Who told you that?" Nevertheless,
many years later, and after the death of James II.,
Lord Middleton became a Catholic.1
James tried his personal persuasions on the cruel
Colonel Kirke, but without avail ; for Kirke told him
that when he had been at Tangiers, on the King's
affairs, he had had a great many conversations about
religion with the Emperor of Morocco, and that
he had already solemnly promised him, if ever he
changed his religion, to become a Mohammedan.2
The King is said to have asked Father Petre to
try to convert Buckingham ; and, according to this
story, Petre said to Buckingham : " Your Grace
allows that our people may be saved ! " " No !
Curse you," replied Buckingham, " I make no doubt
but you will all be damned to a man."
Greater success — of a fashion — was obtained in
the case of the Earl of Salisbury, who became
a Catholic only two or three months before the
landing of the Prince of Orange. Yet when he
heard that William had landed and that he was
succeeding, Salisbury " lamented loudly, and cursed
and damned, crying : ' Ox ! Ox ! Ox ! I turned
too soon, I turned too soon ! ' " 3
Two or three Anglican clergymen who nominally
became Catholics to gain favour with King James,
1 The Earls of Middleton, by A. C. Briscoe, who gives Old
mixon as his authority for this story.
2 Diary of Abraham de la Pryme, p. 30,
3 Ibid., p. 94. 23

354 ADVENTURES OF
returned to the Established Church when William
and Mary had become firmly established upon the
Throne of England.
Not the most satisfactory of James's converts
was Sunderland, who was only received into the
Church near the end of the reign. It is but fair
to Sunderland to say that so long before as 1671
Colbert had written of him to Louis XIV. as show
ing " a great disposition to make himself a Roman
Catholic ". That is obviously no guarantee of his
sincerity ; but, sincere or insincere, he seems to
have contemplated the possibility of changing his
religion seventeen years before he actually did so.
As he changed back to Anglicanism, when it was for
his worldly welfare to do so, it is scarcely probable
that he became a Catholic purely from theological
conviction. The shrewd Princess Anne, afterwards Queen
Anne, evidently thought that both Sunderland
and his wife played their religions as they would
play chessmen. Of Lady Sunderland, that " flatter
ing, dissembling, false woman," she wrote (on 13th
March, 1687-88), "to hear her talk, you Would
think she was a very good Protestant ; but she is
as much one as the other ; for it is certain that her
Lord does nothing without her".1 And on the 20th
of the same month, Anne wrote : " She runs from
Church to Church " — the Established Churches—
1 Palrymple's Memoirs, appendix to book v.

ANNE DIGBY, COUNTESS OF SUNDERLAND.

BY SIR PETER LELY.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 355
"after the famousest preachers, and keeps such a
clatter with her devotions, that it really turns one's
stomach. Sure there never was a couple so well
matched, as she and her husband ; for as she is
throughout in all her actions the greatest jade that
ever was, so is he the subtillest, workingest, villain,
that is on the face of the earth."
It is a common idea that James did many im
prudent things at the suggestion, if not at the
order, of his confessors. This does not appear
to have been the case. In contrast to the priests
and other Catholics who gave James bad advice, the
Protestant Lord Ailesbury mentions the Franciscan
Father Mansuet, the King's confessor, as "a person
of great modesty, as well as devotion, and one of
the best men of his Order, and never meddled in
any temporary concerns. I knew his sentiments ;
and his constant advice to the King was most
salutary for his (welfare) and that of his kingdom." 1
It is true that this Franciscan confessor was changed
for a Jesuit, in 1 687 ; but the King's extreme policy
had been begun long before that ; and there is no
evidence that the Jesuit, Father Warner, who suc
ceeded him, was in favour of extreme measures.
Indeed, however imprudent may have been the
priests whom James consulted about public affairs,
such were not the sort of men whom he chose as
confessors. Of Father Saunders, the Jesuit who
1 Memoirs, vol. i., p. 99.
23 *

356 ADVENTURES OF
acted as confessor to James during the last nine
years of his life, Ailesbury, who detested Father
Petre, says1 that he was "an excellent character,
and the pearl of all that order . . . and I was told
that Father Saunders always infused into the King
that he ought to make a great difference between
governing a kingdom that was not of his religion
generally, and that of a kingdom where the King's
subjects are of the same communion ".
With all his zeal for the Catholic faith, James
appears to have shaped his public religious policy
in opposition to the advice of the Pope. He was
not the first Catholic Monarch to do that. The
troops of the famous Emperor, " Charles the Cath
olic," besieged the Pope in his castle of St. Angelo ;
one or two Kings of Spain conducted the Spanish
Inquisition in a manner expressly forbidden by the
Popes ; and James's contemporary, " His most Chris
tian Majesty" Louis XIV., persecuted the Hugue
nots in opposition to the Pope's wishes, and made
an alliance with the Turks against whom the Pope
desired a crusade. Respecting his persecution of
the Huguenots and his disloyalty to the Pope, the
Pope himself wrote to Louis : 2 " that his persecuting
the Protestants in his Kingdom of France ought no
ways to privilege him to put affronts upon the Holy
See. It was very plain that was not the way to
reunite those people to the Church, when he himself
1 Memoirs, vol. ii., p. 496.
2 Secret History of Whitehall, 3rd June, 1687.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 357
was so ill a pattern, and showed so bad an example,
by contemning and outraging that same authority
which he used force and violence to make them
own." In fairness to James, however, it must be borne
in mind that, unlike his neighbour, the King of
France, he never directly persecuted for religion,
and that he gave large measures of toleration.
There is no reason, again, for supposing that he only
relieved all Nonconformists, with the object of giv
ing relief to Catholics. As bad luck would have
it, these very acts of tolerance brought him into
trouble. Early in his reign, the bishops and the
clergy of the Established Church were his most
loyal supporters : when he showed favour to their
enemies, the Dissenters, they became his bitter op
ponents. To their minds his toleration of Dissent
was even worse than his Popery.
The Dissenters themselves were overjoyed at
the liberty of conscience granted to them. Ana
baptists, Quakers, Independents and Presbyterians
went in crowds to present addresses of gratitude
to the King ; but the delight of the Nonconformists
was counterbalanced by the disgust of the Angli
cans, who were exasperated when the relaxation of
penalties had the effect of making large numbers
of their congregations leave their churches for the
conventicles. " In the last week," says Evelyn, l
1 Diary, ioth April, 1687.

358 ADVENTURES OF
"there was issued a Dispensation from all obliga
tions and tests, by which Dissenters and Papists
especially had publiq liberty of exercising their
severall ways of worship without incurring the pen
alty of the many Laws and Acts of Parliament
to the contrary. This was purely the work of the
Papists. . . . There was a wonderful concourse of
people at the Dissenter's Meeting-house in this
parish, and the Parish Church (Deptford) left ex
ceeding thin. What this will end in, God Almighty
only knows, but it looks like confusion, which I pray
God avert."
Towards the end of the reign of James II. the
clergy of the Established Church were clever enough
to persuade the Dissenters that the King's conces
sions to their consciences were merely made as a
mask for a wholesale introduction of Popery. To
bid for favour and support by granting larger and
larger measures of liberty of conscience had been
an idea of the King's greatly encouraged by Penn,
the Quaker.
Penn was the son of the Admiral Penn already
mentioned in the account of a naval battle fought
under James when Duke of York. He had been
a gentleman-commoner at Christ Church, Oxford,
where he began by occupying most of his time in
sports, but ended by being influenced by the preach
ing of a Quaker, whose sect he joined, together
with several other undergraduates. For this he was
expelled from Oxford and turned out of doors by

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 359
his father, who afterwards sent him to travel in
France for a couple of years, "with some persons
of quality," hoping thereby to make him forget his
theological opinions. In this the father failed ; for
the son returned as devoted to his sect as before,
though greatly improved in manners. Other at
tempts of his father in the same direction were
equally unsuccessful ; and Penn became an itinerant
preacher, several times undergoing imprisonment for
acting as such. When his father died, he came in
for an estate worth .£1,500 a year ; but he continued
to preach and he was imprisoned for six months.
The Duke of York had been granted the Pro
vince of New Jersey by King Charles, and he first
leased it and then sold it. Eventually it got into
the hands of Penn and some other Quakers. Penn,
with many of his co-religionists, emigrated to New
Jersey and founded the colony now known as Penn
sylvania. Shortly before the death of Charles II.
Penn returned to England; and, when James II.
had ascended the Throne, he was received into the
royal favour. Jealous people then reported that he
had become a Catholic and even a Jesuit, which he
denied at great length in letters to Dr. Tillotson.1
Between James and Penn there had long been a
familiar acquaintance, and the King had a great ad
miration for the Quaker's courageous endurance of
persecution for what he believed to be right. It is
1 These are given in Biog. Bnt., vol. v., pp. 3320-1.

360 ADVENTURES OF
true that their religions were at opposite extremes ;
but both the Quaker and the Catholic had suffered
from the intolerance of the upholders of the Estab
lished Church, and this made a bond of sympathy
between them. James also admired Penn as a ruler
and the founder of a flourishing dominion, and, as
such, he valued his advice, and frequently consulted
him. A man whose advice went so far with the
King, was looked upon as a power to be propitiated,
and his temporary home at Holland House, Kensing
ton, became frequented by courtiers, diplomatists,
and aspirants for royal favours.
A blasphemous squib of that day, in the form of
a litany, had as one of its supplications : —
From hopes we shall Dissenters bring
To union with a Popish King,
And Penn who manages the whole thing,
Libera nos Domine.
Penn's generosity and charity were proverbial ; and
it is as much to King James's credit as it is a
proof of his mind having had at least some breadth,
that he should have taken as a trusted friend a man
so excellent, and at the same time so opposite in
opinion. The King's dispensations to Nonconformists no
where gave greater offence than among the Dons of
Oxford. When the President of Magdalen College
died, James sent letters mandatory, recommending
Anthony Farmer for the post. Farmer had few, if
any, qualifications for the office — Ailesbury says that

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 361
he "had been expelled the University of Cambridge
for debauchery," and that he " was dead drunk at
Banbury when the news came of his being nomin
ated " by the King for the appointment in question.
James must have been ignorant iof Farmer's true
character ; but, unfortunately, he had been informed
that Farmer was well disposed towards the Catholic
Church and inclined to further its interests. When
he discovered the vices of Farmer, he nominated
Parker, Bishop of Oxford, in his stead.
Into the details of the unedifying wrangle and
contest which followed between the King and the
Dons, we need not enter at any length. The Fellows
of Magdalen suspected Parker of " Romish lean
ings " and they chose Dr. Hough.1 It all ended in
the King getting the victory and most of the Fellows
having to resign their Fellowships ; but it was truly
a case of "A few such victories, &c," for King
James, and it materially helped to shake the founda
tions of his Throne, as his action in the affair was
very arbitrary, and it turned the already wavering
loyalty of the Anglican clergy into opposition to the
Crown. As a contemporary squib,2 entitled "The
Tribe of Levi," ran : —
1 The King went to Oxford and in person severely rated the
Fellows of Magdalen. Macaulay's account of the interview is
graphic and picturesque ; but he gives no authority for his de
scription of it, and, as he usually states the sources of his infor
mation, his story in this instance may be partly imaginative.
2 Poems on Affairs of State, vol. ii., p. 171.

362 ADVENTURES OF
Unhappy James, preposterous was the fate
That brought on thee the clergy's frown and hate.
Had'st thou our civil rights and charters took,
Not half a word the clergy then had spoke :
But to molest the Church was to depose
God's holy blockheads and set up their foes.
James began to hint pretty plainly to the clergy
of the Established Church that, unless they fulfilled
their promises of loyalty, he should consider himself
absolved from his promises to protect them. His
quarrel with Compton, Bishop of London, we have
already considered. The ill-feeling between the King
and the clergy of the Establishment was increased by
a rabid Protestant outcry in the press ; Tillotson,
Stillingfleet, Tenison and Wake being the leaders of
this literary anti-Catholic crusade.
The Protestant mind was in a very excited con
dition when the King still further irritated it by
making a rather stately pilgrimage to the famous St.
Winifride's Well, at Holywell, in North Wales ; nor
does he seem to have always shown much tact during
that expedition.
When he reached Shrewsbury,1 a man had
climbed to the top of the very tall spire of St.
Mary's Church, and, holding on by the cross-bar
of the weathercock, waved a flag. The King
touched for the evil in the church, and when he
came out his attention was attracted to the loyal
1This account is from The Stanley Leighton MSS., Hist.
MSS. Comm., Tenth Report, Appendix, part iv., p. 376.

THE EARL OF CASTLEMAINE AT THE FEET OF POPE INNOCENT XI.

FROM A CONTEMPORARY WORK PUBLISHED IN ROME.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 363
climber at the top of the spire, by the man's firing
off a pistol. He asked why the man was there ;
and he was told that it was in honour of the King's
presence in Shrewsbury. James said it was very
presumptuous of the man to expose himself to such
danger ; but he sent him no present for his pains.
The Presbyterian ministers presented the King with
an address ; and, adds the diarist here quoted,
"William Penn, chief and head of the Quakers,
began to speak at Mardoll Head ; but the rabble
supposing what he would be at, the mob gave a
shout and over-bawled him ". The next day was
a Friday and to please the Catholic King, "all the
fish that could be had was brought up and presented
in order for his dinner, and the Mayor and Alder
men being twelve and assistants twenty-four came
to attend it ; but he stayed not to dine nor to see
them ; but got down by a private back stairs, and
for haste got up on the wrong side the horse, and
to Whitchurch that night ".
A very unwise step, and one most displeasing
to the Pope, was that of sending Lord Castlemaine,
the son of his brother's mistress, as Ambassador to
Rome, in the place of Caryll, a wise and prudent,
although not an avowed, agent for England at the
Vatican. The compiler of James's Memoirs says
(vol. ii., p. 78) that Castlemaine, "being of a hot
and violent temper, and meeting a Pope no less
fixed and positive in his determinations, they jarr'd
in almost every point they went on ".

364 ADVENTURES OF
Wellwood says that : l " Lord Castlemaine had
severall audiences of the Pope, but to little purpose,
for whenever he began to talk of business, the Pope
was seasonably attacked with a fit of coughing which
broke off the Ambassador's discourse for that time,
and obliged him to retire. These Audiences and
Fits of Coughing continued from time to time, while
Castlemaine continued at Rome ; and were the sub
ject of diversion to all but a particular faction at that
Court." It all ended in a quarrel between Castle
maine and the Pope, who ordered his Nuncio in
England to demand an apology from King James
for an insult offered to him by his Ambassador.
Castlemaine was recalled and rewarded for his in
discretions by a seat in the Council.
Much as he had effected by it, the dispensing
power did not content King James. It was all very
well as a temporary instrument ; but he wanted the
Test Acts and the Penal Laws to be repealed by
Parliament ; and for this purpose he desired to have
a Parliament composed of members who would vote
for that repeal. He also endeavoured to make
changes among the lord-lieutenants, sheriffs, mayors,
aldermen, and magistrates, until as many of them as
possible were in favour of the repeal of those laws
and tests. In 1687-88, Narcissus Luttrell wrote:2
"The justices of the peace in most counties in
England have been altered, many turned out, and
1 Wellwood's Memoirs, p. 185.
2 A Brief Historical Relation, vol. i., p. 431.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 365
dissenters and Romanists put in". For example,
when James went to Chester, he displaced Lord
Derby as Lord- Lieutenant, and appointed the
Catholic Lord Molyneux in his stead.1
James employed many agents in demanding
guarantees from candidates of all sorts. Again,
as an instance, there is a letter2 from Jeffreys, the
Lord Chancellor, to John Walcott, asking whether,
if elected a knight or burgess of Parliament, he
will support the repeal of the penal laws ; and very
many other examples might be quoted.
In London, the King summoned candidates for
seats in Parliament and officials of various kinds,
spoke to them separately in private, gave his reasons
for desiring the repeal of the Test Acts and the Penal
Laws, and asked them point blank whether they
would further his wishes, stating that he did not
want them to act against their consciences, but that
he would be unable to show them any favour if they
opposed him. Instead of gaining his object by these
methods, James gave great offence and became ex
ceedingly unpopular.
It is pretty generally admitted that the blame
of these measures of the King's should not be laid
upon himself alone, and that much of it is due to
Sunderland, Petre, Jeffreys, and perhaps even Penn.
Of the truth of this there can be little question, and
in the present pages a more favourable view is taken
1 Kenyon MSS, Hist. MSS. Comm., pp. 187, 188.
2 Walcott MSS., Hist. MSS. Comm., p. 410.

366 ADVENTURES OF
of the character of James II. than that taken by
the majority of its students. At the same time,
there was one fault in his character, and that a
great fault, to which none of its observers can be
more keenly alive than the present writer, namely
his blind acceptance of advice which he liked, from
people whom he liked, without due consideration.
Had he been of a very weak disposition, he
might be almost excused ; but, although too yield
ing to those in whom he trusted, he was manly,
courageous, and rather obstinate than weak ; and,
bad as was much of the advice given to him, and
bad as may have been some of his advisers, it
is very doubtful whether he would have fol
lowed their advice if it had been distasteful to
him. Not that he was without some excuse. His posi
tion was a most difficult one. When he ascended
the Throne, it was still very far from being firmly
established. It had only been restored twenty -five
years, and thirty-six years earlier its occupant, and
that occupant his own father, had been dragged
from it to be beheaded. His immediate prede
cessor had maintained an unsteady seat upon it by
playing one side against another, in a manner which
endangered the safety of the successor ; and when
James himself ascended it, many members of his
Parliament and even some of his very courtiers and
councillors had been lately labouring to exclude him
from it.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 367
As a Catholic King of a country inhabited
mainly by Protestants, Protestants dreading, in the
case of a re-establishment of the Catholic religion,
a return of severities such as those practised during
the reign of Queen Mary, little more than a century
earlier, he was profoundly distrusted, even by those
who made a profession of loyalty, Yet he obvi
ously believed, and sincerely believed, that if any
thing was to be done to give Catholics relief from
the unquestionably atrocious disabilities under which
they laboured, then was the time to do it. And,
after all, he only aimed at toleration. He acted
arbitrarily, imprudently, perhaps illegally — although
with the consent and approval of lawyers — in at
tempting to gain his object ; but even if he had gone
beyond toleration and re-established the Catholic
religion, there is nothing to show the least likelihood
that he would have introduced penal laws against
Protestants resembling in severity those then existing
in England against Catholics.
It is easy, after the event, and at this distance
of time, to see clearly the mistakes in policy and
the errors in judgment of James II., especially in
religious affairs : but it may be worthy of consider
ation that, if a King of England were to become
a Catholic now, or if the oaths were so altered
that a Catholic could ascend and had ascended the
Throne, he would, even in these days of toleration,
be placed in a position fraught certainly with many
difficulties and possibly with some dangers. A

368 ADVENTURES OF KING JAMES II.
Cardinal, not at all unfamiliar with this country and
its conditions, even went so far as to' say to the
writer that, as things are at present, he had no de
sire to see a Catholic Monarch on the Throne of
England.

THE STATE COACH USED IN ROME BY THE EARL OF CASTLEMAINE.
FROM A CONTEMPORARY WORK IN HONOUR OF HIS VISIT, PUBLISHED IN ROME.

CHAPTER XXIII.
We have been dwelling for some time upon the
faults and imprudences of James II., but in some
respects, and those highly important ones, he was
an excellent King. The finances of Great Britain
thrived in his reign. He was an excellent man of
business, and his exchequer was so flourishing that
it was feared by his enemies that he would have no
need of a Parliament to grant him supplies. Instead
of frittering away money on an extravagant court,
like his brother, he improved his palaces and en
couraged artistic work in his kingdom. The navy
was much advanced under his rule, and, although
the nation feared a standing army, standing armies
were becoming necessary to all nations, and it might
almost be said that our present army owes its es
tablishment to James II. It is true that the first stand
ing army in England was that of Charles I. : great
offence it gave, and it was short-lived. Charles II.
raised a standing army of five regiments of
infantry ; but, although they had not been actually
disbanded at his death, standing armies were de
clared illegal during his reign (31. Car. II., 1679).
A standing army, however, was well established under
James II. and it has continued to exist ever since.
369 24

370 ADVENTURES OF
As to his conduct in general, we have Sir John
Reresby's evidence 7 "To speak the truth, no
prince was observed to be more punctual to his
promise ". And Ailesbury says of him : "I do
affirm he was the most honest and sincere man I
ever knew, a great and good Englishman ". After
stating that James II. had been " very amorous, and
more out of a natural temper than for the genteel
part of making love, which he was much a stranger
to," Ailesbury says that he " became a hearty peni
tent". Of this penitence and its accompanying
religious zeal, which was noticed at some length in
the last chapter, Ailesbury says : "It is certain that
Kings ought to be good christians as well as good
subjects . . . but a King who hath three Kingdoms
to govern, cannot have all those leisure hours that
subjects enjoy, and too much of his time taken up
with holy exercises, all which as I said, was praise
worthy to God, but took up' so great a part of his
time that public affairs of the Crown and nation
suffered greatly, and gave too much occasion for
crafty statesmen to accomplish their villainous pro
jects ". In short, as he goes on to hint pretty plainly,
James spent more time than was at his disposal, at
his prayers, and left duties, to which he ought to
have attended personally, in the hands of Sunderland
and Petre.
During his reign, he made great efforts to put
1 Memoirs, p. 70.

JAMES FITZJAMES, DUKE OF BERWICK.

AFTER SERGENT.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 371
down excessive drinking. To the extent of the
excess then prevailing copious evidence might be
supplied. Only one example shall be given here.1
When Sir William Temple visited a certain castle,
the lieutenant was a Scotchman. " In the great
hall stood many flagons charged." The lieutenant
asked for wine to drink the health of King James.
A cup capable of holding two quarts, and shaped
like a bell, was brought to him. He took out the
clapper, held the bell by the handle upside down,
had it filled with wine, drank steadily at it until he
had swallowed its entire contents, then replaced the
clapper, and rang the bell to show that he had
drunk fair.
As might easily be imagined, the reform of her
husband's morals was a source of great happiness
to the Queen, and his new ardour in religious exer
cises was a consolation to a woman of so serious a
temperament. As a sort of reward to James for
his improvement, she now seems to have tolerated
his public acknowledgment of his son, James Fitz
James, whom he created Duke of Berwick in March,
1687. The King wished him to marry Lady Mar
garet Cavendish, co-heiress of the Duke of New
castle. The girl's father consented ; but her mother
objected to her marrying a "papist," and the young
lady herself refused to marry a "bastard".2 After
this humiliating repulse, the King sent the boy, who
1 Temple's Works, vol. i., p. 266.
2 James II. and the Duke of Berwick, pp. 24, 37.
24 *

372 ADVENTURES OF
was now seventeen, to Hungary, partly to get him
out of the way for a time, and partly in order that,
by serving in the Hungarian army, he might become
qualified to take a high command in that of Eng
land.1 The following year, James made Berwick
Governor of Portsmouth, Lord- Lieutenant of Hamp
shire, Master of the Horse, and Colonel of the Blues.2
That same year a domestic event took place in
James's family which affected the whole of his
kingdom. An heir to the Crown was born to the
Queen. Of the many deliberate, iniquitous and
cruel attempts that were made to represent the
child as supposititious, it is needless that we should
take more than a passing notice. That such re
presentations were without the slightest foundation
has been amply proved.
In a letter to his daughter,3 the Princess of
Orange, James said : " They talk of my son as if
he were a supposed child : they that believe such
falsity must think me the worst man in the world.
I suppose they judge of me by themselves ; for else
they could not think me capable of so abominable
a thing." As a matter of fact, both of James's
daughters believed only too readily the shameful
stories that their father had tried to pass off a sup
posititious child as heir to his Throne. The future
1 Kennet's Complete History, vol. iii., p. 470.
2 James II. and the Duke of Berwick, p. 68.
3 Memoirs of Mary, Queen of England, with Her Letters and
those of James II, &°c.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 373
Queen Anne's letters on the subject are exceedingly
coarse ; and her uncle, Lord Clarendon, was dis
gusted with her flippant and unfilial conduct when
he went to see her about the matter.
Flags flew, guns were fired, and outwardly there
was every sign of rejoicing at the birth of the baby
Prince ; but beneath the surface, there was dissatis
faction and even terror. So long as James had no
son, it was supposed that the country would only
have to wait for his death to exchange a Catholic
for a Protestant Monarch, in one of his daughters ;
but the birth of a son seemed to insure the Catholic
succession. And, just at the time of his birth, the
Protestant spirit was in an irritated — it might be even
said in an exasperated — condition.
The bishops of the Established Church had been
ordered to instruct their clergy to read the King's De
claration of Liberty of Conscience in their churches.
Some obeyed; but seven of them presented a peti
tion to the King, begging to be excused. James
told them, with considerable warmth, that he had
not expected conduct of this sort from men enjoying
such a reputation for loyalty as the bishops of the
Established Church, and he lectured them severely.
The interview ended ; but the bishops would not
give way. They were shortly afterwards summoned
before the Council, and a little later they were arrested
and sent to the Tower to await their trial in a criminal
court for civil misdemeanour.
There are very contradictory statements as to

374 ADVENTURES OF
which ofthe King's advisers, if any, recommended the
most unwise step of prosecuting the seven bishops,
and thus arraying the whole of the Established
Church against the King. Barillon states1 that both
Petre and Sunderland were against it. Burnet says,
on the contrary, that Petre was overjoyed at it, and
Dalrymple says 2 " that Sunderland promoted it, while
underhand he exhorted the Bishops to stand firm " ;
but he quotes Clarendon in support of his statement
that Jeffreys was opposed to it.
In the midst of the excitement about the bishops,
and while they were imprisoned in the Tower, the
heir to the throne was born. He could not have
been born at a more unfortunate moment. The
mass of the people sympathised with the bishops
under what they considered their persecution by a
Catholic King, and the birth of this baby, thought
they, would bring about a succession of Catholic
and persecuting Kings. Men began to whisper to
each other that Catholic Kings must be got rid of
by one means or another, once and for ever.
A few days after the birth of the Prince the
bishops were tried and acquitted. The rejoicings
which followed were far more sincere than those
with which the birth of the heir to the Crown had
been received. The King was at the camp at
Hounslow Heath, and dining in Lord Feversham's
1See Clarendon 's Journal, 15th June, quoted by Lingard, vol.
x., p. 149, note.
2 Memoirs, part i., book iv., p. 96.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 375
tent, when cheers were heard among the soldiers.
He asked Feversham to go out and inquire the
cause. On returning that General said : " It is
nothing but the joy of the soldiers at the discharge
of the Bishops". "Do you call that nothing?"
replied the King.1 Sir John Reresby, who was in
waiting, wrote : " Everyone observed that he (the
King) was disturbed, but he spoke very kindly to
me .
Most likely the Protestant soldiers only cheered
to annoy the Catholic soldiers. Abraham de la
Pryme, writing of the soldiers on Hounslow Heath,
says : " There are great dissensions among them ;
for the Papist Irish and the Protestant officers are
commonly striving for the superiority ".3
It seemed the very irony of fate that King James
should have this annoyance about an affair connected
with the Established Church at Hounslow, if a story
be true, in a letter written on 22nd June, 1686 :4
" The King they say dined in Camp, and in my
Lord Dunbarton's tent, the other day ; where, after
his and the Queen's health had gone round, His
Majesty was pleased to renew his kindness to the
Church of England, he beginning a health to it as
by law established". This was the more marked
because Dunbarton, in whose tent the toast was
said to have been drunk, was a Catholic.
1Dalrymple's Memoirs, part i., book iv., p. 99.
2 Memoirs, p. 397. 3 Diary, p. 8.
1 Ellis's Letters, second series, cccxxxiii.

376 ADVENTURES OF
In spite of strict orders to the contrary, bonfires
were lighted in all directions to celebrate the release
and triumph of the bishops ; and juries acquitted
prisoners tried for making those bonfires in the face
of the proclamation forbidding them.
The discontented subjects of James II., who
desired to be rid of a Catholic King, knew where
to look for help and for a substitute.
As we have seen, there had been friction between
James and his son-in-law, the Prince of Orange,
before he came to the Throne. Shortly after ascend
ing it, James told Barillon1 "that it would always
afford him pleasure to see the Prince of Orange
. . . show true repentance for the past ; but that
he could not accept his submission, nor think the
protests made on his part sincere, if such submission
were not complete and unconditional ". The favour
shown by the Prince to the Duke of Monmouth had
mortally offended James. As time went on, their
relations did not become more amicable. Each dis
liked the Ambassador sent to his court by the other.
James hated Dyckvelt and William of Orange hated
Skelton. Nevertheless, they continued to corre
spond in a more or less friendly tone, although the
King's letters frequently contained remonstrances.2
In 1687, the Prince refused the King's request for
support in abolishing the Tests, and James wrote a
1 Barillon to Louis XIV., ist March, 1685.
2 See many letters from James II. to the Prince of Orange in
the appendices to Dalrymple's Memoirs, vol. ii.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 377
very moderate letter in reply, in which he regrets
" that you say you are against persecuting any for
conscience' sake, and yet that you cannot be for
taking off all those laws and the Tests which are
so very severe and hard upon all Dissenters from
the Church of England ".
Shortly before this took place, the trusted Sun
derland's wife wrote l to the Prince of Orange,
warning him against consenting to the abolition of
the Tests. Whether she wrote this letter with the
knowledge or approbation of her husband is un
known, whatever may be suspected.
Many people of high position, professedly loyal
to the King, had been for some time looking to
wards Holland. When Dyckvelt returned to his
own country, he carried with him letters expressing
the attachment and offering the good services of
Lords Shrewsbury, Halifax, Bedford, Devonshire,
Clarendon, Danby, Nottingham, Lumley, Churchill,
Rochester, and even — apparently the most unlikely
— Sunderland himself, as well as of the Bishop of
London. It must not necessarily be assumed, as
it has been too generally assumed, that all these
letters were literally and technically treasonable ;
but that they were treasonable in spirit and inten
tion can scarcely be doubted. Some of the writers
may very possibly not have even desired a revo
lution, and may much less have written anything
1 Dalrymple's Memoirs, appendix to book iv.

378 ADVENTURES OF
which could, in the future, be produced against
them as treason ; but probably they all contemplated
the possibility of the Princess of Orange replacing
an ejected father and they desired to be in the good
graces of herself and her husband, in the case of
the occurrence of such a possible contingency.
James and William were of opposite opinions in
foreign affairs, as well as in domestic. William was
intriguing for a union of all the continental powers
against France, while James was leaning for sup
port upon France, if he was not actually allied to
it. It was known that the Prince of Orange received
wonderfully early intelligence of the movements and
designs of both England and France. Skelton, who
was now Ambassador in Paris, suspected from this
that the information was sent to the Prince by
Sunderland ; and Skelton, without consulting James,
whom he knew to be blind to any faults in Sunder
land, induced Louis XIV. to inform the States-
General that unless they immediately desisted from
their war-like preparations by land and sea, he should
consider them as designed against himself and the
King of England, and that he would, in that case,
invade their country with forty thousand men.
This would have broken up the League and
given the Prince of Orange other occupation than
the invasion of England ; but Sunderland, who was
now, to use a piece of modern slang, sitting on the
gate, if not already acting in the interests of William
of Orange, represented to James that this was a

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 379
French stratagem having as its object to inflame
the English people against their King by pretend
ing a French alliance, thus driving them to despair
with fears of designs against their religion. There
fore he persuaded the King to disclaim all participa
tion in the action of Louis XIV., to recall Skelton,
whom he had discovered to be the originator of the
scheme, and to send him to the Tower.
While he was in England, Dyckvelt had per
sistently, surreptitiously, and very cleverly stirred
up the anti-Catholic fanaticism of the Protestants
and persuaded them to look for help to the Prince
of Orange and the Princess Mary.
Meanwhile King James was being shamefully
betrayed by his own servants and subjects. Through
his uncle, Henry Sidney, Sunderland was divulging
the secrets of his King to William of Orange. Then
James's envoy at the Hague, in the place of Skelton,
was an Irish Catholic named White, who had been
made Marquis d'Albeville by the Emperor, as a
cheaper payment than cash, for certain services.
White was a man of profligate character and he
was in the pay, not only of his King and master,
but also in that of the Prince of Orange and the
King of France.1
The moment of the greatest popular antagonism
to everything Catholic was very injudiciously chosen
by the King for proclaiming the division of England
'See Macpherson's History, vol. i., pp. 495, 505 ; also D'Avaux.

38o ADVENTURES OF
into four Catholic dioceses or districts, each to be
placed under a vicar apostolic. He gave each of
these bishops a present of .£500 and the promise of
an income of .£1,000 a year. This added fuel to
the fire of the Protestant frenzy.
Even in James's hitherto well-disciplined navy,
in which he had once been so popular, there were
ugly symptoms of insubordination. The very sailors
had become infected with the Protestant fever. Sir
John Reresby wrote in July, 1688 7 "The King
went down to the mouth of the Thames to see the
fleet, but the true cause was to appease the seamen,
who were ready to mutiny upon occasion of some
sea captains using mass openly aboard their ships.
The King flattered the seamen all he could, went
from ship to ship and called them his children, said
that he had nothing to say as to their religion, that
he granted liberty of conscience to all &c."
Meanwhile there was a political ferment on the
continent which was exceedingly convenient to Wil
liam of Orange. For the choice of an Elector of
Cologne, Louis XIV. was intriguing in opposition to
the Pope and all the allies of the League of Augs
burg. Frontier fortresses were being garrisoned and
armies were in motion. This gave William the
opportunity of making his military and naval pre
parations for an invasion of England, on the pretext
of resisting an expected attack from France about
1 Memoirs, 17th July.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 381
the Cologne dispute. It is said that by this means
he deceived the Pope, who sent him money in sup
port of his undertaking. William sent his intimate
friend, Prince Vaudemont, to Rome to explain to the
Pope that Catholics could get no lasting assistance
from James II. as the English nation regarded
every measure proposed by so imprudent a Catholic
King with suspicion ; but that if he himself should
ever have the good fortune to mount the Throne
of England, he would be able to procure complete
toleration for Catholics, as the people would not
be afraid of the proposals of a Protestant ruler.1
Again he persuaded the two Catholic monarchs,
the King of Spain and the Emperor Leopold, that
the King of England had allied himself with the
King of France in order to defeat the desires of
the Pope.
Louis XIV. discovered the real designs of William
of Orange, long before they were discovered by
James and he sent Bonrepaus to warn James against
them ; but James refused to believe that his daughter
Mary would ever consent to an attack upon her
father by her husband ; and when the King of France
offered to send an army to England as a precau
tion, Sunderland dissuaded James from accepting
that offer. We now blame James II. for his blind
ness and for his obstinacy in disregarding the warn
ings of Louis XIV., but there is evidence that even
1 Macpherson's History, vol. i., pp. 494. 495-

382 Adventures of
Louis himself sometimes doubted whether, after all,
William's war-like preparations were not directed
solely against France ; for, in two letters to D'Avaux
(30th September and 7th October), he gives expres
sion to those doubts.
Penn, with the hope of appeasing public opinion,
urged the King to summon a Parliament, and James
promised to do so, in spite of the strong opposition
of Petre. Things were beginning to look suspicious,
even to James's eyes, but he thoroughly trusted both
his daughters. In Mary he placed implicit con
fidence, much as he disliked her husband ; and he
never for a moment doubted Anne, to whom and her
hard-drinking husband he allowed £"32,000 a year.
Sunderland and Albeville prevented James from
making preparations, by soothing him with assur
ances of security. On the 23 rd and 26th of August
Barillon wrote to Paris that, at last, James was be
ginning to believe in the Prince of Orange's intention
of invading England ; yet on the 30th James told
Barillon " that he had still difficulty to believe that
the Prince of Orange could attempt making an
invasion of this country " ; and during the first half
of September, James seems to have been quite at
his ease. On the 18th, Barillon wrote that both
James and Sunderland had expressed to him their
incredulity in " any design to make a descent in
England," on the part of William of Orange.
On the 1 7th of September James wrote his last
letter to the Prince. He said in it that he was glad

QUEEN MARY, WIFE OF WILLIAM III,

BY W. WISSING.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 383
to hear of the taking of Belgrade : but sorry for the
prospects of war on the " Reyn" (Rhine), " nobody
wishing more the peace of Christendom than " him
self. And he added: "You shall find me as kind
to you as you can expect ".
James's daughter Mary had been employed to
assist in blinding him to the object of her husband's
preparations, which she assured him were directed
against France. Towards the end of September, all
doubt on the subject was at an end. On the 25th,
James wrote to Mary : "I do really believe you
are not acquainted with " the Prince's business at
the Hague, " nor with the resolution he has taken
which alarms all people here very much ". Three
days later, he wrote to her again of her husband's
" design of coming to England, which he has been
so long a contriving " ; and he tells her that he hopes
it has been as great a surprise to her as to himself,
" being sure it is not in your nature to approve of
so unjust an undertaking ". On the 2nd of October,
he ends a letter to her : " assuring you of my con
tinuing as kind to you as you can desire," and, on
the 9th, after observing that he has had no letter
from her, he says : "I can easily believe you may
be embarrassed how to write to me now, that the
unjust design of the Prince of Orange's invading me
is so public". But "you shall still find me kind to
you if you desire it "7
1 Additional MS., folio i., Birch MSS., British Museum.
Quoted in Miss Strickland's Queens, vol. x., pp. 376-8.

384 ADVENTURES OF
While her father was writing in this style to her,
the pious Mary was consoling herself by writing in
her journal : " I bless my God who decided between
the daughter and the wife, and showed me, when
religion was at stake, I should know no man after
the flesh, but wait the Lord's leisure ".1
On 30th September, William of Orange issued
a Declaration to the people of England that, as the
husband of the Princess Mary, he was coming to
their country, in consequence of the despotic action
of their King, the injuries offered to their Church,
and the suspicion of imposture in the birth of the
Prince of Wales, to insure their liberties, to obtain
for them a free Parliament by the restoration of the
ancient charters, and to guarantee protection to the
Protestant religion.
It was about this time that James began to sus
pect Sunderland. Sunderland had suddenly advised
the King to "turn on the toe" and refuse Liberty
of Conscience to the Dissenters.2 It is probable
that his design in pressing this advice was "that
having already found means to alianate the Church
partie from the King, this might make all the Non
conformists fly in his face too, and so leave him quite
destitute of friends ; this made the King begin to
suspect his advice, and hearken to those who assured
him that Lord's intentions had all along been the
same, by pressing those councells which he knew
1 Memoirs qf Mary, Queen of England.
2 James's Memoirs, vol. ii., p. 187.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 385
would give most offence, and was sure to run the
King upon the rock on which he split at last, that
he had been brought to it by his Wife and his Vncle
Coll: Henry Sidney".
His faith in his idol having been once shaken,
James not only faced the' whole state of affairs, but
took counsel with others. The scales fell from his
eyes : he saw that he had been ill-advised, if not
deceived, and he recognised the fatal effects of his
late policy. He sent for the seals of office from
Sunderland, and put in power the Earl of Middleton
and Lord Preston, both strong Protestants but de
voted loyalists, and he dismissed Petre, Sunderland's
dupe, from the Council.
Sunderland was still tolerated at Court, and the
generous King, loyal to an old servant, merely gave
as the reason for dismissing him that his policy was
raising a rebellious spirit in the Kingdom. The
favouritism subsequently shown to Sunderland by
William has been accepted as evidence that that
Minister had been throughout the reign of James
working in the interests of William. That he was
working in William's interests during the latter part
of James's reign is practically certain; that all through
his reign Sunderland kept before his mind the con
tingency of William's coming to the Throne and was
cautiously providing for his own interests in case
that contingency should occur, is almost as certain ;
but, although he was receiving presents, if not a
regular income from William, all the time that he
25

386 ADVENTURES OF
was the Minister of James, it is probable that, during
the greater part of the period in which he held that
office, he had great hopes of keeping James on the
Throne by means of an arbitrary and even a violent
policy, and that he was careful not to do anything
in relation to William that could be brought up
against him if James continued to reign.
In judging of his tool, Petre, it should be
remembered how easy it is for a well-meaning ec
clesiastic to persuade himself that he is unwillingly
acquiring influence and power over others, purely
from a desire for the glory of God and the welfare
of souls, and to be deceived into imagining honour
paid to himself to be honour paid to his Church.
Petre may have believed himself to be a mere instru
ment in the hands of the Almighty, when he was
in reality a mere instrument in the hands of Sunder
land. No deception is so dangerous as deception
of this sort. Disregard for the rules and spirit of
the religious order to which he belonged seems to
have been Petre's initial false step. If he had
refused posts of civil duty and civil honour, as a
good Jesuit should have refused them, a great deal
of trouble might have been avoided for James II.,
and the Catholic cause in England might have been
saved from many lamentable disasters. Members
of religious orders seldom do good by acting in con
tradiction to the rules or the spirit of their orders,
on the pretext of doing something for the glory of
God. The reply may be made that Petre was

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 387
probably acting in obedience to his Superior. That
is likely enough : but, if so, it is quite as likely that
that Superior commanded Petre to do what Petre
wished, and was impelled to give that command on
Petre's own representations.
Middleton had been one of the Peers who had
consistently opposed James's favourite measures in
Parliament, and his whole policy was diametrically
opposite to that of Sunderland. At his advice, the
King immediately began to make relaxations, re
tractions, re-appointments, and other changes likely
to please the people ; but, as it turned out, too late.
One quotation may be enough to give an idea of the
tone of the new Government. " The Duke of Nor
folk is gone into that county with a commission to
displace all Roman Catholics there, and some dis
senters, and to put in churchmen."1
1 Narcissus Luttrell's Brief Historical Relation, p. 471, 27th
Oct., 1688.

25 *

CHAPTER XXIV.
The news that the Prince of Orange had sailed for
England with a fleet and an army was soon followed
by the, to James, much more welcome tidings that
that fleet had encountered a violent gale, that several
of the Prince's ships had foundered, and that he had
lost a thousand horses as well as an immense quantity
of stores. The delay necessary for refitting gave
James a respite and more time for making his own
preparations to receive his enemy. Time was in
deed much needed ; for he was very ill-prepared for
invasion. For this he has been blamed ; but the
reason is obvious. Ina letter to the Princess Sophie
(28th September) he states it : "It was long before
I could believe that my nephew and son-in-law
could be capable of so very ill an undertaking, and
so began too late to provide against it "7
In addition to his military preparations, the King
had much to occupy his mind. One of the first
things he did was to appoint, for the satisfaction
of his people, a commission to inquire into the ques
tion of the birth of his son, and the result of that
inquiry was eminently satisfactory.
At Middleton's advice, the King summoned the
1 Memoirs of Mary, Queen qf England, p. 71.
388

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 389
Peers and Prelates, who were in London, to reply, one
by one, to the question whether they had personally
invited William of Orange to England, the Prince
having stated in his Declaration that he had " been
invited to England by divers lords spiritual and
temporal ". A good many of these divers Lords
temporal had lately gone to Holland, and one Lord
spiritual, Burnet, had been there for some time.
All the Lords temporal remaining in London, who
responded to the King's summons, gave a distinct
denial to the question ; but, for the Lords spiritual,
Compton, Bishop of London, said : "I am confident
the rest of the Bishops will as readily answer in the
negative as myself". James suspecting that this was
a shuffling reply, requested the Bishops to give him
their denial in writing. This unlooked-for demand
disconcerted them, and, to the King's displeasure and
disappointment, they asked for time to consult to
gether before doing so.
The naval and military preparations were con
tinued. The fleet, which was under the command
of Lord Dartmouth, was inferior to that of William
of Orange ; on the other hand, the army was numer
ically superior ; but grave doubts were whispered as
to whether dependence could be placed on the fidelity
either of the men or of the officers. James had little
fear of any sudden appearance of his enemy upon
the shores of England, as he was confident that
Dartmouth would be able, at the very least, to delay
the Dutch fleet for some time. As it turned out

390 ADVENTURES OF
this confidence was ill-placed. News soon arrived
that he had failed to repel it.
It so happened, that at about this time, King
James intended to make a present of a portrait
of himself, painted by Sir Godfrey Kneller, to his
old friend and servant, Samuel Pepys. For this
purpose, he was giving sittings to Kneller ; and
during one of them, a message was brought to him
that William of Orange had landed at Torbay. The
news was a surprise,1 but James quietly t'old Kneller
to go on painting, as he was anxious that his good
friend Pepys should not be disappointed of his present.2
The King was in a hurry to meet his enemy, but
Father Petrfe who, although he had lost his office,
had not lost his unfortunate mania for meddling and
giving bad advice, urged James "to observe the
excited state of the rabble ; and to consider what
would be the fate of his wife and son if he aban
doned them ".3 Nevertheless, James pushed on his
preparations. His troops were marching westward ;
but until they had reached a forward position, it was
useless for him to make a start.
One day, just as he was going to dinner, news
1 Although a surprise, it was not so great a surprise as some
historians have represented ; for James's Memoirs (vol. ii., p. 209)
state that he had had intelligence of the enemy's fleet having
passed Dover, and that he had sent three battalions of infantry
and a regiment of cavalry towards Salisbury.
2 Memoir at the beginning of Lord Braybrooke's edition of
Pepys's Diary.
3 Strickland's Queens, vol. ix., p. 245.

JAMES II.

AFTER KNELLER,

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 391
arrived that his nephew, Lord Cornbury, the eldest
son of Lord Clarendon, who had been in command
of three regiments of cavalry at Salisbury, had
deserted to the enemy. Only a small number of
his men had followed him ; but the desertion of
a well-known officer, at the front, was a very evil
omen. The King, as the compiler of his Memoirs
tells us, "calling for a piece of bread and glass of
wine," instead of sitting down to dinner, "went
immediately to consult what measures were fittest
to be taken. The Lord Sunderland, Churchill and
Godolphin, instead of compasionating at least the
anguish of so kind and bountifull a Master, were
seen unawares going hand in hand along the gallery,
in the greatest transport of joy immaginable."
The following morning the King summoned his
generals and colonels, and informed them that "as
soon as things were a little pacifyed," he would call
a Parliament and " content them in all things relating
to their Liberties, Priveleges, and Religion ". Then
he said : " If, after all this, any of you are not satis
fied, let them declare themselves. I am willing to
grant passes to all such as have a mind to go over to
the Prince of Orange, and spare them the shame of
deserting their lawful sovereign." l They all vowed
that they would serve him " to the last drop of their
blood, the Duke of Grafton and My Lord Churchill
were the first that made this attestation, and the
first, who (to their eternal infamy) broke it after-
1 James II. and the Duke of Berwick, p. 38.

392 ADVENTURES OF
wards, as well as Kirk, Trelawny, &c, who were no
less lavish of their promises, on this occasion, though
as false and treacherous as the rest, in the end".1
Of these, Kirke was the colonel who had brought ill
odour to James by his cruelties in the West after the
rebellion of Monmouth, and Churchill,2 a man in
whom James had placed the greatest confidence,
became the celebrated Duke of Marlborough.
At ten o'clock, the night before James actually
left London for Salisbury, he was informed that the
bishops, whom, several days earlier, he had asked to
put on paper their denial of having invited William to
invade his shores, were requesting permission for an
audience. Although so late, he granted it. " They
waited upon him . . . with further proposals about
assembling a Parliament and treating with the Prince
of Orange." 3 But " Notwithstanding all the King
could say and all he had done to give them satisfac
tion, he could not prevail with the Archbishop nor
the majority of them to declare their dislike of the
invasion" . All " the King could say to it was, that
it was too late, being then ten at night, and he to set
out next morning to Salisbury . . . that it was not
a time fit to call a Parliament when Armys were in
the field, nor proper for him to send to treat with the
Prince of Orange who had invaded him without any
provocation, against all the laws of God and man ".
1 James's Memoirs, vol. ii., p. 219.
2 The prophecy that Churchill would betray James, mentioned
in a former chapter, will be remembered.
3James's Memoirs, vol. ii., pp. 211, 212.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 393
" In this general consternation," say the Memoirs,
" Father Petre, who perceived the sky was too
gloomy to think he could wether the storm, retired
beyond seas."
The King left London on the 17th of Novem
ber, at two o'clock, slept that night at Windsor, and
reached Salisbury on the 19th. He immediately
held an inspection of his troops assembled there.
That night he held a council of war. It was scarcely
over when his nose began to bleed. Bleeding of the
nose was not a discomfort to which he was subject,
and the severity of the haemorrhage which set in
alarmed those about him. Ordinary remedies hav
ing failed, his doctor bled him from the arm, and by
degrees the bleeding from the nose ceased.1
Violent haemorrhage from the nose is sometimes
a symptom of threatened apoplexy, and in such
cases it often acts as a safety-valve. In the case of
James, there can be little doubt that this bleeding
was apoplectic ; for it was after a very similar attack
that he afterwards died of apoplexy. In judging of
James's conduct after this first haemorrhage, it should
be borne in mind that, as a rule, the pressure of
blood, when apoplexy is threatened, greatly affects
the nervous system of the patient, and that excessive
haemorrhage of any kind is very exhausting.
Instead of keeping quiet on the day succeeding
1 For accounts of this attack of haemorrhage see Diary of
Sir Patrick Hume, Burnet's History, and both Ailesbury's and
James's Memoirs.

394 ADVENTURES OF
the attack, the King mounted a horse and rode off
to see some troops ; but presently the bleeding from
the nose set in even more profusely than on the
previous day. For three more days the haemorrhage
came on again, at intervals ; and in the course of
the week, he was bled four times. By that time, he
must inevitably have been reduced to a condition of
great weakness, lethargy and depression.
There is a fair amount of evidence that a plot to
lead the King into an ambush and deliver him up to
William of Orange was only frustrated by his being
prevented from moving forward for several days by
the constant haemorrhage. Churchill, Kirke, the Duke
of Grafton, and Trelawny were suspected of being
concerned in this evil design.
Much precious time, from a military point of
view, had been lost through James's indisposition.
He was too ill to attend to business, and important
positions were consequently left unfortified and un
occupied, while the enemy was carefully taking
up positions on points of advantage. There were
jealousies among the King's officers, and some of
them suspected others of being on the point of
deserting to the enemy. In their mutual distrust,
nothing was done. When the King became a little
better, although able to converse, he required re
pose and freedom from worries. Instead of that, on
the one hand, Churchill was urging him to move
forward, while, on the other, Feversham, Comte de
Roye and Dunbarton kept on advising him to with-

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 39$
draw his army towards London. To add to his
anxieties many rumours were brought to him both
of actual desertions and of expected desertions,
among his officers. A council of war was held,
and it was decided to fall back towards Windsor.
The council broke up at midnight ; and imme
diately afterwards the rumours of disloyalty were
confirmed ; for the Duke of Grafton and Churchill
rode off to offer their services to the Prince of
Orange. William received them very graciously, but
General Schomberg who, as will be remembered, had
fought side by side with James nearly forty years
earlier, observed to Churchill that he was the first
Lieutenant-General he had ever heard of who had
deserted from his colours.
When James received Churchill's letter an
nouncing and apologising for his desertion, he said
to Feversham : " I little expected this severe stroke ;
but you, my lord, formed a right judgment of the
person and his intentions when you proposed to me
yesterday to secure him and the rest of the runaways.
The only course I can now take in this unhappy
juncture is to throw myself upon Providence, since
there is no longer any reliance on my troops, whose
minds are undoubtedly corrupted by the pernicious
instructions of their disloyal officers." 1
Kirke, Trelawny, and several other officers with
some privates, deserted the next morning ; and in
1 Dumont's Military History of the Duke of Marlborough,
quoted by Mrs. Colville in Duchess Sara, pp. 69, 70.

396 ADVENTURES OF
the evening there were yet more desertions, in
cluding those of the Duke of Ormonde, and James's
own son-in-law, Prince George of Denmark. Prince
George, who was no favourite of the King, had a
habit of exclaiming: "Est il possible?" When
James was informed of his desertion, he said :
"What? Has Est i I possible gone too? I am
more troubled at such unnatural conduct of a son-
in-law than at the loss of his service. As a soldier,
the loss of a good trooper would have been of
greater consequence ! "
There has been a very common opinion that, if
James had made a determined advance from Salis
bury, and attacked William, he might have saved
his kingdom ; but there is a good deal to be said
against this theory. Too little is often made of the
King's haemorrhage and narrow escape of an apo
plectic seizure, which has been written of as if it were
a mere ordinary bleeding of the nose, and even as
if it had been used as an excuse by James for
timorous inaction. It is certain that his illness
had quite unfitted the King to command an army in
person. And if he did not command it in person,
whom was he to put in command ? During the days
of his illness, he received unmistakable hints of the
disloyalty of Churchill, and yet he had not sufficient
proofs against him to justify his dismissal. Again,
was he likely to have obtained a victory by giving
the command to Feversham, who was urging him
to fall back towards London and had obviously no

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 397
confidence in the policy of attacking the enemy, under
the circumstances ? Feversham had good reasons
for distrusting the loyalty of the troops he might
have to command ; and, in addition to this, Salis
bury and Warminster could not be defended. The
King's artillery, by some ill-chance, had not arrived,
and the enemy was in a very strong position at
Wincanton. Once more, with constant rumours of
the disloyalty of his troops, as well as of his officers,
would James have been justified in risking an en
gagement, however loyal, however confident, and
however skilful his commander-in-chief?
John Sheffield, Duke of Buckingham, criticises
James for J " depending on his army at first too much,
and now at last too little. For it is probable that his
soldiers, if once blooded, would have gone on with
him, and have beaten the Prince of Orange, just as
they had done the Duke of Monmouth. . . . The
truth is, our countrymen love not cause, nor man,
so well as fighting, even sometimes without any
cause at all." Possibly! But this statement applies
more to privates than to officers, and it was among
King James's officers that the disaffection chiefly
existed. Weakened by loss of blood and the threatenings
of apoplexy, disheartened by his retreat, hurt and
disappointed by the constantly arriving intelligence
of fresh defections among his soldiers, among his
1 Works, vol. ii., p. 69.

398 ADVENTURES OF
nobility, and among those whom he had hitherto
looked upon as his friends, and tired with a journey
made when he was utterly unfit to travel, James on
reaching Whitehall was greeted with the news that
his daughter Anne had deserted him. Well might
he exclaim: "God help me! My very children
have forsaken me." So affectionate a father was
cut to the heart by the perfidy of his daughter. It
was imaginable that Mary might be divided in
mind whether to be faithful to her father or to
her husband ; but Anne had no such excuse, as her
husband was not a principal in the dispute. Even
in his mortification at Anne's unfilial conduct, the
King expressed great anxiety lest she should suffer
any injury from her journey, in her, as was supposed,
interesting condition. He need have had no fears
on that account, for she had herself practised the
very fraud of which she had falsely accused the
Queen, namely that of pretending to be in a con
dition in which she was not. As her father entered
the palace, with tears in his eyes, after receiving the
news of her flight at its gates, he exclaimed : " Oh !
If only mine enemies had cursed me, I could have
borne it." But Anne cared nothing for her father's
feelings ; she was at that moment in excellent spirits,
on her. way to Nottingham, with Compton, Bishop
of London, riding in front of her carriage in a buff
leather coat, with a sword by his side and pistols in
his holsters. The defection of Anne was not the only bad

PRINCESS GEORGE OF DENMARK (QUEEN ANNE).

BY MICHAEL DAHL.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 399
news awaiting the King at Whitehall. Tidings
upon tidings of numerous desertions kept following
each other, as well as of risings in favour of the in
vader, at Newcastle, York, Hull, Bristol, Plymouth,
Nottingham, Leicester, and Chester. Dartmouth
professed his own loyalty ; but he made excuses for
refusing to convey the Prince of Wales across the
channel to France, and he declared that he could
not answer for the loyalty of his fleet. The Duke
of Somerset and Lords Northampton, Herbert,
Lumley, Stamford and Oxford all declared openly
for the Prince of Orange.
It was clear that the royal cause was hopeless.
Lord Melfort and other Catholics begged the King
to leave the country, so that his person might be
safe, which they did not believe it to be in England.
James summoned a council of forty peers, all of
whom were Protestants, to meet him at Whitehall.
Their unanimous advice was to call a Parliament,
to grant pardons without exception, to appoint a
commission to treat with the Prince of Orange, and
to dismiss every Catholic from his service. He
agreed to follow their advice in every particular,
except the last, and even in that he said he would
be guided by the Parliament when it should meet.
He had already dismissed the Catholic, Hales, from
the command of the Tower, and had put in his place
Skelton, who had so lately been a prisoner in it.
Clarendon was very insulting to his royal brother-
in-law at this council, behaving, says Ailesbury,

4o6 ADVENTURES OF
"like a pedagogue towards a pupil," and a day or
two afterwards he joined the Prince of Orange at
Salisbury. Before the Council broke up, James
said to the aged Earl of Bedford, whose son, Lord
Russell, had been executed for his share in the
Rye House Plot : " My Lord, you are a good
man, and have great influence. You can do much
for me at this time." Bedford replied : "I am an
old man and can do little". Then he paused, sighed,
and added very solemnly : " I once had a son, who
now could have been very useful to your Majesty".
James made no answer, but looked greatly de
pressed.1 The King determined to get his Queen and his
little son safely out of the country. There were
many difficulties in the way of effecting this ; but,
happily, an unexpected volunteer offered his services.
In our early pages James's cousin, Mademoiselle de
Montpensier, figured frequently. As we then saw,
she aimed at marrying Louis XIV. and refused the
advances of Charles II. and also those on behalf of
James when Duke of York. Missing three Kings, she
afterwards married the Count de Lauzun, who was
imprisoned for ten years in the Bastile for marrying
a royal Princess without the King's consent. He
it was who now bravely undertook the rescue of
the Queen of England and the Prince of Wales.
With him came a man named St. Victor, possibly
1 Echard's History of the Revolution, p. 190.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 401
a son of the St. Victor whose life James had saved
at the battle of Dunkirk, thirty years earlier.
Barillon urged James to cross over to France
and place himself under the protection of Louis XIV.
Halifax and Godolphin now also strongly recom
mended him to leave England and, as they were
at that time seeking the favour of the Prince of
Orange, it was probably at his suggestion that
they gave this advice. With an army that he
could not trust, and with his officers deserting to
the enemy every day, the King was helpless, and
he decided first to send the Queen and Prince to
France, and then to follow them himself. To have
gone with them would have been to court discovery
and probably imprisonment.
The night of Sunday, 9th December, 1688,
was chosen for the Queen's escape. The day be
gan badly by the looting and burning of Catholic
churches in London ; and bad news kept pouring in
from all quarters. The strictest secrecy was abso
lutely necessary for the flight — for such it was — of
the Queen and the little Prince ; and arrangements
were made accordingly.
In order to prevent suspicion, the King and
Queen went to bed as usual, between ten and eleven.
About an hour later they got up, and the Queen
prepared for her journey. Lauzun and St. Victor
were waiting in an anteroom, and they had brought
disguises for the Queen.
When all was ready, James turned to Lauzun
26

402 ADVENTURES OF
and said : "I confide my Queen and my son to
your care ; all must be hazarded to convey them
with the utmost speed to France". The Queen
bade farewell to her husband, followed Lauzun down
the back stairs, and through a postern door into
the Privy Gardens, at the gate of which a carriage
was waiting to take her to the Horse Ferry at West
minster. There they entered a boat and crossed
the then very swollen river, in the pitch dark night.
A page was waiting for them on the other side ;
but he told them that the carriage which had been
ordered had not yet arrived. The Queen had to .
take shelter from the wind and the rain — for it was
a terribly stormy night — under the walls of the old
church at Lambeth, during a long tedious interval
before the coach, which was late owing to some
mistake, arrived to convey her, with the heir to
the Throne, a baby only six months old, to Graves
end. It would have been useless to try to get through
the Dutch ships, stationed in the Thames and hang
ing about the Channel, in one of the King's ships
unchallenged ; so an ordinary small passenger ship
had been engaged, without its Captain knowing
that he would have any one out of the common
to carry across the Channel. The sea was very
rough, the Queen was very ill, her attendants shared
her fate, and the only member of the party that
was not seasick was the baby. After a miserably
uncomfortable voyage they arrived at Calais, where

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 403
the Queen preserved her incognito, but wrote im
mediately to announce her arrival to Louis XIV.
In the meantime, James II. was in an agony of
anxiety at Whitehall. The storm, which began
about the time at which the Queen started, had not
been reckoned upon, and it added terribly to the
King's painful suspense. Ailesbury, who was in
attendance, says that James passed a very trying
day. St. Victor, who only accompanied the Queen
as far as Gravesend, returned to assure him that
she was safe so far ; but James had to wait for some
time in great anxiety, before news reached him that
she had passed safely through that severe storm and
had reached Calais with his son, in tolerable health,
if greatly exhausted. This suspense was a severe
strain to be added to his many other distresses and
difficulties, especially in his weakened condition.
In the course of the day several officers visited
the King, and assured him that they would follow
him anywhere with between three and four thousand
loyal horse ; but James was well aware that to fight
the invader with such a small force would have been
useless. He, therefore, made preparations to follow
his wife to France. On the Monday evening he
wrote the following letter to Feversham, the Com
mander-in-Chief of his army.1
" Things being come to that extremity that I
have been forced to send away the Queen and my
1 James's Memoirs, vol. ii., pp. 249, 250.
26 *

404 ADVENTURES OF KING JAMES II.
son, the Prince of Wales, that they might not fall
into the enemy's hands, which they must have done
had they stayed, I am obliged to do the same thing,
and endeavour to secure myself the best I can, in
hopes it will please God, out of his infinite mercy
to this unhappy nation, to touch their hearts again
with true loyalty and honour. If I could have relied
upon all my troops, I might not have been put to
this extremity I am in, and would at least have had
one blow for it ; but though I know there are many
loyal and brave men amongst you, yet you know,
you yourself and several of the General Officers
told me, it was no ways advisable to venture myself
at their head. There remains nothing for me to do
but to thank you, and all those officers and soldiers
who have stuck to me and been truly loyal. I hope
you will still have the same fidelity to me, and though
I do not expect you should expose yourselves by
resisting a foreign army and a poisoned nation, yet
I hope your former principles are so rooted in you,
that you will keep yourselves free from associations
and such pernicious things."
It has been said that James II. deserted his
kingdom and fled, when he should have fought ;
but to fight with a disloyal army would have been
to court defeat and to plunge the kingdom into use
less bloodshed, while to remain in the country with
out fighting would have been to expose himself to
almost certain imprisonment, if to nothing worse.

CHAPTER XXV.
One bad piece of news after another came to
the King on the nth of December, among others
that there had been another pillaging of Catholic
churches in London during the Sunday night, that
a great bonfire of their contents had been made
in Lincoln's Inn Fields, and that the houses of
several Catholic gentlemen had been sacked by the
mob. There were great delays in the reception of
the Commissioners by William of Orange, delays
chiefly contrived by himself; but some little time
was lost through another cause. Lord Berkeley in
a letter 1 to Lord Dartmouth says that certain peers
had been sent "to negotiate: but the trumpeter
that was sent before for leave they found drunk
asleep at Reading, so they are forced to stay there
till they have an answer by another ".
At twelve o'clock, on the night of Monday,
i ith December, Ailesbury,2 who was alone with the
King, fell on his knees and, with tears in his eyes,
1 Bedford MSS. at Woburn Abbey, His.. MSS. Comm., nth
December, 1688.
2 Memoirs, vol. i., pp. 194 et seq., from which most of this
account is taken. 405

406 ADVENTURES OF
begged James not to think of flight. James told
him not to listen to coffee-house gossip. " For the
love of God, Sir," replied Ailesbury, " why will you
hide it from me, that knows that your horses are
now actually at Lambeth, and that you are to ride
on Bay Ailesbury ; that Sir Edward Hailes is there
to attend you, Mr. Ralph Sheldon your Equerry,
La Badie page of the back stairs, and Dick Smith
your groom ? " The King looked surprised, and
said : —
"If I should go, who can wonder after the
treatment I have found? My daughter hath de
serted me, my army also, and him that I raised
from nothing the same, on whom I heaped all
favours ; and if such betrays me, what can I expect
from those I have done so little for ? I knew not
whom to speak to or to trust ; some would have
persuaded me that you were their confederate, but
I could not believe it."
Ailesbury denied any confederacy with the re
bels and urged the King, if he must needs leave
England at all, to go to Scotland. The interview
ended without anything more definite being said
by James. "The footman I left at the bottom of
the private stairs," says Ailesbury, "came to me
in half an hour, and told me that the King was
gone." As soon as Ailesbury had left him, James hav
ing told Northumberland, who was in waiting, not
to open the door of his bed-chamber till the usual

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 407
hour next morning, put on the plain clothes worn
by an ordinary country gentleman, with a black
wig, and left his bed-chamber by a private door,
attended by Sir Edward Hales. Like the Queen
in her flight, he descended the back stairs, crossed
the privy gardens, got into a common hackney-
coach, and drove to Horse Ferry. He was then
rowed across the Thames in a small pair- oared
boat to Vauxhall, where his horses were waiting
for him. In crossing the river, he dropped the
Great Seal into the water.
The boat, in which James intended to escape
to France, was a hoy, or small coasting-vessel, of
the kind usually rigged as a sloop ; and it had
been engaged to meet him at Elmley Ferry, which
crossed from the mainland of Kent to the Isle
of Sheppey. The distance from Whitehall to
Elmley Ferry is more than forty miles by the
high road through Rochester ; but, as it would
have been dangerous to have taken that route,
James went farther south by Chiselhurst and near
Maidstone, making an early breakfast at the Wool-
pack Inn on Pickinton (Pennenden?) Heath. He
then turned in a north-easterly direction, crossed
the London Road between Rochester and Sitting-
bourne, and reached Elmley Ferry at about ten
o'clock. The captain of the hoy had no idea that he was
to have the King as a passenger ; he did not hurry
himself and James was kept waiting some time for

408 ADVENTURES OF
the boat before it arrived. As soon as it did so,
he went on board, with Hales and Sheldon, and
they sailed northward through the narrow channel
called the Swale, which flows between the main
land and the Isle of Sheppey, till they reached the
mouth of the Medway. The gale that had been
blowing for the previous thirty-six hours had not
yet dropped, and, when they began to get into
the open sea, the vessel sailed very badly. The
Captain said he must take in ballast, and for that
purpose, he ran her ashore near Sheerness. By
this he lost the tide, and his vessel could not be
floated again till between eleven and twelve o'clock
at night. Some gangs of sailors on the north coast of Kent
were driving a good trade at that time by stopping
priests and lay Catholics, who attempted to escape
to France, and by obtaining a reward for their cap
ture. While the ship was aground, one of Sir
Edward Hales's servants had been seen by some of
the gang, one of whom recognised his livery ; and
as Hales was a Catholic, it was determined to
arrest him.
Just as the hoy was beginning to float, soon after
eleven at night, three fishing boats, containing fifty
or sixty of the gang described, came up to the hoy,
and their crew boarded her. The captain of the
gang, with a sword in one hand and a pistol in the
other, ran down into the cabin in which the King
Hales, and Sheldon were sitting, and told them that

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 409
he arrested them as suspected persons. The men
fancied that James was Hales's chaplain, and one of
them even declared him to be Petre, of whose flight
he was apparently ignorant. Pulling him roughly
by the coat, the man exclaimed : " That's he. I
know him by his lean jaws. ' " Search the hatched-
faced old rascal," shouted another, who, raising a
long pole, which he carried in his hand, aimed a
blow at him. Fortunately it was stopped by a man
standing near.1
Hales took an opportunity of putting ^"50 into
the hand of the captain of the gang, and promised
him .£100 more if he would let him and his friends
escape. The captain replied that he must take
them to Faversham ; but promised that, as soon as
they got there, he would go on shore and arrange
for their escape. His gang, he observed, were
rather a rough lot, and possibly might try to rob
the three gentlemen while he went ashore : there
fore he recommended them to place any money or
other valuables they might have about them into his
safe keeping. The King, Hales and Sheldon acted
upon his advice ; but, say his Memoirs : " the King
kept the great diamond bodkin which he had of the
Queen's and the Coronation ring, which for more
security he put within his drawers : this advice of
the Captain's proved very seasonable, though he
failed in his engagement, for he neither got them
1 The Earls of Middleton, p. 155.

410 ADVENTURES OF
off, nor did he return in three hours as he promised,
but kept them there till broad day, when he came
and told Sir Ed. Hales (who by this time was
known) that he must appear before the Mayor, and
that he was geting a Coach to carry them up. In
the mean time (it now being light) severall of the
Sea men lept down into the Cabine, saying they must
search them, believing they had not given all their
mony to the Captain ; the King and the other two
gentlemen bid them search if they pleased, immagin-
ing by that readyness to perswade them they had
nothing more ; but they not satisfyed with that, fell
a Searching their pockets and opening their breeches
felt all about in a very rude manner, and the more,
because they found nothing ; but at last one of them
feeling about the King's Knees, got hould of the
diamond bodkin, and cryd out he had found a prize,
but the King faced him down he was in a mistake,
that he had several things in his pocket, as sizers, a
toothpick case and little Keys, and that perhaps it
was one of those things he felt ; at which the man
thrusting his hand suddenly into the King's pocket
lost hould of the diamond, and finding those things
there the King had mentioned, remained satisfied
it was so ; by which means the bodkin and the ring
were preserved : though indeed they were so ig
norant in Jewells, that finding a pare of diamond
buckles laped in a paper in the King's pocket, they
took them for glass and gave them him again."
Their captors brought a hackney coach and took

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 411
them to an inn at Faversham, " where, as the King
went up staires," say his Memoirs, " notwithstanding
his disguise and black periwig, he perceived several
people knew him ; so he tooke no more pains to
conceal himself".
James now tried to make his escape ; but the
man who was guarding him, " suspecting this, raised
the Rabble again and beset the Inne, so that it was
impossible for the King to get away ". James sent
to summon some loyal friends, and he "resolved to
go and lodg at the Mayor's house, who was a Loyal
man ; but as his Majesty went down Staires the
rabble were very rude to him, so that he had much
a doe to force his way through them ". As he
walked to the Mayor's house, he "was escorted
by the Seamen and Rabble, who as he went along
cryd out, that a hair of his head should not be
touched, but still kept a strickt eye upon him that he
might not escape, and when he cam to his lodgings
they made his withdrawing room a Sorte of corps de
guard ".
The King then wrote a letter l to Lord Fevers
ham, saying : "I had the misfortune to be stopped
at Sherness by a rabble of seamen, fishermen and
others, who still detain me here, although they
know me"; and he asked Feversham to send him
servants, linen, clothes and money, as all his money
had been taken from him. Finding that the King
1 Bedford MSS., Hist. MSS, Comm., 12th December, 1688,

412 ADVENTURES OF
had been robbed of every farthing, the doctor, the
vicar and the schoolmaster got together nearly .£30
which they gave to him.
At that time, James was but half recovered
from his recent illness, and all his anxieties, troubles
and hardships brought about another threatening of
apoplexy. He suddenly began to talk in a rambling
and incoherent manner, and those about him were
much alarmed ; but a return of the violent bleeding
from the nose relieved him, and the threatened attack
passed off.1
The next day, his Memoirs tell us, " Sir Bazel
Dixwell and Sir James Oxenden came to Feversham
with their two Militia troops, under pretence of se-
cureing the King from the Rabble, but indeed to
Secure him for themselves, and to make a merit of
it to the Prince of Orange, as contribiteing to hinder
his escape ". These two officers guarded the King
as a prisoner, assisted by a seaman who was "ex
ceeding rude, and when anyone came to the King,
they took away his sword and delivered it not till
he went out of the house again ".
When news reached the Council Chamber at
Whitehall of the arrest of the King, the Peers and
Privy Councillors, says Echard, were divided in
opinion as to what should be done. Since the
disappearance of James they had made overtures
to William of Orange. " However, after some
1 The Earls of Middleton, p. 155,

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 413
debates of different opinions," they " appointed four
of their members to wait upon his Majesty and to
invite him to his palace at Whitehall." Middleton
hastened down to Faversham to inform James that
Lord Feversham would come immediately with two
hundred of the Guards. The King, who received
many loyal messages, now made up his mind to re
turn to London and to send Feversham to Windsor
to tell William of Orange that he wished to meet
him for the purpose of a personal conference.
Ailesbury was allowed to go to the King, at
Faversham, as gentleman of the Bedchamber. James
received him coldly. " You were all Kings when I
left London ! " were his first words. Ailesbury re
plied x that he had expected another sort of welcome
after the dangers he had incurred in coming to him.
The King had not been able to shave for several
days and looked very ill kempt. He was sitting in
a large arm-chair, with his hat on, and the room
was filled with men, women and children who were
talking as if they were at a fair. Ailesbury made it
his business to silence them. At dinner, the King
was eating very bad bread, "and the wine he drank
was bad in proportion". Ailesbury asked him if
there was anything that he particularly wanted.
" Yes," said James, " A clean shirt." At last clothes
and servants arrived. "And indeed, after shaving
and dressing, and with a good periwig, he had not
the same countenance."
1 Memoirs, vol. i., pp. 209 et seq.

414 ADVENTURES OF
The next day, the King left Faversham. After
sleeping at Rochester he rode towards London.
" Blackheath," says Ailesbury, " was covered with
gentlemen and citizens on horseback, and two
eminent merchants came to the coach-side to beg
of me to beseech the King to pass through the
city, and that he would be a witness to the joyful
acclamations of his subjects." The King at first
wanted to go by Lambeth, where the royal barges
were in waiting ; but Ailesbury persuaded him to
gratify the people by granting the request of the
merchants and riding through the city. A number
of mounted gentlemen, bareheaded, preceded the
King as he rode through it ; large crowds on foot
ran beside him, cheering, and in many of the church
towers the bells were ringing merrily. As his own
journal describes the scene, there were " all im-
maginable markes of love and esteem, as made it
look liker a day of tryumph than humiliation . . .
the same crowds of people and crys of joy ac
companying him to Whitehall, and even to his
Bed Chamber door itself".
The triumph was short-lived. It is true that
there were plenty of his old courtiers waiting to
receive him and to welcome him : but the first news
he received was that William had imprisoned Fevers
ham in the Round Tower at Windsor, for high
treason1 — a most gratuitous insult to James — and
1 Ellis's Letters, ccclxxx.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 415
very soon Zuyleistein arrived with a letter from
William ordering the King not to approach nearer
to London than Rochester. James told Zuyleistein
that, being already in London, the letter came too
late, and he repeated his request that William should
come to Whitehall for a personal interview. Zuy
leistein said that William could not venture into the
city while it was garrisoned by King James's troops.
" Let him come with his own guards to St. James's,"
replied the King, " and I will dismiss mine, for I am
as well without any, as with those I cannot trust."
The King was in the midst of these and other
worries when the Earl of Mulgrave, who was at that
time Lord Chamberlain, asked him for a private
interview in an inner room.1 When it had become
known that the King had fled from Whitehall,
Mulgrave had formally and indignantly broken his
wand of office, as if the King had died ; but, when
the King returned, he had coolly provided himself
with a new wand and resumed his office, as if no
thing had happened. In his private interview with
the King, Mulgrave, says Ailesbury, "began with a
dark preamble, and beating the bush so long " that
the King, who was very busy, became impatient.
As a matter of fact, James was on the point of
having his above-mentioned highly important in
terview with Zuylestein.
" My lord," said James to Mulgrave, " I am in
1 Ailesbury's Memoirs, vol. i., pp. 215, 216.

416 ADVENTURES OF
haste to give an audience, tell me in short what you
would be at."
Mulgrave then began to praise himself, and he
said that his own loyalty (which if he had told the
truth, he would have admitted to have been, to say
the least of it, exceedingly shaky), had been so re
markable, that, unless it were conspicuously rewarded,
ordinarily loyal people would be greatly discouraged.
" My lord," repeated the King, " tell me what
you desire."
" To be made a Marquess," replied Mulgrave.
The King, impatient in his anxiety about his im
mediately impending interview with Zuylestein, ex
claimed : " Good God ! What an occasion you
choose for asking a thing of that nature! I have
just arrived, and all in disorder, nor do I know
whether I have even a Secretary."
Mulgrave assured him that the want of a Secre
tary would make no difficulty, as everything was
already prepared : and he then unfolded a Patent
for a Marquisate, which he had had made out in
due form for himself, only requiring the King's signa
ture. Mulgrave was leaning with his back against
the door, which would seem to have been made to
open towards the adjoining room ; and, just at that
moment, Ailesbury suddenly opened it to bring in
Zuylestein. The would-be Marquess staggered back
wards, and would have fallen if Ailesbury had not
caught him in his arms. As he was recovering him
self, the King said : " I will not do it : I cannot doit".

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 417
The shifty Mulgrave, however, afterwards got
his way ; though not from James, for he was made
a Marquess by King William and a Duke by Queen
Anne. In spite of the excitement of his entry into Lon
don, and his worries of the afternoon and evening,
the King, says Ailesbury, who "lay by" him as
Gentleman of the Bedchamber that night, "was of
so sedate a temper that he slept well,1 and I wish I
could have done the same. All the next day,
Monday, was a melancholy one, and the King in
continual conferences with one or other." Many
noblemen, officials, and deputations came to make
professions of loyalty, some of them being at the
same time in communication with the Prince of
Orange or his agents. Among those who obtained
an audience was the captain of the gang who had
kidnapped the King near Sheerness, with some of
his followers. He had come to restore all the
money and other valuables of which he had robbed
him ; but the King refused to take them and gave
him and his companions ,£10 to enable them to
drink his health.1
One of the generals of the army, which had
been disbanded by Feversham, at James's request,
1 Ailesbury frequently mentions the King's power of sleeping
in spite of worries and anxieties; but a news-letter of 27th Nov.,
(quoted by Mrs. Colville in Duchess Sara, p. 72), says: "His
Majesty gets little sleep but what is forced by opiates ". Ailes
bury, however, is a much more credible witness than a news-letter,
1 Ellis's Letters, ccclxxx. 27

418 ADVENTURES OF
came to him and told him that most of the other
generals and colonels had had a meeting that
morning, at which it was agreed that the greater
part of the disbanded army was in, or near, Lon
don ; and that, if the King would order them to beat
their drums, they believed that they would be able
to get 10,000 men together in a few hours. "My
Lord," replied James, " You I know have honour ;
but those who send you have not."
Once more James was pestered with contradictory
advice, some begging him to remain, others urging
him to fly. Halifax, who was in reality acting for
William of Orange, assured the King that if he
stayed in the country it was intended to imprison
him. The object of this assurance was to induce the
King to leave the country and thus save William
from further embarrassment.
In the course of the morning, wearied by his
counsellors, James said that, as it was a fine day, he
would go for a walk, and he only took with him the
two Scotch peers, the Earl of Balcarres and Viscount
Dundee.1 When they were in the Mall, he stopped,
and, looking first at one and then at the other, he
asked them why they had come to him, when so
many had forsaken him and gone to the Prince of
Orange. "Our fidelity to so good a master will never
change," said Balcarres. " We have nothing to do
1 Biographical Notice of Colin, Earl of Balcarres and His
Son,

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 419
with the Prince of Orange." Dundee asserted his
loyalty in language quite as strong.
"Will you give me your hands on it, as men of
honour ? " asked the King ; and they immediately
did so. " Well ! " said he. " I see you are the men
I always took you to be ; you shall know all my
intentions. I can no longer remain here only as a
cipher, or to be a prisoner to the Prince of Orange,
and you know there is but a short distance between
the prisons and the graves of Kings ; therefore I shall
leave for France immediately. When I am there,
you shall receive my instructions. You, Lord Bal
carres shall have a commission to manage my civil
affairs in Scotland, and you, Lord Dundee, to com
mand my troops there."
The King, that day, says Ailesbury, "dined and
supped in public, but all conversation was dry ". In
the afternoon, news was brought to the palace that
the Dutch Blue regiment of Foot Guards, com
manded by the Comte de Solmes, had come to
London from Brentford.
The evening passed off quietly at the palace ;
but soon after eleven o'clock, when the King was
about to retire for the night, Ailesbury was told that
Count Solmes had arrived at Whitehall and desired
to see the Lord of the Bedchamber in waiting. Ailes
bury went at once to the Count, who in the name of
the Prince of Orange peremptorily demanded to see
the King, there and then.
Ailesbury went to the door of the King's private
27 *

420 ADVENTURES OF
room, and gave the usual signal, a scratch with the
key. There was no reply; so " imagining that the
King did not hear, and that he was at his prayers
in an oratory he had under his closet," Ailesbury
made a noise with his heel, when James came to the
door and told him to come in. On hearing of Count
Solmes request, the King ordered him to be brought
into the bedchamber. Before Solmes had reached
the King's room, Lord Craven, the Colonel of the
Coldstream Guards, entered it, and he hurriedly told
the King that three battalions of William of Orange's
Footguards and some Dutch cavalry were outside
the palace, with matches lighted and in readiness for
immediate action.
When Solmes came in, he informed the King
that he had orders to take possession with his Blue
Guards of all places then occupied by the King's
Guards, namely Whitehall, Somerset House, and St.
James's, and to dismiss the King's Guards. Craven,
who was present, declared that, while there was breath
in his body, a King of England should not be made
a prisoner in his own palace. James told Solmes
that the Prince of Orange probably only intended
him to occupy St. James's, where the Prince would
come the next day to hold the private conference for
which he had asked ; but Solmes then showed the
King his written orders, in which Whitehall was
named first, and he begged Lord Craven to withdraw
his men quietly. The gallant old Craven, then in
his eightieth year, swore that he would rather be cut in

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 421
pieces, but the King, seeing resistance to be hopeless,
ordered him to allow the Dutch Guards to relieve
his sentries. The King now saw clearly enough that he
was virtually a prisoner. The guards of William of
Orange were even posted at the foot of his privy
staircase ; yet he went to bed about the usual time,
and immediately dropped into a comfortable sleep.
It was not to be a long one. About one o'clock,
Lords Halifax, Shrewsbury, and Delamere came to
Whitehall and, in the name of William of Orange,
demanded an audience of the King. Middleton,
who received them, objected that the King had
only lately fallen asleep, and asked them to wait
till he should wake in the morning ; but they re
plied that their business would admit of no delay.
Middleton then went into the King's bed-chamber
and drew aside the bed curtains with a little noise.
James was so sound asleep that the rattle of the
curtain rings did not awaken him. Middleton then
knelt down and "spoke pretty loud in his ear," at
which the King started ; but, waking up, he was
quite composed in a few moments and calmly asked
what was the matter. On being told, he ordered
the three envoys to be brought to his bedside.
As soon as they reached it, they handed to
James a letter1 ordering them "to tell the King,
that it is thought convenient, for the greater quiet
1 Rennet's Complete History, p. 536.

422 ADVENTURES OF
of the City, and the greater safety of his Person,
that he do remove to Ham, &c". James simply
said quite quietly that Ham, a house belonging to
the Duchess of Lauderdale, was cold, damp, and un
furnished, and that he should much prefer to act on
the Prince's first suggestion and go to Rochester.
Halifax replied that their orders were peremptory ;
but that they would go at once to the Prince, tell
him of the King's wishes, and return between eight
and nine o'clock in the morning.
The three peers returned at about the time
specified, and announced that the Prince consented
to the King's going to Rochester, but that he must
be protected by the Dutch Guards, both horse and
foot, under Count Solmes.
Shortly before eleven o'clock, James took leave
of his courtiers and the foreign Ambassadors and
Ministers. All felt that this was to be his final
farewell to Whitehall, and " many could not refrain
from shedding of tears on so moving an occasion ".
Then James descended the private stairs from
Whitehall to the Thames, and went on board his
royal barge, with the Dutch Guards in close attend
ance. The morning was very stormy with dark
clouds overhead, when James made his melancholy
exit from the capital of the country of which he
was the King. Boats filled with Dutch Guards
rowed on either side of the barge containing the
royal prisoner.
Dinner was served at about mid-day in those

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 423
times, and an hour or so after leaving Whitehall,
the King dined on his barge, making Ailesbury,
his Lord-in-waiting, and the officer in command of
the Dutch Guards — Colonel Wycke, a nephew of
Sir Peter Lely — sit down with him at that meal.
During dinner, James ordered a servant to hand
over a dish of meat and some bottles of wine to
the officer of the Guards on board the boat nearest
to the royal barge. Lord Arran, on hearing this,
said in a low voice : " Rather throw him into the
Thames ! " The King replied sharply : " My Lord,
you are a very good subject, but a very bad Chris
tian. The officer is a man of honour and is doing
his duty."The barges did not reach Gravesend till seven
in the evening, the tide having been against them.
There they remained for the night, the King being
lodged at the house of a lawyer. The floor of his
room had been washed that day ; it was still very
wet, and there was heavy rain outside, so his sur
roundings were neither cheerful nor agreeable.
The next day the King rode on horseback to
Rochester. Ailesbury travelled alone in the King's
coach. He had slept very badly and now tried to
take a nap, but he was disturbed by the loud and
"bloody oaths," of the King's coachman. Ailes
bury told him to be quiet and the man apologised.
Presently Ailesbury began to dose again, but was
soon awakened by hearing: "God damn Father
Petre ! " " What harm has he done you ? " shouted

424 ADVENTURES OF
Ailesbury. "Damn him," replied the coachman,
"but for him we had not been here." The man,
says Ailesbury, " spoke so much truth that I had
not the force to chide him, only praying him to for
bear his oaths ".
At Rochester, the King, "lay at Sir Richard
Head's, an indifferent good house ". Sentries were
placed at the front door; but "none at the back
door, which went towards the river," say James's
Memoirs. " By this the King was still farther
convinced that the Prince of Orange had a mind
he should be gon, which hindered him not from
continuing in the same mind himself, being per
swaded, that should he neglect that opportunity
and disapoint the Prince of Orange, by not going
out of the Kingdom, he would probably find means
to send him out of it, and the world too, by an
other way."
The next morning the King heard mass in a
large room, which was serving as a temporary
presence-chamber. Most of the soldiers attended
it. When it was over, James asked an old officer,
who was in charge of the cavalry, what was his
religion. Drawing his sword, the officer replied :
" By your leave, Sir, that is my religion, and I will
fight for those who pay me well ". The King then
said: "I am sure I have seen your face before".
" Yes," answered the officer. " I had the honour to
serve under your Majesty, when Duke of York, at
the battle of Dunkirk, nearly thirty years ago."

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 425
The King talked next to Colonel Wycke, and
praised his late uncle, Sir Peter Lely, the court
painter. Then he spoke of the uproar that had
been raised against himself for being a Catholic
and for appointing a few Catholic officers; "yet,"
said he, "in my whole army of eighteen thousand
men, I believe I had not a thousand Catholics,
whereas two-thirds of your army are of my re
ligion against which such an outcry has been
raised ".
In the course of the day, news reached the King
that, three hours after he had embarked on his
barge, William of Orange had come to St. James's
Palace, accompanied by 6,000 troops, and that, in
the evening, he had been visited by most of the
noblemen in London and the courtiers who had
professed so much loyalty to James in the morning.
During his "stay at Rochester, James spent much
time in writing — probably his own Memoirs — and
not a little at his devotions. He was perfectly calm,
says Ailesbury, and slept well, which Ailesbury did
not. Two days after the King's arrival at Rochester,
when he was sitting at supper, a special messenger
from London brought him a letter from1 "one of
the lords that was admitted into the Councils that
the Prince of Orange held, with his advice that the
King would not be safe if he stayed in the realm ".
1 Ailesbury's Memoirs, vol. i., p. 222.

426 ADVENTURES OF
After supper, James sent for Middleton, who told
him that, if he once left the country, he must never
expect to set foot in it again ; but that, if he re
mained in it, he would not guarantee his personal
safety. The King then had an interview with Ailesbury
alone. He began by saying : " You have on all
occasions, and in the worst times, stuck so firmly by
me, that on my part I ought to study your security
as well as my own, and therefore you shall not this
night lie in my bedchamber, but I will direct my
Lord Dumbarton to supply your place, for I will
not have you think of attending me. He hath
nothing to lose. I know that if you be in my
chamber in the night, when you come to London
you will be examined as to all particulars."
He then assured Ailesbury that he would be
most useful to him at the court of the Prince of
Orange, where he could serve him better "in one
day by being on the spot, than " he " could in years "
if he were out of the Kingdom.
" If I do not retire," the King continued, " I
shall certainly be sent to the Tower, and no King
ever went out of that place but to his grave. It is
a cruel thing for a subject to be driven out of his
native country, much more for a King to be driven
from his three Kingdoms. I call God to witness I
had no design for retiring. I declare to you that
I retire for the safety of my person, and I shall
always be in a readiness to return, when my subjects

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 427
eyes may be opened. All you keep together, and
live in unity, for my good. . . . Adieu ! "
Before this interview, the King had written a
Declaration to much the same effect, which he
placed in an envelope, sealed, and directed to
Middleton.

CHAPTER XXVI.
As soon as Ailesbury had left him,1 the King went
to bed, as usual, and, "when the company was gon
got up again," as his Memoirs tell us. Having
dressed himself, he left his room at about twelve
o'clock, and accompanied by his son, the Duke of
Berwick, and two or three attendants, he went down
some back-stairs, left the house by the, as it seemed,
purposely unguarded garden entrance, and crossed
the garden to the river side, where Captain Trevanion
was waiting for him with a boat. Having entered
the boat, they were rowed down the river, with the
intention of going on board the smack, lying off
Sheerness, which was to take them to France. But
when they got into the wide and lengthy estuary of
the river Medway, it was blowing hard and both
wind and tide were against them. The consequence
was that it was nearly six o'clock, before they reached
the already mentioned narrow channel known as the
Swale. As it was impossible to get out to where
they supposed the smack lay, off Sheerness, before
the tide came in, it became necessary to go on board
some ship lying in the Swale. The King chose
aOn 22nd December, 1688.
428

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 429
the Eagle fireship, because he knew its Captain to be
loyal. As soon as it grew light, they saw their
smack lying at anchor in the Swale, not far away,
and they all went on board her.
As it was still blowing hard from the north-east,
they made little way on that day, and they bore
across, past the Nore, to the coast of Essex, where
they anchored for shelter. The boat was small,
dirty and disagreeable, and the voyage a most un
pleasant one. To escape in a small inconspicuous
boat was essential. Glad as William would be at
James's escape, he could not appear to connive at it,
therefore to issue orders to all the Government ships
to permit him to pass would have been impossible.
And, as has already appeared, many private ships
were at that time earning money by stopping Catho
lics and other would-be fugitives, who attempted to
leave England without passports.
With the darkness of evening came a slackening
of the gale, and the Captain weighed anchor, set sail,
and went as far as the red sand, where he anchored
for the night. The next morning, Monday, the
weather having improved, they got under sail before
sunrise, passed the North Foreland and turned into
the Channel. In the afternoon snow began to fall,
accompanied by a bitter easterly wind. Towards
eleven at night it cleared up, and they could see the
coast of France about two leagues ahead. They
were not "able to fetch Calais," and therefore bore
on towards the Bay of Boulogne. About three in

430 ADVENTURES OF
the morning they cast anchor at Ambleteuse, a small
place on the French coast, a few miles north of
Boulogne. The voyage could scarcely have been more un
comfortable. In the cramped, evil-smelling smack,
the King and the Duke of Berwick had been penned
up in a tiny cabin where there was barely room for
them to sit. When Captain Trevanion tried to fry
some bacon for the King, the frying-pan was found
to have a hole in it, which he stopped up with a piece
of tarred rag ; and when he was going to pour some
wine into a can for the King to drink, it leaked, and
he had to make it serve its purpose by tying a cord
round it. At these little difficulties, however, the
King only laughed, and "never eat or drank more
heartely in his life".
As soon as he could, on the Tuesday morning,
James proceeded to Abbeville, where he made
himself known ; and from thence he started for St.
Germains. It is said that when the King of France
heard that the King of England had taken refuge
on French soil, he drew his sword and declared that
he would not sheath it again until King James was
restored to his Throne. Whereupon his wife made
the still bolder boast that she would "never put off
her smock" till she heard of James's restoration.1
When James reached the shores of France, his
Queen was on her way to take up her quarters at the
1 Ephemeris Vita, by Abraham de la Pryme, p. 38.

LOUIS XIV.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 431
Palace of St. Germains, which had been courteously
placed at her disposal by Louis XIV. On arriving
there, she was so overcome by fatigue and anxiety,
that she was ordered by her doctors to remain in
bed. The next evening, when she was still confined
to her bed, the King of France paid her a visit
at about six o'clock. Presently one of his suite
whispered in his ear that the King of England was
approaching the palace. Louis, without telling the
Queen, hurried down to receive him.
The two Kings met each other in the Hall of
Guards and embraced in French fashion.1 Then
Louis, taking him to the bedchamber of the Queen,
who was unaware of his arrival, left him at a little
distance, and going to the bedside said playfully,
" Madame, I bring a gentleman of your acquaint
ance, whom I fancy you may be glad to see ". On
looking round, the Queen saw her husband, and, with
a cry of joy, she threw her arms about his neck.
After giving the husband and wife a little time
to converse and embrace, Louis conducted James
to a suite of rooms which had been the royal nur
series of France. There he found the baby Prince
of Wales, surrounded with every childish luxury.
When the King of France took his leave, James
was going to attend him to the head of the stairs ;
but Louis held up a hand to prevent him, saying :
xSee the account of King James's arrival at St. Germains
in a "News-Letter from Versailles, le 7 Janvier, 1689," given in
the appendix to Lingard's History, vol. x., p. zio,

432 ADVENTURES OF
" Occasions such as this are so rare, that their
proper ceremonies are doubtful ; pray therefore, let
us waive ceremony altogether ".
In such a manner as not to hurt his dignity,
Louis, the next morning, sent .£10,000 to James,
and among the pieces of a beautiful toilet service
which Mary Beatrice found upon her dressing table
was a remarkably handsome casket, the key of
which was ceremoniously handed to her by the
King's upholsterer. When she afterwards opened
it, it was found to contain 6,000 louis-d'ors. Besides
these presents, Louis XIV. allowed the exiled King
and Queen £"24,000 a year for the expenses of
their household. When it was reported that one of
Mary Beatrice's attendants had said that her royal
mistress had disliked a splendid piece of tapestry
by Le Brun, in the alcove of her bed, because it
represented Darius at the feet of Alexander, it was
immediately removed and replaced by a piece repre
senting a triumph.
The exiled royalties held regular courts at St.
Germains. Madame de Sevigne 1 thought that James
looked very old for his years and very careworn ;
but of Mary Beatrice she says : " The Queen of
England's eyes are always tearful, but they are
large and very dark and beautiful. . . . She has
much mind. Everything she says is marked with
excellent good sense."
1 Quoted by Miss Strickland, Queens, vol. ix., p. 290.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 433
Louis had provided proper officers of state for
the little court of his English guests ; but they were
soon superseded by courtiers from England, who fol
lowed the fortunes of the exiled royal family. These
English courtiers had nearly all asked for passports
from William of Orange. He granted the passports
readily enough ; but he outlawed, and confiscated the
estates of, those who used them. This exhibition of
loyalty was most gratifying to the pride of James and
Mary, but the presence of so many adherents was
very embarrassing to their finances.
Little news likely to give James pleasure reached
him from his own country, and, within a month of
his landing in France, came the intelligence of the
decision of the British Parliament that the Prince
and Princess of Orange should be proclaimed King
and Queen of England. When James's dutiful
daughter Mary reached London, she was, says
Evelyn, " laughing and jolly " ; and the Duchess
of Marlborough 1 wrote of her that as to " the first
day she came to Whitehall, she ran about, looking
into every closet and convenience, and turning up
the quilts upon the bed, as people do when they
come to an inn, and with no sort of concern in her
appearance and behaviour. ... I thought it very
strange and unbecoming; for whatever necessity
there was of deposing King James, he still was her
father, who had so lately been driven from that
JSee Dean Sheppard's Old Royal Palace of Whitehall, p. 263.
28

434 ADVENTURES OF
chamber and that bed." Even so strong a supporter
of her husband as Burnet blames her unseemly con
duct on this occasion.
Yet it is but fair to hear her own defence. In
her Memoirs} she states that many people imagined
her to be displeased at her husband being about to
be crowned as well as herself, instead of being made
simply Prince Consort ; and for this reason, she says :
" I was fain to force myself to more mirth than be
came me at that time. ... I protest, God knows my
heart, that what I say is true, that I have had more
trouble to bring myself to bear this so envied state
than I should have had to be reduced to the lowest
condition." James had been monarch of three kingdoms,
and of those England was not that which was to
be involved in most bloodshed by the Revolution
which deprived him of his Throne. That Revolution
was welcomed in Scotland, not so much as a deliver
ance from Popery, as a deliverance from Anglicanism ;
and it was still more warmly welcomed as an excuse
by rival clans for wreaking vengeance upon each
other. The Campbells and the Stuarts and the
Macnaughtons and the Macleans and the Camerons
and the Macdonalds took up arms with amazing
readiness, not so much from love of James or love
of William, as from hatred of each other.
2 Memoirs of Mary, Queen of England, &c, edited by Dr. R.
Doebner, London, David Nutt, 1886. The Memoir is a copy
of her Autobiography.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 435
The campaign of Dundee in the Highlands was
one of the most romantic in the whole history of
warfare, ending as it did with his death in the mo
ment of victory, at the Battle of Killiecrankie. "How
goes the day ? " asked the dying Dundee. " Well
for KingJames, but I am sorry for your Lordship,"
was the reply. " If it is well for him, it matters the
less for me," said Dundee. Saddest of all the inci
dents in the history of those years of warfare in
Scotland, which followed the accession of William
and Mary, is the tragedy of the inhuman massacre
of Glencoe, a massacre executed at the written order
of King William himself. The Jacobite cause was
fought for in Scotland longer than in either of the
other kingdoms, and it can only be said to have
been finally lost at the Battle of Culloden, so late as
the year 1746.
But Ireland was the kingdom destined to be the
battlefield on which the last personal attempt was to
be made by James II., on his own soil, to recover
his Throne. He had not been long at St. Germains
when he received the assurances of Tyrconnel that
he was as much King of Ireland as he had ever
been, and that if he would go there and place him
self at the head of his brave Irish troops, he could
afterwards cross to England and regain his Throne.
Tyrconnel had always recommended a violent policy
to James II. and he continued to recommend such a
policy ; but there is a story — true or untrue — that, at
about the time of the invasion of William of Orange,

28*

436 ADVENTURES OF
Tyrconnel had made inquiries as to the terms on
which that invader would purchase Ireland from
his hands. William is said to have received his
overtures very coldly, with the result that Tyrconnel
returned to his loyalty with redoubled vigour.
The King of France warmly encouraged James
to go to Ireland and promised him ships, men, money
and every assistance in his power. James gladly
accepted a loan of 400,000 crowns and a supply of
ships ; but although he availed himself of the services
of 100 French officers before starting for Ireland,
he refused the French King's offer of troops, saying
that, if he recovered his dominions, it should be with
his own subjects or none. Not very long, however,
after he had been in Ireland, he was glad enough of
the assistance of French soldiers.
When Louis bade farewell to James, he un
buckled his sword and presented it to the ex- King
of England, expressing a wish that it might bring
him good fortune. " But," said he, with a smile,
" the best wish I can offer to your Majesty is that
I may never see you again."
If there had been no very romantic affection
between James and Mary in their early married life,
they had become devotedly attached during the last
year or two, and mutual anxiety and sorrow had
done much to increase their love. Consequently
their parting, when James started for Ireland, was
a very sad one, and it took place less than two
months after they had been reunited at St. Ger-

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 437
mains. The anxious wife wrote to Tyrconnel about
her husband : " Pray putt him often in mind of
being carefull of his person, if not for his own
sake, for mine, my Sonne's and all our friends, that
are undone if anything amiss happens to him".
She withdrew with her boy, from the Palace of
St. Germains, to the Convent at Poissy, intending
to spend her time there in prayers for her husband's
success and safe return.
Observers of omens prophesied disaster when
the news came that the boat carrying James's fa
vourite valet, and many of his personal comforts pre
pared for his campaign, had capsized and been lost
in sailing down the Loire, at Pont de Ce. Further
ill omens were James's loss of a day, through the
breaking down of his carriage, the delay caused by
contrary winds on his arrival at Brest, and, when at
last he sailed, the breaking of his ship's bowsprit by
fouling another vessel as she left the harbour.1
James embarked from Brest on the 6th or 7th
of March, and landed at Kinsale on the 12th. His
Memoirs state that, when his daughter Mary, the
new Queen of England, heard of her father's landing
in Ireland, she told her husband that "he might
thank himself for it, by letting the King go as he
did". Being informed of this on trustworthy au
thority, James "perceived that his own children had
lost all bowells not only of filial affection, but of
1 James II. and the Duke of Berwick, p. 124.

438 ADVENTURES OF
common compassion ". However, the news of her
father's appearance in Ireland " coming just before
the time apointed for their Coronation, it put a
scurvy damp upon those joys, which had left no
room in her heart for the remembrance of a fond
and loveing Father ".
From Kinsale, James went to Cork, where he
was met by Tyrconnel, who had raised an army of
about 30,000 foot and 8,000 horse.1 The reports
of that General were not very encouraging. The
loyal troops had already met with several reverses :
of 20,000 arms distributed in his army, most were
"so old and unserviceable that not above one thou
sand of the fire armes were found afterwards to
be of any use. . . . The Catholicks of the Country
had no arms, whereas the Protestants had plenty,
and the best horses in the Kingdom." As to artil
lery, Tyrconnel "had but eight small field pieces
in a condition to march, the rest not mounted, no
stores in the magazines, little pouder and ball,
all the officers gon for England, and no mony in
cash ".2 The men themselves were for the most
part wholly untrained, and partly naked, peasants.
They were, in many cases, tall, well built, powerful
and courageous ; but they were absolutely devoid
of discipline. They were allowed to rob wherever
they went ; and, although their colonels were usu
ally country gentlemen, their captains were mostly
1 Dalrymple's Memoirs, vol. ii., bk. ii., p. 47.
2 James's Memoirs, vol. ii., p. 328,

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 439
tradesmen or small farmers ; as Avaux reported :
"des tailleurs, des bouchers, des cordonniers ".
William's Commander-in-Chief, in Ireland, none
other than James's old friend and comrade in arms,
General Schomberg, had not very much more cheer
ing reports to write to his King in England. In
various letters, to be found in the appendix to part
ii., book iv. of Dalrymple's Memoirs of Great Britain,
Schomberg writes to William : " I never was in any
army where there were so many new and lazy officers
... if all were broke who deserve it on this account
there would be few left. . . . Your Majesty cannot
trust to the pikes. They were very old and became
more rotten during the rains of the last campaign.
As for the Inniskillings, they cannot use theirs at all ;
and they say as much of their muskets. . . . The
negligence of the officers is the cause why the
soldiers have lost so many of their arms." And,
after describing the disgraceful corruption among
the officials of all kinds with the army, he says :
" there is nothing but the passion and the devotion
which I have for your Majesty, that could make me
bear the chagrins and pains which I have suffered ".
From Cork, James went to Dublin, where, say
his Memoirs, " his entry was accompanyed by all the
markes of duty, honour and affection immaginable,
the streets were lined with Soldiers and hung with
tapestry, evened with gravel, and strowne with
flowers and greens".
Letters reached James from both Scotland and

440 ADVENTURES OF
England, urging him to go to one or other with at
least a portion of his Irish troops, instead of waiting
in Ireland for an attack from William; but James
decided first to subdue the rebellion existing in
Ireland, rather than to divide his forces and run the
risk of disaster in England or Scotland. He had
grave doubts as to whether his disorderly army was
sufficient to subdue his enemies in Ireland alone;
and, although before he left France he had refused
the offer of French troops from Louis XIV., he was
glad enough to accept their assistance in Ireland
when he had discovered the deficiencies of his Irish
army. Yet any victory of his French allies over
British soldiers or sailors irritated him. When
Avaux told him with glee that the French fleet had
defeated the English in Bantry Bay, James replied
coldly : " It is the first time that they have done so ".
It was not very long before James found out
that Parliaments could be troublesome to Kings in
other countries besides England. The Irish House
of Commons passed a bill reversing the Poyning's
Act, which made statutes passed in Ireland de
pendent upon the approval of the Privy Council in
England. James refused to consent to this bill,
and he is reported to have said : " I will do nothing
to the injury of my Kingdom of England, although
I no longer reign in it ".
The desire of the Irish Parliament altogether to
repeal the Act of Settlement was unjust, but James
incurred considerable unpopularity by opposing that

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 441
desire, and he said that he found Houses of Com
mons as hostile to him in one country as in another.
The Act of Settlement itself, however, had been
founded on unjust grounds, and great injustice had
been suffered under it, a fact which some of James's
historical critics appear to have overlooked. Yet a
first injustice does not excuse a second. The Irish
Catholics intended to be paid for restoring James
to his Throne by the confiscation of the estates
of Englishmen and Protestants ; but it must be
remembered that they had a flagrant example to
follow ; for during the preceding century, both in
England and in Ireland, English and Irish Protes
tants had considered the property of Catholics their
lawful prey. James has been severely blamed for
at last yielding to the demands of his Parliament
in Ireland, especially as to the Act of Attainder ; but
enormous pressure was put upon him, he was more
or less at the mercy of those who had summoned
him to Ireland, and there was something, if not very
much, to be said for the proposed legislation. And
to his credit be it stated that in the face of violent
Opposition from his most loyal followers, he got a
bill passed granting liberty of conscience in religion.
Rival parties in the court as well as in politics
made the position of James unpleasant and even
dangerous. There were the English Jacobites who
were devoted to the Royal House of Stuart ; there
were the Irish Jacobites, whose proudest boast was
that every generation of their families for 500 years

442 ADVENTURES OF
had fought against English Royalties ; there were
the French of whom both Irish and English were
jealous, and needless to say, there were rival parties
among the Irish themselves.
Another disturbing influence was that of Avaux.
Louis XIV. had sent Avaux to Ireland, as the re
presentative of France at James's court and camp.
Avaux was a polished courtier, although of plebeian
origin, and he was as skilful in diplomacy as he was
unscrupulous in anything that he considered to the
advantage of the King of France. In the political
advice which he gave to James in Ireland, he always
had the interests of Louis XIV. in view, and not
those of James II.
Before long, James had to leave the arena of
politics for that of arms. Schomberg, after landing
in the North of Ulster, marched to Carrickfergus,
took the town after a siege of a week, and then
proceeded to Dundalk. When the royal banner
was unfurled on the Tower of Drogheda, where
James arrived with some twenty thousand troops,
the two opposing armies were within a long days
march of each other.
The General in command of James's army was
Comte de Rosen, a veteran French General, nearly
eighty years of age. James had already been griev
ously displeased with Rosen, at the siege of Derry,
for his cruelty in placing four thousand of the inno
cent inhabitants, men, women and children, between
the lines. On hearing of it, he had sent express

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 443
commands to Rosen to desist at once from such a
proceeding ; and he had written to all his officers
ordering them to disobey Rosen if he persisted.
"These people," he wrote to Lord Dover,1 "lived
peaceably at home. They had either my protec
tion, or they relied on my declaration. Rosen's
measure was inevitably to depopulate a country
which I was resolved to defend." And he added:
such a measure " furnished my enemies with an
instance of my breach of faith in Ireland, which
would contribute to ruin my interest in my other
kingdoms ".
Although Rosen had the effrontery to reproach
James for his lenity,2 such was the dependent position
of James, as the protege of the French King, that
he dared not remove the Marshal who had been
placed by Louis XIV. at the head of his army.
James was angry and Rosen was out of temper.
Rosen and Avaux then joined with the most violent
of the Irish Catholics in resenting what they called
James's lenity to Protestants and his partiality to his
English subjects.
When James wished to force a battle upon
Schomberg at Dundalk, Rosen opposed the idea
and advised a retreat behind the Shannon ; but
James was determined. On the 20th of September,
he advanced his whole army to within a short dis
tance of Schomberg's lines and tried to provoke
1 Macpherson's History of Great Britain, vol. i., pp. 632, 633.
2 MS. Letters of De Rosen,

444 ADVENTURES OF KING JAMES II.
him to fight. Schomberg, whose army was then '
in a miserable condition, had strongly entrenched
himself, and he absolutely refused battle. Perhaps
he may not have been aware that, although at that
time James's army greatly exceeded his own, a large
proportion of it was only armed with scythes, or
with long knives known as skeans, or, in some cases,
with mere poles of ash, pointed at their ends and
hardened in a fire.
There was a certain amount of inevitable
skirmishing, in which James's troops had the advan
tage. But Schomberg was determined to avoid any
real encounter before the spring, by which time he
hoped, and hoped with good reason, to have a large
addition to his army from England ; and he even
made his soldiers allow the troops of James to burn
their forage within musket shot, without firing upon
them. Since hostilities had begun in Ireland, success
had on the whole been on the side of the army
of James, but perhaps his Memoirs overstate that
success, in saying: "Thus the Campagne ended
very much to the King's honour and advantage ;
two partes of the Enemie's Army was destroyed at
Land, and an infectious distemper had got into the
English Fleet ". In November, both armies retired
into winter quarters.

CHAPTER XXVII.
The winter's repose in Ireland worked in favour
of Schomberg. His troops improved in health ; re
cruits kept coming over from England in large num
bers, 7,000 Danes landed at Belfast in March, and
Dutchmen and Brandenburghers followed. Pro
visions, guns, and ammunition, came also. Luttrell,
in his A Brief Relation of State Affairs, says that
with the artillery came "four new invented wheel
engines which discharged one hundred and fifty
musquet barrels at once, and, turning the wheel,
as many more ; they are very serviceable to guard
a pass ". These were obviously machine guns of a
primitive kind ; and, as we hear nothing more about
them, they were probably failures.
There was no difficulty about persuading Schom
berg to fight when the spring came. He began by
inflicting defeat, in a small battle, upon the Duke of
Berwick, a General of the age of nineteen. Then
he besieged and eventually took Charlemont, an
important fort on the Blackwater. Story's account of
its Governor, Colonel Teague O'Regan, in his True
and Impartial History (p. 62), may give some idea of
the kind of officers in James's Irish army. When
the Colonel came out after the siege, he "was
445

446 ADVENTURES OF
mounted upon an old stoned horse, and he very
lame with scratch, spavin, ring-bones and other
infirmities ; but withal so vicious that he would fall
a kicking and squealing if anybody came near him.
Teague himself had a great bunch upon his back,
a plain red coat, an old weather beaten wig hang
ing down at full length, a little narrow white beaver
cocked up, a yellow cravat string but that all on one
side, his boots with a thousand wrinkles in them;
and though it was a very hot day, yet he had a
great muff1 hanging about him, and, to crown all,
was almost tipsy with brandy."
All Ulster was now in the possession of Schom
berg's troops. In June, King William landed in
Ireland and joined Schomberg's camp, where he
lived in a movable wooden house, carried in pieces
on waggons, and designed by no less an architect
than Sir Christopher Wren.2
James was in an ill condition to receive him.
The Catholics turned out of Ulster by Schomberg's
army, and bringing with them their flocks and herds,
had devastated the pastures in the country over which
James's army would have to pass to meet the enemy.
Moreover, James was terribly short of funds. In his
extremity, he had nominally increased the value of
the coinage, and he had also issued brass money.3
1 Muffs were then the fashion in France.
2 James II. and the Duke of Berwick, p. 233.
3 " My Letters from Ireland say that the brass money goes now
among the Rebel's army as well as guineas, that it pays debts and

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 447
Queen Mary Beatrice had sold her jewels to provide
funds for the war ; but she tried in vain to obtain
further subsidies from Louis XIV.
Marshal de Rosen asked, and was only too gladly
given, leave to return to France, and Count de
Lauzun, who had managed the Queen's escape from
England, and had now been forgiven by Louis XIV.
for marrying a Royal Princess, was chosen Marshal
in his stead. It so happened that the French
Minister then in power in Versailles, Monsieur de
Louvois, was jealous of Lauzun, and he was de
termined to do all in his power to thwart him ;
therefore, as James's Memoirs state, he contrived
that " all the succours which came from France,
were but in exchange for the like number of the
best Irish troops sent over under the command of
My Lord Mountcassell " ; and everything sent to
Ireland from France, in the shape of arms and
clothes was now so bad as to be of little service.
The French, however, had some excuse for not
rendering assistance to James, as they had enough
to do to carry on their own war; for Louis XIV.
had by this time embarked upon a campaign against
the allied armies on the continent. Lauzun landed
at Cork with 6,000 men ; but, probably through the
neglect of Lord Dover, who "was as ill qualifyed
to fill the place of an Intendant as the other of a
Generall," there were great delays in bringing them
clears mortgages as well as other money did " (Letter from Melfort,
April, 1690, Ellis's Letters, ccclxxxiii.).

448 ADVENTURES OF
to Dublin. As to the officials whom James had at
his disposal, instead of assisting him, they "pulled
each a different way," say the Memoirs, and it re
quired in James " as much dexterity to hinder their
hurting one another, and by consequence himself,
as to draw any use from such ill suted and jarring
instruments. ... In fine, such were the wants,
disunion and dejection, that the King's affairs looked
like the primitive Cahos."
In June, James found himself with a very weak
artillery, and a half-armed, half-trained, and less
than half-disciplined army of some 20,000 men,1
opposed to an enemy with more than 40,000 men,
and those mostly seasoned and fairly appointed
regiments, with thirty guns and a strong fleet in
support. That fleet was an important source of
strength ; for, as William kept near the coast, his
ships were able to carry his supplies.
Deserters and spies brought intelligence that
King William would soon be advancing, and, on
1 6th June, James left Dublin to join his army near
Dundalk. Not thinking the position favourable for
a battle, he withdrew his forces a distance of about
eighteen miles, on the south side of the river Boyne,
having Drogheda and the sea on his right, and the
village of Donore at his back.
On Monday, 30th June, 1690, small parties of
King William's scouts were seen in the distance on
1 The Duke of Berwick wrote that they had 23,000, but James
seems to have put them at 20,000.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 449
the opposite side of the river. Gradually they grew
bolder and came nearer. Observing this, James
ordered his artillery to take a couple of guns nearer
the river under cover of a hedge, and to fire on a
group of the enemy's horse, which was calmly ex
amining his position from a hillock near a bend of
the river, where there had formerly been a bridge.
It so happened that King William himself was with
this party, taking in the position and making his
plans for an attack on the morrow. After sitting
on the ground for nearly an hour, William remounted
and had just started on his return, when a ricochet
shot tore his coat on his right shoulder and slightly
grazed his skin.1 The guns continued firing, and
Story, who was with King William's army, says
that they "did some damage amongst our horse".
About three in the afternoon, King William's artil
lery came up, and an artillery duel at long range was
maintained during the rest of the day, without doing
much damage on either side. Meanwhile William's
army was drawn up on a hill opposite to that of James,
the river and some flat ground lying between them.
It was known to King James's staff that King
William had ordered Sir Cloudesley Shovel, the
Admiral in command of his fleet at Carrickfergus,
to sail to the assistance of Admiral Torrington,2
1 George Story's True and Impartial History, Continuation, p.
20 ; see also Kennet.
2 Torrington had been defeated by the French at Beachy
Head two days before the Battle of the Boyne,
29

450 ADVENTURES OF
who was about to attack the French fleet. Some
French privateers, seizing the opportunity of Ad
miral Shovel's absence, were about to attack and
burn what Story describes as "all our Transport
Ships with our Provisions and other Necessaries for
War," which were left at Carrickfergus Bay, with
little or no Convoy, and had been intended to follow
the army along the coast and keep feeding it with
supplies. King James's Generals, therefore, urged
him not to accept battle from the enemy, on the
banks of the Boyne ; but to retreat in the night and
to draw the enemy farther and farther away from its
base, which would prove fatal to him, in the case of
the failure of his expected transport ships. King
James, however, says Story, " was very much bent
on fighting, alledging that if he retreated with his
Army . . . the Irish, who are soon disheartened,
and only judge according to appearances, would all
desert him by degrees ". In James's Memoirs, ap
parently in this instance written by himself, we read :
"Besides his men seemed desirous to fight, and being
new raised would have been disheartened still to retire
before the Enemie, and see all their Country taken
from them, without one blow for it, and by conse
quence be apt to disperse and give up all for lost,
&c". William, in one particular, was much in James's
position. He too wanted to fight when his Com
mander-in-chief did not. Schomberg thought the
experiment too hazardous and, when William, not-

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 451
withstanding, gave orders for an attack on the
morrow, Schomberg retired to his tent in a bad
temper, saying that he was "more accustomed to
give orders of that sort than to receive them".
On Tuesday the ist of July, the men in both
camps were astir by four o'clock. The summer
morning was cloudless, and each desired to get the
battle over before the heat of mid-day. King
James's soldiers had orders to wear pieces of white
paper in their hats and King William's to wear
sprigs with green leaves.1
Roughly speaking, James's army was facing
north, and William's south. The main army of
King James was drawn up on the undulating ground
which extends from the river Boyne to the top of
the hill of Donore, about a mile in the rear. Rather
more than a mile to the right was the town of
Drogheda, and a mile still farther to the right was
the sea. To the left, there was no bridge between
Drogheda and a place called Slane, about five or
six miles to the west ; but the Boyne, which is
here a tidal river, could be forded in several places
at low water. The shallowest ford was near where
the aforesaid old bridge had formerly stood, and
was still remembered by the name of the little
village of Oldbridge close to its site. At this
part of the river were some small islands. This
was an important point of defence, and James in-

1 The Royal Diary, 3rd ed., 1705, p. 73.
29 *

452 ADVENTURES OF
tended to assign it to 5,000 of his best and most
matured English and French troops. The Irish
heard of this intention, whereupon they set up a
tremendous clamour. The post of honour, ought
not, said they, to be given to foreigners. It was
the Irishmen's right and if any troops but Irish
were placed in front, they would fire upon them.
Rather than risk a mutiny at such a moment, James
ordered the Irish to be placed, according to their
wish, in the front line, an order destined to bring
about a fatal disaster.1
In the neighbourhood of Slane, as we have seen,
some miles to the left, James considered, and con
sidered rightly, that there was danger of the enemy
crossing the river and turning his left flank, and on
the previous night he had sent Sir Neal O'Neill's
dragoons there to defend the position.
The first definite movement of the enemy ob
served by James, on the morning of the first of
July, was that of a large body of cavalry, far to the
left in the direction of Slane Bridge. Hidden by
woods, " ten thousand Horse and Foot," says Story,
had started very early and got a long way up the
river, before they were perceived by King James or
any of his men. Marshal Schomberg's son, Mein-
hart de Schomberg, was leading the cavalry ; Port
land and Douglas were leading the infantry.
To the mortification of James, it was evident
1 Dalrymple'g Memoirs, vol. iii., pp. 30, 31.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 453
that the enemy's large body of cavalry would reach
O'Neill's dragoons long before any adequate sup-
port could be sent to their assistance. Meinhart de
Schomberg's cavalry were presently seen to turn to
their left and make for a shallow part of the river,
a mile or more before reaching Slane Bridge, while
the infantry marched on to cross by the bridge.
If this large force could make good its crossing,
the position of James would be very critical, as he
might be taken in his left flank, and the road to
Dublin would then be left open to the troops of
William. James immediately ordered supports to
hurry to the assistance of O'Neill ; but long before
they could reach him, O'Neill was attacked by the
enemy. He fought brilliantly and so did his dra
goons ; but he received a shot in the thigh from
which he shortly afterwards died, and many of his
men fell, killed or wounded. Nevertheless, in the
face of very superior numbers, this regiment of Irish
dragoons held the ford for nearly an hour against
the enemy, until some of William's artillery came
up, when they were driven back and Meinhart de
Schomberg completed his crossing of the river with
his cavalry ; the infantry, which met with no opposi
tion, crossing it higher up by the bridge.
Lauzun was now far on his way towards Slane,
hoping to relieve O'Neill. James himself led the
reserves to the support of Lauzun, and, when they
had advanced some distance, he galloped on in
front of them to see how Lauzun was faring. As

454 ADVENTURES OF
he approached that General, he saw that the enemy
had drawn out in line to the south-west, with the
double object of attacking him on his left flank and
covering the road to Dublin.
At the moment at which James, clad in his
armour,1 reached Lauzun's side, the two forces were
facing each other "within half cannon-shot". On
observing the position of affairs, James advised
Lauzun not to attack until the reserve came to his
support, as it would do very shortly ; but, at the
very moment that he was saying this, up galloped
an aide-de-camp with the disastrous news that the
enemy had forced a passage through the shallow
water at Oldbridge, and had driven back James's
right wing. James's Memoirs say that then, he2
"wispering in Lauzun's ear, tould him, There was
now nothing to be done but to charge the Enemie
forthwith, before his troops knew what had hap
pened on the right, and by that means try, if they
could recover the day'.
Lauzun was on the point of giving the order for
the charge, when two officers, who had been sent
to look at the ground which lay between Lauzun's
cavalry and the enemy, rode back with the report
1 The armour worn by James at the Battle of the Boyne
is in the Tower of London : but in reality it was little more
armour than what is now worn by the Life Guards, though
different in shape. It consisted of a helmet and cuirass. The
helmet, however, had a visor, pierced in the form of the royal
arms. 2 This is apparently James's own account of the battle.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 455
that " it was impossible for the hors to charg the
Enemie, by reason of two dubble ditches, with high
banks, and a little brook betwixt them, that run
along the small Valley that divided the two Armys ".
The troops of the enemy showed no inclination
for battle at this part of the field. They were soon
on the move, and a long cloud of dust showed that
their van was marching on the road for Dublin.
James then hurriedly started off to intercept them
at the pass of Duleek, a place about three miles
on the Dublin Road. Before he reached the pass,
say his Memoirs, " the right wing's being beat was
no longer a mistery, for severall of the scattered
and wounded hors men got in amongst them be
fore they rought Dulick". In plain words, the
right wing had been utterly routed and was running
away. William of Orange, on the day of the Battle
of the Boyne, was superior to James, not only in
the quantity and quality of his soldiers, but also
in his generalship. It is more than probable that
James's shattered health had impaired his powers
in strategy and tactics. O'Neill's dragoons had
been far too small a force to send for the defence
of the important ford near Slane as well as the
bridge, especially at such a long distance from the
rest of James's army. William, on the other hand,
showed skill in sending a powerful but, during most
of the march, concealed force to secure the passage
of the river, at that point, to threaten James's left

456 ADVENTURES OF
flank, and to gain the Dublin Road. As it hap
pened, an attack on James's flank was impossible
because of the ditches and banks already men
tioned ; but the demonstration on James's extreme
left, or rather, it should be said, the demonstration
against an isolated detachment of James's army, at
a distance beyond his extreme left, had the effect
of drawing away, on a comparatively useless errand,
a large portion of James's army from the point upon
which William intended to deliver his main attack.
That point was at the shallows near Oldbridge,
where Tyrconnel, with a large force, had been drawn
up in front of the enemy's main position, to defend
the shallows in the river. Marshal Schomberg super
intended the attack in person. His infantry marched
down to the river, plunged into it, and, scaling the
banks on the other side, attacked the defences of
the Irish. For a time there was a savage struggle,
and the result looked doubtful. In spite of a wither
ing fire from William's artillery, so long as the
enemy's soldiers were in the river, or on the farther
side of the hedge-banks or entrenchments from
behind which James's infantry were fighting, the
Irish fired away persever ingly with their muskets,
or manfully wielded their pikes ; but, as soon as
some of William's infantry had scrambled over both
the river-banks and the breast-works beyond them,
the Irish line began to waver ; and, when some of
William's cavalry were seen crossing the river a
little lower down, it began to run.

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KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 457
In reality the Irish infantry had the less need
to be afraid of the English cavalry, because the
cavalry of their own side was its strongest arm ;
and, while the Irish infantry was in full flight, the
Irish cavalry was valiantly struggling to turn the
tide of battle. Twice the boy General, the young
Duke of Berwick, charged with his dragoons, on
the second occasion successfully driving a regiment
of Danes back through the waters of the Boyne.
Tyrconnel also made a gallant charge with his
cavalry, just as the great Schomberg himself, with
out even waiting to put on his cuirass, plunged his
horse into the Boyne, and placed himself at the
head of the Huguenot regiment, when he saw that
its Colonel was being carried, dying, to the rear.
With his long white hair streaming in the breeze,
Schomberg met the cavalry in full charge. He fell
from his horse with two sabre wounds on his head,
neither of which was fatal, but with a mortal wound
in the neck from a bullet, supposed to have been
clumsily fired from behind him by one of his own
men. To their credit be it spoken, some of the Irish
and French infantry gallantly endeavoured to save
the day ; but by far the greater part of James's foot
was in full flight, under the influence of one of those
wild panics which sometimes seize a routed army.
King James's cavalry fought with extraordinary
courage ; but enough of them turned tail and joined
in the race for the rear to increase the wild terror

458 ADVENTURES OF
of the infantry stampede. The torrent of running
rabble, tearing past James, must have been one of
the most humiliating and heart-breaking scenes of
his life.
Both the Williamite right wing, under Meinhart
de Schomberg, and the Jacobite left wing, under
Lauzun, were racing for the pass of Duleek. Lauzun
reached it first, prevented the enemy's troops from
marching on Dublin, and covered the retreat of the
Irish. To rally the Irish infantry was impossible ;
it was far too much frightened for that ; but, al
though retreat under such conditions was inevitable,
James's cavalry, wearied as it was from fighting all
day, fought valiant rear-guard actions, first at the
pass of Duleek, and afterwards at a pass farther on
the Dublin Road, until William's army, finding it
impossible to follow up its victory, gave up the pur
suit. From the moment of the arrival of the news of
the defeat of the King's army at Oldbridge, Lauzun
had been urging James to hurry to Dublin ; but
James lingered on the battlefield, until long after all
hope of retrieving the disaster was at an end. At
last, he reluctantly turned his horse's head towards
Dublin, and started on his twenty mile ride to that
city. Some writers have represented James as
having watched the battle from the secure position
of the hill above Donore, and as having fled to
Dublin as soon as his troops began to waver. As
a matter of fact, he rode to the front at what had

King james ii. of England 459
appeared to be the most critical moment of the
battle, namely when ten thousand of the enemy
were threatening his left flank. It was no fault of
his if the fighting which settled the day afterwards
took place elsewhere. Nor did he leave the field
until long after prudence might have suggested a
retreat to Dublin. And it should be remembered
that his personal capture would have ruined his
cause and that of his followers. To accuse him of
cowardice for retiring to Dublin from the Battle of
the Boyne is absurd ! Did Bonaparte remain on
the field of Waterloo after his defeat?
When James, wearied out and so covered with
mud that he could scarcely be recognised, reached
Dublin Castle, he was received by the Duchess of
Tyrconnel. As wife of the Viceroy, the Duchess
had held regal court in Dublin, and never more so
than during the previous winter, when the presence
of the King had drawn everybody of importance
in Ireland to the capital. In an earlier chapter it
was recalled to memory that the Duchess, when,
as Miss Jennings, she was a maid-of-honour to the
Duchess of York, had been much admired by both
Charles and James, and that she had scornfully re
jected the illicit advances of both of them.
At the date with which we are now dealing, the
Duchess had known that a battle was impending,
and she had spent the twenty-four hours before
James's arrival in an agony of suspense. Rumours
of disaster can scarcely have failed to reach her ;

460 ADVENTURES OF
yet she met the battle-stained warriors at the head
of the grand staircase, dressed as for a state banquet,
and accompanied by all her attendants. Kneeling
on one knee, she congratulated the King on his
safe return,1 and begged the honour of his presence
at her table. James replied that he had had a
breakfast that morning which had left him with
little inclination for supper.2
That night and the next day, James was con
stantly advised to leave Ireland for France. If he
were to be taken prisoner, all hope of his regaining
his Throne, it was said, would be at an end for ever.
And not only would his own cause be lost, but also
that of his son. If that son had been grown up,
instead of a very young infant, it would have been
a different matter. Letters came from Lauzun and
Tyrconnel, urging him to lose no time in embarking
for France. Such advice was very distasteful to
him, he had not yet despaired of turning the tide
of the war in Ireland and he refused to go.
But presently a letter arrived putting quite an
other colour upon the question of sailing for France.
It was in the handwriting3 of Louis XIV. himself,
1 On the other hand, there is a story of very doubtful au
thenticity, that, when James reached Dublin, he told the Duchess
of Tyrconnel that her Irishmen had run away, and that she
replied: "At any rate your Majesty appears to have won the
race ". The account of her reception of King James, as given
above, is far the more probable of the two stories.
2 Court Beauties of the Reign of Charles II, by Mrs.
Jameson, p. 173.
3 Dalrymple's Memoirs, vol. i., p. 442.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 461
and announced the victory of Fleurus, which had
put it into the power of the King of France to
withdraw his garrisons from Flanders to the coast.
Louis, writing before the defeat of the Boyne, im
plored James to sail instantly for France and to
leave the conduct of the war in Ireland to his
Generals, ordering them to protract it as long as
possible, so as to keep the enemy engaged in that
country, while Louis sent James to invade England
with an army of 30,000 Frenchmen.
On the strength of this letter, James hurried to
Versailles, where he was very kindly received by
Louis XIV., but when he asked that King how
soon the expedition, promised in his letter, would
be ready to start against England, Louis said that
the threatened junction of the Elector of Branden
burgh with the Prince of Waldec had quite altered
his own position since he had written the letter
described ; while the decisive defeat at the Battle
of the Boyne had obviously altered that of James.
The first meeting between the two Kings ended
without anything definite being settled. Then, say
James's Memoirs, " his Most Christian Majesty, by
pretending indisposition, waved seeing the King, till
it was in effect too late to do anything : for expedi
tion had been the life of the undertaking, and the
surprise have done more than half the work. When
the King therefor perceived the true motive of this
delay, tis certain his patience never underwent so
great a tryal in the whole cours of his life."

CHAPTER XXVIII.
If the adventures of the adherents of the ex- King
of England were many during the next year or two,
his own were few. Lauzun and Tyrconnel continued
the war in Ireland for a time, but their cause was
hopeless ; they were gradually but decisively con
quered, and then, as Green says : " the most legal
tyranny under which a nation ever groaned avenged
the rising under Tyrconnell "7
Although Louis XIV. would not fit out an ex
pedition against England, his Admiral, Tourville,
landed 1,700 men at Teignmouth, and sacked and
burned that town. In Scotland, Lochiel gallantly
struggled for the cause of the Stuart King, until he
was disabled by a sword thrust received in an at
tempt to separate two of his own very quarrelsome
followers who were fighting a duel.
Louis XIV. entertained James and Mary at
Fontainebleau with as much honour and ceremony
as if they had still been a reigning King and Queen.
In England, meanwhile, many plots were made for
their restoration, in some instances with dire results
to the plotters. With the increasing unpopularity
1 History of the English People, vol. iv., p. 15 16.
462

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 463
of King William, Jacobitism became semi-secretly
fashionable. Poets and poetasters wrote in its
honour. Few political causes have been so much
advocated in song as that of the Jacobites. Among
the earliest Jacobite verses was John Dryden's : —
While James and fair Mary are fled from our shore,
The graces are banished and love is no more ;
The soft god of pleasure in sadness retires,
He has broken his bow, and extinguished his fires,
And vows that himself and his mother will mourn,
Till James and fair Mary in triumph return.
One of the most curious of all the exhibitions of
loyalty in England was that of the so-called non-
juring bishops,1 who refused to take the oath of
allegiance to the usurper during the life of their
legitimate King. Five of these non-juring bishops
had been among the seven bishops imprisoned by
James in the Tower. On a memorable occasion,
already recorded, when James had upbraided the
bishops for their disloyalty, Turner, Bishop of Ely,
had exclaimed : " We rebels ! We would die at
your Majesty's feet." Death was not required of
his loyalty ; but loss of office and loss of income
he cheerfully endured. Besides the bishops, many
Anglican clergymen, who after taking the oaths had
returned to their allegiance, privately supported the
cause of James. Five hundred clergymen gave their
1 See for this subject, The Non-jurors, by J, H- Overton,
D.D., p. 24.

464 ADVENTURES OF
promise to join him if he landed in England, and to
attend him on his progresses.1
There was no lack of followers of King James in
his banishment ; but, although rich in numbers, they
were poor in pocket, and their presence was rather
an embarrassment than an assistance to their exiled
King. Among them were 150 officers of Scotch
regiments.2 These fine fellows, finding themselves
a burden to James, with an unselfishness as admirable
as their loyalty, obtained his leave to form themselves
into a company of private soldiers for the French
army, merely asking to be allowed to elect their own
officers. They were then clothed in uniforms taken
from the stores of a French regiment. James was
on his way to hunt, when he saw a company of
soldiers, and asked to what regiment they belonged.
Great was his astonishment on being told that these
privates were all late officers of his own, with many
of whom he had talked at his levee on the previous
day. He was so deeply touched, that he had not
the heart to enjoy himself and, instead of hunting,
he returned dejectedly to the palace. He afterwards
reviewed them, and, as he passed along their ranks,
he wrote the name of each in his pocket-book and
thanked him personally. Then he took off his hat
and bowed to the whole company. After he had
turned to walk away, he stopped, came back, bowed
once more, and then, says Dalrymple, " burst into a
1 Macpherson's History, vol. ii., p. 8.
2 Dalrymple's Memoirs, vol. ii., book ii., pp. 90*91.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 465
passion of tears. The regiment kneeled, bent their
heads and eyes steadfast on the ground, and then
rose and passed him with the usual honours of war."
The fate of these brave fellows was a sad one.
The officers, whom they themselves had elected,
cheated them of their pay and even of their clothes ;
they had to march 900 miles to the frontier of Spain,
much of the route being covered with snow ; and
after six years' service, chiefly spent on campaigns
in which they greatly distinguished themselves, they
were disbanded, 1,500 miles from their homes, with
out any provision being made for their return. At
the time of their disbandment only sixteen of them had
survived, and of those, only four reached Scotland.
One of these gallant men, Ogilvie of I nverquharity,
was the author of the well-known Jacobite song
ending : —
When day is gone and night is come,
And all are boun' to sleep,
I think on him that's far awa'
The live lang night, and weep, my dear !
The live lang night, and weep.
In 1 69 1, Louis XIV. and King William III.
were at war against each other on the continent,
and the Jacobites were inspirited by the success of
the French troops at Mons. There was another
cause of hope at St. Germains. It was true that
the plot of Preston and Ashton had failed, but now
officials holding high office under William were
privately intimating their penitence for their dis-
30

466 j ADVENTURES OF
loyalty to James, and hinting that they were pre
pared to work for his restoration. Among these
were Shrewsbury, Russell, Godolphin and Churchill,
afterwards Duke of Marlborough. Nor were things
going very smoothly at the English court. The
Queen and her sister Anne were quarrelling. For
the pious purpose of annoying Mary, Anne received
communion in her private chapel instead of in the
Chapel Royal, "a thing," wrote the Queen in her
Diary, "that all the world took notice of".1 The
Queen lamented her own and King William's un
popularity.2 " I heard daily things which discouraged
me extremely, that the King and - 1 were less loved,
that we had many enemies and no friends, on the
contrary all discontented and each seeking only their
own advantage."
Bad news came for James from Ireland, in that
of the sudden death by apoplexy of Tyrconnel ; if
indeed his death could justly be called a loss to
James. Any loss that may have thus accrued to the
Jacobite cause, however, was more than counter
balanced by another death, that of Louvois, who
had been at the head of the military administration
of France for more than a quarter of a century and
had always opposed every proposition for an invasion
of England. Louis XIV. sent a message to James
to the effect that the affairs of neither of them would
suffer by the death of Louvois.
1 Memoirs of Mary, Queen qf England, p. 24.
2 Ibid., p. 36.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 467
Once more James had reasons for hoping to be
restored to his Throne. Louvois being no more,
Louis XIV. had decided to invade England. All
the Irish regiments in the French service, together
with 10,000 French troops, were to go to the coast
of Normandy, where a fleet of about eighty ships
of the line was to convey the force to the English
shore. James was the more hopeful of the success
of this expedition, because the English fleet would
be commanded by Russell, who had again and again
assured the Jacobite emissaries that he was deter
mined to effect the restoration of James to the
Throne. Russell, therefore, thought James, would
take care that the French fleet should not be op
posed in the channel.
Middleton had by this time succeeded in cross
ing over to France, and he proved a very valuable
servant to the exiled King. He had been arrested
and imprisoned after James left England ; but, as
soon as possible after his liberation, he went to Ver
sailles. Although a strong Protestant and opposed
to much of James's policy, he obtained his confidence,
and he was content never to interfere or to be con
sulted in negotiations between James and Louis.
Before starting for the invasion of England,
James issued a declaration, and not a judicious
declaration, though it was less injudicious than it
is represented to have been by certain historians.
When it was handed to Admiral Russell by an
intermediary, he strongly objected to its contents.
30*

468 ADVENTURES OF
Yet he professed himself to be ready to serve James
by keeping out of the way with his fleet, at the
same time candidly declaring that, if he should un
happily meet the French fleet, he "would feight it,
even though the King himself were on board,"1
as he would be in honour bound to do so. James
took this hint and urged the French Admiral, Tour
ville, to avoid the English fleet ; but Louis XIV.,
on the contrary, ordered Tourville to attack it, on
the first opportunity.
The plan of Louis XIV. was to be very early
in the field. His fleets, both at Brest and Toulon,
were in readiness before their intended attack was
even known of in England, and the army was on
its way towards the coast in ample time ; but, " con
trary winds and violent storms" delayed the fleet
from Brest for "near six weeks together"; and
the Toulon squadron was prevented from passing
through the Straits of Gibraltar by unfavourable
weather. Unfortunately, too, "Those winds which
kept the French asunder, brought the others," i.e.
the English and the Dutch fleets, "together";2
and this conjunction made it clear that it would be
impossible for Russell to shirk an action with the
French fleet, under the very eyes of the Dutch
Admiral, if, by any ill chance, the French fleet
should come in his way. Russell was in correspon
dence with James, and made several proposals. If
'James's Memoirs, vol. ii., p. 490. 2 Ibid., pp. 491 et seq.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 469
James would only delay the invasion for six months,
he promised to get rid of some of his captains
who, he feared, would not obey his orders to side
with the French fleet, if ordered to do so. But if
this, or another alternative which he mentioned,
should not be acceptable to James, he besought
him to prevent any possibility of the rival fleets
meeting; for, "as an officer and an Englishman,
it behoved him to fire upon the first French ship he

met".1

In the last week of April, 1692, James reached
the port from which his troops were to embark.
This was at Cape La Hogue, on the extreme
north-west of the promontory of Normandy, some
twenty-five miles west of Cherbourg. Unfortunately
the transport ships were "so cruelly battered by a
storme," that they were not in a condition to sail
before the very unwelcome news arrived that the
English fleet had been joined by the Dutch.
Tourville had been severely censured for not
following up his late victory at Beachy Head. He
had then been accused of timidity and want of
enterprise, and he was determined to carry out his
orders this time to the very letter. Moreover he
reckoned upon at least some of the English ships
joining the French, in support of James, and he did
not believe that, if met in open channel, Russell, in
spite of what he had written, would actually attack
him.
1 Dalrymple's Memoirs.

470 ADVENTURES OF
About the middle of May, Tourville sailed from
Brest for La Hogue, the port from which he was
to escort the convoy carrying the troops to invade
England ; and very early in the morning of the 19th
when he had sighted the coast of Dorsetshire, and
was sailing in a southerly direction, he saw the fleets
oi the allies stretched out on the eastern horizon.
Instead of continuing his voyage to La Hogue,
which he could probably have accomplished un
molested, he very unwisely tacked and steered for
the allied fleets. By eight o'clock, the rival fleets
were in line of battle ; but not a gun was fired
before ten o'clock. Soon after that hour, James,
at La Hogue, heard the ominous sound of a heavy
cannonade, out at sea. This told him very plainly
that, in the face of his warning, Tourville had met
Russell, and that Russell had done that which he
had said would be inevitable, in such a contingency.
The roar of the guns continued for several hours,
and sails were seen on the horizon. In the after
noon, James could see the French ships coming
nearer and nearer. For some hours, considering
their inferiority in numbers, the French had made
a gallant fight ; but there were never any signs of
defections from the English fleet, and Tourville was
gradually driven to the necessity of retreat. As it
had become calm, he had to effect his retirement by
ordering rowing boats to tow his ships — a very slow
process. A little before six o'clock, as James was watch-

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 471
ing the French fleet coming nearer, and anxiously
looking at the allied fleets in the distance, he felt
a breeze on his cheek, and presently he could see
sail after sail being set on the enemies' ships. The
wind quickly freshened and the allies bore before
it towards the French fleet. It was evident that,
against such superior numbers, Tourville ought
also to set sail, and to run for shelter under the
protection of the guns of the forts at La Hogue.
Every moment James expected to see the sails
being set on the French ships ; but to his dis
appointment, nothing of the kind happened. On
the contrary, Tourville was preparing for another
action. It was not long in beginning. Tourville's flag
ship was the Royal Sun, a vessel of 120 guns, and
considered the finest ship in the world. She " lay
like a Castle in the sea " x and made a gallant resist
ance ; but the opposition was tremendous, and, late
in the evening, Tourville left her to hoist his flag on
the Ambitious. Well as the French ships fought,
James had the mortification of seeing that ill-luck
was still following his fortunes and that force of
numbers had routed the fleet intended to restore
him to his country and to his Throne. He perceived
a number of Tourville's smaller vessels running be
fore the wind for the dangerous passage known as
the Race of Alderney, where many rocks lay in the
1 James's Memoirs, vol. ii., p. 494.

472 ADVENTURES OF
channel between the Island of Alderney and La
Hogue, the passage being especially dangerous that
evening on account of a sea fog which was rising.
But what was to happen to Tourville's sixteen great
battleships? It was impossible for them to risk
the rocks in the Race of Alderney. They were,
say the Memoirs, "forced to that scurvy alternative,
either to be taken or run ashore". Their Captain
elected the latter.
Powerful forts had been erected at La Hogue
to protect the embarking army, and the French
Marshal was certain that no hostile ships would
dare approach them. James was not so sure of
this, and he wanted to send soldiers in considerable
numbers to the big ships aground, to defend them
against any attack from the enemy's armed rowing-
boats ; but Tourville " thought it a dishonour to
commit the care and defence of his ships to any
but seamen themselves," and most foolishly refused
the offer.
Three French ships which had run ashore at
Cherbourg, were set on fire and burned by the
enemy ; but, at La Hogue, the allies contented
themselves for the next two days with blockading
the bay. The success of James's intended invasion
was now evidently hopeless ; but worse was to
follow. During the two days interval, the allies had not
been idle. They had been busily engaged in pre
paring rowing boats and fire-ships drawing suffi-

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 473
ciently little water to enter the shallows in which
Tourville's large battleships were lying aground.
It is not impossible that they may have sent across
to England, in the meantime, for boats suitable for
so unexpected a service. On the afternoon of the
23rd of May, James's attention was called to a
movement on the part of the blockading fleet ; pre
sently loud cheering was heard, and then a flotilla
of 200 rowing boats and fire-ships was seen to be
approaching the French battleships lying aground
in the shallow water.
Tourville called upon his sailors to man their
boats and row out to meet and attack the invaders ;
but he called upon them in vain. They were seized
by panic and would do nothing. When the enemy's
boats reached the great wooden castles of ships, as
fast as the English sailors clambered up on one
side, the French sailors scrambled down on the
other. Ruin as it was to his cause, when James beheld
the courage with which the British sailors scaled the
lofty sides of the great French hulls, he exclaimed
with enthusiasm : " Look ! None but my brave
Englishmen could do that ! " He was implored to
speak in a lower voice before the French officers
who were around him. Several of the best French
battleships were soon in a blaze ; but the forts were
firing upon the English invaders, who were climb
ing up the sides of one or two of the larger French
ships not yet set on fire. On boarding those ships,

474 ADVENTURES OF
the English sailors fired the French guns on them
at the French forts and the French, harbour. From
these guns shots were flying about where James was
standing, and several men fell at a short distance
from the very spot on which he stood. Those
beside him begged him to take shelter. The battle
was irretrievably lost, and to stand exposed to the
fire of the round shot and musket balls was abso
lutely useless. But James seemed rooted to the
spot, on this, the last battlefield of his life. For
some time, regardless of the heavy fire to which he
was exposed, he took no notice of the remonstrances
of his staff. At last, with the remark that Heaven
was very clearly not fighting on his side, he quietly
walked away. He had scarcely left the place where
he had been standing, when a heavy fire raked the
spot and killed several officers.
His own loss and disappointment was not the
greatest of James's mortifications at that moment.
What grieved him most was that the King of
France, who had shown him so much kindness,
should be "drawn in to be a sharer of his misfor
tunes". To see his best benefactor's splendid
battleships in flames cut him to the quick. In his
agony of mind he envied the monks at La Trappe,
and to his friend its Abbot he wrote : " You have
left the world to work your salvation ; happy are
those who can do so ; they are the only people I
envy ". So great was his despondency that he did
not immediately start for Paris, but lingered on at

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 475
the scene of his disaster for some days, and accord
ing to certain authorities, for three weeks.1
It may have been some slight consolation to him
to receive at this time a letter from his daughter
Anne, asking his forgiveness. She had quarrelled
with Mary and William, and she had suspicions
that her father might effect a landing and be restored
to the Throne ; therefore she thought it prudent to
beg his forgiveness.3 James's two eldest daughters
had not been very filial in their behaviour ; but he
may have hoped for more comfort from a baby
daughter who came into the world a few days after
his return to St. Germains.
Even with his illegitimate children James had
trouble. The Duke of Berwick distinguished him
self as a soldier ; but he married against his father's
wishes, and his sister, after the death of her husband,
Lord Waldegrave, married Lord Wilmot secretly,
and too late to save her own reputation,3 or a scandal
in Paris most annoying to James. She revenged
herself upon her father for his rebukes by going to
the English court and there revealing all she knew
of his plans.
A spirit of resignation now came to the comfort
of James. When, after his disaster at La Hogue,
the Abbess of Chaillot compared him with St. Louis,
he replied : " It is true I resemble him in my mis-
1 Inedited Letters of the Queen of James II., see Miss Strick
land's Queens, vol. ix., pp. 321, 323.
2 Dalrymple's Memoirs, vol. iii., p. 233.
3 Strickland's Queens, vol. ix., p. 351.

476 ADVENTURES OF
fortunes, but I am nothing like him in my works.
He was always holy from his youth, but I have
been a great sinner. I ought to look upon the
afflictions which God has sent me, not as trials, but
as the just chastisement of my faults."
Queen Mary Beatrice made frequent visits to
the Abbey of Chaillot, and was a devoted friend of
its Abbess. James often accompanied her on her
visits ; but, when he wanted to retire into solitude
for contemplation in his sorrows, he used to go to
the Convent of La Trappe. It was, and is still, not
uncommon for religious orders to give laymen, who
have been their benefactors, letters associating them
to their good works ; and at Windsor Castle there
is such a letter1 from the Abbot of La Trappe to
James II., promising that "he shall be included in
the masses and prayers performed there every year
for persons of their order, and for those who have
a particular connection with them ". As everybody
knows, the order of La Trappe is, of all religious
orders, the most ascetic.
The compiler of James's Memoirs states that
"notwithstanding the private derision he was sen-
cible it exposed him too," he made a spiritual retreat
there the first year after his return from Ireland,
and continued to make one there, every year, to the
end of his life. On these occasions, James used to
" accommodate himself not only to their long offices,
1 His Majesty's Stuart Papers, Hist, MSS. Comm., vol. i.,
p. 6S.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 477
meditations, and spiritual conferences, but to their
very corporal austerys ; 1 for unless the King was
indisposed, he always eat in the refectory, suffring
no addition but that of eggs ".
For the remaining years of his life, he was
very penitent, as indeed he well might be, for the
great immorality, not only of his youth, but also of
his married life until half through his reign ; and,
though as secretly as possible, he practised severe
bodily mortifications for them to such an extent that
his Confessor had to remonstrate with him. Indeed
as regards his immoralities, he 2 " asked his Confessor,
whether since his age and character did not permit
him to do such penance for his sinns, as was agree
able to the horrour and detestation he had of them,
if he ought not to be content to suffer the pains of
Purgatorie the longer, and for that end not beg the
prayers of the Church for his speedy delivery from
thence ? but his Confessor and the Abbot of La
Trappe (whom he consulted likewise in that point)
though they were astonished and edifyd, with his
zeal, tould him, That one could not desire to see
God too soon, and that it was more perfect to wish
to enjoy him, than to suffer for him ".
In 1692, James wrote a long letter3 of advice
for his son ; and in the course of it he warned him
1,1 Austerities". They ate neither flesh, fish, nor eggs, and
they drank neither wine nor milk : living on bread, herbs, roots
and cider.
2 James's Memoirs, vol. ii., p. 589. % Ibid., pp. 622, 623.

478 ADVENTURES OF KING JAMES II.
against " the forbidden love of Women, of all vices
it is the most bewitching and harder to be mastered
if it be not crushed in the very bud. . . . The
greater men are, the more they are exposed" to
it. And he recalled "that terrible example of the
Royal Prophet, King David ". Later he writes :
" I must owne with shame and confusion, I let
my self go too much to the love of Women, which
but too long gott the better of me, by ill Example
and my not being enough upon my gard at the
first attaques of so dangerous an enemy, and not
avoiding, as one ought, the occasions which offer
themselves every day, and relying too much on
my own strength, having a better opinion of my
self than I ought to have had. I have paid dear
for it, and would have you avoyd those faults I
have run into."
It is clear that the remorse suffered by James
in his exile was much greater on account of his
former adulterous life than for the loss of his
kingdoms.

MARY OF MODENA, WIFE OF JAMES II.

FROM A MEZZOTINT,

CHAPTER XXIX.
The happiest part of James's matrimonial life was
that spent in exile. He had an excellent wife and,
in the leisure of that exile, he learned to appreciate
more vividly her virtues and her charms. Her
beauty, her dignity, and her generosity were known
to all the world ; but her devotion as a wife and as
a mother were only realised in her family. She
may have been a trifle strict, and what would now
be called " particular " ; but she was not prudish,
she was very patient and long suffering, and she
had great tact. When she left England for ever,
she was only thirty-one.
From the year after the battle of La Hogue, to
the end of her life, she was a frequent sufferer from
an exceedingly painful malady ; and, in addition to
this, for some time before her husband's death, she
had the cancer in her breast from which she eventu
ally died. But her patience and resignation never
failed. Her generosity was extreme ; and by de
grees she parted with every piece of jewellery and
every ornament she had in the world, to relieve
the wants of the English emigrants.
In some respects, the royal exiles were not to
be pitied. They lived in a magnificent palace,
479

480 ADVENTURES OF
splendidly situated and beautifully furnished ; they
had a large income ; they had a court and guards of
honour, as if they were reigning sovereigns ; they
had children and, best of all, they were now devoted
to each other, and their mutual affection was con
stantly increasing.
But large as was their income, it soon disap
peared in maintaining their enormous establishment
and in relieving the wants of their loyal but distressed
followers. Indeed Middleton had to beg the Jaco
bites in England to send monetary assistance. In
one of his letters, written in the code, he says : "It
is most certainly true that the Merchant (King
James) who owns the goods, stands in great need
of money . . . and therefore would be glad if any
of his friends and old customers would advance him
what they could spare "}
Royal exiles are often surrounded by rather a
motley crew, and James II. was no exception in
this respect. The court at St. Germains,2 says
Ailesbury, " was filled with curious persons, and
knaves, and spies, the former as dangerous as the
latter but not designedly". The courtiers, again,
were neither universally contented nor united. The
serious tone which the royal exiles had now assumed,
as well as the number of ecclesiastics who were
constantly visiting, or even living in, the palace,
was distasteful to many of their followers. Another
'July 14, 1694, The Earls of Middleton, p. 179.
2 Memoirs, vol. ii., p. 329.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 481
cause of unrest was the variety of opinion among
the Jacobites upon the question of the conditions
and the extent of compromise that should be toler
ated in the case of a restoration.
James himself was much less concerned about
such questions than were his adherents. Instead
of planning and plotting, he lived a quiet life, di
viding his time between his devotions, his hunting,
his family life, and social conversation. Both being
very fond of children, he and his Queen took a great
interest in all those — and they were very many —
living in the palace. "As they were usually sur
rounded by them when they walked on the public
promenade, they appeared often like the parents of
a very numerous family." *
The anxieties and worries of past years were now
telling upon the health of James, while the necessities
of his faithful followers were telling upon his pocket.
Prior, the poet, who was Secretary to the Embassy
at Paris, wrote to Halifax : 2 " You never saw such a
strange figure, as the old bully (James II.) is, lean,
worn, and rivelled. . . . The Queen looks very melan
choly, but otherwise well enough ; their equipages are
all very ragged and contemptible."
With the adventures of the Jacobites, in Eng
land and out of it, we cannot concern ourselves.
They were many. Many also were the plots for
the restoration of James to the Throne. It must,
1 The Earls of Middleton, p. 171.
2 Lives of Eminent Literary Men, Ellis, p. 265.
31

482 ADVENTURES OF
however, be insisted on that James neither author
ised nor connived at the well-known diabolical plot
to assassinate King William. Indeed James himself
declared that it ruined his hopes.1 When it was
reported to him, at another time, that an English
man, who had arrived at St. Germains, offered to
assassinate King William, he immediately ordered
him to be placed under arrest.2
In 1695, James received the news of the death
from smallpox of his daughter, Queen Mary. Then,
says Miss Strickland,3 he " shut himself up in his
apartments, and refused all visits : he observed the
mourning of solitude, tears and groans, but he would
not wear black for her death ". Another historian,
Macpherson,4 says : " Though the death of Mary
raised the expectations of his adherents, that Prince
showed little inclination to avail himself of it".
In the following year, however, Jacobites came
over from England to assure James that everything.
was ripe for a rising for his restoration. William,
they said, was intensely unpopular, the taxes were
heartbreaking, the currency was debased, trade had
decreased, and discontent was rampant. King
1 Die. of Nat. Biog., vol. xxix., pp. 195, 196; James's Memoirs,
vol. ii., pp. 545 et seq.; Ailesbury's Memoirs, vol. ii., pp. 365
et seq. ; Dalrymple's Memoirs, vol. iii., part iii., p. 96 ; Macpher
son's History, vol. ii., p. 18. As might be expected, however,
Macaulay tries to make out that James was practically guilty of it.
2 Letter from the Marquis de Torcy, 8th May, 1697, The Earls
of Middleton, pp. 229, 230.
? Queens, vol, xi., p. 316, 4 History, vol. ii., p. 94.

KING JAMES II, OF ENGLAND 483
William had only 14,000 troops in England and,
if the King of France would send 12,000, they
would be at once joined by many thousand loyal
Englishmen. There was more reason to believe
this story because many influential Englishmen, and
even Englishmen trusted by King William, were
secretly professing their desire for the restoration
of James. Among these were the Duke of Devon
shire, the Earl of Pembroke, then Lord Privy Seal ;
Lord Rochester, Lord Carmarthen, and — most won
derful of all — the faithless Sunderland himself, as the
letters of Middleton and the History of Macpherson
testify.1 When James represented this to Louis XIV.,
that King, who was still at war with William and
his allies on the Continent, agreed to send 12,000
men and ships to convey them to England. Faith
ful to his word, Louis sent the troops to the coast
and the ships to Calais. But it soon became clear
that there was a misunderstanding. Louis XIV.
had understood that there was to be a rising in
England before his troops invaded it, whereas the
Jacobites in England had understood that the French
were to invade England before there was a rising.
Middleton wrote from St. Germains, in the
code, to Colonel Sackville in England : " Mr. Smith
(King James) bid me tell you that his partner
(Louis XIV.) has the money (the troops) ready;
1 The Earls of Middleton, p. 197 ; Macpherson's History,
vol. ii., p. 95. 31 *

484 ADVENTURES OF
but that he will not pay till the company (the
Jacobites in England) has taken up the goods No.
953 (arms) and, upon the first notice of it, he will
immediately despatch Mr. Smith (King James) to
conclude the bargain".1
Louis XIV. had no doubt that the rising in
England would take place immediately, and at the
end of February he urged James to start forthwith
for Calais. James, on the contrary, had very grave
doubts as to the probability of an immediate rising ;
for he had received an unsatisfactory letter from his
son, the Duke of Berwick, who had just been over
to England ; but he dared not communicate his
doubts to Louis XIV., as he feared that very little
would be required to make Louis recall his troops
and thus ruin what was most likely the last hope
of recovering the Crown of England. Therefore he
acceded to the request of King Louis, and started
for the coast.
Not long after James's arrival at Calais, he re
ceived news of the horrible plot of Barclay to
assassinate King William, of its failure, and of the
arrest of several notable Jacobites. The indigna
tion aroused by the revelation of that detestable con
spiracy was certain to turn popular feeling against
Jacobitism in England for a time ; and James recog
nised the fact that, once more, and probably for the
last time, an attempt to reinstate him on his Throne
lFeb. 26, 1696, The Earls of Middleton, p. 210,

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 485
had proved a failure. As his Memoirs put it, "now
there was no thinking of the Jacobits ventring to
rise, much less of the King's landing". Even if
this untoward event had not occurred, and if the
Jacobites had risen in England, the expedition
would probably have failed, as many of the trans
ports intended to carry the French troops to the
coast of Kent had been wrecked by a storm in the
Channel. James waited for a time at Boulogne and
then returned to St. Germains.
Approaches were now made to James, on the
question of his accepting another Crown. That
great warrior, John Sobieski, King of Poland, was
no more, and the Diet had to elect a Sovereign
to succeed him. The three chief candidates were
the late King's son, the Prince of Conde, and the
Elector of Saxony ; but there was a large and in
creasing party in favour of offering the Throne to
James. Louis, who would have been relieved by
the departure of so expensive a guest, encouraged
James to allow himself to be nominated, but James
refused. The following year (1697) a^ hope of a res
toration by the assistance of French arms was
extinguished by the Peace of Ryswick, whereby
both belligerents relinquished all their conquests
made since the Treaty of Nimeguen in 1678, and
Louis XIV. acknowledged William as King of Eng
land and the Princess Anne as his successor. The
French finances were becoming exhausted with

486 ADVENTURES OF
the long war, and Louis XIV. was also desirous to
end it because he wished to turn his endeavours to
the matter of the Spanish succession ; otherwise he
would not have yielded to such terms. Although
his Queen, Maria Theresa, had renounced her
claim to Spain on her marriage, Louis XIV., who
had very easy notions as to the sanctity of treaties,
never intended that renunciation to be observed ;
and he now wished Philip, Duke of Anjou, the
second son of the Dauphin, to succeed to the Crown
of Spain. The Emperor Leopold and King William,
on the contrary, had introduced a second article into
their Grand Alliance, whereby both agreed " in the
event of the death of Charles II. of Spain without
heirs, to support the claims of the Emperor and his
House to the Spanish monarchy, &C.".1 Therefore,
in order to obtain the Crown of Spain for his own
candidate, it became necessary that Louis should
break up the Grand Alliance, by making a treaty
with King William.
Although the Peace of Ryswick was fatal to the
hopes of the Jacobites, Louis stood out on two points
affecting James and Mary in the terms originally
suggested. He refused to exile James from France
and he insisted upon the payment of her dowry
of .£50,000 a year to Mary Beatrice. Nor did the
Peace of Ryswick in any way affect the friendship of
Louis XIV. towards the royal exiles from England.
1 Dumont, vii., ii., p. 229.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 487
He was as hospitable and as friendly to the ex- King
and Queen as before. Mary Beatrice continued to
be the greatest lady at the court of France, as the
King's morganatic though legal wife, Madame de
Maintenon, had no recognised rank as a royalty.
Her own anomalous position occasionally aroused
the jealousy of Madame de Maintenon ; but, as a
rule, she was a kind friend to Queen Mary. Un
luckily the courier bringing the news of the com
pletion of the Peace of Ryswick, arrived at the same
time as James and Mary, on one of their visits to
Fontainebleau. Of this incident Queen Mary wrote,
that1 the King of France " was beside himself to see
us arrive at Fontainebleau at the same time with the
Courier who brought the news of the peace, and he
testifies much friendship, pity, and even sorrow, for
us. He had no power to act otherwise in this matter."
When James was spoken to on the subject of
the Peace of Ryswick, he said quietly : " I believe
it will give to the King of France as much or more
trouble than to me, who have been so inured to
contradictions all my life".2 In order to assert
his rights however, James issued a formal protest
against the treaty.
In England, rejoicings were mingled with sneers
at what was regarded as the desertion of King
James II. by Louis XIV. Lampoons derided his
1 Letters of the Queen of James II. in the Archives au Royaume
de France. 2 James's Memoirs, vol. ii., p. 562.

488 ADVENTURES OF
conduct. Among them was A Satyr upon the
French King Writ after the Peace of Reswick by a
Non-swearing Parson}
And hast thou left old Jemmy in the lurch !
A plague confound the doctors of thy Church ;
Then to abandon poor Italian Molly,2
[Would I'd the beating of thy back] with holly !
Next to discard the virtuous Prince of Wales,
How suits this with the honour of Versailles ?
Fourthly and lastly, to renounce the Turks ; 3
This is the Devil — the Devil and all his works.
Who could have e'er believed, unless in spite,
Louis le Grand would turn rank Williamite ?
Thou that hast looked so fierce and talked so big,
In thine old age to dwindle to a Whig !
King William offered the succession to his Crown
to the Prince of Wales, on condition of his being
brought up a Protestant ; and the compiler of
James's Memoirs 4 seems to hint that even this con
dition would not have been enforced. He accuses
James of having been too hurried in refusing such
an offer, owing to his not having been able to
"support the thoughts (he Sayd) of making his
own Child a complice to his unjust dethronement".
Most probably the real reason of James's refusal
was his belief that a change of religion would be
1 Poems on Affairs of State from the Time of Oliver Cromwell
to Abdication of James IL, vol. ii., p. 258.
2 Mary Beatrice.
3 This is in allusion to Louis XIV. having been an ally of the
Turks, when both were at war with the Emperor.
*Vol. ii., p. 575.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 489
enforced, in the case of an acceptance ; and that
any hints to the contrary were not to be trusted.
The only amusement for which James now cared
was hunting, and that sport he seemed to enjoy as
much as ever. He could still stand a good deal of
fatigue; and although, in 1699, he suffered a good
deal from a carbuncle in the neck — often rather an
ominous symptom in a man of sixty-six — on the
whole he enjoyed good health ; he was much in the
open air and he slept well.1 Yet he lived a life,
not only of disappointment, but also of constant
worries, the latter emanating principally from the
exceedingly injudicious proceedings of many of his
adherents, both in France and in England. King
William had now an English Ambassador in Paris,
and this again led to disagreeable complications,
both political and social. James's calmness and
patience, however, continued unruffled.
His adventures and also his desire for adventures
were coming to an end, as he entered his sixty-ninth
year. On the evening of Good Friday, 4th March,
1 701, James was attending the Office of Tenebrae
in the Chapel Royal at St. Germains. It is, as it is
intended to be, a solemn, even a gloomy service.
The three psalms of the First Nocturn and its first
and second lesson had been read. The third lesson
was begun: " Recordare, Domine," etc. (Lamenta
tions, chap, v.): "Remember, O Lord, what is
come upon us : consider and behold our reproach.
1 Ailesbury says that he had good information on this point.

490 ADVENTURES OF
Our inheritance is turned to strangers, our houses to
aliens." Sometimes, in a familiar book, be it our
Bible, our Shakespeare, our Marcus Aurelius — or
it may be even a book of a very much lighter char
acter, a passage which we have read over and over
again without very special notice will suddenly strike
us in a new light, or with unwonted force. And
thus it was with James in this instance. The touch
ing words, so suitable to his own case, deeply affected
him. He became dizzy and fell, in an attack of
apoplexy, a return, in short, of the malady from
which he had suffered on joining his army at Salis
bury, to repel the invasion of the Prince of Orange ;
and again it was relieved, there and then, by vio
lent haemorrhage. In a few hours he surprised his
doctors by appearing fairly well again, if somewhat
shattered ; but, a week later, he had a slight para
lytic stroke, which left him with a decided loss of
power in his right hand and leg. "He trembles
with apprehension lest it should go to his head,"
wrote Mary Beatrice to the Abbess of Chaillot.
From this second attack he rallied and his doc
tors recommended him to try the waters of Bourbon,
Bourbon l'Archambault, on the Burge, has saline
waters, supplied from a spring, called La Source
de Jonas. At the time of James's illness, it had
lately been brought into notice, and also into fashion,
by Madame de Montespan, who died there. James
was much disinclined to visit it ; but his wife
and his friends, and even Louis XIV. urged him

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 491
to do so. And then a fresh humiliation confronted
him ; for he had not enough money for the long and
expensive journey. Mary Beatrice was obliged to
beg the necessary funds from the King of France,
stipulating that her husband should travel without
any state or ceremony. Louis XIV. far exceeded
her request. He sent her, in gold, the sum which
she had suggested as sufficient ; but he also sent an
official with orders to accompany the party, to pay
all expenses, and to take care that James went to
Bourbon with as much comfort and luxury as if he
had been going there himself.
In the previous pages we have been considering
the adventures of a soldier, a sailor, a King and an
exile. It is likely enough that readers may have
found even these tedious ; but how much more
wearisome would they find the adventures of an
invalid — the fancied improvement at a watering-
place, the deceptive increase of strength during the
summer months, the ups and downs, the lethargy
mistaken for patience, the walks, the drives, even
the mounting of a horse for a short, yet a too long,
time, the changes of treatment showing but too
plainly that their predecessors had failed to produce
the hoped-for effects ! these and such-like details the
reader shall be spared. They exist in plenty, in the
interesting pages of Miss Strickland,1 for those who
may wish to read about them.
Towards the late summer the weakness of James
1 Queens, vol. ix., pp. 386-408.

492 ADVENTURES OF
rapidly increased. Early in September he had an
other attack in the Chapel Royal. After this, the end
was evidently a mere matter of days, and he was
soon lying on his death-bed, having received all the
rites of the Church for which he had sacrificed so
much worldly prosperity. As he lay there, he was
constantly lamenting his own misdeeds, and praying
for King William, who was also approaching his end,
for the Emperor, the only Catholic Monarch who
had been accessory to his dethronement, for his own
faithless daughter, Anne, and for all who had ever
done him an injury.
One scene we must notice. Louis XIV. was
standing at the bedside of the last of the Stuart
Kings.1 James was aroused from a stupor to be
told that the King of France was present. "I am
going," said James to Louis, " to pay that debt which
must be paid by all Kings, as well as by their
meanest subjects. I give your Majesty my dying
thanks for all your kindnesses to myself and to my
afflicted family."
" That is a small matter, indeed," replied Louis
XIV., "I am come, Sir, to acquaint you that when
ever it shall please God to call your Majesty out of
this world, I will take your family under my pro
tection, and will recognise your son, the Prince of
Wales, as the heir of your three realms."
1 Account of the Death of James II. by his Queen, Chaillot
MS., Archives au Royaume de France; see Miss Strickland's
Queens, vol. ix., pp. 403 et seq.

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 493
When the King of France made this very unex
pected announcement, which was in direct contradic
tion to the Treaty of Ryswick, all present fell on
their knees to him.1
James feebly held out his arms to Louis, who
broke down in tears as he embraced him. Of what
James then said in a weak voice, all that could be
heard was : "I thank God I die with perfect resig
nation, and forgive all the world, particularly the
Emperor and the Prince of Orange ".
Presently James begged that there should be no
pomp at his funeral. "That," said Louis, "is the
only favour I cannot grant."
"Rather," replied James, "employ any money
you may feel disposed to expend for that purpose
upon my destitute followers. And, now, let me
beg you to remain no longer in so melancholy a
place." The dying King's only trouble appeared to be
the terrible sorrow of his faithful wife. " My joy,"
said he, " is in the hope I feel, that God in his mercy
will forgive me my sins, and receive me into his
beatitude, and you are afflicted at it. I have long
sighed for this happy moment, and you know it well.
1 It may be said that little came of this promise. Louis,
however, did something towards it. A draft of a secret treaty
between Louis XIV., Philip V. and Clement XI. to restore James
III. exists among the Gualterio MSS. at the British Museum (No.
20294). The date is 1702. It may be found at full length in the
appendix to Mr. F. W. Head's very interesting work, The Fallen
Stuarts, p. 316.

494 ADVENTURES OF
Cease, therefore, to lament for me. I will pray for
you. — Farewell ! "
At three o'clock on the afternoon of Friday,
16th September, 1701, King James II., at the age of
sixty-eight, passed quietly away, without pain and
with a smile on his countenance.
Perhaps the best commentary on the death
of James II. was the action of his chief official.
Middleton hated the Catholic religion with a bitter
hatred, he had a special contempt for converts to it,
and his opposition, always unhesitatingly expressed,
to any favouritism shown towards Catholics and
everything done for the welfare of the Catholic
Church by James, had constantly put a strain upon
their relations, sometimes nearly resulting in a rup
ture between them. Yet so deep an impression did
the death -bed of James II. make upon Middleton
that he retired to a convent for instruction in the
religion of his late royal master, and shortly after
wards made a public profession of its faith.
The foregoing pages have contained an account
of the adventures, rather than a study of the character
of James II. Such adventures are very far from
providing sufficient evidence or material for a judicial
estimate of that character. History, properly so-
called, must be laboriously examined by those who
desire to form an accurate judgment upon it. To
what extent the incidents recounted by the present
writer may contribute as subsidiaries to such an ex-

KING JAMES II. OF ENGLAND 495
amination, it is not for him to suggest ; nor will he
offer to draw inferences from such evidence as he
has adduced ; but in letting fall the curtain upon
the scenes he has attempted to describe, he will offer
a few comparisons between the last of the Stuart
Kings and his predecessors.
He ventures to suggest that the last was the
best of the Stuart Kings. James II. was certainly
superior to the pompous, priggish, nervous James I.
He had many of the faults of his father, Charles I.
and some faults which his father had not ; nor had
he his father's charms ; but he was far more trust
worthy. Nothing would have induced him to prove
faithless to old servants and old friends, as Charles I.
proved faithless to Strafford and to Laud. Again,
he would not have been guilty of such base conduct
as that of his brother Charles II. in consenting to
the death of Stafford. The talents of Charles II.
were far greater than those of James II. ; but he
used them for personal ends, whereas such talents
as James II. possessed he used, or misused, for
principles. To James II. religion was of all things
the most important; to Charles II., until his last
hours, it was sometimes a plaything, sometimes a
tool. Charles II. was an adept in deception and was
faithless to his promises ; James II. told the truth, in
season and out of season, and his word was inviolate.
Moreover, of all the Stuart Kings, James II. was
far the best administrator of the financial, naval,
military and mercantile affairs of this country.

496 ADVENTURES OF KING JAMES II.
There seems to be considerable foundation for
the opinion that, chiefly owing to James II.'s terrible
deficiencies in judgment of men and character, and
his consequent lamentable choice of advisers, Minis
ters and friends, he did more harm to the Catholic
cause in Great Britain than any one else during the
seventeenth century, with the sole exception of the
conspirators in the Gunpowder Plot.
This, however, is a matter of opinion. On the
other hand, it may be claimed as a matter, not of
opinion but of fact, that James II. was a straight
forward English gentleman, a courageous soldier,
a skilful Admiral, and an excellent man of business ;
and that, many as were his mistakes, he shared the
common fate of the unfortunate in coming in for a
great deal more blame than he deserved.

INDEX

Adda, Cardinal, 346-7.
Ailesbury, Earl of, 403, 405-6, 413,
416, 419-20, 425-7; and fre
quently quoted.
Albemarle, Duke of, 148.
Albeville, White, Marquis d', 379,
38a.
Anne, Duchess of York, 121 seq.,
145-7 ; becomes a Catholic,
173-4; death, 183.
— Princess, afterwards Queen, 6,
147, 251 ; marriage, 291, 354,
373, 398, 466, 475, 485, 49^-
— Queen of Austria, 33, 40.
Ardres, Siege of, 105.
Argyle, Earl of, 275-6, 287, 316-7.
Arlington, Henry Bennet, Earl of,
45 seq., 98 seq., 178, 182.
Arran, Earl of, 129 note, 423.
Arras, Relief of, 81 seq.
Arundel, Earl of, 178, 264, 310.
Ashton, 465.
Avaux, 439, 442.
Ayscue, 151.
Badie, Le, 406.
Balcarres, Earl of, 99, 418-9.
Bamfield, Colonel, 23-31.
Barclay, Plot of, 484.
Barillon, 239 seq.; at deathbed
of Charles II., 297-8, 313 ; and
his letters often quoted.
Bar-le-Duc, Siege of, 75.
Barlow, Lucy, 172, 260.
Bath, Earl of, 300.
Bedford, Earl of, 287-8, 377, 400.
Bedingfield, Father, 240-1.
Belasyse, Lord, 310.
Bennet. See Arlington.
Berkeley, Charles, Earl of Fal
mouth, 126 seq. ; killed, 156.

Berkeley, Sir J., Lord, 30-1, 53, 98
seq., 126.
Berwick, Duke of, 145-6, 291-2,
371-2, 445, 457, 475, 484.
Bishops, disputes with and im
prisonment of the seven,
373-5, 389, 463-
Boniface, 112 seq.
Bonrepaus, 381.
Booth, Sir G., 118, 120.
Bouillon, Duke of, 51, 71.
Boulogne, Governor of, 118, 120.
Boyle, 156.
Boyne, Battle of the, 448-58.
Brakell, 195.
Bristol, Earl -of, 101, 145.
Brook, Miss. See Lady Denham.
Brouncker, 158-60, 166.
Browne, Sir R., 41.
Buckingham, Duke of, 92, 153,
165, 172-3, 180 seq., 353.
Byron, Lord, 30.

Calais, Attempt on, 102.
Calamy, Edmund, 323.
Cameron, 275.
Canterbury, Archbishop of, 247,
296.
Caracena, Marquis de, 101-17.
Cargill, 275.
Carteret, Sir G., 37 seq., 48.
Caryll, 363.
Castlemaine, Earl of, 310 ; am
bassador at Rome, 363-4.
Catherine of Braganza, Queen,
133-4, 232, 296 seq., 319.
Cavendish, Lady Margaret, 371.
— Earl of, 261.
Caversham, 19.
Chaillot, Abbess of, 475-6.

497

32

498

INDEX

Charles I., King, at Edgehill, 8
seq. ; interviews with his chil
dren, 18-22; death, 33.
— IL, King, at Edgehill, 8 seq.,
36-9 ; goes to Scotland, 42 ;
at ViUeneuve St. Georges,
63 seq. ; decides to become a
Catholic, 178-80; treaty with
France, 179 seq., 186-8, 233-8
seq. ; serious illness, 253 ; dis
solves Parliament, 273 ; death,
295-304 ; and frequent men
tion.
Chartered African Company, 149.
Chesterfield, Countess of, 142.
Churchill, Arabella, 144, 292.
— John. See Marlborough.
— Sir Winston, 144, 2g2.
Clarendon, Edward Hyde, First
Earl of, 8, 47 seq., 53, 98 seq.,
131, 149 seq., 162-8, 173-4.
— Henry, Second Earl of, 276,
308-9, 377.
— Countess of, 167.
Clifford, Sir T., First Lord, 178, 182.
Cocke, Captain, 171.
Colbert, 179, 182.
Coleman, 245-6.
Compton, Bishop of London, 236,
342-3, 389, 398.
Conde, Prince de, 52, 68-74 > from
thence frequently to 120, 485.
Cornbury, Lord, 391.
Cosin, Bishop of Durham, 40.
Coventry, 151-2, 164-5, 170-2.
Cox, Captain, 159, 194.
Cromwell, Oliver, 21, 80, 95-6, 99,
109, 117-8, 151.
Cranmore, Lady, 174.
Dalziel, General, 258.
Danby, Earl of, 233, 240 seq.
Dangeau, Abbot, 217 seq.
— Marquis de, 213 seq.
Dangerfield, 264, 268.
Darcey, Sif J., 99.
Dartmouth, Lord, 281 seq., 389,
399-
Dauphin, The, 233.
Delamere, Lord, 421.
Denham, Lady, 142-3.
— Sir J., 142-3.
Depuy, 174.

Derby, Earl of, 365.
Devonshire, Earl of, 377.
Dick, Sir T., 282.
Dispensing Power, 341 seq.
Dixwell, Sir B., 412.
Dorset, Countess of, 2.
— Earl of, 2, 10.
Dover, Earl of, 310, 447.
Dumbarton, Earl of, 375, 394,
Dundee, Viscount, 418-9, 435.
Dunkirk, Battle of, 110-7.
Duppa, Dr., 6, 7.
Dyckvelt, 376-7.
Edoar, son of James II., 183.
Edgehill, Battle of, 8 seq.
Elbeuf, 209.
Elizabeth, Princess, 13, 18, 24, 25,
39-
Emperor, The, 204, 492.
Essex, Earl of, 252, 287-8.
Estrees, Comte d', igo, 193.
Etampes, Battles at, 56 seq.
Evelyn, J, 295 ; and frequently
quoted.
Exclusion, Bill of, passes in the
Commons, but not in the
Lords, 268-9.
Fairfax, Sir T., 13, 18.
Farmer, Anthony, 360-1.
Fenwick, Colonel, 113.
Ferguson, 323.
Fert6, La, 75, 76, 81.
Feversham, Earl of, in, 300,
374-5, 394, 4°3, 4". 4*3, 417-
Fire of London, Great, 162-3.
FitzHarris, Plot of, 273 seq.
Fitzjames, Henry, 145, 292.
— James. See Berwick.
Fortune-teller, A, 2g4.
Fott, General de, 75.
Francis, Prince, g2.
Fronde, The, 32 seq.
Fuensaldagne, Count of, 85.
Gagne, Monsieur de, 66-7.
Gamache, Pere, 34 seq., 131 ; also
quoted.
Gascoigne, Sir B., 204.
George, Prince of Denmark, 6,
291, 396.
Gerard of Brandon, Lord, 261,

INDEX

490

Germains, James's Court at St.,
43i-z, 479-8i.
Ghent, Van, 193 seq.
Gloucester, Duke of, 13, 18, 24,
39 seq., nz.
Gloucester, The (ship), Wreck of
280-4.
Godfrey, Charles, 145.
Godolphin, Lord, 265, 309, 391,
401, 466.
Gonzales, Father, 332.
Grafton, Duke of, 391, 394-5.
Grammont, Count, 143; often
quoted.
Grove, Captain, 161.
Guilford, Lord Keeper, 262.

Hales, Sir E., 399, 406-g.
Halifax, Marquis of, 252, 254,
269, 285, 293, 309, 340, 377,
401, 421.
Hamilton, Miss, 143.
Harman, Captain, 159.
Head, Sir R., 424.
Henrietta Maria, Queen, 3 seq.,
32 seq., 127-32, 179.
Herbert, Sir E., 42 seq.
— Sir T., 20.
Hinton, Sir J., n.
— Major, 113.
Hobart, Miss, 145.
Hocquincourt, Mareshall d', 93,
in.
Hogue, Battle of La, 469-74.
Holmes, Major, 321.
Hough, Dr., 361.
Howard, Lord, of Escrick, 262,
287.
— Sir W., 10.
Huddleston, Father, 300-21.
Huguenots, The, 325.
Humieres, Marquis de, 86.
Hunt, Father, 174.
Huntingdon, Earl of, 261.
Hyde, Sir Edward. See Claren
don.

Innocent XI., Pope, 346.
Innspruck, Princess of, 204.
Isabella, daughter of James II.,
257, 277- 32

Jacobites, The, 481 seq.
James II., at Edgehill, 8 seq. ; Ox
ford, 12 ; taken to London,
13; escape from St. James's
Palace to Holland, 24 seq.;
Paris, 33 seq. ; Jersey, 37 seq. ;
visits Lorraine, 44 seq. ; joins
French army under Turenne,
53 seq.; battles at Etampes, 56
seq. ; ViUeneuve St. Georges,
62-7 ; battle before Paris,
68 seq. ; siege of Bar-le-Duc,
75 seq.; siege of Vervins, 77
seq.; siege of Mousson, 79
seq. ; relief of Arras, 81 seq. ;
takes service in the Spanish
army against France, 101 ;
St. Venant, 102 seq. ; siege
of Ardres, 105 ; battle of Dun
kirk, 1 10-7; the Restoration,
120 ; marriage with Anne
Hyde, 121-32 ; appearance
and amusements, 135 seq. ;
various ladies, 140 seq. ; as a
man of business, 148 seq. ;
first battle of Southwold Bay,
154 se?.; religion, 174-8; ill
ness, 182 ; death of his first
wife, 183 ; when did James
become a Catholic ? 184-6 ;
second battle of Southwold
Bay, 189-200; Test Act de
prives him of his offices, 202 ;
second marriage, 204-22 ;
schemes for his ruin, 223 ;
his daughters brought up Pro
testants, 226 ; his position as
to religion, 227 seq. ; exiled
to Belgium, 248 ; recalled to
Windsor, 253 ; sent to Scot
land, 257 ; recalled, 260 ; sent
to Scotland as Viceroy, 265 ;
recalled to England, 280;
wrecked on return to Scot
land, 280 seq. ; returns to
England and manages every
thing for the King, 292-3 ; at
his brother's deathbed, 295-
304 ; accession, 304 ; corona
tion, 3 1 1-3; immoralities, 332-
9 ; Dispensing Power and
desire to repeal Test Acts and
Habeas Corpus Acts, 340-2 ;

500

INDEX

urged to moderation by many
Catholics and even by the
Pope, 347-8 ; reformation of
his morals, 350 seq.; affair
of Magdalen College, 360-1 ;
birth of Prince of Wales, 372 ;
divides England into Catholic
dioceses, 379-80 ; incredulous
about invasion by Prince of
Orange, 381 seq. ; goes to his
army at Salisbury, 393 ; at
tacks of haemorrhage, 393 ;
attempted escape to France,
406 seq. ; sent to Rochester,
422 ; escape to France, 428 ;
arrival at St. Germains, 431 ;
expedition to Ireland,437s&f. ;
battle of the Boyne, 448-58 ;
projected invasion of Eng
land, 467-74 ; battle of La
Hogue, 469-74 ; retreats and
austerities, 476-7 ; another
projected invasion of Eng
land, 484 ; last illness and
death, 489 to end.
Jeffreys, Judge, 319-23, 342, 365
Jennings, Miss. See Tyrconnel,
Duchess of.
Jermyn, Henry, 111.
— Lord, 34 seq.
John, Don, of Austria, 101-17, 243.
Ken, Bishop of Bath and Wells,
296-7, 302.
Keroualle, Louise de. See Ports
mouth.
Killigrew, 129.
Kilvert, Mrs., 15, 16.
Kirke, Colonel, 319, 353, 3g2, 394"5-
Kneller, Sir G., 3go.
Lambert, 120.
La Ferte, 75, 76, 81.
Laud, Archbishop, 2.
Lauderdale, Duchess of, 422.
— Duke of, 25g.
Lauzun, De, 206 note, 400-3 447-
58, 462.
Lawson, 151, 155-6, 161.
Leyburn, 346-7, 352.
Ligny, Prince de, 101, 103 seq.
Lindsay, Lady Sophia, 276.
London, Bishop of. See Compton.

Longueville, Mdlle. de, 4g.
Lorraine, Duke of, 43 seq., 62-7,
71 seq.
Louis XIV., 69, 314, 345-6, 380-1,
401, 431 seq., 436, 447, 460-2,
465 seq., 483-4 ; makes Peace
of Ryswick, 485 seq., 491-3;
and frequently mentioned.
Louvois, De, 447, 466.
Lumley, 377.
Maintenon, Madame de, 345,
487.
Malchor, Count, 299.
Mansuet, Father, 355.
Mardyke, Siege of, 108.
Marlborough, Duke of, 144, 277,
377, 391-2, 394-6, 466.
— Earl of, 156.
Marsin, De, 101.
Mary of Modena, Queen, second
wife of James IL, 205-22,
229-32, 304 ; escapes to
France, 401 seq., 479, 486 to
end.
Mary, Princess of Orange, and later
Queen of England, 147 ; mar
riage, 233-7; and 383-4, 433-4,
437-8, 466, 482.
Mazarin, Cardinal, 33, 50, 52, 60,
68 seq., 70 seq., 75, 80, g5, g6,
230.
— Duchess, 230-1.
Meal Tub Plot, 265.
Middleton, Earl of, 352-3, 385,
387 seq., 413, 421, 426-7, 467,
483, 494-
Modena, Duchess of, 211 seq.,
286.
— Mary of. See Mary of Modena.
Molyneux, Viscount, 365.
Monmouth, Duke of, 172-3, 224,
seq., 252 seq., 254 seq., 287-9,
316-g.
Montaulieu, Colonel, g3-
Montespan, Madame de, 345, 4go.
Montmedy, Surrender of, 102.
Montpensier, Mdlle. de, 4g, 56-8,
206 note, 400.
Mousson, 79 seq.
Mulgrave, Earl of, 415-7 ; and
occasionally quoted.
Murray, Mrs., 27.

INDEX

501

Muskerry, Viscount, 156.
Nantes, Revocation of Edict of,
325-
Nardi, 212 seq.
Neill, Sir Neal 0', 452-3.
" Nelly," Nell Gwynn, 303.
Newburg, Duchess of, 208.
— Duke of, 207.
— Princess of, 208-9.
Newcastle, Duke of, 371.
Newman, Cardinal, 297.
Nonconformists, 313, 339-40, 357.
Norfolk, Duke of, 306, 387.
North, Lord, 322.
Northumberland, Algernon, Tenth
Earl of, 13 seq.
— Joceline, Eleventh Earl of, 406.
Nottingham, Earl of, 377.
Oates, Titus, 242 seq., 261 seq.,
313-4-
Ogilvie, 465.
Opdam, Admiral, 155-7.
Orange, Princess Mary of,
daughter of Charles I., 22,
30, 96, 124.
— Mary, daughter of James II. ,
Princess of. See Mary.
— William, Prince of. See
William.
Orleans, Duke of, 70, 74.
— Henrietta, Duchess of, 180-1.
Ormonde, Marchioness of, 128.
— Marquess of, 100, 124, 396.
Oxenden, Sir J., 412.
Oxford, Bishop of, 220.
— Court at, 12.
Parker, Bishop of Oxford, 361.
Pembroke, Earl of, 149.
Penn, Admiral Sir Wm., 151-2,
159-
— William, 358-60, 363, 365.
Pepys, 250, 390; and frequently
quoted.
Peterborough, Earl of, 204-20.
Petre, Father, 310, 328-32, 336, 365,
374, 382, 385-7, 390, 393, 423.
Portland, Earl of, 156.
Portsmouth, Duchess of, 181,
209, 252 seq., 260, 262 seq.,
268-9, 278 seq., 284, 297, 307.

Preston, Lord, 385.
Prior, the poet, 481.
Rais, Mdlle. de, 205-6.
Ratcliffe, Sir George, 42 seq.
Regan, Colonel Teague O', 445-6.
Reresby, Sir J., 78; often quoted.
Reynolds, Colonel, 109.
Richmond, Charles Lennox, Duke
of, 260.
— James Stuart, Duke of, 10.
Robarts, Lady, 142.
Rochester, Laurence Hyde, Earl
of, 285, 309, 335, 340, 352,
377-
Ronquillo, Don Pedro de, 347-8.
Rosen, Comte de, 442-3, 447.
Rothes, Duke of, 266.
Roxburghe, Earl of, 282.
Roye, Comte de, 394.
Rupert, Prince, 202.
Russell, Admiral, 466-70.
— Lord, 261, 286, 287.
Ruyter, De, 169, i8g-202, 400.
Ryswick, Peace of, 485.
Salisbury, Earl of, 353.
Sandwich, Earl of, 162, igi-2,
195-6.
Saunders, Father, 355.
Savile, Sir G., 163.
Schomberg, Count, 60, 61, 439,
442-57-
— Meinhart de, 452-3.
Scott, Sir E., 194.
Sedley, Catherine, 334-7.
Select Knot, The, 118.
Shaftesbury, Earl of, 202, 245, 253,
261 seq., 273, 286.
Shelden, Ralph, 406, 409.
Shovel, Sir Cloudesley, 449-50.
Shrewsbury, Earl of, 377, 421,
466.
— visit to, 362-3.
Sidney, Henry, 145 seq., 271-2,
312.
Simons, Father, 177.
Skelton, 376, 378-9, 399.
Smith, Dick, 406.
Sobiesky, John, 485.
Solis, Don Ferdinando de, 84.
Solmes, Comte de, 419-20, 422.
Sophie, Princess, 385.

502

INDEX

Southampton, Earl of, 124.
Southesk, Countess of, 140 seq.
— Pari of, 141.
Southwold Bay, Battles of, 154
seq., 189-200.
Stewart, Miss, 165.
Stillingfleet, 362.
Story, 324, 449.
Strafford, Earl of, 269.
Sunderland, Countess of, 272,
354-5-
— Dowager Countess of, 145, 253,
261.
— Earl of, 231, 253 seq., 265, 271,
272, 278 seq., 285, 309, 320,
327-8, 336, 340, 354, 365, 374,
377-9, 382, 384-7, 39i-
Talbot, Father Gilbert, 206.
— Richard. See Tyrconnel.
Temple, Sir Wm., 235, 238-9, 255
seq., 371 ; and quoted.
Tenison, 362.
Thames, Dutch fleet sails up the,
169 seq.
Tillotson, Dr., 359, 362.
Tonge, 241-2.
Torrington, Admiral, 449.
Tourville, Admiral, 468-73.
Trappe, La, 474, 476.
Trelawny, 392, 394-5.
Trevanion, Captain, 428-30.
Turenne, Vicomte de, 51-117;
liberal offers to James, 119-
21, 174-5.

Tyrconnel, Duchess of, 144, 459-
60.
— Duke of, 129 note, 141, 310,
343-5, 435 seq., 466.
Venant, Attempted relief of St.,
102 seq.
Venner, 132.
Vervins, Siege of, 77 seq.
Victor, Lieutenant St., 116, 400-3.
ViUeneuve St. Georges, 62-7, 72 seq.
Wake, 362.
Walcott, J., 365.
Waldegrave, Lady, 145, 475.
Wales, Prince of, 372, 488, 492.
Warner, Father, 355.
White, an officer in Cromwell's
army, 109.
— Marquis d' Albeville. See
Albeville.
William, Prince of Orange, and
afterwards King of England,
233-7, 264, 289, 291, 376-7,
382-4, 388, and frequently to
43°, 433, 448-58, 465, 488, 492.
Willis, Sir R., 118.
Winchester, Bishop of, 128, 247.
Winifride's Well, St., Pilgrimage
to, 362.
Wurthemburg, Mary Anne, Prin
cess of, 205 seq.
Wyke, Colonel, 423, 425.
Zuyleistein, 415-6.

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Page

Page

Abbott (Evelyn) -

19, 22

Baynes (T. S.) -

38

 (T. K.) - -

17,18

Beaconsfield (Earl of)

25

 (E. A.) -

17

Beaufort (Duke of) 12, 1 =

.14

Acland (A. H. D.)

3

Becker (W. A.)

22

Acton (Eliza)

36

Beesly (A. H.) -

9

/Eschvlus

22

Bell (Mrs. Hugh)

23

Airy (Osmund)

3

Belmore (Earl of)

3

Albemarle (Earl of) -

13

Bent (J. Theodore) -

n

Allen (Grant) -

30

Besant (Sir Walter)-

3

Allgood (G.) -

3

Bickerdyke (J.) - 14

15

Angwin (M. C.)

36

Blackburne (J. H.)
Bland (Mrs. Hubert)

15

Anstey (F.)

25

24

Anstruther Thomsor

Boase (Rev. C. W.) -

5

(J-) " "

9.15

Boedder (Rev. B.)

19

Aristophanes

22

Bonnell (H. H.)

38

Aristotle - - -

17

Booth (A. I.) -
Bowen (W. E.)

38

Arnold (Sir Edwin) -

11,23

9

 (Dr. T.)

3

Brassey (Lady)

11

Ashby (H.)

36

 (Lord) - - 14

20

Ashley (W. J.) -

3, 20

Bright (Rev. J. F.) -
Broadfoot (Major W.)

3

Atkinson (J. J.)
Avebury (Lord)

21

13

21

Brooks (H. J.) -

17

Bacon -

9.17

Brough (J.)

17

Bagehot (W.) - 9,

20, 38

Brown (A. F.) -

32

Bagwell (R.) -

3

Bruce (R. I.) -

3

Bailey (H. C.) -

25

Buckle (H. T.) -

3

Bain (Alexander)

9, 17

Bull (T.) -

36

Baker (Sir S. W.) -

11, 12

Burke (U. R.) -

3

Balfour (A. J.)

13, 21

Burne-Jones (Sir E.)

36

Ball (John)

11

Burns (C. L.) -

36

Banks (M. M.) -

24

Burrows (Montagu)

5

Baring-Gould (Rev.

Campbell (Rev. Lewis)
S.) ---
21,38
21
.22
Barnett (S. A. and H.) 10
Carlyle (T.)
9
Page 3
Casserly (G.) -
Chapman (S. J.) 20
Chesney (Sir G.) 3
Chisholm (G. C ) 31
Cholmondeley-Pennell (H.) - - - 13
Christie (R. C.) - 38
Churchill (Winston S.) 3.4.25
Cicero - - - 22
Clarke (Rev. R. F.) - 19
Clodd (Edward) -21,30
Clutterbuck (W. J.) - 12
Cockerell (C. R.)
Co1enso(R. J.)
Collie (J. N.) -
Colville (Mrs. A.)
Conington (John) -
Converse (F.) -
Conybeare (Rev. W.J.)
& Howson (Dean)
Coolidge(W. A. B.) 11
Corbett (Julian S.) - 4
Coutts (W.) - 22
Cox (Harding) 13
Crake (Rev. A. D.) 32
Creiehton (Bishop) - 4. 5, 9
Cross (A. L.) - - 5
Crozier (J. B.) - 9. '7
Cutts (Rev. E. L.) 5
Dale (L.) - - 4
Dallinger (F. W.) - 5
Dante - - 9.23
Dauglish (M. G.) - 9
Davidson (A. M. C.)
 (W. L.)
Davies (J. F.)
Dent (C. T.)
De Salis (Mrs.)
Dent (P.O.) -
Devas (C. S.)
Dewey (D. R.)-
Dickinson (W. H.) -
Dougall (L.)
Dowden (E.)
Doyle (Sir A. Conan)
Du Bois (W. E. B.)-
Dunbar (Aldis)
 (Mary F.) -
Elkind (Louis) -
Ellis (J. H.) '
 (R. L.)
Erasmus -
Evans (Sir John)
Fjlkiner (C. L.)
Farrar (F. W.) -
Fite (W.) -
Fitzwygram (Sir F.\
Foid (H.) -
Fountain (P.) -
Fowler (Edith H.)
Francis (Francis)
 (M. E.) - -
Freeman (Edward A.)
Fremantle (T. F.) -
Frost (G.)-
Froude (James A.) 4.9.
Page
20
22 14 36
32
19, 20
20 382540 25 5
2525 5
1517 9'
38 4
26
1738 15
IL26 15
26
4,5 15 38
INDEX OF AUTHORS AND EDITORS— continued;

Page
Furneaux (W.) - 30
Gardiner (Samuel R.) 4, 5
Gathorne-Hardy (Hon.
A. E.) - - 15. 16
Gerard (J.) - - 21
Gibson (C. H.)- - 17
Gilkes (A. H.) - 38
Gleig (Rev. G. R.) 10
Gore-Booth (E.) 23
Graham (A.) "- 5
 (P. A.) - 15. 16
 (G. F.) - 20
Granby (Marquess of) 15
Grant (Sir A.) - - 17
Graves (R. P.) - 9
 (A. F.) - 23
Green (T. Hill) - 17. 18
Greene (E. B.)- 5
Greville (C. C. F.) 5
Grose (T: H.) - 18
Gross (C.) 5
Grove (Lady) - - 11
 (Mrs. Lilly) 13
Gurnhill(J.) - 17
Gwilt (T.) - - - 31
Haggard (H. Rider) 11, 26, 27, 38
Halliwell-Phillipps(j.) 10
Hamilton (Col. H. B.) 5
Hamlin (A. D. F.) - 36
Harding (S. B.) 5
Hardwick (A. A.) - 11
Harmsworth (Sir A.
C.) - - - 13, 14
Hart (A. B.) 5
Harte (Bret) 27
Halting (J. E.)- 15
Hartwig(G.) - ,30
Harvey-Brooks (E.C.) 38
Hassall (A.) - 8
Hatch (L. C.) - 5
Haweis (H. R.) 9, 36
.. Head (Mrs.) - 37
Heathcote (J. M.) 14
 (C. G.) - - 14
Helmholtz (Hermann
von) 30
Henderson (Lieut-
Col. G. F. R.) - 10
Henry (W.) - 14
Henty (G. A.) - 32
Higgins (Mrs. N.) g
Hiley (R. W.) - - 9
Hill (S. C.) - 5
Hillier (G. Lacy) 13
Hime (H. W. L.) - 38
Hodgson(Shadworth) 18,38

-Hoenig(F.) - 38
Hoffmann (J ) - 30
Hogan Q. F.) 9
Holmes (R. R.) 10
Homer - - 22
Hope (Anthony) 27
Horace - 22
Houston (D. F.) 5
Howard (Lady Mabel) 27
Howitt (W.) - - II
Hudson (W. H.) 30
Huish (M. B.) - 37
Hullah(J.) - 37
Hume (David) - 18
 (M. A. S.) 3
Hunt (Rev. W.) 5
Hunter (Sir W.) - 6
Hutchinson (Horace G.)
13, 16, 38
Ingelow (Jean) - 23
Ingram (T. D.) 6
James (W.) - - 18, 21
Jameson (Mrs. Anna) 37

Page
Jefferies (Richard) 38
Jekyll (Gertrude) - 38
Jerome (Jerome K.) - 27
ohnsonO-* J- H.) 39
ones (H. Bence) - 31
ordan (W. L.) - 39
Joyce (P. W.) 6, 27, 39
Justinian - - 18
Kant (I.) - 18
Kaye (Sir J. W.) 6
Keller (A. G.) - 21
Kelly (E.)- - 18
Kendall (H. C.) 24
Kielmansegge (F.) 10
Killick (Rev. A. H.) - 18
Kitchin (Dr. G. W.) 5
Knight (E. F.) - ' - 11, 12
K6stlin.(J.) 10
Ladd (G. T.) - - 18
Lang (Andrew) 6 ,13, 14, 16,
21, 22, 24, 27, 32, 3g
Lapsley (G. T.) - 5
Lecky (W. E. H.) 6, 18, 24
Lees (J. A.) - - 12
Leslie (T. E. Cliffe) - 20
Lieven (Princess) - 6
Lindley(J.) - 31
Lodge (H. C.) - 5
Lottie (Rev. W. J.) - 5
Longman (C. J.) - 12, 16
 (F. W.) - 16
'  (G. H.) - - 13, 15
 (Mrs. C. J.) 37
Lowell (A. L.) - 6
Lucian - - 22
Lutoslawski (W.) 18
Lyall (Edna) - - 27, 32
Lynch (G.) 6
 (H. F. B.)- 12
Lytton (Earl of) - 24
Macaulay (Lord) 7, 10, 24
Macdonald (Dr. G.) - 24
— (L. S.) - - 32
Macfarren (Sir G. A.) 37
Mackail (J. W.) - 10, 23
Mackenzie (C. G.) 16
Mackinnon (J .) 7
Macleod (H. D.) - 20
Macpherson (Rev.H.A.) 15
Madden (D. H.) - 16
Magniisson (E.) 28
Maher (Rev. M.) ig
Mallet (B.) - - .7
Malleson (Col. G. B.) 6
Marbot (Baron de) - 10
Marchment (A. W.) 27
Marshman (J. C.) - g
Mason (A. E. W.) 27
Maskelyne (J. N.) 16
Matthay (Tobias) 37
Matthews (B.) 39
Maunder (S.) - 31
Max Mulier (F.)
10, 18, 20, 21, 22, 27, 39
May (Sir T. Erskine) 7
Meade (L. T.) - - 33-
Melville (G.J. Whyte) 27
Merivale (Dean) - 7
Mill (John Stuart) - 18, 20
Millais (J. G.) - - 16, 30
Milner (G.) - 40
Monek (W. H. S.) 19
Montague (F. C.) 7
Moore (T.) - 31
 (Rev. Edward) - 17
Moran (T. F.) - 7
Morgan (C. Lloyd) - 21
Morris (w.) - 10, 22, 23,
24, 27, 28, 37, 40
Mulhall (M. G.) -- 20

Page
Myers (F. W.H) 19-
Nansen (F.) - - ' 12
Nesbit (E.) - 24
Nettleship (R. L.)- - 17
Newman (Cardinal) - 28
Nichols (F. M.) 9
Norris (W. E) - 28
Oakesmith (J.) - 22
Ogilvie (R.) 22
Osbourne (L.) - 28
Packard (W.) - 33
Paget (Sir J.) 10
Park (W.) 16
Parker (B.) - 40
Payne-Gallwey (Sir
R.) - - - 14, 16
Pears (E.) - 7
Pearse (H. H. S.) 6
Peek (Hedley) - 14
Penrose (H. H.) - 33
Phillipps-Wolley(C) 12,28
Pierce (A. H.) - - 19
Pollock (W. H.) - 13
Poole (W.H. and Mrs.) 36
Poore (G. V.) - 40
Powell (E.) - - 8
Praeger (S. Rosamond) 33
Pritchett (R. T.) - 14
Proctor (R. A.) 16, 30, 35
Raine (Rev. James) - 5
Rankin (R.) - 8, 25
Ransome (Cyril) 3, 8
Rhoades (J.) - 23
Rice (S. P.) 12
Rich (A.) - - - 23, 31
Richmond (Ennis) - ig
Rickaby (Rev. John) 19
 (Rev. Joseph) - 19
Riley (J. W.) - 24
Roberts (E. P.) 33
Roget (Peter M.) - 20, 31
Romanes (G.J.) 10, 19,21,24
 (Mrs. G. J.) - 10
Ronalds (A.) - 16
Roosevelt (T.) - 5
Ross (Martin) - - 28
Rossetti (Maria Fran
ceses) - - - 40
Rotheram (M. A.) 36
Rowe (R. P. P.) 14
Russell (Ladv) - 10
 (R.) - - - 19, 40
Sandars (T. C.) 18
Sanders (E. K.) - g
Savage- Armstrong(G.F.)25
Scherger (G. L.) - 8
Scott (F. J.) - 37
Seebohm (F.) 8,'I0
Selous (F. C.) - 12
Senior (W.) - -. 13, 15
Sewell (Elizabeth M.) 28
Shadwell (A.) - - 40
Shakespeare - - 10, 25
Shaw (L. H. de V.) - 15
Shearman (M.) - 12, 13
Sheehan (P. A.) 28
Sinclair (A.) - - 14
Smith (R. Bosworth)
— (T.C) -. - 5
(W. P. Haskett)

Somerville (E.)
SophoclesSoulsby (Lucy H.)
Southey (R.) -
Spedding (J.) -
Spender (A. E.)
Stanley (Bishop)
Steel (A. G.) -
Stephen (Leslie)
Stephens (H. Morse)

16, 282340
40
9.17 123113

Page
Stevens (R. W.) - . 40 .
Stevenson (R. L.) 25,28,33
Storr (F.) - - - -17
Stuart-WortleyfA. J J 14, 15
Stubbs (J. W.) - - I
 (W.)- - - 8
Stutfield (H. E. M.) 12
Suffolk & Berkshire .
(Earlol) - 14
Sullivan (Sir E.) 14
Sully (James) - ig
Sutherland (A. and G.) 8 -
 (Alex.) - - 19, 40
Suttner (B. von) 29
Sverdrup (Otto) . 12
Swinburne (A. J.) - ig
Symes (J. E.) - - " - 20
Tallentyre (S. G.) - 10
Taylor (Col. Meadows) 8
Theophrastus - - 23
Thomas (J. W.) - ig
Thomas-Stanford (C.) 16
Thompson (N. G.) - 16
Thomson (J .Anstruther) 9.15
Thomson (H. C.) - 8
Thornhill (W. J.) --, 23
Thuillier (H. F.) - 40
Todd (A.) - - 8
Toynbee (A.) - -. 20
TreveIyan(SirG.O.) 7, 8, 9, 10
 (G. M.) - 8
 (R. C.) - - 25
TroUope (Anthony)- 2g
Turner (H. G.) - 40
Tyndall (J.) - 9, 12
Tyrrell (R. YJ - - 22, 23
Unwin (R.) - - 40
UptonlF. K.and Bertha) 33
Van Dyke (J. C.) - 37
Vanderpoel (E. N.) - 37
Vaughan (Capt. A.O.) 29, 33
Verney (F. P. and M.
M.) - - - 10
Virgil - 23-
Wagner (R.) - 25
Wakeman (H. O.) 8
Walford (L. B.) - 29
Walpole (Sir Spencer) 8
Walrond (Col. H.) - 12
Walsingham (Lord) - 14
Ward(W.) - - g, 40
 (Mrs. W.) - 2g
Watson (A. E. T.) 12, 13. 14
Weathers (J.) - - 40
Webb (Mr. and Mrs.
Sidney) - - 20
 (T. E.) - ig
Weber (A.) - ig
Weir (Capt. R.t - 14
Wellington (Duchess oi) 37
Weyman (Stanley) - 29
Whately(Archbishop) 17,19
Whitelaw (R.) - - 23
Wilkins (G.) 23
 (W. H.) - 10
Willard (A. R.) - 37
Willich (C. M.) 31
Willoughby (W.) 8
Willson (B.) - 8
Wood (Rev. J. G.) - 31
Wood-Martin (W. G.) 22
Wotton (H.) - - 37
Wyatt (A. J.) 24
Wyld (M. A.) 23
WylieJ. H.) - 8
Yardley (J. W.) - - 8
Yeats (S. Levett) - 29
Zeller (B.) - >9

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15

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MESSRS. LONGMANS & CO.'S STANDARD AND GENERAL WORKS. 31

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33

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