SML
Bv58 154f

YALE UNIVERSrn
LIBRARY

LORD KINNAIRD'S

LETTER

TO THI

EARL OF LIVERPOOL.

Price Two Shillings.

LETTER

ADDRESSED

TO THK

EARL OF LIVERPOOL,

B V

LORD KINNAIRD.

FOURTH EDITION.

LONDON:
PRINTED FOR RIDGWAY AND SONS, PICCADILLY.
1816.

C. WOOD, Printer,
Puppin's Court, Fleet Street

LETTER,
8$c. fyc. fyc-

MY LORD;
A SENSE of public duty has induced
your Lordship to refuse the production
, of certain Official Documents, upon the
subject of my removal from the territory
of France I acquiesce in the grounds
pf that refusal ; but my respect for public
opinion compels me to address your
Lordship, and through you to explain to
my Countrymen the nature of that trans-
B

2

action, and certain circumstances, which
Sir Charles Stuart's Dispatches probably
do not contain. I address your Lordship
the more willingly, because, although I
was informed at Paris, that this measure
had obtained the previous concurrence of
his Royal Highness the Prince Regent, and
of your Lordship, I treated the assertion
with contempt ; and your Lordship's can
did and explicit Declaration in the House of
Lords, on the 12th instant, would have re
futed the Calumny, had it been possible
that such an impression could have existed
in any quarter.
. Some weeks ago I was about to quit
Paris, when a Report reached me, that
the Minister of Police had publicly as
serted, that he had given me Orders to
quit the Country. I was not able to obtain
such authority as would .justify, me hi
requiring an explanation from that Mi-

nister, who has, however, subsequently
acknowledged, that he spread the Report,
with a view to preclude the necessity of a
positive Order. This stratagem, success-"
ful, I presume, in the ordinary adminis*
tration of that Gentleman's Department,
failed of it's effect. I felt myself obliged
to delay my departure, which they, who
had stooped to such means to hasten it,
would, no doubt, have attributed to the
fear of the Police and it's authority. The
communications I had with the British Am
bassador and with the Duke of Wellington
(whohad interfered from motives of private
friendship to me, perhaps I may add from
regard to the dignity of the French Govern
ment) induced me to believe the affair was
at an end, when, on the 30th of January,
two days after the reniovql of the British
Head Quarters from Parist I received an

4

invitation from the Prefect of the Police io
Wait upon him. With the sanction of Sir
Charles' Stuart, who had received no commu
nication on the subjectj I had an interview*
with the Minister on the fallowing day.
> '' Mv; Angles informed me, *' that
*' there had been Observed an ill-will hi
" my conversation and correspondence1
" (une malveilldnce, soit dans des propm,'
** 'soit dans des correspondences') towards'
(i the Government of France, which ren-'
'*' dered my stay in the Capital disagree-
" able to the Ministers : that, moreover,
"I was in the habit of seeing and of
" giving protection to persons in disgrace;
" a practice, which confirmed them in
<? their determination t6 insist upon my
'* departure. He then argued at length
" upon the right, which every Govern-

" ment has to protect itself by sending.
" away Foreigners, and, quoting our
" Alien Bill, justified the measure by
*? the example of England." . .
In reply, I assured the Minister, that
I was well aware of the manner in which'
I was surrounded with Spies ; but that,.
although it was difficult to guard oneself
against the malice of such Reporters, I
could venture to deny, and did positively
deny the use of any language in conver
sation, at which the Government could
take umbrage. That, with respect to my
correspondence, I was so fully aware of the
practice now adopted, of opening all the let
ters addressed to England (copies of which
had, to my knowledge, been sometimes
shown to the Russian Ambassador), that
I had abstained entirely from sending any
by 'the Post : that, having reason to enter-

6

tain doubts whether accidents had' not hap'--
pened even to the communications' of the1
British Embassy, I had not corresponded
on any political subject whatever; and,-
therefore, his Excellency's information on
that point was altogether incorrect : that,
with respect to the third point, I was at
a loss to understand it's meaning : pro
tection I had none to give ; but, if he
meant, that I had not shut my dbor<
against my friends and acquaintances,,
on account of political opinions im
puted to them, it was a charge, which I.
was inclined neither to palliate nor deny.
With respect to the right of sending me
away, I assured M, Angles, that I had no
intention to dispute it, and should strictly
follow the line of conduct prescribed to
me by the Ambassador of my Sovereign ;
but I pegged leave to remark, that, al-

though our Alien Bill was, undoubtedly,
liable to abuse, yet the vigilance of the
Legislature rendered a wanton application
of it rare and difficult : that it was pecu
liarly directed against Alien Enemies; and,
though certainly applicable to Aliens of
every description, yet the courtesy of
Nations in amity and alliance called for a
satisfactory explanation to their Ambas
sadors ; otherwise, private pique and ma
lice, and still meaner motives, might be en
abled to prejudice the interests, convenience,
and character of Foreigners on all occasions.
That, although I meant to charge no such
design upon the Government, yet it was
natural we should be peculiarly jealous
upon that point, at a time when the
claimants against the French Treasury,
under an article of the Treaty, might he
numerous, and a summary removal of them

8

extremely convenient. I admitted the
danger of the" crisis, and the justifiable*
alarm of the Government, which had,
perhaps, given too easy credit to it's
oVer-zealous Informers. That, in conse
quence of the Report being spread, I had
purposely remained three weeks, tempting
charge and inquiry, and that I now de
manded the investigation, in any shape the
Government might determine. Finally, I
informed the Minister, that Sir Charles
Stuart was to see the Duke of Richelieu
on the subject that day; andy if the mea
sure was persisted in, I requested the
order in writing, and that some specific
reason might be stated for the enforce
ment of it. ; : » ,( udi
To this request I obtained no satisfac
tory reply; but, on the other hand, M.
Angles entered fully into details of what

9
h$ called the most extraordinary and un-v
justifiable conduct of the English in a\\
parts of France. Jle complained, " that,
'5 almost universally, they spoke in con-,
" tempt of the King and of his Family ;
t(f and, upon all occasions,, whether m
" ..Language or by the eagerness wi,th
" which they sought, the pqrtraijs, busts,
" and other memorials of Napoleon,
" seamed desirqus of upholding the name
" ©f the Usurper: that, if he could
" show me the proces verj)aust I shoul4
'* be shpqked at the reiterated proofs of
" this disposition, which was carried so
" far, thai ^Englishmen, travelling in
" the public carriages, frequently gave,
t' money to those who asked it, upon
" conditiQn Qf their crying Vine VJfrn-
" permr" I could only assure the Prefect, that
I bad, committed "We of these extraya-

10

gancies; andj as for my Countrynieuv
he well knew the freedom with which
they spoke of their own Government,.
and must not be surprised at the liber
ties they might occasionally take with
the institutions of other Countries.
That there was something in the circum
stances, which attended the restoration
of the Royal Family of France, which gave
heedless men a habit of speaking irreve
rently of those Illustrious Persons ; but
that it partook of no design, as he seemed
to suppose ; a suspicion which^ I thought,
could not justly be entertained, consider
ing the sacrifices, which every English
man had made for that object;
He assured me, " that this spirit ex-
" tended to the Army; and that every
" thing appertaining to the name of
" Napoleon was cherished and coveted
" by the officers and men, in a manner

11
** the most extraordinary and offensive :"
and he farther complained of " the
" indiscipline of the British Troops, and
" stated himself to be a sufferer, to a
" great amoiint, by the excesses they
" had committed."
To the first part of this complaint I
replied, that the observation I had made
on the liberties my Countrymen might take
with the dynasty they had restored, was
peculiarly applicable to the Army, which
had bled in it's cause. That the British
Officers qould not but render justice to the
valour of the Army they had defeated, and
to the talents pf the Chief, whose Empire
they had overthrown. That something of
this bitterness or indifference towards the
Government of the King might, perhaps, be
referred to the period, when his Majesty
had thought fit to confer the Cross of
St. Louis on many Officers of the Russian
Army, as a reward for their superior dis-

12
cipline; and, that our Officers, though un
ambitious of the honour, might have inter'
preted this compliment to one Army (as,
indeed, all France did interpret it) into
& reflection upon the conduct of the other :
that the distinction afterwards conferred on
their General * had not destroyed this im
pression, as they remembered, that he too
had been subject to the insults of the Court,
and the object of insidious attacks, when iti
performance of a most painful part of his
duty. That, however, no disposition of
the sort hfe alluded to could affect the
obedience of the Troops, in protecting th'e
King; and his Majesty had shown his con
viction of this fact, by entrusting his Capi-
* Immediately after the removal of the pictures from
the Louvre, thirty-four crosses of the Order of St. Louis
were conferred (Sept. il, 1S15) on officers of the Rflssian
army, for their superior discipline; and, about a month
after, the Duke of Wellington received the order of the-
Hdly Ghost.

13

tai to them alone, for several weeks after
the conclusion of the peace.
The second part Qf the accusation I
lieaTfl with surprise, I must add, with
indigtratibh, viz., the charge of indisci
pline brought against tile British Sol
ders, to whose peaceable conduct ih
PariSj and to the vigilant administration tif
their Cohimander, 1 have been a witness
for many months.
I could only express my entire dis
belief of these excesses, and endeavoured,
hut in vain, to convince M. Angles, that
fife h&d been a victim, as I myself had
been, to the indiscipline of the Dutch and
Belgian Auxiliaries, who had enforced
TequisTtions, on many occasions, in de-
$mvce of the orders and proclamations
of the Duke of Wellington.
M. Angles, moreover, " complained of
*x the jpcrbsondus nature of the English

14

" Newspapers, the introduction of which,
" he as sured me, like that of other
" poisons, would in future be prevented."
The answer was not difficult; but, I
recollected, that this Gentleman, as well
as the Minister of the Police, had long
been subordinate Agents of Bonaparte,
who had adopted a similar measure dur
ing the peace of Amiens, and I forbore
to reply. I have given your Lordship a faith
ful relation of what passed on the sub
ject of my Countrymen and myself, as
I communicated it to Sir Charles Stuart
on the same day. The Minister entered
into many other topics in the conversa
tion, which I continued, in the patient
expectation of hearing some charge affect
ing myself; and, although I had to regret,
that the liberal feelings he expressed were

15

not likely tP avail me on the present occa
sion, yet I am satisfied, that he possesses
an unexhausted stock of excellent princi
ples and opinions, which will, no doubt,
be turned to the profit of other Travel
lers, when the season shall be more conve
nient for the application of them.
The same evening Sir Charles Stuart
wrote an official note to the Duke of Riche
lieu. On the next day I received, from the
Police, a Passport, which I requested the
British Ambassador to have countersigned,
for any day he thought proper; but
on no account to ask an hour's delay, or
any indulgence from the Government. It
was not until two days after, that, upon
Sir Charles Stuart's repeated request, the
Duke of Richelieu sent the official letter, of
which, as well as of my reply to the sub
stance of it, his Majesty's Secretary of
State is in possession.

.16

Upon this communication, which oon^
tains something like an official charge, I
shall take leave to offer some remarks to
your Lordship.
The Duke of Richelieu goes back to the
period of la,$t year, and is pleased to yf.?
proach me wjth two faults, vis. the ppa*
mulgatiqn of danger am opinions; and,
secmdiy, the intimacy in ivhich JUvfsd ytifo
persons suspected, and whom s#k$eqtiwrf
misfortunes ham pnmed, to be Mngmies ta
the State. He adds, that the mild system
of those days had deferred the execution
df the measure, which the GQverjsn&ent*.
made wiser hy experience, had bqw deter
mined to adopt.
I am not ashamed of any of my
opinions, which are neither dangerous ia
themselves, nor have ever been s© in the
manner or the oecas.ian.of delivering tb&tav
But, does his Excellency condemn them oo

17

his own judgment ? The Duke of Riche
lieu had lately returned from Russia ; and,
from having merited the character of an able
and an upright Governor in the Country he
had adopted, enjoyedihe consideration of a
liberal Statesman in his own. I had, occasi
onally, the honour of seeing him in society,
and have sometimes been the most atten
tive listener, when he was the most willing
talker in company. But, I am' riot aware
of ever having obtruded upon him, or in
his presence, any opinion whatever on
political subjects.
Does he judge me on the Reports of
others? He must well know, that, in the
system of that High Court of Police, the
Books of the by-gone year were" never
Searched in vain, when the object was
to give evidence to a Calumny, or to
justify an act of Ministerial Authority.
¦; I am called to account, by the Duke,

13

for the Society I kept. In common, I be~
heve, with every. Traveller, I sought the
acquaintance of all those, who had been
the objects of our curiosity and attention.
for many years.. I found them (ivith one <
exception, lhelievef) admitted to the circle
of the Sovereign and his Family.
L>oes his Excellency allude to that per~
son, whose . rapid change of fortunes is
unparalleled, having been, within the space
of a few weeks, the Minister of his Sove
reign, the Representative of his Person in
a Foreign Country, and, lastly, an Exile
from his own : punished for a crime, once
pardoned, by the Monarch, whose Capital
he had preserved amidst siege and revolt,
and whose Sceptre he. had rescued from
the- hands of many and most dangerous
competitors ? -. (
It is true, that I occasionally visited.
the Duke of Otranto. I saw him, for

19
the first time, at the, moment when h£
was in communication with the Brother
of the King ; and, for the last time;
during that period, in the short interval
which elapsed between his interview with
that Illustrious Person, and his flight from
the arrest, which was attempted by order
of his Majesty*!
If this be a suspicious intimacy, ask
your noble Colleague, my Lord, who was
then travelling in the service of his Coun
try, whether I stand in need Pf apology
for an acquaintance to which he owes,
J doubt not, some facilities in the intricate
negociations he has had to conduet ; but,
* Previous to the disembarkaripn of Napoleon, M,
Fouche" had communicated his opinions upon public
affairs to Monsieur, by desire of his Royal Highness, and
had, as I believe, in the second week qf March, an inter
view with his Royal Highness, the day before tlie Prefect
qf the Police issued an order to arrest him. He escaped
and was concealed until the arrival of Napoleon.

20
to whomever his Excellency may allude,
or by whatever insinuations he would
connect my name with those, who were
said to be Conspirators by the Ministers,
who were known to be imbecile, I be*
seech him to consider how difficult it was
for a Stranger to have chosen his acquain
tance among those, who have proved emi-?
nently faithful, seeing that, they formed
so small a part of that Nation, to the
whole of which his Majesty has extended
his most gracious Pardon.
At the close of the period alluded to,
I recollect to have had, with Lord Castler
reagh, at Paris, a conversation, in which,
officiously I own, but honestly at least,
I warned him of an approaching Crisis,
referable, as I conceived, to the internal
misgovernment of France so strangely
contrasted with the ability with which
her foreign interests were pursued. These

21
are, I apprehend, the dungerous opinions
to which the Minister alludes; but did
I deceive the noble Secretary ? Were not
the errors of his Ministers acknowledged,
and amendment promised in the Expiatory.
Address* of the King to the Assembly,
on that solemn occasion when his Majesty
expressed his resolution never to abandon
his People ?
And yet, strange as it may appear, be
cause the Duke of Richelieu finds, in the
records of that tottering Council, a rejected
proposal for sending an Englishman from
Paris, as a remedy for the disorders of
France, he takes credit to himself for per
sisting in a resolution, which even such
Ministers had the wisdom to abandon !
The last period to which the Minister
adverts is the Second Restoration of the
' * On the ltith of March, three days before his Majesty
left the Thuillerks.

22

King ', -since which time he accuses me
• of professing openly my forriier principles
and opinions, and of Continuing to see
the persons — que la rigeur des lots a at'
teint. I do undoubtedly profess the princi
ples and opinions which I formerly held;
and, if I remain an honest man, shall
probably continue to do so, fully as long-
as the Duke of Richelieu is in the habit of
adhering to his ; but I entreat, his Excel
lency to believe, that, under a Government/
which has annihilated the Liberty of the;
Press ; which has revived Penal Sta
tutes, known only in the worst periods
of the Monarchy; which fosters a spirit
of Proscription and Persecution, familiar.
to the blackest epochs of the Revolutions ;
which already counts nineteen thousand
Prisoners for State Offences; and which,
by a liberal interpretation of the Act of Am-

23

nesty, seems inclined to , satisfy the pas- -
sions pf all it's creatures ; under such a
Government, I say, I am not so indifferent
to life and liberty, as to have hazarded
the public., expression of any political opi
nions whatever,
Since the happy return of His Majesty
I . adhered tp |. this , resolution the more
readily, because I was aware, that, while
on the one hand, the insolent superiority
of the courtiers of Ghent alike affected
their Countrymen and the Strangers who
remained during the absence of the King ;
on the other, the malice of those, who
never quitted the Thuilleries t hut to
change their cqstume, would equally con
spire to calumniate an impartial witness
of their versatility and shame.
The second charge is somewhat diffi
cult to understand. The law has punish
ed, those, who have offended, with death*

24

with exile, or with imprisonment. It is
certainly false, that I had, it' is almost
impossible, that I eould have had, eom-'
munications with any of those unfortunate
persons. Truth alone compels me to deny
a charge, for which, if it Were proved, I
should not condescend to apologize. Sup
posing that I had found the means to
correspond^ with an Exile ; if my corres
pondence were not criminal) should I have
erred against the laws of France, or
against the maxims of justice and hu
manity ? Is this the measure df charity*
which was meted out to M. Barbe Marbois
and to the Duke of Richelieu, who have
been banished and proscribed in their turn }
Is there any Holy Autograph Treaty ,
which brands with suspicion such as shall
have converse with the Exiles of France,
and have the abouchements des rois inter
dicted the intercourse of Englishmen, with

25
those persons, who have been so methodi
cally parcelled out amongst the Illustrious
Members of the Tripartite Alliance* ?
I ask you, my Lord, what would have
been said of Bonaparte, if, during the peace
pf Amiens, he had sent away a British
Subject from his Territories, because he cor
responded with an Emigrant ? and what
i
would have been said of an Englishman,
who shpujd have renounced his intimacies
with those respectable Sufferers (qf whom
I will not consent tp speak ill, hecause of
the baseness and ingratitude of a few),
so spon as the Government of his Country
made peace with the First Consul of
France ? If such are, indeed, the senti
ments of the Duke of Richelieu, I take
* The persons banished from France are, by Treaty,
compelled to seek the protection qf Russia, Austria, and
Prussia.

26

leave to infer, that it is far easier to ac
quire a character for liberality on .the
confines of Tartary, than to justify it on
the banks of the Seine.
It is possible, I am told, that the Duke
bf Richelieu may mean to inculpate the
visits I have made to my Countrymen in
prison. The rigour of the law has cer
tainly reached them, anticipating the pu
nishment for an offence, for which, in all
other cases, the accused has been admitted
to bail; but the Public voice belies him if
M. de Richelieu did not partake the gene
ral joy at the escape of M. Lavalette, who,
in all parties and in every family in France,
except one, found advocates to plead for
his' pardon.
To Sir Robert Wilson I was refused
access, because he had resisted the. tor-
ture, which the law of France inflicts,

27

in it's inquisitorial mode of examina
tion *. I had occasionally the satisfaction
of seeing my friend, Mr. Bruce, . who
had confessed his share in the plan,
which he and his companions had the
'heart to execute, and who was awaiting,
without a murmur, the expiation of an
-act, the motives of which generous minds,
in all times, and in all countries, will suffi
ciently appreciate.
In the absence of all real ground of
complaint, on. the part of the French Go
vernment, I have sought to discover whe
ther any foreign influence might have
extorted this puny vengeance from the
Minister of the King of France ; and the
coincidence of this order with an expla
nation I was compelled to ask from the
Russian Ambassador at that Court, did,
* Until the Prisoner answers the interrogatories of the
Public Accuser, he is confined au secret.

26
for. a moment,: create an. unpleasant doubt
in my mind. The facts are these; I had
received a copy of the Report, circulated
under the name of M. Pdzzo di Borgef,
with such primd facie evidence1 of it's
authenticity as to induce me to show it to
the British Ambassador, and to the Duke
of Wellington. I was aware of ,the im^
probability, that such a Paper should be
allowed to escape from the Cabinet of a
Foreign Minister, whose public Dispatches
probably wore a very different complexion.
I knew it must have been Written by a
Frenchman, and by a Frenchman possess?-
irig the means of procuring and of paying
for the curious information it contains.
On the other hand, M. Pozzo is the
only Frenchman who represents a Foreign
Sovereign at the Court of France ; he had
been a Deputy to one of her Assemblies ;
his active and ostensible interference in

29

all her Concerns ; his reputed talents,
which had been on the point of intro
ducing him intp the Cabinet of the King;
the Opinions of his Sovereign, notoriously
indifferent to the cause of the Bourbons ;
all conspired with the asserted authen
ticity to give it credit ih the minds of
most persons, who, of course, eedsed fo
believe it when it's originality was denied
by M. Pozzo di Borgo himself. The
frame of that AmbdSsa'dOr had been used
in assigning the fabrication of this Paper
to different persons. Sir R. Wilson had
thought it right to deny it publicly ; and*,
as the same accusation had been dpp'lied
to me, I obtained from M. FoTtzo di Brirgd,
an assurance, that he hud never attribut
ed it's ptlbiicdtion to me, on the evening
before I received the order from the Pre
fect of Police. I feel confident, therefore,
that he did not exert his powerful influ
ence for the removal of a Subject of the

30

King of England (whose Pensioner he ha*
long been) to revenge an offence of which
he knows me to be innocent.
I cannot conceal from your Lordship,
that the personal irritation of the Princes
was urged to me as an apology for the
Undignified proceeding of the Government.
.This pretence, while on the one hand it
shall not induce me to make their conduct
.the subject of discussion at present^ so on
the other, will be disregarded by a British
Minister, who, if he ever yields to any
influence but that of his conscience, dis
dains, at least, to make the passions of his
Sovereign and his Family the excuse for
his own misgovernment.
I have offered to your Lordship an
explanation*, but the cant and cry of the
* I wished to abstain from making any observations on
the conduct of our own Government, of whose non-in
terference in my own case I do not complain ; but the
unjust attack upon the English Residents in France, by the
French Prefect, having received a certain degree of coun
tenance and support from a British Minister in Parliament,

31

present day is, that, in common with many
of my Countrymen (as your Lordship and
the Prefect of the French Police may be of
opinion), I stand in need of a defence.
We are accused of interfering with
the internal concerns of France. This is
not the first time the same accusation has
come from the same quarter. And, among
the signs of the times, it is not the least
remarkable, that precisely similar lan
guage proceeded from the Treasury
Bench, just before the rupture of the
peace of Amiens. It was Individual In-.
terference, the Licence of Opinion, the
Libels of the Press, which were the
real causes of cPmplaiht; while tha bad
faith of the Government, the unjust im
prisonment of our Countrymen, the in
terruption to their commerce and cor
respondence, and, above all, the jealous
I owe it to my absent Countrymen and myself to deny and
ta refute the accusation.

32
fear of their free opinions, were but the
secondary causes of the great calamity
Which ensued. ,<
So said the wise men of that day ; and
now, the disfavour with which the British
Nation is viewed in France is attributed
to the misconduct of individuals,, and not
to the policy of it's Government. Your
Lordship is in error ; the country is de
ceived. It is notoriously false, that indi
vidual Englishmen are ill received by tha^
sociable and hospitable people, by whom
our happy Constitution is envied, and,
the freedom of our opinions held in
admiration. Our State Policy is detested, both by
the Government and by the people. The
Government hates you, because, although
you were the instruments of it's restora
tion, yet the peace you compelled it to sign,
and the humiliating sacrifice you wrested
from the King, of those Trophies, which

33
he in vain demanded of his faithful Allies
to propitiate the love of his Subjects, had
so lowered him in their eyes, that to your
perfidy he attributes the little considera
tion which he enjoys in his Kingdom.
Secondly, Because, although the vic
tory of Waterloo, and the restoration of
the King by British Interference alone,
ought to have secured our paramount
influence in the Cabinet of that Sovereign,
yet a very few weeks were sufficient to
destroy it ; and the wily Agents of the
Russian Court have obtained the manifest
direction of the Councils of France, and
have employed them to thwart the Views,
to discredit the Arms, and to raise a na
tional cry against the People of England.
The People hate jyou, because you
forced a Government upon them, not of
their choice, and because, instead of being
mediators, between them and the wrath of
the Sovereign you restored, you were

34

the willing spectators of his vengeance
in cases where a doubtful contract seemed
to justify, and even to call for your inter
ference; ¦, -U *'•=!;¦ '¦ •¦
They, too, have been taught to look to
the Emperor of Russia for assistance.
It is no longer to England, hut to the
Autocrat of the North, that they will look
foe protection, perhaps for' a Government,
ha any new Storms that may threaten, them.
r Mut this charge of intevfewmm must
be farther examined. In the first place, I
believe the accusation, against our Cmuntcyr
men is grossly exaggerated': but,' if it
were true, your Lordship is. aware, that
the new penal code inflicts summary pu
nishment on the public expression of free
opinions, and 1 think we have- tolerable
proof, that no interference on the part of
his own Government will save an English
man, so offending, from arrest, pr- shorten
his imprisonment for a day.

35

Believe me, my Lord, that- pretexts
of this sort serve but to mask othelir,
designs ; and the obloquy cast updd
individual Englishmen is the result of
Russian Intrigue, underlining the cha-
tactefr and power ef the Nation itsetft
The same manoeuvre was practised, and
the same cry was partially raised, when
the Pictures were taken from the Louvrej
a®d when Mussia deprecated and Mngland
executed that just but humiliating decisiori
frf the Allies.
Qiie word more on this subject of ititcr*
ference. The Sovereigns at Corigress, and
England in particular, declared they would
not interfere to force a Government on the
People of France, and yet impartial men
will .allow, that fhe appearance of the
French CoUrt in the centre of the British
Army takes something from the distinctness
of the proof of his- Majesty's being replaced

36"

oh his throne by the will of his Subjects.
On the other hand, the Letter ' to the
Duke of Richelieu, which accompanied the
Treaty of Paris*, and, I think, the Pre
amble of the Treaty itself, goes far to
guarantee the Charter to the People of
France. I presume, as you did interfere
when your positive declarations interdicted
you from so doing, you will compensate
for that officiousness in favour of the King
by renouncing the condition of the bond^
which allows your interference on the part
vfthe People. There may be some Secret
Treaty, which thus explains the duty of
Princes, and limits the exertion of their
Ministers. I earnestly deprecate all interfer
ence ; but I cannot hear, . without in
dignation, the base attempt to libel my!
* See Selection of' State Papers in 1815 and 1816, not
printed by order of the House of Commons.

37
absent Countrymen, by attributing to their
conduct that loss of consideration in
France, which the Country owes to the
unstatesmanlike policy of it's Ministers.
As a good Englishman, I feel ashamed,
that such miserable excuses should be re
sorted to, to palliate the error of it's
Councils, and the decline of it's ascendancy
in Europe; but I am not the less con
vinced, that this temporary superiority of
Russian Influence, when once fairly re
sisted by England, will finally yield tp the
Vigour of her Councils, the Glory of her
Arms, and the Freedom of her Press ; and,
above ah, to her continued interference in
the cause of Civil and Religious Liberty.
I have the honour to be,
My Lord,
Your Lordship's obedient humble Servant,
KINNAIRD,
London, f
February 17, 1816.

Just published, by Ridgway and Sons, Piccadilly.
THE
SUBSTANCE or SOME
L E T T E It S" '
WKITTEN BY AN
ENGLISHMAN RESIDENT AT PARIS,
DURING TBE
IAST reign" op the emperor napoleon.
"How Nations sink, by darling Schemes opprest.
When Vengeance listens to the- Fool's request."
Jhw d vols; Svo., price 24*., boards.

SELECTION OF STATE PAPERS
IN 1815 AND 1816:
HOT
PRINTED BY ORDER
dp
the House op commons.
Price As.

C. WOOD, Printer,
Poppin's Court, Fleet Street.

Just published, by Ridgway and Sons, Piceqdillyi
COUP D'CEIL,
SUR LA
SITUATION RELATIVE
DE
LA FRANCE ET DE L'EUROPE,
EN JANVIER, 18 16\
Price &&.

AN
ACCOUNT OP THE

BATTLE OF WATERLOO,
WITH-
A PLAN OF THE BATTLE,

An Appendix, containing the British, French,
Prussian, and Spanish Official Details of
that Memorable Engagement. BY
A BRITISH OFFICER ON THE STAFF.
Price 6s.

Just published, by Ridgway and Sons, Piccadilly.
AN
ESSAY ON THOSE
DEFECTS OF BUILDINGS,
DEPENDANT ON THE
NATURE AND PROPERTIES OF AIR.
¦ ¦ - <¦ BY
J. GREGSON,
INTERIOR SURVEYOR.
i
Price 3*. 6d.

No. 12, PRICE 4S., OF THE
&OTANICAL REGISTER.
Each Number consists of Eight Coloured
Figures of Exotic Plants, accompanied by
their History and Mode of Treatment. The
Designs made from living Plants.
BY
SYDENHAM EDWARDS,
FELLOW OK THE LINNEAN SOCIETV, AND LATE
DESIGNER FOR THE BOTANICAL
MAGAZINE, &C. &C.
Vol. I of the above Work, Half Bound, is ready
for inspection.