YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY c^' HISTORY OF ENGLAND ^ / v -.' >i, FROM THE PEACE OF UTEECHT TO THE PEACE OF PARIS. BY LOED MAHON. EDITED BY HENRY EEED, rROFESSOR OF ENGLISH LITERATURE IN THE UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA. IN TWO VOLUMES. VOL. II. NEW YORK: D. APPLETON AND CO., 200 BROADWAY. PHILADELPHIA: GEORGE S. APPLETON, 164 CHESTNUT STREET. MDCCCXLIX. Entered according to the Act of Congress, in the year 1849, by D. APPLETON AND CO., in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States for tlie Southern District of New York. CONTENTS OF THE SECOND VOLUME. CHAPTER XXI. A.D. 1740. Probability of a war with France And growing discontents at home . Return of the Seceders to Parliament Pulteney's explanation . "Walpole's reply ... Diminished strength of the Minister Opposition of the Duke of Argyle . Dismissed from all his employments Death of Sir William Wyndham , . His character .... Death of Lor^ Marohmont William Pitt, afterwards Earl of Chatham His early life .... He enters Parliament His career and character Supporters of Walpole . Sir William Yonge and Mr. Winnington Divisions in the Cabinet Efforts of Walpole to preserve his power His plan to separate England froni Hanover His overtures to the Pretender State of the exiled family at Rome . The two young Princes . The Duke of Ormond and Earl Marischal af Madrid Association in Scotland . Signed by seven principal persons . Contrast between Lovat and Lochiel Lord Sempill and Drummond of Bohaldie in Prance Mr. Shippen ..... Secret mission of the Marquis de Clermont Promises of Cardinal Fleury . Page 1 2 ih. ih. 3 ih. 5 ih. 6 ih. 7 ih. 8 ih. 9 16 ih.ih. 17 ih. 18 19 20 2122 ib. ib. 2324 ih. ib. CHAPTER XXII. Expeditions against Spanish America Anson sails from Spithead 26 27 IV CONTENTS. A.D. 1740. Tempests off Cape Hom His squadron scattered . He anchors at Juan Fernandez Sufferings of his crew Shipwreck of the Wager Byron's Narrative The Jesuits of Castro Prizes taken by Anson . He attacks Paita . Plunder and conflagration of that town Generous treatment of the prisoners Anson's cruise for the Manilla galleon His disappointments He proceeds to the. harbour Chequetan Voyage across the Pacific The Island of Tinian The ship driven out to sea by a storm Distress of the crew on shore The ship returns .... They sail to Macao Cruise off the Philippine Islands Capture of the Manilla galleon Return to Europe Second squadron under Vernon Sent to the West Indies Taking of Porto Bello . Extravagant rejoicings in England . Vernon receives reinforcements Attack of Carthagena Preparations of the Spaniards for defence The English repulsed with loss They return to Jamaica . Fruitless expedition against Santiago de Cuba CHAPTER XXIIL Last session of this Parliament Debates on the Address 1741. Motion for the removal of Sir Robert Walpole Mr. Samuel Sandys .... Mr. Wortley Montagu .... Secession of Edward Harley . And of Shippen .... Walpole's reply .... His triumphant majority . Similar motion in the House of Lords Subsidy to the Court of Vienna State of affairs on the Emperor's death Accession of Maria Theresa . Her difficulties ..... Frederick the Second of Prussia He invades Silesia .... CONTENTS. A. D. 1741. Battle of Molwitz New enemies against the Austrian monarchy Fruitless negotiations .... Two French armies enter Germany . Forced neutrality of Hanover .... The Bavarian troops approach Vienna Maria Theresa seeks refuge in Hungary Her interview with the Diet at Presburg . Hungarian enthusiasm and exertions Prague reduced by the French and Bavarians . The Elector of Bavaria crowned Emperor Dissolution of Parliament in England The Westminster Election .... Success of the Opposition leaders in various places Their schemes and suggestions Indifference of Pulteney Advice of Chesterfield . . . . Alleged secret mission to the South of France Events in the Mediterranean . Growing unpopularity of the Administration Page . 60 . ih. . 61 . ib. . 62 . ib. . ib. . 63 . 64 . 65 . ib. . ib. . 66 . 67 . ib. . ib. . 68 . ib. . 69 . 70 CHAPTER XXIV. The new Parliament meets Party struggles ...... Election Petitions ...... 1742. Fruitless negotiation with the Prince of Wales . Walpole betrayed by his colleagues . His energy in debate ..... Defeated upon the Chippenham Election Petition He resigns . ... And is created Earl of Orford Review of his administration .... Popular outcry against him .... Patent of rank to his daughter The King's message to Pulteney Pulteney's answer ...... Second message ...... Pulteney refuses to take any ofiice . But names the new Administration . Dissatisfaction of the Tories .... Meeting at the Fountain Tavern Speech of Pulteney And of Sandys ...... Ministerial arrangements completed . Chesterfield and Pitt excluded Pulteney's conduct reviewed .... His creation as Earl of Bath .... Representations from the principal Counties and Towns Cry for the blood of Walpole .... Secret Committee of Inquiry .... Their Proceedings VOL. II. A 71 72 ib. 14: ib. ib. 7576 ib. ib. 78 7980 81 82 ib. ib. 83 ib. 84 ib. 85 86 ib. 87 89 ib. 90 ib. VI CONTENTS. A. D. 1742. Proposed Bill to indemnify Evidence Rejected by the House of Lords Courage of Scrope, Secretary of the Treasury Report from the Secret Committee . Popular ridicule upon them . . • • Subsidy to Queen Maria Theresa Success of her arms in Germany Her conquest of Bavaria . • • •. Invasion of her dominions by the King of Prussia Peace concluded between them Retreat of the Frenoh from Prague Affairs in the Mediterranean . . . • Forced Neutrality of Naples .... Page . 91ih. . ih. . 92 . 98 . ih. . 94 . ib. . 95 . ih. . 96 . ih. . 97 CHAPTER XXV. State of public feeling in England . Divisions in the new Cabinet .... Lord Hardwicke ...... Lord Carteret ...... Views of the King ..... Hanoverian troops taken into British pay Violent clamours ..... Speeches of Pitt and Sir John St. Aubyn 1743. Motion of Earl Stanhope .... Pamphlet by Chesterfield Repeal of the Gin Act The King proeeeds to the Continent The British troops march from Flanders . And encamp near Frankfort Advance of Marshal Noailles and the French army Movements on both sides .... Battle of Dettingen ..... The French are defeated .... And compelled to retire from Germany The Rhine passed by the Allies Close of the campaign . . Affairs of Italy .... Treaty signed at Worms .... Death of Lord Wilmington .... Struggle in the Cabinet for his succession Henry Pelham appointed Prime Minister His character ••-... Deaths of Lord Hervey and the Duke of Argyle Meeting of Parliament .... 1744. Unpopularity of the Hanover Troops Preparations against an expected French Invasion The Habeas Corpus Act suspended . Troops assembled near London 98 ih.ih. 100 ih. 101 ih. 102103 104 ib. 106 107 ib. ih.ib. 109110 ih. Ill113 ih.ih. 114 ih. 115 ih. 116 117 ih. 118 ih. 119 CONTENTS. Vll CHAPTER XXVI. A.D. 1744. Project of invasion from France Prince Charles Stuart His character He sets out from Rome . His adventurous journey His arrival at Gravelines in disguise The French squadron sails from Brest Encountered by the British off Dungeness Dreadful storm, and wreck of the French transports The invasion relinquished Prince Charles at Paris . Naval battle off Toulon . Campaign in Flanders Alsace invaded by the Austrians Illness at Metz of Louis the Fifteenth Frederick of Prussia again engages in the war . Campaign in Italy ..... Captivity of Marshal de Belleisle and his brother Deaths of Countess Granville, and the Duchess of jMarlborough Cabals in the British Cabinet .... Earl Granville (Lord Carteret) dismissed . Chesterfield appointed Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland Pitt reconciled to the Government . : 1745. His declaration in the House of Commons The German subsidies continued The Hanover troops still paid by England Embassy of Chesterfield to the Hague Death of Robert Walpole, Earl of Orford And of the Emperor .... Another campaign in Flanders The Duke of Cumberland commands the British Battle of Fontenoy ..... Energy of Marshal de Saxe Tournay taken by the French .... The Duke of Lorraine is elected Emperor Peace of Dresden between Austria and Prussia . The British reduce Cape Breton CHAPTER XXVn. Prince Charles Stuart, at Paris His projects and preparations . Letters to his Father Rendezvous at Nantes Embarkation at the mouth of the Loire Charles arrives among the Scottish Lsles And approaches the main land Interview with Clanranald and his kinsmen Charles's landing Vlll CONTENTS. A.D. 1745. He is joined by Lochiel . And by other chiefs Skirmish at High Bridge Raising of the Standard . Charles marches onwards Proceedings of the established government General Sir John Cope . March of Cope into the mountains . His retreat from before Corry Arrack Charles descends into the Lowlands And enters Perth . Accession of the Duke of Perth And of Lord George Murray . Further advance of Charles He approaches Edinburgh State of feeling in that capital Preparations for defence The " Canter of Colt-brigg" . Deputation sent to Charles The Netherbow Port surprised by his troops The Highlanders occupy the city Public entry of Charles . His festival at Holyrood House His march to the eastward Landing of Cope at Dunbar Progress of the English General The two armies come in sight of each other Their relative positions and manoeuvres Battle of Preston . . Charles's moderation in victory Flight of Cope to Berwick CHAPTER XXVm. Return of the King to England Factions at Court .... Jacobite negotiations at Paris . Projects of Charles His triumphal return to Edinburgh Siege of the Castle begun But relinquished Clemency shown to the English prisoners Charles's Proclamations . New accessions to his force Camp formed at Duddingstone Strictness of discipline . Supplies of money ... Charles names a Council His mode of life at Holyrood House His design of an expedition into England Opposed by the Scottish officers But insisted upon, and carried by Charles CONTENTS. IX A.D. 1745. Preparations of the British Government State of public feeling . The insurgent army begins its march Charles crosses the Border Siege, and reduction of Carlisle Feuds among the insurgent Chiefs They determine to push forward Inactivity of Marshal Wade . Charles enters jManchester And Macclesfield . Mrs. Skyring The insurgents at Derby The Chiefs urge a retreat Vehemently opposed by Charles But in vain .... Public consternation in London Probable result had they advanced Their retreat to Scotland Pursued by the Duke of Cumberland Skirmish at Clifton The Duke of Cumberland reduces Carlisle Prince Charles at Glasgow CHAPTER XXIX 1746. Siege of Stirling Castle General Henry Hawley His march against Prince Charles Battle of Falkirk . Hawlej^s retreat to Edinburgh Burning of Linlithgow Palace Siege of Stirling resumed by Charles Arrival of the Duke of Cumberland Advance of his army Siege of Stirling raised The insurgents march to the northward New ministry formed at St. James's But dissolved within two days The war languishes in Scotland The "rout of Moy" The Duke of Cumberland at Aberdeen He pursues the insurgents Prince Charles at CuUoden House . His night-march to Nairn Failure of that attempt Proposal of Lord George Murray . Battle of Culloden Charles's conduct in the action Dispersion of the Highland army . Cruel treatment of the prisoners and wounded And of women and children . Death of President Forbes CONTENTS. A. D. 1746. And of the Duke of Perth . Charles's wanderings Flora Macdonald . Charles disguised in woman's clothes Concealed in a robber's cave . His escape to France Trials and executions Lord Kilmarnock and Balmerino Lord Lovat .... Legislative measures CHAPTER XXX. Campaign in Flanders .... And in Italy ..... Earl of Chesterfield, Secretary of State . 1747. His character ..... His Lord Lieutenancy of Ireland . Dissolution of Parliament and General Election Revolution at Genoa .... And in Holland ..... Battle of Lauffeld .... The French reduce Berg-op-Zoom . Despondency of the British Government Negotiations for peace .... Divisions amongst the Allies . And amongst the Ministers in England . Dissatisfaction of Chesterfield 1748. He resigns the Seals .... His pursuits in private life Letters to his Son .... Congress at Aix-La-Chapelle . Investment of Maestricht by the French Negotiations of Lord Sandwich, at Aix . Preliminaries of Peace .... Resentment at Vienna and Turin . Definitive treaty signed Hostages for the restitution of Cape Breton Prince Charles at Madrid He returns to Paris .... His arrest and expulsion from France Subsequent wanderings Miss Walkinshaw .... Portrait of Charles in his later years His death ...... Conclusion ...... CONTENTS. CHAPTER XXXI. A.D. 1749 State of parties after the Peace of Aix La ChapeUe Subsidies to Foreign Powers . Grant to the Town Council of Glasgow City of Halifax founded Half-Pay Officers and soldiers . New Clause in the Mutiny Bill 1750. Growing dissatisfaction of the people Temporary revival of Jacobitism Prince Charles Stuart secretly in London . Account of his expedition by himself And by Dr. King ... 1751. Death of the Prince of Wales Prudent conduct of the Princess Unpopularity of the Duke of Cumberland Bill of Regency ..... Bill for the General Naturalization of Protestants Reformation of the Calendar . Cabal against the Duke of Bedford . He resigns the Seals Earl Granville, President of the Council Death of Lord Bolingbroke 1752. New Treaties of Subsidy Mr. Alexander Murray . His Committal to Newgate Privileges of the House of Commons in that age Leicester House 1753. Favour of the Earl of Bute His character Jews' Naturalization Bill The Marriage Act Arguments against it Charles Townshend Recrimination between Lord Hardwicke and Mr. Fox A female Quaker on the King's Throne The British Museum founded . Execution of Dr. Cameron 1754. Death of Mr. Pelham . Page 262 ih. 263 264 ih. ib. 265266 il.ib. 267268 ih. 269 ih. 271 ih. 272273 ih. 274 ih. 275 276 ih. Ill 278 ih. 279280281 ih. 282 ih. ih. 28:3 284 CHAPTER XXXII. The Duke of Newcastle at the Treasury Rivalry for the Seals Mr. Pitt (Earl of Chatham) . Mr. Fox (Lord Holland) Mr. Murray (Earl of Mansfield) Negotiation between Newcastle and Fox Its failure ..... Sir Thomas Robinson becomes Secretary of State Resentment of Pitt ..... 285 ih. ib. 286 287 288289 290 ib. xu CONTENTS. A. D. 1754. His marriage .... The Parliament dissolved Combination between Pitt and Fox . Debates in the new Parliament 1755. Newcastle renews his overtures to Fox And prevails with him ... Differences with France on the East Indian affairs And on the American boundary Earl of Albemarle, Ambassador at Paris The King's journey to Hanover Capture of the Aloide and the Lys . Defeat and death of General Braddock Discussion at the Board of Regency Public Discontents Treaties of Subsidy Conference between Newcastle and Pitt Return of the King from Hanover The Seals given to Fox . The Duchess of Brunswick Cabals at Leicester House Meeting of Parliament . Single-Speech Hamilton Eloquence of Pitt . The Rhone and the Saone Pitt and Legge dismissed from office Great Earthquake at Lisbon Distress of the Portuguese Benevolence of the English The London Masquerades Fears of a French invasion CHAPTER XXXIII. 1756. French design upon Minorca . Remissness of the British Ministers The enemy appear off Ciudadella Siege of St. Philip's Castle Admiral Byng ..... Naval action on the 20th of May Byng returns to Gibraltar Continued siege of St. Philip's Terms of capitulation .... Public clamours in England . Byng brought home in arrest . Declaration of War against France . Danger of the King of Prussia Project of alliance between Austria and France Madame de Pompadour .... Treaty signed at Versailles The Czarina Elizabeth .... Augustus, King of Poland Convention between England and Prussia CONTENTS. XIU A. D. 1756. Commencement ofthe "Seven Years' War'' Battle of Lowositz Capitulation of Pirna North American affairs Cabals at home Fox resigns the Seals Murray appointed Lord Chief Justice Retirement of Newcastle and Hardwicke . Conference between Fox and Pitt . The Duke of Devonshire, First Lord of the Treasury Pitt, Secretary of State ..... Meeting of Parliament . • . Dismissal of the Hanoverian troops from England Earl Temple's speech on the Address Corn Laws ....... 1757. Highland Regiments raised .... Militia Bills Vote of money for the defence of Hanover Court Martial on Byng ..... The sentence ...... Byng's courageous demeanour Endeavours of Pitt to save his life . Parliamentary steps in his behalf . His execution ...... CHAPTER XXXIV. Dissatisfaction of the King with his Ministers His complaints to Lord Waldegrave The Duke of Newcastle . Pitt and Lord Temple dismissed Inquiry on the loss of Minorca Public ferment " It rains gold boxes" Various attempts to form a Government Chesterfield called upon as a Mediator Pitt and Newcastle combine Thus also Fox and Waldegrave Conference between Newcastle and Waldegrave New Administration Pitt and Newcastle again in office Fox as Paymaster . Expedition against Rochefort . Sir John Mordaunt The expedition unsuccessful. . Offer to restore Gibraltar to Spain Campaign in North America . And in Germany . Battle of Prague . Fall of Marshal Schwerin Defeat of the Prussians at Kolin Fortitude of King Frederick . XIV CONTENTS. A. D. 1757. Defeat of the Duke of Cumberland at Hastenbeck Convention of Closter-Seven . The Duke returns to England Resigns all his employments . Frederick marches against the Prince de Soubise Battle of Rosbach ..... French rhymes written by Frederick German enthusiasm which he rouses He gains another victory at Leuthen Close of his campaign . . ... 1758. Subsidy to him voted in the House of Commons Prince Ferdinand of Brunswick . * The Habeas Corpus Bill Affairs of Ireland ..... The Duke of Bedford Lord Lieutenant Maxims of Primate Boulter The Irish Parliament .... Apprehensions of an Union Tumults at Dublin .... State of Ireland at that period Page . 350 . ib. . 351 . ib. . 352 . ib. . ib. . 353 . 354 . ib. . ib. . 365 ib. 357 ib. 358 ib. 359 ih. 360 CHAPTER XXXV Conquest of Senegal And of Goree Pitt's designs for North America Cape Breton reduced Repulse of the British at Tioonderoga Taking of Fort Duquesne Its name altered to Pittsburg . Expedition to the coast of France The works at Cherbourg destroyed Action at St. Cast Campaign of Prince Ferdinand Battle of Crefeld .... Siege of Olmtitz by the King of Prussia His victory over the Russians at Zorndorf Battle of Hochkirchen . Death of Field-Marshal Keith Meeting of Parliament .... Supplies and Subsidy voted . . . _ 1759. Projects of the French for the invasion of Eno-land The town of Havre bombarded . . '^ The Toulon fleet pursued and defeated Reduction of Guadaloupe State of Canada at this period The Marquis de Montcalm General Wolfe . . • . . Appointments for the intended expedition Parting scene between Pitt and Wolfe Action at Niagara .... Ticonderoga taken .... 362 ib. 36.3 ib. 365 ib.ib. 366367368 ib. 369 370 371372 ib. ib. 378 374 ih. ih. 375 ih. 376 ¦ib. 378 ib. 379380 CONTENTS. XV A. D. 1759. Wolfe enters the river St. Lawrence And lands in the Isle of Orleans City of Quebec ...... Prudent dispositions of the Marquis de Montcalm Wolfe attacks the French lines His repulse ....... He falls sick His desponding views at this period Designs to land beneath the Heights of Abraham "Wolfe's Cove" Gray's Elegy The English army drawn out on the heights Confronted by the French Battle of Quebec ..... Heroic death of Wolfe .... And of Montcalm .... Quebec surrenders .... Joint monument to Wolfe and Montcalm CHAPTER XXXVI. The Brest Fleet Admiral Hawke ..... Naval Battle of Quiberon The King of Prussia's campaign His defeat at Kunersdorf His resolution of suicide Favourable change in his affairs New disaster at Maxen .... Prince Ferdinand and the Hanoverian army Battle of Bergen ..... And of Minden Conduct of Lord George SackviUe . Clamours against him .... He is recalled to England And tried by a Court Martial His sentence ..... Death of Ferdinand the Sixth of Spain . Queen Barbara ..... Accession of the King of Naples to the Spanish throne His character ..... Glories of this year to England Honours paid to Pitt .... His ascendency in the House of Commons Earl Temple claims the Garter And is supported by Pitt Temporary dissensions among the Ministers Present state of the Garter considered 1760. Thurot's expedition to the coast of Ireland Siege of Carrickfergus .... Campaign in Canada .... Action at Sillery XVI CONTENTS. A D. 1760. Three British armies meet before Montreal Reduction of that city . And of the whole province . Hostilities with the Cherokee Indians Letters of the King of Prussia His system of flnance . And of recruiting Siege of Dresden . And of Breslau The King's victory at Liegnitz Berlin surprised by the Russians Frightful carnage of Torgau Prince Ferdinand's skill and success The Chevalier d'Assas . Sudden death of George the Second CHAPTER XXXVII. The new reign .... Character of George the Third Lord Bute sworn of the Privy Council Rivalries and cabals at Court . The new Prayer of the Liturgy The Rangership of Richmond Park Funeral of His late Majesty . Opening of Parliament . The King's Popularity . Whigs and Tories of that period Designs of the Duke of Newcastle Of Lord Bute And of Bubb Dodington 1761. Close of the Session Retirement of Speaker Onslow Changes in the administration New elections The King's marriage announced Character of Queen Charlotte . She arrives in England . The Coronation Campaign in Silesia Schweidnitz taken by the Austrians And Colberg by the Russians . Frederick on the brink of ruin The two Princes of Brunswick The battle-field of Herman and Varus Victory of the Allies at Kirch-Denkern The Duke de Choiseul . Projected Congress at Augsburg Mission of M. de Bussy to London And of Mr. Hans Stanley to Paris Negotiations for Peace . The English reduce Belleisle . CONTENTS. xvn A.D. 1761. Connection between the Courts of Versailles and Madrid Complaints of Spain against England Resolute language of Pitt The " Family Compact" signed Secret Articles ..... Pitt breaks off the negotiation with France And urges an immediate war against Spain But is overruled in the Cabinet He resigns ...... Followed by Lord Temple Review of Ms administration . CHAPTER XXXVIII. Undisputed ascendency of Lord Bute A pension bestowed on Pitt . And a peerage on Lady Hester Popular dissatisfaction . The Guildhall Dinner . The new Parliament meets Mr. George GrenviUe Colonel Barre Dowry for the Queen Negotiations at Madrid continued 1762. Declaration of War against Spain . The Prussian Subsidy . Estrangement from the Court of Berlin Death of the Czarina New policy of her successor . Lord Bute and Prince Gallitzin France and Spain declare war against Portugal British supplies and reinforcements . Resignation of the Duke of Newcastle His motives ..... His overtures for returning to office Rising clamour against Lord Bute . John Wilkes The " Prophecy of Famine" Birth of a Prince of Wales Dethronement and death of the Czar The war in Silesia In Westphalia And in Portugal . Expedition against Martinico And against Cuba . The Moro taken by Assault And the Havanna by capitulation . The Philippine Islands reduced Renewed negotiations with France . The Duke of Bedford at Paris Terms agreed upon News of the reduction of the Havanna XVlll CONTENTS. A.D. 1762. Difference in the British Cabinet . Preliminaries signed at Fontainebleau Charge against Lord Bute Ministerial changes . . . • And resignations at Court Lord Barrington and the Duke of Newcastle The meeting of Parliament Speech of Pitt against the Preliminaries . Large majority for them 1763. The Peace of Paris . . ... Negotiation between Austria and Prussia The Peace of Hubertsburg CHAPTER XXXIX. INDIA. General view of our Indian Empire Earliest accounts of India Alexander's expedition . The Mahometan conquests The Mogul Emperors Baber .... AkbarAurungzebe . Splendour of the Mogul Court Decline after the death of Aurungzebe Passage of the Cape by the Portuguese East India Company in England A rival company established . Union between the two Companies The English in India Foundation of Madras . Bombay acquired from the Portuguese Rise of Calcutta .... The three Presidencies . The French in India Mah6 de La Bourdonnais Dupleix ..... War between the two nations The French take Madras Differences among their chiefs La Bourdonnais returns to Europe . His death ..... Attempt on Fort St. David by the French Siege of Pondicherry by the English Intrigues of Dupleix with the native powers The Nizam The Nabob of Arcot The "City of the Victory of Dupleix" Siege of Trichinopoly Rise and character of CHve CONTENTS. XIX He surprises Arcot Besieged by Rajah Sahib His heroic defence The enemy repulsed Action at Arnee And at Coverpauk Major Lawrence . " The French compelled to lay down their arms Clive returns to Europe Pacification between the English and French Companies Fate of Dupleix ....... Page . 494 . ih. . 495 . 496 . ib. . 497 . ib. . 498 . 499 . ih. . 500 CHAPTER XL. INDIA. Clive appointed Governor of Fort St. David His expedition against Angria The Nabob of Bengal dies . Succeeded by his grandson, Surajah Dowlah Surajah Dowlah commences war against the English He reduces Fort William The English prisoners confined in the " Black Hole' Their sufferings ..... Interview between Mr. Holwell and the Nabob Grief and resentment at Madras An expedition under Clive sent out Clive enters the Hooghly Calcutta retaken ..... Skirmish against Surajah Dowlah . Treaty pf peace and alliance with him Chandefnagore attacked and reduced Intriguis of the Nabob with the French . And o^he English with Meer Jaffier OmichundTwo Treaties,— The White and the Red Counterfeited signature Surajah Dowlah's army Advance of Clive . His Council of War Battle of Plassey . Flight of Surajah Dowlah He is taken and put to death . Treaty with the new Nabob, Meer Jaffier Fate of Omichund Incursion of Shah Alum The Circars ..... Action with the Dutch . Clive returns to Europe Transactions in the Carnatie . Comte de Lally lands at Pondicherry He reduces Fort St. David . 501 . ih. . 502 . ih. . ih. . ih. . 503 . ih. . 504 . 505 . ih. , 506 . ih, . ih. . 507 . ih. , 508 . 509 . ih. , 510 . ih, , ih. . 511 . ih. . 512 . 514 . ih. . 515 . ih. . 516 . ib. . 517 . ii. . 518 . 519 . 520 XX CONTENTS. Page And razes its works to the ground . . 520 His siege of Madras . ih. He is compelled to retreat . 521 Naval actions .... . ih. Colonel Byre Coote lands at Madras . ih. Battle of Wandewash . 522 Hyder Ali • . 524 Siege of Pondicherry by Coote . ih. Surrender of the place . . ih. Downfall of the French power in India . 525 Concluding reflections . 526 APPENDIX. Extracts from the Stuart Papers . . . . . .531 Extracts from the Hardwicke Papers ; Coxe's Collections, &c. . 554 Note on John, Fourth Duke of Bedford ..... 588 THE HISTOIIY OF ENGLAND PEACE OF UTRECHT. CHAPTER XXI. The year 1740 opened under no favourable auspices for Walpole, whether as regarding the peace of Europe or the stability of his administration in England. Abroad, the war with Spain, however unwillingly begun, must now be vigorously urged ; and there was this further evil attending it, that a rupture with France would almost inevitably follow. This was a consequence that Sir Robert had always foreseen and feared; it had been one of his main motives for peace, although of too delicate a nature for him to allege in debate. The monarchs of Spain and of France, bound together by close ties of kindred, always thought themselves natural allies, and the "Family Compact" existed in their minds long before it was concluded as a treaty or called by that name. Under the Regency of Orleans, indeed, different maxims prevailed, the Regent having good reason to consider the King of Spain not as a kinsman but as a rival. But under Fleury the old system returned in full force : he had used every endeavour to avert a war between the Courts of London and Madrid ; when, however, that war actually ensued, he became more and more estranged from his English allies. The despatches of that period display the growing coldness, and point to the probable result. In the event, as I shall hereafter show, the war between England and Spain became grafted into that which arose throughout Europe on the death of the Emperor Charles the Sixth ; but had even that event not occurred, there seems every reason to believe that France would ere long have sided with Spain. This was the very evil which had been apprehended from the en thronement of the House of Bourbon in Spain; such was the very system against which Somers had negotiated and Marlborough fought; and it is remarkable, that the same events should fully VOL. II. B 2 HISTOKT OF ENGLAND [CHAP. XXI. justify at once both the warlike counsels of Godolphin and the pa cific policy of Walpole. . . At home the unpopularity of the Minister was gathering in the distance like a dark cloud on the horizon, ere long to burst m thun der on his head. He soon found that he had not bettered his con dition by yielding to the foolish cry for war. _ Unjust clamours are not to be silenced by weak or wicked compliance ; instead of ap peasing their violence it only alters their direction. All the alleged misdeeds of Walpole— the Gin Act— the Play-House Bill— the Ex cise Scheme — the corruption of Parliament — the "unparalleled ruin" of the country (for present distress is always called "unpa ralleled"), were now urged against him in combined array. 'Ale was held forth as the sole cause of national grievances, or rather as the greatest grievance in himself. Nay, more, it is certain that had Sir Robert even declared war against all Europe at this time, he could not have freed himself from the disgraceful imputation of being a friend of peace ; it would still have been thought that he was forced forward against his will, and that he would seize the first opportu nity of indulging his base love of public quiet and prosperity. Such was the injustice of the moment; and there had been for some time petty riots and risings, none of importance in itself, but in their aggregate denoting and augmenting the ferment of the people.* This ferment of the people gave of course strength and spirit to the Opposition in Parliament. The Seceders having felt the error of their course, eagerly seized the declaration of war as a pretext to change it. On the meeting of Parliament in November 1739, no sooner had the Address been moved and seconded, than Pulteney rose, in the name of the rest, to explain their altered views. He began by defending them for their Secession. " This step," he said, " however it has been hitherto censured, will, I hope, for the future, be treated in a different manner, for it is fully justified by the declara tion of war, so universally approved, that any further-vindication will be superfluous. There is not an assertion maintained in it, that was not almost in the same words insisted upon by those who op posed the Convention. Since that time there has not one event happened that was not then foreseen and foretold. But give me leave to say, Sir, that though the treatment which Ave have since received from_ the Court of Spain may have swelled the account, yet it has furnished us with no new reasons for declaring war ; the same pro vocations, have only been repeated, and nothing but longer patience has added to the justice of our cause. The same violation of treaties, the same instances of injustice and barbarity, the same disregard to the Law of Nations, which are laid down in this declaration, were then too flagrant to be denied and too contemptuous to be borne It IS therefore evident that if the war be necessary now it was "ne cessary before the Convention. Of this necessity, the' gentlemen • See for example Boyer's Polit. State, vol. Ivi. p. 506. Lady Mary Wortley observes, "Our mobs grow very horrible; here are a vast number of legs and arms that onlv want a head to make a very formidable body." (Letters, vol. ii. p. 212 ed IS"? "i 1740.] FROM THE PEACE OF UTEECHT. 3 known, however improperly, by the name of Seceders, were then fully convinced. They saw, instead of that ardour of resentment and zeal for the honour of Britain which such indignities ought to have produced, nothing but meanness, tameness, and submission, . . . to such conduct they could give no sanction ; they saw that all opposition was ineffectual, and that their presence was only made use of, that what was already determined might be ratified by the appearance of a fair debate. They therefore seceded The state of affairs is now changed; the measures of the Ministry are altered; and the same regard for the honour and welfare of their country that determined these gentlemen to withdraw, has now brought them hither once more, to give their advice and assistance in those measures which they then pointed out as the only means of asserting and retrieving them." Sir Robert Walpole replied with great spirit. " After what passed last Session, and after the repeated declarations of the honourable gentleman who spoke last, and his friends, I little ex pected that this Session we should have been again favoured with their company. I am always pleased. Sir, when I see gentlemen in the way of their duty, and glad that these gentlemen have returned to theirs ; though, to say the truth, I was in no great concern lest the service, either of his Majesty or the nation, should suffer by their absence. I believe the nation is generally sensible that the many useful and popular acts which passed towards the end of last Session, were greatly forwarded and favoured by the secession of these gentlemen; and if they are returned only to oppose and per plex, I shall not at all be sorry if they secede again."* The debate on the King's Speech was not confined to this remarka ble incident: a warning it contained against "heats and animosities," being construed by the Opposition as an insult to themselves, was warmly resented. In the Commons, however, the Address passed unanimously ; but the Lords, stirred by eloquent speeches from Chesterfield and Carteret, divided, 68 for, and 41 against, the motion. During the whole of this Session it is easy to observe the JMinis- ter's diminished strength. His supplies, indeed, passed without difli culty; the Land Tax was raised again to four shillings in the pound; and four millions were granted for the war.| But on most other questions, finding that he could not stand his ground, he prudently preferred concession to defeat. When Wyndham moved a violent Address to the Crown that no peace with Spain might be admitted unless the Right of Search were renounced, the. Opposition expected a great triumph, but were disappointed by Walpole declaring that * Pari. Hist. vol. xi. p. 89. Coxe's Walpole, vol. i. p. C26. Bolingbrokt is remarkably cautious in forbearing to give any opinion as to the policy of the Seceders returning, but seems against it. To Sir William Wyndham, Nov. 1, and Nov. IS, 1739. t "Four millions of money have been raised on the people this year, yet in all proba bility nothing will be done. . . . Our situation is very extraordinary. Sir Robert will have an army, will not have a war, and cannot have a peace !'' Pulteney to Swift, June 3, 1740. (Swift's Works, vol. xix. p. 323.) 4 HISTORY OF ENGLAND [CHAP. XXI. he was the first to agree to the motion. When Pulteney brought in a bill "for the encouragement of seamen," by which the public would be deprived of all share in prize money, Walpole opposed it only in its first stage, but then sullenly and silently acquiesced. He agreed to an Address, "that a suflicient number of ships maybe appointed to cruise in proper stations for the effectual protection of trade," though the motion implied that the number of cruisers had hitherto been insufiicient, and that the Ministers, therefore, had been neglectful of their duty. Still more evident was his sense of weakness, when a bill was introduced by himself for registering all seamen capable of service, and rendering them liable to summons on emergencies — a measure which he thought absolutely needful for the speedy equipment of the fleet. According to oflScial re turns, only 21,000 seamen could be mustered in the Royal Navy during the year 1739;* while impressment from merchant shipping was an uncertain and invidious resource. Under these circumstances the Minister consulted Sir Charles Wager and Sir John Norris, the heads of the Admiralty, who declared that they could devise no other remedy but a general registry of seamen, according to the system which prevailed in France. But when the measure thus framed was laid before the House, it was received with general dis approbation, and even horror, as an introduction of French mea sures and French despotism ; it was certainly open to very grave objections, and after a faint defence 'was speedily dropped by the Minister. A general embargo upon shipping, to which he had re course, was encountered with scarcely less clamour by the mer chants ; they called it an intolerable oppression upon commerce, and petitioned the House of Commons to be heard by counsel against it. Their request was supported by the Opposition, but withstood by the Government, and rejected by a large majority; however, the latter soon afterwards yielded to a compromise, by which the mer chants agreed to carry one third of their crew of landsmen, and to furnish one man in four to the King's ships ; while, on the other hand, about the 14th of April, the embargo was removed, f — Who, in this cautious and conceding Session, could recognize the imperi ous and all-powerful Prime Minister ? The Opposition which at this time had gathered against Walpole might well indeed dismay him, supported as it was by so much popular favour, and comprising as it did almost every statesman of lofty talents or brilliant reputation. In each House he saw arrayed before him the accumulated resentments of twenty years. In the Lords, Chesterfield had become the most graceful and admired de bater of the day. With more depth of knowledge and more force of application, Carteret was equally powerful as a speaker: he was marked olit by the public voice for office, and, like Galba, would * See the Accounts presented to the House of Commons (Journals Janmrv 9S i lim This calculation of 21,516 is the average of the months,\he number beTng fes's il the first months, but more in the later. ^ '^^^ '¦' '"'' f Tindal's Hist. vol. viii. p. 457. 1740.] FROM THB PEACE OF UTRECHT. 5 ever have been deemed most worthy of power unless he had attained it.''' The lively sallies of Bathurst, and the solemn invectives of Gower, continued to support the same cause ; and within the last year it gained a most important accession in thc Duko of Argyle. He had very many times before turned round from ono party to the other, and each of his former changes may be clearly traced to some personal and selfish motive. For this last change, however, no adequate cause is assigned. His enemies whispered that Argyle could always foresee and forsake the losing side;t yet in so long a life it is not impossible that for once he might deviate into disin terestedness. Thus much only we know, that after being a zealous supporter of Walpole's administration during many years, he, in the session of 1739, stood forth as one of its most bitter, most fre quent, and most formidable assailants in debate. Yet Sir Robert, still wishing to keep measures with a man of such princely posses sions, shining talents, and eminent services, left him in possession of every place, pension, ofiice, or emolument, that had been lavishly heaped upon him as the price of his support. This forbearance was ere long taunted as timidity. Once in 1739, the Duke being pre sent under the gallery of the House of Commons to hear the de bate, Pulteney turned his speech to some officers who had voted against the Convention, and had in consequence been arbitrarily dismissed. " They who had the courage," cried Pulteney, " to fol low the dictates of their own breasts were disabled from further serving their country in a military capacity. One exception. Sir, I know there is, and I need not tell gentlemen that I have in my eye one military person, great in his character, great in his capacity, great in the important offices he has discharged, who wants nothing to make him still greater but to be stripped of all the posts, of all the places he now enjoys. — But that. Sir, they dare not do. "J Want of daring, however, was seldom the fault of Walpole where his own colleagues were concerned. Next year, finding that his moderation had but emboldened instead of conciliating his enemy, he prevailed upon the King, by one order, to dismiss the Duke from all his employments. The news roused the Highland blood of Ar gyle. General Keith, brother of the Earl Marischal, and a zealous Jacobite, was with his Grace when he received his dismission. "Mr. Keith," exclaimed the Duke, "fall flat, fall edge, we must get rid of these people!" — "which," says Keith, "might imply both man and master, or only the man!"§ * Major private visus dum privatus fuit, et omnium consensu capax Imperii, nisi im- perasset, (Tacit. Hist. lib. i c. 49.) t "It is said that the Duke of Argyle is extremely angry. It is a common saying that when a house is to fail tlie rats go away." 1738. (Opinions of the Duchess of JVIarl- borough, p. 7.) f Tindal's Hist. vol. viii. p. 404. § Letter of the Earl .Marischal, June 15, 1740. Stuart Papers. I owe this extract to the kindness of the Right Hon. C. W. Wynn, who copied it at Carlton House. The original seems to have fallen from its right order, and I could not find it among the Stuart Papers of that year, at Cumberland Lodge. 6 HISTORY OF ENGLAND [CHAP. XXI. In the Lower House, at nearly the same moment. Sir Robert Walpole was freed from one of his most powerful antagonists. Sir William Wyndham, who died at Wells after a few days' illness. His frame had always been delicate,* and he was only fifty-three years old; for nearly half that period had he been a leading member of the House of Commons. "In my opinion," says Speaker Onslow, "Sir William Wyndham was the most made for a great man of any one that I have known in this age. Everything about him seemed great. There was no inconsistency in his composition ; all the parts of his character suited and helped one another. "f The same authority, however, admits him to have been haughty and arrogant in temper, and without any acquirements of learning. J Pope extols him as "the master of our passions and his own;" yet the latter praise, at all events, does not apply to his private life, since it ap pears that, though twice married,! he resembled his friends Boling broke and Bathurst as a man of pleasure. || As a statesman, he wanted only a better cause, a longer life, and the lustre of official station (one more year would have brought it) for perfect fame. Born of an ancient lineage and4nheriting a large estate, he digni fied both his family and his fortune. The allurements which be guiled his lighter hours may have sometimes relaxed his public application ; but the dangers which crossed his career and tried his firmness, left him unshaken and unchanged. His eloquence, more solemn and stately than Pulteney's, and perhaps less ready, was not less effective; and I cannot praise it more highly than by saying that he deserved to be the rival of Walpole and the friend of St John. In early life Wyndham was guilty of a failing which reason and refiection afterwards corrected: he thought and spoke with levity on sacred subjects. One instance of the kind, I am inclined to men tion, on account of the admirable answer which he received from Bishop Atterbury ; an answer not easily to be matched, as a most ready and forcible, yet mild and polished reproof. In 1715 they were dining with a party at the Duke of Ormond's, at Richmond. The conversation turning on prayers, Wyndham said, that the short est prayer he had ever heard of was the prayer of a common soldier just before the battle of Blenheim. "Oh God, if there be a God, save my soul, if I have a soul!" This story was followed by a general laugh. But the Bishop of Rochester, then first joining in the conversation, and addressing himself to Wyndham, said, with T .1 " '^' l'" Vr' '"" T"'""'' ^"'\' ^'' ^""''" WynFothergiirs name is on the General Committee. Collections appeared to have been made in the churches : at Winchester Calhedral on Thanksgiving Day. The list of contributors shows tbat all orders of society took an interest in the charity. There is on the list a subscription by the non-commissioned officers and dragoons of one of the Regiments ; and one of 50L from " The Grand As- sociation of the Laudable Order of Antigallicans at the Ship at Ratcliff Cross." The proceedings of the Committee, with the subscription lists, and the answers of the pri. sonersof-war, from various places, acknowledging the receipt of the charity, were printed. The title is : " Proceedings of the Committee appointed to Manage the Contributions begun at London, Dec, xviii, mdcclviiii. Homo sura: Humani nihil 4 me alienum puto, Ter, London, Printed by order of the Coraraittee, mdcclx," In tlie introduction it is said : . . . "for the prisoners-of-war there is no legal provision ; wc see their distress, and are certain of its cause ; we know that tbey are poor and nailed, and poor and naked without a crime. . . . The rage of war, however mitigated, will always fill the world with calamity and horror : let it not then be unnecessarily extended; let anifnosity and horror cease together ; and no man be longer deemed an enemy than while his sword is drawn against us," A gentleman, remitting collections frora Cornwall, writes : " The vulgar prejudices which were opposed to this charity, and the violent clamours raised against us by the author of a letter, who threw on its proraoters the aocumulatecl reproach of traitors, Jacobites, and enemies to their country, prevented me itom receiv ing raore."] 1760.] FROM THE PEACE OF UTRECHT. 419 CHAPTER XXXVII. The young Prince of Wales, henceforth King George the Third, was riding with Lord Bute in the neighbourhood of Kcav, when a groom first brought him the hasty tidings of his grandfather's de cease. Ere long the groom was followed by Pitt as Secretary of State. His Majesty, after returning to Kew, proceeded to Carlton House, the residence of the Princess Dowagei\ to meet the PriA'y Council, and, according to ancient form, read to them a short Ad dress, Avhich he had directed Bute to prepare. Next morning he was proclaimed in London with the usual solemnities. On these and the ensuing days the demeanour of the young monarch Avas generally and justly extolled. He seemed neither elated, nor yet abashed and perplexed, by his sudden accession ; all he said or did was calm and equable, full of graciousness and goodness. The Ad dress to his Council was well and feelingly delivered, and he dis missed the guards on himself to wait on his grandfather's body. " He has behaved throughout," says Horace Walpole, a critic of no court ly temper, "with the greatest propriety, dignity, and decency."* George the Third — whose reign. Including the years of Regency, proved to be the longest and the most eventful in the English annals — was at the time of his accession twenty-two years of age. His figure was tall and strongly built; his countenance open and en gaging. A heartfelt and unaffected Christian piety formed the foundation of his character. In the private and domestic A'irtues few men, and certainly no monarch, ever excelled him. His educa tion having been neglected by his mother and mismanaged by his governors, his range of reading was not extensive, nor his taste within that range always happy. "Was there ever," cried he to Miss Bur ney, "such stuff' as great part of Shakspeare?^ — only one must not say so! What ! is there not sad stuff? — What? — what?"t But hi.s manner in conversation did great injustice to his own endoAvments. His rapid utterance and frequent reiteration of trivial phrases — his unceasing "What! what!" and "Hey! hey!" — gave him an aspect of shallowness to mere superficial observers, and obscured (literary subjects apart) the clear good sense, the sterling judgment within. Thus also his own style In writing was not ahvays strictly gramma- * To Sir H, Mann, October 28, 1760, In like manner Lady Harvey writes : " So much unaffected good-nature and propriety appears in all our young King does or says that it cannot but endear him to all." To Mr, iMorris, October 30, 1760, Letters, p. 271, ed, 1821. t Madame D'Arblay's Diary, December 19, 1785, (vol. ii. p. 39S,) 420 HISTORY OF ENGLAND [CHAP. XXXVIL tical, but always earnest, plain, and to the point. To the exalted duties of his station he devoted himself with conscientious and con stant attention. The more the private papers of his reign come to light, the more It will appear how closely, during fifty years, he su perintended all the movements of the great political machine.^ At all times, and under all vicissitudes; whether In victory or in dis aster ; whether counselled by Ministers of his own choice, or in the hands of a party he abhorred, he was most truly and emphatically an honest man. "Though none of my Ministers stand by me, I will not truckle,"* — was his saying on one occasion, and his senti ment on all. I shall not deny that his prepossessions for or against any statesman were mostly too strong and difficult to conquer, nor that his firmness sometimes hardened Into obstinacy. The earlier years of his reign were not free from errors of conduct or intervals of consequent unpopularity; but the longer he lived, and the better he was understood, the more his subjects felt how closely his general views and principles, his tastes and habits, were in accordance with their own. And thus in the latter half at least of his reign, after he had shaken off the sway of the northern Favourite, — the report of that sway which so long survived Its reality, — the taint of the factions which Junius adorned and envenomed, — and the odium of the North American contest, — no monarch, not Henri Quatre, not . Maria Theresa, not even our own Elizabeth, were ever more deeply rooted in the hearts of the people that they ruled. How strong and real became the sympathy felt for his health, and the confidence reposed In his Integrity ! How many millions were looking up to him with a feeling scarcely short of filial ! Who that beheld, even in childhood, can forget (it is one of my own childhood's earliest and not least welcome recollections) the warm and enthusiastic burst, of loyal affection with which the whole nation, without distinction of party, hailed the jubilee, — the fiftieth anniversary of the accession of him whom every tongue, In homely but heartfelt language, then proclaimed as "the good old King!" That His Majesty's predilection for the Earl of Bute was an error I have already acknowledged. It is undoubtedly the part of a wise Sovereign on his accession to dismiss any partiality not founded on the public service. Yet still it should be borne in mind that this partiality of George the Third had its root in considerable virtues. * To the Earl of Chatham, May 30, 17G7, Chathara Correspondence, vol, ui p, 261. ' [This becarae apparent in the case of the policy of the British government in the American Revolutionary War, v^^ben some of the papers of Lord North came to light. It had always been supposed that it was by the iraraoveable policy of the minister hiraself tbat the war was protracted; instead of wbich, when the docuraenlary evidence was at length disclosed, it was discovered that the responsibility of the continuance of the struggle belonged to tbe King himself, and that Lord North had repeatedly strove to bring tbe King's raind to adopt his views in favour of conciliation or concession. See "Extracts from the Letters of George the Third to Lord North (from September, 1774, to March, 1783), selected by Lord Holland from tbe Manuscripts of Sir James Mackintosh," to whom they had been shown by Lord North's executors. — Sparks's Wash ington's Writings, vol. vi. p. 531, Appendix No. v,] 1760.] FROM THE PEACE OP UTRECHT. 421 Affection and duty to his parent ; esteem for those whom she mainly trusted : regard for the servants who had faithfully adhered to his father and himself in their days of Court disfavour ; return for pro fessions of unbounded attachment; the kindness of long-continued intimacy ; the generous Avarmth of friendship and of youth ; such feelings might have bound even a greater King than George the Third to even a much worse favourite than Bute. From the first moment of the new reign the ascendency of Bute had been foreseen and foretold. Only a few days afterwards a hand bill was affixed to the Royal Exchange, Avith these words: " No pet ticoat government, — no Scotch favourite, — no Lord George Sack viUe!" Of the second of these surmises confirmation was not, in deed, slow in coming. On the _next morning but one after his ac cession, the King directed that his brother, Edward Duke of York, and his Groom of the Stole, Lord Bute, should be sworn of the Privy Council; and Bute appears henceforward to have been consulted on all the principal affairs. The quick-eyed tribe of Courtiers at once perceived that this was the channel through which the Royal favours Avould most probably flow, and to AvhIch their own applications would most wisely be addressed.^ But while the King thus Indulged his predilection towards the friend of his early years, he received all his grandfather's Ministers with cordial kindness, and pressed them to continue in his service. Pitt declared his willingness to remain on the same footing as be fore. Newcastle, uoav sixty-six years of age, made at first a show of resignation, with a view, no doubt, of enhancing his importance, but as he took care to consult only such followers and expectants as had an Interest in his stay, he did not fail to receive earnest entreat ies in support of his real inclinations, and magnanimously consented to resume the Treasury. Nay, so keen was he at this very time in his race for Court-faA'Our against his colleagues, that he sent most abject messages to Bute, hoping to see him in some high employ ment, and declaring his own readiness to serve not only with but under him !* Such meanness might well suffice to disarm the Fa vourite's envy, and to turn It against Pitt. During Newcastle's ascendency in the former reign. It may be recollected that friendship was felt, or at least professed, between Pitt and Bute. But this friendship had cooled in the case of Lord * See the minutes of a private conference between Dodington and Lord Bute in Do dington's Diary, Deceraber 27, 1760. A letter from H, Walpole to G. Montagu (October 31, 1760), and another from Sir J, Yorke to Mr, Mitchell (Chatham Correspondence, vol. ii, p, 83), throw some further light on these transactions, — the latter perhaps rather a beautifying or Claude Lorraine light. ' ["Lord Bute," says Chesterfleld; " arrived from the greatest favours to the highest power, and took no care to dissemble or soften either in the eyes of the public, who always look upon thera with envy and mabgnity; but, on the contrary, avowed them both openly," — " Character of Lord Bute (witb an Account of his Administration), writ ten in 1764." First printed in lo45, in Lord Mahon's edition of Chesterfield, vol, ii, p. 472,] 422 HISTORY OF ENGLAND [CHAP. XXXVIL George SackviUe, whom Pitt had refused to shield in the manner Bute desired, and this friendship was now severed by the variations of political affairs, "variations" which, as Chesterfield says on another occasion, ^' know no friends, relations, or acquaintances.'"" It Avas noAV become the question, according to a lady's jest at the time, Avhat the King should burn In his chamber, whether Scotch- coal, Newcastle-coal, or pit-coal! On the 31st of October, the King highly gratified the more serious portion of his people by a Proclamation " for the encouragement of piety and virtue, and for preventing and punishing of vice, pro faneness, and immorality." Such proclamations are worth httle more than the paper they are written on when not consonant to the personal conduct of the Sovereign, but In this case the document was happily upheld by half a century of undeviating Royal example. It was also observed, with satisfaction, that the Archbishop of Can terbury, proud of so promising a pupil, and having no longer a Lady Yarmouth to encounter, had become frequent In attendance at the Court. Two other measures of the King at this time, being much misun derstood, were often complained of. The Prayer of the Liturgy, in which the Duke of Cumberland and Princess Amelia had heretofore been specially named, was now altered, so as only to include them in the general terms, "and all the Royal Family." Let it be ob served, that such special mention In the public worship must he regulated by proximity to the person of the Sovereign, and that the King's uncle and aunt could only. If named at all, be placed after his numerous brothers and sisters. So far then from this omission being, as was afterwards alleged, a studied insult to the Duke of .Cumberland, It Is quoted by a writer of the time as "a delicacy of attention." " The King," says Horace Walpole, " would not permit any body but the Princess (Dowager) to be named in the prayers, because the Duke of Cumberland must have been put back for the Duke of York."t The second measure to which I have referred was the gift of the Rangership of Richmond Park to Lord Bute, in the place of Prin cess Amelia. It was boldly asserted, that the gratification of the Favourite, and the mortification of the Princess, were equal motives for the change ; but in truth Her Royal Highness held the appoint ment for life, and could not have been divested of It without her full consent. Some time back she had attempted, in an arbitrary manner, to close a public right of Avay through the domain. A jury, when ap pealed to, had decided against her pretensions ; the residence where she had made herself unpopular soon became distasteful to her; and she cheerfully resigned it, on receiving an ample equivalent.! In * Lord Chesterfield's Characters: — "The Duke of Newcastle." X To Sir H. Mann, November 1, 1760.— Tbe second series of these letters, which was pubhshed in 1843, and wbich extends from 1760 to 1776, though less important than the first, is of considerable interest and value, X See a note to Mr. Adolphus's History of England from the Accession of George III-i vol. i. p. 22, ed. 1840. 1760.] FROM THE PEACE OF UTRECHT. 423 both these cases, therefore, the clamour against Bute appears desti tute of any solid foundation. Meanwhile His late Majesty's will had been opened. He had bequeathed a cabinet containing 10,000?. to Lady Yarmouth, and named his three surviving children, the Duke of Cumberland, the Princess Amelia, and the Princess of Hesse as joint heirs to his floating balance. But his savings, which at one time must have been Immense, had of late, as we have seen, gone to the defence of his Electorate. On the llth of November his obsequies took place at Westminster Abbey, and with regal splendour. Of this mournful scene Horace Walpole, who was present, has left us a striking ac count. " The procession through a line of foot-guards, every seventh man bearing a torch, the horse-guards lining the outside, their officers, with drawn sabres and crape sashes, on horseback, the drums muffled, the fifes, bells tolling, and minute guns, all this was very solemn ; but the charm was the entrance of the Abbey, where we were re ceived bythe Dean and Chapter In rich robes, the choir and almsmen bearing torches; the whole Abbey so Illuminated that we saw It to greater advantage than by day, — the tombs, long aisles, and fretted roof, all appearing distinctly The Bishop read sadly, and blundered in the prayers The real serious part Avas the figure of the Duke of Cumberland, heightened by a thousand melan choly circumstances Attending the funeral of a father could not be pleasant; his leg extremely bad, yet forced to stand upon It near two hours; his face bloated and distorted with his late paralytic stroke, which has affected, too, one of his eyes, and placed over the mouth of the vault into which, in all probability, he must himself so soon descend; think how unpleasant a situation! He bore It all with a firm and unaffected countenance. This grave scene was fully contrasted by the burlesque Duke of Newcastle. He ' fell into a fit of crying the moment he came into the chapel, and flung himself back in a stall, the Archbishop hovering over him with a smelling bottle; but in two minutes his curiosity got the better of his hypo crisy, and he ran about the chapel with his glass to spy who was or was not there, spying with one hand and mopping his eyes with the other It was very theatric to look down Into the vault where the coffin lay attended by mommers with lights."* The Parliament, which had been prorogued for a few days on account of the demise of the Crown, was on the 18th of November opened by the King. Never, it was remarked, had there been greater crowds at such a ceremony, nor louder acclamations. The Royal Speech had been drawn up hy Lord Hardwicke, and revised by Pitt;f but when complete His Majesty Is said to have added with his own hand a paragraph as follows: "Born and educated in this country, I glory in the name of Briton; and the peculiar happiness of my life will ever consist in promoting the welfare of a people • To George Montagu, Esq., November 13, 1760. This lively description may be compared with the dry official statement in the Annual Register for 1760, part i. p. 179. X Chatham Correspondence, vol, ii, p. 82. 424 HISTORY OF ENGLAND [CHAP. XXXVIL whose loyalty and warm attachment to me I consider as the greatest and most permanent security of my throne." Such cordial language met with no less cordial responses from both Houses. " What a lustre," exclaim the Lords, " doth It cast upon the name of Briton when you. Sir, are pleased to esteem It among your glories!" " We acknowledge," say the Commons, " with the livehest sentiments of duty, gratitude, and exultation of mind, these most affecting and animating words." Nevertheless, these words did not wholly escape animadversion out of doors; some captious critics contended that they Implied,, and were intended to imply, a censure against the late reign. I have heard it related, but on no very clear or certain authority, that the King had In the first place written the word "Enghshman," and that Lord Bute altered it to " Briton." In other passages His Majesty's Speech professed a thorough con currence in the counsels whieh during the last few years had guided his grandfather's reign. It praised " the magnanimity and perse verance, almost beyond example," of his good brother the King of Prussia ; to our own victories It adverted In becoming terms of exul tation; It declared that His Majesty would have been happier still could he have found his kingdoms at peace ; " but since," it added, "the ambition. Injurious encroachments, and dangerous designs of my enemies rendered the war both just and necessary, I am deter mined to prosecute this war with vigour." In conclusion, the King expressed his delight at the present " happy extinction of divisions," and recommended to his Parliament "unanimity." Never was any recommendation more fully complied with; scarce one public differ ence of opinion appeared. Another annual Subsidy of 670,000?. to the King of Prussia was proposed by Pitt, and granted by the House of Commons.* Supplies to the unprecedented amount of nearly twenty millions sterling were cheerfully voted. The Civil List for the new reign, on the King surrendering the branches of his Here ditary Revenue, was fixed at 800,000?. a year. Nothing was heard in either House but dutiful Adtiresses and loyal congratulations. It resembled the first accession of Anne of Austria to the Regency of France, when, as the French writers say, their language seemed reduced to only these five words: la reine est si bonne!! Nor was there less of apparent harmony both in the country and at Court. It had been the peculiar happiness of Pitt's administration to dissolve the ancient ties of Jacobitism, and to blend the hostile ranks of Whig and Tory. Yet still many great families had con tinued from habit what had begun In aversion, their estrangement from St. James's, and had never appeared at the Court of George the Second. The accession of a new sovereign, born and bred in * "Mr, Pitt raoved for the money for the Prussian treaty; said very little but 'mag nanimous ally' and ' the Protestant cause ;' Legge said less, but seconded him so we voted the money, and adjourned," (Mr, Rigby to the Duke of Bedford, December 22, 1760) t Mem. de Retz, voh i, p. Sl,ed. 1817, 1760.] FROM THE PEACE OF UTRECHT. 425 England, and wholly untainted with Hanoverian partialities, gave them a favourable opportunity to renounce, even in outAvard form, their obsolete political faith. Thus, then, the members of the old Jacobite connexion came fiocking to the Levee-Room, and found a gracious reception confirm their noAV-born attachment. " The Sove reign now," says a shrewd observer, after complaining of the shyness and reserve of George the Second at his Levees, " Aviilks about, and speaks to every body."* In the new Household several noblemen of this old Jacobite connexion were appointed Lords and several gentlemen Grooms ofthe Bedchamber; an excellent policy, promoting the reconciliation of a party without any approximation to Its prin ciples in government. I may observe, in passing, that these ncAV accessions to the Court, Avho for the most part took shelter under the wing of Bute, were called Tories, and that the name speedily extended to all those Avilling to support Bute's person or policy, Avhile his opponents combined under the appellation of Whigs. Such Avas the first revlA'al of those party nicknames which had been so glori ously extinguished or intermingled in Pitt's administration, and which, after some further phases during the reign of George the Third, came at length, in the reign of his son, to that remarkable counter-change from their early principles Avhich I haA'e elscAvhere endeavoured to portray.f- But, however fair and specious seemed the unanimity which greeted the ncAV reign, it was no more than apparent. Beneath that smooth surface, jealousy, rancour, and ambition were already beginning to stir and heave. A small knot of grasping families among the Peers, which Avished to be thought exclusively the friends of the Hanover succession, and which had hitherto looked upon Court offices, honours, and emoluments as almost an heirloom belonging to themselves, viewed with envious eyes the admission of ncAV claimants, not as in volving any principle of politics, but only as contracting their own chances of appointment. Such malcontents found a congenial mouth piece in the Duke of Newcastle. Almost at the very time that he was sending In private humble messages to Bute, and writing to con gratulate Pitt on "any possibility of difference being removed,"! he and his followers raised a loud cry at the appointment, without his knowledge, of Lord Oxford and Lord Bruce to the Bedchamber. In like manner he complained that several gentlemen of the same con- • H. Walpole to G. Montagu, November 13, 1760. Mr, Hallam observes: "It is probable that scarcely one person of the rank of a gentleman south of the Tweed was found to dispute the right of the House of Brunswick after 1760," (Constit, Hist. vol. iii, p, 341.) — See also Dr, King's Anecdotes, p. 194. t Note to Vob I, p, 567, Appendix, X Letter, November 28, 1760. Chathara Correspondence, vol. ii, p. 87. ' ["Parties awote again," said the late Dr, Arnold, " one can hardly know how or why, and their struggle during the early part of the reign of George the Third was of such a character, that after studying it attentively, we turn from it as from a portion of history equally anomalous and disagreeable ... . that period in which the raost pro minent naraes — alas! for the degraded state of English party — are those of John Wilkes and of Junius." — Lectures on Modern History, Lect. vii,] 426 HISTORY OF ENGLAND [CHAP. XXXVII. nexion had announced themselves as candidates and supporters of the Government at the ensuing General Election, and had received a promise of the Government support in return; in truth, he was angry that the entire management of the Elections was no longer centered in his hands. These grievances he recounted with deep emotion to Mr. Rigby, hoping, no doubt, through that channel, tb inflame the Duke of Bedford. "Whenever," he cried, " I ask an explanation of these and other matters, the constant answer iSj the King has ordered it so!"* On the other hand, the cabals of Bute were to the full as nume rous and as crooked as Newcastle's. It was his object to hold him self forth as the sole expounder of the King's wishes and opinions, — as the single and mysterious high-priest of the Royal Oracle. Thus, for example, some time before the Dissolution of Parliament, he told the First Lord of the Admiralty, that room must be made for Lord Parker. To this Anson replied, that all was full. "What, my Lord," cried Bute, in his loudest tones, "the King's Admiralty Boroughs full, and the King not acquainted with it!" Anson, never ready at Avords, appeared confounded and struck dumb with the rebuke.f In deed, on all occasions, as Ave have seen from Newcastle's complaints, Bute was ready to allege the King's orders in place of any other reason. But he did not long continue satisfied with his secret in fluence; he had begun to aim at eminent office, although his ambition was often dashed with doubts, tremors, and misgivings. On this sub ject he had more than one confidential conference with his friend, Bubb Dodington, within the second month of the new reign. "Why not," said Dodington, " take the Secretary's office, and provide other wise for Lord Holderness?" After some hesitation, Bute opened his design as follows : "If that were the only difficulty it could be easily removed, for Lord Holderness is ready, at my desire, to quarrel with his fellow Ministers, on account of the slights and ill usage which he daily experiences, and go to the King, and throw up in seeming anger, and then I might come in, without seeming to displace any body!" This expedient was too gross for the taste of even Doding ton himself, and Bute afterwards laid it aside. J In another conference, however, Bute and Dodington agreed to commence the paper-war against Pitt, — by putting forth small pamphlets and handbills, and runners, as they were termed at that time. "We Avished," adds Dodington, "to have some coffee-house spies, but I do not know how to contrive it."§ The course of policy which Bute had secretly In view, and by which he hoped to recommend himself, was to disentangle England from Continental connections. He thought that to withdraw our * Mr, Rigby to the Duke of Bedford, December 19, 1760. Bedford Correspondence, vol, ii, p, 425, -j- This conversation was repeated to Dodington by Bute himself. Diary, February 2, 1761. X Dodington's Diary, Noveraber 29, 1760. § Diary, January 2 and 9, 1761. 1761.] FROM THE PEACE OP UTRECHT. 427 troops from Hanover would either effect a peace or enable us to carry on the war much cheaper. But it deserves attention,. — as dis playing the true cliaracter of the man, — that the hesitation which Bute felt as to this scheme appears to have rested not on national, but solely on party grounds. Other ministers might have appre hended the ruin of the King of Prussia, — the severing of alliances, already contracted, — the relinquishing of advantages already gained. The sole alarm of Bute was, lest others should be beforehand with him, — lest Pitt or NeAvcastle might be even now intent on the very same scheme! Of this possibility he spoke more than once, Avith gloomy foreboding, to Dodington. But one day he came to his friend in high exultation: "I am noAV sure," he cried, "that Pitt has no thoughts of abandoning the Continent. Pie is madder than ever!"* During these cabals (how unworthy the nation Avhich had so lately achieved such high pre-eminence in arms !) the Parliament was still sitting, engaged in the needful business previous to its Dissolution. Some dissatisfaction was excited by a new duty of three shillings per barrel imposed on beer and ale; indeed, some clamours on the sub ject, amounting nearly to a riot, met the ear of the King himself, when he went in state to the play-houses. But another measure at the close of the Session, coming straight from His Majesty, was hailed with unmingled and well-merited applause. By an Act of William the Third the commissions of the Judges were to be drav/n, no longer as during the King's pleasure, but as during their own good behaviour ; still, howeA'er, their offices determined upon the demise of the CroAvn, or at the close of the subsequent six months. This state of the law fell naturally under consideration when, on George the Third's accession, noAV commissions were ac cordingly granted to the Judges. On the 3d of March it was recom mended to Parliament in a Royal Speech to provide that the Judges' commissions should in future continue, notAvithstanding any demise of the Crown, and their salaries be absolutely secured to them during the continuance of their commissions. This noble improvement (as Blackstone terms It) was unanimously passed, thus guarding in a further and most effectual manner the entire independence of the Judges, and the upright administration of Justice.^ * Dodington's Diary, January 16, 1761. Tbe reader will join in ray regret that this interesting record should close at this interesting period; the last entry is dated February 6, 1761. * [In the "Lives of the Chancellors," Lord Campbell speaks of Lord Hardwicke's speech, in moving the address of thanks, as "creating the delusion which still prevails, that till then the judges held during pleasure. In truth, by the Act of Settlement (12 and 13 Will^ III, c. 2) their commissions were ' quamdiu se bene gesserint:' and although, by a misconstruction^of that act, contrary tothe maxim ' thatthe King never dies,' tbe ap pointment was held only during the natural life of the reigning sovereign, only one judge was removed onthe death of George L, not one on the death of George II,, and no minister atany time coming would have ventured to remove a corapetent judge on the coraraence raent of a new reign." In a note. Lord Campbell adds: " The opinion of that great and upright magistrate. Sir Michael Foster, was clear, that after the judges were required by 428 HISTORY OF ENGLAND [CHAP. XXXVII. At the close of this Session Speaker Onslow announced his inten tion of retiring, both from the Chair and from the House. During three and thirty years had he filled that Chair with higher merit, probably, than any one either before or after him, — with unequalled impartiality, dignity, and courtesy. All statesmen judge wisely for their reputation (even were that the only object) In seeking to inter pose some interval betAveen active life and the grave; and Onslow, retiring with a temper yet even, and with energies still unimpaired, carried with him into privacy the respect and regret of all. A vote was passed, acknowledging his serA'ices in the fullest terms, and another entreating the Crown to grant him some signal mark of its favour. (This pointed to a pension of 3,000?. a year.) "I was never," said OnsloAv, in reply to the former vote, "under so great a difficulty In my life to know what to say in this place as I am at present. Indeed It Is almost too much for me. I can stand against misfortunes and distresses; I have stood against misfortunes and distresses, and may do so again; but I am not able to stand this overfiow of goodwill and honour to me ; it overpowers me And now, Sirs, I am to take my last leave of you. It is, I confess, with regret, because the being Avithin these walls has ever been the chief pleasure of my life."* In that pleasure, I may observe in passing, lies probably the secret of his pre-eminent success. Horace Walpole, who was present on this last occasion, writes: "The Speaker did not overact, and it was really a handsome scene. "f On the 21st of March the Parliament was dissolved by a Procla mation ; and the Gazette of the same day announced several changes in the Ministry. The Duke of Bedford, having resigned the Lord Lieutenancy of Ireland, was succeeded by the Earl of Halifax. Legge, Avho had Incurred the enmity of Bute from a former trifling diflerence on an election In Hampshire, ceased to be Chancellor of the Exchequer, the Secretary at War, Lord Barrington, stepping \ • Coraraons Journals, vol, xxviii, p, 1108, Onslow survived his retirement till the year 1768, and tbe age of seventy-seven. His son was created Baron Cranley, succeeded his cousin as Baron Onslow, and was in 1801 promoted to an Earldom. f To G. Montagu, March 21, 1761. the Legislature to be appointed ' during good behaviour,' and it was provided that they should only be removable on the joint address of the two Houses of Parliament, they could not be removed on a demise of tbe Crown, 'I think the last precedent was a precipitate proceeding, against tbe plain scope and intent of the Act of Settlement, and derogatory to the honour, dignity, and constitutional independence of the judges, and of the Crown itself I found rayself only on the Act of Settleraent and the reason of things' (Sir Michael Foster to Lord Chief Justice Wilmot — Life of Wilmot, 31)." Lives of the Chancellors, vob v, p. 149, chap, cxxxvii. In treating this subject, ofthe tenure of judicial office, and the independence secured by the tenure for good behaviour, Mr Hallam observes, in a tone quite different from the usual composure and dignity of his style : " We owe this important provisioji to the Act of Settleraent; not. as ignorance and adulation have perpetually asserted, to his late Majesty, George III," — Constitutional History of England, vol, iii, chap, xv. p. 262, edit. 1829. The raisconstruction referred to by Lord Campbell, and the removal of even one judge on the death of George I,, prove that the Act of Settleraent was not in this respect a sufficient security, and that additional legislation was needed.] 1761.] FROM THE PEACE OF UTRECHT. 429 into his place, Charles Townshend Into Lord Barrington's, and Sir Francis Dashwood Into Charles Townshend's, as Treasurer of the Chambers. Both Townshend and Dashwood had of late attached themselves to the chariot-wheels of Bute; a fact which sufficiently explains their promotion. A less important alteration had taken place a few weeks before, when Robert, Baron Henley, the Lord Keeper, was raised to the dignity of Lord Chancellor.^ But the master-change, and the key to all the other changes, Avas reserved till a few days afterwards. On the 25th of March the Gazette made knoAvn to the world that His Majesty had been pleased to ap point the Earl of Bute one of his Secretaries of State, — Holderness being the Minister removed. It was reported at the time, in explanation of this change, and as a saying of the King, that he was tired of having two Secretaries, of whom the one would do nothing, and the other could do nothing ; he Avould have a Secretary who both could act and would. This saying is so far more epigrammatic than any known to have pro ceeded from George the Third that we may be permitted to distrust its authenticity. It points, however, at the certain fact, that Pitt had for some time past seemed dissatisfied, moody, and estranged. Neither Pitt nor Holderness himself had received any notice of the contemplated change as to the Seals until that change was matured, and on the very point of execution. Holderness, however, had little reason to complain ; transferred from an office of business, for which he was unfit, to a rich place for life, — that is, receiving the reversion, after the infirm Duke of Dorset, of the Wardenship of the Cinque Ports, with a salary of 4,000?. a year. To soften Pitt, in like man ner, his kinsman, James GrenviUe, was promoted from a Lordship of the Treasury to the lucrative post of Cofferer of the Household. Such a concession was not likely to have much weight Avith such a statesman as Pitt. It must, hoAvever, be owned, that on this occa sion he showed none of that haughty impracticability Avith Avhich he has been often and not unjustly charged. He patiently endured the want of confidence. Indicated by the removal or the appointment of colleagues without his previous knowledge. But he was determined to alloAV no infringement of his province ; to direct with full powers both the war and the negotiations; and to resign his office sooner than sacrifice his judgment. Nearly at the same time as the Dissolution of Parliament was an nounced a creation of Peers. Three baronets of old descent, Gros venor, Irby, and Curzon, became Barons. Bubb Dodington, to his ' [Henley was, in 1764, created Earl of Northington, Lord Campbell remarks: "It is little to the credit of Lord Northington, that while he was Chancellor, tbe ill omened plan was adopted of taxing Araerica by the British parliament, and the too famous American Stamp Act was passed, A constitutional lawyer in the Cabinet, like Lord Camden, would have reprobated such a raeasure on principle — and a wary one, like Lord Mansfield, would have disapproved of it as dangerous. But Lord Northington, allowed to enjoy the sweets of his office, gave biraself no trouble either about tbe do mestic or colonial pohcy of the governraent."— Lives of the Chancellors, vol. v, p, 201, chap, cxi] 430 HISTORY OF ENGLAND [CHAP. XXXVII. unbounded delight, found himself Lord. Melcombe, and Sir Thomas Robinson Lord Grantham. The Earl of Bute was of course not for gotten; an English Barony was bestowed upon the Countess, whose admirable conduct and character In private life are warmly acknow ledged even by her husband's political opponents: "She is one of the best' and most sensible women in the world," writes Horace Wal pole, "and though educated by such a mother, or rather with no education at all, she has noA'er made a false step."* A touching tribute to her memory has been lately paid by her own most accom plished and still surviving, though nearly nonagenarian, daughter.f The Elections which took jilace during March and April were not marked by any outburst of popular feeling. So hushed had been the old invectives of party during Pitt's administration, so faint were as yet the new, that scarce any Avar-cry remained to the contending factions, and that the contests turned on persons rather -than on principles. For that very reason, hoAvever, no previous General Election had been marked by greater venality. The sale of bo roughs to any wide extent may be dated from this period. J One borough went so far as to advertise publicly for a buyer ; this was Sudbury, which seems in modern times to haA'e in no degree declined from its ancient reputation. An abominable practice likeAvise arose, of evading the penalties of bribery by a simulated sale of trifling articles at exorbitant prices. This subterfuge of corruption has not escaped Its contemporary, — the modern Aristophanes. "When I first took up my freedom," says the elector. In Foote, " I could get but thirty guineas for a new pair of jack-boots, whilst my neighbour over the Avay had a fifty pound note for a pair of wash-leather breeches !"§ The exact order of time would now lead me to the progress of the war, and to the negotiations for peace, but these I pass by for the present, to conclude the domestic transactions of the new reign. On the Sth of July an extraordinary Privy Council was held; all the Members In or near town having been summoned, Avithout dis tinction of office or of party, to meet, as Avas declared, "on the most urgent and Important business." The object, it was concluded on all sides (so carefully had the secret been kept), was, to ratify or reject the treaty Avith France. It proved, — to declare a Queen. His Majesty announced to the Council his intended marriage with Charlotte, second sister of the Duke of Mecklenburg-Strelltz, a House of ancient lineage, and of tried Protestant principles. Of the Princess herself, who Avas scarcely seventeen, and not remark able for beauty, little as yet was pr could be known. On one occa sion, however, she had manifested a sense and spirit beyond her years. When the territories of her cousin, the Duke of Mecklen- * To Sir H, Mann, January 27, 1761. t Introductory Anecdotes, Lord Wharncliffe's edition of Lady M. W. Montagu's Works, vol. i, p, 21, X Hallara's Constit Hist. vol. iii. p. 402. § The Nabob, act. ii. 1761.] PROM THE PEACE OF UTRECHT. 431 burg-Schwerin, had been entered and laid waste by the King of Prussia's troops, she had addressed "a letter to that monarch, en treating his forbearance. Frederick was so well pleased with this firm yet modest appeal as to send it OA'er to George the Second, and It is said to have formed one of the motives for the choice of George the Third.* The character of this Princess in after life, as Queen consort of England for fifty-seven years, confirmed the soundness of the judg ment which had raised her to that rank. An ever present, yet unostentatious piety; to the King an affectionate reverence ; to her children an unremitting care ; prudence, economy, good sense, and good temper, were amongst her excellent qualities. Pure and above all reproach In her own domestic life, she kncAV how to enforce at her Court the virtues, or, at the very least, the semblance of the virtues, which she practised. To no other woman, probably, had the cause of good morals In England ever owed so deep an obliga tion. How pleasing the picture of one of her Sunday forenoons, as drawn by one of her attendants ! " This morning, before Church, as I entered her Majesty's Dressing-room, I found her reading aloud some religious book, but I could not discover what, to the three eldest Princesses I did not execute my task very expedi tiously, for I was glad of this opportunity of witnessing the mater nal piety with which she enforced in voice and expression, every sentence that contained any lesson that might be useful to her Royal daughters. She reads extremely well ; with great force, clearness, and meaning."f Such, indeed, were her majesty's do mestic habits and simplicity of tastes, — as also her Royal Consort's, — that they bordered on a fault ; they led both her and him to prefer a life of rural seclusion, with foAV attendants, and no visitors, as though the King had been really what he was sometimes nick named, "Farmer George," as though Royal state were not among the duties and obligations of a Royal station ! To this defect, — if so we are to term it, — of Queen Charlotte, I may add, that, except ing her own skill upon the harpsichord, she had no taste or know ledge of the arts; that her reading Avas not remarkable for its range, nor her manner for its grace. Yet how slight and trivial appear these objections when weighed against the undeviating vir tues, the long and truly venerable career, of this illustrious lady !^ * The original , German raay be seen in Preuss, (Lebens-Gescbichtg, vol, ii. p, 186,) "I know, Sir," she says, " that in this vicious and subtilizing age, I may be laughed at for allowing wy heart to mourn my country's ruin, to deplore the evils of war, and to wish with all my soul for the return of peace. You, Sir, will perhaps think that I ought rather to practise rayself in the arts of pleasing, or in ray household affairs. But be this as it may, my heart feels so much for these poor unhappy people that it cannot withhold a pressing entreaty in their behalf" — A translation (but not quite accurate) of the whole letter is given in the Annual Register, 1761, part i, p. 207. t Madame D'Arblay's Diary, August 6, 1786, vol, iii, p. 57. ' [When Waher Scott heard of the death of Queen Charlotte, he said, thinking, no doubt, of the helpless condition of the King, and the dissolute character of the Prince Regent, — "I fear the effect of this event on public manners Honest old Evelyn's 432 HISTORY OF ENGLAND [CHAP. XXXVII. The form of announcement to the Privy Council haA'ing been duly gone through at St. James's, Earl Harcourt was despatched to Strelitz on another form, — a public demand of the Princess In mar riage. The Duchesses of Ancaster and Hamilton and the Countess of Effingham, were likewise sent over to attend upon the person of their future sovereign. A Royal yacht, the " Carolina," was ap pointed to convey her, its name being first with much solemnity, and In the presence of all the Lords of the Admiralty, altered to the " Charlotte ;" and the fieet that was to serve as escort was commanded by Anson himself. Earl Harcourt was received at Strelitz with most respectful and most Irksome politeness ; his Lord ship never being suffered to stir from his apartments without a body guard of picked men to attend him. The contract of marriage having been signed in state, the Princess proceeded on her journey amidst great public rejoicings in the towns both of Mecklenburg and Hanover, until Cuxhaven, where Her Highness embarked for England. The voyage proved unfavourable, and disturbed by three different storms ; her yacht being often in sight of the English coast, and often in danger of being driven on that of Norway. During this irksome navigation she amused herself by playing and singing to her harpsichord, and practising English tunes. At length, on the 6th of September, and at Harwich, she set foot on English ground. On the Sth she arrived at St. James's. The King met her in the garden, and when she would have fallen at his feet, prevented and embraced her. That same afternoon they were married in the Chapel Royal by the Archbishop of Canterbury. On the ensuing day their Majesties held a crowded drawing-room, and gave a splen did ball. Horace Walpole, who was present, thus describes her : "She is not tall, nor a beauty; pale, and very thin ; but looks sensible, and is genteel."* And In another letter he adds : " She has done nothing but with good humour and cheerfulness. She talks a great deal ; is easy, civil, and nat disconcerted. Her French is tolerable, "t The Coronation of both their Majesties followed on the 22d of September. Never had there been greater eagerness among all classes of the people to behold the gorgeous pageant. Thus the platform from St. Margaret's round-house to the church-door, AvhIch, at George the Second's Coronation, had been let for 40?., produced at this no less than 2,400?. Thus, also, any disguise, however hum ble, was readily assumed as a passport of admission. A gentleman present writes as follows to his friend in the country : " I should tell you that a rank of foot-soldiers was placed on each side 'within the platform ; and It was not a little surprising to see the officers * To Sir H, Mann, September 10, 1761. t To the Right Hon, H, Conway, September 9, 1761. account of Charles the Second's court presses on one's recollection, and prepares the mind for anxious apprehensions," — Letter to Mr, Morritt, Nov. 17th, 1818; Lockbart's Life of Scott, chap, xliii. vol. vi, pp, 7-8, edit, 1 839.] 1761.] FROM THE PEACB OF UTRECHT. 433 familiarly conversing, and walking arm-in-arm with many of them, till we were let into the secret, that they were gentlemen who had put on the dresses of common soldiers."* It has been said, — a rumour which I am not able either to confirm or deny, — that, mingled among the spectators In another disguise, stood the ill-fated pretender to that day's honours, — Charles Edward Stuart. The solemn rite in Westminster Abbey, and the stately banquet in West minster Hall, — when a Dymoke, clad in full armour, and mounted on the same white horse which George the Second had rode at Det tingen, asserted as Champion, the King's right against all gainsay ers, and flung doAvn his iron gauntlet, in deflance, — were equally admired for their magnificence.^ To close observers, however, more than one little error or omission was here and there apparent. When the King complained of these to the Earl of Effingham, the Deputy Earl Marshal, Effingham replied, it was true there had been great neglect in his office, but he had now taken such good care, and given such prudent directions, that the ne.xt Coronation would be conducted with the greatest possible order. Far from being offended, the King was so amused at this reply that he made the Jlarl repeat it several tlmes.f Yet to us, at this distance of time, there seems something mournful in the thought, — how few, if any, among the myriads who gazed upon this Coronation, survived to gaze upon the next! From these courtly pageants, — from the safe challenges of a pacific Champion, I must now revert to the stern realities of war. At the opening of this campaign, Frederick, with every exertion, found his resources Avell nigh exhausted, and himself scarcely able to cope with the still thickening phalanx of his foes. While he lay encamped in Silesia with but 50,000 men, a force of 60,000 Rus sians under Butturlin was advancing against him ; and, from another quarter, a force of 70,000 Austrians under Laudohn. In Saxony Prince Henry was kept in check by Marshal Daun ; in Pomerania, another Russian army was marching to the siege of Colberg. Under such circumstances the main object with Frederick was to hinder the Intended junction of Butturlin and Laudohn, and he did, in fact, by some masterly manoeuvres, delay it during several weeks. When * See Annual Register, 1761, part i. p, 230. X H, Walpole to Sir H, Mann, September 28, 1701. ' [See the description of the coronation introduced in Redgauntlet, chap. 18, In ex cuse of his invented incident, Scott says, in a note in the revised edition : " It was always said, though with very little appearance o[ truth, that upon the coronation of the late George III,, when the Champion of England, Dyraock, or his representative, appeared in Westminster Hall, and, in the language of chivalry, soleranly wagered his body to defend, in single corabat, the right of the young king to the crown of these realras, at the raoment when he flung down his gauntlet as the gage of battle, an unknown female stepped from the crowd and lifted the pledge, leaving another gage in room of it, with a paper, expressing that if a fair field of corabat should be allowed, a champion of rank and birth would appear with equal arms to dispute the claim of King George to the British kingdoms. The story is probably one of the numerous fictions which were circulated to keep up the spirits ofa sinking faction." p. 242, note — Abbotsford edition, 1846.] TOL. II. 2d 434 HISTORY OF ENGLAND [CHAP. XXXVII. it became Inevitable, he threw himself into the intrenched camp of Bunzelwltz, almost within the range of Schweidnitz guns, where he might defy attack, restrain the enemy from sieges, and expect till the want of food and forage should compel them to separate for sub sistence. He also sent forward a light detachment under General Platen to surprise and destroy the Russian magazines in Poland; a bold scheme, attended with complete success. Meanwhile his own troops were but Indifferently supplied ; they had regular rations of bread from the granaries of Schweidnitz, but scarce any meat or vegetables; they began to murmur at this prison fare, and surnamed their new position hungers-lager, the "camp of famine." The result, however, fully justified the skill of their commander. Lau dohn and Butturlin found that while the Prussian monarch was thus posted they could neither assail him nor yet maintain themselves. Thus in the course of September they again divided, the Russians marching back across the Oder to join their countrymen in Pome rania, and the Austrians remaining quiet In their camp. Frederick hoped to dislodge them, and to clear the province of all Invaders, by descending from his lines, and threatening Laudohn In the rear. But this movement exposed him to a most daring and most dexterous enterprise from the Austrian chief. In the night of the 1st of October (which proved dark and lowering) four Austrian divisions, advancing with stealthy tread, crept unperceived close under the four principal outworks of Schweidnitz. Without firing a shot, but fixing their bayonets or drawing their swords, they rushed into the covered way, stormed the outworks, cutting down the handful of guards or sentinels on duty, and then proceeded to wade through the main fosse, and to scale the principal wall. General Zastrow, the governor of the place, had that night given a ball to his officers, and relaxed in his precautions. The garrison, 4,000 strong, was alarmed too late, and, notwithstanding a most gallant resistance on some points, was overpowered. Within three hours, and before day break, the enemy was in full possession of this strong fortress, the bulwark of Silesia, which In 1758 it had cost the Prussians several months of blockade and thirteen days of open trenches to subdue. This great military exploit, — the greatest, according to Voltaire, that was achieved during the whole course of the war,* — gained Laudohn neither approbation nor rcAvards from the Court of Vienna. For the sake of secrecy and despatch, both essential to his object, he had attempted it without the knowledge of the Aullc Council or the Empress, and this breach of official forms could scarce be pal liated by victory. It required the personal interposition of the Emperor to shield the victor from a public reproof! On the other hand, Frederick received the disastrous tidings with philosophic calmness. "It is a heavy blow," said he; "we must endeavour to retrieve It." And he wrote to General Zastrow: "We may now * " Si je n'etais pas gu^ri des vers je crois que j'en ferais pour M. de Laudohn. La prise de Schweidnitz rae parait la plus belle action de toute la guerre." Lettre au Mar quis de Chauvelin, le 26 Octobre 1761. 1761.] FROM THE PEACE OF UTRECHT. 435 feay, as Francis the First In his letter after the battle of Pavia, all IS LOST EXCEPT OUR HONOUR. As I Cannot yet comprehend what has happened to you, I shall suspend my judgment : the thing is A'ery extraordinary." The capture of Schweidnitz enabled the Austrians, for the first time since the war, to take up their winter quarters In Silesia. Mean while, in the north, the Prussian arms were threatened with another calamity, as great, though not as sudden. Since midsummer the fortress of Colberg had been closely blockaded by the Russians both by land and sea. Frederick had made many but unavailing attempts to relieve it, by two of his Generals, Platen and Knoblock ; and Its Governor, Colonel Heyde, who had repulsed the enemy In the former siege, again behaved most bravely in this, but at length, hopeless of succour, and destitute of food, he was compelled to surrender after a six months' siege. By this means the Russian army could winter in Pomerania, as the Austrian In Silesia, and thus was Frederick pent up within narrow bounds, like some wild beast of the forest, at length brought to bay and surrounded in its lair. It is remarkable that this year, in which no pitched battle had been fought, proved far more fatal to his arms than even 1759, marked by so maay disasters In the open field ; then his power could not be struck down ; now It seemed crumbling away. A contemporary, writing even before the loss of Schweidnitz and Colberg, calculates the chances of his ruin as three to one.* Another, in London, observes that "in the situa tion in which he stood after the taking of Colberg, we may safely say that there was scarcely a possibihty that he could be preserved from destruction by anything that lay within the reach of human endea- vours."t Yet the Monarch himself, taking up his residence for this winter at Breslau, showed himself not merely calm, but cheerful, losing no time in lamentations, and thinking only how he could most largely extend and most usefully employ his remaining resources. ' The campaign of Prince Ferdinand against the French had com menced before the close of winter. Early in February he secretly drew together his troops, and suddenly assailed the enemy's along their whole line in the territories of Hanover and Hesse. So un looked for and so well-concerted was this enterprise that it succeeded on all points; the Duke de Broglie and his army being driven back in confusion towards the Mayn. In their way the Hanoverian General, Sporken, gained a considerable advantage over them at Langensaltze, and all their magazines, provided for the coming cam paign, were either destroyed by themselves or fell Into the hands of the Allies. But before their retreat they had left large garrisons both In Gottingen and Cassel; and to the siege of the latter Prince * " Si on vottlait parier, il faudrait dans la regie des probabilit^s parler trois contre un, que it« sera perdu avec ses vers et ses plaisanteries, ses injures et sa pohtique; tout cela ^tant egaleraent mauvais," (Voltaire au Due de Choiseul, le 1 3 Juillet 1761,) Luc was the nicknarae given to Frederick by Voltaire, from a concealed and mahgnant allusion which I cannot venture to explain. t Ann. Regist. 1761, part i. p. 37. 436 HISTORY OF ENGLAND [CHAP. XXXVII. Ferdinand now applied himself. He encountered great difficulties^ from a brave defence, and from the wintry season. Moreover, the Duke de Broglie had now recoA'ered from his finst surprise, had rallied his troops, and was resuming the offensive. Of the two Princes of Brunswick he Avorsted the nephew in an action at Stangerode, and compelled the uncle to raise the siege of Cassel after tAventy-seven days of open trenches. Thus within a few weeks both armies quietly resumed their first positions. It may be added that in these opera tions the English and Hanoverian army had for auxiliaries a division of Prussians, and the French (though already much superior) several regiments of Saxons fighting for the liberation and attempted by their fire to dismount Its guns, but they were compelled to withdraw, after slight effect upon the enemy, and great damage to themselves. Many days elapsed with little progress, nevertheless the besiegers continued undaunted, and towards the close of July they were cheered by the arrival of some expected reinforcements from New York. On the 30th of that month the mines having been sprung, and a practicable breach effected (though still narrow and difficult) the English troops marched up to the assault. The enemy did not on this occasion display the same intrepidity as In their former sallies; many threw down their arms, and cried for quarter; many others rushed headlong towards the ATater, where they perished; yet their officers set them a most gallant example, and it was not until both their first and second in command (Don Luis de Velasco and the Marques de Gonzales) had fallen mor tally wounded that the besiegers stood victorious on the summit of the castle wall. The Moro thus conquered, batteries were forthAvith raised against the Havanna itself, and on the llth of August their fire began. Within six hours they had silenced nearly all the enemy's guns; flags of truce then appeared from every quarter of the tOAvn ; and a capitulation ensued, by which, not only the Havanna, but the district 180 miles to the westward, and all the ships In the harbour, were yielded to the English. This capitulation was not signed until the morning of the 13th, though the 12th has been more commonly alleged, for the sake of connecting this auspicious event with the birthday of the Prince of Wales. It came In good time; the English had already lost above 1,100 men from sickness or the sword, and I ' "La isla de Cuba considerada por sus costas es en raucha parte baxa, y en parages 'ante que parece estar igual con el raar." (Ulloa, Noticias Araericanas, p. 15, ed. 1772,) See also the description of Hertera (Decad. i. lib, ix. ch. ii). VOL. II. 2f 466 HISTORY OF ENGLAND [cHAP. XXXVIII. find it asserted that at the time of the surrender no more than 2,500 remained capable of real service.* Treasure and merchandise of immense value — the whole, according to one computation, not far short of 3, 000,000?., f fell into the hands of the victors. But great and just discontents arose at the distribu tion of the prize-money. In violation, it was said, of the established rules. While no more than SI. 14s. 9d. were allotted to a common seaman, and 4Z. Is. 8d. to a common soldier, the Admiral and Ge neral each obtained the enormous sum of 122,697?. Shortly afterwards was achieved a conquest of scarcely less Im portance, in an opposite quarter of the globe. An expedition against the Philippine Islands had been sent out from Madras ; It comprised only one King's regiment, and in all, including Sepoys and Marines, only 2,300 men of land forces, commanded by Brigadier-General, afterAvards Sir William Draper. They landed near Manilla, the chief city, on the 24th of September, before the Spanish garrison had received any official tidings of the war. The Archbishop, how ever, Avho acted as General and Governor, maintained his walls with becoming resolution; nay, on one occasion he directed a sally of several hundred native islanders who had been trained to arms in the Spanish serAdce, and who came rushing on Avith savage ferocity; but they were soon repulsed, and many of them died gnawing like wild beasts the bayonets that pierced them. On the twelfth day after the landing, a practicable breach haA'ing been effected, the English carried the city by storm, and gave it up during several hours to all the horrors of pillage. The Archbishop and his officers, who had retired to the citadel, were admitted to a capitulation for the whole cluster of islands and the ships in harbour, by Avhich they consented to pay as ransom for their property two millions of dollars in money, and the same sum in bills upon the treasury at Madrid. But the reduction of the Philippines was not our only success in that quarter. A frigate, and a ship of the line from Draper's squad ron, overtook and captured an Acapulco galleon, the Santlslma Trinidad, with a cargo valued at three millions of dollars. Another and still greater prize was the Hermione, bound from Lima to Cadiz, which fell into our hands when almost arrived at Its destination, being taken off Cape St. Vincent by two English frigates. The treasure on board, amounting to full 800,000?., arrived in London, and passed through St. James's Street, on the very morning of the Prince of Wales's birth; and the King, with all the company as sembled in Her Majesty's ante-room on this joyful event, surveyed from the window the exulting procession, attended by standards and kettle-drums. To counterbalance these great advantages on the part of England the French could only point to their descent at St. John's In New foundland, from which, however, they were expelled In the course of * Entick's History ofthe War, vol, v, p. 382. X Annual Register, 1762, part i. p, 43. 1762.] FROM THE PEACE OF UTRECHT. 467 the same summer; and the Spaniards only to their conquest of the Portuguese colony of Sacramento on the Rio de La Plata. In that colony, however, they seized some British ships, and merchandise of considerable value, and they were the better able to defeat and re pulse an expedition which several private adventurers, English and Portuguese, had directed against the Spanish settlement of Buenos Ayres. Our great successes in this year both by sea and land afforded opposite arguments to the contending parties at home. The parti sans of Bute and Newcastle might boast that Victory had not re signed with Mr. Pitt. On the other hand, the followers or admirers of the Great Commoner put forth a variety of ingenious illustrations tending to prove that the honour of the recent conquests belonged in truth to him: — "The single eloquence of Mr. Pitt, like an annihi lated star, can shine many months after it has sat : I tell you it has conquered Martinico," — says Horace Walpole.* "The instrument which Mr. Pitt used still vibrated, though touched by a different hand," says Mr. Thackeray. f But no successes, however great, no triumphs, hoAVCA^er glorious, could turn the thoughts of Lord Bute from his constant object of peace, — an object, which, however in Itself pralseAVorthy, demands a due regard both to alliances contracted and to advantages gained. He made his first overtures to the Court of Versailles through the neutral Court of Sardinia ; they were of course eagerly accepted, and a, new negotiation commenced.^ On the 6th of September the • To G. Montagu, March 22, 1762. f Life of Chatham, vol. ii, p, 8. ' [Lord Chesterfield, writing in 1764, gives the following account of the negotiations : " Lord Bute opened his adrainistration with negotiating, or rather asking, a peace of France; and said, iraprudently enough, to raany people, that he would make one. " I believe he was conscious, notwithstanding his presumption, that he was not capable of carrying on the war in the manner which it had been carried on of late ; and that his credit was so low, and the popularity so strong against him, especially in the City, that he should not be able to raise the extraordinary supplies necessary for the continuance of it; accordingly he addressed himself to Comte Viry, the dexterous and subtle Minister of the King of Sardinia, residing here. This Viry liad sagacity enough to attach himself strongly to Lord Bute, for tbe three or four last years of the late reign, upon the ap pearances of his favour with the Prince of Wales, and the certainty of the late King's advanced age; or, to express myself in the mercantile way, he dealt with Lord Bute apon speculation. He applied to Comte Viry to hint to the Court of France an opening for a peace, which he did by the means of the Bailli de Solar, the Sardinian Minister at Paris, These hints were as gladly received at tbe French Court as tbey were precipitately Inade from ours. The great outlines were soon agreed upon, under tbe sole direction of Count Viry, with the participation of his Court, for Lord Bute was wholly ignorant of negotiations and foreign affairs. When the matter was so fai- prepared as to take a shape, he sent the Duke of Bedford to Paris to lick it, and he chose right for his purpose. His Grace had previously declared that he was for any peace rather than the continuation of the war, to which, perhaps, he was indltced by the probable reduction of tbe land tax in consequence of it; in this disposition he went Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to Versailles, where he very soon signed the preliminaries; but in so loose, incorrect, and disputable a raanner, that the negotiating the definitive treaty took up more time to dress, so that it might appear with some decency in the world, than the settling of all the Prelirainaries had done, I raust observe by the way, that the Duke of Bedford, with natural good sense, had the wrongest, and tbe most obstinate head in the world, for the time being, though changeable, as violent and strong passions 468 HISTORY OF ENGLAND [CHAP. XXXVIII. Duke of Bedford embarked as Ambassador from England ; on the 12th the Duke de Nivernois landed as Ambassador from France. Of these two noblemen, Bedford, though well versed In affairs, Avas perhaps, in some degree, disqualified by his hasty temper for the profession of a Temple or a Gondomar ; and Nivernois was only celebrated for his graceful manners and his pretty songs.* Indeed, as I find it alleged, neither of these Dukes Avas Intrusted with the real and secret business, which passed between Choiseul and Bute through the agency of the Sardinian Envoys. f I am bound to say, however, that Bedford's own despatches, as preserved in the State Paper Office, seem to me to prove an earnest and careful attention to his duties. Nor would he have knowingly submitted to any diminution of authority. When, soon after his landing, he found by his advices from home a new and unexpected curtailment in his former full powers, he wrote to Lord Bute from Paris on the 20th, and to Lord Egremont on the 21st and again on the 24th of Sep tember, complaining In strong terms of the deficiency, and insisting that It should be supplied. ^With the anxiety for peace which now prevailed on both sides, a few days sufficed to settle the principal conditions. It was agreed with respect to Spain and Portugal that each should preserve the same limits as before hostilities began. The Spaniards were re quired to concede all the three points on which their Declaration of War against England had been founded ; referring the questions of capture to British Courts of Law ; admitting our claim to cut log wood in Honduras ; and relinquishing their own to catch fish off Newfoundland. Indeed, as to this Spanish claim of fishery, says Sir Joseph Yorke, "it is a point we should not dare to yield, as Mr. Pitt told them, though they were masters of the Tower of London V'l With respect to France and England, it was agreed that each should refrain from taking any further part or furnishing any further succours in the German war. The French troops were to restore whatever territories they held In Hesse or Hanover, and evacuate "* The best of these (and yet poor enough) is probably his Gentille Boulangere : " Des dons que tu nous livres Peut-on se rejouir 1 — Si ta main nous fait vivre Tes yeux nous font mourir!" (Chansons Choisies, vol, iv, p, 105, ed. Londres, 1783.) t From private inforraation to Mr, Adolphus (Hist, vol, i, p, 96, ed. 1840). Compare his narrative with Mr. Wright's (Cavendish Debates, vol. i, p, 627), and Mr. Thackeray's (Life of Chatham, vol. ii. p. 1 1). • X To Mr, Mitchell, October 9, 1762. severally predominated; or as inflaraed, without knowing it, by his wife. He was bold from passion, blind from ignorance, impenetrable to arguraent, but very governable by his huraour."— " Characters :" Chesterfleld's Letters, Lord Mahon's edition, vol. ii. p. 474-5,] 1762.] FROM THE PEACE OF UTRECHT. 469 those of Cleves and Gueldres. jNIinorca' was to be exchanged for Belleisle, and the harbour of Dunkirk reduced to the state which had been fixed by the peace of Aix La Chapelle, and by preceding treaties. In America, France ceded to England the provinces of Canada, Nova Scotia, and Cape Breton, with stipulations for the free exer cise of their religion by the Roman Catholics of Canada, and that such of them as chose might have liberty to leave the country, and transport their effects, within the space of the ensuing eighteen months. The limits of Louisiana were more strictly defined. The French were to enjoy the right of fishery on part of the coasts of Newfoundland and in the gulf of St. Lawrence, and to possess the small islets of St. Pierre and Miquelon, as a shelter for their fisher men, under the express condition of never raising any batteries, or maintaining more than fifty soldiers for their guard. England re stored to France the islands of Guadaloupe, Martinico, and St. Lucia, but retained Tobago, Dominica, St. Vincent, and Grenada. In Africa the French were to relinquish Senegal, but recover Goree ; and in the East Indies they bound themselves to keep no troops and raise no fortifications in Bengal, on which terms the factories and settlements which they held before the war were given back to their possession. Moreover, It was agreed that any conquests that might meanwhile have been made by any of the parties in any quarter of the globe, but which were not yet known (words comprising at that period of the negotiation both the Havanna and the Philippines), should be restored without compensation. With these terms. Preliminary Articles were In a very short time almost ready for signature at Paris. But they were delayed by Grimaldi, the Spanish Ambassador, who, knoAving only the com mencement of the siege of the Havanna, and confident in the strength of that place, fully expected some great disaster to the British arms.* When the news came, that on the contrary the * Sismondi, Histoire des Francais, vol. xxix, p, 263, Lord Egremont's despatch an nouncing to the Duke of Bedford the surrender of the Havanna, is dated Septeraber 29, 1752, MS. State Paper oflice. ' [In his History of the War of the Succession in Spain, tbe author gives the following account of "the subsequent fate ofthe island :" — "Another war with England, in 1782, led to another siege by the French and Spaniards under De Crillon ; wben tbe Governor- General, Murray, raade a most brave and resolute defence, and did not yield until the besieged were reduced to six hundred soldiers, while tbe besiegers had twelve thousand, A peace ensued next year; but, unlike the former, left the island, as it still remains, in possession of the Spaniards, Their gratitude rewarded Crillon with a grandeeship, and the title of Duke of Mahon ; and their prudence, foreseeing that the best raeans to secure the prize would be to dirainish its value, razed all its fortifications and bulwarks to the ground, and thus rendered it easy, indeed, for an eneray to conquer, but most difficult for him to maintain. To the English, its place has since been supplied by the acquisition of Malta; but Port Mahon has still continued an object of French jealousy; and so lately as Deceraber, 1813, we find Napoleon, when he negotiated with bis captive, Fer dinand the Seventh, expressly guarding against an apprehended cession of this long-con tested island,"— Lord Mahon's History of the War of the Succession, chap, vi. p, 258, edit, 1836,] 470 HISTORY OF ENGLAND [CHAP. XXXVIII. Spanish strong-hold was surrendered, Grimaldi's objections to the treaty vanished: but objections, as was natural, arose in another quarter. Mr. GrenviUe and Lord Egremont urged to their col leagues the propriety, nay, necessity of demanding some equivalent for the Havanna. Lord Bute, on the contrary, with his headlong eagerness for peace, expressed his fears lest the negotiation should thus be embarrassed or delayed ; he Avished to conclude the prelimi naries upon the same terms as if this last conquest had never been made ; and he proposed that Its name should only be mentioned as one of the places to be restored. So strong was the difference of opinion on this essential point that it led, as we shall presently see, to Mr. Grenville's resignation of the Seals. But as he still remained In office, though in another and Inferior department, and as he and Lord Egremont still continued to press their views with the certain support of popular opinion. Lord Bute was at length compelled in some degree to give way. On the 26th of October — for not until the previous day had the difference In the Cabinet been finally com posed — instructions were sent to the Duke of Bedford desiring him to insist upon the cession either of Florida, or of Porto Rico, in return for the Havanna.* Florida appears to have been granted with little of real difficulty or delay ; and there seems good reason to believe that, with a moderate degree of firmness and perseverance in the English Cabinet, both cessions might have been obtained. Thus, then, on the 3d of November, the Preliminaries of Peace, on the terms I have already set forth, were signed at Fontainebleau. By a private Convention between France and Spain, the colony of Louisiana was ceded to the latter power, as some recompense for its loss of Florida. It is related by Mr. Wood, under-Secretary of State, that, being directed to submit these preliminaries to Lord Granville, who was then upon his death-bed, and who expired a short time afterwards: " I found him so languid that I proposed postponing my business for another time : but he insisted that I should stay, saying, it could not prolong his life to neglect his duty. He then desired to hear the treaty read, to which he listened with great attention, and re covered spirits enough to declare the approbation of a dying states man (I use his own words) on the most glorious war, and the most honourable peace this nation ever saw."t The calm reflections of posterity will not, I think, confirm this partial judgment. To them the terms obtained avIU appear by no means fully commensurate to the conquests that we had made, nor to the expectations which had been, not unreasonably, raised. As to Lord Bute's eagerness to set at naught the blood so gloriously shed at the Havanna, and to fling away that important conquest, without any compensation, there can * Earl of Egremont to the Duke of Bedford, October 26, 1762. On the llth, the Duke had transmitted a representation from the French Ministers, stating, that the demand of even the sraallest territorial equivalent for the Havanna might perhaps prevent, and raust certainly delay, the conclusion of a peace. See the Appendix to this volurae. f Essay on Homer ; Preface. 1762.] FROM THE PEACE OF UTRECHT. 471 scarcely, I imagine, bo more than one opinion. But, besides the relinquishing of Porto Rico by his haste, and the gaining of Florida in his OAvn despite, there seems no reason to doubt that, with a more lofty and resolute spirit in our councils, Ave might easily have re tained Goree, with either Guadaloupe or Martinico, and a part at least of the French settlements in the East Indies. If, as Avas urged by Lord Bute and his friends, to excuse their over-zeal for peace, our National Debt had been doubled during the war, and already amounted to 122,600,000?.,* It might not be impossible to retort that argument against them, and to contend that so large an expen diture, most successfully applied, called In the negotiation for entirely corresponding and adequate advantages. But although the amount of the possessions finally secured to us by France (for I cannot call them cessions, when every one, except Minorca, was already in our hands), appears not quite equal to our just claims, yet I think it still further removed from that " most treacherous, insecure, and disgraceful capitulation," which party-hatred hastened -to proclaim it. The misrepresentations against this treaty were undoubtedly far greater than even its defects. Before, hoAvever, I pass from the consideration of these Prelimi naries, I must observe, that the same party rancour which so viru lently arraigned them produced also a personal charge of corruption against Lord Bute. This charge was In 1770 publicly brought before ^the House of Commons by Dr. Musgrave, but A^'as then signally foiled, f It did not, however, on that account die away. Many years afterwards Mr. Wilberforce states it as follows In his Private Diary: " I dined with Lord Camden Pie is sure that Lord Bute got money by the peace of Paris. He can account for his sinking near 800,000?. in land and houses ; and his paternal estate In the island which bears his name is not above 1,500?. a year; and he Is a life-tenant only of Wortley, which may be 8,000?. or 10,000?."J Little Inclined as I have shown myself to applaud Lord Bute's public course of policy, I feel bound to point out the great improbability of this charge, and above all the great hardship and Injustice of condemning any character, even on a Chancellor's authority, without a trace of legal proof. During these negotiations, and in part resulting from them, oc curred some Ministerial changes. Lord Anson had died In the course of the summer, and his place at the Board of Admiralty had been supphed by the Earl of Halifax. But when the difference of opinion respecting the Havanna Induced Mr. GrenviUe to resign the Seals and the lead of the House of Commons, without, however, retiring from the administration, he became First Lord of the Ad- mhalty, and Halifax Secretary of State. This arrangement made ' Smith's Wealth of Nations, book v. ch. iii. This refers only to the Funded Debt. t Pari. Hist, vol, xvi, p, 763—785. t Wilberforce's Private Diary, July 16, 1789,— Life, vol. i, p. 233, ed, 1838. I need scarcely notice a similar charge brought against the Duke of Bedford by the anonymous and unscrupulous pen of J-miius. 472 HISTORY OF ENGLAND [CHAP. XXXVIII. it necessary for Lord Bute to place the guidance of the House of Commons in other hands; and, indeed, had Mr. GrenviUe even been wilhng to retain it, the defence of the Treaty might probably have required greater powers of debate than he possessed. Under these circumstances. Lord Bute pitched upon a statesman still in office, yet already well-nigh forgotten, and the survivor of his own bril liant reputation. It was decided that Mr. Fox, while retaining his post of Paymaster, and only adding to it a sinecure for life,* should be admitted into the Cabinet, and be considered the responsible Minister of the Crown in the Lower House. His ill-health appears to have been the main obstacle to his acceptance of the Seals.' The Opposition meanwhile was rapidly gathering strength. His Royal Highness of Cumberland declared himself hostile to the Ministers; and the old Duke of Newcastle, having now decidedly engaged against them, was eagerly, and In all directions, beating up for recruits. Thanks In a great measure to his influence and persuasion, two other great Whig noblemen, the Duke of Devon shire, and, soon after him, the Marquis of Rockingham, resigned their places in the Royal Household. These defections (for so they Avere termed at Court), and above all, that of Devonshire as Lord Chamberlain, were in the highest degree galling to the Favourite. Unhappily he knew hoAv to communicate his resentment and indig nation to his Master. A few days afterwards the King in Council called for the Council-book, and ordered the Duke of Devonshire's name to be struck from the list, — a most wanton indignity to a man of most unblemished character, which the precedents of Pulteney and Lord George SackviUe, almost the only ones, are wholly Insuffi cient to excuse.! Among the men in office whom the Duke of Newcastle was in cessantly exhorting and enticing to resign was the Treasurer of the Navy, Lord Barrington, Avho OAved considerable obligations to His Grace. Lord Barrington himself has left a curious, and as yet un published, record of the conferences upon this occasion: "Finding • " Writer of the Tallies and Clerk of the Pells in Ireland." Coraraons Journals, Noveraber 25, 1762. t " This proceeding is almost novel, having never happened but to Lord Bath and Lord George SackviUe," (H, Walpole to Sir H, Mann, Noveraber 9, 1762,) Lord Rockingham resigned after, and notwithstanding, this violent measure. The Duke's kinsraen, Lords George Cavendish and Besborough, also threw up their places. •["... He (Lord Bute) placed, displaced, and shifted the places of his subalterns, without selecting or trusting those wbo were the fittest for thera. He placed Mr, Fox, whora he both hated and distrusted, at the head of the House of Coramons. He was both able and experienced in that business, but knew very well that he owed that preference to Lord Bute's necessity, and not to his choice ; on tbe olher hand. Lord Bute feared Mr. Fox's ability, and remembered the fable of the ' Horse and the Man;' therefore, though he had seemingly trusted him with the management of the House of Commons, his real confidence was placed in sorae of his inferior and insufficient creatures, those who occa sionally opposed Mr, Fox, This disgusted Mr, Fox so much, that at the end of the ses sion he insisted upon going into the House of Lords, wbich Lord Bute most willingly agreed to." — Lord Chesterfield's " Characters," Lord Mahon's edition of his Letters, vol. ii. p, 476-7,] 1762.] FROM THE PEACE OF UTRECHT. 473 His Grace was In town, and desired to see me, I went directly to Newcastle House The Duke said to me: Your friends resign, — the Duke of Devonshire, Lord Rockingham, and so forth. I answered, that I honoured them all, and was very sorry they had quitted the King's service, but that resigning only because others had so done, was faction. He said he had been Ill-used. I an swered: 'My Lord, when you quitted I offered to quit Avith you, Afhich you did not suffer your friends to do. You have not been ill- used since; but I have the greatest obligations to you; and therefore, if you noAV Insist upon my quitting, as a personal return to you for them, and will alloAV me to give this reason to my friends and the world, it may justify my resignation to them and myself.' This the Duke declined, but pressed my resignation for my OAvn sake. I answered, that I could not justify distressing a government which had used me kindly, and had not acted so as to justify opposition. The Duke then told me he wished me well, but would never more talk with me on business. I would have entered Into further matter, but he said he Avas busy, and took leave of me. I said, I should ever acknowledge my obligations to him, and act accordingly, which he said was only words!"* With so many and such bitter adversaries, the prospects of the new administration were far from hopeful. Horace Walpole writes in October: "Whether peace or war, I Avould not give Lord Bute much for the place he will have this day twelvemonth. "f And at nearly the same period Lord Chesterfield adds: "I should naturally think that this session will be a stormy one ; that Is, If IMr. Pitt takes an active part; but if he is pleased, as the Ministers say, there is no other .ffiolus to blow a storm."J It soon appeared, however, that the great ruler of the tempest was very far from pleased. Such was the state and such the prospect of parties when the Parhalnent met on the 25th of November. The reception of His Majesty as he passed along the crowded streets indicated a decline of his popularity; and Lord Bute was hissed and pelted both in going and returning. Within doors nothing of importance occurred on the first day; Pitt was absent from gout, and Fox for re-election. But when the Preliminaries of Peace had been duly laid before both Houses, an Address In approbation of them was moved on the 19th of December by Lord Bute In the Lords and by Fox In the Com mons. Lord Bute was answered by Lord Hardwicke at great length, and with his usual ability; but so small appeared the number of dis sentients to the Treaty that the Opposition did not venture to call for a division. In the other House Pitt rose as soon as Fox had sat down, and inveighed against the peace with much eloquence and more exaggeration. There was scarcely an article that did not afford him topics of censure, nor was he sparing, — in an account of * Memoir by Lord Barrington, inserted in his Life by the Bishop of Durham, p. 73 — 85. (Unpublished,) t To the Hon, H, S, Conway, October 4, 1762, X To his Son, November 13, 1762. 474 HISTORY OP ENGLAND [CHAP. XXXVIII. his own proAHOus negotiation, — of reflections against Lord Bute. "I contended," he cried, "several times in A'ain for the whole exclusive fishery, but I was overruled; I repeat I Avas overruled, not by the foreign enemy, but by another enemy!" This remarkable speech extended to the length of three hours and a half, although Pitt, even at the outset, was suffering an agony of pain from his gout; when he rose he was supported by two friends ; as he proceeded he was allowed the Indulgence, as yet unprecedented, of speaking from his seat; and at the conclusion he was compelled to leave the House without taking part in the division. The result of that division was no more commensurate to his eloquence than the terms of peace had been to our triumphs in war; — 319 Members were found to vote for the Preliminaries, and only 65 against them. Cheered by such majorities, the Government sent instructions to the Duke of Bedford to proceed with the definitive Treaty. Though no material point was changed, several weeks were consumed in its negotiation. It was at length concluded on the 10th of February 1763, and from the place of its signature was called the Peace of Paris. By the withdrawal of France and England from the German con test, and by the previous secession of Russia and Sweden, Frederick and Maria Theresa were left to wage the war single-handed, for the electorate of Saxony, of which by far the greater part was in Prus sian hands, had long become a burthen instead of a benefit to Aus tria. But when so mighty an alliance had failed of success, what hope .could remain to the Empress Queen alone ? Accordingly, soon after the close of the campaign, she intimated her readiness for peace; a truce was forthwith concluded, and a negotiation begun. M. de Hertzberg on the part of Prussia, M. de Collenbach on the part of Austria, and M. de Fritsch on the part of Saxony, met at the hunting-palace of Hubertsburg between Dresden and Letpsick. The terms of the treaty were not hard to adjust. Frederick had more than once declared, even at the lowest pitch of his fortunes, that he would not purchase peace at the sacrifice of even a single village, and though the Ministers of Maria Theresa struggled for the retention of Glatz (the only one of her conquests which still remained to her), they speedily yielded, and all three parties were reinstated In the same territory as before the war. With this basis the peace was signed on the 15th of February. Six weeks after wards Frederick made a public entry into his capital, which he had not seen for six years ; he sat in an open carriage with Prince Fer dinand of Brunswick at his side ; and the people of Berlin, thinned as they were in numbers, and well-nigh ruined in fortunes, by the long-protracted war, greeted with enthusiastic shouts the heroes ^f their country.* Never had any Sovereign waged so arduous a contest with more undeviating spirit or more varying success. Of ten pitched * The population of Berlin, which in 1747 was 107,224 souls,bad in 1761 declined to 98,238, of whora no less than 30,000 were reduced to subsist on weekly alras. (Preuss, Lebens-Geschichte, vol, ii. p, 349,) 1763.] FROM THE PEACB OF UTRECHT. 475 battles where he commanded In person he had been worsted in three and victorious in seven. Of six, Avhere other chiefs directed the Prussian armies, every one, except only Prince Henry's at Freyberg, had been a defeat. According to Frederick's own computation he had lost in these terrible seven years 180,000 soldiers, while of Rus sians there had fallen 120,000, of Austrians 140,000, and of French 200,000. But such numbers, vast as they seem, give a most inade quate idea of all the misery, desolation, and havoc AvhIch this war fare had wrought. Pestilence had swept aAvay many peaceful thou sands; whole districts, especially In Brandenburg and Pomerania, were turned to wastes; all the best dwellings laid in ashes; the very seed-corn in part devoured, and none but women and children left to follow the plough ! An officer reports that he rode through seven villages of Hesse In which he found only one single human being ; a clergyman who was boiling horse-beans for his dinner !* But no dangers could vanquish, no sufferings exhaust, the patriotic spirit of thc Prussians. Seeing the Independence of their country at stake, they scarcely even murmured or complained; they showed themselves ready in such a cause to encounter the worst perils with unshrinking courage, and endure the worst hardships Avith magnanimous patience. I have always thought their conduct as a people during the two ap palling struggles of 1756 and 1813 deserving of the highest admi ration. From other countiies and other ages History can show seve ral chiefs as great as Frederick, and many chiefs greater than Blii- cher. How few, on the contrary, are ¦the nations that, like the Prussian at these two periods, have stood firm against foreign Invad ers with the utmost energy and the utmost moderation combined ; — never relenting in their just hostility, and never venting it, like some southern races, in deeds of tumult and assassination; proud of their martial renown, yet not blindly relying upon it, and always vindi cating' that pride by fresh achievements and accumulated glories!' * Archenholtz, vol. ii. p. 280. ' [See in the Quarterly Review, No. clxiii,, December 1 847, a valuable and interesting article entitled " Last Years of Frederick the Second," It treats of his character in old age — his public and private life after the peace of Hubertsburg. The article is announced to be republished in the volume of " Historical Essays by Lord Mahon." See towards the conclusion ofthe article a fine contrast between Frederick and that other great royal warrior— a great and good man — Gustavus Adolphus. " The victory," says the writer in the Review, "gained by the Prussian King at Rozbach was fully equal to the victory gained by the Swedish King at Leipsick on nearly the same ground one hundred and twenty-seven years before. The two Monarchs were alike in tlie action ; but how striking the contrast between them in the evening of the well-fought day! Gustavus kneeling down at the head of all his troops to give God the glory ! Frederick seated alone in his tent, and composing his loathsome Ode !"] 476 HISTORY OF ENGLAND [CHAP. XXXIX. CHAPTER XXXIX. INDIA. If In some fairy tale or supernatural legend we were to read of an island, seated far in the Northern seas, so ungenial In Its climate and so barren in its soil that no richer fruits than sloes or black berries were its aboriginal growth,— whose tribes of painted savages continued to dwell in huts of sedge, or, at best, pile together altars of rude stone, for ages after other nations widely spread over the globe had already achieved wondrous works of sculpture and design, the gorgeous rock-temples of Ellora, the storied obelisks of Thebes, or the lion-crested portals of Mycense; If it were added, that this Island had afterwards by skill and industry attained the highest degree of artificial fertility, and combined in Its luxury the fruits of every clime, that the sea, instead of remaining its barrier, had become almost a part of its empire, that its inhabitants were now amongst the foremost of the earth in commerce and in freedom. In arts and in arms, that their Indomitable energy had subdued, across fifteen thousand miles of ocean, a land ten times more extensive than their own, that in this territory they now peacefully reigned over one hundred and twenty millions of subjects or dependents, — the race of the builders of Ellora, and the heirs of the Great Mogul! — If, further still, we were told that in this conquest the rule of all other conquests had been reversed; that the reign of the strangers, alien in blood. In language, and In faith, had been beyond any other in that region fraught with blessings, that humanity and justice, the security of life and property, the progress of improvement and in struction, were far greater under the worst of the foreign governors than under the best of the native princes ; — with what scorn might we not be tempted to fling down the lying scroll, — exclaiming that even In fiction there should be some decent bounds of probability observed ; that even In the Arabian Nights no such prodigies are wrought by spells or talismans, — by the lamp of Aladdin or the seal of Solomon! To the marvels of this, the most remarkable event In politics since the discovery of the New World, — the subjugation of India by the English, — might be added, how seldom and how imperfectly Its par ticulars are known to the English themselves. Men of education and knowledge amongst us avIU generally be found far better versed in other modern achievements of much less magnitude, and In which our countrymen had no concern. The reason Is, I conceive, that INDIA.] FROM THE PEACE OF UTRECHT. 477 the historians of British India, some of them eminent in other re spects, all require from their readers for thoir due comprehension a preliminary stock of Eastern lore. Perhaps a stronger popular im pression might attend a less learned and less copious work. Mean while, to trace the origin of our Eastern greatness In a slight but clear and faithful outline — however feebly performed — is at least no unworthy aim. I shall endeavour In this and the folloAving chapter to shadow forth the first part ofthe career, sometimes, itis true, marred by incapacity, and sometimes stained by Injustice, but on the whole the cftreer of genius and of valour, by AvhIch in less than fifty years a factory was changed into an empire. The earhest authentic accounts of India and its inhabitants are derived from the expedition of Alexander. Modern critics have re marked with surprise how well the descriptions given by his officers portray what Ave now behold in that country at the distance of tAvo thousand years. The delicate and slender forms of the people; their dark complexion; their black uncurled hair; their cotton raiment; their vegetable food; their training of elephants to battle; their division into separate castes ; the prohibition of Intermarriage from one caste to another; the name of Brachmani or Bramlns to their priests; the custom of widows burning themselves on the funeral piles of their husbands; — these, and several other particulars which Arrian has recorded, apply to the modern quite as perfectly as the ancient Hindoos.* The progress of Alexander In India itself did not extend beyond the district of the Punjaub, and the navigation of the Indus between that district and the sea. But on Affghanistan he made a more lasting impression ; a dynasty which he founded In that country Is proved by its coins to have subsisted during several generations; and a monument which he raised even now remains. When, In May, 1842, a melancholy train of captives, the survivors of the greatest military disaster that England had ever yet to mourn, were slowly wending up the mountain passes of Cabul, they beheld, towering high above them, the column of the Macedonian conqueror, f Many ages after Alexander's expedition, the tide of Mahometan Invasion, which had already overwhelmed the kingdom of Persia, approached the shores of the Indus and the Ganges. The gentle unwarlike Hindoos, with their antiquated forms of idolatry, were ill-fitted to withstand the enthusiasm of a new religion, and the energy of a fiercer race. But it is remarkable, that, widely as the disciples of the Koran spread In India, there was never, as in like cases, any amalgamation between the conquered and the conquerors, — hetween the old faith and the new. Although the Mahometans have succeeded in converting almost every man of almost every other * Robertson's Historical Disquisition, p. 21 and 187, ed. 1791. t Compare, on Alexander's Pillar, Lady Sale's Journal (p. 354) with Lieut. Eyre's (p. 301). For the Greek reigns in Affghanistan I would refer the reader to the learned and important work of Professor H. H, Wilson, Ariana Antiqua, London, 1841, and to a note in the excellent History of early India by my much respected friend, Mr. Mount stuart Elphinstone, (vol. i. p. 468 — 476.) 478 HISTORY OF ENGLAND [CHAP. XXXIX. nation that they conquered, and although in India they formed the sovereign and controlling power in so many states and for so many years, yet they do not now exceed, and never have exceeded one- seventh of the whole Indian population. At the period of Alexander's invasion, as during most of the Ma hometan conquests, the provinces of India do not appear combined in any general system, nor ruled by any single sovereign. Alexander found there separate and It would seem independent chiefs, such as Porus, whose appellation, according to modern commentators, was not a name, but a title ; merely the Greek ending added to the Iftdian POOR or prince.* Thus also neither Mahmoud of Ghuznee, nor Gengis-Khan, nor Tamerlane, had to encounter a sole monarch of India. But at the beginning of the sixteenth century of our era (I pass by the earlier dynasties) a great empire was founded at Agra by a race of Moguls. The first of these Emperors was Zehur-ood- Deen Mahomed, surnamed Baber, or the "Tiger," a descendant of the great Tamerlane. His own Memoirs, which are still preserved, relate In detail the exploits by which he overcame, and the arts by which he circumvented, his numerous opponents. He died in 1530, when on the point of carrying his arms beyond Bahar. But his schemes of conquest were fulfilled or exceeded by his successors, each of whom became known in Europe by the title of the Great Mogul. Above all, however, the name of Baber's grandson, Akbar, is yet famous through the East. During a reign of fifty years, concluding in 1605, he was ever waging fierce and successful wars, sometimes against rebellious provinces, sometimes against Hindoo tribes, and sometimes against Mahometan neighbours. NcA^ertheless, while thus extending his empire he did not neglect Its internal improvement; on the contrary, so numerous were his measures of legislation and finance that they rather seemed to betoken a period of uninterrupted peace. Another reign, distinguished by conquest, and extending to half a century, was that of Aurungzebe. His armies spread far in the south of the Deccan, and overthrew the powerful Rajahs or Princes of Beejapour and Golconda. But by far his most formidable enemy In this quarter was Sivajee, the founder of the Mahratta dominion. For many years did this intrepid and wily chieftain balance on the south of the Nerbudda the fortunes of the Great Mogul. The tidings of his death. In 1680, at the untimely age of fifty-two, were as joyful to Aurungzebe as those of any victory ; nor did the Emperor then attempt to conceal either his own satisfaction or the merits of his foe. "He was," says Aurungzebe, "a great captain, and the only one who has had the magnanimity to raise a new kingdom, whilst I have been endeavouring to destroy the ancient sovereignties of India. My armies have been applied against him for nineteen years, and nevertheless his state has been ahvays increasing."-}- • Vincent on Nearchus, p, 19. Jlitford's History of Greece, vol, viii, p, 206, ed, 1829. t Orme's Historical Fragmems of the Mogul Empire, p, 94, ed. 1805. From another INDIA.] FROM THE PEACE OP UTRECHT. 479 The loss of sivajee was, for the time at least, irreparable to the Mahrattas. Though ncA'er subdued, they were defeated aud dis persed, and compelled to take shelter in their hill-forts or impervious jungles. Among other tribes, the Rajahs readily acknowledged themselves the tributaries or dependents of the Mogul Empire. Other states, again, became governed by SOUBAIIDArs or A^iccroys, under the immediate appointment of the Emperor. On the Avhole, it is probable that there never yet had beeu a time in Plindostan when the whole peninsula was so nearly brought beneath the supreme dominion of one man. The poAver of Aurungzebe, and the magnificence of the Court of Delhi (for to Delhi had the seat of empire been again transferred), are described by more than one Intelligent European traveller. "In riches and resources," says TaA'ernier, "the Great Mogul Is in Asia Arhat the King of France is in Europe When I took leave of His Majesty on the 1st of November 1665, he was pleased to de sire that I should stay, and see the festivals in honour of his birth day On this occasion the Emperor Is weighed in state, and if he is found to weigh more than on the preceding year, there are great public rejoicings. The grandees of the empire, the Viceroys of the proA'inces, and the ladies of the Court, come to make their offerings, which, in precious stones, gold and silver, rich carpets and brocades, elephants, camels, and horses, amounted Avhen I was pre sent to upwards of thirty millions of our llArres The tents are of red velvet, embroidered with gold, so heaA'y that the poles which support them are as thick as the masts of ships, and some of them from thhty-five to forty feet in height The Great Mogul has seven splendid thrones ; one covered Avith diamonds, another with rubies, with emeralds, or with pearls. The value of the one most precious (called the Peacock Throne) is estimated by the Royal Treasm-ers at a number of lacs of rupees equivalent to above one hundred and sixty millions of livres While the Emperor is on his throne fifteen horses stand ready caparisoned on his right and as many on his left, the bridles of each horse enriched with pre cious stones, and some great jewel dependent from his neck Elephants are trained to kneel down, before the throne, and do His Majesty reverence Avith their trunks; and the Emperor's favourite elephant costs five hundred rupees of monthly expense, being fed on good meat with abundance of sugar, and having brandy to drink. • . . . When the Emperor rides abroad on his elephant he is fol lowed by a great number of his OMRAHS, or nobles, on horseback, — and the meanest of these Omrahs commands two thousand cavalry."* Another traveller, Gemelli Carreri, in the year 1695, visited the camp of the Great Mogul. According to his description, " the Impe rial army consisted of 60,000 horsemen and 100,000 infantry; there passage (p. 263) it appears that Aurungzebe used to call Sivajee "the Mountain Rat," which, like the okjj of Homer (II. lib, xi, vers, 557), was designed for praise, * I have here abridged a chapter of Tavernier. (Voyages, vol, ii, p, 266 — 272, ed. 1679,) 480 HISTORY OF ENGLAND [CHAP. XXXIX. were for the baggage 5,000 camels and 3,000 elephants, but the number of suttlers and camp-followers was immense ; so that the camp contained above half a million of people. It was thirty miles in circuit Aurungzebe himself Avas of slender figure and of delicate features ; a little bent at this time, with the weight of four score years. His beard, which was white and full, shone forth In striking contrast to his olive complexion."* , Aurungzebe expired in 1707; almost the only Instance of either sovereign or statesman who has approached the age of one hundred years. The character of his successors, — as compared to his own, to Akbar's, and to Baber's, — was feeble and unwarlike. Through out the East the fortunes of the state ever follow in quick succession the disposition of the Monarch; and thus the decline of the Mogul dynasty was most rapid and most complete. In little more than thirty years from the death of Aurungzebe the Persians under Nadir Shah had sacked the city of Delhi.f The Mahrattas, emerging from their fastnesses, had resumed their expeditions, and begun to aim at empire. The conquered Rajahs, or the appointed Soubahdars, though still professing themselves dependent, had ceased to pay any real obedience and submission to the Mogul throne. In this distinction between nominal and substantial authority, the state of India might be, not unaptly, compared to the state at the same period of Germany. According to ancient forms, the princes who had long since become independent of the Germanic Emperor, nay, who were sometimes hostile to him, still continued, in name, the humblest of his vassals. The Margrave of Brandenburg was still Great Chamberlain, and the Elector of Hanover Arch-Treasurer of the Empire. f Yet Frederick the Second of Prussia would not have been more surprised had he been summoned, in conformity with his patent, to carry a white wand and a golden key in the pageant ries of the palace at Vienna, than would the contemporary Rajahs of the Deccan if required to pay tribute or do homage to the Court of Delhi. At nearly the same period that the Moguls were founlilng their empire along the Ganges did the Portuguese discover the passage of the Cape of Good Hope. Vasco de Gama and his brave companions stepped on the Indian shore at Calicut in the month of May 1498. Seldom have truth and poetry been so closely combined ; the achieve ment of that voyage by Vasco de Gama Is the greatest feat of the Portuguese in arms ; the celebration of that voyage by Luis de Ca moens is their greatest feat in letters. The valour of their captains, of their Albuquerque and their John ^de Castro, overcame the resistance of the native chiefs, and made good their settlements from * Anecdotes Orientales, vol. ii. p. 441, ed. 1773. X Histoire de Nader Chah, traduite par Sir 'W. Jones, vol. ii. p. 74. The bombast of Eastern panegyric extends even to the Sovereign's horse. " Le coursier de sa Majeste, dont les pas Etaient semblables a ceux du soleil, et dont les traces s'6tendaient dans tout I'univers," &c, &c. (p. 21.) X Butler's Revolutions of the Germanic Empire, p. 105, &c. INDIA.] PROM THE PEACE OP UTRECHT. 481 the coast of Malabar to the gulf of Persia — at Goa and Ormuz. For some time It appears to have been thought by other European powers, that the discovery of the passage round Africa by the Por tuguese gave them some exclusive claim to its navigation. But after the year 1580 the conquest of Portugal by Spain, and the example of the Dutch, who had already formed establishments not only in India but the Spice Islands, aroused the commercial enterprise of England. In 1599 an Association was formed for the Trade to the East Indies; a sum was raised by subscription, amounting to 68,000?.; and a petition was presented to the Crown for a Royal Charter. Queen Elizabeth wavered during some time, apprehending fresh en tanglements with Spain. At length, in December 1600, the boon was granted; the "Adventurers" (for so were they termed at that time) were constituted a body corporate, under the title of "the Governor and Company of Merchants of London trading Into the East Indies." By their charter they obtained the right of purchas ing lands without limitation, and the monopoly of their trade during fifteen years, under the direction of a Governor, and twenty-four other persons in Committee, to be elected annually. In the exercise of those privileges they had to contend against numerous opponents, at home as well as abroad, but they did not want powerful friends and allies. "I confess," writes Lord Bacon to King James on an other occasion, " I did ever think that trading in Companies is most agreeable to the English nature, which wanteth that same general vein of a Republic which runneth in the Dutch, and serveth to them instead of a Company, and therefore I dare not advise to venture this great trade of the kingdom, which hath been so long under Government, In a free or loose trade."* Thus, in 1609, the Charter of the new Company was not only renewed, but rendered perpetual — with a saving clause, however, that should any national detriment be at any time found to ensue, these exclusive privileges should, after three years' notice, cease and expire. It does not seem, however, that the trade of the new Company Avas extensive. Their first voyage consisted of four ships and one pinnace, having on board 28,742Z. In bullion, and 6,8601. In goods, such as cloth, lead, tin, cutlery, and glass. Many other of their voyages were of smaller amount; thus, in 1612, when they united into a Joint Stock Company, they sent out only one ship, with 1,250?. In bullion and 650?. In goods. But their clear profits on theh capital were immense : scarcely ever. It Is stated, below 100 per cent.f During the Civil Wars the Company shared in the decline of every other branch of trade and Industry. But soon after the ac cession of Charles the Second they obtained a new Charter, which not only confirmed their ancient privileges, but vested in them au- * Bacon was here referring to the 'Woollen Trade. Letter to the King, February 25, 1615. Bacon's Works, voL iv. p. 614, ed. 1740. t Mill's History, vol. i.p. 25, ed. 1826. VOL. II. 2g 482 HISTORY OF ENGLAND [CHAP. XXXIX. thority, through their agents In India, to make peace and war with any prince or people, not being Christians, and to seize within their limits, and send home as prisoners, any Englishmen found without a license. It may well be supposed that In the hands of any exclu sive Company this last privilege was not likely to lie dormant. Thus, on one occasion, when one of their Governors had been urged to enforce the penalties against interlopers with the utmost rigour, and had replied, that unhappily the laAvs of England Avould not let him proceed so far as might be wished. Sir Josiah Child, as Chair man of the Court of Directors, wrote back in anger, as follows: "We expect that our orders are to be your rules, and not the laws of England, Avhich are a heap of nonsense, compiled by a few ignorant country gentlemen, who hardly know how to make laws for the good of their own families, much less for the regulating of Companies and foreign Commerce."* The period of the Revolution was not so favourable to the Com pany as that of the Restoration. A rival Company arose, professing for Its object greater freedom of trade with the East Indies, and sup ported by a majority In the House of Commons. It is said that the ¦competition of these two Companies with the private traders and with one another had well nigh ruined both.f Certain It Is that appointments under the new Company were sought as eagerly as under the old. I have found, for example, in the diplomatic corre spondence of that period, an account of an English gentleman at Madrid, " who Is resolved to return in hopes to be entertained to go as a Writer to the East Indies in the service of the New Company."| A Union between these Companies, essential, as it seemed, to their expected profits, was delayed by their angry feelings till 1702. Even then, by the Indenture which passed the Great Seal, several points Avere left unsettled between them, and separate transactions were allowed to their agents in India for the stocks already sent out. Thus the ensuing years were fraught with continued jarrings and contentions. But In 1708 the Government having required from each Company a loan without Interest towards the expenses of the war, both heartily combined to avert. If they could, or at least to mitigate, the common danger. Their remaining differences were referred to the arbitration of the Lord Treasurer, Godolphin ; and his award, which an Act of Parliament confirmed, placed the affairs of the two Companies on a firm and enduring basis. It was enacted, that the sum of 1,200,000?., without interest, should be advanced to the Government by the United Company, which, being added to a former loan of 2,000,000?. at eight per cent., made upon the whole 3,200,000?. with five per cent, interest-; that they should be em powered to borrow, through their Court of Directors and upon their common seal, to the amount of 1,500,000?., and that their privileges should be continued till three years' notice after 1726, and tiU repay- • Harailton's New Account of India, vol, i, p, 232, as cited by Bruce and Mill. t Wealth of Nations, book v. ch, i. X Hon. Alexander Stanhope to his son, Madrid, June 1, 1699. &¦ INDIA.] FROM THE PEACE OF UTRECHT. 483 ment of their capital. In 1712 they obtained a prolongation of their term tiU 1736; In 1730 tiU 1769; and In 1743 tlH 1783.* After the grant of the first Charter by Queen Elizabeth, and the growth of the Company's trade in India, their two main factories Avere fixed at Surat and Bantam. Surat Avas then the principal sea port of the Mogul Empire, Avhere the Mahometan pilgrims were wont to assemble for their voyages towards Mecca. Bantam, from its position In the Island of Java, commanded the best part of the Spice trade. But at Surat the Company's servants were harassed by the hostility of the Portuguese, as at Bantam by the hostility of the Dutch. To such heights did these differences rise that In 1622 the English assisted the Persians in the recovery of Ormuz from the Por tuguese, and that In 1623 the Dutch committed the outrage termed the " Massacre of Amboyna," putting to death after a trial, and confession of guilt extorted by torture. Captain Towerson and nine other Englishmen, on a charge of conspiracy. In the final result, many years afterwards, the factories both at Bantam and Surat were relinquished by the Company. Other and newer settlements of theirs had, meanwhile, grown into importance. In 1640 the Enghsh obtained permission from a Plindoo Prince in the Carnatie to purchase the ground adjoining the Portuguese settlement of St. Thom^, on which they proceeded to raise Fort St. George and the town of Madras. " At the Company's first beginning to build a fort," thus writes the Agency, " there Avere only the French padre's and about six fishermen's houses !"t But in a very few years Madras had become a thriving town. About twenty years afterwards, on the marriage of Charles the Second to Catherine of Braganza, the toAni and Island of Bombay were ceded to the King of England as a part of the Infanta's dowry. For some time the Portuguese Governor continued to evade the grant, alleging that the patent of His Majesty was not In accordance with the customs of Portugal; he was compelled to yield; but the possession being found on trial to cost more than it produced, it was given up by King Charles to the East India Company, and became one of their principal stations. Nor was Bengal neglected. Considering the beauty and richness of that province, a proverb was already current among the Europeans, that there are a hundred gates for entering, and not one for leaving it.t The Dutch, the Portuguese, and the English had established their factories at or near the town of Hooghly, on one of the branches, also called Hooghly, of the Ganges. But during the reign of James the Second, the imprudence of some of the Company's servants, and the seizure of a Mogul junk, had highly incensed the native powers. The English found it necessary to leave Hooghly, and drop twenty-five miles down the river, to the village of Chut- * Anderson's History of Coraraerce, vol, ii. p, 257, 326, and 372, ed, 1764, In 1730 Sh Robert Walpole stipulated the abatement of the interest paid to them from flve to four per cent, and their payment of 200,000Z, towards the public service. In 1743 they agreed to advance another million at three per cent, t See a note to Orme's Historical Fragments on the Mogul Erapire, p, 230. X Anecdotes Orientales, vol. ii. p. 342, ed. 1773. 484 HISTORY OF ENGLAND [CHAP. XXXIX. tanuttee. Some petty hostilities ensued, not only in Bengal but along the coasts of India; several small factories of the Com pany were taken and plundered, nor did they speed well in their endeavours either for defence or reprisal. It was about this period that their settlement at Surat was finaUy transferred to Bombay. So much irritated was Aurungzebe at the reports of these hostilities, that he issued orders for the total expulsion of the Company's serv ants from his dominions, but he was appeased by the humble apo logies of the English traders, and the earnest Intercession of the Hindoo, to whom this commerce was a source of profit. The English might even have resumed their factory at Hooghly, but preferred their new station at Chuttanuttee, and in 1698 obtained from the Mogul, on payment of an annual rent, a grant of the land on which It stood. Then, without delay, they began to construct for Its de fence a citadel, named Fort William, under whose shelter there grew by degrees from a mean village the great town of Calcutta, the capital of modern India. Perhaps no other city, excepting Its contemporary, Petersburg, has ever in' a century and a half from its origin attained so high a pitch of splendour and importance.'* A letter is now before me which I once received from a Governor General of India, accustomed to all the magnificence of European Courts, but describing with eloquent warmth his admiration and astonishment at the first view of Calcutta, " the City of Palaces," as he declares It most truly termed. At nearly the same period another station, Tegnapatam, a town on the coast of Coromandel, to the south of Madras, was obtained by purchase. It was surnamed Fort St. David, was strengthened with walls and bulwarks, and was made subordinate to Madras for its government. Thus, then, before the accession of the House of Hanover, these three main stations. Fort William, Fort St. George, and Bombay, had been erected into Presidencies, or central posts of Government; not, however, as at present, subject to one supreme authority, but each Independent of the rest. Bach was governed by a President and a Council of nine or twelve members, appointed by the Court of Directors In England. Each was surrounded with fortifications, and guarded by a small force, partly European and partly native, in the service of the Company. The Europeans were either recruits enlisted In England or strollers and deserters from other services in India. Among these the descendants of the older settlers, espe cially the Portuguese, were caUed Topasses, from the tope, or hat, which they wore instead of turban. The natives, as yet ill-armed and Ill-trained, were known by the name of Sepoys, a corruption from the Indian word sipahi, a soldier. But the territory of the English scarcely extended out of sight of their towns, nor had their mUitary preparations any other object than the unmolested enjoy- • It is remarkable how much these two cities resemble each other. Bishop Heber writes from Calcutta: " The whole is so like some parts of Petersburg that it is hardly possible for me to fancy myself any where else." Journal, October 11, 1824. INDIA.] FROM THE PEACE OF UTRECHT. 485 ment of their trade. Far from aiming at conquest and aggrandise ment, they had often to tremble for their homes. So lately as 1742, the "Mahratta Ditch" was dug round a part of Calcutta, to protect the city from an Inroad of the fierce race of Sivajee. Even before the commencement of the eighteenth century it might be said that all rivalry had ceased in India between the Com pany's servants and the Dutch or Portuguese. The latter, besides their treaties of close alliance with England, had utterly declined from their ancient greatness and renoAvn. The Dutch directed by far their principal attention to their possessions in Java and the ad joining islands. But another still more formidable power had al ready struck root on the Indian soU. The French, under Louis the Fourteenth, had estabUshed an East India Company, In emulation ofour own; like us, they had obtained a settlement on the Hooghly river, at Chandernagore, above Calcutta; like us, they had built a fort on the coast of the Carnatie, about eighty miles south of Ma dras, which they called Pondicherry. In Malabar and Candeish they had no settlement to vie with Bombay ; but, on the other hand, they had colonised two fertile islands in the Indian ocean; the one formerly a Dutch possession, and called Mauritius, from Prince Maurice of Orange ; the second, discovered by the Portuguese, with the appellation of Mascarenhas, from one of their Indian Viceroys.* The first now received the name of Isle de France, and the second of Isle de Bom'bon, and both, under the assiduous care of their new masters, rapidly grew in wealth and population. On the whole, the settlements of the French on the Indian coasts and seas were governed by two Presidencies, the one at Isle de France, the other at Pondicherry. It so chanced, that at the breaking out of the war between France and England In 1744 both the French Presidencies were ruled by men of superior genius. Mahe de La Bourdonnais commanded at Isle de France ; a man of Breton blood, full of the generous ardour, of the resolute firmness, which have ever marked that noble race. Since his tenth year he had served In the Navy on various voyages from the Baltic to the Indian seas, and he had acquired consummate skill, not only in the direction and pilotage, but in the building and equipment of a fieet. Nor was he less skiUed in the cares of civil administration. It is to him that the Mauritius owes the first dawn of Its present prosperity. In the words of an eye-witness : "What ever I have seen In that Island most usefully devised or most ably executed was the work of La Bourdonnais."t Ever zealous for his country's welfare, he was yet Incapable of pursuing It by any other means than those of honour and good faith. * This was, I conceive, Don Pedro de Mascarenhas, the eighth Viceroy, Camoens has addressed to him some spirited lines (Lusiad, canto x, stanzas 55 — 57), which, how ever, I can only admire tbroiigh a translation. ^ t Bernardin de St. Pierre (Pr^arabule a Paul et Virginie), He adds, bitterly; "Oh vous qui vous ooeupez du bonheur des hommes, n'en attendez point de recompense pen dant Totre vie !" 486 HISTORY OF ENGLAND [CHAP. XXSIX. Dupleix was the son of a Farmer General, and the heir of a con siderable fortune. From early youth he had been employed by the French East India Company, and had gradually risen to the govern ment of Pondicherry and of all the subordinate factories on the con tinent of Plindostan. During his whole career he had zealously studied the interests of the Company, without neglecting his own, and the abilities which he had displayed Avere great and various. The calculations of commerce Avere not more habitual or more easy to him than the armaments of war or the wUes of diplomacy. With the idea of Indian sovereignty ever active in his mind, he had plunged headlong into all the tangled and obscure intrigues of the native powers. Above all he caballed with the native NABOB or deputed Prince of Arcot, or, as sometimes called, of the Carnatie, (Arcot being the capital, and Carnatie the country,) and Avith his superior the Soubahdar or Viceroy of the Deccan, more frequently termed the nizam. Beguiled by a childish vanity, he was eager to assume for himself, as they did, the pompous titles of nabob and bahauder, which, as he pretended, had been conferred upon him by the Court of Delhi. It would almost jseem, moreover, as If In this intercourse or this Imitation he had derived from the neighbour ing Princes something of their usual duplicity and falsehood, their jealousy and their revenge. Plis breach of faith on several occa sions Avith his enemies is even less to be condemned than his perfidy to some of his own countrymen and colleagues. But fortunate was it perhaps for the supremacy of England in the East, that two such great commanders as Dupleix and La Bourdonnais should by the fault of the first have become estranged from any effective combina tion, and have turned their separate energies against each other. On the declaration of war in 1744 an English squadron under Commodore Barnet had been sent to the Indian seas. M. de La Bourdonnais, on his part, exerting his scanty means with indefa tigable perseverance, succeeded in fitting out nine ships, but nearly all leaky and unsound, and he embarked upwards of 3,000 men, but of these there were 400 Invalids and 700 Caffres or Lascars. On the Oth of July, New Style, 1746, the two fieets engaged near Fort St. David, but the battle began and ended in a distant cannonade. Next morning the Enghsh stood out to sea, whUe the French directed their course to Pondicherry. The object of La Bourdonnais was the capture of Madras, and he made a requisition on Dupleix for some stores and sixty pieces of artUlery. But the jealous mind of Dupleix could 111 brook contributing to his rival's success. He re fused the stores, allowed only thirty cannon of inferior calibre, and sent on board water so bad as to produce a dysentery in the fleet.* • From the coraraenceraent of hostilities in 1746 I find a sure and faithful guide in Mr, Orme, (History of Military Transactions, 2 volumes, ed, 1803,) Mr, Mill's narra tive is rauch less rainute, but drawn in sorae measure from other materials, and with a different point of view, Tbe Life of Clive by Sir John Malcolm (3 volsl ed, 1836), though ill-digested, is fraught with many interesting facts and letters, and the article upon it by Mr, Macaulay (Eduiburgh Review, No. cxlii.) is equally accurate and brilliant. INDIA.] FROM THE PEACE OF UTRECHT. 487 Not disheartened, however, by these uncxpcctod difliculties. La Bourdonnais appeared off Madras in September 174G, and proceeded to disembark his motley force. The city, though at this period rich and populous, was Ill-defended; one division, called "the Black Town," only covered by a common AvaU ; the other, " the White Town," or Fort St. George, begirt Avith a rampart and bastions, but these very slight and faulty in construction. There Avere but 300 Englishmen in the colony, and of them only 200 were soldiers. Under such circumstances no effective resistance could be expected; nevertheless the garrison sustained a bombardment during three days, and obtained at last an honourable capitulation. It Avas agreed that the English should be prisoners of Avar upon parole, and that the town should remain in possession of the French until it should be ransomed. La Bourdonnais giving his promise that the ransom required should be fair and moderate. The sum was fixed some time afterwards between the French Commander and the Eng lish Council at 440,000?. On these terms the Invaders marched in; the keys were delivered by the Governor at the gate, and the Frenc^h colours were displayed from Fort St. George. La Bourdonnais had been the more readily induced to grant this capitulation, since his instructions were peremptory against his retaining any English fac tory which he might succeed In seizing.* Not a single Frenchman had been killed during the siege, and only four or five English from the explosion of the bombs. There were two persons, however, cA'cn among his own confede rates, to whom the success of La Bourdonnais gave no pleasure ; the Nabob of Arcot and the GoA'crnor of Pondicherry. At the first news of the siege, this Nabob, AnAvar-ood-Deen by name, sent a letter to Dupleix, vehemently complaining of the presumption of the French In attacking Madras without his permission as piincg of the surrounding district. Dupleix pacified his ally with a promise that the town, if taken, should be given up to him, — a promise Avhich, there is little risk in afiirming, Dupleix had never the slightest in tention to fulfil. But Dupleix could not restrain his own resent ment when he heard the terms of the capitulation. To his views of sovereignty in India It was essential that the English should be ex pelled the country, and Madras be either retained or razed to the ground. Accordingly, when La Bourdonnais again disembarked at Pondicherry, with the spoils of the conquered town, a long and fierce altercation arose between the rlA^al chiefs. La Bourdonnais urged, "Madras Is my conquest, and I am bound in honour to keep the capitulation by which I entered It." Dupleix answered, "Madras once taken becomes a town within my sphere and under my jurisdiction, and can only be disposed of as my judgment may determine." "You know the Instructions which I have received from the King," pursued La Bourdonnais; "they prohibit me from retaining any conquest." "You do not know the instructions which ' "Il est express^ment defendu au Sieur de la Bourdonnais de s'emparer d'aucun tobhssement ou comptoir des ennemis pour Ie conserver." Signe Ohbt, costboleue SESEaAL. (Mill, voh iii. p. 61, ed. 1826.) 488 HISTORY OF ENGLAND [CHAP. XXXIX. I have received from the Company," retorted Dupleix; "they author ize me to keep Madras."* These differences with Dupleix prevented La Bourdonnais from pursuing, as he had designed, his expedition against the other British settlements in India. A part of his fieet had been scattered and disabled bythe Monsoon; but, on the other hand, he had been joined by a squadron from France, and, on the whole, his force was far superior to any that the English could at this time and in this quar ter bring against him. All his proposals, however, for a union of counsels and resources were scornfully rejected by Dupleix, who had now no other object than to rid himself of an aspiring colleague. For this object he stooped at length to deliberate falsehood. He gave a solemn promise to fulfil the capitulation of Madras, on the faith of which La Bourdonnais consented to re-embark, leaAung a part of his fleet with Dupleix, and steering with the rest to Acheen, in quest of some English ships. Not succeeding In the search, he returned to the Mauritius, and from thence to France, to answer for his conduct. On his voyage home he was taken by the English, and conveyed to London, but was there received with respect, and dis missed on parole. At Paris, on the contrary, he found himself pre ceded by the perfidious insinuations of his rival. He was thrown into the Bastille, his fortune plundered, his papers seized, and his will torn open ; himself secluded from his wife and children, and even debarred the use of pen and ink for his defence! When, at length, after many months' suspense, he was examined before a Royal Com mission, he heard his services denied, his integrity questioned, and the decline of commerce resulting from the war urged as his reproach. "Will you explain," asked of him one of the East India Directors, " how it happened that under your management your own private affairs have thriven so well, and those of the Company so IU?" — "Because," answered La Bourdonnais, without hesitation, "I ma naged my own affairs according to my own judgment, and I managed the Company's according to your instructions!"! After many ha rassing inquiries, and three years' detention, his Innocence was pub hcly acknowledged; but his long imprisonment had broken his health, or rather, perhaps, his heart ; he lingered for some time in a painful Ulness, and in 1754 expired. The Government, wise and just too late, granted a pension to his widow. Only seven days after La Bourdonnais had saUed from Pondi cherry, Dupleix, In utter defiance of his recent promise, obtained a warrant from his Council annulling the capitulation of Madras. Thus, so far from restoring the city within a few weeks, on payment of the stipulated sum, the'prlnclpal inhabitants were brought under a guard to Pondicherry, and paraded in triumph through the streets. Such conduct had, at least, the advantage of absolving them from • I derive this suraraary of the discussion or correspondence from the article Duplhtx in the Biographie Universelle— an article written by the son of Lally, in part from MS. docuraents. ¦j- Bernardin de St. Pierre, ffiuvres, vol. vi. p. 17, ed. 1820. INDIA.] FROM THE PEACE OF UTRECHT. 489 the obligation of their previous parole, and several of them, assuming Hindoo attire or other disguises, made their Avay from Pondicherry to Fort St. David, the two settlements being less than twenty mUes asunder. Among those who thus escaped was young Robert Clive, then a merchant's clerk, afterwards a conqueror and statesman. It was not long ere some troops were sent out by Dupleix (Dupleix himself was no warrior) for the reduction of Fort St. David ; but the Nabob of Arcot, to whom the cession of Madras had been promised, being now disappointed in his hopes, and filled with resentment, joined his forces to the English, and the invaders were repulsed with loss. Not discouraged, Dupleix opened a new negotiation with the Nabob, who, on some fresh lures held out to him, consented to desert the English, and again embrace the French Interest, with the usual fickleness of an Asiatic despot. Thus, In March 1747, Dupleix could under better auspices resume his expedition against Fort St. David, and his soldiers were advancing, as they thought, to a certain con quest, when a number of ships were descried in the ofling as about to anchor in the roads. These were no sooner recognized as English than the French relinquished their design, and hastened back to Pondicherry. The English fleet, thus opportune in Its appearance, was com manded by Admiral Griffin, who had been sent from England with two men of war to strengthen the Bengal squadron. In the next ensuing months further reinforcements, both naval and military, were brought at different times by Admiral Boscawen and Major LaAvrence ; the former taking the chief command at sea, and the second on shore. So large was this accession of force as to turn at once, and heavily, the scale against the French. It became possible, nay, even, as It seemed, not dlfiScult, to retaliate the loss of Madras by the capture of Pondicherry. With this view the English took the field in August 1748, having in readiness 2,700 European troops, 1,000 saUors, who had been taught the manual exercise during the voyage, and 2,000 Sepoys in the service of the Company. At the news of this armament, the greatest, perhaps, from modern Europe which India had yet seen, the Nabob of Arcot hastened to change sides once more, and declare himself an English ally; he even pro mised the succour of 2,000 horse, but only sent 300. Dupleix, on his part, could muster 1,800 Europeans and 3,000 Sepoys, but his dispositions were by far the more skUful and able. Though accused of too much considering his own safety, and always keeping beyond the reach of shot,* he, at aU events, knew how to Inspire his men with mUitary ardour, while the EngUsh were dispirited by the want of practice in their commanders, wasted by sickness, and harassed by the rains, which had begun three weeks before the usual _ season. At length they found it necessary to raise the siege, after thirty-one * This was one of the accusations afterwards brought against Dupleix by the French East India Corapany. Dupleix does not seem to have denied the fact, but he pleaded qm le bruit des armes suspendait ses reflexions et que le calme seul convenor d son genu ! (Mill's Hist, vol. iii. p. 74,) 490 HISTORY OF ENGLAND [CHAP. XXXIX. days of open trenches, and the loss of 1,000 men. The French Governor, in his usual boastful strain, immediately proclaimed his triumph by letters to aU the chief Soubahdars of India, and even to the Great Mogul. Such was the state of affairs in India when the tidings came that a peace had been signed at Aix La Chapelle, and that a restitution of conquests had been stipulated. It became necessary for Dupleix to yield Madras to the English, which he did with extreme reluc tance, and after long delay. On this occasion of recovering Madras, the EngUsh also took possession of St. Thom^, whioh the natives had conquered from the Portuguese, but which of late "seemed," says Mr. Orme, "to belong to nobody, for there were no ofiicers, either civil or mUitary, acting with authority In the place."* The rival settlements of Pondicherry and Madras, though now debarred from any further direct hostility, were not long in assaihng each other Indirectly, as auxiliaries, in the contests of the native Princes. A new scene was rapidly opening to the ambition of Du pleix. The Nizam, or Viceroy of the Deccan under the Mogul, had lately died, and been succeeded by his son, Nazir Jung, but one of his grandsons, Mirzapha Jung, had claimed the vacant throne. At the same time, in the dependent province of the Carnatie, Chunda Sahib, son-in-laAV of a former Nabob, appeared as a competitor to the reigning Prince, Anwar-ood-Deen. There seems the less neces sity to weigh the justice of these various claims, since it scarcely formed an element in the consideration of those who espoused them. Neither the French nor the English at this period had any object In such struggles beyond their own aggrandizement, and the humilia tion of their rivals ; and, moreover, so loose and unsettled were then the politics of India, — with the authority of the Great Mogul su preme in theory and null In fact, — that plausible arguments might have been found In favour of the worst pretensions. Dupleix eagerly seized the opportunity to enhance his own importance, by establish ing through his aid a Viceroy of the Deccan and a Nabob of the Carnatie. He promised his support to the two pretenders, who had combined their interests and their armies, and who Avere now rein forced with 2,000 Sepoys and several hundred Europeans. Nor did they want skilful officers from Pondicherry ; one, above all, the Marquis de Bussy, showed himself no less able in the field than Du pleix was In councU. In August 1749 a battle ensued beneath the fort of Amboor, when the discipline of the French auxiliaries turned the tide of victory, and when the veteran and subtle Nabob, Anwar- ood-Deen, was slain. His capital, Arcot, and the greater part of his dominions, fell into the hands of the conquerors. His son, Ma homed All, with the wreck of his army, fied to Trichinopoly, and endeavoured to maintain himself, assuming the title of Nabob of Ar cot, and acknowledged as such by the English ; but their zeal in his behalf was faint and languid, and, moreover, they were at this junc- • Orme's Hist, voh i, p, 131, INDIA.] FROM THE PEACE OF UTRECHT. 491 ture entangled with some Insignificant operations In Tanjore. Du pleix, on the contrary, was all activity and ardour. Even on learn ing that his confederate, Mirzapha Jung, had suffered a reverse of fortune, and was a prisoner In the camp of Nazir Jung, he did not slacken either In warfare or negotiation. When, at length, in De cember 1750, the army whieh he had set In motion came In sight of Nazir Jung's, the Indian prince viewed Its scanty numbers with scorn, calling out that it was only "the mad attempt of a parcel of drunken Europeans!" But even before the trumpets sounded to battle, Nazir Jung found cause to rue the power of Dupleix. A con spiracy had been formed by the French among his own followers; one of them aimed a carabine as Nazir Jung rode up on his elephant, and the Indian prince fell dead on the plain. His head was then severed from his body, and carried on a pole before the tent of Mir zapha Jung, who, freed from his fetters, was by the whole united army — thus sudden are the turns of Oriental politics ! — hailed as the Nizam. The exultation of Dupleix knew no bounds. On the spot where Nazir Jung had fallen he began to build a toAvn, with the pompous title of Dupleix Fatlhabad — "the City of the Victory of Dupleix" — and in the midst of that town he laid the foundation of a stately pil lar, whose four sides were to bear inscriptions proclaiming in four different languages the triumph of his arms. With the same vain glorious spirit he resolved to celebrate, at the seat of his own govern ment, the installation of the new Nizam. On the day of that cere mony he might have passed for an Asiatic potentate, as he entered the town In the same palanquin with his aUy, and in the garb of a Mahometan Omrah, with which the Prince himself had clothed him. He accepted, or assumed, the government, under the Mogul, of all the country along the eastern coast between the river Kistna and Cape Comorin; a country little less in extent than France itself. A stUl higher honour, and still more important privilege, in the opinion of the natives, was the leave he obtained to carry, among his other trappings, the emblem of a fish.* No petition was granted by the Nizam unless signed by the hand of Dupleix ; no money was henceforth to be current In the Carnatie except from the mint of Pondicherry. " Send me reinforcements," wrote Bussy to his chief, "and in one year more the Emperor shall tremble at the name of Dupleix !"t But the French Governor soon discovered that his own vanity had been a fatal bar in the way of his ambition. His rivals at Fort St. George and Fort St. David took an alarm at his lofty titles which they might not have felt so soon at his extended power. How superior was their own conduct In prudence ! how superior in success ! The EngUsh in India have continued to call themselves * Orme's Hist, vol, i, p, 161. "This distinction," he adds, "was never granted but to persons of the first note in the empire."— Bishop Heber says that it is considered even a badge of royalty. Journal, October 28, 1824, t Article Dupleix in the Biographie Universelle by Count de Lally ToUendal. 492 HISTORY OF ENGLAND [CHAP. XXXIX. traders long after they had become princes ; Dupleix, on the con trary, had assumed the title of Prince while still, in truth, a trader. It appeared on this occasion, to the heads of the English factory, that, although the contest for the Deccan had been decided by the fall of Nazir Jung, they might still advantageously take part in the contest for the Carnatie. Accordingly they sent several hundred men under Captain Gingen to reinforce their confederate, Mahomed All ; but these troops were put to flight at Volcondah, and com pelled to take shelter with Mahomed All in his last stronghold of Trichinopoly. There he was soon besieged and closely pressed by the army of Chunda Sahib and the auxiliaries of Dupleix. If the place should fall, it was clear that the French would gain the mastery over all the provinces adjoining Fort St. George and Fort St. David, and would at the first opportunity renew their attack upon those settlements. On the other hand, the English were at this time ill prepared for any further active hostilities ; their only officer of experience. Major Lawrence, had gone home, and the garrisons re maining for their own defence were extremely small. There seemed almost equal danger in remaining passive or in boldly advancing.. These doubts were solved, these perils overcome, by the energy of one man — Robert Clive. The father of Clive was a gentleman of old family, but small estate, residing near Market-Drayton In Shropshire. There Robert, his eldest son, was born in 1725. From early childhood the boy showed a most daring and turbulent spirit. His uncle thus writes of him, even in his seventh year : " I hope I have made a little further conquest over Bob But his fighting, to which he is out of measure addicted, gives his temper so much fierceness and imperlousness, that he flies out upon 'every trifling occasion; for this reason I do what I can to suppress the hero."* The people at Drayton long remembered how they saw young Clive climb their lofty steeple, and seated astride a spout near the top ; how, on an other occasion, he flung himself into the gutter to form a dam, and assist his playmates in flooding the cellar of a shopkeeper, with whom he had quarrelled. At various schools to which he was after wards sent, he appears to have been idle and intractable. Even In after life he was never remarkable for scholarship ; and his friendly biographer admits, that, wide" as was his influence over the native tribes of India, he was little, if at all, acquainted with their lan guages. f His father was soon offended at his waywardness and neglect of his studies, and. Instead of a profession at home, obtained for him a Avrltership in the East India Company's service, and in the Presidency of Madras. Some years later, when the old gentle man was informed of his son's successes and distinctions, he used to exclaim, half in anger and half in pride, "After all the booby haa sense !" * Letter, June 9, 1732. Malcolm's Life of Chve, vol. i, p. 32. t Malcolm's Life, voh ii. p, 173. INDIA.] FROM THE PEACE OP UTRECHT. 493 The feeUngs of Clive during his first years at Madras are de scribed in his own letters. Thus he writes to his cousin : " I may safely say I have not enjoyed one happy day since I left my native country. I am not acquainted with any one famUy in the place, and have not assurance enough to Introduce myself without being asked Letters to friends were surely first invented for the comfort of such solitary wretches as myself."* There Is no doubt that the climate at Madras was unfavourable to his health, and his duty at the desk Ill-suited to his temper. But worse than any other discomfort was his own constitutional and morbid melancholy, — a melancholy which may yet be traced in the expression of his por traits, and which, afterwards heightened as It was by bodily disease and mental irritation, closed the career of this great chief, by the act of his own hand, before he had attained the age of fifty years. As a Avriter at Madras he twice one day snapped a pistol at his own head. Finding it miss fire, he calmly waited until his room was entered by an acquaintance, whom he requested to fire the pistol out of the Avindow. The gentleman did so, and the pistol went off. At this proof that it had been rightly loaded, Clive sprang up, with the exclamation, " Surely then I am reserved for something !" and relinquished his design. I have already found occasion to relate how Clive was led a pri soner from Fort St. George to Pondicherry, and how he effected his escape from Pondicherry to Fort St. David. At this latter station his daring temper involved him in several disputes. Once he fought a duel with an officer whom he had accused of cheating at cards. They met without seconds; CHve fired, and missed his antagonistj who Immediately came close up to him, and held the pistol to his head, desiring him to recant the accusation, and threatening instant death as the alternative. "Fire!" answered Clive, with an oath, "I said you cheated; I say so still, and I will never pay you!" — Awe struck at so much boldness, the officer flung away his pistol, ex claiming that Clive was mad!t From this time forward, however, the undaunted spirit of Clive found a nobler scope against the public enemy. During the petty hostihties which ensued, — when the merchants' clerks were almost compelled In self-defence to turn soldiers, — the name of Ensign or Lieutenant Clive Is often, and always honourably, mentioned; and during the intervals of these hostilities he returned to his ledgers and accounts. But on the emergency produced by the successes of Dupleix, the siege of Trichinopoly, and the departure of Major Law rence, he accepted a Captain's commission, and bade adieu to trade. With no military education, with so Uttle military experience, this young man of twenty-five shone forth, not only, — as might have been foreseen, — a most courageous, but a most skilful and accom- * Letter, February 16, 1745. t This story is related in the biographical sketch by Henry Beaufoy, Esq,, M, P,, drawn up from family papers and information, and (like the former) is admitted by Sir John Malcolm. 494 HISTORY OF ENGLAND [CHAP. XXXIX. plished commander; a commander, as Lord Chatham once exclaimed, "whose resolution would charm the King of Prussia, and whose pre sence of mind has astonished the Indies!"* — At this crisis he dis cerned, that, though it was not possible to afford relief to Trichino poly, a diversion might stUl be effected by a well-timed surprise of Arcot, thus compelling Chunda Sahib to send a large detachment from his army. The heads of the Presidency, on whom he strenu ously urged his views, not only approved the design, but accepted the offer of his own services for Its execution. Accordingly, in August 1751, Captain Clive marched from Madras at the head of only 300 Sepoys and 200 Europeans. Scanty as seems this force. It could only be formed by reducing the garrison of Fort St. David to 100 and the garrison of Madras to 50 men; and of the eight officers under Clive, six had never before been In action, and four were merchants' clerks, who. Incited by his example, took up the SAVord to follow him. A few days' march brought the little band within ten miles of Arcot, and within sight of the outposts of the garrison. There a violent storm of thunder, lightning, and rain arose, through which, however, Clive undauntedly pushed forward. Slight as seems this Incident, it became attended with Important results, for the garrison, apprised by their outposts of the behaviour of the English, were seized Avith a superstitious panic, as though their opponents were in league with the Heavens, and they fled pre cipitately, not only from the city, but from the citadel. Thus Clive, without having struck a blow, marched through the streets amidst a concourse of an hundred thousand spectators, and took quiet pos session of the citadel or fort. In that stronghold the Arcot mer chants had, for security, deposited effects to the value of 50,000?., AvhIch Clive punctually restored to the owners ; and this politic act of honesty conciliated many of the principal inhabitants to the Eng lish interest. Clive, learning that the fugitive garrison had been reinforced, aad had taken post in the neighbourhood, made several sallies against them ; in the last he surprised them at night, and scattered or put them to the sword. But his principal business was to prepare against the siege which he expected, by collecting provisions and strengthening the works of the fort. As lue had foretold, his ap pearance at Arcot effected a diversion at Trichinopoly. Chunda Sahib immediately detached 4,000 men from his army, who were joined by 2,000 natives from Vellore, by 150 Europeans from Pon dicherry, and by the remains of the fugitive garrison. Altogether, the force thus directed against Arcot exceeded 10,000 men, and was commanded by Rajah Sahib, a son of Chunda Sahib. The fort in which the English were now besieged was, notwithstanding some * Lord Orford's Memoirs, vol. ii, p, 276, In a speech in the House of Commons (March 30, 1772) we flnd Clive disclaim all knowledge of trade. "My line has been railltary and political. I owe all I have in the world to ray having been at the bead of an array, — and as to cotton, — I know no more about it than the Pope of Rorae!" (Pari, Hist, vol, xvii, p, 332,) INDIA.] FROM THE PEACE OF UTRECHT. 495 hasty repairs. In great measure ruinous; with the parapet low and slightly built, with several of thc towers decayed, AA'ith the ditch In some parts fordable, in others dry, and in some choked up with fallen rubbish. But Clive undauntedly maintained day after day, such feeble bulwarks against such overwhelming numbers. Nor did he neglect, amidst other more substantial means of defence, to play upon the fears and fancies of his superstitious enemy. Thus he raised on the top of his highest tower an enormous piece of ordnance, which he had found in the fort, and which, according to popular tra dition, had been sent from Delhi In the reign of Aurungzebe, dragged along by a thousand yoke of oxen. This cannon was useless for any real practical effect, but being discharged once a day with great form and ceremony, it struck, as we are told, no small alarm Into Rajah Sahib and his principal officers.* The exertions and the example of Clive had inspired his little band ¦ with a spirit scarce Inferior to his own. "I have it In my power," writes Sir John Malcolm, "from authority I cannot doubt, to add an anecdote to the account of this celebrated siege. When provisions became so scarce that there was a fear that famine might compel them to surrender, the Sepoys proposed to Clive to limit them to the water (or gruel) in which the rice was boUed. 'It is,' they said, 'sufficient for our support; the Europeans require the grain!' This fact is as honourable to Clive as to those under his command, for the conduct of the native troops in India," (Sir John might, perhaps, have said the same of any troops in any country,) "will ahvays be found to depend upon the character of the officers under whom they are em- ployed."t After several weeks' siege, however, the besiegers, scanty and ill- served as was their artillery, had succeeded in making more than one practicable breach In the walls. Some succour to the garrison was attempted from Madras, but In vain. Another resource, how ever, remained to Clive. He found means to despatch a messenger through the enemy's lines to Morari Row, a Mahratta chieftain, who 'had received a subsidy to assist Mahomed Ali, and who lay en camped with 6,000 men on the hills of Mysore. Hitherto, notwith standing his subsidy, he had kept aloof from the contest. But the news how bravely Arcot was defended fixed his wavering mind. "I never thought till now," said he, "that the English could fight. Since they can, I will help them." And accordingly he sent down a detachment of his troops from the hills. Rajah Sahib, when he learnt that the Mahrattas were approaching, perceived that he had no time to lose. He sent a fiag of truce to the garrison, promising a large sum of money if Clive would sur render, and denouncing instant death if Clive awaited a storm ; but he f jund his offers and his threats received with equal disdain. Ex- * Orme's Hist, vol, i. p. 191, See, in the Memoires du Baron de Tott, the consterna tion produced among the Turks by the discharge of another such ^enormous and useless piece of artillery at the Dardanelles in 1770 (voLii, p, 75, ed. 1785). t Life of Lord Clive, vol. i, p. 96, 496 HISTORY OF ENGLAND [CHAP. XXXIX. asperated at the scornful answer, he made every preparation for a desperate attack on the morrow. It was the 14th of November, the fiftieth day of the siege, and the anniversary of the festival in com memoration of that martyr of early Islam, Hosein,* when, according to the creed of the Mahometans of India, any one who falls in battle against unbelievers is wafted at once into the highest region of Para dise. But, not solely trusting to the enthusiasm of the day. Rajah Sahib had recourse, moreover, to the excitement of bang, an intoxi cating drug, with which he plentifully supplied his soldiers. Before daybreak they came on every side rushing furiously up to the assault. Besides the breaches which they expected to storm, they had hopes to break open the gates by urging forwards several elephants with plates of Iron fixed to their foreheads, but the huge animals, galled by the English musketry, as of yore by the Roman javellns,f soon turned, and trampled doAvn the multitudes around them. Opposite one of the breaches where the Avater of the ditch was deepest, another party of the enemy had launched a raft, with seventy men upon It, and began to cross. In this emergency Clive, observing that his gunners fired with bad aim, took himself the management of one of the field-pieces with so much effect that In three or four discharges he had upset the raft and drowned the men. Throughout the day his valour and his skill were equally conspicuous, and every assault of his opponents was repulsed with heavy loss. In the first part of the night their fire was renewed, but at two in the morning it ceased, and at the return of daylight It appeared that they had raised the siege, and were already out of sight, leaving 400 men dead upon the ground, with all their ammunition and artillery. Elated at this result of his exertions, Clive was not slow in sally ing forth, and combining his little garrison with the detachment from Morari Row, and with some reinforcements from Europe which had lately landed at Madras. Thus strengthened, he sought out. Rajah Sahib, and gave him battle near the town of Arnee. On this qcca- slon he beheld for the first time in action, — happily for him, ranged on his own side, — the activity and bravery ofthe Mahrattas. "They fight," says an excellent historian, "In a manner peculiar to them selves ; their cavalry are armed with sabres, and every horseman is closely accompanied by a man on foot armed with a sword and a large club ; and some instead of a club carry a short strong spear ; if a horse be killed, and the rider remains unhurt, he immediately begins to act on foot; and if the rider falls, and the horse escapes, he is immediately mounted, and pressed on the charge by the first foot man who can seize him."| On the other hand, Rajah Sahib, though the greater part of his own troops were dispersed, had been reln- * The fate of Hosein is eloquently and pathetically told by Gibbon. (Hist. vol. ix. p. 343 — 346, ed. 1820.) He adds in a note, the key to the excellence of his description: " The pathetic almost always consists in the details of httle circumstances." t " Elephanti, in quorum tergis infixa stetere pila, ut est genus anoeps, in fugara versi etiara integros avertere . . . . Eo raagis raere in suos belluae Elephanti quo que duo in ipsa porta conruerant," (Liv. Hist. lib. xxvii, c. 14.) X Orme's Hist. vol. i. p. 198. INDIA.] FROM THE PEACE OF UTRECHT. 497 forced from Pondicherry, with 300 Europeans and nearly 3,000 Sepoys. The issue of the battle, however, was a complete victory to Clive ; the enemy's military chest, containing an hundred thousand rupees, fell into the hands of his Mahrattas; and not less tha.n 600 of the French Sepoys, dispirited by their faUure, came over with theif arms, and consented to serve in the English ranks. Clive next proceeded against the great pagoda, or Hindoo temple of Conjeveram, into which the French had thrown a garrison. Their governor, who had lately surprised and taken tAvo wounded Eno-lish officers, sent Clive warning, that If the pagoda were attacked the prisoners should be exposed on the Avails to the first fire of their countrymen. But a private note was added by the brave officers themselves, — their names deserve to be recorded — Lieutenants Revel and Glass, — entreating Chve to take no heed of their safety, and to do his duty at all risks. The barbarous threat was not, however put In execution, and Clive, entering the place, after three days' cannonade, found the French garrison escaped by night and the English officers unhurt. Notwithstanding these events, Rajah Sahib was not disheartened. In January 1752, finding that Clive had marched to Fort St. David, he suddenly coUected a body of his OAvn troops and of his French auxiUaries, and pushed forAvard to Madras. There was little or no force to withstand him in the open field, and he laid waste, without resistance, the gardens and the country-houses of the British mer chants. Clive was recalled in haste from the south; and at the vil lage of Coverpauk he again encountered Rajah Sahib ; again with complete success. From the scene of action he marched back in triumph to Fort St. David, passing on his way near the newly raised "City of the Victory of Dupleix," and the foundation of the pompous PiUar. By a just requital, Clive directed that these monuments of premature exultation should be razed to the ground. At Trichinopoly the effect of dive's earliest successes had been to turn the siege into a languid blockade, and with a little more energy on the part of the English garrison it might no doubt have been wholly raised ; but all our leaders Avere not Olives. The indeci sion and want of enterprise of Captain Gingen excited the murmurs even of his own soldiers, and yet more of his auxiUaries. "Surely," cried one of the Mahrattas, "these are not the same race of men as those we saw fighting at Arcot!" Such being the state of affairs, the heads of the English Presi dency resolved to send a new expedition to Trichinopoly under Olive's command. At this period, however. Major Lawrence re turned from Europe. Many a junior officer, flushed with successes, such as Olive's, might have disdained to serve under a senior. Many a senior officer, on the other hand, might have been jealous of such a junior. To the credit both of Olive and of Lawrence no such feelings appear to have sprung up between them. Clive continued his strenuous exertions in the public cause ; and Lawrence, a good, VOL. II. 2h 498 HISTORY OF ENGLAND [CHAP. XXXIX. though not a brilliant soldier, always readily employed and warmly acknowledged the talents of his second in command. The expedition to Trichinopoly, led by Lawrence and Clive, was crowned with triumphant success. Lawrence adopted the daring proposal of Clive to divide, at the risk of receiving a separate attack, the army into two divisions, so as to surround the French. There arose some difficulty from the strict rules of seniority in our service to give, as Lawrence desired, the command of one division to Clive, who was the youngest Captain of his force. But his doubts were speedily solved by his auxiliaries, the Mahrattas and Mysoreans, who declared that they would take no part In this enterprise unless it were directed by the defender of Arcot.* In the result the French besiegers of Mahomed Ali were themselves besieged in the island of Seringham in the river Cavery, and were compelled to lay down their arms. Chunda Sahib himself surrendered to a native chief named Monackjee, who took an oath for his safety on his own sabre and poniard, — the most sacred of all oaths to an Indian sol dier, — but Avho, nevertheless, shortly afterAvards put his prisoner to death. "The Mahrattas," says Mr. Orme, "scarcely rate the life of a man at the value of his turban!" The severed head of Chunda Sahib, a man Avhose benevolence and humanity are acknowledged even by his enemies, was borne Into the city of Trichinopoly, and into the presence of the Nabob, Mahomed All, who now for the first time beheld the face of his rival. After exhibiting the gory trophy In triumph to his courtiers, it was by his directions tied to the neck of a camel, and carried five times round the walls of the city, attended by an hundred thousand spectators, and insulted by every form of outrage. Such were the customs and the feelings from which India has been freed by the British domi nion! It might have been expected that such successes, and, above all, the murder of one of the competitors, would finally decide the con test for the government of the Carnatie. But immediately after his victory Mahomed Ali had become involved in dissensions with his allies, the Mahrattas and Mysore.ans, to whom he had promised, without ever really intending, the cession of Trichinopoly. These bickerings gave fresh life and spirit to Dupleix. Although he found his recent policy disapproved by his employers in Europe, although he received from them only reproofs Instead of supplies, although the recruits sent out to him were, according to his own description, no other than "boys, shoe-blacks, and robbers, "f he yet clung to his own schemes AvIth unconquerable perseverance. He laboured to train and discipline his recruits; and, in the want of other funds, he advanced for the public service not less than 140,000?. of his own money. He hastened to acknowledge Rajah Sahib as Nabob of * Orrae's Hist. vol. i. p. 220. Malcolra's Life of Clive, vol. i, p, 110. t "Enfans, decrotleurs, et bandits!" Lettre a M, de Maohault, le 16 Octobre 1753. The English recruits in India were little better. INDIA.] PROM THE PEACE OF UTRECHT. 499 Arcot; and on the incapacity of that cbmpetltor becoming apparent, stiU not discouraged, he proclaimed another chieftain in his place! Nor did he intermit the most active negotiations Avith the Nizam. This was no longer Mirzapha Jung, who had survived his elevation only a few months, but his successor, Salabat Jung, Avho had been elected mainly by the French Influence, and generally leaned to the French Interest. At the Court ofthis prince Dupleix had for some time past stationed his best officer, Bussy, whose abilities had gained him great weight, and enabled the Nizam to prevaU over his numerous opponents. "Had I only a seaond Bussy," AvrUes Dupleix, "I should long ago have put an end to the war in the Carnatie."*' It was Avith other and far inferior officers that Dupleix now resumed hostihties, again attempted Arcot, and again besieged Trichinopoly. Notwithstanding all his exertions, the Avarfare proved weak and languid, and was far from enabUng the French to recover their lost ground. Clive had for some time continued to distinguish himself in the desultory operations which followed the surrender of Seringham. He had reduced In succession the two Important forts of Covelong and Chingleput. But his health was beginning to faU beneath the burning sun of India; his return to England had become essential to his recovery, and he embarked at Madras early in the year 1753, immediately after his marriage to Miss Margaret Maskelyne. He found himself received at home with well-earned approbation and rewards. The Court of Directors at one of their public dinners drank the health of the young Captain by the name of " General Clive,"f and, not satisfied with this couAdA-ial compliment, voted him the gift of a sword set with diamonds. It is greatly to the honour of Clive that he refused to accept this token of esteem, unless the same were bestowed on his old and worthy commander. Major Law rence, which was done accordingly. Far different were the feelings which the Directors of the French East India C6mpany entertained towards Dupleix. They looked with slight Interest on struggles for the Carnatie, and thought the failure of their Dividends an unanswerable argument against the pohcy of their Governor. A negotiation for the adjustment of all differences was carried on for some time in London between them and their English rivals. At length they determined to send over M. Godeheu, as their Commissioner to India, with full powers to conclude a peace, and to supersede Dupleix. Godeheu landed at Pondicherry in August 1754, and hastened to sign with the chiefs of the English Presidency a provisional treaty, to be confirmed or annuUed in Europe, according to which the French party yielded nearly all the points at Issue, and virtually acknowledged Mahomed Ah as Nabob of the Carnatie. Dupleix, who looked on this pacification with unavailing grief and * Lettre k M. de Machault, Ie 16 Octobre 1753, j- Letter to Clive from his father, December 15, 1752, 500 HISTORY OF ENGLAND [CHAP. XXXIX. anger, had, even before Its final conclusion, embarked for France. There he found neither reward for the services he had rendered nor even repayment for the sums he had advanced. Where was noiv that proud and wily Satrap, so lately bedecked with pompous titles, and glittering with the gold of Trichinopoly or the diamonds of Gol conda ? Had any curious travellers at the time sought an answer to that question, they might have found the fallen statesman reduced, — as he tells us himself, — to the most deplorable Indigence, — compiling in some garret another fruitless Memorial, or waiting for many a weary hour In some Under-Secretary's ante-chamber. For several years he pursued most unavailingly his claims and his complaints, until In 1763 he expired, sick at heart and broken in fortunes, like his rival and his victim, La Bourdonnais. INDU.] FROM THB PEACE OF UTRECHT. 501 CHAPTER XL. INDIA. Within two years the health of CllA'-e grew strong In his native air, and his spirit began to pine for active serAuce. On the other hand, experience of his merits, and apprehension of a war with France, rendered both the King's Ministers and the East India Company eager to employ him. From the former he received the rank of Lieutenant Colonel in the army, from the latter the office of Governor of Fort St. David. Landing at Bombay with some troops in November 1755, he found there Admiral Watson and a British squadron. There was little at that time on the coast of Coromandel to demand the exertions of these two commanders, and they thought the opportunity tempting to reduce in conjunction a formidable nest of pirates, about two degrees south of Bombay. These pirates had for above half a century formed a predatory state like Tunis or Algiers, holding 120 miles of coast, and commanded by chiefs who always bore the name of Angria. Although their vessels were but small and slightly armed, the richest merchants In those seas had either to purchase their passes or to fear their depre dations. One of their fortresses, Severndroog, had been taken by Commodore James several months before; it was against the other, Gheriah, that Clive and Watson now proceeded. The place was of great strength, built on a rocky headland almost surrounded by the sea; but the pirates were struck with terror, and surrendered with little resistance. Their spoils, valued at 120,000?., were shared as prize-money between the naval and military captors. Having performed this service in February 1756, Clive pursued his voyage to Fort St. David, and took the charge of his government on the 20th of June, the very day, by a remarkable coincidence, when the Nabob of Bengal was storming Fort WUUam. In fact a crisis had now occurred on the shores of the Hooghly, threatening the utmost danger, and calling for the utmost exertion. , _ The Viceroys of Bengal, like the Viceroys of the Deccan, retained only a nominal dependence on the Mogul Empire. From their capital, Moorshedabad, " a city," says CUve, " as extensive, popu lous, and rich as the City of London," they sent forth absolute and uncontrolled decrees over the wide provinces of Bengal, Orissa, and Bahar, IU disguised by the mockery of homage to that empty phan- 502 HISTORY OF ENGLAND [CHAP. XL. tom " the King of Kings" at Delhi. * The old Nabob, AUverdI Khan, had died In April 1756, and been succeeded by his grandson, Surajah Dowlah, a youth only nineteen years of age. Surajah Dowlah com bined in no common degree a ferocious temper with a feeble under standing. The torture of birds and beasts had been the pastime of his chUdhood, and the sufferings of his fellow-creatures became the sport of his riper years. His favourite companions were buffoons and flatterers, with whom he indulged in every kind of debauchery, amongst others, the Immoderate use of ardent spirits. Towards the Europeans, and the English especially, he looked with ignorant aversion, and still more ignorant contempt. He was often heard to say that he did not believe there were lO,000 men in all Europe. f Differences were not slow to arise between such a prince as Sura jah Dowlah and his neighbours, the British in Bengal. One of his revenue officers had escaped from his custody Avith a large treasure, as was suspected, and had found a safe refuge at Calcutta. More over, the Presidency of that place had begun to improve their forti fications, from the prospect of another war Avith France. This greatly displeased the Nabob, and he was only the more incensed at the explanation, which implied that these audacious strangers might presume to bring their hostilities into his dominions. Without fur ther parley he seized the British factory at Cosslm-Bazar, the port of Moorshedabad upon the river, and he retained the chiefs of that settlement as his prisoners. The Presidency of Fort WUliam Avere now thoroughly alarmed, and hastened to make the most abject apo logies, offering to accept any terms which Surajah Dowlah might be pleased to dictate. But Surajah Dowlah had heard much ofthe wealth at Calcutta; that wealth he was determined to secure; and he soon appeared before the gates at the head of a numerous army. The defences of Calcutta, notwithstanding the wrath which they had stirred in the Nabob, were at this time slight and Inconsiderable. For a garrison there were less than 200 Europeans, and scarcely more than 1,000 natives, hastily trained as militia, and armed with matchlocks. No example of spirit was set them by their chiefs. On the contrary, the Governor, Mr. Drake, and the commanding officer, Captain Minchin, being struck with a disgraceful panic, embarked in a boat, and escaped down the Hooghly. Under these circum stances, a civilian, Mr. Hohvell, though not the senior servant of the Company, Avas by the general voice called to the direction of affairs. At this time the Nabob's artillery was already thundering at the walls, yet under every disadvantage Mr. Holwell protra'fited for two days longer the defence of the fort. When, at length, on the evening of the 20th of June, all resistance had ceased, the Nabob seated himself In the great hall of the factory, and received the congratu lations of his courtiers on his prowess. Soon after he sent for Mr. * Even at a later period, and a rauch lower pitch of degradation, the Mogul Court still retained the most pompous forms and titles. See in Bishop Heber's Journal (De cember 31, 1824) the account of his own presentation at Delhi. •j- Orme's Hist. vol. ii. p. 120. INDIA.] FROM THE PEACE OP UTRECHT. 503 Holwell, to whom he expressed much resentment at the presump tion of the English In daring to defend their fort, and much dissatis faction at his having found so small a sum, only 50,000 rupees, in their treasury. On the whole, however, he seemed more gracious than his character gave reason to expect, and he promised, " on the wordof a soldier," as he said, that the lives of his prisoners should be spared. Thus dismissed by the tyrant, and led back to the other captives, Mr. Holwell cheered them Avith the promise of their safety. We are told how, relieved from their terrors, and unconscious of their doom, they laughed and jested amongst themselves. But their joy and their jesting Avere of short duration. They had been left at the disposal of the officers of the guard, who determined to secure them for the night In the common dungeon of the fort, a dungeon knoAvn to the English by the name of "the Black Hole," — its size only eight een feet by fourteen; its airholes only two small Avindows, and these overhung by a low A-eranda. Into this cell, hitherto designed and employed for the confinement of some half dozen malefactors at a time, was It now resolved to thrust an hundred and forty-five Euro pean men and one Englishwoman, some of them suffering from recent wounds, and this in the night of the Indian summer-solstice, when the fiercest heat was raging ! Into this cell accordingly the unhappy prisoners, In spite of their expostulations, Avere driven at the point of the sabre, the last from the throng and narrow space being pressed In with considerable difficulty, and the doors being then by main force closed and locked behind them. Of the doleful night that succeeded narratives have been given by two of the survivors, Mr. Holwell and Mr. Cooke. The former, Avho even in this extremity Avas still In some degree obeyed as chief, placed himself at a window, called for silence, and appealed to one of the Nabob's officers, an old man, who had shown more humanity than the rest, promising him a thousand rupees in the morning if he would find means to separate the prisoners into two chambers. The old man went to try, but returned In a few minutes with the fatal sentence that no change could be made Avithout orders from the Na bob, — that the Nabob was asleep, — and that no one dared to disturb him. MeanwhUe within the dungeon the heat and stench had become Intolerable. It was clear to the sufferers themselves that, without a change, few. If any, amongst them would see the light of another day. Some attempted to burst open the door ; others, as unavail ingly, again besought the soldiers to unclose it. As their dire thirst Increased, amidst their struggles and their screams, "Water! Wa ter!" became the general cry. The officer, to whose compassion Mr. HolweU had lately appealed, desired some skins of water to be brought to the AvIndow; but they proved too large to pass through the Iron bars, and the sight of this reUef, so near and yet withheld, served only to infuriate and well-nigh madden the misera ble captives ; they began to fight and trample one another down, 504 HISTORY OF ENGLAND [CHAP. XL. Striving for a nearer place to the windows, and for a few drops of the water. These dreadful confiicts, far from exciting the pity of the guards, rather moved their mirth ; and they held up lights to the bars, with fiendish glee, to discern the amusing sight more clearly. On the other hand, several of the English, frantic with pain, were now endeavouring by every term of insult and Invective to provoke these soldiers to put an end to their agony by firing Into the dun geon. "Some of our company," says Mr. Cooke, "expired very soon after being put in ; others grew mad, and, having lost their senses, died In a high delirium." At length, and by degrees, these various outcries sunk Into silence — but it was the silence of death. When the morning broke, and the Nabob's order came to unlock the door, it became necessary first to clear, a lane, by drawing out the corpses, and piling them in heaps on each side, when, walking one by one through the narrow outlet, of the 146 persons Avho had entered the cell the evening before, only twenty-three came forth; the ghastliest forms, says Mr. Orme, that were ever seen alive. It does not appear that Surajah Dowlah had In any degree directed or intended the horrors of that night. But he made himself what might be termed in legal phrase an accessary after the fact. He expressed neither sympathy with those who had suffered nor resent ment at those who had wrought the inhuman outrage. When In the morning Mr. Holwell was by his orders again brought before him, — unable to stand, and propped up between two guards, — the Nabob talked only of the great treasure which he was sure the English had buried, and threatened further injuries, unless It were revealed. But after sufferings like those of Mr. Holwell threats can no longer cause dismay. In Mr. Holwell's own words: "Such intimations gave me no manner of concern, for at that juncture I should have esteemed death the greatest favour the tyrant could have bestowed upon me." In his treatment of the dead, as of the living, the brutal temper of the tyrant was shown. The corpses drawn from the Black Hole were rudely and promiscuously cast into a large trench dug without the castle-wall. An Englishwoman, the only one of her sex among the sufferers, and who, straiige to add, had been found among the few survivors, was consigned to the Haram of the Nabob's general, Meer Jaffier. The English of Inferior rank were suffered to escape, but their property was plundered, and Mr. Holwell, with two other chief men, were sent as prisoners to Moorshedabad; there loaded with irons, lodged in a cow-house, and allowed only rice and water for their food, until, some time afterwards, their release was granted to the humane intercession of a native lady, the widow of Aliverdi Khan. At Calcutta meanwhile Surajah Dowlah was lending a ready ear to the praises of his courtiers, who assured him that his reduction of the British settlement was the most heroic and glorious achievement performed In India since the days of Tamerlane. In memory of the Divine blessing (for so he deemed it) on his arms, he ordered that Calcutta should thenceforAvard bear the name of ALiNAG0RE,^-"the INDIA.] FROM THE PEACE OF UTRECHT. 505 Port of God." Another edict declared that no Englishman should ever again presume to set foot within the territory. Then, leaving a garrison of 3,000 men in Calcutta, and levying large sums, by way of contribution, from the Dutch at Chinsurah and the French at Chandernagore, Surajah Dowlah returned In triumph to his capital. It was not till the 16th of August that tidings of the events of Calcutta reached Madras. Measures were then in progress for send ing a detachment into the Deccan, to counteract the Influence of Bussy. But all other considerations were overborne by the cry for vengeance against Surajah DoAvlah, and the necessity of an expedi tion to Bengal. It happened fortunately that Admiral Watson and his squadron had returned from the western coast, and were noAV at anchor in the roads. It happened also, from the projected march to the Deccan, that the land-forces were at this period combined, and ready for action. Difficulties, however. Immediately arose as to the chief command. Colonel Adlercron and Colonel (lately Major) Lawrence might urge the claims of seniority, but the former had no experience of Indian warfare, and the health of the latter was de clining. Under these circumstances, Mr. Orme, the historian, who was then a member of the Council at Madras, had the honour of suggesting the name of CUve; and Colonel Lawrence, no less to his credit, warmly supported the proposal. Adopting these views, the Presidency summoned Clive from Fort St. David, and appointed him chief of the Intended expedition. Colonel Adlercron, much incensed, declared, in his zeal for the publie service, that unless the command were vested In himself he would not allow the Royal Artillery or the King's guns and stores to proceed; and, though they were already on board, they were again disembarked by his orders. The young hero of Arcot, however, could still reckon on some of the best troops In the King's service, — great part of the Thirty-ninth Foot. That gallant regiment, so conspicuous for many other services, — which for Its brave deeds at Gibraltar bears on its colours the Castle and the Key, — MONTIS insignia calpe, — has no less nobly earned the lofty title, as founder of our Eastern empire: primus in indis!* On the whole the force intrusted to Clive amounted to 900 Euro peans, and 1,500 Sepoys. The powers granted him were to be In all military matters independent of the Members of the Council of Calcutta; but his Instructions were positive and peremptory, to return at all events and under any circumstances by the month of April next, about which time a French expedition was expected on the coast of Coromandel. * This regiment also distinguished itself in the campaigns ofthe Peninsula and South of France. At Hellette, writes the Duke of Wellington, " two attacks of the eneray were raost gallantly received and repulsed by the 39th," (To Earl Bathurst, February 20, 1814,) Even while these pages are passing through the press, this regiment has gained new and brilliant laurels on the field of Maharaj-poor. Lord EUenborough speaks df it as follows, in his General Orders of January 4, 1844. " Her Majesty's 39th Regi ment had the peculiar fortune of adding to the honour of having won at Plassey the first great battle which laid the foundation of the British empire in India, the further honour of thus nobly contributing to this, as it may be hoped, the last and crowning victory by which that empire has been secured." 506 HISTORY OF ENGLAND [CHAP. XL. The armament of Clive and Watson, having been delayed two months by quarrels at Madras, and tAvo more by contrary winds at sea, did not enter the Plooghly until the middle of December. At the village of Fulta, near the mouth of the river, they found the fugitives from the British settlement. Including the principal Mem bers of the Council, who formed a Select Committee of direction. Having combined measures with them, Clive and Watson pushed forward against Calcutta. The scanty garrison left by Surajah Dowlah ventured to sally forth, under its commander, Monichund, but was easily routed Avith the loss of 150 men, Monichund himself receiving a shot through his turban. Calcutta, after one or tAvo random discharges from the wall, was quietly abandoned to the English, who thus, on the 2d of January 1757, again became mas ters of the place. Nay, more, after this first success, Clive and Watson advanced against the town of Hooghly, which they stormed and sacked with little loss. This was the first opportunity of dis tinction to Captain Coote, afterwards Sir Eyre. At these tidings, Surajah DoAvlah, much Irritated, but also , In some degree alarmed, marched back from Moorshedabad at the head of 40,000 men. By this time Intelligence had reached India of the Declaration of War between France and England, and the Nabob proposed to the French at Chandernagore, that they should join him with their whole force, amounting to several hundred Euro peans. But the memory of their reverses on the coast of Coromandel was still present in their minds, and they not only rejected the Na bob's overture, but made an overture of their own to the English for a treaty of neutrality. Formerly, they said, war had been waged in India betAveen France and England while the'two coun tries were In peace at home. Why not now reverse the rule, and maintain quiet in Bengal, though hostilities might prevail elsewhere? As, however, the French at Chandernagore did not, like the Eng lish at Calcutta, form a separate Presidency, but were dependent on the government of Pondicherry, they had not In truth the powers to conclude the treaty they proposed, and for this and other reasons it was finally rejected by the British chiefs.* During this time Surajah Dowlah had advanced close upon Fort William, at the head of his large but ill-disciplined and Irregular army. CUve, considering the disparity of numbers, resolved to sur prise the enemy in a night attack. According to his own account, " about three o'clock in the morning I marched out with nearly my whole force ; about six we entered the enemy's camp In a thick fog, and crossed it in about two hours, with considerable execution. Had the fog cleared up, as it usually does about eight o'clock, when we Avere entire masters of the camp without the ditch, the action must have been decisive ; instead of which it thickened, and occa sioned our mistaking the way."t It may be added from other * There is sorae contradiction between the several stateraents of this overture, but they ace judiciously reconciled in a note to Mr. Thornton's History of India, vol. i. p. 214, •j- Letter to the Secret Committee, February 22, 1757. INDIA.] FROM THE PEACE OF UTRECHT. 507 reports, that the loss of the English In the action which ensued was no less than 100 Sepoys and 120 Europeans, — a great proportion of their little army. Yet if the object of Clive had been mainly to show the superiority of the Europeans In Avarfare, and to strike terror Into the mind of the Nabob, that object was fully attained. Surajah DoAvlah passed from an Ignorant contempt of the English to a kind of timid aAve ; and though the latter feeling in his mind proved as evanescent as the former. It strongly inclined him at the time to peace on terms most favourable to his opponents. He agreed to grant them the confirmation of their previous privUeges, the right to fortify Calcutta in any manner they pleased, the exemp tion of all merchandise under their passes from fees and tolls, and the restoration of or compensation for all such of their plundered effects as had been carried to the Nabob's account. Three days after a peace had been signed on these conditions, the noAV-born friendship of the Nabob for the English, joined to some fear of a northward InA-asIon from the Affghans, led him so far as to propose another article, for an Intimate alliance, offensive and defenslA'e. It seemed Ignominious, and a stain on our national honour, to con clude such a treaty, or indeed any treaty, Avith the author of the atrocities of the Black Hole, while those atrocities remained AAdth- out the slightest satisfaction, requital, or apology. But, as Clive had previously complained, the gentlemen at Calcutta were then callous to every feeling but that of their own losses. "Believe me," says 'Clive, "they are bad subjects, and rotten at heart The riches of Peru and Mexico should not Induce me to live among them."* Nevertheless it must be obserA'ed, that, whatever may have been Olive's feelings on this occasion, he showed himself to the fuU as eager and forward as any of the merchants in pressing the conclusion of the treaty of alliance. Among the chiefs none but Admiral Watson opposed It, and it was signed and ratified on the 12th of February, the same day that It was offered. This new and strange alliance seemed to the English at Calcutta to afford them a most favourable opportunity for assaUing their rivals at Chandernagore. Clive wrote to the Nabob applying for permission, and received an evasive answer, which he thought fit^ to construe as assent. Operations were immediately commenced; Clive directed them by land, and Watson by water. To the latter espe cially high praise Is due. "Even at the present day," says Sir John Malcolm, "when the navigation of the river is so much better known, the success with which the largest vessels of this fieet were navigated to Chandernagore, and laid alongside the batteries of that settle ment, is a subject of wonder."t The French made a gaUant resist ance, but were soon overpowered, and compeUed to surrender the settlement, on which occasion above 400 European soldiers became prisoners of war. * Letter to the Governor of Madras, January 8, 1757. X Lifeof Clive, vohi.p. 192. 508 HISTORY OF ENGLAND [CHAP. XL. The Nabob, who by this time had gone back to his capital, was most highly exasperated on learning the attack upon Chandernagore, which he had never really intended to allow. It produced another complete revolution In his sentiments. His former hatred against the English returned, but not his former contempt. On the con trary, he now felt the necessity of strengthening himself by foreign alliances against them, and with that view he entered into correspond ence with M. de Bussy in the Deccan. His letters pressed that officer to march to his assistance against the Englishman, Sabut Jung, "The daring in war" — a well-earned title, by which Clive is to this day known among the natives of India. "These disturbers of my country," writes his Highness, "the Admiral and Sabut Jung — whom may 111 fortune attend! — without any reason whatever are warring against the governor of Chandernagore. I, who in all things seek the good of mankind, assist him In every respect I hope in God these English will be punished Be confident; look on my forces as your own." Copies of these 'letters fell into the hands of the English, and left In them no doubt as to the hostUe designs of the Nabob. In the same spirit, Surajah Dowlah con ferred secretly and more than once with M. Law, the chief of the French factory at Cossim-Bazar. This Law, a nephew of the Mis sissippi projector, had under his command a force, partly his own and partly of fugitives from Chandernagore, amounting to nearly 200 Europeans and Sepoys. It was now demanded by the English, in conformity with the treaty of alliance, that Surajah Dowlah should dismiss this small force from his dominions. On the other hand. Law warned the Nabob of the plots and conspiracies already rife at his own Court, and urged him to declare boldly and at once against the English. The Nabob, as usual AvIth weak minds, adopted a middle course. He pretended to banish Law from the province as far as Patna, but continued to supply him secretly with money, and said, on his taking leave, that If there should happen anything new, he would send for him again. "Send for me again!" replied the resolute Frenchman. " Be assured, my Lord Nabob, that this is the last time we shall ever see each other; remember my words; we shall never meet again!" At this time the English Resident at the Court of Moorshedabad was Mr. Watts, lately chief of the factory at Cossim-Bazar, and selected for his new office at the Nabob's OAvn request. From the information he supplied, Clive reports as follows: "One day the Nabob tears my letters, and turns out our vakeel (envoy), and orders his army to march ; the next countermands It ; sends for the Vakeel, and begs his pardon for what he has done. Twice a week he threatens to Impale Mr. Watts! In short he Is a compound of everything that is bad It Is a most disagreeable circumstance to find that the troubles are likely to commence again, but^ tbe opinion here (at Calcutta) is universal, that there can be neither peace nor trade without a change of government."* • Letter to the Governor of Madras, April 30, 1757. INDIA.] FROM THE PEACE OF UTRECHT. 509 With this conviction strongly rooted in his mind, and the danger to Bengal full before his eyes, the bold spirit of Olive determined to set aside of his own authority the Instructions commanding his im mediate return to Madras. He entered eagerly Into the conspiracy forming at Moorshedabad to depose Surajah DoAvlah, and to place on the throne the general of the forces, Meer Jaffier. It may readily be supposed that in these negotiations Meer Jaffier Avas liberal, nay lavish. In his promises of compensation to the Company, and rewards to their soldiers. Still more essential was the engage ment Into which he entered, that, on the approach of an English force, he would join their standard with a large body of his troops. It was the energy of Clive which formed the soul of the whole de sign, which upheld the faltering courage of the conspirators at Moorshedabad, and fixed the doubtful judgment of the Committee (or Council) at Calcutta. Thus he writes to Mr. Watts: "Tell Meer Jaffier to fear nothing, and that I avIU join him with 5,000 men who never turned their backs."* Yet it seems difficult to be lieve that Clive could really expect, at that juncture, to muster much more than half the numbers that he named. In these negotiations between the native conspirators and the English chiefs, the principal agent next to Mr. Watts was a wealthy Hindoo merchant of the name of Omichund. A long previous resi dence at Calcutta had made him well acquainted with English forms and manners, while it had lost him none of the craft and subtlety that seem almost the birthright of a Bengalee. As the time for ac tion drew near, he began to feel — not scruples at the treachery, not even apprehensions as to the success — but doubts whether his own interests had been sufficiently secured. He went to Mr. Watts, and threatened to disclose the whole conspiracy to Surajah Dowlah un less it were stipulated that he should receive thirty lacs of rupees, or 300,000?., as a reward for his serAdces — which stipulation he in sisted on seeing added as an article in the treaty pending between Meer Jaffier and the English. Mr. Watts, In great alarm for his own life, soothed Omichund with general assurances, while he refer red the question as speedily as possible to the Members of the Select Committee at Calcutta. There was little disposition on the part of these gentlemen to concede the grasping demands of the Hindoo. Meer Jaffier, it Is true, had promised a donative of forty or fifty lacs in case of his success; but these the Committee designed partly for the army and navy, and partly for themselves. Though often at variance with each other, they were never found to disagree when their own profit was at stake. Thus, one of the Members, Mr. Be cher, having moved, "That as they, the Committee, had set the ma chine In motion, it was reasonable and proper that they should be considered" — or. In other words, share In the spoUs, the Resolution ¥as carried with enthusiastic unanimity, f * Letter to Mr. Watts, May 2, 1757. X Malcolm's Life of Clive, vol. i, p. 253. 510 HISTORY OF ENGLAND [CHAP. XL. Under these circumstances the Committee were equally unwUling to grant and afraid to refuse the exorbitant claim of Omichund. But an expedient was suggested by Clive. Two treaties were drawn up; the one on white paper. Intended to be real and valid, and containing no reference to Omichund, the other on red paper, with a stipulation in his favour, but designed as fictitious, and merely with the object to deceive him. The Members of the Committee, like Clive, put their names without hesitation to both treaties; but Admiral Watson, with higher spirit, would only sign the real one. It was foreseen that the omission of such a name would rouse the suspicion of Omichund, and In this emergency Clive directed another person to counterfeit the Admiral's signature. For his share in these transactions Clive was many years after wards taunted to his face in the House of Commons. Unable to deny, he endeavoured to defend his conduct. "It was," he said, "a matter of true policy and of justice to deceive so great a viUaIn as Omichund."* The villainy of Omichund, howcA^er, appears mainly this, — that for the treachery which the English encouraged and abetted he claimed a larger reward than the English were willing to pay. But even admitting to the fullest extent the guilt of the Plindoo Intriguer, this does not suffice to vindicate the British chief ; this does not prove that it was justifiable, as he alleges, to deceive the deceiver, and to foil an Asiatic by his own Asiatic arts. Such expedients as fictitious treaties and counterfeited signatures are not, as I conceive, to be cleared by any refinements of ingenuity, or any considerations of state advantage, f and they must forever remain a blot on the brilliant laurels of Clive. Omichund having thus been successfully imposed upon, and the conspiracy being now sufficiently matured, Mr. Watts made his escape from Moorshedabad, and Clive set his army in motion from Calcutta. He had under his command 3,000 men, all excellent troops, and one-third Europeans. The terror of Surajah Dowlah was increased by a haughty letter from Clive, alleging the Nabob's infraction of the recent alliance, and his new designs against the English. Much perturbed, the Nabob, however, proceeded to assem ble near the village of Plassey, his whole force amounting to 15,000 cavalry and 35,000 foot. Nor was it merely in numbers of men that he surpassed the English; while Clive brought only eight field pieces * Speech, May 19, 1773. Pari. Hist, vol, xvii, p, 876, X See the elaborate defence by Sir John Malcolm in the sixth chapter of his Life of Clive, He argues, that Admiral Watson knew and permitted the signature of his name by another hand. But in the first place, and prima facie, it appears utterly incredible that any raan refusing on conscientious grounds his signature to a delusive treaty would give his consent to the counterfeiting of that signature. Secondly, I observe, that no such apology is ventured upon by the contemporary historian, Mr, Orme, notwithstanding his personal friendship for Clive (Hist, vol, ii, p, 155), Thirdly, I find that the expressions ascribed to Watson by Mr, Cooke, the Secretary to Government, are merely as follows: " The Admiral said he had not signed it, but left them to do as they pleased," — expres sions which, I think, can iraply no more than that the other 'parties might proceed or not, as they could or would, in their own course of policy, without him. Watson died of jungle-fever only a few weeks after these events. INDIA.] FROM THE PEACE OF UTRECHT. 511 and two howitzers, Surajah Dowlah had above forty pieces of cannon of the largest size, each drawn by forty or fifty yoke of white oxen and each with an elephant behind, trained to assist in pushlno- it over difficult ground. Forty Frenchmen In thc Nabob's pay direc'ted some smaUer guns. The greater part of the foot Avere armed with match-locks, the rest with various weapons, — pikes, swords arroAVS and even rockets. The cavalry, both men and horses, were drawn from the northern districts of India, and, to the eye at least, appeared more formidable than those encountered by Clive In the Avars of the Carnatie. But in truth these numbers were an army only in name and outward show; not cheered by military spirit, nor jealous of mihtary reputation; with no confidence in themselves, and no at tachment to their leader. The Nabob, distrustful of Meer Jaffier, had before he left the capi tal exacted from him an oath of fidelity upon the Koran. Either a respect for this oath, or, Avhat Is far more probable, a doubt as to the issue of the Avar, seemed to Aveigh AvIth Meer Jaffier; he did not perform his engagement to the EngUsh, of joining them with his division at the appointed place of meeting, but kept aloof, sending them only evasive answers or general assurances. When, therefore, the English army came within one march of the Nabob's at Plassey, with the wide stream of the Hooghly fioAvIng between them, — can we wonder if doubts assaUed even the resolute spirit of Olive, hoAv far, relying on the slippery faith of the Hindoo conspirator, or on his own brave but scanty force, he might venture to pass the river, and bring the enemy to battle ? He well knew, as he said himself, that "if a defeat ensued, not one man would have returned to tell it." Under these circumstances he assembled a Council of War. Sixteen years afterwards he observed that this was the only Council of War which he had ever held, and that if he had abided by its decision it would have been the ruin of the East India Company. But these words, if taken alone, would not convey an accurate impression of what passed. Having called together his officers, to the number of twenty, he proposed to them the question, whether it would be prudent, without assistance, to attack the Nabob, or whether they should wait until joined by some native force. Contrary to the usual form in Councils of War, of beginning with the youngest Member, Clive gave his own opinion first, and that opinion was, not to venture. Twelve officers concurred with their chief; seven others, among whom was ¦Major Eyre Coote, voted for immediate action. Thus a large ma jority approved of the judgment of Clive ; but his own doubts re turned more forcibly than ever, and he began to feel that not only honour but safety pointed forwards. It Avas said at the time that his purpose had been changed by one hour of tranquil meditation under the shade of some trees; but Olive himself declared In his Evidence In England, that after the Council he had taken " about twenty-four hours' mature consideration." Be this as It may, he came forth fully resolved to put every thing to the hazard. The troops were led across the river ; they accomplished in eight hours ai 512 HISTORY OF ENGLAND [CHAP. XL. toilsome march of fifteen miles, and at one o'clock in the morning of the memorable 23d of June, 1757, they reached the mango-grove of Plassey. The mingling sounds of drums, clarions, and cymbals, — the usual tokens of a night-watch in an Indian army, — convinced them that they were now within a mile of the Nabob's camp. For the remainder of that night Olive took up his quarters in a small hunt ing-house belonging to the Nabob, but could not sleep; whUe his soldiers, less concerned than their General, stretched themselves to rest beneath the adjoining trees.* At sunrise Clive ascended the roof of the hunting-house, and sur veyed with a steadfast eye the rich array and the spreading numbers of his enemy. He saw them advance from several sides, as if to enclose him, but they halted at some distance, and began a cannon ade, which was returned by the English, and which continued during several hours. It was found that the cumbrous ordnance of the Indians did far less execution than the light field-pieces of Olive. So careless, besides, were the former troops in carrying or handling ammunition, that several explosions were observed In their own ranks, and that about noon a passing shower damaged a great part of their powder, and compelled them to slacken their fire. At nearly the same time one of their most trusted leaders fell, and one of their divisions consequently showed some symptoms of disorder. This news came to the Nabob, who had remained in his tent beyond the reach of danger, surrounded by officers, one half of whom were parties to the conspiracy against him. He now received the perfidious or timid counsel, to which his own fears readily re sponded, of commanding a retreat towards his capital; the order was issued, and the army began to fall back. At such favourable indications, a charge upon the enemy was begun, without orders, by two companies under Major KIlpatrick,t and soon afterwards was renewed by Clive, at the head of his whole line. They met with faint resistance, except from the gallant little band of Frenchmen ; drove the enemy from the advanced position; and became possessed of some rising ground near an angle of the Indian camp. Meer Jaffier, on his part, seeing to which side the fortune of the day was tending, drew off his body of troops. Before five o'clock the vic tory of Clive was not only certain but complete. It had cost him no more than twenty-two soldiers slain and fifty wounded, while the loss of the vanquished also did not exceed 500 men; but they were pursued for six miles, scattering in every direction, and leaving be hind all their artillery and baggage. * The proceedings of the Council of War, and the march of Clive, are, in some points of less importance, differently told by different- writers. These points are clearly drawn out and well discussed by Mr. Thornton in two notes. (Hist, of India, vol, i, p, 235 and 237,) Sir John Malcolm adopts two conflicting statements without explanation or re mark, (Life of Clive, vol, i, p. 101 and 164.) t " Colonel Clive chanced at this tirae to be lying down in the hunting-house. Some say he was asleep, which is not iraprobable, considering how little rest he had had for so raany hours before ; but this is no imputation either against his courage or conduct," (Orme's Hist. vol. ii. p. 176.) INDIA.] PROM THE PEACE OF UTRECHT. 513 The field of Plassey, on which with such slender loss the fate, not only of Bengal, but of India, was in truth decided, continued for many years an object of interest and curiosity to the passing stranger. It was visited, amongst many other British officers, by the Duke of Wellington; but more recently It has become difficult, nay, almost Impossible, to trace the scene of this great achievement. The river has here entirely changed its course, and encroached upon the plain; the Nabob's hunting-house, once the abode of Clive, has crumbled away, and even the celebrated mango-grove Is no longer to be found.* Of this battle it may be said, that it was gained against a dis parity of force nearly such as the Spaniards encountered in Mexico and Peru. But there is a difference highly honourable to the Eng lish. The natives of Mexico and Peru were wholly ignorant of gun powder, and viewed the Spaniards with their fire-arms as demigods, wielding the hghtning and thunder of the Heavens. The natives of India, on the contrary, were well acquainted with the natives of Europe; they looked on them with no superstitious awe; and, however unskUful in the use of artillery, they were at least not sur prised at its effects. From the day of Plassey dates our supremacy above them. From that day they began to feel that none of the things on which they had heretofore relied, not their tenfold or twentyfold numbers, — their blaze of rockets, — the long array of their elephants, — the massy weight of their ordnance, — their subterfuges and their wiles, — would enable them to stand firm against the energy and discipline of the Island-strangers. They began to feel that even their own strength would become an instru ment to their subjugation ; that even their own countrymen, when, under the name of Sepoys, trained In European discipline, and ani mated by European spirit, had been at Plassey, and would be again, the mainstay and right arm of the British power. From that day the British fiag in Hindostan has never (and the Hindoos knoAV it) been unfurled In vain; its very sight has more than once aAved, without a blow, aggressors to submission, and ever Inspired with un doubting confidence those who are ranged beneath it, and can claim It for their own. That feeling, now prevalent through the East, has in our day been forcibly described by one of our naval officers, when beset with his boat's crew in a great city of China. "I found," he writes. In words whose truth and earnestness are nearly akin, and perhaps superior, to eloquence, "that the topinast of the fiag- staffhad been struck since the execution; but I immediately desired that the boat's ensign should be taken up, and made fast to the lower mast-head, for I well kiiew, my Lord, that there is a sense of support in the sight of that honoured fiag, fly where it wUl, that none can feel but men who look upon it in some such dismal strait as ours!"f * Hamilton's East India Gazeteer, article Plasset, ed. 1828. t Captain Elliot to Lord Palmerston, March 30,1839. Parliamentary Papers,— China. VOL. II. 2l 514 HISTORY OF ENGLAND [CHAP. XL. On the morning after the battle, Meer Jaffier appeared at the English camp, far from confident of a good reception since his recent conduct. As he alighted from his elephant the guard drew out, and rested their arms to do him honour; but Meer Jaffier, not knowing the drift of this compliment, started back In great alarm. Clive, however, speedily came forward, embraced his trembling friend, and hailed him Nabob of Bengal, Orissa, and Bahar. It was agreed between them that Meer Jaffier should Immediately push forward with his division to Moorshedabad, and that Clive and his English should follow more at leisure. But they neither expected nor found the slightest further resistance. Even before the day of Plassey was decided, Surajah Dowlah had mounted a camel, and ignomlniously fied from the field. He scarcely rested until he reached Moorshedabad. There he heard his coun- cUlors advise, some, surrender to the EngUsh, others, persever ance In the war, others, again, a prolongation of his flight. To his own cowardly temper this last advice was by far the most con genial. In the evening he assumed a mean dress for a disguise, let himself down from a by-window of his palace, and embarked in a sinall boat, with the most precious of his jewels, and the favourite of his women. His design was to ascend the Ganges as far as Patna, and throw himself upon the protection of Law's detachment. Already had he reached the point where the blue hills of Rajmahal, the first outposts of the Himalaya, rise above the wide level of Bengal. At this place he landed to pass the night on shore, but was recognized by a peasant who had Incurred his displeasure some months before, and whose ears he had caused to be cut off. The injured man now revealed the secret to some soldiers ; and thus the Nabob was discovered and seized, and brought back In chains to the palace of Moorshedabad, to the very presence chamber, once his own, now that of Meer Jaffier. The fallen prince, stIU more abject In spirit than in fortunes, flung himself down before his triumphant subject, and with an agony of tears implored his life. It is said that Meer Jaffier was touched with some compassion, and merely directed that his prisoner should be led away; but his son Meeran, a youth no less ferocious and cruel than Surajah Dowlah himself,* gave the guards orders that he should be despatched in his ceU. Barely sufficient respite was granted him, at his own urgent entreaty, to make his ablutions, and to say his prayers. Next morning the mangled remains were exposed to the city on an elephant, and then carried to the tomb of Aliverdi, whUe Meer Jaffier excused himself to the English for the deed of blood committed without their know ledge and consent. The InstaUation of Meer Jaffier, as Nabob of Bengal, was per formed with great solemnity. Clive himself led his friend to the • Of Meeran, Clive writes, two years afterwards : " Sooner or later I ara persuaded that worthless young dog will attempt his father's overthrow. How often have I ad vised the old fool against putting too much power into the hands of his nearest rela tions !" To Warren Hastings, Resident at Moorshedabad, September 21, 1759. INDIA.] FROM THE PEACE OP UTRECHT. 515 MTJSNUD, or seat of honour, and, according to the Indian custom, presented him Avith a plate full of gold rupees ; he then, through an interpreter, addressed the native chiefs, exhorting them to be joyful that Fortune had given them so good a Prince. Nor did the new Nabob faU to bestow on his allies marks as splendid and more sub stantial of his faA^our. It Avas agreed, according to the previous stipulation, that the English should have the entire property of the land within the Mahratta ditch, and for 600 yards beyond it ; and the ZBMINDARY, Or feudal tenure on payment of rent, of all the country between Calcutta and the sea. The money granted them in compensation for their losses, and in donatives to the fleet, the army, and the Committee, amounted to no less than 2,750,000?.,* although, as the wealth of Surajah Dowlah proved far less than Avas expected, it was not found possible to pay the whole of this sum at once. Clive accepted for his own share a gift of above 200,000?. When, some years afterwards, before a Committee of the House of Commons, he was accused for taking so much, he defended himself by saying, that he might, if he had pleased, have taken much more ! "When I recollect," he said, "entering the Nabob's treasury at Moorshedabad, with heaps of gold and silver to the right and left, and these crowned with jewels" — here he added an oath, and vio lently struck his hand to his head — "at this moment do I stand astonished at my own moderation!"! A painful office remained, to tell Omichund, that, notwithstanding the promise In his favour, he should have no share in all this wealth. As interpreter and spokesman for that purpose the British chief employed Mr. Scrafton, a civil servant of the Company. A meeting having been held at the house of one of the principal soucars or bankers of Moorshedabad, Clive, at Its conclusion, said to Mr. Scrafton: " It Is now time to undeceive Omichund." Mr. Scrafton, as if ashamed of the task, performed it In the fewest and shortest words. " Omichund, the red paper is a trick; you are to have no thing." At this announcement the unhappy dupe staggered back, as from a blow; he fainted away, and was borne by an attendant to his house, where, on recovering from his swoon, he remained for many hours silent and abstracted, and then began to show symptoms of imbecility. Some days afterwards he visited Clive, who received him kindly, advised him, for change of scene, to undertake a pil grimage to some one of the Indian shrines, and was wUlIng, on his return, to employ him again in public business. But the intellect of Omichund had been whoUy unhinged, and he expired not many months from this period in a state of second chUdhood. The return of Clive to Calcutta was attended with general re joicing and applause, and from this time forward, during several years, he was, in truth, master of Bengal. The East India Directors had. Indeed, formed a most unwise scheme for conducting the govern ment of Calcutta, by a system of rotation, but at the news of the, • Orme's Hist. vol. ii. p. 180. t Malcolm's Life, vol. i. p. 313. 516 HISTORY OF ENGLAND [CHAP. XL. victory of Plassey they gladly conferred the office of Governor on Clive. As a statesman he displayed scarcely less ability than as a soldier. It was his energy as both which upheld the feeble character and the tottering throne of Meer, Jaffier. Thus, when, in 1759, Shah Alum, the eldest son of the Emperor of Delhi, succeeded in col lecting a large army of adventurers, and marched down upon Bahar, the terrified Nabob was eager to purchase peace by the cession of a province or the payment of a tribute. Far different were the views of the British chief. "I would not," he wrote to Meer Jaffier, " haA^e you think of coming to any terms Rest assured that the English are staunch and firm friends, and that they never desert a cause in which they have once taken a part."* Yet at this time the British force of Clive was much diminished by an expedition which he had sent out to the southern coast. With a little army, comprising less than 500 Europeans; he undauntedly marched to the aid of his ally; and such were now the terrors of his name, that at his approach the mighty host of Shah Alum melted away; the siege of Patna was raised, and the war ended without a bloAV. In gratitude for this great service Meer Jaffier bestowed upon Clive a splendid jaghire or domain, producing, according to Olive's own computation, an income of 27,000?. a year. At nearly the same period Clive was directing from afar hostilities in the districts known in the Carnatie by the name of the " Northern Circars;" a tract of coast extending from the mouth of the Kistna to the pagoda of Juggernaut. These districts had been invaded by Bussy from the Deccan, and on his departure a French force, com manded by the Marquis de Conflans, had been left for their defence. On the other hand, Clive sent thither a large detachment under Colonel Forde, an officer trained under his own eye. The result was complete success; the French were Avorsted In a pitched engagement, and the English reduced Masulipatam against a garrison superior in numbers to themselves. Towards the close of the same year, 1759, the English In Bengal were threatened with danger, equally great and unforeseen, from the Dutch in Java. Although peace prevailed between the two nations the Dutch could not view Avithout jealousy the success and renown of their commercial rivals ; they entered into secret negotia tions with Meer Jaffier, who, with the usual fickleness of Asiatics, had become desirous of deserting the English alliance; and they sent into the Hooghly an armament of seven large ships and 1,400 soldiers. The pretext Avas to reinforce their own settlement at Chin- sura, and to obtain redress for the grievances which they aUeged against the Presidency of Calcutta, especially the compelling Dutch ships to take English pUots on the river. It was a moment of anxious consideration for Clive. In the first place, although Colonel Forde had returned from the Circars, other detachments had gone out to assist their countrymen at Madras; and the squadron, commanded, • Letter, February 10, 1759. INDIA.] FROM THE PEACE OF UTRECHT. 517 since the decease of Admiral Watson, by Admiral Pocock, had long since sailed in the same direction. If Olive suffered the Dutch ships to pass up the river, and the Dutch troops to join the Nabob's, the English might be overpowered and driven from Bengal. If he at tempted to stop them, there was the risk of kindling a war between the two nations, or, on the other hand, of being disavowed by the authorities In England, and consigned to disgrace and ruin. Nor were other personal motives wanting to dissuade Clive from action. At this very period he had intrusted a large share of his fortune to the Dutch East India Company, for speedy remittance to Europe. Nevertheless, in this emergency, Clive showed himself, as ever, firm, resolute, unwavering. He was Informed that the Dutch had landed their troops and committed various acts of violence, and a letter was addressed to him by Colonel Forde, stating, that if he had an Order of Council he could now attack the invaders with a fair prospect of de stroying them. Clive was playing at cards in the evening when he received this letter, and without leaving the table he wrote an answer In pencil: " Dear Forde, fight them immediately. I will send you the Order of Council to-morrow."* Accordingly the Dutch were attacked both by land and water, and, notwithstanding their supe riority of force In both. In both were they defeated. Of their seven ships every one fell Into the hands of the English. At these tidings the chiefs of the settlement at Chlnsura hastened to sue for peace, disavowing the acts of their naval commander, owning themselves the aggressors, and agreeing to reimburse the English Company for the charges of the war, on which terms they obtained the restitution of their ships. Thus it happened that the news of their apology reached Europe nearly as soon as the news of the attack upon them, so as effectually to prevent any complaint or remonstrance on the part of the Government of HoUand.f Only a fcAV weeks after these events, in February 1760, Clive, who was suffering from ill-health, embarked for England. "With him it appeared" (to use the strong language of a contemporary), "thatthe soul was departing from the body of the government of Bengal." At home he was rewarded with an Irish peerage, as Lord Clive, Baron of Plassey; and speedUy obtained a seat in the English House of Commons. During his second residence In India, a pe riod of less than five years, he had acquired a fortune amounting at the very lowest computation to 40,000?. a year.J Several of the transactions In which he had engaged for the publie advantage or his own seem to me, as I have elsewhere stated, repugnant to justice and good faith. Those who explore his character with mi nute attention may, perhaps, moreover detect, not merely some great faults, but some little foibles. Thus, although he was plain * Malcolm's Life of Clive, vol. ii. p, 97. t See on this point a note to Favre's Memoir on Holland, in the Politique de tous les Cabinets de I'Europe (vol. ii, p. 154, ed, 1802), By a shortly subsequent treaty the Dutch at Chinsura further engaged to raise no fortification and maintain no troops in Bengal X Malcolm's Life, vol.ii. p. 187. 518 HISTORY OF ENGLAND [CHAP. XL. and free from all ostentation In the field, he might be thought In society fonder of fine clothes than becomes a hero. At one of the busiest periods of his public career, — the year of Plassey, — he could find leisure to weigh the comparative merits for a Court suit of a scarlet coat with handsome gold lace," or "the common wear of velvet,"* and to instruct his friend Mr. Orme, the historian, to send him "tAVO hundred shirts, the best and finest you can get for love or money; some of the ruffles worked Avith a border either in squares or points, and the rest plain, "f But with every drawback or de duction which can fairly be made from his character, there will stiU remain very much to call forth praise and Inspire admiration. He was Indeed, as Chatham once called him, "a Heaven-born general," J who, with no military training, had shoAvn consummate military genius. With nearly as little study of politics he displayed nearly as great abilities for government. Energy, — which perhaps, of all human qualities, is the one most conducive to success, — energy and fearlessness, were peculiarly his own. Whatever gratitude Spain owes to her Cortes, or Portugal to her Albuquerque, this, and in Its results more than this, is due from England to Clive. Had he never been born I do not believe that we should, at least In that genera tion, have conquered Hindostan ; had he lived longer I doubt if we should, at least in that generation, have lost North America.^ The narrative of the events that foUoAved In Bengal; the misrule of dive's successors; the dethronement and the reinstatement of Meer Jaffier, — though occurring in part before the peace of 1763, belongs more properly to a later period, Avhen producing Olive's third and final visit to India. I therefore pass at once to the im portant transactions of which the Carnatie had meanwhile been the scene. — The Declaration of War between France and England found the chiefs both at Pondicherry and Madras ill-prepared for any ex pedition of Importance, and engaging in none but desultory and feeble hostilities. The English set fire to Wandewash ; the French, in retaliation, to Conjeveram. The latter, under M. d'AuteuU, be sieged Trichinopoly; the former, under Captain Calllaud, relieved the place. But the attention of both parties was Intently fixed on a great armament which France had announced the intention of despatching to the Indian seas; comprising nearly 1,200 regular troops, and commanded by Lieutenant General Comte de Lally. * Letter from Captain Latham, August 5, 1757. X Letter, August 1, 1757, X This was in 1758, Lord Orford's Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 276. * [The allusion here is to the expectation tbat Clive would have been charged with the command of the British forces in the American Revolutionary War, If his military energy bad been in the stead of the inactivity and irabecilily which characterized the carapaigns of Howe and other commanders, the war might indeed have been protracted. But after all, as tbe author appears to intiraate, it would have been only a difference of time, Sucb too was Lord Clive's own judgment on American Colonial affairs, for in 1772, two years before his death, he said, "that Araerica will sooner or later become independent there can be no question." Malcolm's Life of Clive, vol. iii. p. 394.] njMA.J FROM THE PEACE OF UTRECHT. 519 This officer was sprung from an Irish family which had followed James the Second Into exile ; his true name being Lally of TuUy- dale, since Galliclsed to ToUendal. — A soldier from his earUest years, he had highly distinguished himself both at Dettingen and Fontenoy: in December 1745 he had warmly pressed the expedition against England from Dunkirk, and had been appointed one of Its chiefs. Brave, active and zealous, he was Avell qualified for military service ; but a hasty temper and a caustic wit too frequently offended his inferiors, and marred his exertions. The armament of Lally was delayed by various causes, both In Its departure and on its voyage, and It was not till near the close of April 1758 that it cast anchor before- Pondicherry. Almost imme diately on Its arrival the French squadron, which was commanded by the Comte d'Ach^, was engaged by the British under Admiral Pocock, but the battle proved indecisive, with little result to either party, beyond the loss of a few men and some damage to the ships. In August another naval engagement, equally indecisive, ensued. The Comte d'Ach^, satisfied with this result, and with having landed the troops, then sailed back to the Mauritius. Lally, who had brought out a commission as Governor General of the French In India, displayed from the first hour of his landing the impetuosity of his temper. His instructions prescribed the siege of Fort St. David, and he sent forth a body of troops for that object on the very same night that he arrived. So much haste bodes little real speed; the troops thus In hurry despatched, without provisions or guides, arrived before Fort St. David way-worn and hungry, and ill-disposed for action. In a few days, however, they were quickened by large reinforcements, and by the presence of Lally. The works of the siege were now vigorously pushed forward ; a part In them all being urged by compulsion on the reluctant and scrupulous natives. "In India," says Mr. Orme, "even the lower Castes have their distinctions, insomuch that the COOLIE, who carries a burden on his head, wUl not carry it on his shoulder. Distinctions likewise prevail amongst the soldiery, for the man who rides will not cut the grass that Is to feed his horse; nor at this time would the Sepoy dig the trench which was to protect him from a cannon-ball."* Such pre judices, which a wise ruler will ever consult, untU he is able to cor rect, were now derided and set at naught by Lally. Thus he carried his immediate object, but thus also he forfeited for ever all claim to the attachment and regard of the native population. According to another historian, "the consternation created by such an act was greater than If he had set fire to the town, and butchered every man whom it contained."! At this juncture Fort St. David was the strongest that the East India Company possessed, and it held a sufficient garrison; but the commanding officer was far from able, and part of the men are re- * Orme's Hist. vol. ii. p. 305. " Henoe," he adds, " tbe numerous train of followers and assistants which always accorapanies a carap in India." t Mill's Hist. vol. iii. p. 193, ed. 1826. 520 HISTORY OF ENGLAND [CHAP. XL. presented as drunken and disorderly. So early as the 2d of June terms of surrender, by no means honourable to themselves, were proposed by the besieged, and on the evening of the same day were accepted by the besiegers. Lally, in pursuance of the Instructions which he had brought from France, Immediately razed the fortifica tions to the ground, nor have they ever since been rebuUt. Thus the name of Fort St. David, — up to that time so conspicuous in the annals of the Company, — henceforth no longer appears. Elated with this conquest, Lally pursued his warfare ; he failed In an expedition against Tanjore, but succeeded in an expedition against Arcot. His aspiring views extended to the siege of Madras, and to the extinction of the British name in the Carnatie. For this great object he mustered every man at his disposal, even recalling Bussy from the Deccan, which had so long been the scene of th^t officer's active and able exertions. His want of money was no small obstacle in the way of his designs; to supply It he again offended the natives by plundering a pagoda of Its wealth ; and in a more praiseworthy spirit subscribed largely from his own private funds, exhorting his subordinates to follow his example. But he had already made nearly all of them his personal enemies by his haughty reproaches and his bitter jests. Thus, for example, when he found his Council less alert than they might have been In providing the beasts of burthen he required, he exclaimed that he could not do better than harness to his wagons the Members of Council themselves!* All his letters at this period were filled with invectives of no common asperity.f In December 1758 Lally appeared before Madras, at the head of 2,700 European and 4,000 native troops. The English had already, in expectation of a siege, called in nearly all their garrisons and out posts, and could muster within their walls 4,000 soldiers, of whom 1,800 were of European race. Besides these there was a small body under Captain Calllaud, which had marched from Trichinopoly, and which hung upon the rear of the French, most effectually intercept ing their supplies, and harassing their detachments. " They are like flies," said Lally himself, "no sooner beaten off one place than they settle in another!" The French had no difficulty in making them selves masters of the Black Town; but this, from the large stores of arrack it contained, proved rather an obstacle to their further pro gress, as augmenting the insubordination of the men. On the other hand, the English steadily continued the defence of Fort St. George; they made on one occasion a most vigorous sally, under Colonel Draper; and their Governor, Mr. PIgot, displayed throughout the siege both spirit and judgment. Lally had, no doubt, many obstacles to encounter, but perhaps the greatest of all was his own unpopularity. He found that, though he might enforce obedience. It was not so easy * Voltaire, Siecle de Louis XV. ch. 34. t " L'Enfer m'a vomi dans ce pays d'iniquit^s, et j'attends comme Jonas la baleine qui rae reoevra dans son ventre," (Lettre du Comte de Lally, le 27 Decembre 1758,) In another letter he says he would rather have to govern the Caffres in Madagascar than the Europeans in India. INDU.] FROM THE PEACE OF UTRECHT. 521 to Stifle discontent or to Inspire alacrity. When, after nearly two months' Investment, a breach had been effected by his batteries, his principal officers declared that it was not accessible, adding their opinion that a prolongation of the siege would be merely a Avanton waste of human lives. At this time the supply of provisions was scanty and uncertain, and the pay of the troops several weeks in arrear. The Sepoys had deserted in great numbers, and some of the Europeans threatened to follow their example. Under such dis couraging circumstances, Lally, Avith bitter mortification, resolved to burn the Black Town and to raise the siege of the White. HappUy, of these two designs, the first was prevented, and the second quick ened by the opportune appearance, on the 16th of February 1759, of Admiral Pocock and his squadron, which had sailed to Bombay several months before, and now returned with some fresh troops on board. The French, apprehensive of a combined attack upon them, commenced that very night their march to Arcot, leaving behind their sick and wounded, fifty-two pieces of artillery, and an hundred and fifty barrels of gunpowder. After this great reverse to the French arms, and the return of their chief to Pondicherry, hostilities languished for some time be tween the rival nations. But in the autumn there ensued another naval engagement, from another voyage of the Admiral Comte d'Ach^ to this coast. On the 2d of September his squadron was encountered by Pocock's; the English having-nlne ships of the line and the French eleven, with a great superiority both in guns and men. Nevertheless, after a cannonade of two hours, the French sailed away in great confusion, leaving to the English the honours of victory. The result, however, as on the two last occasions, was by no means decisive; the loss of men was nearly equal on both sides, and the English, though the victors, suffered the most damage In their ships. D'Achd immediately proceeded to disembark a few men and a little money at Pondicherry, and then, notwithstanding the vehement remonstrances of the Governor and Council, returned with his squadron to the Islands. At nearly the same period the EngUsh at Madras were cheered with the tidings that Eyre Coote had been promoted In England to the rank of Lieutenant Colonel, and was coming over at the head of the King's 84th Regiment and other reinforcements. Major Brere ton, who meanwhile commanded In the field, appears to have been desirous of distinguishing himself before the arrival of his chief. Thus he attempted to reduce the fort of Wandewash by three divi sions in a night-attack, but signally faUed, with the loss of 200 inen. So indignant was Brereton himself at his repulse, that, on seeing the crowd of English fugitives, he drew his sword, and ran the first man he met through the body!* Colonel Eyre Coote, with the last division of his force, landed at * Orme's Hist, vob ii, p, 521. He adds; "Unfortunately the man was one of the bi-ayest in the army, so that this example carried Uttle inauenoe." 522 HISTORY OF ENGLAND [CHAP. XL. Madras on the 27th of October 1759. Born in 1726, Coote waa now In the prime of life, with none of those infirmities of body or of mind which clouded over his later years, and obscured the lustre of his fame. His influence over the native soldiers was great, and not forgotten by them to this day; and he showed himself on all occasions not less active and resolute than prudent and wary. One of his earliest measures on reaching the Carnatie was to retrieve the recent check to the British arms, by a more regular and skUful attack on Wandewash. In this enterprise Major Brereton did good service at the head of a division, and the fort was carried with little loss on the last day of November. At this news Lally took the field. His dissensions with the cIvU service still continued, and his want of money to pay the troops had already produced more than one mutiny among them. He had, how ever, obtained as auxiliaries a body of Mahrattas, and he had under his command the sagacious and experienced Bussy, but, unhappily for himself, was jealous of his influence and distrustful of his coun sels. Bussy strongly urged the imprudence of attempting to recover Wandewash, in the face of the English army. Lally, however, thought the honour of his arms at stake, and persevered In the de sign. He accordingly proceeded to the attack of the fort so lately lost, when Coote, who had been in expectation of this movement, at once marched upon him with his whole force. Lally had no other choice than either to raise the siege, or to give battle on the ground selected by his enemy. He preferred the latter alternative. On the morning of the 22d of January 1760 he perceived the English, after some skilful manoeuvres, advancing along the base of the mountain of Wandewash, protected on their left by the rugged height, and on their right by the fire of the fort. Immediately, while yet main taining his batteries of siege, he drew up the remainder of his army on the open plain. This was, for the most part, stony ground, but here and there intersected with rice fields, so as to render nearly useless the superiority of the French in cavalry. According to the English computation, the French numbers In line of battle were 2,250 Europeans, 300 of them horse, and 1,300 Sepoys. There were also 3,000 Mahrattas; but these kept carefully aloof at the hour of action. The English had 1,900 Europeans, of whom only eighty were cavalry, 2,100 Sepoys, and 1,250 native horsemen. At nearly the commencement of the battle, the French horse, led on by Lally in person, was thrown into disorder by two Englisli pieces of artillery, and was driven back to the encampment. Lally hast ened to put himself at the head of the foot soldiers, and cheered them on to the charge. In pursuance of his brave example, the French regiment of Lorraine especially displayed the utmost gal lantry ; it formed In a column twelve In front, and came rushing full upon the King's 84th. In a moment the two regiments were min gled at the point of the bayonet. The battle now became general, and fiercely contested among the Europeans, but ere long began to declare in favour of Coote, — a result hastened by the accidental INDIA.] FROM THE PEACE OF UTRECHT. 523 explosion of a tumbrU In the French ranks. Among other brave soldiers, Major Brereton fell mortaUy wounded, and when faUen refused the assistance of the men -next to him, bidding themnot mind him, but foUow up their victory. On the other side, M. de Bussy, attempting to raUy the fugitives, and fighting with undaunted spirit at the head of a handful of men that still adhered to him, was surrounded and made prisoner sword in hand. The day was now decided. The French, notAvithstanding the efforts of Lally, gave way in all directions from the field. In the battle or pursuit their loss Is estimated at nearly 600 men; the English had 190 klUed and wounded. It deserves notice that the brunt of the confiict had fallen entirely on the Europeans of both armies, the native troops taking no part In it since the first cannonade. In the evening the officers of the English Sepoys came to congratulate Colonel Coote on his victory, and with great coolness thanked him for the sight of such a battle as they never yet had seen.* The English at Madras, who felt their own fate dependent on the issue of this battle, were watching with feverish anxiety for Its earli est tidings. At sunrise the next morning one of the black spies of the English camp brought them some vague rumours of success, but It was not till noon that they received a note of two lines in pencil, written by Coote from the field of battle. Then, Indeed, relicA^ed from all their fears, they burst forth into exclamations of delight ; acknowledging also, Avith well-deserved applause, the skill and intre pidity of the British commander. The joy this day at Madras, says a contemporary, could only be compared to that at Calcutta on the news of Plassey. In truth, as the one victory gained us Bengal, so did the other the Carnatie. It Is remarkable, however, in all these operations by or against Lally, how little weight the native poAvers threw Into either scale. Scarcely does it appear worthy of commemo ration that Mahomed Ali was present with the English at Madras during the first part of the siege, and afterwards passed to Trichino poly; or that Salabat Jung, after the departure of Bussy, consented to renounce the French alliance. I may also observe, on this occasion, of the three most eminent chiefs who ever fought In British India — Lord Clive, Sir Eyre Coote, and Sir Arthur WeUesley — that they gained the battles of Plassey, of Wandewash, and of Assye, at the ages respectively of thirty-two, thhty-three, and thirty-four. It may thence, perhaps, be doubted (notwithstanding some recent and most brUliant examples to the con trary) whether the more modern practice of sending forth to naUitary command In that unwholesome climate veterans already bending be neath the weight of years, be In all cases entirely consistent with the means by which our eastern greatness was achieved. Had Coote been aware how IU Pondicherry was then provided, and how discordantly governed, he might probably have pushed for ward to that city immediately after his triumph at Wandewash ; but * Orme's Hist. vol. ii. p. 589. ^ 524 HISTORY OF ENGLAND [CHAP. XL. knowing how large was stUl the force of the enemy, he first applied himself to besiege and reduce the outposts of their dominion. Ar cot, Trincomalee, Devl-Cottah, Cuddalore, and several other places fell successively Into his hands. During this time the French were making strenuous efforts to obtain some native reinforcements. With that view they opened a secret negotiation with Hyder AU, afterwards the founder of the great kingdom of Mysore, and at this period the general In chief of the Mysorean army. It was stipulated that Hyder Ali should send, as auxiliaries, a body of 3,000 horse and 5,000 foot, and receive in return from the French the fort of Thiagur, one of their last remaining strongholds In the Carnatie. The first division of the Mysoreans marched accordingly, and a de tachment, chiefly of Sepoys, having been sent out by Coote to repel them, was itself totally routed. Nevertheless, the result of this treaty proved of little advantage to the French. Only a few weeks after the auxiliaries had arrived, intelligence reached them of a revo lution in Mysore, threatening danger to their chief, upon which, without any notice to Lally, they set off by night, and hastened home. The net was now closing round Pondicherry itself. Through the boundary-hedge of thorns and prickly plants, which, as In many other Indian towns, encompassed its outer defences, the inhabitants could discern the hostile army encamped, and ready for the siege. The departure of D'Acli^'s squadron had left the English undisputed masters of the sea, and scarce any furthesr supplies, either by land or water, could reach the beleaguered city. The French valour, the rainy season, and a most violent storm In the roads, interposed, however, considerable obstacles in the way of Coote. Nor was dis cord, which raged so fiercely within the walls of Pondicherry, alto gether absent from the English camp. In consequence of orders from home, given in Ignorance of the late events, a dispute as to the chief command arose between Colonel Coote and Colonel Monson. At one period Coote had already relinquished his post, and was pre paring to embark for Bengal; but Monson receiving a severe wound, and becoming for a time disabled, the leadership happily reverted to the victor of Wandewash. In the night between the Sth and 9th of December four English batteries opened against the walls of Pondicherry. The besieged were firm and resolute in their defence, fighting every foot of ground, and making more than one successful sally. They had also, to spare their provisions, put themselves upon half rations, and sent forth from the town the remaining native Inhabitants; a Avretched multi tude, which remained famishing and helpless between the gates and the batteries, and was debarred access at either, until, after some days, the humanity of the English allowed them to pass. Notwith standing such strong measures, it was found, before the middle of January, that there only remained sufficient provisions for two days. In this extremity Lally and his Council sent deputies to capitulate, and failing to obtain more favourable terms, were compelled to sur- INDIA.] FROM THE PEACE OF UTRECHT. 525 render at discretion. Accordingly, on the 16th of January, 1761, the English marched Into the place. Great civUities passed betAveen the chiefs ; Coote dining that day at Lally's table; but Lally and his French, stiU amounting to above 2,000, remained prisoners of war. "All," says a contemporary, "wore the face of famine, fatigue, or disease. The grenadiers of Lorraine and Lally, once the ablest- bodied men In the army, appeared the most impaired, having con stantly put themselves forward to every service ; and it was recollected that from their first landing, throughout all the services of the field, and aU the distresses of the blockade, not a man of them had ever deserted to the English colours."* Almost Immediately after the surrender, a dispute arose among the victors for the possession of the place. Coote and his officers claimed It for the King; Mr. PIgot and the other civiUans from Madras claimed it for the Company. The quarrel grew high, until at length Mr. PIgot declared, that unless his pretensions were admitted, he should refuse to supply funds for the subsistence of the troops. This threat barred all further argument. In return for the destruc tion of Fort St. David, and in pursuance of orders from home, Mr. Pigot took measures for razing to the ground the fortifications of Pondicherry, nay, even all the buildings that stood within them. Thus ended the French power in India. For although Pondi cherry was restored to them by the peace of 1763, and although the stipulation In that peace against their raising fortresses or main taining troops applied only to Bengal, yet even In the Carnatie they could never again attain their former Influence nor recover their lost ground; and the extinction of their East India Company speedily ensued. This result, however mortifying to French ambition, has been acknowledged by French writers as a just retribution on that Com pany, and on the Government of Louis the Fifteenth, for their cruel oppression of almost every great commander who had served them faithfully In India.f The closing scenes of La Bourdonnais and of Dupleix have been already described ; there remains to tell the still more tragic fate of Lally. On arriving a prisoner in England, and hearing of the charges brought against him In France, he wrote to Pitt, soliciting that he might return on his parole, and confront his accusers, J and with this request the British Minister complied. But no sooner was Lally at Paris than he was thrown into the Bastille, where he remained fifteen months without even a preliminary ex amination. When at length his trial did come on before the Par liament of Paris, it was pressed with the utmost acrimony, both by the Crown and East India Company; and a legal quibble on the term "High Treason" enabled his judges to sentence him to death. When informed of their decision, "Is this," he passionately cried, • Orme's Hist. vol. ii, p. 722. t "Oh combien cette Compagnie des Indes Franyaise avait merite sa chute !"—BJo- graph, Univ. art, Dupleix, See also Sismondi, Hist, des Franjais, vol, xxix. p. 303. X See his letter in the Chatham Correspondence, vol, ii, p. 144. 526 HISTORY OF ENGLAND [CHAP. XL. "the reward of forty-five years' service!" — and snatching up a com pass with which he had been drawing maps during his Imprisonment, he struck it at his breast. His hand, however, was held back by some person near him ; and that same afternoon, the 9th of May, 1766, he was dragged along to public execution in a dung-cart, with a gag between his Ups, and beheaded on the Place de Grlve. Such was the end of a veteran, who had fought and bled for his adopted country, seldom, indeed, with prudence and discretion, but always with courage and honour. By the downfall of the Portuguese, the Dutch, and, above all, the French power In India, a wide and still-extending scope was left to that of England. The best chance of supremacy to the native states had lain In resisting Europeans by Europeans, — in setting the skill and energy of one northern race against another. Single-handed they fell one by one, some dropping from their own rottenness, like fruit from a tree, others striving fiercely, but without avail, against us. From the precarious tenure of some two or three petty forts, from the mere Mahratta-dltch of Calcutta or the " bound-hedge" of Madras, our empire has spread far and wide ; from Ceylon to Gujerat, from the snows of the Himalaya to the sea-line of the Sun derbunds, along the loftiest mountains and the widest plains in the known world. In India, at this moment, the number of our subjects and dependents is in all probability greater than Alexander, than Augustus, than Charlemagne, than Napoleon, ever knew. And If that vast people be as yet low in the scale of nations, — long enslaved, and still debased by a succession of tyrannies, and led astray by foul superstitions and revolting rites, their depression gives them only the stronger claim on our sympathy and care. Never did a Government stand more nearly in the parental relation to Its sub jects than the English Government of India. The English are as much superior to the Hindoos, — not in natural gifts, but In training, in knowledge, and in principles, — as a parent is superior to a child. God grant, that as we hold a parent's place we may fulfil a parent's duty, — not merely to command and direct, but to enlighten and reform ! For many years, however, we did not act fully on these maxims, and our course In India, though far above any Asiatic, was yet below the European rules of right. Surely It behoves our chief statesmen, of whatever party, to take to heart the awful responsi bility which this state of things devolves upon them ; to weigh well, and with scrupulous attention, every new appointment made, not only in India itself, but in the Indian department at home. Let them be assured that even the humblest of these appointments, If unwisely made, may become directly or indirectly the cause of suffering to unprotected mUUons, which are often too timid for com plaint, or too distant for redress. To these millions let us prove that we have higher objects than additions of territory or accumula- INDIA.] I'ROM THE PEACE OF UTRECHT. 527 tions of wealth. Let us aim at the overthrow of the Idol-temples, not rashly, not through violence and persecution, but by affording means to know the truth, — their overthrow by the hands of their own worshippers, converted and reclaimed. Let us cast aside for ever the base, the miserable fear, lest the Plindoos, as they approach our level of civilization, may become less patient of our sAvay. It is, I trust, reserved for British counsels In the coming age to extend even much further the work auspiciously begun of good government in India, and to give even to the meanest peasant of that land fresh reason to bless God, in the fulness of his heart, that his lot is cast beneath the Great Company, instead of the Rajahs and Sultauns of former days. January 30, 1844. APPENDIX, VOL. II. 2k EXTRACTS THE STUAET PAPEES. EARL MARISCHAL TO JAMES. Val de Avero, June 21, 1740. Sib, , As I ara in the country any news I could send would come a post later than what your Majesty will have from the Duke of Ormond. He has asked leave to retire, and I design to do the sarae when he does, for since he could do nothing it is very sure I cannot j neither can I live in Madrid, not being paid, but at a very considerable expense, and though your Majesty should be pleased to offer rae what might support rae, I should think myself obliged to refuse it, when I knew it would be money ill employed, and that you have more necessary uses for it, I propose, when I leave this country, to go live either in Switzerland or in Venice, both cheap places for a retirement. In Venice, I have no need of any unnecessary equipage, and I shall be nearer to pay ray court from time to time to your Majesty and to the Princes, if, by raisfortune, you should reraain yet some time in Rome, If I could be of any real service to your Majesty with you in iRorae I should solicit that honour and I know you would grant my rerjuest. If I could be of any service as a negotiator in some other place, I would propose it to your Majesty, but I know I cannot, and that it is an employment for which I ara noways fit, unless I could go horae to negotiate, which I cannot. And therefore I hope your Majesty will be so good as to allow me to live quietly wilh a great Plutarch, in the way I wish, until there coraes an occasion for real service, when you shall find rae always ready. I shall expect this indulgence from your Majesty, not for my services, but for my good will to have served you, if I had had the occasion. The oddness of the jiroceedings of Nicholas (the King of Spain) makes an odd notion come into my head, tbat he manages the Court of England in the raanifesto he made public. It is the pride of the people made the King make war. Every Protestant subject of Proby (Britain) has been treated with spite except two in Cadiz, and yet Mr. Keene was treated not only wilh civility at his going, but with kindness. They have shunned to name you. Sir, so much as once ; what they have done might serve, or they might think so, to distress the people, but nothing has been intended against the English Governraent, wbich they know was forced into the war, and which, I ara persuaded, they count on as ready to forward peace as soon as they dare,and therefore raanage that Governraent still. They think the people who occasioned the war will soon grow tired of it ; and therefore en deavour to distress thera by all means, and manage the English Governraent. The King of Spain refused to tbe Duke of Ormond an audience ; all which confirms me in this odd notion of mine. What I say of ray retiring is meant, when not.being paid I cannot stay here: and When I see I can be of no use to your Majesty here. I am, with the most respectful attachraent, &c. MR. THOMAS CARTE TO JAMKS. ^ Indorsed, Reed. April 17, 1741. The lal* atterapt against Sir Eobert "Walpole in the Houses of Lords and Commons in England seems to have been very ill managed and concerted j at least in the latter. It 632 APPENDIX. [1741. was set on foot by the Duke of Argyle and the party of old Whigs, without either con certing measures with tbe Tories, or acquainting tbem with the matter; so tbat when it was moved in the Coramons, Sir John Hinde Cotton and Sir Watkin Williaras were forced to go about the House to solicit their friends to stay the debate, which they were vexed should be brought on without their concurrence : and all they could say could not keep Will Shippen and 23 others of the Tories from leaving the House in a body. All Prince Frederick's servants, and party also, except Lyttleton, Pitt, and GrenviUe, Lord Cobham's nephew, left the House ; so that though there were once above 500 raembers in tbe House, when the question carae to be put, about four in the morning, there were not alxive 400 present. Had all Sir Robert's actual opposers staid, he would not have carried the question by above 50 votes ; but the retiring of so many encouraged others to stay, and eVen vote for hira, who durst not else have done it, Ainong those who so voted were Lord Cornbury, Lord Quarendon, the Earl of Lichfield's son, Mr, Bathurst, son ofthe Lord of that name, and Lord Andover, son to the Earl of Berkshire: though the fathers of the three last voted against Sir Eobert Walpole in the House of Lords; which is an odd circumstance enough, Mr, Sandys raoved for an address to remove Sir Robert frora all his posts, &c, ; his speech was a very good one, and his accusation of Sir Eobert was very strong, clear, and methodical. He was seconded by Lord Limerick : and then Wortley Montagu got up, and moved, that Sir Robert might make his answer to the charge, and withdraw. Precedents were demanded, and searched; but none could be found, in tbe hurry, for the Houses ordering a meraber accused to withdraw whilst his case is debated : another proof of the afiair not being well concerted and considered; for bodies of raen always go by precedents; and there are enough in tbe Journals of an accused raember being ordered to withdraw. This weak attempt to ruin Sir Robert has established him more firmly in the Ministry ; and he was never known to have so great a levee as the next morning; though it is marking him out to the nation ; and ministers once attacked in such a raanner, though the attack be defeated, seldom keep their posts long, by reason of the general odium ; and the Duke of Buckinghara had a worse fate in 1628. Sir Robert, however, is as yet absolute raaster ofthe administration; and as the squabbles and animosities between those left in it last year obstructed all business then, he will take care probably to have it so modelled, now that his raaster is going into Ger many, for bis purpose, that all the power will be in his own hands. I wish he may make a proper use of it. ME. THOMAS CARTE TO JAMES. Paris, May 4, 1743. Upon my arrival in England last year, I found the majority in Parliaraent, wbich had been at first in favour ofthe opposition, turned to the advantage of the Court, by the de fection of some of the chiefs of the old Whigs, who had entered wilh the late Minister into several stipulations ; the three principal of which were, to screen him frora public justice; to keep up a standing army ; andlo support Hanover at the expense of England: and in consideration thereof, one of the offices of Secretary of State, and the two Boards of the Treasury and Adrairalty, were to be at the disposal of Mr. Pulteney and his friends. It was necessary to keep this transaction private, because there was such a spirit at that tirae in Parliaraent, as well as the nation, (all offers of places, of pensions, and of raoney, having been rejected by the meanest and most indigent member of the House of Coraraons,) that, had their raeasures been known, they would, in all appear ances, have been defeated. Thus Sandys, Rushout, and Gybbon were put into the Treasury, at the head of which Lord Wilraington, an old, infirm, quiet, and inactive man, presided, till Mr. Pulteney could take the charge upon hira, who, in the raean tirae, declaimed as much as ever against taking a place himself, and thereby preserved his credit with a great many of his party; though his play was well enough seen into by the heads of tbe Tories, and particularly by Sir John St, Aubin, who was always one of those deputed by this last party to treat with Pulteney, Winchelsea, and other chiefs ofthe old Whigs, and who gave me this account in the middle of March was twelve month, tbe first time I waited upon hira after ray arrival in England, But, to break with them before this was generally known was not thought advisable, so that they found means to carry their point, to screen Sir Robert from punishment, to procure greater supplies than he would have had assurance enough to ask, to keep up a standing army, and to sacrifice England to Hanover. Notwithstanding all'this, your Majesty's cause seems to me to have derived several 1743.] APPENDIX. 53'3 advantages frora that session. Among these I reckon the utter contempt into whioh Prince Frederick is fallen by his conduct at that time, so that nobody for the future will have any recourse to hira, or dependence upon him ; but, in case of discontent, will natu rally look out for redress frora another quarter; and I think the events of that session may naturally enough keep people from ever expecting redress of their grievances in a Parliamentary way, or from any change of a Ministry, or indeed in any way but by your Majesty's restoration. Another advantage was, tbe reraoval of Sir Robert Walpole from all his posts; for whoever succeeds him will hardly succeed to that entire credit he had with his master, by which he kept him from several steps frora which he will scarce be deterred by any other's advice. Another good effect of Sir Robert Walpole's reraoval was, the bringing of the new set of Ministers into power, whose raeasures have done your Majesty so rauch service. There never was a bolder, more blustering and hot-headed Minister than Carteret; and the consequence of all the steps which be inspires will be seen into and felt the first moment, whereas his predecessor proceeded with raore art, and it was sorae tirae after his measures were taken, that the ill consequences thereof were either apprehended or approved. The world sooner forgets an ill action in a man than an imprudent speech; and in whatever method a raan designs to govern, it was certainly no very politic de claration which Carteret raade publicly as soon as be got into power, naraely, that it was impossible to govern England but by corruption; had he said that it was impossible for such men as himself, or for a Whig Ministry, he had been right. JAMES TO CARDINAL TENCIN. Albano, ce 27 Juin, 1743. RiKK n'est plus desirable en general pour raoi, qu'un voyage du Prince, raon fils, en France; raais si vous m^ditez serieuseraent une entreprise sur I'Angleterre, ne serait-il pas plus prudent de differer un tel voyage jusqu'a I'execution du grand projet? Car un telle d-marche fera un grand ^clat, raettra le Gouvernement d'Angleterre sur ses gardes, et I'engagera k mettre tout en ceuvre pour se pr^munir contre une invasion qu'il regardera alors comme certaine et prochaine. J'ai cru devoir vous faire cette reflexion, mais si en attendant vous me mandez que le Eoi de France souhaite que mon fils vient en France, je I'enveri'ai. EAEL JUniSCHAL TO Nov. 4, 1743. Je vous envoie une estampe dont on debite grand nombre parmi le peuple en Angle terre. Le Starve done vient de ce qu'on dit que le pain manquait deux jours parmi les Anglais pendant que les Hanoveriens en avaient abondamment. Bon pour Nicole est une histoire qu'on fait d'un Franfais a Hanovre qui ne pouvait pas trouver dans ce pays du pain mangeable, et en ayant fait apporter du meilleur il dit Bon pour Nicole son cheval, a qui il Ie donna. Toutes ces choses vraies ou fausses font effet sur le peuple. PRINCE CHAELES TO HIS FATHER.* (^Extract.) Paris, Nov. ,30, 1744. The only thing that is good I have to say is, as long as there is life there is hope, that's the proverb S. Littleton (Sir Thomas Sheridan) found Wright (Cardinal Tencin) in extreme bad humour at the proceedings of Adam (King Louis), and his fellow lawyers (rainisters). On le serait a moins. You raay iraagine how I must be out of humour at all these proceedings, wben, for comfort, I ara plagued out of ray life with tracasseries from our own people ; who, as it would seem, would rather sacrifice me and * The MS. letters of Charles, like several others in this work, display gross ignorance of spelling; but to retain all these errors in priiiUng them, could only serve to weary and perplex tne reaaer. 634 APPENDIX. [1745. my affairs than fail in any private view of their own. Dean (Lord John Drummond) is one of those that bas been plaguing me with complaints, but I quieted hira in the best manner I could, saying that whatever is said of our own people, though never so well grounded, was cutting our own throats. PRINCE CHAELES TO HIS FATHEE. CExtract.') Paris, Jan. 3, 1745. If Isham (himself) had not represented that it was impossible for him lo part without paying his debts, or sorae of thera, I believe he would have got little or nothing. Now that he has got at least soraething, he intends to part to his imprisonment,* where I be lieve he will have ful! occasion to have the spleen, by seeing no appearance of real business, and being entirely out of the way of company, and diversions that accompany any great town; but all this Isham (the Prince) does not regret in the least, as long as lie thinks it of service for our great lawsuit: he would put himself in a tub, like Dio genes, if necessary ! PEINCE CHARLES TO HIS FATHER. Paris, February 28, 1745. Sm, I HAVE received yours of the 1st and 7th current. As I have been so much hurried between balls and business, I shall refer to my next. It would be a great comfort to me to have real business on ray hands, but I see little of that at present, as I shall ex plain in another. It is soraething surprising to me not to have heard from Lumley (Lord Sempill) this two weeks; and even he owes me an answer to one of raine of that standing; but I easily conceive tbe reason on't, which is, that after making such a noise of his being able to do a great deal, he does nothing, or he does not care to let me in the confidence of his managements, which, I believe, has happened before now to raore than he, for I see here every body thinks himself to be the wisest man in the world! I lay rayself at your Majesty's feet, &c. Charles P. PEINCE CHAELES TO HIS FATHER. Paris, March!, 1745. I have read and considered the Duke of Perth's message, which is, in tbe first place, to buy, if Jenkins (the Prince) can possibly, some broad-swords unmounted, for they do that in their own way, . , . He says, that he knew a place where there was a con siderable sura of raoney that he could lay hold on when he pleased, but that not to be atterapted till the happy tirae of action coraes. It is a thing alisolutely necessary, though I have little hopes myself of anything being soon to be done anywhere for the cause, to make our friends think otherwise for to keep them in spirits, and not let them be cast down; for which reason the only thing that was in Howell's (the Prince's) power, Jen kins (the Prince) thought should not be let slip for that end, at any cost whatsoever : for which I took upon me to borrow forty thousand livres frora young Waters, for to be able to dispatch the raessenger back, and buying of broad-swords, which is the only comfort the Prince can give them at present : rather than to have wanted this sum, Isliam (the Prince) would have pawned his shirt. It is but for such uses that the Prince shall ever trouble Trig (tbe King) with asking for raoney; it will never be for plate or fine clothes, but for arms and ammunition, or other things that tend to what I am come about to this country, I theretore wish that Hammer (the King) would pawn all Isham's (the Prince's) jewels, for on this side the water Howell (the Prince) would wear them with a very * He retired for some weeks to Fitz-James, the former seat of the Duke of Berwick, near Cler mont de I'Oise, 1746.] APPENDIX. 535 sore heart, thinking that there might be made a better use of them, so that, in an urgent necessity, Howell (the Prince) may have a sum which he can make use of for the cause; for the Prince sees almost everything at the French Court sticks at the money, as it did in this last enterprise, which was when the Prince insisted for an expedition in Scotland at the same tirae witli England, They answered, they would give rae troops, but had not or would not give money or arms: for which reason the having such a sum at command, would be of great use : but, at tbe same time, the Court of France must not suspect in the least that I have such a sum ; for perhaps they may give it now, though they would not tlien. PEINCE CHARLES TO HIS FATHEE. Paris, April 19, 1745. SiK, I HAVE received yours of the 30tb March, at my arrival here, where I intend to pass the week, for to see a firework and a ball masque, given by the Spanish ambassador. I thank your Majesty for being so good as to order the payment of the 40,000 livres, whioh I took upon rae to borrow, and ara very sensible at the goodness you have to speak your mind so freely to me, which I am sure is a great relief to rae. My want of experience is what I too much know, and would fain get as soon as possible, for to be able to serve you and our country raore effectually, and to purpose, which is all that I ara put in this world for, I really thought rayself very sure of not erring when I took up this raoney, but finding I mistook, I shall be more rigorous and reserved in doing anything that is my own thought or opinion for the future. It would be endless for me to write, or for you to read, if I was to enter in the detail of all the little malice and odd doings of Lum ley (Lord Sempill), Maloch (Bohaldie), and some others; it is also very disagreeable to me the writing of such things, I shall only say at present, as to these matters, this, to conjure you to be on your guard from Kerry (Bohaldie), and Morrice (Lord Sempill), for really I cannot believe a word they say after tbe lies they told me, particularly that of the paper, which cannot be raore deraonstration. I think to discharge ray conscience in saying this, being very sure of it. At the sarae tirae I recoraraend to you not in the least to seera to be knowing of this malice, for with their Regiros, if disgusted , they would certainly do a great deal of harra, to which there is no help. Both Morgan (Mr. O'Brien), and Lumley (Lord Serapill), are doing all their endeavours for my raaking campaign, but I have too much reason to be afraid they won't succeed, wbich I own will be very mortifying and cruel. It is very extraordinary Malocb's and Luraley's complaining I would not see them, which is not so, for I have on several occasions said to them, over and over, that they were always welcome wherever I was, but it is certain that they both never say to me anything to the purpose; I believe, because that they have nothing to say, which makes thera both avoid seeing and writing to rae as much as possible. You see by this what they are, and that their heads are filled with nothing but malice and spite. Sir Hector has lost his proie, for which he is not a little angiy, as you may believe, against Lord John, which makes me apprehensive it should end in a chaUenge. I am doing all I can to hinder it, in which I hope to succeed ; at least it won't be want of my pains, whicli I take in this case to be charity for them both ; though as to Lord John, I can't say what he deserves, after such a proceeding. I lay myself at your Ma jesty's feet, most humbly asking blessing. Your raost dutiful son, Chakles p. PEINCE CHAELES TO HIS FATHEE. Navarre, June 7, 1745. Sie, I HAVE received yours of the 18th May, there being in it also a note in your own ^ hand. I cannot be too sensible at so much goodness you express towards me. If your Majesty was in this country, I flatter myself you would be surprised to see with your own eyes how I blind several, and impose upon them at the same time they think to do it to me. If I was not able to do this, things here would go at a flne rate, considermg What malice there is iu this world, and very often only for mischief-sake alone, doing 536 appendix. [1745. hurt at the same time to thetjiselves. I have nothing more to say at present, but to lay myself most humbly at your Majesty's feet, raost humbly asking blessing, and remaining Your most dutiful son, Chahles p. PRINCE CHAELES TO HIS FATHEE. Navarre, June 12, 1745, Sih, I BELIEVE yonr Majesty little expected a courier at this time, and rauch less from me; to tell you a thing that will be a great surprise to you, I have been, above six months ago, invited by our friends to go to Scotland, and to carry what money and arms I could conveniently get ; this being, they are fully persuaded, the only way of restoring you to the Crown, and them to their liberties, After such scandalous usage as I have received from the French Court, had [ not given my word to do so, or got so many encouragements from tirae to tirae as I have had, I should have been obliged, in honour and for my own reputation, to have flung myself into the arras of ray friends, and die with thera, rather than live longer in such a mise rable way here, or be obliged to return to Rome, which would be just giving up all hopes. I cannot but raention a parable here, which is: a horse that is to be sold, if spurred does not skip, or show sorae sign of life, nobody would care to have bim even for nothing ; just so my friends would care very little to have me, if, after such usage, whieh all the world is sensible of, I should not show that I have life in me. Your Ma jesty cannot disapprove a son's following the exaraple of his father. You yourself did the like in the year 15 ; but the circumstances are now indeed very different, by being much more encouraging, there being a certainly of succeeding with the least help; the particulars of which would be too long to explain, and even impossible to convince you of by writing, which has been the reason that I have presumed to take upon me the managing all this, without even letting you suspect there was any such thing a brewing, for fear of my not being able to explain, and show you demonstratively how matters stood — which is not possible to be done by writing, or even without being upon the place and seeing things witb your own eyes ; and had I failed to convince you, I was then afraid you might have thought what I had a mind to do, to be rash; and so haVe absolutely forbid ray proceedings. .......... I have tried all possible raeans and stratagems to get access to the King of France, or his Minister, without the least effect, nor could I even get Littleton (Sir Thomas Sheri dan) an audience, wbo I was sure would say neither more nor less than what I desired, and would faithfully report their answer. As for Wright (the Cardinal), he is not much trusted or well looked upon by Adam (the King of France), who is timorous, and has not resolution enough to displace hira. Now I have been obliged to steal oS, without letting the King of France so much as suspect it, for which I make a proper excuse in my letter to bim ; by saying it was a great raortiflcation to rae never to have been able to speak and open my heart to him ; that this thing was of such a nature that it could not be communicated by any of the ministers or by writing, but to hiraself alone — in whom, after God Almighty, my resting lies, and that the least help would make ray affair infaUible. If I had let the French Court know this beforehand, it might have had all these bad effects : — 1st, It is possible they raight have stopped me, having a mind to keep measures with the Elector, and then, to cover it over, they would have made a merit of it to you, by saying they had hindered me from doing a wild and desperate thing: 2dly, My being invited by my friends would not be believed; or at least would have made little or no impression on tlie French Court. ........ I have sent Stafford to Spain, and appointed Sir Thoraas Geraldine to deraand succours in ray narae, to coraplete the work, to whom I sent letters for the King and Queen, written in the most engaging terms, to the sarae purpose. Let what will happen, the stroke is struck, and I have taken a firra resolution to conquer or to die, and stand my ground as long as I shall have a man remaining with me. I think it of the greatest iraportance your Majesty should come as soon as possible to Avignon, but take the liberty to advise that you would not ask leave of the French Court; for if I be not iramediately succoured, they will certainly refuse you. ........... Whatever happens unfortunate to me cannot but be the strongest engagements to the French Court to pursue your cause. Now if I were sure they were capable of any sen sation of this kind, if I did not succeed, I would perish, as Ciurtius did, to save my country. 1745:] APPENDIX. 537 ¦and make it happy; it being an indispensable duty on me, as far as lies in my power. Your Majesty may now see ray reason for pressing so rauch to pawn ray jewels, which I should be glad to have done immediately ; for I never intend to come back, and money, next to troops, will be of the greatest help to me. I owe to old Waters about 60,000 livres, and to the young one above 120,000 livres. I and Sir Thomas will write more fully to Edgar about these raatters, both as to the sum I carry with rae and arras, as also how I go. I write this from Navarre, but it won't be sent off till I am on shipboard. If I can possibly, I will write a note and send it from thenoe at the sarae tirae. I have wrote to Lord Marischal, telling hira to corae immediately, and giving him a credential to treat with the Minister for succours. To tbe Duke of Ormond I have writ a civil letter, showing a 'desire of his coraing here iraraedlately, but at tbe same tirae leaving it to his discretion so to do I should think it proper (if your Majesty pleases), to be put at his Holiness's feet, asking his blessing on this occasion ; but what I chiefly ask is, your own, which I hope will procure rae that of God Alraighty upon ray endeavours to serve you, my family, and my country ; which will ever be the only view of Your Majesty's most dutiful son, Charles P. PEINCE CHARLES TO HIS FATHEE. [Second Letter,] Navarre, June 12, 1745. Sra, I MADE my devotions on Pentecost day, recommending myself particularly to the Almighty on this occasion to guide and direct me, and to continue to me always the same sentiments, which are, rather to suffer anything than fail in any of my duties. I write to you this apart, for to entreat your Majesty, in the most earnest raanner, to desire Gr6vill(the King) for God's sake not to give to Howell (himself) what he designed, that is a secret; for it would be of the greatest hurt to his farm. Let not his engagement with a certain person be any hindrance, for circurastances are changed, by which, if there was any question of that, one can find ways to come off on't. I must repeat this, that Greviile and his family is ruined if he does that thing. Grevill thinks this is an absolute secret ; but he is mistaken, for I have heard it frora several people, to whom I flatly denied it, and said I was very sure it was not true, to which every one of these said, God be praised; for if it were so, both father and son would be undone. Sovereigns upon the throne can do such things ; and even then it is not advisable : but a private man ruins himself and his faraily in doing on't, especially one that has great many eneraies. I lay myself again inost hurably at your Majesty's feet ; and remain your raost dutiful son, Charles P. PEINCE CHAELES TO MR. EDGAR. Navarre, June 12, 1745. I HEBE enclose you the King's and Duke's letters ; one for Lord Dunbar, and another for B. Tencin. If the bearer be one Pleve, I know him to be very honest, and a good servant. Macdonald is his raaster, whora I carry with me ; so the servant deserves to he taken care of. Having writ a long letter to the King, lohose to refer some particulars to be added to yours, which are these: — I owe old Waters about 60,000 livres, part of which went to the payment of ray debts last winter, which the Frenoh Court did not ¦think fit to coraplete. Young Waters has advanced me 120,000 livres, and promised to •pay several other things whioh I have referred to hira. It will be absolutely necessary to remit these two suras iramediately; and young Waters desires that his raoney may be sent by Belloni directly to hiraself, without letting the old raan know he raade any such advance; and whatever other money may be remitted for ray use, the best way will be to send it to the young one — for the other, I believe, will be glad to be eased of tbat trouble. All this money I have employed in ray present undertaking, having bought flfteen hundred fusees, eighteen hundred broad-swords mounted, a good quantity of ¦ powder, ball, flints, dirks, brandy, &c., and sorae hundred more of fusees and broad swords, of whioh I cannot at present tell the exact number. I have also got twenty small 538 APPENDIX. [1745. field-pieces, two of which a mule may carry; and my cassette will be near four thousand louis-d'ors: all of these things will go in the frigate which carries myself She has twenty odd guns, and is an excellent sailer ; and will be escorted by one, and perhaps two raen-of-war, of about seventy guns each. It will appear strange to you how I should get these things without the knowledge of tbe French Court. I eraployed one Rutledge and one Walsh, who are subjects. The flrst got a grant of a man-of-war to cruise on the coast of Scotland, and is, luckily, obhged to go as far north as I do, so that she will escort me without appearing to do it. Walsh understands his business perfectly well, and is an excellent seaman. He has offered to go with me himself, the vessel being his own that I go on board of. He has also a manof-war that will likewise go with me, if she can be got ready in time, and a frigate of forty-four guns, which he took lately from the English, and is manning, to be sent out with all expedition. He lives at Nantes ; and I expect a courier every moment from hira with an account that all is ready; and then I raust lose no time to get there, and go directly on board. If there be no danger of being stopped or discovered, I shall write from thence. Adieu, friend, I hope it will not be long before you hear corafortable news. In the meantirae, be assured of my con stant friendship. Charles P. P, S, — I send you here also, enclosed, an authentic copy of what is to be printed and dispersed at ray landing. I have forgot also to mention, that I intend to land at or about the Isle of Mull. 1 enclose>youhere also five letters, and one open, to yourself; all from Sir Thomas. PRINCE CHAELES TO HIS FATHEE. Navarre, June 20, 1745. Sir, I HAVE just received yours of the 24th May. I do not at all doubt but that Canilliae's tongue would go post at the news of the battle in Flanders, as he will also do for this new victory gained by the King of Prussia. I ara, thank God, in perfect good health; but the time seeras very long to rije for to raake use of it to the purpose. I have nothing in the world new. I suppose Morgan (Mr. O'Brien) and Morrice (Lord Serapill) write distinctly what they have to say. As for the latter, it is long since 1 have quite given up believing in the least anything he says, whioh makes me never mention him. I lay myself at your Majesty's feet, most humbly asking blessing. Your most dutiful son, Charles P. P. S. — As I flnished this, I received yours of the 1st, and am heartily sorry for poor General Macdonald's death. I shall not fail to be attentive to what you mention in your little note. PEINCE CHAELES TO HIS FATHEE. St. Nazaire, at tlie Mouth ofthe Loire, July 2, 1745. Sir, The contrary winds that have been blowing hitherto, have deferred my erabarking, which will be this afternoon, at seven, for to go to the rendezvous of the man-of-war of 67 guns, and 700 men aboard, as also a company of sixty volunteers, all gentlemen, whom I shall probably get to land with me, I raean to stay; which, though few, will make a show, they having a pretty uniforra. The number of arms are just as I mentioned in my last of the 12th, that goes with this, except tbe augmentation I was in hopes of is of a hundred or two less than I expected, which is no odds. I keep this open, and do not send it until I ara fairly set off from Belle Isle — id est, the rendezvous — so that I may add a note to it, if being seasick does. not hinder; if it does. Sir Thomas will supply in raen tioning what raore raay occur. It is a raortiflcation to rae to want so raany of your packets which are lying at Paris, because of the daily expectation of parting. We have nothing to do now but to hope in the Almighty favoring us and recompensing our troubles; which, as you may see bythe nature ofthe thing, were not small. I hope in God my next will 1745.] APPENDIX. 539 bring comfortable news. In the mean time I remain, laying myself at your Majesty'i feet, most humbly asking your blessing, • Your most dutiful son, Charles P. PEINCE CHAELES TO SIE EDGAR. St. Nazaire, July 2, 1745, This being the last note I shall write this side ofthe seas, I would not fail to give you adieu in it, making ray corapliraents to Lord Dunbar, and to as raany of ray friends as you shall think convenient and proper. I enclose herewith letters for the King and Duke. I hope in God we shall soon meet, which I ara resolved shall not be but at horae. In the mean time I remain, &c. Charles P. P. S.— Belle Isle d la Rade, the 12th July. — After having waited a week here, not without a little anxiety, we have at last got the escort I expected, which is just now arrived, id est, a ship of 68 guns, and 700 men aboard. I ara, thank God, in perfect good health, but have been a little sea-sick, and expect to be more so ; but it does not keep me much a-bed, for I flnd the more I struggle against it tlie better. PEINCE CHAELES TO HIS FATHEE. Abord du Vaisseau le Du Bellier, d V Anare dans la Baie de Longhaylort, le2Aout, V.S. 1745. Sire, J'ai reju des services si importans de M. Antoine Walsh, qu'il n'y a rien que je ne rae croie oblige de faire pour lui en temoigner mon agrement. Ainsi je lui ai prorais d'era- ployer tout mon credit aupres de Votre Majeste pour lui obtenir le titre de Comte d'Irelande. ll est issu d'une fort bonne faraille, tres en etat de soutenir la dignity de ce nouveau titre, etn'a pas besoin d'autre chose. C'est la premiere grace que je vous demande depuis mon arrivee dans ce pays. J'espere bien que ce ne sera pas la derniere, mais en tout cas, je vous supplie de me I'accorder. Je la regarderai comme une obhgation particuliere, ao- cordee a votre tres-obeissant flis, Charles P. PEINCE CHAELES TO HIS FATHER. Longhaylort, August i, 0. S., 1745. Sir, I AM, thank God, arrived here in perfect good health, but not with little trouble and danger, as you will hear by the bearer, who has been along with me all along, that raakes it useless for me to give any accounts and particulars on tbat head. I ara joined here by brave people, as I expected. As I have not yet set up the Standard, I cannot tell the namber,but that will be in a few days, as soon as the arms are distributed ; at which we are working with all speed. I have not as yet got the return of the raessage sent to the Lowlands, but expect it very soon. If they all join, or at least all those to whom I have sent commissions, at request, every thing will goon to a wish. Sir Hector's* beingtaken up, is of no other consequence but of perhaps frightening some few ; for tbey can make nothing of bim, nor of some papers thatwere found in his room, which he denies having any knowledge of. The coraraissions, along with the declaration, are arrived safe, and in a proper hand. The ,worst that can happen to me, if France does not succour rae, is to die at the head of such brave people as I flnd here, if I should not be able to raake ray way; and that I have proraised to them, as you know to have been ray resolution, before parting. The French Court must now necessarily take off the mask, or have an eternal * Sir Hector Maclean. 540 APPENDIX. [1745. shame on thera; for at present there is no raedium, and we, whatever happens, shall gain an iraraortal honour by doing what we can to deliver our country, in restoring our master, or perish witb sword in hand. Your Majesty raay easily conceive the anxiety I a(n in to hear frora you. Having nothing more particular at present to add (not being able to keep the ship longer, for fear of men-of-war stopping her passage entirely), I shall end, laying myself with all respect and duty at your Majesty's feet, most humbly asking a blessing. Your most dutiful son, Charles P. PEINCE CHAELES TO MORAY OF ABEECAIENET. Kinlochiel, August 22, 1745. This is to let you know that I have set up tbe Royal Standard, and expect the assist ance of all my friends, I want money in particular ; and as I depend upon what I know you have promised rae, I desire you would pay it immediately into the hands of Arn- prior, or send it by a sure hand to whatever place I shall be in. You raust not doubt rae but that 1 shall be always ready to acknowledge this and al! other services, and to give you proportionable marks of my favour and friendship.' Charles P. R. PRINCE CHAELES'S INSTETJCTIONS TO MR. HICKSON. September 22, 1745. Yov are hereby authorised and directed to repair forthwith to England, and there notify to my friends, and particularly those in th^ north and north-west, the wonderful success with which it has hitherto pleased God to favour my endeavours for their de liverance. You are to let them know, that it is rr)y full intention, in a few. days, to move towards tbem, and that they will be inexcusable before God and raan, if they do not all in theit power to assist and support me in such an undertaking. What I demand and expect is, that as many of them as can shall be ready to join me, and that they should take care to provide provisions and money, tbat the country may suffer as little as possible by the march of my troops. Let them know tbat there is no time for delibe ration, — now or never is the word : I am resolved to conquer or perish. If this last should happen, let them judge what they and their posterity have to expeotf C. P. R. PEINCE CHAELES TO HIS FATHER. Edinburgh, Od. 7, 0. S., 1745, It is irapossible for me to give you a distinct journal of my proceedings, because of my being so much hurried with business, which allows me no time ; but notwithstanding, I cannot let slip this occasion of giving a short account of the battle of Gladsmuir, fought on the 21st of September, which was one of the most surprising actions that ever was. We gained a coraplete victory over General Cope, who comraanded 3,000 foot, and two regiments of the best dragoons in the island, he being advantageously posted, with also batteries of cannon and mortars, we having neither horse or artillery with us, and being to attack thera in their post, and obliged to pass before their noses in a defile and bog. Only our first line had occasion to engage; for actually, in five minutes the field was cleared ofthe eneraies; all tbe foot killed, wounded, or taken prisoners ; and of the horse only 200 escaped, like rabbits, one by one. On our side we only lost » hundred men, between killed and wounded; and the army afterwards had a fine plunder. * This letter is printed in the Jacobite Memoirs, p. 24, Several others, to the same purport, were written on that day, t Mr, Hickson proceeded as far as Newcastle, but was there arrested and put into prison, and these instructions found upon him. — (See Culloden Papers, p, 226,) 1745.] APPENDIX. 541 PEINCE CHARLES TO HIS FATHEE. Edinburgh, Oct. 15, 0, S,, 1745. Sm, I HATE at last had the corafort of receiving letters from you, the latest of which is of tbe 7th Sept. N, S. I ara confounded and penetrated with so ranch goodness and ten derness your Majesty expresses to me in all your letters. It is a grief to me that my keeping Strickland has given you one moment's concern, but I shall send bim away in all haste. I hope your JIajesty is persuaded that this fault, or any others I may have committed, is no want of tlie respect and submission which you «ill ahiays find in me, I remark your letter to the King of France, in \vhicb you do rae more honour than I de serve. I wish to God I may find my brother landed in England by the time I enter it, wbich will be in about ten days; having then witb me neat 8000 men, and 300 horse at least, with which, as matters stand, I shall have one decisive stroke for it, but if the French land, perhaps none, I cannot enlarge on this subject as on many others, for want of time, because of sucb a multiplicity of things which hourly occur for the service ofthe affair, Adara (King Louis) has sent me a gentleman (who brought rae your let ters) to stay with me, for to give notice of anything that I may want, which, as he says, will be done immediately; accordingly I ara sending off iqiraediately three or four ex presses, all to the sarae purpose, so that some one may arrive. What is said is very short, pressing to have succour in all baste, by a landing in England ; for tbat, as matters stand, I must either conquer or perish in a Uttle while. Thank God, I am in perfect good health, but longing much for tbe happy day of meeting. In the mean tirae, I remain, &c., Charles P. The ship being just ready to go off, I have only time to enclose here a scrawl of the accouut of tiie battle, which I m a hurry writ some days ago. PEINCE CHAELES TO HIS FATHEE. Edinburgh, Oct. 22, 0. S., 1745. Sir, I HAVE charged Sir James Stewart to carry this as far as Paris, and to forward it ira mediately by a courier to your Majesty ; as also to write you a distinct account of the situation of affairs. He is an understanding capable raan, and can be depended on, which has made me choose hira to send to the French Court with proper corapliraents to the French King, and to hasten thera for succours, I hope your Majesty will be satis fied with his proceedings. As I have nothing particular to add, but what he can say, makes it needless for me to say any more at present, I ara, thank God, in perfect good health, but still in the usual anxiety for want of letters, to which there is no help but patience. I lay rayself at your Majesty's feet, most humbly asking blessing ; and remain ing, with tiie profoundest respect, Y'our most dutiful son, Charles P. P. S,— As I writ to you in my last, I shall not fail to get rid of Strickland as soon as possible. Your Majesty, I hope, will forgive this scrawl, not having time to write it over, being so much hurried with business. THE FRENCH ENVOY TO THE DUKE OP PERTH. [From tlie Duke of Perth's Papers taken in the Retreat.] A Carlisle, ce Dimanche (Nov. 1745). Milord Due, , , . -, i- . ^ On vient d'oter k mes gens un pauvre lit qu'ils avaient k trois; de sorte quil taut que je les couche dans le mien; ou que je les envoi passer la nuit d la rue, vu le beau temps qu'il fait! Enfin, milord Due, que ceux qui sont charges du d(5lail des logemens prennent 542 APPENDIX. [1745, des mesures pour m'^pargner la n&essite de prendre un parti qui me raettra dans Ie cas de n'avoir plus a rae plaindre apres m'etre plaint si souvent et si inutileraent. Vous dtes bon et avis^; vous avez raille bontes pour moi; au nom de Dieu faites que les choses soient en regie une bonne fois, et qu'enfin raes gens aient k se couoher ce soir. Je suis, avec respect, &c. &o. Botes. PROCLAMATION, TO THE INHABITANTS OP MANCHESTER. [See Chambers's History, vol. i. p. 271,] Manchester, Nov. 30, 1745. His Eoyal Highness being informed that several bridges had been pulled down in this county, he has given orders to repair them forthwith, particularly that at Crossford, which is to be done this night by his own troops, though his Royal Highness does not propose to make use of it for his own army, but believes it will be of service to the country ; and if any forces tiiat were with General Wade be coraing this road, they may have the beneflt of it ! C, P. R. PRINCE CHARLES TO ONE OF HIS OFFICERS. Js vous ordonne d'executer mes ordres ou de ne plus retournei. THE PRETENDER TO PRINCE CHAELES. Albano, June 6, 1746. God knows where or when this will find you, my dearest Carluccio, but still I cannot but write to you in the great anxiety and pain 1 am in for you, frora what the public news raentions from Scotland. I know nothing else; and I doubt not but those accounts are exaggerated, considering frora whence they come. But still it is but too plain to see that affairs with you don't go as I could wish. I ara, though, still in hopes you may be able to keep your ground in Scotland till you can have assistance from France : but if you really cannot raaintain yourself in Scotland, do not, for God's sake, drive things too far; but think of your own safety, on whicli so rauch depends. Thougli your enterprise should miscarry, the honour you have gained by it will always stick by you; it will make you be respected, and considered abroad, and will, I think I may answer for it, always engage the French to protect and assist you, and to renew in time another pro ject in your favour; so that you should really have no teraptation to pursue rash or des perate measures at this time, for should you do so, it would be the ruin of all, and even a drawback from the honour you have already gained. In fine, my dear child, never separate prudence and courage. Providence bas wonderfully assisted you hitherto, and will not abandon you for the time to corae. This I firraly hope, while I shall not cease to beseech God to bless and direct you. Adieu, my dearest child, I tenderly embrace you, and am all yours. Once more, God bless you, and protect you. » James B. "a JOURNAL OF THE PRINCE' S TEANSACTlONS SINCE THE BATTLE OF CUL LODEN TO THIS DAY, AS TAKEN FROM HIS O'WN MOUTH." This narrative is short and summary. The following is an account of Charles's dis guise and assistance from Flora Macdonald : — ¦ The Prince finding, as was proposed, that the best method was to disguise himself in 1T46.] APPENDIX. 543 ¦\(roman's clothes, wiih a young lady that had a protection, he took his party to do so. The very night before he was to go off, landed General Campbell within a raile or two of liim, whioh obliged the Prince to go a couple of railes southward to avoid the pressing danger, and wait the gloaming of the evening to get away ; and for his comfort he had the men-of-war cruising before hira, who luckily, towards night-fall, sailed off, which gave him the opportunity of making for Mungaster in Skye, Lady Margaret Macdonald's house. 12th July. The Prince left Mr. O'Neal at Benbecula, as also his own arras, as the young lady refused to go if he or any other should carry any ; but he insisted he might safely carry his pistols under the petticoats, as in case of search all would be discovered : but he could not prevail. In the way to Mungaster, before mid-day, as he was crossing a point, a guard of the MacLeods challenged the boat; but he not minding to answer, they fired on tbe boat. As soon as he landed, the young lady went to Lady Margaret's, and the Prince, at some distance, to wait a friend ; and that evening he walked eight railes to a gentleraan 'a house, where he was to raeet tiie young lady again; but being unused to petticoats, he held them, in walking, up so high that sorae coramon people remarked an awkwardness in wearing them, which being told, he was obliged to change his habit again next day; and went, being advised that Rasay was the best place to go to. He walked that evening eight miles, it pouring rain all the while, to get to the shore at ; there, being in men's clothes, he parted with the young lady, and embarked in a little boat for Rasay; being told the enemy was still on the main land. (Another Extract.) July 19. The Prince arrived at the raain land in Glengary Morar, or North Morar, at thc point of Loch Nevis, and having waited there three days to have intelligence, but to no effect, he resolved tbe eleventh day to try what intelligence be could get, and to cross a Loch within a raile of Scotus-house — (Nota Bene: all tbat tirae that he wailed, he was exposed to wind and weather, and was excessively straightened for any kind of provision — ) which he executed ; and just as he crossed a little point entering the Loch, he stumbles on a boat of tbe eneray's, which was hidden in the Loch, when those who were ashore ran to their boats, which startled them a little; but the Prince, having along wilh him Mackinnon (and three Camerons) consulted with him what best to do; and he saying, that there was no possibility to avoid them, the best method was to put on a bold face, and raake up to them, which accordingly was done — and proved to effect; for, as luck would have it, they happened to be only flve, and so only ques tioned them, and let thera go on ; but, upon reflection, after we had passed thera and gone down the Loch, fearing tiiat raore of them might have been at hand, and joining the others, might corae up to them, he thought proper to stop and to clirab up to tbe top ofa very high bill, the south side of the Loch — which he did very quickly; but, being there, he observed the boat steering off to that part of Skye, called Slate, which raade him go down to the place whence he had gone ; and afterwards went to Morar, But his house being in his way to Borrodale — wbich was no sraall fatigue, bding obliged to inarch the whole night — be raet there with Angus of Borrodale; and skulked with him in a cave near the side of Lochnonona, for eight or ten days. PRINCE CHAELES TO HIS BEOTHEE. Morlaix, October 10, N. S., 1746, Dear Brother, As I am certain of your great concern for me, I cannot express the joy I have, on your accouut, of my safe arrival in this country. I send here enclosed two lines to ray master,'' just to show him I am alive and safe, being fatigued not a little, as you raay imagine. It is my opinion you should write immediately to the Frenoh King, giving bim notice of my safe arrival, and at the same tirae excusing my not writing to him myself imraediately, being so much fatigued, nnd hoping soon to have the pleasure of seeing hira. I leaye to your prudence the wording of this letter, and would be glad no tirae should be lost in writing and despatching it, as also that you should consult nobody without exception upon it, but Sir John Graham and Sir Thomas (Sheridan), the reasons of which I will tell you on meeting. It is an absolute necessity I must see the French King as soon as possible, for to bring tilings to a right head. Warren, the bearer, will instruct * His father. 544 APPENDIX. [1746. you of the way I would wish you should meet me at Paris. I embrace you with all my heart, and remain Your most loving brother, Charles P. PEINCE HENRY TO HIS FATHEE. Clichy, October 17, 1746. The very morning after I writ you ray last, I had the happiness of meeting with my dearest brother. He did not know me at first sight, but I am sure I knew him very well, for he is not in tbe least altered since I saw him, except grown somewhat broader and fatter, which is incomprehensible after all the fatigues he bas endured. Your Ma jesty may conceive better than I can express in writing the tenderness of our flrst meeting. Those that were present said they never saw the like in their lives ; and, indeed, I defy the whole world to show another brother so kind and loving as he is to me. For my part, I can safely say tbat all my endeavours tend to no other end but that of deserving so rauch goodness as he has for rae. . . . The Prince sees and will scarce see any body but myself for a few days, that he may have a little time to rest before he is plagued by all the world, as to be sure he will, wben once be sees company. I go every day to dine with him. Yesterday I brought hira privately to see my house; and I perceive he has as rauch gout for the chase as ever he had. Most humbly asking your Majesty's blessing, I remain Your most dutiful son, Hekrt. PEINCE CHAELES TO THE KING OF FEANCE. Fontainebleau, ce 22 Octobre, 1746. MoNsiEtm MoiT Frere et Cofsiit, Je prends la liberty d'ecrire a votre Majeste pour lui dire la raison que je ne parlais pas de mes affaires hier au soir ; c'est parceque mon frere ^tait present, et qu'en mSrae temps je voudrais 6viter de lui donner aucune jalousie, cAnme je I'airae tendrement. Oserais-je supplier V. M,, comme sa prudence est au nombre de ses grandes quaUti5s, d'avoir la bont6 la premiere fois qu'Elle voudrait que je lui parle d'affaires qu'EIle soit en particulier et de faure en sorte eviter cet inconvenient Ik. Je suis, &c. Charles P. MEMOIR TO THE KING OF FEANCE BY PEINCE CHAELES. Xe 10 Novembre, 1746. La situation dans laquelle j'ai Iaiss6 I'Ecosse, k mon depart, m&ite toute I'attention de votre Majeste; ce royaume est k la veille de se voir aneantir, et le gouverneraent d'Angleterre est resolu de confondre les sujets qui lui sont restes fideles, avec ceux qui ont pris les arraes pour moi ; d'oii il est aise de conclure que le m^contentement de cette nation est g^n^ral, et que j'y trouverais aujourd'hui trois partisans pour un que j'y ai trouv6 en d^barquant. Ce serait troraper votre Majesty que de la flatter que je pourrais enooie soulever- I'Ecosse, si Ie Parlement a le teraps cet hiver d'y mettre les lois p6nales en ex&ution. "Voire Majest6 devrait alors renoncer pour jamais au secours d'une revolution dans ce pays la, et moi je n'aurais de ressource que dans les coeurs des sujets de mon pere, quand il plaira k la Providence de les rappeller. Le nombre de sujets aguerris ne m'a jaraais manqu^ en Eoosse. J'ai manqu6 tout k la fois, d'argent, de vivres, et d'une poign^e de troupes r^gulieres. Avec un seul de ces trois secours je serais encore aujourd'hui maftre de I'Ecosse, et vraisemblablement de toute I'Angleterre. Avec trois mille hommes de troupes r^gulieres j'aurais Tpkaitti en Angleterre imra^di- 1746.] APPENDIX. 545 atement apr^s avoir defait le sieur Cope; et rien ne s'opposait ators a mon arrivee a tondre^ puisque I'Electeur etait absent, et que les troupes Aiiglaises n'avaient pas en core repass^, Avec des vivres, j'nurais ete en etat depoursuivre le General Hawley apres la bataille de Falkirk, et de di^truire toute son arm6e, qui etait la fleur des troupes Anglaises. Si j'eusse re^u pimot la moitie seulement de I'argent que -votfe Majeste m'a envoy^, j'aurais combattu le Due de Cumberland avec un nombre egal, et je I'aurais surement battu, puisque avec quatre mille hommes contre douze, j'ai longtemps fait pencher la victoire, et que douae cent Iwmmes de troupes reglees I'auraient d&idee en ma faveur, au vu et au su de loute mon arniee. Ces contretemps peuvent encore se rijparer si votre Majeste veut me confier un corps de dix-huitou vingt raille hommes, C'est dans son sein seul que je deposerai I'usage que j'en veux faire : je I'emploierai utilement pour ses iu- ter^ts et pour les miens. Ces intereis sont inseparables, et doivent etre regardes comrae tels par tous ceux qui ont I'honneur d'approcher de votre Majeste, et qui ont sa gloire et llavantage -de son royaume st cosur. Charles P. R. I»EINCE CHAELES TO HIS FATHER, Paris, December 19, 1746. Sia, 1 HAVE received yours of the 28th, and have read it with tears in my eyes, not so much for the loss of my old acquaintance,* as for the «o many expressions of your Majesty's goodness to m^ which I shall always be at pains to deserve, by doing what I can to serve and obey you. It is my duty to .say and represent to your Majesty what I in my conscience think, as to some people; afler which it is for you to judge, and I to obey what commands you think fit to give me. I cannol, without a new cipher (as I took the liberty already to say), put your Majesty into tlie light of several things, which, when 1 shall be able to do, I flatter myself you will approve of my proceedings; which I am very sensible at present raust appear odd to you. It is ray humble opinion it would be very wrong in me to disgrace G, K..,X unless your Majesty positively ordered me to do it. I must do him the justice to assure you I was surprised to find your Majesty have a bad opinion of hira; and hitherto I have had no reason to be dissatisfied with him, for this was the first I heard of his honesty and probity to be in question, I shall take the liberty to represent, that if what he has been accused of to you, be wrote from hence, there is all reason to beUeve, id est, in my weak way of thinking, that such that have writ so to you mistake, because of my never having heard any body accuse bim to me here of such things, and my having declared tbat my ears were open to every body, so as to be the better able to judge the characters of people. As Sir Thoraas is dead and gone, it is useless to be troubling your Majesty for to justify hira, but shall let it alone at present, until you to do it order me. I must own I am now entirely convinced F. S,J was an ill man, by a circumstance your Majesty mentions to rae of hira, I have never shown to any body your Majesty's letters, but to tbe Duke, as I ought to have mentioned before; and for this last I have not shown it to him, as also not this answer, I do nothing without consulting my dear brother; and when I happen to do contrary to his opinion, it is entirely of ray own head, and not by any body's else advice, for I can assure your Majesty I myself trust nobody more than 1 do hira, as, with reason, I tell hira every thing I can ; but I am afraid some people have given him a bad opinion of rae, for I sup pose I must own he does not open his heart to rae, I shall always love him, and be united with him. Whatever he does to me, I will always tell hira face to face what I think for his good, let him take it well or ill. I know bim to be a little lively, not rauch loving to be contradicted; but I also know and am sensible of his love and tenderness for me in particular beyond expression, and of his good heart in general. Your Majesty cannot imagine what trouble I am at about trifles, which I cannot avoid without neglecting my duty — which I hope will never be the case. I am in hopes I shall be able soon to send to your Majesty a person of trust — and it would be of consequence nobody should know of it; so that he should carry my dispatches, and I receive your orders without its being known he carried them. In the meantime I can say no more; and so remain, with all respect, asking blessing, your must dutiful son, Charles P. * Sir Thomas Sheridan, who died shortly after his arrival at Rome. t George Kelly. t Francis Strickland. TOL. II. 2l 546 APPENDIX. [1745. p. S. — ^I hope your Majesty will excuse the freedom with which I Write this letter, as also the liberty I take to assure you that whatever I say to you will never proceed from partiality or pique, but plainly what I think. I suppose O'Brien has already given an aceount to you of what pains I am at, and what has been done concerning the poor Scotch. I told Marquis D'Argenson t'other day bow sensible I was at the King's goodness for what be has done for them, and that I would go, if necessaryr upon my knees for them, but that I would never ask any thing for rayself; for I carae only in this country to do what I could for my poor country, and not for myself. Tbe said Marquis answered, that it was his Christian Majesty's intention to give to as many as came over, and that I should only give a list, and it would be ctaitinued ; and I upon that most earnestiy thanked his Most Christian Majesty, when I had the pleasure of seeing hira t'other day, and must do him the justice in saying, he was extreraely civil to us, as also all his faraily. O'Sullivan showed rae tbe letter your Majesty did him the honour to write to him. I cannot let slip this occasion to do bim justice by saying I really think he de serves your Majesty's favour. Townly is not the discreetest man upon earth. He was making a rout, that he, being the only Englishman, was neglected, wben all the rest got something or another. I was plagued with him several times on that strain. At last I stopped his mouth, having the good luck to get for him the Croix de St. Louis. I suppose you have been already inforraed of it. I do not mention so many trifles of that kind, supposing others supply for nie in that. 1 am in hopes poor Cardinal Acquavivai will escape this bout, for I believe him to be a good fiiend of ours. PEINCE CHAELES TO HIS FATHEE. (^Extract.) Paris, Jamiary 16, 1747. Iir reality I do not doubt of the honesty of those about me, though they may not have all the capacity in the world. I find it now-a-days so rare to find an honest man, that any that has given rae proofs of being so, (unless your Majesty orders me, or I find I ara deceived by any of thera on any the least trifle,) I would part with them with a sore heart. Notwithstanding I offered to my dear brother, that any one, or all about me, that he had a disgust for, I would disraiss, to make him easy; to which he assured me he had no dislike for any body, and did not want any such thing. He does not open his heart to me, and yet I perceive he is grieved, whicli must proceed from malicious people putting things in his head, and preventing hirn against me. Notwithstanding I am persuaded he loves rae tenderly, which is the occasion of my grief. God Almighty grant us better days. I lay myself at your Majesty's feet, most hurably asking blessing. Your most dutiful son, Charles P. PRINCE CHAELES TO HIS BEOTHEE. (Extract.) Avignon, February 9, 1747. I MUST now tell you, dear brother, that even in Scotiand I formed a project of going myself to the Court of Spain, I left Paris with that intention, which I am resolved to pursue, and would not ask leave for fear of being refused ; and propose to go and return, if necessary, with all the privacy imaginable, I shall despatch O'Sullivan to inform the King of it, and of every step I have taken since my coniing to France. I now send to entreat you, by all the ties of brotherly affection, not to think of starting from Paris. 1747.] APPENDIX. ^ 647 PEINCE CHAELES TO HIS FATHER. (Extract.) Guadalaxara, March 12, 1747. Sir, I BELIEVE your Majesty will be as much surprised as I am to find that no sooner arrived, I was hurried away without so much as allowing rae time to rest, I thought there were not such fools as tbe French Court, but I find it here far beyond it. Your Majesty must forgive rae if I speak here a little out of huraour, for an angel would take the spleen on this occasion. Notwithstanding you will flnd I behaved towards thera wilh all the respect and civility iraaginable, doing, ti la lettre, whatever tbey required of me, to give them not the least reason of complaining of rae, and by that putting thera entirely dans leur tort. I shall now begin ray narration of all that is passed since my arrival in this country. For to arrive with the greater secrecy and diligence, so that this court should not hear of me until I let tbem know it, I took post at Perpignan, with Vaughan and Cameron, the rest not being able to ride, and not to be so many together, I arrived at Barcelona, and finding that, by the indiscretion of some of our own people (which the town happened then to be full of) it was immediately spread I was there ; this hindered me to wait here for the rest of ray people coraing up, as I intended, and made rae take the resolution to leave even those tbat had come there with rae, for the greater blind and expedition, and to take along with rae one Colonel Nagle, who had been with the Duke of Orraond. I arrived at Madrid the 2d inst, and addressed myself immediately to Geraldine, Sir Charles Wogan being at his government; and it happened better so, for I find they are not well together, and Geraldine is all in all with the ministers, I gave him imrae diately a letter for Caravajal, which inclosed one for the King, of which I send here copy; this was the channel he advised rae to go by. Upon that I got an appointraen with the said rainister; and he carried rae to him in his coach, with a great many ridi- fiiilous precautions, for I find all here like the pheasants, that it is enough to hide their heads to cover the rest of the body, as they think. After I made Caravajal raany com pliments, I asked him that I supposed he had delivered my letter to the King, and had received his orders what I should do? To wbich he said he had not, telling me it was better he should not give it, and tbat I should go back imraediately; that he was very sorry the situation of afl'airs was such, that he advised rae to do so. This he endeavoured to persuade me to by several nonsensical reasons, I answered thera all, so that he bad nothing in the work! to say, but that he would deliver ray letter, I told him that my sudden resolution of coining here was upon one of my friends coming just before I parted from Paris to me, from tiie rest, assuring rae that they were ready as rauch as ever, if they had the assistance necessary, to allow thera tirae to come to a head; at the same time expressing what a conceit that nation had for the Spaniards' good inclinations, and how popular it would be for me to take a jaunt in that country, out of gratitude for all they bad endeavoured to do for us ; that I could be back at any event for any expedi tion of effect, for that, with reason, none could be undertook till the raonth of April or May. I added to that ray personal inclinations, which bit with theirs. I parted, afler all compliments were over, and was never in the world more surprised than when Cara vajal himself came at the door of the auberge I was lodged in, at eleven at night and a ialf, to tell rae tbat the King wanted to see rae imraediately, I went instantly, and saw the King and Queen together, who made me a great raany civilities, but, at the sariie time, desiring rae to go back as soon as possible; that, unluckily, circumstances of affairs required so at present; tbat nothing in the world they desired raore than to have tiie occasion of showing me proofs of their friendship and regard. One finds in old histories, that the greatest proofs of showing such things are to help people in distress; but this, I find, is not now d la mode, according to the French fashion, I asked the King leave, in the first place, to see tiie Queen Dowager, and the rest ofthe Royal Family, to which he answered, there was no need to do it. Upon my repeating again how mortifying it would be for me, at least, not to make ray respects to the old Queen, to thank her for her goodness towards us, he said I might speak of that to Caravajal, I found by that he had got his lesson, and was a weak man, just put in motion like a clock-work. At last, after many respectful corapliraents, and that the chief motive of my coming was to thank his iMajesly for all the services his Royal Family had done for ours, at the same time to desire tbe continuation of them; (to which he said, if occasion ofi'ered, he would even 548 APPENDIX. [1747. do more;) after that, I asked hira, for not to trouble him longer, which was the minister he would have me speak to of ray affairs, and of what I wanted ? to which he said, that he had an entire confidence in Caravajal, and that to hira alone I raight speak as to him self I spoke then, that Caravajal raight hear, that there was nobody that could be more acceptable to rae than him : says I, in laughing, he is half an Englishman, being called Lancaster. I parted; and who does I make out at the door but Farinelli;' who took me by the hand with effrontery. I first thought, as witb reason, it was some Grandee, or Captain of tbe Guards, that had seen rae in Italy, and was never so rauch surprised as when he naraed hiraself, saying that he had seen me formerly, which he was sure I could not reraeraber. Frora thence I went in the Minister's apartraent, and staid sorae time with him ; but I perceived immediately that he batted la campagne, and concluded nothing to the purpose, but pressing rae ardently to go out of tbe town and away imraediately. I told hira, though I had raade a long journey, notwithstanding, being young and strong, I would be ready to go away that very same night; but that, if he cared to assist rae in the least, he must allow me a little time to explain and settle things with hira, that if he pleased, I would be next day with him again. He agreed to that, but that absolutely it was necessary, to do a pleasure to the King, [ should part tbe day after. I went to him as agreed upon, and brought a note ofwhat I was to speak to him about, wbich, after explaining, 1 gave to him, a copy of which I enclose here, along with the answer he raade before me, in writing, which seeras to me not to say rauch. He pressed rae again to part next day. I represented it was an impossibility, in a manner, for me to go before any of my people coming up. At last he agreed to send along with me Sir Thomas Geraldine, as far as Guadalaxara, where I might wait for ray faraily. We parted, loading one another with corapliraents. PRINCE CHAELES TO LOED CLANCARTY, Paris, March 26, 1747. I THOUGHT it proper to come back again in this country (but intend to keep myself absolutely in private), as the season is now favourable to make another attempt, and to bring these people here to reason if possible. On our side we must leave no stone un turned, and leave the rest to Providence. If you have anything to let me know of, you have only to write to rae under cover to young "Waters, who will always know where to find rae, Atpresent I have nothing raore particular toadd, so reraain,assuringyou anew of my constant regard and friendship. Charles P. R. S TO ME. MUEEAY (LORD DUNBAr). ,^ ^ Paris, April \5, nil. Mt Lord, A^ Irish cordelier, called Kelly, who gives hiraself out for the Prince's confessor, has distributed in this town an infamous paper, entitled a Sonnet on the Death of a Caledo nian Bear, and has been indiscreet enough to publish that his .Majesty bas been of late troubled with vapours, which have affected his judgment, and tbat your Lordship governs hirn despotically; in fine, he bas said that tbe King is a fool and that you are a knave. As he is known to have access to his Royal Highness, his discourse has produced very bad effects; people iraagine that the Prince conterans his father. I ara persuaded he does not deserve that censure. It were to be wished, however, that his Royal Highness would forbid that friar his apartment, because he passes for a notorious drunkard. The opinion prevails here that the cordeliers in general are great drinkers, yet even among thera this Kelly is infaraous for his excesses; in fine, the wine of the Prince's table is termed friar Kelly's wine; and the same person who governs his conscience is said to regulate his diversions, and his Royal Highness's character in poiht of sobriety has been a little blemished on this friar's account. I am your Lordship's, &c. * The celebrated singer and soprano. Accordins; to M, de Brosses, the Kinff of Spain had granted hun letters-patent of nobiUty in the usual form " h lui et h loute sa post6rii6 !" (L'lialie, vol, 1, prssi,) 1747.] APPENDIX. 549 THE PRETENDEE TO PRINCE CHAELES. Albano, June 13, 1747, I KNOW not whether you will be surprised, my dearest Carluccio, when I tell you ihat your brother will be made a Cardinal the first day of next month. Naturally speaking, you should liave been consulted about a resolution of tiiat kind before it had been exe cuted; but, as the Duke and I were unalterably determined on the matter, and that we foresaw you might probably not approve of it, we tiiought it would be showing you more regard, and that it would be even more agreeable to you, that the thing should be done before your answer could come here, and to have it in your power to say, it was done without your knowledge and approbation. It is very true I did not expect to see the Duke here so soon, and tbat his tenderness and afl'ection for rae prompted hira to under take that journey; but after I had seen him, I soon found that bis chief raotive for it was to discourse witli rae fully and freely on the vocation he had long had to embrace an ecclesiastical state, and whioh he had so long concealed from me and kept to himself, with a view, no doubt, of having it in his power of being of some use to you in the late conjunctures. But the case is now altered; and, as I ara fully convinced ofthe sincerity and solidity of his vocation, I should think it a resisting the will of God, and acting directly against my conscience, if I should pretend to constrain hira in a matter which so nearly concerns hira. Tbe maxims I have bred you up in and have always followed, of not constraining others in raatters of religion, did not a little help to deterraine rae on the present occasion, since it would be a monstrous proposition that a King should be a father to his people and a tyrant to bis children. After this, I will not conceal frora you, my dearest Carluccio, that motives of conscience and equity have not alone determined me in this particular; and that, when I seriously consider all that has passed in relation Jo the Duke for some years by-gone, had he not had the vocation he has, I should have used my best endeavours, and all arguments, to have induced him to embrace that state. If Providence has made you the elder brother, he is as much my son as you, and ray paternal care and affection are equally to be extended to you and him ; so that I should have thought I had greatly failed in both towards him, had I not endeavoured by all means to secure to him, as much as in me lay, that tranquillity and happiness which I was sensible it was impossible for him to enjoy in any other state. You will understand allthat I mean without ray enlarging furtber on this last so disagreeable article; and you cannot, I am sure, coraplain that I deprive you of any service the Duke might have been to you, since you must be sensible that, all things considered, he would have been use less to you remaining in the "world. But let us look forward, and not backward. The resolution is taken, and will be executed before your answer to this can come here. If you think proper to say you were ignorant ofit, and do not approve it, I shall not take it amiss of you; but, for God's sake, let not a step, whicli naturally should secure peace and union amongst us for the rest of our days, becorae a subject of scandal and eclat, which would fall heavier upon you than upon us in our present situation, and which a filial and brotherly conduct in you will easily prevent. Your silence towards your brother, and what you writ to me about him since he left Paris, would do you little honour if they were known, and are mortifications your brotber did not deserve, but which cannot alter his sentiraents towards you. He now writes to you a few lines hiraself, but I forbid him entering into any parliculars, since it would be giving himself and you an useless trouble after all I have said about him here. You must be sensible that, on many occasions, I have had reason to complain of you, and that I have acted for this long while towards you raore like a son than a father. But I can assure you, ray dear child, nothing of all that sticks with rae, and I forgive you tiie raore sincerely and cordially all the trouble you have given rae, that I ara persuaded it was not your intention to fail towards me, and that I shall have reason to be pleased with you for the tirae to come, since all I request of you hereafter is your personal love and affection for me and your brother. Those wbo raay have bad their own views in endeavouring to reraove us frora your affairs have corapassed their end. We are satisfied, and you remain master; so that I see no bone of contention remaining, nor any possible obstacle to a perfect peace and union araongst us for the future, God bless my dearest Carlnecio, whom I tenderly embrace. I am all yours, James K. 550 APPENDIX. [1747. PEINCE CHAELES TO ME. EDGAE. St. Ouen, July 24, 1747. I HAVE received yours of the 4th current,* and send you here inclosed the usual letter. Happy would I be to have happier orders and higher spirits, which, to my raisfortune, my friends hinder as well as my enemies. God forgive the last! Having not strength to say more, I remain yours, CP. PEINCE CHAELES TO THE MAEQUIS DE PUISIEULX, FEENCH MINISTEE FOR FOEEIGN AFFAIES. Paris, le 21 Mars, 1748. Mes amis en Angleterre m'ayant demand6, Monsieur, d'y faire passer un nombre de medailles, j'en ai fait graver une ici par le Sieur Nicholas Rotier. Apres m'en avoir donne I'empreinte, il m'a dit qu'il ne pouvait les frapper sans un ordre de votre part. J'igno- rais a la v^rit^ la necessite d'une perraission, et n'en pouvais pr^voir la consequence poli tique. Cependant, pour parer au plus petit inconvenient qui en eut pu resulter,j'airequi3 le Sieur Rotier de ne point raettre Paris sur la medaille, n'y meme son nom; et pour remplir en meme teraps I'objet de I'araour propre naturel k uh ouvrier pour son ouvrage, nous somraes convenus qu'il n'y raettrait que les lettres initiales N. R. F.Ne Rien Faire,X corame S. P. Q. R J se rend par Si Peu Que Rien! II est f^cheux de n'avoir que des bagatelles a proposer a quelqu'un dont je connais le zele et I'araitie pour raoi dans des choses bien plus essentielles si I'occasion y ^tait. La mesure de ma recoiinoissanoe n'en est pas pour cela plus bornee,etje suis, Monsieur,&c., Charles P. PEINCE CHAELES TO ME. BULKELET. Paris, Octoher Z], 1748. I HAVE just seen your letter to Kelly, and am truly sensible of your zeal, but have nothing more to say on that subject, hwtVaat q-uod dixi, dixi, et quod scripsi, scripsi. CP. FEOM SCEAPS, IN PRINCE CHAELES's WEITINGt. Paris, 1748. Je suis en peine surtout pour Louis, corame je ne peux que perdre la vie, mais Louis I'honneur. Louis se plaint que Charles veut lui donner des lois. Je ne veux pas, dit Charles, re cevoir des lois qui viennent d'Hanovre. Mais ne dites pas que c'est moi, n'etant pas m^me ministre. Je ne suis pas un rainistre ; un mot doit vous suffire si vous etes mon ami. PEINCE CHAELES STUAET (UNDEE THE NAME OF JOHN DOUGLAs) TO ME. BULKELEY. [From a rough draught in the Stuart Papers.] June 3, 1749. I WRIT you last the 26th of May frora "Venice with a letter inclosed. This is sent by one that promised safe delivery. My friendship for you does not permit me any longer * 'Written to announce the elevation of the Cardinal of York on the preceding day. t Nicholas Rotter Fecit The Ne Rien Fain of Charles is a satirical touch on the unwillmeness of the French Court to assist him, * t Seuatus Populus Que Eomanus. 1749.] APPENDIX. 551 silence as to what regards a person you esteera. His situation is singular ; and though now rejected by raany, he may be soon as much courted. Being desperate, honest, and with only one point de vue, what cannot be compassed? Bologna was said to be his re sidence, but that was but a blind ; I can firmly assure you never shall any of the Pope's dominions see his face. The only one in Italy would have been 'Venice. That same person never intends to make but a passage over of France, . . . Now my friend must skulk, to the perfect dishonour of his wortiiy relations, until he finds a reception fitting at home or abroad. JoDir DOUOLAS. MEMORANDA BY PRINCE CHAELES. "Remitted to B. (Colonel Brett?) the 22d June, 1750." [From a fragment in the Stuart Papers,] Instructions for , who is to inform himself whether will receive the P, (Prince) upon occasion, who is ¦willing to trust his person in his hands ; if he should decline it, to iindout some olher proper person for that purpose, as the P. (Prince) is determined to go over at any rate. To speak to Sir C. G. (Charles Goring ?) about a ship that it may arrive at Antwerp, to carry over his brother, and to be there some time in the beginning of August. To visit Mr. P. of D^ and to see what he has done in his own and the neiglibouring counties, and to agree where the arras, &Ct may be most conveniently landed, the grand affair of L. (London) to be atterapted at the sarae tirae. To inform the principal persons that the P, (Prince) desires the whole raay be for warded with the greatest expedition, and that no time may be lost; that a Declaration may be prepared in which tbe funds are to be referred to a free Parliaraent, and the army encouraged to join Ae P. (Prince) by showing the nullity of the obligation of the oaths they have taken for the E. (Elector.) To acquaint particular persons that the K. (King) will R, (resign), in order to prevent any proclamation, as kitely happened at N., and to return, as soon as may conveniently happen, to me. ¦ JKcm.— Concerning some things to be proposed to B. (Duke of Beaufort ?) for adding to the P, (Prince's) Declaration, — to remove the prejudices so unjustly grounded against the K, (King), — and also something concerning the bribery in tbe F, M, (French Ministers), which has hitherto prevented the assistance tbat would have been given me, always agreeable and fitting to tke inclinations of both the K, (King of France) and L THE PEETENDEE TO PEINCE CHAELES. Rome, December 30, 1750. To.JTORBow you end your 30th year. May you see many more than double that num ber, and happier ones than those you have already past ! The hardships you haye gone through, and do perhaps still undergo, are not sraall, and it is to be hoped tbey will con tribute at last to what they are chiefly directed. But in the darkness you keep rae, as to all that relates to you, I can pray and wish, but I can neither judge nor advise, except on one single article, which is so obvious and so iraportant tliat I sboulil think every body, who really wishes you well.sbouid be ofthe same opinion in that respect, and that js,your securing the succession of our Family by marrying, I cannot think you so selfish as to have yourself only in view in all you suffer. The happiness of our country raiilt undoubt edly be your motive, and by consequence, you would never surely restrict that happiness to your own life only, but endeavour to perpetuate it by a succession of lawful Kings, who raay have no other interests but those of our country. Your giving lawful heirs to the Crown will not only be a constant security to your own person, but it will make you more considered and respected abroad, and will undoubtedly give new life and vigour to the cause and your friends, whose zeal can never be so warra when all their hopes are centred in you alone. Had you entered into the view I formerly gave you, you had been probably at this time the father of a faraily, with a wife whom it would not have been beneath you to haye married had you been in England But it is useless to look back- 552 APPENDIX. ¦ward, and what gives me the greatest concern in all this is, thatyou have put yourself in a situation and way of living which renders your marrying anybody absolutely impracti cable. This, as long as it lasts, must appear extraordinary and singular to persons of reflection and sense, because tbe motives and object of yonr marrying are obvious to all, and those of your pursuing your present conduct and scheme, whatever they raay be, can be only known to such as are the authors and proraoters of them. For mypart,! can have no other view but your real good and advantage, and I am so much convinced of the necessity of your marrying, that I could alraost say that I would rather see yon married to a private gentieworaan than tbat you should not be it at all ; and therefore I cannot but recoraraend earnestly to you to think seriously on the matter, and, as yon cannot now hope to make a marriage suitable to yourseff, to endeavour to raake one that may be at least as little unequal as possible; for I can only, on this occasion, exhort you in general, since I cannot think of any particular person to propose to yon who might be any ways proper and at the same time willing lo marry you. If this letter has the same fate with many others I have writ to you, I might have saved myself the trouble of writing it ; but what ever reception it may raeet witb, or impression it raay raake, I shall still have the corafortof having acquitted myself of tbe duty of a father, in telling you what I really think for your good, and of showing you, at the same tirae, that no behaviourof yours can alter the warm concern I shall ever take in all that relates to you, whom I beseech God to bless, protect, and prosper, and direct upon all occasions, James R. IN CHAEUES S WRITINS. About 1760. De vivre et pas vivre est beavicoup plus que de mourir. IN CHARLES'S 'WETTING. 1775—1780. Repohsx qu'un horarae fit a son ami qui Ini conta que sa maftresse etait infldele par vengeance. Est-ce, dit-il, pour I'avoir trop aime, oa trop peu ? En tout cas la vengeance est douce. Pour les horaraes, je les etudie, et a quatre-vingt ans je serais peut-etre moins savant qu'a cette heure; mais pour les femmes, je I'ai toujours era inutile, coianr/e plusmechant et irapenetrable. [The following account of tbe Stuart Papers is given in the article on " ThelStuarts in Italy," in the Quarterly Review, No, clvii. p, 166-7, December 1846. '¦ A few words as to the fate of the Stuart Papers, that long accumu lated store of documents so promising as historical materials, so compromising to family interests. The Duchess of Albany having sent her chaplain. Father Waters, a Benedict ine monk, to arrange her father's succession at Florence, desired him to make over the whole archives to her uncle, as head of the femiiy and representative of its claims. This, however. Waters omitted to do, and after her death tbey remained in his possession, with the Cferdinal's sanction. There they were casually seen by Sir John Hippesley, , about 1794—5, who wrote to Mr, Burke, and by him the master was brought under the notice of the Prince of Wales (George IV), His Roya! Highness took great interest in the papers, and authorised Sir John to treat for their purchase. This was effected in 1798, in consideration of an annuity of 50/. to Waters, which the latter Uved only a few months to enjoy, but as the consent of Cardinal York had not been sought in the trans action, a pledge of secrecy during his life was annexed to the transfer, Tbe papers were consigned to tbe British Vice Consul at Civita Vecchia, to await the arrival of a frigate in which tbey were to be shipped, but tbat town having meanwhile fallen into the hands of the French, their removal became impracticable. Signor Eonelli, an Italian APPENDIX. 553 gentleman resident in London, was sent out to attempt their recovery, and on reaching Kome, he applied to the Abb6 Paul Macpherson of tbe Scotch College, This was a matter of much delicacy, no British subject being then permitted by tbe Frenoh authori ties to approach the coast. Macpherson, however, contrived to obtain a passport to Civita "Vecchia. and, having ascertained from the Consul where the papers lay, he applied to the Commandant of the place for leave to search among thera for certain docuraents re quired in a litigation in Scotland, The Commandant desired to see tiiem, and happening to take up a transcript of King James II,'s memoirs, exclaimed that, as the papers seemed of no consequence, having been already publisbed, tiie Abbe might dispose of them as he tiiought flt. Under this permission tiiey were sent to Leghorn, and thence shipped to Algiers, whence they reached England. "Another mass of papers, of which the larger portion consisted of correspondence and documents regarding the rebellions of 1715 and '45 belonged to Cardinal York, and re mained after his death in the hands of his executor, Monsignor Angelo Cesarini, There happened in 1812 to be at Rome one Robert Watson, who had been compromised in London, flrst as private secretary to Lord George Gordon, and subsequently as a member ofthe Corresponding Society, after which hehad found it convenient to live abroad. He purchased these papers for about twenty guineas, and fitted up a roora to receive them, there being several cart loads. Having made great boasting of bis acquisition, tbe matter reached the Cardinal Consalvi, himself a co-executor of the Cardinal, who seized the papers on behalf of tbe Papal governraent, offering to repay Watson all his outlay, a proposal which he refused, and left Rorae, alter vainly protesting against sucb inter ference with his lawful properly. In Noveraber, 1838, he hanged hiraself in a London tavern, when eighty eight years of age. Consalvi's object was probably to possess him self of any matter tending to compromise the Holy See, but finding the seizure very useless to his government, he, after the war was over, presented the papers to the Prince Regent, They have since been drawn upon with skill and good effect by Lord Mahon, and many other extracts frora them appeared in the Appendix to Dr, Brown's ' History ofthe Highlands,' The docuraents which we have quoted as 'The Malatesta Papers,' had been overlooked when Watson's purchase was made, and have supplied sorae of the facts which we now for the first tirae give to the public." See also Mr. Lockbart's Life of Sir Walter Scott, chap, Ixxviii,, vol, ix, p, 349, Sir Walter Scott was placed by George the Fourth, " at the head of a new Commission for examining and editing the MSS, collections ofthe exiled Princes of ihe House of Stuart, which had come into tbe King's hands on the death of the Cardinal of York." Scott ac cepted the appointment, but the dechne of his health had already begun.] 654 APPENDIX. [1739. EXTRACTS FROU THE HAEDWICKE PAPEES. THOM COXE'S COLLECTIONS, &c. THE PEETENDEE TO MR. T. CARTE. [Walpole Papers and Coxe's Copies, vol. lii. It is thus endorsed in Sir Robert Walpole's ovrn hand-writing. " This original leuer, ¦written to Mr, Thoraas Carte, when at Rome, and jriveii to him, ¦was delivered to me by the said Mr, Thomas Carte, September 15, 1739, togelher with the heads" (of a plan of government),] Rome, July 10, 1739. The message you bring could not but appear very singular and extraordinary to rae, because you deliver it only frora second hand, and tbat I have no sort of proof of your being authorised by the person in question, who cannot but feel that it is natural for me to mistrust what may come frora him. It may be, and I hope it is, the case, that he wishes rae and my cause well, and I am sensible it may be greatly in his power to serve both. If he has really my interest at heart, let hira send to me some trusty friend and confidant of his, to explain to me his sentiments and views, and if he pursues mea sures which manifestly tend to my restoration, I shall be persuaded of his sincerity, and shall consider and reward him after my restoration, in proportion to the share he may have had in bringing it about. But whatever raay or raay not be in this matter, I have no difficulty in putting it in your power to satisfy him authentically on the two articles about which he is solicitous, since, independent of his desires, I am fully resolved to protect and secure the Church of England according to the reiterated promises I have made to that effeot, and shall be ready, after my restoration, to give all reasonable se curity which a fresh parliaraent can ask of rae for tbat end. As for the Princes of the House of Hanover, I thank God I have no resentraent against them, nor against any one living, I shall never repine at their living happily in their own country, after I am in possession of my kingdoms, and should they fall into my power upon any atterapt for my restoration, I shall certainly not touch a hair of their heads, I thought it proper to explain in this raanner ray sentiraents on these heads, not absolutely to neglect an oc currence which raay be of great iraportance, if well-grounded, and if otherwise, no in convenience can arise from what I have here said. James R. LOED DESKFOED TO MAEQUIS VISCONTI. Hanmer, December 26, 1740. Upon my arrival here last week, I had the pleasure to find yours of the 3d December, which had lain here for some tirae, I having made my stay at Berlin longer than I at first intended, being willing to see as much as possible, and to form as just a notion as I could of the character of that young ambitious Prince,* who is like to act a part of * Frederick the Second. 1740.] APPENDIX. 555 so much importance in Europe. He certainly has inany qualities worthy of praise. His activity and application to business is surprising; his secrecy commendable. He has a vivacity, too, and a liveliness of thought, with a justness of expression, that is uncomraon. But his thoughts seera rather of the brilliant, tiian of the solid, kind ; and, even in cora mon tilings, one sees hira daily take a resolution and execute it in a moraent. His fire appears too great to let hira have time to weigh the difficulties that may attend it; and the idea he has of the superiority of his own parts, creates in him a presuraption which makes him contemn and act almost in everything witliout counsel, i'he insinuations of M. Podweis, who is reraarkable for his attachraent to France, are said, soraetimes, to have some effect, Field-Marshal Schwerin is the man in his service whora he esteems the most; but if the King of Prussia's genius and parts would make hira estimable if they were joined with coramon integrity, tbey raake hira raore detestable and danger ous, wben we consider what a villainous heart they are directed by. His falsehood and want of faith is well known to you at Vienna, I wish to God you had not trusted him so long; neither could I find that he was possessed of any one qualite de cceur that was not detestable. He is avaricious to a great degree, but has an avarice subordinate to his governing passion — ambition. He seems incapable of friendship, and his ingralitude is surprising. I shall only give you two instances of it. Two young gentlemen, captains in the Prussian service, after having dissuaded him frora the atterapt, were at last in duced, by solicitations, to expose their lives and fortunes in endeavouring to assist him to make his escape when he was seized. Luckily for thera they got off. The one went into tbe Dutch service, and, at the death of the late King of Prussia, had risen to be a captain of horse there. This King, upon his accession to the crown, writ for hira, and offered him a pension of 1000 dollars, if he would corae and settle at Berlin, The gentleman's answer was, that he had very near twice as much by bis commission in Holland, and he flattered himself that his Majesty would not desire one, whose attach ment to him had made hira expose his life in his service, to make so disadvantageous a change. The King said he could do no more for him, and so let him go back into Hol land, I beUeve, without paying his journey. The other gentleman retired into England, where, being a foreigner, he could not be eraployed; but he there obtained letters of recommendation to the general who is at the head of the troops in Portugal, and who, as soon as he arrived at Lisbon, granted him the coraraission of Major of Horse, The King of Prussia, likewise, upon his accession to the crown, wrote to him, who did not balance a moment, but immediately laid down his coraraission, and set out for Berlin. Since his arrival there, the King has given hira the brevet of Lieutenant Colonel, and raade him Ecuyer, with 1300 crowns pension, which is not half so rauch as be had by his commission in the Portuguese service. He had likewise a sraall estate, which the late King of Prussia confiscated, and gave to the recruiting cash. The King, instead of restoring to hira the revenues of so many years, which, upon his account, he had lost, still leaves it addicted to the recruiting cash, and retains it from hira. Base ingratitude ! 'When I join this with his unexampled falsehood and shocking breach of faith to your Queen, there is nothing so villainaus, nothing so bad, that this Prince does not seem to me capable of doing. He has deceived you once at Vienna. I flatter myself your Court will not be weak enough to let Gotter deceive you again. MR. EOBINSON TO LOED HAEEINGTON. [Grantham Papers, and Coxe's Copies,]Presburgh, September 20, 1741. The inclosed is the speech the Queen made on the llth instant to her Hungarian Diet. They answered, vitam et sanguinem ! The Diet, it is thought, will break up this week, after which the Queen, it is presumed, will remove for some time to Raab, and afterwards to Pesth, over against Buda, There are as little conveniences in the one as the other place for the Court, I shall follow as close and as well as I can in this almost desert and unprovided country till I ara honoured with the King's orders. Mr. Dunant has orders to send, while Vienna is open, all the particulars of the dis positions making there for a good defence. The Archduke* is still in Vienna. The Chancellor says tbat there is no safely left for Europe, but an iraraediate and vigorous diversion in Flanders. ' The Archduke, son of Maria Theresa, was then a child in arms ; but the word is undoubtedly an error of the transcriber for the " Grand Duke," her husband, who had undertaken the defence of her capital. 556 APPENDIX. [1741. ME. EOBINSON TO ME. WESTON. ^ Presburg, October 9, 1741, We have no place yet fixed for onr winter residence. Vienna we cannot certainly return to, siege or not; this place is not secure in case of a siege there; Raab is too little; Buda too unwholesorae. In the raeanwhile I have neither house nor home. Unless you have sorae scherae on tbe anvil to save us, I do not see that you can long have occasion for a minister to the Queen of Hungary. The maladie dupays comes very fast upon me. ME. ARTHUR VILLETTE TO THE DUICE OP NEWCASTLE. Camp of the Concordia, July 19, 1742. I AM informed on good authority, that when the news first carae to Versailles, by a gentleraan of Don Philip, that the Spanish galleys had been burnt. Cardinal Fleury clap ped both his hands on his eyes, and kept thera tiiere for sorae time without uttering any thing else but tbese words, si mea credita trahunt me; which he repeated more than once, and he said, that all M, Campo Florida said to incense him and excite hirn- to resent such an indignity offered to the cannon of one of the French King's fortresses, produced no effect, and was received but very coldly. SECRET INTELLIGENCE FEOM EOME. [Grantham Papers, and Coxe's Collection, vol. hi,] January 25, 1744, Ok the 19th instant, in the afternoon, the Pretender sent his favourite Dunbar to the Pope, to let him know that bis eldest son set out from hence in the night of the 9th of this month, in order to go to France as secretiy as possible, excusing himself tbat he bad not sooner acquainted his Holiness with this, because he thougut thus to prevent the umbrage of those who might have hoped to stop this motion. The Austrian minister and the ambassador of Venice were iramediately informed of this notice; and the forraer, in particular, towards the evening of that sarae day, sent away an express by the way of Florence, that an inforraation of this might be given, both at the camp of Rimini and at the Court of Vienna, On the 20th, tbe Pretender being at dinner, he declared publicly this departure of his son to all his servants and others, adding, that at the time be was speaking, he' thought that bis son had reached the frontiers of France, upon which he received the congratulations of all that were present ; and at night he was also congratulated by the Ministers of France, of Spain, of the Court of Frankfort, and of all those that concern themselves for that family. As to the manner of this departure, the following account raay be depended upon. On the 7th instant ¦was sent out of town publicly, the hunting equipage and the harness for the service of the two brothers. On the 8th, notice was given to all those that were to be of their party, to set out at their ease in the conveniences that were assigned them. On the 9th, in the raorning, the eldest son sent one of his servants to the Cardinal, Secre tary of State, to beg of hira to leave the keys of the gate of St, John with the officer of the guard, that he raight not be obliged to wait till the hour that this gate is coraraonly opened at, he being desirous to go out that way fot Cisterna, together with his brother, and that he wanted to get thither time enough to prepare every thing that was necessary for their hunting on the llth, which request was complied with, so that he set out in the night of the 9th, a little after midnight, whilst bis brother was asleep. He got into his own chaise with Dunbar, having no other followers than one of his grooms, who is a Norman, and who led another horse well saddled. Mr, FItzmaurice who was privy to the secret, was charged to tell the younger brother, when be should awake, that his brother, being excessively fond of hunting, had gone before, but that he would meet him at Albano, insomuch that the second son set out at the appointed hour, being 12 of the clock, according to the Italian way of reckoning, that is to say at 6 in the morning on the lOth, having all the retinue with hira. After the eldest son had gone a few posts, he begun to coraplain that he was cold, and said that to warra hiraself he would get on 1744.] APPENDIX. 657 horseback. This was concerted with Dunbar, to deceive the postilion that drove them and the servant that attended. Dunbar at flrst opposed his desire, but at last agreed to it, so that the other being got on horseback, was followed by his Norman groora, who accompanied hira afterwards during his whole voyage (this groora is thought to be a man of consequence, though he has been for sorae time in the service of that house upon the footing of a servant belonging to the stable); and thus being corae with his servant to the turning of the road whioh goes to Frascati, he stopped there and waited for Dunbar's chaise. When it was corae, he feigned tbat he bad had a fall from his horse, and that he had hurt his foot, upon which Dunbar desired him to go into the chaise again, but he insisted upon his getting on horseback to go quicker, and instead of going to Albano, there to wait for his brother, he took the road of Marino, to go straight to Cisterna, saying that he should there take some hours of rest, and that Dunbar raight go to Albano by himself, there to wait for his brother, and to tell hira of his accident; that the other should not stop but go on to Cisterna; and thus staying with bis faithful Norman alone at the turning, after Dunbar was gone on in the chaise, he and his groom took the road to Frascati, and having coasted along the Marana,*' they entered into the Consular Way, and then into tbe Florence road, frora whence they went to Lerici and to Genoa, and then to Antibes, and tbat they did without any loss of tirae. In the meanwhile the Bailif de Tencia had despatched on the 6tb, witb great secrecy, his intendant, to Paris, not only to give notice to the Court there of the resolution that was taken here about this departure, but also to raake proper dispositions both at Lerici and at Genoa, for his erabarkation under a feigned name. The second son being come to Albano, and finding Dunbar there, asked him where his brother was. Dunbar told hira at first of the pretended accident; but it is said that in private he acquainted hira with the truth of the thing, and desired hira to go on to Cisterna, and to talk of bis brotiier's fall, and to say that he would soon corae to hira. He also desired that nobody should publish this accident, for fear it should come to the ears of his father. He ordered the company to begin their hunt, and to divert them selves in the best manner they could. Dunbar himself remained at Albano, and went on every day in giving to the Duke of Sermoneta, to whom Cisterna belongs, an account of the eldest brother's health, saying that he grew daily belter and better, and desired the said Duke not to raention any thing of this in the letters he writ to bis friends at Rome, for fear it should come to tbe ears of the Pretender, but to say that the brothers had very good sport, and spent their tirae very well. The better to cover all this, the younger son sent sorae wild boars to Rome, in bis brother's name and his, some of which were given as presents to the Pope, to Cardinal Acquaviva, and to other people. This feint lasted till the 17th instant, when a letter was sent to Cisterna, in the elder brother's name, to let the company know that the weather being bad he did not care to go a hunting, and tbat he would go back to Rome, but tbat his brother raight do what he pleased. Upon this Dunbar returned to Rorae that very evening, with a young English man, son to one of the Pope's horse guards, who is about the sarae age with, and very like in the face fo, tbe eldest son, Dunbar had had this young raan dexterously brought to him at Albano: there were also come thither two servants of the second son, frora Cisterna, who went back to Rorae with Dunbar ; so it was reported in town that the eldest son was corae back. It is said in the best companies here, that some days before the setting out of the eldest son. Cardinal Acquaviva bad desired Abbot Franchini, Minister of Tuscany, to grant him a passport for a certain Marquis Spinelli, his kinsman, who wanted to go to Genoa for his own business, which passport was immediately given at his request. It is also said tbat M. de Thiirm, at the desire of the fore-mentioned Abbot, bad given some letters of recommendation to the supposed Marquis, I can't say whether this is true or no, but I much question that these gentleraen should have been deceived by all the management of this affair. They seemed to believe that the Court of Paris had no thoughts ofthis young man, and gave out such reasons for it that appeared very natural; but perhaps tbey did this to disgust other people frora hearkening to any accounts that should be given of this undertaking, »A small stream in the Campagna of Rome, 558 APPENDIX. [1744. sm THOMAS EOBINSON TO ME. 'WESTON. Vienna, September 16, N. S., 1744. Dear Sib, The last post brought no letters from England. We have Prince Charles* himself here ; a better testiraony of all that passed upon the banks of the Rhine than either Noailles's relation to his Court, or the Emperor's fourteen postilions at Frankfort, Don Rodrigue, of Cologne, has inserted the inclosed relation ofit in the Brussels Gazette, and Konigseck Erps printed it, I hear, for the particular edification of those who had been stirprised with the French accounts, I do not doubt but you will hear of many such victories from Bohemia, thougli per haps preceded with the real news of the loss of Prague, That loss will fall heavy upon the poor inhabitants, but it will be the triumph, perhaps the confiagration, of a day ; after which the Prussians must look to themselves. f.He is supposed to have said, upon the news of Prince Charles's return, and the manner in which the Frenoh let his High ness pass the river, Voild ce que c'est que de faire, des traites avec des J . The Frenoh came to tbe Neckar, wondering the Duke of Wurtemburg would not join. "Prince Charles is so ruined he has not a grenadier left, and Bernclau is out in the wood of Hage nau!" Tbe Duke answered, that hehad seen the Prince in good health two days be fore; that he had seen the whole array pass column by coluran, in the best order; that he had not perceived there was sl grenadier wanting, and tbat, as for Bernclau, if they ¦would be pleased to stay a little, they would find him returning back to teach therri truth. Upon this the French retired, but not without threatening the Wurtembergers with corporal punishment, if they did not furnish the most exorbitant rations of all sorts. The Margrave of Baden has had the like compliments. The Court of Frankfort seeras to have taken its iron sceptre into its hands. But I have the better opinion of things, as finding that they have never gone better for the good cause than at the very moment that the Court of Frankfort begins to be in spirits. So many illusions will at last open their eyes. I think I can prove by the poetical number ter the several distinct rimes that the French, the Iraperialists, and the Prussians, have been for deceiving one another. Adieu, and believe me to be ever with rrwre truth. Yours, &c. T. Romsson. ME. P. H. COENABE TO SIE THOMAS EOBINSON. [Coxe's Collections, vol. cvi.] London, January 25, 1745. The day before yesterday Sir Williara Yonge moved in the House of Commons that the 28,000 English in Flanders should be continued for the present year, and gave the principal reason for it in few words, excusing hiraself upon his bad state of health. Mr. Wilmington seconded him pro form&, and hardly added any thing to what the Secretary at War had said ; then Mr. Powlett, Lord Hinton's brother, got up and proposed that the said troops should be continued for two raonths only, till tbe resolution of the Dutch should be known, Mr, Pelham, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, raade a long discourse to show the necessity of carrying on the war with vigour, in order to attain to a good peace. Speaking of the Dutch, he said, he was afraid of saying too much or too little— too rauch for fear he shonld be thought to speak without foundation, too little because they had already given the most positive assurances of seconding the King's designs, and^had given proofs of their sincerity by the remittances they had made to the Elector of Cologne and to the King of Poland: he showed the danger for Flanders in general, and for its maritime towns in particular; he entered into a great detail relating to the Queen of Hungary's and the King of Sardinia's present situation ; in short, he spoke for about an hour with an universal approbation, whioh was perceived in every body's countenance. Sir Watkin Williams Wynn gave Mr. Pelhara great praise as to his abilities and his honesty : he said he was truly an English Minister, and that for that reason be would vote for this flrst time for the army, and that he did not doubt but all his friends would • Prince Charles of Lorraine. ^ xhe King of Prussia. 1745.J APPENDIX. 659 , ,|jg jj,„]e and that the whole nation would be unaniraous in it, because we must all stand or fall together, there being no medium. Sir Roger Newdigate spoke much in the same manner, and made great encomium of the Chancellor of the Exchequer. Lord Strange, Lord Derby's son, was for adjourning the debate till Lord Chesterfield had finished his negotiations ; he talked strangely and was not minded . Mr. Pitt made strong declarations of approving the raeasure proposed and supporting the new Ministry ; he reflected on the late Secretary of State* in very severe terms; ha recalled all tlie transactions of the three last years, and made his remarks upon tiiem, finding fault with most things that were done ; he made great corapliraents to Mr. Pel ham and to Lord Chesterfield; insisted on the King's condescension in reraoving those that were grown obnoxious to his people ; that out of gratitude, as well as for other rea^ sons the nation ought now to acquiesce in the desire of the Couit; he took notice ofthe discredit in France, and of the good situation of the Queen of Hungary and our other Allies' of the King of Sardinia, he said that he was as iraraoveable as tho rocks he so bravely defends; he spoke of himself as ofa dying man, that carae to the House purely to preserve the liealth of his country ; he said, that for a good while he thought we were under great danger, but that now he saw a dawn, and would follow it in hopes it might bring us to salvation ; he seemed extremely moved, used a good deal of gesture, em ployed all the figures of rhetoric, and made a great irapression upon raost that beard hira. Sir John Barnard vindicated Lord Granville, saying, tbat the last three years were the most glorious which England had seen since 1710, that that Lord's conduct would bear the strictest inquiries, and that be wished it might be examined by the House to convince people at home who were unjust to him, tbat all foreigners did hira justice, and looked upon him as the ablest statesraan we had ; he grew quite "warm upon this subject, and, recollecting hiraself, desired the indulgence of his hearers if he had gone too far. Mr, Bowes of Durhara, and Lord Barrington, took hira up one after the other, desired he would move for an inquiry, and they would second hira; they ooraraended the new Ministry and their plan, which they called the Old Plan, supported by wise Englishmen. Mr, Cholmondeley, a young gentieman of Cheshire, attempted to put off the debate, but nobody minded bim : the question being put by the Chairman of the Committee, Mr. Fane, there was no division ; Lord Strange was the only one that put a negative against it, so that this may be looked upon like a perfect unaniraity ; the House was very full, there being above 400 Merabers, It is very observable, that not one word was said of Hanover in the whole debate ; but I must not dissemble to you, tbat some severe reflec tions were made against the rainistry at Vienna, tbat retained their old pride now they were a little elated, wbo insisted upon acquisitions, or at least equivalents, which could not be had but at the expense of the English nation, to whora tbey showed ingratitude, in not being more desirous of peace, and saving the treasures oC the nation. It was a glorious day for Mr, Pelhara, who had the praises of everybody, and whose character was extolled beyond all those that ever were in his place, Mr, Pitt's eloquence was much commended, but it is thonght he cannot live long ; it is said tbat if he recovers and outlives Sir W. Yonge, he is to have the place of Secretary at War. hon. phuip toeke to hoeace walpole (the eldee). London, May 4, 1745. Dear Sir, It is with the deepest concern I embrace so disagreeable an occasion of writing, as that of acquainting you that we have fought a battle to save Tournay, and lost it,| The news came early this morning, and was soon public; for tbe detail ofthis bloody affair, we must wait the arrival of another messenger. What I have been able to learn IS briefly thus: — Our army was in sight of the enemy by 5 of the clock on Tuesday morning last; the attack of their entrenchments began about seven, and lasted till half an hour after one. The right wing (composed of English and Harioverians) behaved most gallantly, and gained thrice ground upon the eneray, but were as often repulsed by the terrible fire of several entrenched batteries, which cannonaded them in front and flank without interraission during the whole tirae. It is said the left, where the Dutch * Eari Granville. t The baule of Fontenoy. 560 APPENDIX. [1745. were, did not show the same ardour. The retreat ofour right was made in good order by Sir John Ligonier, the French not pursuing a step, nor have we lost a pair of colours, but what is much worse, a great number of brave men. The brigade of Guards bas suffered prodigiously: Col. Conway's corapany bas but 24 men left; Gen, Ponsonby is killed; Sir J, Carapbell has lost an arm; the Colonels Douglas (ofour house). Gee, Kel- let, Montague and Ross are amongst the slain: Lord Albemarle, Lord Ancrara, and Lord Cathcart are wounded. The Duke's behaviour is much comraended ; he was in every part of the action, encouraging the raen and leading them on. My brother, who attended upon him, has, thank God! escaped without a hurt. Of particular corps, it is said, the Highlanders, Guards, and Blues, distinguished themselves. What we know at present is very general and imperfect, both his Royal Highness's and Sir Everard's'* letters being short; but they promise a larger account in a few days. The army is now under the cannon of Ath. I dread the consequences of this disastrous opening of the campaign, and doubt the French were more numerous and better fortified than we thought them. I should be content if Tournay raay be the single fruit of their success. It is said (but I do not know upon what grounds), that tbe coming up of a reinforce ment, led by the Dauphin, turned the fortune of the day. Lord Dunmore and the officers who went with him had not joined the army. I ara, &o. P, Yorke. P, S. Lord Petersham is likewise wounded. HON. PHILIP YOEKE TO HOEACE WALPOLE ;, (the ELDEE).f London, May 16, 1745. Dear Sir, I siiouiD not have thought of replying upon you so soon, had you not invited rae to it, by saying you expected from me a further account of the action ; and had I done it sooner, it would not have been easy to have added anything material or explicit to the first advices, whioh reserable always the confusion of the battie itself. One must stay till tbe sraoke is a littie cleared away, before one can take a distinct view of any object. I think you very right in your judgraent, that the French were only not beat. Our repulse was owing, not to their bravery, but their advantageous situation and the number of their batteries, frora wbich they had an hundred pieces of cannon or up'wards playing upon us without intermission. Nay, even under these difficult circumstances, the opinion of tbe raost intelligent is, that had Ingoldsby done his duty, and the Dutch infantry be haved as gallantly as ours, there was tbe greatest probability of our carrying the day. I wonder the former was not superseded on tbe spot, and that Zastrow, who was sent to him ¦with orders, did not take the coramand of his brigade, and raarch directly to the fort, which the eneray were beginning to desert. We might then have turned their infernal engines of death upon the artificers themselves. The Duke's behaviour was, by all accounts, the most heroic and gallant imaginable. He was the whole day in the thickest of the fire. When he saw the ranks breaking, he rode up and encouraged the soldiers in the most moving and expressive terras; called thera countrymen ; that it was his highest glory to be at their head; that he scorned to expose thera to more danger than he would be in hiraself; put thera in raind of Blenheira and RamiUies ; in short, I am convinced his presence and intrepidity greatiy contributed to our coming off so well. Nor raust I omit doing justice to Ligonier, who, the Duke writes, fought like a grenadier, and commanded like a general. His Royal Highness seems determined to keep up strict discipline, and dre^w out a pistol upon an officer whom he saw running away. Konigseck was run over and bruised by the Dutch cavalry in their flight, insomuch that when the army marched to Lessines, he was left at Ath. I have not heard, as yet, that the Frenoh plume them selves much upon their victory. Their accounts run in a modester strain than usual. It was certainly a dear bought advantage. You see by the Gazette they have a great num ber of general officers killed and wounded ; their loss of private men is said to be from 5,000 to 10,000. Ligonier writes that they confess it to be the latter, but whether he raeans the reports of deserters, or intelligence frora the French carap, I cannot tell. We may thank Count Saxe for our ill fortune. It was he advised them to erect so raany * Sir Everard Fawkener, Military Secretary, t Two extracts from this letter are already printed in Coxe's Meraoirs of Pelham, vol. i. p, 235, 1745.] APPENDIX. 561 batteries, and to throw up entrenchments along part of their line, against the opinion of the rest ofthe council of war, who were for giving us battle eu rase campagne. I'c-rhaps you may not have heard that the French, who are generally reckoned a polite enemy, used the prisoners whom they took at Bruffoel with great brutality, stripping the wound ed driving away the surgeons, and taking from them their instruments and medical ap paratus. Sir James Carapbell died in their hands the next day. Doctor Wintringhara was sent to visit bim by the Duke, and found him lying in a cottage within the enemy's quarters, who had not been humane enough to give hiin any as.sistance. This has oc- caskined a pretty warm ex[iostu lation between tbe Duke and Marshal Saxe, who denies knowing or authorizing the behaviour of their irregidar troops nt Bruffoel ; but, by way of recrimination, accuses us of having first violated tbe cartel, by detaining Belleisle, The orders which the States have dispatched for their corps de reserve to join the army, and for trying the dehnquents, alleviate the clamour wbich would otherwise be raised against them, on account of the bad behaviour of several regiments, both horse and foot, in their service. One Appius, Colonel Commandant of the regiment of Hesse Homburg, rode off upon the spur to Ath, with the greatest part of his raen, in the very beginning ofthe action, and with an irapudent folly, equal to bis cowardice, wrote from thence to his masters that the allied army had engaged the French, and been totally cut to pieces, except that part which be had prudently brought off safe. 1 hope after the loss of so much gallant blood, exemplary justice will be done upon the guilty. Lord Chesterfield returned last Saturday frora Holland, and looks much better in his health than when he left us; eating, negotiating, and the fat air of the country, agree with him. He has concluded a treaty regulating the contingents of force and expense for this campaign. I wish it could have beeu for the whole war. The States agree to bring 52,000 men into the field (including their corps on the Lower Rhine) to our 40,000. In sieges they are to furnish one-third, and we the rest. The expense of the land car riage of artillery is to be borne by the government iu Flanders. I take it for granted they could be brought to no more, though it is a raost unaccountable thing that we should be at so much trouble to persuade them into what is absolutely requisite for their own security and independence. Have you seen my Lord's speech at taking leave? It is quite calculated for the language it is writ in, and makes but an indifferent figure in English. The thoughts are coramon, and yet he strains hard to give, them an air of novelty; and the quaintness of the expression is quite d la Frangaise. You may observe it is intended to steer wide of tbe alert, and military, and invective turn which reigns through Lord Stair's harangue; and so far was prudent. Besides the three regiments of Mordaunt, Rice, and Handasyde, there is a draught of 540 men, 15 per corapany, raade out ofthe Guards, which enibarked on Sunday for Flanders, With these reinforcements, and what the Dutch are sending, we hope to look the enemy once more in the face ; and if Tournay does but hold out, some attempt will be made, either by diversion or attack, to raise tbe siege, Martin is returned as usual, re infecta. People imagined he was gone to the Leeward islands, in search of Caylus, who threatens to invade Nevis and St, Kilt's, where I doubt we are weak. There is an expectation that the Elector of Cologne will join his troops to D'Aremberg. If he does, and Bathiany's corae down to the Rhine, we trust Monsieur le Prince must leave the coast clear, and that Smessart's corps, at least, may be detached fot Flanders. You see. Sir, we follow the Roman ne cede malis sed contra audentior ito, and really people are less dispirited with this than I expected, and full of encomiums on the gallant spirit which has shown itself in our officers and private men. And now. Sir, I must heartily beg your pardon for this long letter^ — -I should rather call it dispatch. This I proraise you, not to trouble you with one so long in haste, for I am naturally a lazy correspondent; but when the scribbling flt is upon rae, it is as difficult to leave off as it was uneasy to begin. One question let rae put to you, and then I have done. Why are you quite iraraersed in re ruslica? Put your papers in order; write sorae memoirs for the instruction of your friends, or, if you ¦«'ill, posterity, of your own nego tiations and Lord Orford's rainistry. Methinks I should be loath to go down to future times either portrayed with all the features of deformity which Lord Bolingbroke's peu can give, or what is as bad, daubed over with the sign-post colouring of the Gazetteers. But I run on insensibly, and you will excuse my freedom as the strongest proof that I can give you of the regard wherewidi I am, &o. P. Yorke. VOL. II. 2m 562 APPENDIX. [1745. HON. PHILIP TOEKE TO HOEACE WALPOLE (THE ELDER). London, May 27, 1745. Dear Sir, Before I leave the town, and consequently die fittest field for a correspondence which is not a raere idle one, I cannot help acquainting you with a very astonishing piece of treachery, which is but too true, and wbicli has occasioned the so early surrender of Tournay : — Mons. Hertsell, a principal engineer in tbe Dutch service, and who was chiefly relied upon for the defence of the place, having been gained over by the French, made his escape to their camp the third day ofthe siege, and has assisted them with his advice and inforraation in carrying on their approaches. He look off with him two persons who had the care ofthe sluices, which they had so spoilt, before they deserted, that the Dutch had, in raany places, no water at all in it. It is likewise thought that the blowing up a powder raagazine, with good part of a Dutch regiment, was owing to the trains this traitor bad laid before he went off. In order to disguise for some tirae the black con trivance. Van Hoey writ his raaster a Canterbury lale he had picked up at Paris, that some Frenchmen, fishing in tbe Scheldt, had found a dead body, which was taken up and judged for tbat of the above-mentioned engineer. Every body is rauch shocked and surprised at this perfidy in a raan at the top of bis profession, and esteeraed as well honest as able. Perhaps you may have heard of his name (if I do not mistake it) in the last war, for both Lords Cobham and Stair say they remember him; neither is the govern or's conduct approved in consenting to receive the sick and wounded into the citadel, which raust create a great and useless consumption of provision, and I am afraid the supplies in it are not near sufficient for tbe subsistence of so numerous a garrison. Our military raen say Monsieur Dort should have retired into the citadel, and left the bouches inutiles to tbe French mercy, whicli God knows our poor countrymen have found to be that of the wicked, whicli David says is cruel, Tournay, if ¦well defended and provided, would hold tbe eneray at bay a whole summer, but I wish, in the present instance, it may find thera work for three weeks longer. Upon receiving the news of the town's being surrendered, the Stales sat extraordinarily frora eight in the morning till night, and, I hear, sent the governor orders to hold out to the last. Surely their old spirit has quite left thera, as well as their old politics, or they could not see France making such large paces towards the conquest of Flanders, without exerting their whole force, and straining every nerve to oppose her progress. It was raonstrous not to have even half the quota which they have agreed to bring into tbe field actually there; when tiie battle was fought, the whole confederate army, according lo tbe best accounts I have seen, consisted of 46 battalions, and 73 squadrons, making in all 33,000 effective raen; the French, of 102 battalions and 149 squadrons, making 60,000, a terrible disproportion, considering, at the same time, how advantageously they were posted, and lined with so raany batteries. We have bad few particular accounts of the action : sorae of those first dispatched were stopped on the other side of the water, and the officers write with caution and reserve. It is whispered about, that Prince Waldeck pushed us into this desperate atterapt: the best tiling that can be said for it now it is over here is, tbat our Johns love fighting for their raoney, and that there was no other chance for raising the siege. EAEL OF CHESTEEFIELD TO MR. DAVID MALLET. Dublin Castle, November 27, 1745. Sir, I HAVE just now received the favour of your letter of the 20th, whioh adds to my shame, for not having sooner acknowledged your«former. The truth is, that the business of this place, such as it is, is continual ; and as I am resolved to do it while I ara here, it leaves me little or no time to do things I should like ranch better; assuring you of my regard and friendship is one of those things, but though one of tire raost agreeable, I be lieve the least necessary. I cannot coraprehend the consternation which 8000 of your countrymen have, I flnd, thrown seven millions of mine into; I, who at this distance, see things only in their plain natural light, am, I confess, under no apprehensions; I consider a Highlander (with sub mission to you) as Rowe does a Lord, who, when opposed to a man, he affirras to be but a raan; frora which principle I raake this inference, that 49,000 raust beat 8000; not to raention our sixteen new regiraents, which must go for soraething, though in my opinion 1745.] APPENDIX. 663 not for much. I have with much difficulty quieted the fears here, which were at first very strong, partiy by contagion frora England, and partly from old prejudices, which ray good subjecis are far frora being yet above. They are in general still at the year 1689, aud have not shook off any religious or political prejudice that prevailed at that lirae. However, I ara very glad I am araong thera ; for in this litlle sphere, a little may do a great deal of good, but in England tiiey raust be rauch stronger shoulders than raine that can do any good at that bulky machine. Pray let me hear from you as often and as minutely as you have leisure ; most correspondents, like most very learned men, suppose that one knows raore than one does, and therefore don't tell one half what they could, so one never knows so much as one should. I am, &c. Chesterfield. DUKE OF NEWCASTLE TO THE DUKE OF CUMBERLAND. [State Paper Office,] Whitehall, December 1, 1745. Sir, There is a person whose real narae is Broadstreet. He is very conversant with the Jacobites, and has often given me intelligences relating to tbem. He sets out to-morrow for the rebel army, and will send rae constant accounts by the narae of Oliver Williaras. If your Royal Highness will send in a countryman's coat any person you can depend upon, and order hira to go to the head-quarters of the rebels, and inquire for Mr, Broad- street, an Irish gentieman, and when he sees him to speak to hira by the narae of Oliver ¦Williaras, he will tiien open himself fully to hira, and acquaint bim with all the dis coveries he shall have been able to make ofthe motions and designs ofthe rebels. Though I ara far frora being sure that this will be of any service to your Royal High ness, yet at a time like this nothing ought to be omitted that has the least appearance of it. I ara, &c. Newcastle. ME. BEADKEN TO SIE E. FAWKENER. [State Paper Office,] Warrington, December 4, 1745. Sir, I HAVE been trying to pass by tbe rebel army ever since Friday last, in order to bring His Royal Highness what accounts and intelligence I had, as well as ray own observa tions on the force, &c, of it. As I live in Lancaster, and was there while the rebels passed wholly through, I appre hend my account of them may be of use, and I hope it will contribute to their total overthrow. . I knew all their goings on in the year 1715, and have been used to see large armies abroad, so tbat I made my calculations without any hurry of spirits or sur prise, and I am satisfied tbat their foot is not 5000, one third of which are 60 years of age and upwards and under 17, As to their horse, they were counted by rae in coming in and going out with little variation, and I make them 624, but scarce such as are fit to be called horse: they are so out of order and slender-shaped. The coraraon soldiers are a raost despicable crew, being in general low in stature, and of a wan and meagre countenance, stepping along under their arms with difliculty, and what they are about seeras more of force than inclination. I ijelieve one might single out about one thousand fresh looking fellows amongst their ofiicers and soldiers : the flrst I find are of desperate fortunes in general, and might as well be shot or hanged as go back. There are several very old follows who were at the battle of Sheriffmuir, in the last rebellion, and have brought their sons and grandsons .along with them now; so you will judge what kind of a show they must make, espe cially to a person used to the sight of troops fit for the field, ^ , , , i, t While they were at Lancaster, I happened to sup with their Duke of Athol, whom I 664 APPENDIX. [1745. knew in France, after he went off with the Pretender, There were at supper two Scotchmen who I found were corae over frora France, and had been in the service of that Crown several years, and three other young gentlemen, sorae of whose names were Murray, What I observed by their discourse was, that they designed to push for London, with all speed, but did not themselves know the route. The Marquis of Tullibardine went so far as saying, it would be time for Don George to march off very soon. I observed also that they magnified their numbers exceedingly, and told confounded lies about their proceedings, but to repeat tbat part would be tedious. As I came from Lancaster hither, I secured several of th e straggling rebels, disarmed and sent them to our gaol, so that we have about nine or ten of tbem safe. Upon one of the fellows, dressed like an Englishman, I seized fifty-two letters, all dated 27th November, the day they left Preston, and I designed to have carried them to Field-Marshal Wade, but finding he was on Thursday sevennight last only four miles south of Darlington, I made a trial to pass the rebel array at or near Manchester, and finding I could not do it with safely, I went to Liverdown, and, as I am yet hindered by the bridges being pulled down, I sent this express by the post. Tbe letters were opened on ray applying to Mr, Magnall, -a justice of peace in Lan cashire, and those frora the great ones mention their full expectations that their King and Duke will be at London before this army, which they say gives them uneasiness. Other letters tell their friends in Scotland that their array now consists of 24,000 men, and that neither dike, ditch, nor devil can turn them ; but I hope these are no true pro phets. In general they are well armed, but I dare say most of thera cannot charge quick, for their pistols are of the screw sort; and as to the common men, very few of them have any pistols, and the target, it is plain, is more for single corabat than field fighting; so that when their array is fairly faced, it must be borne down entirely, it is so weak and light. Their chief is about 5 foot 11 inches high, pretty strong and well built, has a brown complexion, full cheeks, and thickish lips that stand out a little. He looks more of the Polish than the Scotch breed, for he is nothing like the King they call his grandfather. He looks very much dejected, not a sraile being seen in all his looks, for I walked a quarter of a raile with hira on the road, and afterwards saw him in his lodgings amongst company. His guards were in a horrible pother at Lancaster in the night, thinking they had lost him, but he was only gone for a little walk into the garden. As to the 52 letters which I took from the footpost between the array and Edinburgh, they are gone to Lord Cholraondeley, who, I dare say, will forward them to the Duke of Newcastle's office. I am a practiser of physic in Lancaster, If you think proper to honour rae with two lines of your receipt of this express, for which I intend to wait at Warrington, and for any orders frora you that can be executed by. Sir, Your most devoted humble servant, Hesr^ Bradkeh. ABSTRACT OF THE EXAMINATION OP ME. MUERAT, OF BROUGHTON, BEFORE THE SECRET COMMITTEE, AUGUST 13, 1746. [Frora tbe papers of Lord Chancellor Hardwicke,] Lord TRAdUAiR acquainted hira, in the beginning of 1743, that in 1740 an association was signed by the seven following persons, in favour of the Pretender, naraely. Lord Traquair hiraself, the late Lord Perth, Lord John Druraraond, uncle to the late Lord Perth, Sir Jaraes Campbell of Auchinbreck, Lord Lovat, young Lochiel, and Mr, John Stuart, brother to Lord Traquair, This paper was sent to Rome by Drummond, alias Macgregor,* who carried at tbe sarae time a memorial to tbe Cardinal de Fleury, with a list of tbe Highland chiefs tbat were thought well-affected to the Pretender. Amongst thera were the names of Sir Alexander Macdonald and the Laird of Macleod. Drum mond, on his return to Scotland in 1741-2, acquainted Lord Traquair >nd the rest, that the Cardinal had received bim very graciously, and proraised, on encourageraent from England, to send troops into Scotland, in autumn, 1742. Lord Traquair was employed * Of Bohaldie, 1746.] APPENDIX. 665 in London to get this encouragement, and told the examinant afterwards, that the prin cipal persons he had conversed witii on the subject were. Sir John Hinde Cotton, Sir Watkin Wynn, and Lord Barryraore ; that Dr. Barry, Colonel Cecil, and Colonel Brett were concerned as agents. In March or April, 1743, the examinant was prevailed with, by Lord Traquair and Lochiel, to undertake a journey to Paris, in order to see whether the French assurances were to be depended on. During tbe short abode he raade by the way in town, he talked with no Englishraan whatever on tbe Pretender's affairs. When he arrived in France, he was introduced by Druramond and Sempill to Cardinal Tencin and M. Amelot, to whora he opened his coraraission, and the latter told hira bis raaster bad the Pretender's interest rauch at heart, and would take the first opportunity of assisting hira. The examinant came back to Edinburgh in the suramer, and raade a report of what had passed to the persons above mentioned. The scheme was, that 3000 French were to be sent to Scotiand, 1500 to land at Inverness, and as many in the Western Highlands, and to be joined by the disaffected clans in those parts. At the same time. Marshal Saxe was to make a descent with 12,000 raen near London. About this time Druramond was a few days in London, and had raeetings with Sir J. H. Cotton, W. Wynn, and Lord Barrymore, in relation to these raatters, wbich, after the invasion was disappointed, slept awhile, till, in June, 1744, tiie examinant was per suaded by Lord Traquair to make a second journey to France, which he agreed to, took our army in his way, and had frequent conversations at Paris with the young Pretender, Sir Thomas Sheridan, Lord Elcho, Druramond, and Sempill. The young Pretender made no doubt of being supported by the French Court, but told him he would come, though he brought but a single footraan. The exarainant, on his return to Edinburgh, reconsidered the whole raatter with Lord Traquair, Lochiel, and Lord Perth. The two forraer thought it a rash enterprise ; the latter had a better opinion of it. The Laird of Macleod declared that, though he looked upon it as a desperate scheme, he would join tiie Pretender if he carae, and he in formed Murray, in April, 1745, that the Jacobites in England were well disposed, but against stirring, unless France would assist thera. The flrst notice which the exarainant received of the young Pretender's resolution to set out for Scotland, was in June, 1 745, upon which he acquainted Lochiel and Macleod with it, who both disapproved it, as rash and unseasonable, and encouraged the exarainant to write dissuasive letters, which he did accordingly, but they carae too late; the young Pretender landed at Arisaig, and Mr. Murray joined him, and acted as his Secretary. He knows of no letters being sent into England, but one to Lord Barryraore frora Perth, written with the young Pretender's own hand. Sir Thoraas Sheridan told hira he had sent Hickson to talk with people in the north, but naraed nobody. He knows of no letters received from persons not in arras, except Lord Lovat. He was not acquainted with Sir James Stewart's negotiation at Versailles, nor with Lord Clancarty's message to France in August last. He says Sheridan was the person in principal confidence with the young Pretender, who had the correspondence with France entirely in bis bands. To the best of bis knowledge there was no money remitted frora England to the young Pretender, and, during the whole rime of their being in England, tbey received no mes sage nor application frora any person in it, whicli vexed thera extreraely. He does not know that any body about the Pretender bad any dependence on tbe late Provost, nor is he acquainted with the private correspondences they might have in Edinburgh, He recollects that during the siege of Stirling Castle, Sir John Douglas carae to Bannockburn, and was introduced privately to him in his chamber, that is, he was obliged to go to Stirling. Sir John was carried to bis audience of the young Pretender by Sheridan, and only told hira (Murray) in general, at bis return, that he bad a raessage frora the Pre tender's friends in England, tliat 10,000Z. was deposited in London for his use, and that a messenger was setting out for France when he left it; Sir John did not tell him by whom die message was sent to France, but he concluded it was by the persons above mentioned. At Derby, the young Pretender was singly of opinion for raarching on to London, against the advice of the whole council of war; but the exarainant advised him W sul> mit to the general sense of his oflicers. He does not believe the rebels were above 5000 men at Derby. They bad littie or no intelligence from any quarter whilst they were m England. He has heard the Duke of Beaufort named by tbe Pretender's friends as one tbat wished them well ; but he does not know of any person tbat corresponded with him. After the battle of Culloden, Macdonald of Lochgarry offered to lie in wait lor the Duke, between Fort Augustus and Fort Williara, and shoot him, but the young Pretender absolutely forbade him to atterapt any such thing. S66 APPENDIX. [1746. The declaration of the 10th of October, 1745, was drawn up by Sheridan and Sir Jaraes Stewart, Being shown two letters, dated Paris, one signed Druraraond Macgregor, and the other G, Kelley, he acknowledged both their hands, and recollected that the first had been read over to him by Sheridan. He also said to the best of his remembrance, the de ciphering ofthe naraes over tbe figures was in Sheridan's hand. These two letters are raost remarkable ones, and were found amongst the papers taken at Culloden ; but where, or in what manner, I can give no account. The flrst was written not long after tbe battie of Gladsrauir, and before the raarch into England. The writer speaks sanguinely of the French having a real intention to support the young Pretender's cause, and says he had taken great pains to persuade his friends in England to declare themselves ; that he had, from the beginning, corresponded with the principal of them, who were connected with and trusted by all the Royalists in the kingdom, such as the Duke of Beaufort, Lord Orrery, Sir W, Wynn, Sir J, H, Cotton, and Lord Barrymore ; that the latter was rauch relied on, and a great deal left to his manage ment; that he did not doubt but, as soon as the young Pretender had raade any ad vances in England, and shown bis friends there an array able to protect them, they would fiock to his standard frora all quarters. He mentions bis long and painful aiJ- herence to the Jacobite cause ; that he was now worn out with age and infirmities, but could have wished to have ended his life gloriously in the field, flghting with the rest of his gallant countrymen in defence of his lawful prince and the liberties of Scotland. I think this letter is addressed to the young Pretender himself The other is a despatch to Sheridan from Kelly, who was sent to France after the taking of Edinburgh, to represent the state of the Pretender's affairs in Scotland, and solicit succours. After mentioning the narrow escape he had from being seized at Camp Veer,' by the Consul there, he proceeds to give an account of the conferences he had with the French rainistry upon his arrival, and how strongly he had represented the necessity of their raaking a speedy diversion in favour of the Pretender, by a descent upon the south. He relates the particular answers he received from Marshal Noailles, the D'Argensons, and Mons. Maurepas: but the most remarkable passage is what fell from Cardinal Tencin, who expressed biraself very hearty in the Pretender's interests, but coraplained ofthe backwardness of the Pretender's friends in England to appear in arms for hira, and insisted tbat, before tbe erabarkation then in hand was corapleted. Sir J, H, Cotton should give up his place, and that when his resignation was published iil the Gazette, he (tbe Cardinal) should consider it as a sufficient pledge for his master to send bis troops upon. To which Kelly answered, that it was not reasonable to expect a rising of the Jacobites bere till they saw an army capable of protecting thera in the island ; and as to Sir J, H, Cotton, his Erainence should reflect how hazardous it would be for bim to resign at this juncture, since the moment after he would be sent to die Tower. I can recollect nothing else material in the letter. Mr. Kelly flourishes a littie on the esteem and affection professed by every body at Paris for the young Pretender ; and Compliments Sheridan on the credit he had acquired by his conduct. These letters were read over to us at the Secret Comraittee, when the drawing np a Report on the Rebellion was under consideration ; but for what reasons I do not well know, it was afterwards laid aside, I have reason to think that the raoderation of Mr. Pelhara, and the Cabinet Ministers, then satisfied with having brought the leaders ofthe Rebellion to the block, and having the rest at mercy, did not choose to push inquiries further. The Tories at first seeraed very angry with us for letting the naraes of Sir Watkin, &o,, slip out of Murray's raouth; and Prowse,t a Tory, but no Jacobite, asked Speaker Onslow, if some notice ought not to be taken of it in the House, Mr, Onslovif intimated that be believed tbe parties concerned would not choose it, Prowse replied, " That I cannot help ; others know themselves best." EAEL OF CHESTEEFIELD TO ME. DA-VID MALLET. Bath, March 9, 1748. Sir, I AM very much concerned at the continuance of your complaint, and ara afraid that you increased it by the letter which you favoured rae with. I shall put your eyes to * Camp '^feer,in Zealand. t Mr. Prowse was M.P. for Somersetshire. 1748.] APPENDIX. 567 that trial no more ofa good while at least, for I shall be in town next Monday or Tues day, and I hope for the rest of my life, except now and tiien a little excursion to this place, which always does me good. I can say to you now, without a compliment, what I could not with truth have said to you some years ago, which is, that I do uot know a pair of eyes in whioh I interest myself so much as I do in yours. I use tbe word "interest" here very properly, for it is from the use of your eyes that I expect the best employment for my own. By this time I suppose that I ara a littie out of fashion, as a subject of political refine ments; and that new matter has shoved rae off tbe coft'ee-boiise tables. I own I should not have been sorry to have beard, unseen, tbe various speculations thrown out, and feels asserted concerning rayself of late; which I dare say were full as near tbe truth as those will be which sorae solid historians of these times will transrait to posterity. Not one of them will allow the desire of ease and quiet to have had the least share in my determination; but on the contrary will assert tbat it was only the pretence of dis appointed ambition. Lord Chesterfield would be Ca'sar or nothing, says a spirited politician; there is something raore in this affair than wo yet know, says a deeper; he expects lobe called again, says a tiiird; while tbe silent pantomiraical politician shrugs at every thing eventually, and is sure not to be disproved at last. They are all welcorae; let them account for ray present situation how they please, this I know, and tiiey do not, that I feel and enjoy the comfort of it Before I left London I spoke to Mr. Pelhara concerning you ; he told me that he had been exceedingly pressed by Lyttleton in favour of Thomson and West. I answered that I had a great value for them both, and should be extremely sorry to hurt either, but they had already something, and could therefore, in my opinion, better wait a little than you. Our conversation ended, as all those conversations do, with general assurances on his part, that he would do for you wben he could. None but he who gives these as surances can know the real value of them ; fot he could not say more if he meant to realize them, and he would not say less if he did not: all that Lean say is that he shall not want a remembrancer. The situation of your affairs makes rae only raore anxious, but not more desirous to serve you than I was before ; as it was your merit, which I did know, aud not your circumstances, which I did not know, that made rae, what I ever shall be, Your most faithful friend and servant, Chesterfield. SIE CHAELES HANBUET WILLIAMS TO ME. FOX. Berlin, 1751. (Extracts.) [Sir Charles proceeded as British Minister lo Berlin in May, 1750 ; hul was recalled and sent back to his old post at Dresden in February, 1751. See Lord Orford's Memoirs, vol, L p, 515 ; and vol. li, p, 463,] His Prussian Majesty does not give entire confldence either to Podewils or Finken stein (his Ministers of State); that he reserves for two persons who constantly reside with hira at Potsdam, and whose names are Heichel and Fredersdorf; the flrst of whom is his Prussian Majesty's private Secretary, and who is always kept under the same roof with bis Majesty, and is so well watched, that a person may be at this Court seven years without once seeing hira. His Prussian Majesty's Ministers at Berlin, I raean those for Foreign Affairs, make the oddest figure of any in Europe. They seldora or never see any despatches that are sent to the Prussian Ministers at foreign Courts, and all letters that corae to Berlin frora foreign Courts go directiy to the King, so that M. Podewils and Count Finkenstein know no more of what passes in Europe than what they are informed of by the Gazettes. When any of us go to them on any business, the surprise they are in easily betrays their igno rance, and the only answer you ever get is, that they will lay what you say before their master, and give you an answer as soon as he shall have signified bis pleasure to them. When you return to their houses for this answer, tbey tell you the exact words which the King has directed, and never one word more; nor are you permitted to argue any pomt. 568 APPENDIX. [1751. If a courier is to be despatched to Versailles, or a Minister to Vienna, his Prnssian Ma jesty draws himself the instructions for the one, and writes tbe letters for the olher. This you will say is great; but if a dancer at the Opera has disputes with a singer, or if one of those performers wants a new pair of stockings, a plurae for his helmet, or a finer petticoat, the sarae King of Prussia sits in judgment on the cause, and with his own hand answers tbe dancer's or the singer's letter. His Majesty laid out 20,000/. to build a fine theatre, and his music and singers cost him near the sarae sura every year ; yet this same King, when an Opera is to be performed, will not allow lOl. a night to light np the theatre with wax candles ; and the smoke that rises frora tbe bad oil, and the horrid stink that flows from the tallow, make raany of the audience sick, and actually spoil tbe whole entertainraent. What I have thought about this Prince is very true, and I believe after reading what I say about him, you will think so too. He is great in great things, and little in little ones ! In confinriation ofthe statements in the preceding letter as to Frederick's personal and minute attention to even the smallestdetailsof business, and as a specimen of his peremp tory method in transacting it, I insert the following curious document, which I have ex tracted and translated from the original Gerraan in Preuss. Urkundenbueh (" Collection of Documents"), vol. ji, pp. 222—235. Marginal Notes hy King Frederick the Second on some of the Reports from his Cabinet Ministers. 1. Petition from Siraon, Merchant and Coramercial Counsellor ( Commerzien Rath) at Stettin, to be allowed to purchase the estate of Kraatzen for 40,000 dollars. 2, Petition from the to^wn of Frankfort- on-Oder, against the quartering of troops upon them. 3. Petition from the linkers at Potsdam, tbat corn frora the public magazines may be allowed thera. 4. Petition frora the stocking-weaver Esobe, for tbe sum of 3200 dollars, due to him on Saxon revenue bonds. 5. Petition from Cotonel I ^t that be may be stationed in Silesia, as he intends to purchase estates in that province, 6, Petition from the inhabitants of Pots dam, to assist tbem in paying a contribution of 32,000 dollars levied by tbe Austrians, 7. Petition frora the Kammerherr Baron von Muller, for leave to visit the baths at Aix la Chapelle. 8, Renewed petition from Baron von Muller for leave to visit tbe baths, 9, Petition for the expenses of receiving and entertaining their Highnesses of Bruns wick on their visit in Prussia, 700 dollars. 10, Petition from the Count of Lippe- Detraold, that the claims of the town of Lippstadt may be duly considered in the purchase of land for fortifications, 11. Petition from the creditors of the Count Giannini that the delegated Judicium which had been granted at their request may be suspended. (Jn the King's own -writing.) Forty thousand dollars invested in Com merce will bring in eight per cent, in landed property only four. So this man does not understand his own business. A cobbler should continue a cobbler; a mer chant should think of his trade, and not of buying estates. Why, it cannot be otherwise. Do they think that I can put tbe regiment into my pocket ¦? But the barracks shall be re built. They havehad above 500 -wi-nspel already. Ce sont des Canailles. Have them up before the raagistrate 1 Patciencia ! That is the very reason why he must not be stationed in Silesia. He would im prove the estates and neglect the service. Let them look to paying their own debts. I shall not give that rascally rabble a single grosehen. What would he do there? He would garable away the little money he has left, and come back like a beggar. Let him go to the devil ! Pay it this once, but it is a scandolous robbery. Another time I shall send a per son to keep the accounts, A vague answer — in the Austrian style that shall mean nothing. The administration of justice in my do minions shall in no way be infringed upon, because the laws must govern ali. 1751.] APPENDIX. 569 12. Report from tho President von Auer, that in placing the flag-stones it would be more profitable to deal by contract than by day-work. 13, Petition from tbe sickly son of the deceased Colonel von Platho, entreating some' pension or provision. 14. Complaint of the Geheimer Rath von Brandt, that several of the colonists whom he sent from Uim, have returned rauch dissatisfied with tiieir treatment. 15. Petition from Forstmeister von Poser, that his son raay not be forcibly carried off' to the military profession. 16. Petition from Countess Paradis, that her son, now in the Bavarian array, may receive a commission in the Prussian, with the vievv that the stricter discipline raay wean him from his drunken habits. 17, Petition from the merchant Hintze for permission to iraport 10,000 ewt, of copper, duty free. 18. Petition frora the apprentice-raason Eichel for admission to the rights of master- mason at Berlin. 19. Petition from the Jew Meyer Benja min at Magdeburg, for adraission to equal privileges with Christian tradesraen. 20. Petition from Lieutenant von Win- terfeldt, for a loan of 12,000 dollars on good interest, for the improvement of his 21, Petition from Du Moulin (lately Ma jor in the army), for the place of tire de- (ieased Krieges Rath Tschirner at the Pome ranian chamber, 22, Petition frora General von Dierecke that his brother-in-law von Gravenitz raay have leave to marry the daughter of Ober- Inspector Glaser. 23, Petition from Geheimer Rath von Brandt for the payraent of his account — postage of letters araounting to 113 dollars. 24. Petition from Cornet von Ortzen, tbat he may be permitted to visit the baths of Carlsbad for the recovery of his hearing. 25. Petition from Colonel von Lossow, that Major Haletius and the Captains of Hussars, Trenk and Saltzwedel, may have leave to marry. 26, Petition from the Pastor Pels at Ber- nau, for a yearly pension of 1 50 dollars, as he finds that he cannot subsist on his sti pend of 186. 27. Petition from Landrath von Wobeser, for compensation on account of the burning of his house and other losses he suffered at the bombardment of Custrin, 28, Petition from the Ober-Audiior G. at Berhn, complaining of the appointraent of Ober-Auditor Reinecke as General-Auditor, and statuig his own claims as the senior of I care nothing for the Modum protcedendi, so that the object be attained. Why, how can I provide for all the halt and the bhnd f He sent me people who had been actors and hair-dressers. Such persons are of no use in tilling land. He will be better educated in a regiment than in a village. I look out for good officers, but the de bauched ones I send packing. Such people of whatever rank I think no acquisition to my service. Give him a round refusal. He maybe admitted if there are not mas ter-masons enough already, and if he be not as idle as tbe Berlin ones. Let the Jew immediately take himself away frora Magdeburg, or the Comraandant shall kick him out. I ara not a banker. That would be appointing a goat for gar dener! Fie ! how can he propose such a thing ? I shall send hira no raoney to help his writing. He already writes bis fingers off. Let hira write me ¦what is really needful, and not so much useless stuff that gives me no information, Carlsbad can do nothing for one's ears. After Hussars have taken wives, they are seldom worth a shot of powder. But if be (Colonel von Lossow) believes that those gentlemen would still do their duty well, I will give them leave. The Apostles did not thirst after lucre.' They have preached in vain ; Herr Pels has no apostolic soul, and does not hold the things of this world as things of nought. At the day of Judgment every man will receive again whatever he has lost in this life. I have in my stable a parcel of old mules, ¦who have served me a long while, but I have not yet found any of them apply to ba made Superintendents of the Stable. 570 APPENDIX. [1751. all the Ober-Auditors, and as having served the state for thirty years. 29. Petition from Captain von E 1, who had left the ariuy, praying that he may be re-appointed to it; his marriage with a rich heiress, for the sake of wbich he retired, having now failed. 30. Petition from the Landwirlh Filegel at Gratz, that he may be perraitted to buy for 20,000 dollars a nobleman's estate in Prussia. 31, Petition from the Vicar General of the Dominicans at Neisse, tbat some of the brotherhood raay have leave to give spiritual assistance to the garrison. 32, Petition frora Kanter, a bookseller at Konigsberg, for the title of Commerzien Rath, Commercial Counsellor. 33. Petition frora Count von Reder to protect bim against the award of law, in the possession of an estate. 34, Petition from General Count Ange- lelli of Bologna, for a coraraission in tbe Prussian army, 25, Petition frora Captain Von Diebitseh, that he raay be transferred to another regi ment, 36, Report frora the Cabinet Ministers, stating that on a recent conclusion of a treaty with a foreign Power, they had been offered a Cadeau; a thing they observe not unusual, but done in an unusual raanner. 37, Project from Colonel von W., for ob taining, without any fresh burden on the peo ple, a raillion and a half additional revenue. 38, Petition frora the acaderaician Bi- taub^, who is writing the History of Hol land, for six raonths' leave of absence to travel in that country. 39. Petition from the wine-raerchant Kiehn at Berlin, for corapensation on ac count of 82 hogsheads of wine, whioh the Russians carried off during their last inva sion. 40. Petition from Geheimer Rath La Motte, that his father-in-law, tbe late Or dens Kanzler von Munchow, may not have the decree against hira publisbed in the newspapers. 41. Petition frora Herr von Marschall, that the sentence against him in the Court of Appeal may be mitigated. The army is not -a. public house where people may run in and out as they please. Since this raan has once left the service, he can have no arabition, and I hate such ofiicers. We have enough of Flegels (bumpkins, a pun on tbe narae) in Prussia already; such colonists are of no use. Besides, as he is not of noble blood hiraself, I cannot allow hira to buy a nobleraan's estate. They may ; but if they should lead any soldier to desert, the Vicar General must make up his mind to see them hanged. Bookseller — there is a truly honourable title I He has no right to ask me for such violent measures. My duty is to uphold the laws, and not to infringe theiri. Why, he was a general of the Pope's army — surely he would not consent to serve a heretic ! He does not know his own mind. He has been with the Cadets — then Quarter- Master — now another regiraent! Wind, wind, wind ! Je consols toute La repugnance, Messieur, que Vous aurez d ressevoir cette reconnoisanee ; mais je supposse que Vous Vous ferez la duce viollance de L'accepter.* He may keep those millions for himself. He can write his history here. need he run about for it? Why Why not compensation also for what he lost at the Deluge ? His cellars were then no doubt under water. One must go through with such things. He who commits des infamies, though he were of Royal blood, must suffer the due punishment. The laws are supreme above all men, whether Marshals or not ; and if this does not suit the gentleman, he may go out of the country, as his brother has done. Sir, EARL MAEISCHAL TO PEINCE CHAELES STUAET. Paris, May 18, 1754. I AM honoured with yours in whioh you bid me name any person for carrying of your letters, except Mr. Goring or Mr. Boson. It is what I shall never take upon me, that I * Printed according to the original French spelUnff, The orthography of the German is much of the same kind. 1754.] APPENDIX. 671 may not expose you to the danger of trusting new folks. Mr. Goring is known for a man of honour, I must beg your pardon in what you say of his " abusing of your situation." Had it been as happy as be bas ventured life to make it, he neither would nor should have thought himself under any obligation lo suffer the usage he has raet with in return to the trufli and fidelity with which be has served you. The fldelity of both the persons to whora you make exception is without dispute, by the plain proof of so long and so extraordinary concealment of your person. My health and my heart are broke by age and crosses, I resolve to retire frora the world and from all aftairs. I never could be of use to you, but in so far as I was directed by some few honourable persons, deservedly respected by all wbo know them. The manner in which you received lately a message frora them, full of zeal for your interest and affection for your person, has, I fear, put an end to that correspondence. And after your threatening to publish their names, from no other provocation than their represent ing to you what tiiey judge for their true interest, and of which they are witiiout doubt the best judges, can I expose any who may trust me with their confidence to such hazard ? I appeal to your own conscience, aud I may to the world — if I can, , I here take leave of politics, praying God that he may open your eyes to your true interest, and give you as honest advisers and better received than those you had lately, and who are the only ones with whora I could serve you. I have the honour to be, &c. &o. PEINCE CHAELES (UNDEE THE NAME OF JOHN DOUGLAS) TO EAEL MAEISCHAL. [From a rough draught in the Stuart Papers.] May, 1754. Yoij are the only friend that I know of, this side of the water. My raisfortunes are so great that they render me really quite incapable of supporting tbe irapertinences of low people. However, I ara so much a countryman as to lay aside any personal piques, p-o renata; but I do not think a prince can. He (the Prince), I ara persuaded, will be able to show hiraself in his true light one day. My heart is broke enough without that you should flnish it ; your expressions are so strong without saying where, I ara obliged here to let you see clear at least in one article. Any one whosoever that has told you I gave such a message to England as you mention, bas told you a d lie, God for give them ! I -would not do tiie least hurt to my greatest enemy were he in my power, much less to any one that professes to he mine. For ever yours, J. Douglas. EAEL TEMPLE TO LADY HESTEE PITT. Nov. 20, 1755. Mt dear Ladt Hester, I CANifOT defer till to-morrow morning making a request to you, upon the success ot whioh I have so entirely set my heart that I flatter rayself you will not refuse it me, 1 must entreat you to make use of all your interest with Mr, Pitt to give his brother lem- ple leave to become his debtor for a thousand pounds a year, till better times, Mr. Pitt will .never have it in his power to confer so great an obligation upon, dear Lady Hester, his and „ a- .- . Your most affectionate. Temple. EAEL TEMPLE TO LADY HESTEE PITT. Friday, Nov. 21, 1755. I AM infinitely happy, my dear Lady Hester, in your having P^^r^^ .^.""^^^^^"'/j* Mr. Pitt in a manner ik which my heart was so deeply interested; this proof of his 572 APPENDIX. [1756. kindness and friendship to me is the only reraaining one that he could give me. I re* ceive it with all possible gratitude, and will call upon you and hira very soon to tell you how unalterably I am. Your most affectionate brother. Temple. SIE C. HANBURY WILLIAMS TO THE EAEL OP HOLDEENESS. (Most secret.) St. Petersburg, Friday, July 9, N. S., 1756. Mt LoHn, I must inform your Lordship of a very secret conference which I have had with the Great Duchess.* Her entire attachment to the King, the probability of her soon mount ing this Throne, and the certainty of her acting perfectiy right whenever she is Em press, make every ¦word, she says of consequence. She is very uneasy about the reports of this Court's entering into measures with France, and of a French Ambassador's coraing here. She offered me to do every thing I could suggest to prevent all this, I had already alarmed her about the arrival of a French Ambassador, and showed her that such a person's residence here raight be very dangerous to her and the Great Duke. I said that she knew that her known confidence in the Great Chancellor had made tbe Scbuwalows her secret enemies; that the Schu- walows in theraselves had neither sense, courage, nor raoney enough to do any harm to her succession; but that the arrival of a French Arabassador raight change that scene, and that when he found out what their Imperial Highnesses' way of thinking in politics \vas, he would spare neither pains nor raoney to do thera all the harm in his power, I begged her to remember all Monsieur La Chetardie's intrigues here, and what followed upon them. She thanked me ten tiraes for these bints ; she said sbe saw the danger, and that she ¦would animate the Great Duke to do bis utmost in this affair; tbat she could do a great deal raore if she had money, for that here nothing was done without it ; that she was forced to keep even the Empress's charabermaids in pay; that she had nobody to address herself to upon such an occasion; that her own faraily was poor; but that if tiie King would graciously and generously be pleased to lend her a sura of money, she would give his Majesty her note for it, and would rejjay it to hira the moment she had it in her power so to do; and at the same time I raight give her word of honour to tbe King, that every farthing of il should be applied to what she hoped was their coraraon service; and she desired I would be answerable to his Majesty for her raanner of thinking and acting. I answered her that I had all the reason in the world to be eonvinced of her attach ment to the King and his interests, and therefore would venture to propose her request to his Majesty. But I desired at the sarae time that she would narae the sura. She said twenty thousand ducats effective, or ten thousand pounds sterling; and then desired tbat this ber request might be known to as fe^w people as possible. His Majesty is now acquainted with the state of affairs at this Court, and it is in his Royal breast to decide upon this request. As for my part, nothing but a thorough con viction of the good use the Great Duchess raay make of this raoney, could have induced me to raention it, I have the honour to be, &c, C. Hanbdrt Williams. SIE C. H. WILLIAMS TO THE EAEL OF HOLDEENESS. St. Petersburg, March 22, N S., 1757. Notwithstandiitg every thing that has been said against rae, I have reason to be lieve that I ara in every respect rather well than ill in the Empress's good opinion, ex cept the aversion that she has to every body she thinks in tbe Prussian interest; and I have within this last week received two messages from the favourite Schuwalow to as- * Afterwards the Empress Catherine II. 1T57.] APPENDIX. 573 sure me of his esteem, and to tell me that he looks upon it as a misfortune to him, that the present circumstances of affairs did not permit hira to cultivate my friendship, and come so often to my house as he could wish to do. To this I may add, that I have the good will and support of the Great Duke and Duchess; but their power is but small. The constant accusation of rae to the Erapress is, that I am in the King of Prussia's interest; to which some people have added, that her Imperial Majesty ought to look upon me more as a Prussian spy, than as an English Arabassador, Of late it has gone so far, that she has been advised not to let any of my couriers go any more through Eiga; for that I was too well inforraed of all that passed here, and too well inclined to his Prussian Majesty, not to be able and willing to give hira very good intelligence. The Minister of France, and, I ara sorry to say, the Austrian Arabassador also, has endea voured to do me many ill offices; and your Lordship may depend upon it, from various and good intelligence, that our eneraies at this Court will do their utraost with tbe Era- press to draw me into some difficulties, which raay end in ray being sent away from hence. Upon the whole, I subrait myself entirely to his Majesty, and have no will but his. If it should be bis Royal pleasure that I should remain here, I will in the most humble raanner offer one piece of advice, which is, that I may be charged with as few orders as possible ; for, at this time, I am convinced that to any thing I can have to ask here, I shaU receive either a refusal or no answer at all. ME. FOX TO HORACE WALPOLE (THE YOUNGER). Burlington Street, May 13, 1757. Dear Sir, I EITHER don't understand the line I have marked, or it says notiiing particular — "Vassals airy" — where are vassals either of the Crown or of the Nobles? I think you might work more into this very pretty plan, and I wish you would, what is there being so pretty. 1 can have no objection to your showing this. If the third and least party and " Lord Gawkee" had been a little worse treated, I should have liked it better, I would not have them very ill-treated neither. Adieu, You may have time fot any addition you please to make, for by what I learn at the Emperor's country house,* Lien-Chi raay answer Xoho's letter before the new Ministry will be forraed. Pray let me have a copy. Yours ever, H. Fox. EAEL STANHOPE TO ME. SECRETAET PITT. (Extract.) Chevening. October 3, 1757, 6 p, M. I TBIHK it my duty to inform you, that there having been this day a meeting of De- puty-Lieutenants for part of this county at Seven Oaks, for putting the Militia Act in execution, by proceeding to the enrolment of the raen who were chosen by lot at a for- ¦mer meeting, the Deputy-Lieutenants there present, who were Sir Thoraas larnaby, Mr. Thomas Lambard, Mr. Petley, and myself, were interrupted by tbe intrusion ol a considerable number of the lower sort of people, who seera to have been spirited up to obstract the execution of the law for the establishraent of a Militia, and whose chiei reason, if such men can be said to have any for their unwarrantable opposition, seemea to be the want of any provision for their pay, concerning which their dernands ap peared to run very high, some of thera talking of half a crown, and others ot eignteen pence a day. The Deputy-Lieutenants, finding that without violent methods which they were unwilling at first to use, they could not for the present go on with the business ofthe day, thought it most advisable to adjourn theraselves to this day se "¦"g^t- tt;_^'. J" the meantirae, such precautions might be taken as to secure the unmolested performance of their duty. The mob, after the Deputy-Lieutenants had left tiie room, proceeded to ? Kensington Palace. 574 APPENDIX. [1757. the rainister's (Mr. Curtis's) house, whose windows they broke, and afterwards to the Duke of Dorset's at Knole, to which they threatened mischief; but they were dispersed upon the seizing of sorae of the ringleaders by Captain Sraith, who happened to he there, before the arrival of a party of dragoons, which had beeri ordered thitiier upon the first account of those violent proceedings. ME. PITT TO EAEL STANHOPE. (Extract.) October 3, 1757. Give me leave to express the sense I have of the prudent step taken in adjourning the meeting, as no good is to be expected from a Militia forced upon the people, while under their present unhappy delusion, Sorae proper exaraples frora araong the ringleaders and incendiaries Of these dangerous insurrections raay be, when the ferment is somewhat subsided, necessary for the honour of Law and Magistracy, and not very difficult to come at. Persuasion and curing deluded minds by friendly conviction raust do the rest at a more favourable opportunity, or the duration of this shattered country will, I fear, not be long. ME. KEITH TO THE EAEL OF HOLDEENESS. St. Petersburg, March 30, N. S,, 1758. I BELIEVE I may venture to give your Lordship the following relation of the manner in which the Great Chancellor's* fall was brought about. When the news carae here of ray being arrived at Warsaw, the French Ambassador went to the Vice-ChanceUor, and after representing to him thenecessity of losing no time, insisted that he and his friends should make their last push against Count Bestucheff immediately; declaring to hira at the same tirae, tbat if he did not agree to his proposal, he would go directly to the Great Chancellor, and discover to hira all that had passed, and join with hira to break his ( Woronzow's) neck ; that the Vice-Chancellor, intimidated by this menace, entered into his proposal, and he and his party at Court set themselves to work, by private ways, to blacken M. Bestucheffs conduct to the Empress. To give the finishing stroke, the French Arabassador took the opporiunity of a Court day to come up to the Empress, and after having kissed her hand, pretending to adraire the stuff of her gown, whispered in her ear that there was a person at Court very dangerous, both to her Majesty's person and governraent, and that he thought hiraself obliged in duty to tell her that the Great Chancellor Bestucheff was the man. This alarraed the Empress ; and she having coraraunicated the raatter to her confi dants, who had their cue before, it was agreed to put the Great Chancellor under arrest, which was done two days after. By this the power of the French party at this Court is established, and tbe French Arabassador has the Vioe-Chancellor hiraself under the rod. Prince Trubetskoi, Marshal Bouterlin, and Count Alexander Schuwalow, are the persons appointed to inquire into the late Chancellor's conduct, but what discovery tbey may have made is not yet known. In the mean time, it is said, he bears his raisfortunes with spirit, and defies his eneraies to prove anything of consequence against hira ; and it is the general opinion that nothing very severe will happen to him, either with respect to his person or fortune. EARL OF CHESTEEFIELD TO EAEL STANHOPE. London, May 13, 1758. Mi dear Lord, 1 AM SO odd a fellow, that I have still some regard for my country, and some concern for my conscience. I cannot serve the one, and I would not hurt the other ; and there fore, for its quiet and safety, give me leave to put it into your keeping, which I do by * Bestucheff. 1758.] APPENDIX. 575 the bit of parchment here enclosed,* signed and sealed, and which your Lordship will he pleased to have filled up with your name. If I am not much mistaken, we agree entirely in opinion for the Habeas Corpus Bill now depending in the House of Lords; and I am confirmed io that opinion by a conversation I have lately had with a very able opposer of the Bill, in which I reduced him to this one argument, that the Bill was un necessary. If only unnecessary, why not pass it ex abundante, to satisfy people's minds upon a subject of that iraportance ? — But leave it in the breasts of the Judges, and they win do what is right. I ara by no means sure of that; and my doubts upon that head are warranted by the State trials, in which there is hardly an instance of any person prosecuted by the Crown, whom the Judges have not very partially tried, and, if they could bring it about with the jury, condemned right or wrong. We have had sliip-money Judges, dispensing Judges, but I have never read of any patriot Judges, except in the Old Testament ; and those perhaps were only so, because at that tirae there was no King in Israel. There is certainly sorae prerogative trick in this conspiracy of the lawyers to throw out this Bill; for as no good reason is given for it, it may fairly be presumed that the true one is a bad one, I am going next week to settle at Blackheath, in the quiet and obscurity tiiat best becorae me now, where you and Lady Stanhope, when yon have nothing better to do, will always find a very indifferent dinner, and a very faithful servant, Chesterfield. LE EOI FEEDEEIC AU PEINCE HENEI DE PEUSSE. [Preuss, Lebens Geschichte, vol. i, p, 449,] d Grilssau, ce 10 Aout, 175S. Je marche domain contre les Russes. Corarae les evenemens de la guerre peuvent produire toute sorte d'accidens, et qu'il peut m'arriver facileraent d'etre tuk, j'ai cru de mon devoir de vous raettre au fait de mes mesures, d'autant plus que vous etes le tuteur de notre neveu avec une autorite illiraitee. 1, Si je suis tue, il faut sur le champ que toutes les armees pr^tent le serraent de fid^lile a mon neveu. 2. II faut continuer d'agir avec tant d'aotivit^, que I'ennerai ne s'apercoive d'aucun changement dans le comraanderaent. 3. Pour ce qui regarde les finances, je crois devoir vous informer que tous ces dk- rangemens qui viennent d'arriver en dernier lieu — surtout ceux que je prevois encore — m'ont oblige d'accepter les subsides Anglais, qui ne seront payables qu'au mois d'Octobre. 4. Pour la politique, il est certain si nous soutenons bien cette campagne, que I'ennemi laset fatigue et ^puise par la guerre sera le premier a d^sirer la paix; raais si incontinent apres ma mort l'on montre de I'impatience et un d^sir trop violent pour la paix, ce sera Ie moyen de I'avoir mauvaise, et d'etre oblig^ de recevoir la loi de ceux que nous avons vaiiicus. Federic. MR. E. HAY TO ME. PITT. Lisbon, September 13, 1758. Sin, I HAVE the honour to acquaint you that a postilion arrived here on tbe 31st of August ¦with the melancholy news of tbe Queen of Spain's death. Their Most Faithfid Majes ties retired for eight days upon this occasion, and orders were issued out for tbe Court to put on mourning for four months, two of whicli to be deep raourning and two half- mourning. But unhappily tbe execution of this order has been interrupted by iis Most Faithful Majesty's indisposition; it being the custom of this Court to put on gala when any of the Royal family is blooded. When I went to Court to inquire after bis .Vlajesty s health. I was there informed, that the King on Sunday night, the 3d instant, passmg through a gallery to go to the Queen's apartment, had the misfortune to fall and bruise Ms right arm. He had been blooded eight different times ; and as his Majesty is a lat » His proxy. 576 APPENDIX. [1758. bulky man, to prevent any humour fixing there, his physicians have advised that he should not use this arm, but refrain from business for sorae time. Upon this occasion his Majesty, from the just confldence he places in his Royal Consort, and out of paternal care for the welfare of his subjects, that there should be no stop put to the course of pub lic business, has, by decree of the 7th instant, encharged ber Most Faithful Majesty with the government of these kingdoras during his present indisposition ; and I am informed the Queen will give public audience to her subjects on Tuesday next the I9th instant. The foreign Ministers have not been publicly notified of the Queen's being appointed Regent. (The foUouAng paragraph in cipher.) The account I have given of the King of Portugal's indisposition is in the manner I was inforraed at the Court; the reality is this. His Majesty, Sunday night, 3d instant, going with a favourite servant* to visit a raistress, (upon which occasion there are two chaises, the King in one, the servant in the other following hira ; but unfortunately that night they were together,) three raen on horseback in masks met thera, let the foremost equipage pass, and attacked the last; one fired at the postilion, the other two at the chaise. The King is wounded in the right arra, and some say in his left side, but not dangerously. The servant is much hurt, the driver is mortally so. This blow is thought to have been designed against tbe man, not against the raaster. This has greatly alarmed the Court, where it is endeavoured to be bushed up, but it is talked of abroad more pub licly than prudentiy. What a condition this unhappy nation would have been in, had the master fallen ! I have the honour to be, &o. Edward Hat. ME. PITT TO LOED STOEMONT, BEITISH MINISTEE AT WAESAW. WhitehaU, January 2, 1759. Mt Lord, His Majesty judges that the conclusion of the carapaign so prosperous to the King of Prussia, and which leaves the Court of Warsaw so little roora to hope the recovery of Saxony, raay probably afford no unfavourable moraent for making impressions on that Court, already under the present "weight of such severe distresses, and but roo well founded to apprehend the continuation of increasing the insupportable calaraities during a war wherein they are only victiras to the passion and ambition of allies hitherto little able to defend thera, and probably in the conclusion as little concerned for their real interests and advantages. In this view I ara coraraanded by his Majesty to signify his pleasure to your Lordship that you should, using all proper precaution not to commit the dignity ofthe King, sound the actual dispositions of the Court of Warsaw, with regard to an accommodation with the King of Prussia, if that Prince could happily be brought to listen to such a negotia tion ; and in case your Lordship should find that there is any daylight for making an overture of this nature, you are to give that Court to understand that such is the King's regard for the House of Saxony, prompted by his Majesty's magnanimity and generous concern for the sufferings of the Royal and Electoral Family, that the King will not on this occasion remember where the corps of Saxon troops, commanded by the Count de Lusace, served this last carapaign ;¦!¦ but listening alone to the dictates of humanity and goodness, will, at the desire of the King of Poland, be- willing to interpose his friendly offices with the King of Prussia towards bringing about an accommodation between the Courts of Berlin and Saxony, It is unnecessary to recoraraend to your Lordship the exertion of the utraost diligence and address in a coraraission of such delicacy and great importance, the success of which his Majesty has so rauch at heart, as affecting so essentially the coramon cause, I am to inforra your Lordship, in the utraost confidence, that the instructions I now send you are by the King's directions transmitted to Mr. Mitchell, in order that he may commu nicate the same to his Prussian Majesty. I am, &c. W. Pitt. • His vaZet.de.ctia-rTibrt, Texeiro. t With the French army against the Hanoverian. 1759.] APPENDIX. 577 MR. PITT TO ME. KEITH, BEITISH MINISTER AT PETEESBURQ. (Most secret.) Whitehall, January 2, 1759. Sir, The King having received a piece of intelligence from a good hand concerning the state and inclinations of the Russian troops, and containing also some very interesting lights withregard to the interior of the Court where you are, I ain commanded by his Majesty to ttansrait the sarae to you by this messenger for your more speedy information. The intelligence in substance is as follows; — It first takes notice as a fact, thatit is generally reported that the Russian troops serve with the greatest reluctance against the Prussians, declaring openly that they are only led to the slaughter ; that this impression of terror, manifest araong them the former year, has been probably increased since by the last defeat. It next suggests a doubt, whether die House of Austria will be able to make payment of the subsidies due, and if not, intiraates that it would not be quite impossible for his Majesty's Minister at the Court of Petersburg to lessen tbe great credit of Count Ester- hazy there; that last year, when about the same time payments were retarded, there immethately appeared certain symptoras favourable to England. This intelligence farther points out that the second Master of the Ceremonies, Monsieur Alsufieff, who has been advanced by her Iraperial Majesty to be Councillor of State of the Cabinet, being also admitted to have a voice in theSecret Conference, has alreadydiscovered great regards for die King of Prussia, having begun bis fortune at the Court of Berlin asa Secretary of Le gation to the Envoy of Russia. That it is rauch to be wished that his Majesty's Minister could gain this person, more especially a^ he has occasion, preferably to any other, to be ofteu alone with the Empress, having exclusively the care of her cassette, and being the sole person who is charged with the care of prisoners of Slate, concerning whora the first servants of the Empress, and perhaps the Vioe-Chancellor himself, have not any knowledge. His Majesty judges tbe above informations and suggestions so material, and of such particular importance in the present critical conjuncture, fliat it is the King's pleasure that you should apply yourself with all dihgence and address to improve the same, and eraploy all such most proper and effectual means as your own ability and knowledge of the Court where you are, will not fail to suggest, and in particular, as a most essential step towards opening such a channel of favourable impressions on tbe mind of her Imperial Majesty, to use all imaginable means to gain if possible the person above raentioned, who is repre sented to have such confidential access to the Erapress, and to be already so favourably disposed towards the King of Prussia. As it would be superfluous to say anything on this most interesting occasion, to quicken your known zeal for his Majesty's service, I will only add, for your satisfaction and encourageraent in this iraportant work, that strong symptoms of diffidence, weariness, and disgust of the present war, daily discover thera selves, not only among the Allies of Vienna and Versailles, but also in those two Courts themselves, who raay, in conclusion, justly bear the greatest share ofthe calaraities of that war, which their passion and spirit of domination have brought upon so many countries ; and the inclosed letter from Lord Stormont, which by the King's order I now transrait to you, wil! show you the reason there is to think that the Court of Warsaw raust be far liom heing at ease. I am, &c. W. Pitt. MR. KEITH TO THE EAEL OF HOLDEENESS. (Most secret:) ^^^ Petersburg, April 10, N S., 1759. Mt Lord, I BiVE your Lordship the trouble of this letter, to apprise you of some circumstances relative to Monsieur Alsufieff, the Cabinet Secretary, which I thought were not flt to be mentioned in any letter that was not both private and secret. As soon as I had received Mr. Secretary Pitt's despatch by Dawson, the messenger, I laid myself out to find what raight be the properest raeans of getting mto the <=™fidence of Monsieur Alsufieff, and of attaching him to his Majesty's interest, and I could thmk of VOL. II. 2n 578 APPENDIX. [1759, none better than the taking up matters where Sir Charles Hanbury Williams had left them, and the putting any gratuity that I should offer to that gentleraan upon the foot of continuing the pension which that Ambassador had proraised bim. To prepare the way for this, I did what I could to get into his friendship and a certain degree of fami liarity with him, and when I thought I had in some measure succeeded in it, I told him one day at Court openly, that I wished he would dine with Baron Wolff, as I had some thing particular to say to hira, and as I had some of bis goods in ray hands which I wanted to restore to hira. He seemed surprised what I could have that belonged to him ; but however very obligingly proraised to corae soon to the Baron's, on purpose to have the pleasure of seeing me. This manner of his receiving the hint gave me good hopes of the affair ; so I provided five hundred ducats in gold ready to be offered hira at the first pro per occasion, which, though he came several tiraes to the Baron's, never presented itself, until Thursday last in the evening that he came upon a visit, and as there was no other company, the Baron gave rae the opportunity of being alone with him for a moment, which I was resolved not to lose ; so I took out the gold which I had in ray pocket and offered it to him, saying it was what Sir Charles Williams had proraised, and which I had his Majesty's orders to continue to pay regularly as it should fall due. M, Alsufieff raade sorae difficulty at first to accept it, assuring me at the same time that he needed no reward of that kind to attach hira to the King's service ; but I insisted and at last prevailed with him to take it; and desiring he would consider it only as an earnest of his Majesty's esteem for hira ; for that if there was any other mark of the King's favour that be wished for, I could and would undertake to procure it for him, I added that we did not pretend thereby to lay him under any obligation incompatible with his duty, ¦ as all we desired was, to see the old friendship and confidence restored between our two Courts, which had so happily subsisted, and which was equally for the interest of both; and that he would eraploy his credit to bring this about by endeavouring as soon as pos sible to reraove the obstacles that had interrupted it, and still stood in the way. He answered with great seeming sincerity that he should be glad of any opportunity of showing his respect for his Majesty, and his regard for his service. As he had said this, somebody carae into the roora and broke off our discourse ; so this was all I had time or durst venture to say in our first conversation, but I will lay hold of every opportunity of talking to hira of our affairs, and endeavour thereby to find out bow far he will go to serve us; and I would fain flatter myself, bythe manner in wbich all this passed, that he really is very well disposed, and consequently may be of use in our future negotiations. This is the first time I have ever disposed of any of the King's money, and I hope his Majesty will not disapprove of the use I have made of it upon this occasion. I have the honour to be, &c. Robert Keith. KING FEEDEEICK OP PEUSSIA, ON THE NIGHT OP HIS DEFEAT AT* KUNEESDOEF. II, Letter to Count Finkenstein. 2. Instnictions to General Finck, The original of tho former Is in French, ofthe latter in German, They will be found ia Preuss, Lebens-Geschichte, vol.ii. p,2]5.] Au Corate de Finkenstein. ce 12 Aoat, 1759. J'ai attaqu6 ce raatin k onze heures I'ennerai. Nous les avons pouss^ au cimitiere des Juifs aupres de Francfort; toutes raes troupes ont donn6 et ont fait des prodiges, mais ce ciraetiere nous a fait perdre un prodigieux monde. Nos gens se sont mis en confusion; je les ai ralli^ trois fois; a la fin j'ai pense dtre pris moi-mSrae, et j'ai kik oblige de c^der le charap de bataille. Mon habit est eribl^ de coups'; j'ai deux chevaux tu6s: mon malheur est de vivre encore; notre perte est tresconsid^rable. D'une arm^e de 48,000 hommes je n'ai pas 3000 dans le moraent que je parle ; lout fuit. et je ne suis plus raaitre de raes gens. On fera bien Et Berlin de penser k sa surete, C'est un cruel revers; je n'y survivrai pas; les suites de l'affaire seront pires que l'affaire m6me, Je n'ai plus de ressources ; et a ne point raentir, je crois tout perdu. Je ne survivrai point a la perte de ma patrie. Adieu pour jaraais. Federic. 21^59,] APPENDIX. 679 INSTEUCTIONS FOE GENEEAL FINCK. [Translation,] August 12, 1759. GisERAL Finck will have a hard task. The unhappy army which I now give over to him, is no longer able to cope with the Russians. Haddick will hasten to Berlin, and perhaps Laudohn too. If General Finck follows these, the Russians will get at his back ; if he remains on tbe Oder, he will have Haddick on tiiat side. However, I think that if Laudohn should push for Berlin, he raight be attacked and defeated on the way. Such a course, if it succeeds, would raake a stand against our disasters, and wpuld keep things ip suspense. To gain tirae is to gain much in so desperate an extremity as ours. The news from Torgau and Dresden will be given to General Finck by my Secretary Coper. He should send reports of everything to my brotiier, whom I name Generalissimus of the array. To repair this disaster corapletely is irapossible ; but whatever my brother raay cora mand must be executed. Let the army swear allegiance to ray nephew (as King). This is the only advice I ara able to give in such unhappy circurastances. If I had still any resources, I would have remained here. Friedrich.* LORD STORMONT TO THE EAEL OF HOLDEENESS. Warsaw, August 23, 1759. Your Lordship will have received an authentic account of the battle of the 12th inst,,| long before this letter can reach you. The accounts published by the King of Prussia's eneraies are, as usual, extreraely exaggerated, and the hopes they entertain, aftd the language they talk, too extravagant to repeat. Whatever advantage they raay have gained, it has certainly cost thera very dear; they themselves own the loss of thirteen thousand men; it is sujiposed to be much greater, and I am told there are private letters from General Ferraor,in which he states that the slaughter at Zorndorf ¦was nothing in comparison of this. The Austrians claim the wliole honour of the battle, and there is already an appearance of jealousy between them and the Russians, It is said that General Soltikow will be made a Prince ofthe Empire, which will probably be a great raortiflcation to Marshal Daun, as he was much hurt at that dignity being conferred on the Due de Broglie, It is pre tended here that France sees these repeated successes of the Russians with a jealous eye; and it was observed that when the news of the late battle came, the French minister could not so much as put on the appearance of joy. LOED STOEMONT TO THE EAEL OP HOLDEENESS. Warsaw, August 30, 1759. We have no news of importance from either the Russian or Austrian army. The King of Prussia's eneraies here complain much of the slowness of Marshal Daun's opera tions. It is said that the Russians make the sarae coraplaints, and begin to see through the usual policy of the House of Austria, which sets at nothing the blood spilt m her cause, provided she can contrive to save ber own troops at the expense of those of ber alhes. It is even pretended that General Soltikow has declared that he will not let the army under his coraraand be made a sacrifice to this policy, and that after all the Rus sians have done it behoves those who are principals in the war to strike tiie next blow. EAEL STANHOPE TO ME. PITT. Chevening, 1759. "" Sir At this critical conjuncture, whioh so loudly calls for the united zeal of all his Majesty's • The King's German letters are accurately signed Friedrich, according to the German name, but in French he always wrote himself Fideric—See anti, p. JaJ. t The battle of Kunersdorf, 580 APPENDIX. [1759. subjects in the defence of his kingdoras, a thought has occurred to me, which, as it tends (at least in ray intention) to that salutary end, I take the liberty of submitting to your consideration. Observing in the public papers that the nobility and gentry of France are sending in their plate to the Mint for the service of the Government, I imagine that a voluntary proceeding ofthe like kind in this country might have a great efl'ect in strengthening his Majesty's hands toward a conclusion of this war, in as glorious a manner as it has hitherto proceeded in. If you. Sir, to whom Great Britain owes so rauch of the success with which Providence bas blessed our arms both by sea and land, shall happen to be of tbe same opinion, and if you think that the example of one so inconsiderable as my self can be attended with any beneficial consequences to the public, I beg leave with all humility to assure his Majesty by your means, that in case the public exigencies shall be thought to require it, he may at any tirae during the continuance of this war, com mand four thousand ounces of my silver plate to be sent to the Mint for his service, on no harder terms, than either restoring the plate itself (if not coined), or paying one thou sand pounds sterling in lieu thereof (if it shall be coined), within a year after the sigiiing of a peace with France, But if, on the contrary, you judge that no advantage can accrue to his Majesty's service from this proposal, I must desire it may be known to no other but yourself, as what I presume to oft'er is designed for use only, and not for ostentation. I have the honour to be, with those real sentiments of respect which your public ser vices demand, Sir, &c., Stanhope. ME. PITT TO ME. E. HAY, BRITISH MINISTEE AT LISBON. (31ost secret.) Whitehall, September 12, 1759. Sir, I SHALL not at present take notice of the raatter of your several letters, nor enter into any points of business, however important, now depending between the two Courts; but shall confine myself to a recent event, which, most happy as it is for England in all other respects, yet from strong surmises of certain unfortunate circumstances attending the same, leaves his Majesty under great and real anxiety until raore authentic information shall verify the real slate of facts. You raust doubtless long since have been perfectly informed as to the surmise I allude to, and which it is almost superfiuous to name; viz, whether tbe coasts of Portugal were sufficiently respected by the Commanders of his Majesty's ships in the late action near Lagos, and whether the Ocean and tbe Redoubtable were not destroyed in violatioi) of the territorial jurisdiction of his Most Faithful Majesty. It is the King's pleasure that you should lose no time in transmitting, for his Majesty's information, a raost faithful and exact account of this very interesting transaction, and in case you shall find that any violence has actually been committed by his Majesty's ships against the iraraunities of the coasts of Portugal, it is the King's pleasure that you should express in the strongest terras to tbe Count de Oeyras,* and to the other ministers, the extreme pain which such a most nnlbrtunate incident must give to the King as soon as the certain knowledge ofit shall reach his Majesty : and that you are ordered to lose no time in transmitting to En gland an exact account thereof You will further assure the Count de Oeyras, and the other ministers, that his Majesty can never cease to give the King of Portugal the most sincere and real proofs of cordial friendship in his power, and that, above all, such is the sensibility of the King for whatever may interest the honour and dignity of his Most Faithful Majesty, that the King, with the spirit of a constant and affectionate ally, would wish even to go before any possible complaints of this kind, which could be founded, on the part of the Court of Lisbon. At the same time, in case there has actually been a violation of territory on our part, you will take care to avail yourself of all the circurastances of extenuation, of a nature to soften the irapressions which the first sense of any insult on that coast raay have raade. But you will be particularly attentive not to employ any favourable circumstances to justify what the law of nations condemns, but you will insensibly throw the same into your conversation with insinuation and address, as considerations of alleviation, wbich it is to be hoped raay prevent all asperity between two Courts so rautually well disposed to each other, and whose interests are so inseparable. Sorae of these circumstances of * Afterwards the Marquis of Pomba. 1759.] APPENDIX. 581 alleviation which you ¦will endeavour to place in tiieir best light as follows : — First, that it is most evident there could be no intention of insult, as the action had begun at so very great a distance frora the coasts of Portugal ; next, that if in the prosecution of an action 6ohe"iin, the ardour of combat should unfortunately have carried an officer nearer to a friend's shore dian he would have gone if a cooler view could in such nioinents have better enabled him more duly to consider distances, such a warmth in any case raight perhaps carry some degree of excuse, though not of strict justification, along with it; but that with regard to the present case in question, it cannot but be considered tbat circura stances most peculiarly affecting combined here to animate to the utmost the zeal and ardour of die commanders of his jMajesty's ships; for they bad on this occasion before. their eyes not only a French squadron appointed for ordinary naval operations, but one destined, could they have escaped destruction frotn his Majesty's navy, to carry under theh protection invasion against his Majesty's dominions, and to attemjit to spread war and desolation in the heart of bis Mnjesty's kingdoms. The King will wait with great impatience to receive an account frora you, upon a matter that interests the King's raind so nearly; his Majesty having nothing more really al heart than to give (as far as he can witb honour) to the King of Portugal all reasona ble satisfactkm, that one power in amity can desire from another, upon an incident so totally unforeseen and without intention of offence. I am, &o., W. Pitt. P. S. Thongh it be sufficiently implied by the above words, all reasonable satisfaction, as far as his Majesty can with honour, that there are things whioh his Majesty could not possibly on any account comply ¦with, I have thought it may not be improper, for your more certain guidance, expressly to signify to you, that any personal mark on a great Admiral who has done so essential a service to bis country, or on any one under his command, is totally inadmissible, as well as the idea of restoring the ships of war taken. You will, therefore, in case in your conversation with the Portuguese rainisters, any sug gestion pointing to either of those raethods of satisfaction should be thrown out, take especial care to say enough to shut the door entirely against any expectation of tbat kind ; being at the same tirae particularly attentive to avoid, in the manner, every thing that can carry the air of peremptoriness or harshness which may interest the delicacy of the King of Portugal. I am further to give you to understand, for your private information, that if the circumstances of the supposed grievance should corae out to be of sufficient raagni tude, such is the King's strong desire to give the most public and ostensible satisfaction to the King of Portugal, that his Majesty will not, I believe, even be averse to sending an extiaordinary mission on this occasion. Wu P. ME. PITT TO THE EAEL OP KINNOUL, BEITISH AMBASSADOE AT LISBON. (Most secretl) Whitehall, May 30, 1760. Your Excellency's despatches of the 14th and 16th past were immediately laid before the King, A severe attack of the gout, with which I have been confined to my bed ever since, and of which I am still ill, having, to my extreme regret, disabled me from executing his Majesty's commands on matters so highly interesting and of such peculiar moment as those contained in the most secret and very confidential communications which the Conde d'Oeyras raade to your Excellency, I am now to signify to you his Majesty's pleasure, that you should first explain to that rainister the cause of this very anxious delay in conveying to his Most Faithful Majesty at a raoraent so critical, the King s irarautable and affectionate concern for the dignity and independency of the Crown ol 1 ortu gal, lor the safety and stability of its governraent, and for the prosperity and security ot the Portuguese nation. , , i, • T\/r • t-,- Your Excellency will then express that itis a most sensible consolation to his Ma esry, to consider that the unprosperous slate of the affairs of France affords at present the justest grounds to believe, that however unfriendly her dispositions towards Portugal raay he. Providence will not put into tbe bands of that haughty but impotent Court the means of carrying such malignant designs into effect That the King learns with P^i >«";^r satisfaction "the good understanding" which the Conde d'Oeyras observed to your Ex- 582 APPENDIX. [1760. cellency, "fo be actually subsisting between the Crowns of Spain and Portugal, and that the negotiations concerning the execution of the Treaty of Limits were carried on in the most araioable raanner, by means of the intimate alliance and near connection of the two Royal Farailies," Nor indeed can the equity and wisdom of the Spanish Councils leave roora to suppose that the Court of Madrid would adopt from France.such dangerous suggestions of injustice and oppression; or that Spain, at tbe instigation of a Power actuated by despair, would wantonly stain the beginnings pf a reign with designs of most flagrant and odious violence, and by rashly embarking in new and vast projects (of which she would never be likely to see a successful end), commit to the hazard of precarious events, her iraportant and favourite possessions in Italy, not yet sufficiently secured against the probable and obvious views of Austrian ambition. That the King highly applauds the dignity and propriety of the language wbich his Most Faithful Majesty has thought flt to hold to the Court of Versailles, in consequence ofthe French Ambassador's insolent and factious deportment, and of the very offensive conversation of the Due de Choiseul. And at the same time his Majesty is of opinion tbat such a conjuncture calls on the Royal wisdom and vigilance of the King of Portugal to be prepared, as far as may be, for all emergencies, by iramediately putting his troops into the best condition for ac tion, and exerting his utmost efforts to arra as raany ships of war as the present state of his marine can by any possible means enable hira to do. In answer to the friendly and confldential desire of the King of Portugal, it is his Ma jesty's pleasure that your Excellency should, in the raost express terms, assure tbe Conde d'Oeyras that in case things should corae to an extreraity between the Courts of Lisbon and France, his Most Faithful Majesty may depend on the King's vigorous and effectual support. That his Majesty, aniraated with the warraest sentiraents of friendship and affection for the King of Portugal, would have taken particular satisfaction in explaining hiraself on this occasion with the precision desired, naraely, jusqu'ou ces secours pourront s'entendre, did the various and extensive operations of the ensuing carapaign render it practicable for his Majesty to ascertain at present a matter which raust to a considerable degree necessarily depend on events. Tbat, however, l^is Most Faithful Majesty may rest fully assured that the King will ever consider the defence of the kingdom and do minions of Portugal, the ancient and natural ally of England, as an object dear and in teresting to the honour and welfare of his Crown and people, next in degree to the very preservation of the British dominions themselves. Your Excellency will be particularly attentive to prevent any impression taking place in the mind of the Conde d'Oeyras that from the generality of the above expressions' there is the least desire to elude a raore specific answer, ' And to illustrate this,you will easily make the Conde sensible, that were Ireland, for instance, now threatened with an attack, it would be hardly possible in the present moment to ascertain with precision the extent of succours that could be immediately sent to that kingdom. I corae now to the very unexpected demand of restitution of the two French ships taken near Lagos; which, notwithstanding the friendly and confidential declaration on the part of the Conde d'Oeyras, " that a compliance therewith was not expected," cannot but be attended with considerable difficulty and inconvenience. For as the answer de sired is meant to be ostensible, it is to be apprehended that in whatever way the same be formed, an invidious use will not fail to be raade of it by our enemies, and perhaps by neutral powers. The totally declining discussion, your Excellency will perceive, is liable to the charge of peremptoriness ; and the going far into one would not only be directiy counteracting the declared purpose of your Excellency's mission, which was expressly to avoid all discussion, but would open an ample and litigious field for every hireling and ill-intentioned pen all over Europe to inveigh against the naval pretensions of England, already too much the common object of envy and calumny. In this dilemma it is judged most advisable that your Excellency should carefully for bear entering into much controversial reasoning on the matter, and content yourself with only touching lightly this single fundaraental fact, naraely, tbat it highly deserves con sideration, that the engageraent whioh begun at a distance, and which, accidentally lead ing so near Lagos, ended in the destroying and taldng the French ships, may on the principles of the law of nations be raaintained as one continued action. To this your Excellency will add, tbat nevertheless the King (notwithstanding whatever doubts raight arise in the case), in order to prevent any disagreeable discussion wilh the Crown of Portugal, and frora motives of particular consideration and signal affection for his Most Faithful Majesty, had already given the highest testimony of tbe sincerity and extent of his Majesty's friendship for the King of Portugal, and of sensibility for the honour and lustre of his Crown. The King, therefore, persuades himself, on the justest grounds, that after such a full and pubhc raark of his regard, his good brotiier and ally the King 1T60.] APPENDIX. 683 of Portugal will never tiiink his Majesty wanting either in justice or attention towards the Crown of Portugal. It is the King's pleasure that your Excellency should accorapany this answer with all possible gentieness and cordiality of raanner, and with the most conciliating nnd amica ble expressions. The present state of my health obliges me to defer to another opportunity, writing to your Excellency on the very iraportant subjects ofour commercial affairs with Portugal, and particularly on the matter of the several exclusive Companies for carrying on the trade to the Portuguese settleraents, mentioned in your separate letter of the 14th past; for a due understanding of the nature and limitations whereof, I must necessarily desire your Excellency to send me more ample and circumstantial lights and informations. I am, &c. W. Pitt. LORD STOEMONT TO THE EAEL OP HOLDEENESS. Warsaw, January 24, 1761, The constant oppressions this country suffers frora the Russians, the apprehensions of still greater misfortunes frora the growing power of Russia and her arabitious views, which seem 10 extend every day, the innuraerable causes of complaint that M, Briihl has given, and many other reasons, all conspire to raake tbe King of Prussia's cause so extreraely popular here at present, that, except a few persons connected with the Court, there is scarce a man of any rank or party, that does not wish him success, and that does not consider the fate and fortune of this country as linked to his ; and however diflicult it may be to put a body in raotion where every spring is broken, yet I ara convinced that it would be no hard raatter for his Prussian Majesty (if he should think the object of importance), to avail hiraself of this spirit, and to concert raeasures so as to have con federations or risings in his favour in tbe beginning of the spring ; provided he could engage to support thera "with an army of five and twenty or thirty thousand men ; for without such a support the attempt would be vain, and could only end in the ruin of those that made it. CONSUL GOLDWORTHY TO ME. PITT. Port St. Mary's, February 20, 1761. Sir, I HAVE just learnt a piece of intelligence, which I have for sorae tirae been endeavour ing to flnd out, and as tbe person wbo told it rae raay, I believe, be depended on, I think, Sir, I cannot give you too early advice of it. He tehs me that the great preparations making throughout this kingdom, are doing with a design to take the town and garrison of Gibraltar, if possible, by surprise, and that all the ships of war, great and sraall, are getting ready at the Carraca vvith the ut most expedition; for which reason they are working there day and night, Sundays and hohdays not excepted. A carap for twenty thousand raen near St. Roque is already pointed out, and the captain-general of this province, Don Juan de Villalba, under pre tence of seeing the troops learn the Prussian exercise, is to have the coraraand of them. All sorts of warlike stores are depositing at Ceuta and other adjacent places to Gib raltar, and six hundred beds were sent last week from Cadiz to Algeciras. The troops tiiat are to come from Barcelona will arrive in small detachments to avoid suspicion, and for the sarae reason every thing will be carried on with the greatest precaution. ME. H. STANLEY TO ME. PITT. Paris, June 12, 1761, The Duke (de Choiseul) inveighed in strong terras against the obstinacy of the Em press Queen's temper, to demonstrate which he related the following story :—" While I was Ambassador at Vienna, the siege of Olmiitz was formed; just before one of ray audiences, a courier arrived to acquaint Her Majesty that the place was hard pushed. 584 APPENDIX. [1761. This news she imparted to me. I told her that affairs seemed to go very indifferently, and advised her to consult sorae of her generals about repairing the fortifloations of her capital, not tiien in good order. She answered that she would defend them to the utmost, and then retire frora town to town, till she came to the last village in Hungary; to which she added, turning to me, 'Sir, would you follow me there?' — 'My personal service,' I replied, 'should attend your Majesty to the utmost, but I cannot answer that the King my master would go quite so far with you. How would your Majesty act when you were driven to that extremity'?' — 'I would,' she said, 'send the King of Prussia a challenge to meet rae in a post-chaise, with musket, powder, and ball : thus ¦tvould we decide tbe quarrel in person.' — She would have kept her word," .added the Duke, " yet I have persuaded her to give up Regal Prussia upon tbe future treaty," ME. H. STANLEY TO MR. PITT. Paris, June 28, 1761. The Duke de Choiseul informed me of the awe with wbich M. de Bussy was struck by you, and said he was not surprised at it, car le pauvre diable tremblait de peur en par- tant. He was so much frightened that he wrote for a passport to return ; the Duke showed me this request in his own hand. Most of the despatch wherein it was con tained was in cipher: the Duke was at Marly with the King when he received it, and his secretary was absent, therefore be could not read tbe remainder. His refiection upon it was, Apparemment, Sire, qu'il a deplu d Monsieur Pitt ; qui I'aura fait sa-uter par les fenetres ! ME. H. STANLEY TO ME. PITT. Paris, August 26, 1761. Yotr will allow rae. Sir, with exultation to feel and applaud the truly British spirit that reigns throughout your State papers. It would be very indecent in me to presume to offer you ray advice, but it is my duty to convey to you inforraation of the impres sions which every step carries with it in this country. The French are to be treated wilh great firmness and dignity; but now that his Majesty's honour has been so nobly asserted, and that these raost iraproper intrusions into his affairs are so fully repelled, I subrait it to you whether it may not be expedient to soften that asperity, which might before be necessary. My reason for this intiraation is, tbat I know tbat the King of France has been grieved, not to say personally offended, at some particular expressions, and has said with great warrath, " that he was ready to resign provinces for the peace, but that he would not be deprived of his honour and ofthe character of a raan of truth and probity," I beg leave to remind you that the main spring from whence a desirable conclusion can be expected is his Majesty's private disposition and teraper of raind : this particular circurastance raay in some instances, perhaps, make it more prudent to defer general reflections upon the morality and punctilio of transactions, till the issue is seen. LE ROI FREDERIC DE PRUSSE AU BAEON P'oLNITZ. [Urkundenbueh, vol, ii, p. 138.] d Betlem, ce 20 Juin, 1762. Je rae suis cru grand et puissant Seigneur, M, le Baron, depuis que vous ra'avez honore de votre lettre, Je ra'y vols traite de Monarque d'importance : vous me demandez des graces corame si je pouvais en dispenser ; vous avez oubli(5 appareraraent que nous aliens entrer dans la septierae ann^e que les Puissances de I'Europe se plaisent a jouer avec moi au Roi depouille, Je vous jure que je ne sais plus si j'ai un pays ou si je n'en ai point, ni oe que la voracit^ de raes ennemis se plaira de me laisser, Ce que je puis vous assurer, c'est que dans peu nous nous battrons comme des beaux diables pour savoir qui gardera ce pauvre et miserable coin de terre que la guerre a presque entierement mine, Quand jaiirai un pays, M, le Baron, et que vous le saurez, vous pourrez vous adresser en toute liberie a raoi pour le soulagement de votre vieillesse ; mais a present 1762.] APPENDIX. 685 vous ets'il en a de plus adroit dans le metier d'cscroqueur, je vous defie tous ensemble. He vous refaire sur moi et sur tout ce qui depend aotuelleraent de moi, Une Eglise de Jesuites ne serait pas si mauvaise. II y a ^ Prague certain tombeau de St, Nepomuc, tres capable de tenter voire piete; je ne dis pas pour rargont dont il est fait raais pour les reliques qu'il contient, II y a de plus un joli petit enfant d'or tout massif, voue ct donn^ par I'imperatrice Reine Pensez y bien. Baron; ceci merite des profondes ieflexions;,un enfant tout d'or! Qued'habitsI que de meublos! que de repas il pourrait vous donner ! Que de dettes il pourrait acquitter ! que de crt!',inciers il appaiserait ! Le bel enfant d'or. Baron, vous rajeunirait ; il rae seinblerait vous voir, le possedant, le visage sans ride, la demarche gaillarde, le dos droit comme une asperge, ct I'imagina- tion petillante comme du vin de Charapagne, C'est ce que je vous souhaite, ne pou- vant que souhaiter. Au reste, je prie le Seigneur Dieu, Monsieur le Baron, qu'il vous ait en sa sainte et digne garde. Federic. ME. KEITH TO ME. SECEETAEY GEENA'ILLE. St. Petersburg, July 12,N.S., 176Q. Last Friday morning about nine o'clock (as I was preparing to go to Peterhoff to meet the Emperor) one of ray servants carae running into my room -K'ith a frighted countenance, and told me that there was a great uproar at the other end of the town ; thatthe guards, having mutinied, were assembled, and talked of nothing less than de throning the Emperor, He could tell me no circumstances, and could give me no ans^wer to the only question I asked, namely, if the Erapress was in town ; but about a quarter of an hour afterwards one of the gentlemen of our factory came in and informed me that the Empress was in town, that she bad been by the guards and the other troops of the garrison declared their Erapress and Sovereign, and that she was then actually at the Casansky Church to hear the Te Deum sung upon tbe occasion. He added tbe circumstance of Prince George of Holstein Gottorp's being made prisoner as he was endeavouring to make his escape out of the town. This account was confirmed from all quarters; and we understood that the several suprerae colleges of the erapire and all the great people were then taking the oaths of fldelity to the new Empress, as the guards and other regiraents had already done. This surprising revolution was brought about and completed in little raore than two hours, without one drop of blood being spilt or any act of violence coramitted, and all the quarters of this city at any distance from the Palace, especially the street where I and most part of his Majesty's subjects reside, were as quiet as if nothing had happened ; fhe only novelty to be seen were sorae picquets placed at the bridges, and some of the horse-guards patrolling through the streets in order to preserve the public tranquillity. As soon as the guards asserabled in the raorning, several detachraents were sent to the Peterhoff road to hinder any intelligence from being sent to the Emperor, and this piece of duly was performed with so rauch diligence and exactness, that no one person got through except the Master of the Horse, Monsieur Nariskin, About ten o'clock in the evening the Erapress raarched out of town on horseback at the head of twelve or fourteen thousand raen, and a great train of artillery, and took the road towards Peterhoff, in order to attack the Emperor at tbat place or Oranlenbaum, or wherever they should raeet hira ; and next day in the afternoon we received the account of his Imperial Majesty's having surrendered his person, and resigned his Crown, with out one stroke being struck. DUKE OF BEDFOED TO THE EARL OP EGREMONT. Paris, September 13, 1762, I HAVE seen the Duke de Choiseul since supper (for the first tirae), and have had an opportunity, in a conversation of about half an hour, to enter a little into the difficulties they have drawn themselves into with the Court of Spain, with regard to the navigation iato the Gulf of Mexico, which tbey have offered to grant us. He protests that tbey will do every thing possible to quiet M. Grimaldi, who upon the bare report of this had al ready monte sur ses grands chevaux. He most firmly engages, and that with the utmost frankness, that they have no desire to depart frora the most minute particular ol the 586 APPENDIX. [1762. offers they have already made to us, and that they only desire us to assist so far as is con. sistent with our interests, by reciprocal assurances, as to prevent M, Grimaldi from ah- ruptiy breaking off the negotiation. And he protests the only difliculty he perceives in doing it arises from M. Grimaldi himself, the King of Spain having left carte blanche to his cousin the Most Christian Kmg to settie every thing as he shall think proper. DUKE OP BEDFOED TO THE EARL OF EGREMONT. « Paris, September 19, 1762. Upoit the wbole, if I can judge at all by the behaviour and language of the Duke de Choiseul, by the little I have as yet seen of the woraen he converses with, particularly his sister tbe Duchess of Grammont, by Madame Pompadour, with whom I have more than once conversed, and by the accounts of the Sardinian arabassador, who is perfectly well acquainted with this Court, I can venture to assure your Lordship that the Duke de Choiseul raost heartily wishes the conclusion of the peace, which indeed is most material to him iu every point of view. DUKE OF BEDFORD TO THE EARL OP EGREMONT. Fontainebleau, October 11, 1762. I have just seen these ministers, and I find them in the happiest dispositions to con clude, and in an extreme impatience to know w-bat shall have been determined at Lon-' don in relation to any compensation to be given by Spain for the Havanna. They assure rae that in case the King will be contented with every thing being left in the Bay of Honduras on its present footing, without any cession being raade by Spain as a compen sation for the Havanna, tbey shall be able to bring M. Griraaldi to sign .... But they add that, should the King be pleased to order rae to insist on Spain's ceding ever so small a parcel of territory in compensation for the Havanna, they foresee not only great difficul ties in bringing tbe Court of Spain ever to consent to it, but the certainty of delaying the signature of tbe preliminaries to a length of tirae, as M, Griraaldi, was he ever so well intentioned, could not take upon hiraself to give up any part of the King his master's territories, unless by special orders from liis Court. EAEL OF EGREMONT TO THE DUKE OP BEDFORD. Whitehall, October 26, 1762. It is the King's pleasure that you do pereraptorily insist upon one of the two cessions proposed in the 19th Article,* as it is of indispensable necessity that a proper corapen sation should be obtained for the important restitution of the Havanna. 'The manifest inferiority in value of either of the two, compared with tbe conquest which is to be given up, will afford your Grace irresistible arguraents upon this occasion. EARL OP EGREMONT TO THE DUKE OP BEDFORD. (Apart.) Whitehall, October 26, 1762. Mt Lord, Havistg by the King's command had an interview with the Chairman and deputy- Chairman of the East India Corapany, in order to gather from them the proper lights for settiing what is relative to the interests of the Corapany in India, and particularly in * Article 19, du Projet de TraitS.— En consequence de la restitution de I'importante Isle de Cuba, sa Majeste Catholique cede et garantit en toute propriety 4 sa Majesty Brittanique: Q. L'isle de Porto Rico. Q. Tout oe que I'Espagne possfide sur le continent de I'Amerique Septentrionale 4 I'Est ou au Sud-esI du fleuve Mississippi, 1762.] APPENDIX. 587 „„.. -, I have wilh some difficulty brought these gentleraen to admit, that the article in the ioiUre-Pryet wonld he satisfactory to tbem. And I have it in command frora his Majesty to observe to your Grace, in this letter apart, that the conditions upon which the French are restored to the Ganges, naraely, that of having no fortilications or troops there, appear very moderate. I ara, &c. EoREMOlfT. DUKE OP BEDFORD TO THE EARL OP EGEEJIONT. Fontainebleau, November 3, 1762, I HAVE the satisfaction to send your Lordship, by Monnot, the inclosed preliminary articles, whioh I signed this morning with the Ministers Plenipotentiary of France and Spain, I have endeavoured to tiie utraost of my power to keep Avithin the limits of my instructions, and have in no point deviated from thera but wbere I found it absolutely necessary, , , . The ISth Article, ceding the island of Cuba and tiie Havanna, is only altered by the addition of these words, tout ce qu'd a conquis dans, before the words Vlsle de Cuba. In the 19th Article, in which tbe Crown of Spain raakes the concession of Florida to His Majesty, there isa sraall verbal alteration consequential to the forraer one; and at the end of it there is the sarae provision for the toleration of the Roraish religion, and the liberty of eraigraiion to the subjects of Spain, as had been allowed in a former article to the Canadians, EAEL OF CHATHAM TO THE COUNTESS STANHOPE. (The foUowing letter, though altogether unconnected witb public affairs, is here in serted as a portrait of Lord Chatham in private life; as a proof that bis eagerness for rural improvements was a strong and real, and not, as was sometimes alleged, a pre tended, passion. Perhaps, also, in publishing this letter, I maybe somewhat swayed by the — I hope, pardonable — pride of seeing my paternal seat connected with so great a name, I should add that the road, as planned by Lord Chatham, was executed and still exists. M,) (Extract!) Chevening, October 18, 1769, The date of this letter fully shows how largely we have been desirous to construe the obliging and kind offer of our respected friends at Geneva, and tbat we use the powers, which die Lord and Lady of this delightful abode have so bounteously given us, to the utmost extent of our commission. Next week will, I imagine, fix us at Hayes, if the gout, which has begun to give sorae gentle remembrances, should not interpose. Now- thai we have the pleasure to be still at Chevening, allow me, dear Madara, to enjoy it the raost sensible way, in the absence of our friends, which is, by talking to thera of it. ... At present, give me leave to be a littie notable and to talk of purchasing farms, instead of wasting them in the thing called Taste, I cannot help, then, presuming to offer ray advice, not to hesitate a moment in giving fiill powers to Mr. Peel to conclude witb Mr. Winter, if he will sell, be the price alraost what it may. I can ven ture to assure you, that the acquisition will add to the general value of Chevening, as the seat of your family, raore than what it costs, ... I have the pleasure to confirra. What your Ladyship has heard, that a way is found through the valley bythe park-tarm, whioh will gain the ascent so imperceptibly, that all the hill, in effect, vanishes ; tms road would, I dare say, be raade perfectiy good for coaches for thirty pounds. 1 tiave examined very attentively the course it should run, and I will venture to pronounce, that the approach frora the London side to Chevening, from the point where you would leave the Sundridge road, is (at the same time that the descent i=/°/°"' °"?,™^^„ ™' up and down) the most beautiful approach to anyplace in England M'- ^^"PW". who is very intelligent and an excellent servant, will have given your Ladyship some particulars relating to this matter. I confess, I cannot help warmly recommending the 588 APPENDIX. immediate execution of this essential work; if I can be of any use, in conjunction with Mr. Brampton, I shall think myself honoured, if you will appoint me joint overseer of the way; alraost the only office an old cripple is fit for. I carry ray ambition to be re membered at Chevening so far, that I wish it may be said hereafter, if ever this plan for the road should go into execution. He, the overseer, who raade this way, did not make the peace of Paris! I am ever, &c. Chatham, NOTE ON JOHN, FOURTH DUKE OP BEDFORD. Its the spring of 1843, I had the honour to receive two letters from the present Duke of Bedford, complaining, though in terms ofthe raost perfect courtesy and even personal kindness, that a passage of my history, which describes the character ofthe fourth Duke, and his change of office in 1748, had, for want of the information which the first vol ume of his published correspondence had since supphed, been unjust to bis memory. In the preface to the second volurae of that correspondence, published in July, 1843, Lord John Russell has in like raanner controverted my statement, also in a tone, as I am glad thus publicly to acknowledge, of much candour and raoderation. It would in any case have been my duty, on the appearance of these further docu ments, to review with care my former impressions on the fourth Duke of Bedford, and to confess with frankness any errors of which I raight become aware. The passage complained of is the following (ante, p. 251). " It was Newcastle's desire that the vacant post (of Secretary of State) might be filled by Lord Sandwich, but a superior cabal in the cabinet bestowed it upon the Duke of Bed ford, -a cold-hearted, hot-headed man, more distinguished by rank and fortune than by either talent or virtue. Sandwich, however, succeeded Bedford as head of the Admiralty, and was hkewise despatched as plenipotentiary to Aix-la-Chapelle," On this passage Lord John Russell raises two questions: — First, as to tbe nature of the official changes in 1748. Secondly, as to the general character that I have drawn of his ancestor. 1. My stateraent rested raainly on what appeared to me very strong authority — a letter from a statesman in high office to a confidential friend, and written, raoreover, at the very tirae of the event. This letter is frora Mr, Fox, then Secretary at War and after wards the flrst Lord Holland, to Sir Charles Hanbury Williaras, then British Minister at Dresden; it is dated February 17, 1748, O, S,, and will be found at length in "Coxe's Pelhara Administration" (vob i, p. 389), "The Duke of Grafton," says Mr, Fo.x, "the Duke of Devonshire, Mr, Pelham, and all who either disliked Lord Sandwich, or had declared a contrary opinion to his, though they did not openly give him the exclusion, yet virtually obstructed his promotion, to which his Majesty was by no means inclined; rather, I should say, very averse. Lord Sandwich was the man the Duke (of Cumber land) and his Grace of Newcastle intended. You know how it has ended." This, in other words, is precisely the sarae statement as raine. The Bedford letters do not disprove this statement, but add to it some further particu lars and a different colouring. They show that the Duke was never personally the rival, but rather the patron, of Lord Sandwich; that be was satisfled with his post at the Board of Admiralty, and that he preferred bis friend's promotion to his own. Bedford writes to Sandwich (February 12, 1748), "Nothing could have prevailed upon rae to have accepted of this eraployraent, had I not found it at present irapracticable for your being appointed to it." And Sandwich replies (March 6), "I ara sure no one before me ever raet with such a friend as I have in you!" My narrative, however, as it stands, neither iraplies, nor was intended to imply, any blarae on the Duke of Bedford for his share in this transaction. Whether as the rival or the patron of Lord Sandwich, he had a perfectly good right to accept the Seals, if the majority of the Cabinet wished it, and if he approved of thera. 2. As to the Duke of Bedford's general character, I acknowledge that the perusal of his letters, as also of his diary (published at tiie close of the flrst volurae of the Caven dish Debates in 1841), has materially altered my impressions, and tiiat I should no longer apply to him the word "cold-hearted," He appears, on the contrary, throughout his correspondence, and the private entries of his journal (whatever aspect he might bear to the world at large), affectionate and warm-hearted to his faraily and his friends. Whether those friends were in general wisely chosen — whether they were in raany APPENDIX. 589 cases other than flatterers and boon corapanions, is another question ; a question whioh Lord John Russell himself, in the preface to his second volume, seenis disposed to an swer in the negative. M. January, 1844. [See Lord Chesterfield's opinion of the character of the Duke of Bedford, in his " Characm" of 1 Lord Bute, in which ilia introduced in connection with ihe accoiuii of the negotiations ofthe Treaty of Paris. Chesterfield's Letters, Lord Maliou's edition, Vul. a. p. 47j THE END. YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY 3 9002 04067 4435 ^ YNUE BfMTISH HfSTWdY I PRESERVATION I PROJECTI SUPPORTED SV HSa mif:-