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THE EiaHT HON.
JOHN CHAELES HEEEIES
VOL. IL

LONDON : PRINTED BY
SPOTTISWOODE AND CO., NEW-STUEET BQUAliB
AND PAELIAIIENT STEEET

MEMOIE

THE PUBLIC LIFE OF THE RIGHT HON.

JOHN CHARLES HERRIES

IN THE REIGNS OF GEORGE III., GEORGE IV.
WILLIAM IV. AND VICTORIA

BY HIS SON

EDWARD HERRIES, C.B.

WITH AN INTRODUCTION by SIR CHARLES HERRIES, K.C.B.

IN TWO VOLUMES  VOL. II.

LONDON
JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET
1880
All rights reserved

(. ^/

d, *¦

CONTENTS OF
THE SECOND VOLUME.

CHAPTER VI.
From the completion of the Goderich Oahinet to its dissolution— New
system of taxation projected by Herries — Eastern question — Whig
intrigues — Lord Holland — Goderich resigns and returns — Finance
Committee — Tierney's meddling — Difierence between Herries and
Huskisson — The Premier's indecision — Proposed repeal of Foreign
Enlistment Act — Lyndhurst's intervention produces final catastrophe 1
CHAPTER VII.
Formation of Wellington Cabinet — Herries Master of the Mint — Cor
respondence — ^Mysterious iacident — Mioisterial explanations in Par
liament — Attacks upon Mr. Herries, and successful defence —
Subsequent statement of real causes of breaking up of Goderich
Cabinet — Refutation of Lord Palmerston's posthumous slanders . 50
CHAPTER VIII.
Cabinet changes — Correspondence with the Duke — Finance Committee
— Reform of the Sinking Fund — Dr. Bowring — Catholic Emancipa
tion — Proposed Indian appointment — Board of Trade — Settlement
of old dispute with the United States — Parliamentary duties —
Close of the Wellington Administration — Financial management of
Tories and Liberals compared  87
CHAPTER IX.
Tories in Opposition — Herries's activity — Praed — Government influence
at Harwich defied — Theory of Treasury ownership — Scurrility of
Liberal press — Reform— Timber duties: defeat of the Ministry —

[6]

CONTENTS OF THE SECOND VOLUME. PAGE

Russian-Dutch loan: historical view; Herries's action — Duke of
Wellington's attempt to form a Cabinet— Helpless condition of Con
servative party — Croker and the ' Quarterly Review ' — ^Reformed
Parliament — Herries in Peel Cabinet — Goes to Italy — Parliamentary
business — Metropolitan improvements — Stockdale and Hansard —
Defeat of Melbourne Ministry on Herries's motion — His intervention
with a Conservative journal in favour of Palmerston's policy solicited
— Debates on the Budget of 1841- — Huskisson's commercial policy
elucidated  119

CHAPTER X.
Herries driven by evictions from Harwich: beaten- by bribery at
Ipswich; not included in Peel Cabinet — Satisfactory assurances
from Prime Minister — Correspondence with him and Goulburn —
Herries out of office consulted by Ministers — His correspondence
with Sir R. Peel and Chancellor of the Exchequer on new plan of
finance, &c. — Metropolis Improvements Commission — Thames Em
bankment, &c.  188

CHAPTER XI.
Return to Parliament, 1847 — Monetary crisis — Bank Charter Act —
Repeal of the Navigation Laws — Answer to Mr. Cobden's motion for
reduction of estimates — Derby Cabinet, 1852 — Herries, President
of the Board of Control  224

CHAPTER XII.
Work at the India Office — Correspondence on Burmese War, &c. —
Exercise of patronage — Letters to Croker and others — Recognition
of French Empire — Resignation of Derby Cabinet — Mr. Herries
retires from Parliament — Letter from Brougham — Opinions of
eminent public men — Death — Liberal testimony — General view of
Mr. Herries's political principles and practice — Conclusion . . 247
INDEX  289

MEMOIR OF J. C. HERRIES.

CHAPTER VL
From the completion of the Goderich Cabinet to its dissolution — New system
of taxation projected by Herries — Eastern question — Wliig intrigues —
Lord Holland — Goderich resigns and returns — Finance Committee —
Tierney's meddling — Difierence between Herries and Huskisson — The
Premier's indecision — Proposed repeal of Foreign Enlistment Act —
Lyndhurst's intervention produces final catastrophe.
After the conclusion of the Ministerial peace (or sus
pension of arms) Mr. Herries went abroad, and returned
to England ia October 1827 with partially renovated
health. The notices found among his papers of occur
rences previous to the renewal of hostilities in the
Cabinet are scanty and for the most part unimportant.
As to his financial administration, we are not able
to say anything. We gather, however, from a paper
belonging to a later period what was the nature of the
policy which he had in view, and which met with the
concurrence of the First Lord of the Treasury and Mr.
Huskisson : —
' Being convinced that the accumulated wealth of
the nation ought to contribute in a greater proportion
than it had done to the support of the burdens of the
country, consisting in so large a degree as they did of
the charge of accumulated debt,' and that ' the very
great preponderance assigned in our system of taxation
VOL. II. B

2 CONFIDENCE IN HERRIES. ch. ti.
to the duties derived from manufactures and consump
tion was not only impolitic but unsustainable,' he
intended ' to propose a property tax by way of commu
tation for some of the then existing taxes which were
most obstructive to the interests of the country, and con
sequently most detrimental to it in its growing rivalry
with the manufactures of the Continent, and also most
obnoxious to public feeling.'
That he continued to enjoy the undiminished con
fidence of the mercantile and moneyed class may be
gathered from the following letter, addressed to him on
November 26 by a great commercial notability of that
time, Mr. Hart Davis, member for Bristol in several
Parliaments : —
' I am in almost daily communication with two or
three of the largest holders of English stock, and I
observe that the great fear operating in their minds is
not so much the political state of the world as the
expected Finance Committee, which they fear may be
so formed as to recommend measures of finance of a
very novel character. . . . The great stockholders above
referred to put all their trust in you, and I can assure
you with truth that they would not at this moment
hold any English stock if you were not the Chancellor
of the Exchequer.'
The attention of the Cabinet, however, must have
been devoted less to financial than to foreign affairs and
especially to that constant vexation of all Cabinets, the
Eastern Question. Of the deliberations of the Ministry
on this subject not much is known ; but it appears that
differences of opinion existed among them, similar to

CH. TI. EASTERN AFFAIRS— MEMORANDUM. 3
those which seem to have divided their successors under
the Duke of Wellington as to the mode of carrying out
the treaty of July 6 for the pacification of Greece.
There were some who desired to give that treaty an
extended, and others, a restricted, application.
As an illusti'ation of conflicting views and arguments
the following paper in Mr. Herries's handwriting may
be not devoid of interest. It is docketed in pencil : — ¦
' Mem. of grounds of opposition to a proposal made
by Huskisson to press the operations against Turkey to
the extent of our becoming parties to a plan for invading
her by Russia. — Made between the time when we first
heard of the battle of Navarino and the receipt of further
explanations on the subject. N.B. Huskisson's pro
posal actually made before the news of the battle : ' —
' The question is whether we shall now, without
further delay, accede to the proposal of Russia that the
Porte should be distinctly threatened by the allied
Powers with an invasion of Wallachia and Moldavia, if
she does not submit, within a specified period, to the
terms prescribed by the mediating Powers ; and, further,
that if the invasion of the provinces by the Russian
troops shall take place, it shall be with the common
consent of the three Powers, and with an agreement
between them that they shall only be held by Russia for
the object of the Triple Treaty and as a means of en
forcing it, and shall be evacuated on the attainment of
that object. The grounds upon which our acquiescence
in this proposal is recommended, are —
' That Russia will be no longer controllable by
us and by France if we refuse to do so, and that the
B 2

4 MEMORANDUM. ch. ti.
invasion of Turkey will, in that event, be undertaken by
Russia without any restrictions upon her further pro
ceedings ; and much stress is laid upon the expectation
that Turkey will submit under the influence of such a
measure. ' This argument has obviously more reference to the
importance of averting the danger which we apprehend
from Russia than to that of securing the object which
we seek to obtain for Greece.
' The objections to the proposal are that it leads
directly to war in the event of the continued refusal of
the Porte to submit; and we must first consider its
consequences in that view of the alternative, whatever
expectation we may entertain of the effect of intimida
tion on the Porte.
'We must regard this step as being in effect the
first declaration on our part of an intention to enforce
by war (commencing by a territorial invasion by Russian
troops) the terms with respect to Greece which the
Treaty of July was intended to secure.
'In every former stage of the proceedings on this
subject. Great Britain has most distinctly and emphati
cally asserted that the mere refusal of the Porte to
accept the mediation of the allied Powers would not by
Great Britain be considered as a just cause of war.
'It must, on the other hand, be admitted that the
Treaty, where it contemplated the contingency under
which we might be called upon to concert ulterior
measures for the enforcement of its objects, must have
had war in view as one of the measures then to be made
the subject of consideration.

CH. vr. MEMORANDUM. 5
' We are, therefore, as yet perfectly free to determine
whether a war with Turkey merely for the purpose of
enforcing a satisfactory arrangement between that Power
an.d its subjects is a fit course to pursue ; and, then, it is
open to us to consider whether, if we do adopt it, the
mode of aggression suggested by Russia is the best.
' As it has hitherto been maintained in our diplo
matic communications that the refusal of the Porte to
accept our mediation should not be considered a ground
of war, what are the reasons or circumstances which
should now induce us to declare it to be a ground of
war ?
' Is the battle of Navarino an event which would
justify such a change of principle? Without further
information upon the origin of that battle we certainly
are unable to solve that question. The battle of
Navarino may have sprung out of circumstances afford
ing just ground of complaint, and perhaps even of war,
against Turkey ; but it may also be quite otherwise, and
the blame of it may be on our side. At present, there
fore, it should rather operate as a reason for awaiting
further intelligence before we take any new decision in
this matter, than as affording a ground for such a
decision as is proposed to us,
' This view is greatly strengthened when we consider
that the battle of Navarino must, in all human proba
bility, have produced at Constantinople some strong
decision one way or the other, of which we shall, within
a short time, receive information,
' Either the Porte will resent that action violently
and do some act which wUl itself be a just cause of war

6 MEMORANDUM. ch. ti.
on our part ; or it wUl be intimidated and submit to the
terms prescribed to it.
' The intermediate course of continuing passively
sulky and obstinate seems almost impossible,
' In either of the two former cases we shall get out
of our present embarrassing position without having
committed ourselves to a measure of war upon grounds
on which the opinion of the country will, to say the
least of it, be much divided. If the Porte submits, we
shall have triumphed without having broken through
the pacific professions which we have hitherto main
tained : if she gives us new ground for war by ag
gression or insult, we shall enter upon it without any
inconsistency with those professions,
' Supposing the Porte to adopt the third course, then
we shall still be in the same position as we now are
with regard to our ulterior measures,
' If it be contended that Russia will take such
offence at our even suspending our decision upon her
proposal that we may incur the risk of seeing her break
from our alliance and invade Turkey without our con
currence, it must at once be manifest that that supposition
implies a conviction of such bad faith on her part, and
such uncontrollable ambition to accompKsh her ultimate
designs upon Turkey, that the project of restraining her
by the terms of the alliance must be utterly hopeless.
It must be observed, then, that we ourselves shall be
acting under the conviction that her fidelity to her
engagements can only be depended upon so long as
everything is done that can suit her purpose ; for she is
unquestionably bound to us in good faith not to take

CH. TI. DISCORD. 7
any steps against Turkey for the pacification of Greece
except in concert with us ; whether those steps which
are prescribed in the Treaty or such others as the three
Powers may agree upon.'
From a passage in the Diary of Mr. Greville
(Dec. 13, 1827) it would seem that he had been made
acquainted by some member of the Cabinet with the
plan propounded by Mr. Huskisson, who, although de
sirous to bring Russian arms into Turkey, does not
appear to have been a very ardent PhUheUene ; for, if
we are to believe GrevUle, in a conversation with the
latter he spoke (' Diary,' Sept. 15) irreverently of
Greece as a ' humbug.' According to Lord Palmerston's
' Journal,' ^ a proposal made by him in December for
sending a land force to the Morea ' to sweep the Turks
fi*om Greece ' did not meet with Huskisson's approval.
It may be supposed that these discussions were not
conducive to harmony in a Cabinet composed of discord
ant elements, the prolonged co-existence of which in
the same body was soon found to be impossible. The
inevitable dissolution of the Administration was pre
cipitated by circumstances never hitherto clearly ex
plained. We have mentioned the strong desire of the Whig
section of the Cabinet for the introduction of Lord
HoUand, and the no less strong repugnance of the
King (with whom the Prime Minister agreed) to his
admission, which, as anyone possessing a grain of poli
tical sense must have perceived, would have been incon
sistent with the basis of the Government, Such a step
1 Lord Ddling's Life, &c., vol. i. p. 288.

8 LORD HOLLAND AGAIN. ch. Tr.
would have implied, not only the abandonment, but the
reversal, of the Canning programme, to which Lord
Goderich and his colleagues professed to adhere. It
was morally impossible that Lord HoUand should
consent to desist from the advocacy of the views —
whoUy opposed to those of Mr, Canning — which he had
constantly and vehemently sustained on many questions
of the first importance, and notably on that of Parlia
mentary reform, EquaUy certain was it that, unless
the Cabinet was to become nothing but a sort of club
of individual office-holders, who might or might not
occasionally exchange a few casual remarks on the state
of public affairs, every question could not be left an
open one, like that of CathoUc Einancipation, It
foUowed, therefore, of necessity, that the bringing in of
Lord HoUand involved the adoption by the Cabinet of
the principles which he represented, or, in other words,
the conversion of a coalition Ministry, pledged against
Reform, into a Whig — and an advanced Whig — Minis
try, in favour of Reform, And there cannot be a doubt
that such was the object in view.
For a whUe the importunities of the Whig members
of the Government ceased, and the matter was allowed
temporarUy to rest, By-and-by, little by little, a
change came over the spirit of the central division of
the Cabinet. The so-called Canningites — described by
Lord Dalling as neither Whigs nor Tories — began,
gradually and insensibly, to drift away from the princi
ples Mr. Canning had always maintained, and towards
the principles he had always resisted. Day by day,
drawn by the Whig current, they dropped out of their

CH. TI. WHIG INTRIGUE. 9
course a little to leeward. But the Chancellor of the
Exchequer did not drift. He never drifted. Throughout
his whole life he ' kept station,' because throughout
his life his ' principles were fixed, his views defined,'
At length the time arrived when it was deemed
expedient to give an outward and visible sign of the
sUent progress of conversion by stamping a decidedly
Whig character upon a Cabinet not originaUy intended
to be Whig, and the pressed Premier urged the Eong to
accede to the demand which three months before he had
advised his Majesty to reject.^
Lord Palmerston (who in his ' Autobiography '
strangely omits any aUusion to this business), in a
letter to his brother of December 18, 1827 (Bulwer's
'Life'), mentions that Lord Goderich, after having
unsuccessfully offered a verbal recommendation for the
admission of Lords HoUand and WeUesley, ' wrote the
King a letter again urging the matter,' and stating that
' without such an addition of strength to the Govern
ment he felt himself unable to make himself responsible
for carrying on the King's service ; and unless his
advice was adopted he begged leave to retire. To this
Lansdowne and Huskisson were parties, and they were
prepared to abide by the same alternative. But then
Goderich added to this letter a postscript, which nobody
saw, and in which he stated that he felt himself, from
domestic circumstances affecting the health of one most
dear to him, whoUy incapable of continuing to perform
the duties of his station.'
2 This appears from Mr. Planta's letter to Huskisson of August 21— 'To
this proposal Lord Goderich has no inclination to accede, and the King has
decided objections to it.'

10 SECRET PROCEEDINGS. ch. ti.
Neither in this letter nor anywhere else does Lord
Palmerston say — as he might have said, for it was the
fact — that the steps taken by the Prime Minister on
December 8 and 11, in concert with some of his
colleagues, were kept concealed imtU the 13th from
others who, as was well known, would have protested
against them.
So that we get at this : Lord Lansdowne and Mr.
Huskisson took part with Lord Goderich in a course of
action leading necessarily to the immediate dissolution
of the Government in the not improbable event of the
King's refusal to comply with demands put forward
without the knowledge, and against the wishes, of some
of its principal members ; and the Prime Minister then
took, on private grounds, a separate course, tending to
the same result, without the knowledge of those who
thought they were in his particular confidence.
The manner in which the secret action of a portion
of the Cabinet became at last known to other members
of it, and the resolutions taken in consequence of the
tardy discovery, wUl appear from a record left by Mr,
Herries, and from his correspondence, which show that
a persistence on the part of Lord Goderich and some of
his coUeagues to force Lord HoUand upon the King
(and they could no longer have receded) must have
broken up the Government at no distant date. It
would have had the effect of driving out the Tory ele
ment of the existing mixed Cabinet, which would thus
have come to an end. The vacant places could only
have been filled up from the ranks of the Whig party,
and the result would have been a Whig Administration

on. TI. FINANCE COMMITTEE. 11
such as the King did not wish to have, and Parliament
would not have supported. The conclusion is un
avoidable, therefore, that, from this cause alone, the days
of the Goderich Ministry, at the close of December 1827,
were numbered.
But there was another embarrassment which was
made the immediate and ostensible cause of its destruc
tion. It has been clearly pointed out that the appointment
of a Finance Committee, announced by Mr, Canning
for the session of 1828, was a measure which originated
with Mr, Herries, He proposed it to Mr, Canning, as
he had already done to Lord Liverpool ; and this fact
was positively affirmed by him without contradiction
in the House of Commons,^ The Committee was his
chUd, and therefore he was in a pecuUar degree inte
rested in its success. That his special connection with
the plan, independently of departmental considerations,
was recognized, is shown by the circumstance that
one of the conditions of the compromise suggested by
Mr. Huskisson on August 30 was that Mr, Herries,
as President of the Board of Trade, should have the
management of this Finance Committee, which, when
he was ChanceUor of the Exchequer, became a matter
belonging to his own particular department. No one
having any ordinary sense of propriety can faU to per
ceive that notlmig relating to this business ought to
have jjeen done without previous concert with him.
Great, then, was his astonishment, and equaUy great
his displeasure, at learning casually, in the course of
3 Speech in Ministerial explanations, February 18, 1828.

12 TIERNEY'S MEDDLING. ch, ti.
conversation on other matters, that steps had been taken,
without his knowledge, towards the formation of the
Committee, Mr, Tierney, who was not called upon to
act in any way in the matter, having taken upon himself
to select for the chair a prominent member of the Whig
party, and induced both Lord Goderich and Mr, Hus
kisson — the leader in the House of Commons — ^inadver
tently to assent to the choice of Lord Althorp, without
previously consulting the ChanceUor of the Exchequer.
It is not to be supposed that Mr, Huskisson and Lord
Goderich had the least intention to give offence to their
colleague, although they were undoubtedly too hasty
in sanctioning the proposal of Mr. Tierney, with regard
to whom we cannot conscientiously express the same
opinion. On the contrary, looking at the personal ani
mosity recently displayed by him towards Mr, Herries,
on the one hand, and, on the other, at the want of any
good reason for his interference in an affair in which
he was not directly concerned, we are drawn to the con
viction that one of the motives for his action was a
desire to give offence, and, by rendering the position of
the ChanceUor of the Exchequer untenable with credit,
to push out of the Cabinet the man whose entrance into
it he had strenuously endeavoured to prevent.
What ensued may best be told in Mr. Herries's own
words, preserved in the foUowing
STATEMENT AND CORRESPONDENCE,
' On November 28 Mr, Herries, having occasion to
communicate with Mr, Huskisson on some business de-

ch. ti, herries's STATEMENT. 13
pending between the Treasury and the Colonial Office,
learned, in the course of conversation, from him that
Lord Althorp had been thought of as the chairman of
the Committee of Finance,
' Mr, Herries expressed thereupon the favourable
opinion which he entertained of Lord Althorp, and
observed that, so far as his own personal feelings were
concerned, such an appointment would by no means be
unsatisfactory to him. But the proposition came upon
him by surprise ; and he did not understand, when the
subject was first mentioned, that it had been formally
considered, entertained and acted upon,
' Mr, Tierney came in just at this time, apparently
for the express purpose of communicating with Mr.
Huskisson on the subject of the Committee of Finance.
Some remarks which feU from him conveyed the im
pression of something like a final agreement with Lord
Althorp, after a negotiation with Lord Spencer on the
subject. But they were not addressed to Mr. Herries ;
they passed between Mr. Tierney and Mr. Huskisson.
' Some discussion then took place concerning the sub
jects which it might be proper to refer to the attention
of the Committee of Finance ; this was terminated by
the entrance of Mr. S. Bourne.
' Mr. Herries's first reflection upon what had trans
pired in this interview, after he returned home, satisfied
him that the step which had been taken was highly in
expedient, and that the manner in which it had been
adopted, without communication with him, was not only
irregular, but very derogatory to the character of the
office which he held.

14 HERRIES'S STATEMENT, Ch, ti.
' He determined accordingly to communicate imme
diately with the head of the Government upon the
subject. ' He could not see Lord Goderich before the following
morning. To him Mr, Herries stated what he had
learned, and at the same time the grounds of his objec
tion and complaint against it,
' He was then, however, told by Lord Goderich that
his lordship also was aware of the proceedings with
respect to Lord Althorp ; and Lord Goderich informed
him that when, on a late occasion, he had enquired of
Mr. Huskisson whether Mr, Herries had been consulted
in the matter, and was informed that he had not, he
(Lord Goderich) had expressed the greatest regret and
surprise. But it appears that no communication of the
proceeduigs was even then immediately made to Mr,
Herries, ' On the same day Mr, Herries wrote to Mr, Huskisson
on the subject; but before the letter was despatched he
received a request that he would call on Mr, Huskisson,
This message was the consequence of what Mr, Herries
had said to Lord Goderich.
' In the interview which followed Mr, Herries stated
his objections to the measure adopted, and to the man
ner in which it had been executed,
' When he returned he despatched the letter already
written, with a note, stating that, notwithstanding the
verbal conference, it appeared right to him to send as a
written protest the letter which he had stated, in the
conference, that he had previously prepared,
' This letter was answered by a short note from Mr,

CH. TI. CORRESPONDENCE — HERRIES TO HUSKISSON. 15
Huskisson, stating that Mr. Herries had some right to
complain of Lord Goderich and himself, but adding
that he stUl thought, for certain reasons, that it would
be advisable to have Lord Althorp in the chair of the
Committee. This note was accompanied by the copy
of a letter from Mr. Huskisson to Mr. Tierney, sug
gesting the propriety of entire forbearance from any
further steps on the subject of the Committee.
' Mr. Herries to Mr. HusMsson.
' " (Private and confidential.) ' " Downing Street : NoTember 29, 1827.
' " My dear Huskisson, — I send you the letter which,
as I told you, I had written, though not closed, when
you sent to let me know that you were alone. It is
right that you should have my written protest against
the course which has been pursued, I am quite sure
that you cannot think differently from me upon the
subject of the ground of complaint which I have against
it. Truly yours,
' " J, C. Herries."
' " My dear Huskisson, — When you mentioned to me
yesterday what were your views with respect to Lord
Althorp as chairman of the Finance Committee, I was
not aware of the length to which the negotiation with
him had proceeded, nor did I know untU this day that
it had been some tune in progress.
' " When Mr, Tierney came in and referred to the
communications which he had had with Lord Spencer as
weU as with Lord Althorp, I was indeed made aware

16 CORRESPONDENCE — HERRIES TO HUSKISSON. ch. ti.
of the fact that the business was understood to be actu
ally settled.
' " I did not, however, think it a fit opportunity for
making any other remark than what I then said (and
with great sincerity) as to my personal respect for Lord
Althorp. ' " But I felt at once (and reflection has since made
me feel much more strongly) that the commencement,
progress, and termination of this arrangement without
the slightest communication with me must place me in
a very awkward position.
' " A further reflection has also tended to satisfy me
that, in the present state of parties and the present
situation of our Government, the choice is not a happy
one. The alarm and distaste of those who are opposed
to Finance Committees as instruments of too extensive
and dangerous reforms will not be diminished by the
appointment of Lord Althorp, who is regarded as the
most prominent member of the most reforming party in
the House.
' " It appears also that the steps which have been
taken are not confined to the chair of the Committee.
Other persons have been communicated with, and, as I
understand, have received promises of being nominated
as members of it in the same manner, without any in
timation of these proceedings to me.
' " I have been speaking to Lord Goderich this day
on the subject. I think he entirely concurs in my view
of the matter, and entertains the same feelings as
myself upon it, so far at least as relates to the irre
gularity of the course which has been pursued. What

CH. TI. CORRESPONDENCE — HUSKISSON TO HERRIES. 17
can now be done to set matters right again I do not
know, but I wUl call on you and talk the matter over
as soon as I can find an opportunity of seeing you.
Truly yours, ' " J. C, Herries.
' " Downing Street : November 29, 1827,"
' Mr. HusMsson to Mr. Herries.
' " (Private.) ' " S. P. : November 30, 1827,
8 A.M.
' " My dear Herries, — I wrote to Tierney before I
left the office last night — indeed, before I received your
letter. ' " I enclose to you a copy of what I said to him.
' " I retain my opinion that upon a balance of incon
veniences and advantdl'ges Althorp will be safer in the
chair than a leading personage in the Committee, kept
at a jealous distance by the fi:iends of Government.
' " But this was no reason for communicating with
him at present,
' " In respect to yourself I must admit that both
Goderich and I must take some blame to ourselves for
not having sooner informed you of what Tierney had
mentioned to Goderich on the subject ; but I am sure
you wUl acquit both of us of anything intentional in
this delay. Yours very truly,
' " W. Huskisson.
' " I am going to Claremont in the expectation that
we shaU have no message tUl Sunday. ^^
VOL.II. c

18 CORRESPONDENCE — HUSKISSON TO TIERNEY, ch. ti

' Mr. HusMsson to Mr. Tierney.
' " (Private and confidential.) ' « Downing Street : November 29, 1827.
' " Dear Tierney, — There might arise so much serious
embarrassment from its becoming known that particular
names had been pointed out as members of the Finance
Committee, as well in respect to the manner in which
their claims and pretensions would be canvassed pre
maturely out of doors (as we say) as to the sort of
applications which it would bring upon me and other
members of the Government, that I am sure you will
excuse my suggesting to you not to hold out expecta
tions to any of the individuals who were thought of or
mentioned yesterday as persons to be put upon the
Committee. Indeed, it wUl, I dtn sure, be the safest
course, where so many jealous and conflicting feelings
may be excited in the different parties into which the
House is spUt, for the members of the Cabinet to abstain
from all discussion upon this matter, except strictly
among themselves.
' " Upon reflection I incline to think this, at least for
the present, would have been the most prudent line even
in respect to Althorp ; but I am sure it is very desir
able, in respect to others, that no further step in advance
should be made in this business till we come nearer to
the time of meeting Parliament, and have had an oppor
tunity of talking it over more fully among ourselves.
Yours very faithfully, , .. ^_ Huskisson."

CH. TI, HERRIES'S STATEMENT. 19
' Here the matter rested. Mr. Herries remained in
expectation for some days of receiving a communication
concerning tlie course which it might be proposed to
pursue, or the measures to be adopted for undoing those
which had been taken. But there were other matters
of extreme and urgent importance then occupying the
attention of the Cabinet ; and the arrangement of the
Finance Committee was obviously one which might be
postponed for some time. He felt confident at least
that no further step would now be taken without con
sultation with him.
' It was within about a week of this time that
Mr. Herries received intimations of some projected
changes of great importance in the Government ; they
were vague as to the purport of the proceedings going
on, although not doubtful as to the fact of some
measures being actuaUy on foot. In this state of
anxiety and surmise he remained in daUy expectation
of receiving some intimation from the head of the
Government of the nature of those proceedings, but
nothing was made known to him on the subject until
after Lord Goderich's resignation had taken place. He
then found the apprehensions which he had been led to
entertain fully justified. Negotiations of the most
pressing nature had been carried on, with the concur
rence of a part of the Cabinet, for effecting a material
change in its composition, which had ended in the
retirement of Lord Goderich.
' His return took place on December 19, and, as it
then appeared to Mr, Herries, without any settlement
concerning the projected changes, although he soon
C 2

20 CORRESPONDENCE — HERRIES TO GODERICH. ch. tj,
afterwards discovered that he had formed that conclusion
erroneously. ' The proper time appeared, therefore, to be now
arrived for calUng upon Lord Goderich to come to a
decision respecting the Finance Committee.
' Mr. Herries's general views and principles on the
subject had been stated to Lord Goderich in the con
versations which had passed between them.
' He therefore addressed to him the foUowing letter,
which led to the correspondence annexed to it : —
' "Dovraing Street : December 21, 1827.
' " My dear Goderich, — It is now full time that some
further steps should be taken with respect to the Com
mittee of Finance.
' " It would, I believe, naturally be my duty to bring
that subject under the consideration of the Cabinet ;
but, after what has passed (and I advert to it with
much pain), I feel that it is not at present in my hands.
I must, therefore, learn from you, as head of the Govern
ment, what is the course intended to be pursued for the
formation of this Committee and the regulation of its
proceedings. ' " What has hitherto been done in this matter has
taken place without consultation or communication
with me, although it would seem to belong principally
to my department of the pubUc business. A negotia
tion has been carried on, and completed by Mr. Tierney,
with your sanction and that of Mr. Huskisson, for the
nomination of the chairman of the Committee.
' " The Government is, I presume, fully committed to

CH, TI. CORRESPONDENCE— HERRIES TO GODERICH. 21
the individual fixed upon for the purpose, and to the
noble famUy of which he is a member ; and this pro
ceeding, as I am given to understand, has been adopted
with a view, in a great measure, to a political object,
and as being calculated to strengthen the hands of the
Administration. ' " I doubt much whether that view be correct, and
whether the calculation be a just one. But I have an
objection to the arrangement upon a much higher
ground, I conceive that, in order to derive in the
utmost possible degree from this important measure all
the public benefit which it is capable of affording, and
at the same time to avoid the inconveniences to which
it is Uable, all political views of the narrower kind — all
those which are connected with particular parties and
influences only — should be utterly discarded in the
formation of the Committee,
' " It appears to me that these objects would be best
secured if the Committee were composed of the most
eminent individuals of the several parties in the House
of Commons, and the chair fiUed by some person of
high character and respectability, either entirely un
connected, or connected as Uttle as possible, with any
of the poUtical parties into which the House is divided,
' " Whether this be a proper view of the subject, and
whether, if it be so, you could yet proceed upon such
a principle, you and Huskisson are best able to judge.
I do not feel that I could act in it upon any other. In
order, therefore, to relieve you from any difficulty, as
connected with my situation, respecting the course
which you may deem it expedient to pursue, I beg to

22 CORRESPONDENCE— GODERICH TO HERRIES, ch. ti.
assure you that if, by putting my office into other hands,
you can more satisfactorily execute this difficult and
delicate measure, you may command my most ready and
cheerful resignation of it. I place it (and I beg it to be
understood as being done in the most friendly manner)
entirely at your disposal. Yours, &c.,
' " J, C. Herries."
' " Downing Street : December 24, 1827.
' " My dear Herries, — I received your letter of the
21st instant on Saturday evening. I agree with you in
thinking that the time is at hand when it wUl be neces
sary to consider the question of the Finance Committee
in all its bearings, both as to its character and composi
tion and as to the mode in which its duties can best be
performed for the public good and with credit to aU
parties interested. When Huskisson returns to town,
which wiU be in two or three days, this matter must be
taken in hand and brought to a final issue,
' " In the meantime I owe it both to you and to
myself to explain what you seem greatly to have mis
understood, viz, the degree to which I was a party to
anything like a settlement of the question with respect
to the chairman of the proposed Committee,
' " I thought, indeed, that I had already explained
verbaUy to you that, as far as I was concerned, nothing
had passed but some casual conversation between Mr,
Tierney and myself; and I certainly was greatly sur
prised when I learned that any step whatever had been
taken in the business,
' " The facts of the case, as regards myself, are as
follow : — Some weeks ago Mr, Tierney, having to call

CH. TI. CORRESPONDENCE— GODERICH TO HERRIES, 23
upon me upon some other business, mentioned incident
ally that he thought it would be a very good thing if
the confidence of the Government were shown to Lord
Althorp in respect to the Finance Committee ; and upon
my stating that I thought he ought to be a member of
the Committee, Mr. Tierney explained that what he
suggested was to place him in the chair, I stated to
Mr, Tierney that that was a proposition which ought to
be weU considered before any decision could be taken,
but that personally I had a regard for Lord Althorp,
arising out of old friendship and esteem. There the
matter ended at the time ; and, as we were aU occupied
with other matters (I think it was in November), I took
no further notice of what I considered to be a loose
suggestion, A few days after Mr, Tierney spoke to me
again in the Cabinet Room, and I then answered that
to whatever the members of the Cabinet in the House
of Commons might think advisable upon the subject I
should not object, not anticipating that anything could
be acted upon without such a communication with all of
them, and not myself supposing that the matter pressed
for an immediate decision.
' " When I afterwards learned that Mr. Huskisson had,
in consequence of a communication with Mr. Tierney,
acquiesced in the idea, and that some sort of communi
cation had been made to Lord Althorp, the first thing
I did was to enquire of Mr. Huskisson whether he had
spoken to you, and whether you were a party to the
arrangement ; and I found, to my great surprise, that
you had never heard anything of the proposition and
were in no way a party to it.

24 CORRESPONDENCE— GODERICH TO HERRIES. ch, ti.
' " I have thought it right to state these circum
stances, because you appear to think that I was aware
of the communication (whatever it may have been)
which was made to Lord Althorp before it was actuaUy
made to him,
' " With respect to the latter part of your letter, in
which you place your office at my disposal, I can truly
say (what I am sure you can easily believe) that I
cajimot conceive a case in which it would be a con
venience to me that you should retire ; but at all events
I should hope that you will not take any final step
upon that subject until we shall have had an oppor
tunity of giving to the whole question the fuUest and
most unreserved consideration. Yours, &c.,
' " GODEEICH."
' Two personal communications,* by desire of Lord
Goderich, took place upon this subject between Lord
Goderich and Mr. Herries, one on December 29, 1827,
and another on January 2, 1828. Nothing materiaUy
bearing on this question took place in these interviews,
beyond what is noticed either in the preceding or in
the following portion of this correspondence.
' " Dovraing Street : January 4, 1828.
' " My dear Herries, — Havuig had much communica
tion with Huskisson on the subject of our recent corre
spondence respecting the proposed nomination of Lord
Althorp to be chairman of the Committee of Finance,
I have distinctly ascertained from him, and now think
* Memoranda of these conTersationa will be found at the end of this
statement.

OH. TI. CORRESPONDENCE- Goderich to herries, 25
it right to teU you without reserve, that he feels it to
be quite impossible for him to acquiesce in giving up
that nomination : it is clear, therefore, that such a deci
sion of the question would at once dissolve the Ad
ministration. I cannot but feel that your resignation,
on the other hand, would in all probability have the
same effect. It becomes, therefore, indispensably neces
sary, both on public and private grounds of the greatest
urgency, that I should distinctly understand from you
whether it is your fixed determination to resign the
seals of the Exchequer unless Lord Althorp's nomina
tion be abandoned. I would not press you for an
answer in. so strong a manner were it not for the
near approach of the meeting of Parliament, and that
infinite embarrassment to the King's service and to the
public interests would arise if this matter were not
brought to a speedy determination ; and the King
would certainly have the right to complain if he were
not apprised of the state of things as long before the
meeting of Parliament as possible.
' " There certainly has been an unfortunate misun
derstanding upon this subject, and I deeply regret upon
every account that I was not aware on Wednesday,
December 19, when I stated to the Cabinet my readi
ness to go on, provided they continued to entertain their
former sentiments towards me, that this point, respect
ing the Committee of Finance, was likely so soon to bring
the Government, and especially myself, into jeopardy.
' " That, however, cannot now be helped, and I have
only to hope that you wUl let me know your determina
tion, in order that I may regulate my own conduct.
Yours, &c., ' " Goderich,"

26 correspondence— HERRIES TO GODERICH. ch. ti.
' " Montreal : January 5, 1828.
' " My dear Goderich, — I received your letter of yes
terday at this place last night.
' " You inform me that, after much conversation with
Huskisson, you have ascertained that he feels it impos
sible for him to acquiesce in giving up the nomination
of Lord Althorp to the chair of the Finance Committee.
and that a decision of the question to that effect must
at once dissolve the Government.
' " You add that you think my resignation would in
aU probabUity have the same consequence.
' " Upon these grounds you desire to know distinctly
whether I should resign the Exchequer seals if that
nomination were persevered in,
' " In answer to this question allow me once more
to refer you to my letter of December 21, and also to
request your recoUection of what passed between us in
the two interviews which I have since had with you
upon this subject,
' " In both those interviews I distinctly explained
to you that I felt it to be imperative upon me to abide
strictly by the terms of my letter, and that I must
consequently leave it entirely to you to dispose of me,
with reference to the conditions therein stated, in
such manner as might appear to you to be the most
expedient for the public service and for the interests of
your Government,
' " It is scarcely necessary for me to repeat on this
occasion the declaration which I have already several
times made to you, and which I distinctly made to
Huskisson also, that, far from feeling even the shadow

CH. TI. CORRESPONDENCE— HERRIES TO GODERICH. 27
of any personal objection to Lord Althorp, I should, on
the contrary, have had much satisfaction in transacting
business with him as Chairman of the Committee, on
account of the esteem and respect in which I hold his
character, if his appointment could be made consistent
with the public principles upon which it appeared to
me to be indispensable that the Committee should be
formed, in order to be productive of the utmost possible
benefit to the public.
' " As to the soundness of that principle, I have not
understood that you differ in the least degree from me ;
nor have I heard that it is disputed by anyone else.
' " With respect to the regret which you express on
account of your not having been aware, on December
19, when you stated your wiUingness to go on with the
Government, that the ' point now in question was likely
to bring the Government, and especiaUy yourself, into
jeopardy,' permit me to observe, that if I had been in
your confidence with regard to the important steps
which you had taken before the 19th, and also as to the
arrangements connected with the resolution then an
nounced (but which arrangements were at that time
only made known to some and not to all of your
colleagues), I should have been better enabled (as I
should sincerely have desired) to study your personal
convenience with respect to the best time for urging a
settlement of the question of the Finance Committee.
Yours, &c., ' " J, C, Heebies,"

28 CORRESPONDENCE-GODERICH TO HERRIES, ch. ti.
' « Blackheath : January 5, 1828.
' " My dear Herries, — The more I reflect upon this
unfortunate question respecting the Finance Committee,
the more I am convinced that the view which you have
taken up is founded upon a misconception both of the
circumstances themselves, which took place at the
end of November, and of the consequences which would
result from placing Lord Althorp in the chair of that
Committee. I am quite convinced that there was no
intention whatever of treating you with disrespect, or of
exposing you to the embarrassment of not being in
your proper place in aU that relates to a matter so
closely connected with your own department.
' " It is certainly unfortunate that anything whatever
was said to Lord Althorp before it was settled that
soiriething should be said ; but it by no means foUows
from that circumstance that the Government ought to
be placed in jeopardy, if it can be avoided, especiaUy
at a moment so peculiarly inconvenient to the King's
service and the public interests as the present must
necessarUy be. Now as to the appointment itself, I
must say that it appears to me that you greatly over
rate the objections and difficulties.
' " Lord Althorp is a man of perfect honour and
integrity, and if he consented, with the approbation
of the Government, to take the chair of that Com
mittee, it cannot be supposed that he would do so
without giving his fair and honourable confidence to
the Government. I do not mean that he would or
could compromise his own opinions ; but I am per-

CH. TI. CORRESPONDENCE— HERRIES AND GODERICH. 29
suaded that neither hostility nor mischief would enter
into his views or feelings in discharging his duties,
I wish very much that you would well consider this
matter before you decide to withdraw from the Go
vernment under circumstances which would cause so
much embarrassment,
' " If I thought I was counselling anything discredit
able to you personally, nothing would induce me to
lay this view of the case before you. But we all
owe much to the King and to the public good, and
although I feel more and more the extent of the
sacrifice which office requires, and the pressure, bodily
and mental, which it imposes, I feel that we ought, if
possible at aU events, to meet Parliament to justify
our measures, and then leave it to Parliament to take
what course they may choose in deciding upon our
fate. Yours, &c., '"Goderich."
' "Montreal: January 5, 1828.
' " My dear Goderich, — Before I received your letter,
of which I return you a copy (as you desire), I had
despatched an answer to yours of yesterday, which
reached me last night. But having no messenger
here, I sent it by a conveyance, which may perhaps
not be expeditious in the deUvery of it.
' " The effect of it was precisely the same as what I
have stated to you twice verbally, when we discussed
the unpleasant subject of the Finance Committee.
' " I wiU not reply to what you have now written
to me untU I have done what you desire— again very
carefully considered the matter.

30 CORRESPONDENCE AND STATEMENT, en. ti.
' " Of one thing, however, I wish to assure you, lest
a misapprehension should, on that point, remain on
your mind, I am not actuated by the least feeling of
offence or disgust in the determination which I adopt,
I was unquestionably hurt, and very much so, when
I first learned what had been done, on account of the
slight which appeared to have been put upon me in
my official character. But I have too much friendship
for Huskisson to entertain a belief, or to harbour any
suspicion, that he would intentionally do me any
wrong, I need not say that the same observation
would apply to yourself in the strongest manner,
independently even of the explanation which you have
given me of the small part which you had in the
business. In short, my conduct wUl not be governed
by any unpleasant feelings towards any individual in
*^^^ "^""^''- ' " J. C. Herries,"
' In consequence of Lord Goderich's request, another
interview on this subject took place on January 7.
The same arguments and observations as had been
urged and answered in the former interviews were
repeated, and little more occurred deserving of par
ticular notice, except that Lord Goderich laid stress
upon the circumstance that, after all, no positive or
definite engagement had been made with Lord
Althorp, and that the negotiation could hardly be
said to have been carried beyond the ascertaining
that Lord Althorp and his friends would be satisfied
by the appomtment if it were offered. To this Mr,
Herries answered by some observations, the substance

CH. TI. CORRESPONDENCE— HERRIES TO GODERICH, 31
of which will be found in the following letter, written
in consequence of Lord Goderich's particular request
to receive an answer in that form to his last letter.
It was sent to him very soon after the termination of
the interview : — ' " Downing Street : January 7, 1828.
' " My dear Goderich, — I have, as you requested in
your last letter (and as I promised in my answer that
I would), carefully reconsidered the subject of my
letter of December 21,
'"I regret to be compeUed to state that the recon
sideration so bestowed upon it has not conduced to any
alteration of the judgment which I had previously
formed and communicated to you,
' " The question at issue, and upon which yowr judg
ment — not mine — is to be formed, is obviously not the
mere nomination of Lord Althorp, That nomination
cannot be treated as an insulated point, disconnected
from the circumstances under which it was determined
upon and the manner in which it was settled ; nor
(which is of much more importance) can it be fairly
considered without reference to the principles by which
I have stated that I think every step, in the formation
of the Committee of Finance, ought to be guided,
' " In your last communication to me you gave me
to understand that I had been mistaken in supposing
that a conclusive engagement with Lord Althorp had
been made. It appears, from your view of the matter,
that Uttle more had been done than to ascertain that
Lord Althorp would undertake the office. If such
be the case, I cannot but observe that it renders the

32 CORRESPONDENCE— HERRIES TO GODERICH. ch. vl,
positive determination of Huskisson to adhere peremp-
torUy to that choice, and even to refuse all discussion
of the reasons upon which I think a different course
ought to be pursued, not only more uninteUigible
to me, but more difficult for me to acquiesce in. I
should have thought that it might upon such grounds
have stUl been an open question.
' " Let me take this opportunity of renewing the
assurance which I have already given you that your
determination, as the result of your judgment in the
matter, to advise the King to confide to other hands
the seals which I now hold, wUl not have the slightest
tendency to diminish the friendship which I feel both
for you and for Huskisson, nor to abate the sincere
wishes which I entertain for the future success of your
Administration .
' " I feel that where parties of such unequal weights
are placed by an unfortunate concurrence of circum
stances in two opposite scales, there ought not to be a
moment's hesitation (with reference to the interests of
the Government) in so disposing of me as to retain the
invaluable services of our common friend. Yours, &c,,
'"J. C, Herries."
'¦Memorandum of a Conversation with Lord Goderich
between 11 and 12 o'clock on December 29, 1827,
' Lord Goderich began by stating the embarrassment
in which he was placed by the letter which he had
received from me on the subject of the Committee of
Finance, He appeared to be in doubt as to the sense in

CH. Y(. MEMORANDUM. 33
which he should understand it, and expressed a wish
to know fi'om me whether he was to conclude that I
had determined upon resigning my situation in con
sequence of what had been done. In putting the ques
tion in this mode he referred to his explanation by
letter of the part which he had himself taken in the
affair, and which he conceived I had materiaUy mis
understood, ' It appeared to me sufficiently clear that his object
was to draw from me the declaration that my resigna
tion was to be considered rather as final than contingent,
and tendered on account of what had already been done,
without opening for any other course that might now
be adopted. ' I met this mode of treating the subject by recalling
to his attention the terms of my letter, and by pointing
out to him that it was in his power upon that letter to
dispose of me as he might judge best for the interests of
the pubUc and those of his own Government. It was
for him to judge whether I could usefully for both
objects continue in my situation, and that the question
must be decided materially with reference to what he
himself might think it right to do with respect to the
engagement with Lord Althorp.
' I insisted strongly upon the public and personal
objections to the measure which I had before stated, and
I availed myself of his declaration that the matter had
been conducted and concluded without his own know
ledge to impress upon him that he was therefore the
more clearly at liberty to decide upon it now in such
manner as for the public interest might seem the best.
VOL. II. D

34 MEMORANDUM, ch. ti.
' From the manner in which the conversation was
conducted on his part it was very obvious to me that
he was above all things anxious to avoid this difficulty
(personal to himself) by drawing from me some defini
tive and unqualified expression of a determination to
resign. But I resisted carefully — but with the fuUest
and most candid explanation, and, as I think, the fairest
and most honest statement of the real case — aU these
endeavours. I made him clearly understand that my
resignation, so far as he might leave it to my own choice
(confessing that he was clearly empowered by me to
leave me no choice in the matter), must be contingent
only upon his perseverance in the measure into which
he had been drawn by others. But I left him no
reason to suppose that if that course were persevered in
my determination would be susceptible of change. He
appeared himself to be unable to imagine that I could,
consistently with my own character, with what was due
to my office, and what was due to the public interests
in the view which I took of them (and the correctness
of which, be it observed, he never once attempted to
dispute), continue to hold the office which I fill.
' The conversation was contmued by many lamenta
tions on his part, and expressions of the embarrassment
and difficulty in which he was placed — being repeti
tions only of what he had said to me on many previous
occasions. ' In the course of these I took the opportunity of
desiring to know whether I had distinctly understood
him on the subject of the prospective change in the
Government. He then repeated to me that the King

CH. TI. MEMORANDUM, 35
had assented to the introduction of Lord Holland " at
Easter," he first said, and then, correcting himself, " be
fore Easter," I asked him if Lord WeUesley was like
wise to be introduced. He said, hesitatingly, " Yes,
he thought so ; " but he added that he had been very
iU-used about Lord WeUesley ; that Lord W, had
been forced upon him on several occasions, and rather
strangely on this occasion ; and that it was not an act
of his own choice, AU this was uttered in an uncertain
and hesitating and confused manner, as if more the
expression of his own ruminations than intended as a
distinct communication to me, I took the opportunity,
however, of teUing him on my part, very distinctly,
that I feared that these measures were all pressed upon
htm by persons out of the Cabinet in communication
with a part of ourselves, and that I was afraid he would
in the end experience aU the evUs and misfortunes
which had attended all other parties or persons who had
been governed by the suggestions of Mr, Brougham,'
* Memorandum of a Conversation with Lord Goderich this
Morning. ' January 2, 1828.
' He sent to me about eleven o'clock to request I
would call upon him. I did so very soon afterwards.
' After some remarks upon indifferent topics he said
he had desired to see me again on the subject of the
letter which I had written to him concerning the Com
mittee of Finance.
' He reverted to the difficulties of his situation,
and repeated his lamentation on the hardship of being
D 2

36 MEMORANDUM. ch. ti.
placed in it, against his own choice and inclination, to
serve the purposes of others.
' I aUowed him, without contradiction or interrup
tion, to pursue the strain of these lamentations,
' He then came to the particular difficulty which my
letter created, and asked me in the same terms as he
had done in the last conversation on the same subject,
" What was he to do ? How was he to understand it ?
How was he to act upon it ? I must be sensible," he
said, " that it was absolutely necessary for him to come
to some decision in a matter which might concern the
existence of the Government,"
' He pressed me, in short, precisely in the same tone
and manner as on December 29 last, to declare categori-
caUy whether I was determined to resign my office
or not, ' I treated the question in the same way as on the
former occasion, I desired him to look well at my
letter, which had nothing ambiguous or obscure in it,
and to act upon it as he might judge best for the public
service and most consistent with his duty to the King
and his Government, I observed to him that he had
said nothing to induce me to alter the opinions ex
pressed in my letter, either by explaining the conduct
of the persons mentioned in it (except so far as con
cerned the extent of the sanction which he had given
to their proceeduigs) or by controverting the principles
which I had laid down in it ; and I could therefore only
reiterate my adherence to what I had therein declared
to be my conviction and determination,
' He then said that the other parties remained equally

CH. TI. MEMORANDUM, 37
convinced that the course adopted by them was right, and
that they were determined not to yield, so that probably
they might resign if it were determined to make any
change in it,
' I observed that in that case we were fairly at issue,
and it must be for him to decide as he thought best
and to act upon my letter accordingly,
' In the course of the conversation he stated that he
thought I was mistaken as to the extent to which the
parties in question were pledged by their proceedings.
It appeared to him that, after aU, they had only sounded
Lord Althorp, and that they could not be understood
as having so completed the arrangement with him as to
be positively bound by it.
' I immediately availed myself of that declaration to
point out to him that, in that case, his decision would
be perhaps less difficult, and certainly less embarrass
ing. It appeared that he could set aside the nomina
tion of Lord Althorp without much inconvenience.
' He then, however, denied that he could do so, ob
serving only that there were cases in which an under
standing between parties could not be set aside without
giving as much offence as by the violation of a more
formal engagement.
' I was, therefore, left to conclude that, whether as
an understanding or as a compact, the arrangement was
deemed by Huskisson and Tierney irrevocable.
' Our discussion (if such it can be called) continued
some time, with many words on his part and very few
on mine, but made no progress towards an agreement.
I steadfastly refused to make any declaration beyond

38 MEMORANDUM, ch. ti.
that which the letter contained, or to adopt any step by
which the matter would be taken out of his hands.
' He hinted that he supposed, if I resigned, some of
the minor adherents of the Government would foUow
me, I took no notice of the hint,
' The conversation at one time diverged from the
point immediately in question to other topics connected
with the state of the Government, I observed to him
among other things that the change proposed to be
made by introducing Lord HoUand appeared to me
most unwise at this particular moment, independently
of the objections that might be urged against it upon
more general grounds, because I was convinced that, in
the present temper of the country, and as the ParUa-
ment was now composed, there would be at least five
votes alienated by that junction for every vote con
ciliated by it. He made no answer to that remark.
' He said he had communicated my letter to Huskis
son, but not to Tierney, I told him he was of course
quite at liberty to communicate it to both of them, or to
anybody else,
' He had said in a former communication that Hus
kisson denied the correctness of some part of the letter,
but did not say of what part. He made no remark of
that kind on this occasion,
' He complained of the " Times " newspaper, to which
I adverted as having announced the determination that
some of us (I supposed myself, of course, among the
number), who were not liberal and enlightened enough,
should be turned out as soon as Don Miguel's departure
should have left the King more at leisure. He said

CH. TI. MEMORANDUM. 39
significantly " there was something about the ' Times '
which required explanation ; he should not allow that
system to go on."
' I did not leave him without strongly impressing
upon him that he owed it to me and to my office well
to consider the situation in which he allowed me to be
placed. Whatever there was difficult and unpleasant
in the dilemma which my letter occasioned to him,
he must admit that it was not created by any act of
mine, and that I could take no other course than that
which I had adopted. He admitted fully that I was
justified in what I had done, and that I could hardly
have acted otherwise. In short, he objected in no
respect, either on this occasion or in the former con
versation, to my conduct in the business,'

Mr, Huskisson, thinking, or persuaded by others,
that he was too far pledged to be able creditably to draw
back from the sort of engagement he had unwarUy
aUowed himself to be led into by Mr, Tierney, refused
to give way, and declared it to be his intention to with
draw from the Government, But, as appears from the
explanations given by him in the House of Commons,
he was induced by the soUcitations of Lord Lansdowne
and others to suspend the actual transmission of his re
signation, and to ask Lord Goderich instead ' whether
the proffered resignation of the ChanceUor of the Exche
quer might not be accepted,'
It is also evident, from the memoranda of conversa
tions between Mr, Herries and the Prime Minister, and
from their correspondence on this subject, that attempts

40 NEW CAUSE OF STRIFE. ch.ti.
were made to draw an absolute and final resignation
from the Chancellor of the Exchequer, who was left for
several days in total ignorance of Mr. Huskisson's "
announced determination to retire.
But he persisted in adhering to the line he had
taken, and in leaving the question whether he was or
was not to remain in office to be decided upon by the
head of the Government.
While the perplexed Prime Minister was lamenting
over the difficulties that beset him, a new cause of strife
was suddenly introduced into the distracted Cabinet.
Letters from Lord Bexley mention a proposal made
by Sir James Scarlett, then Attorney-General, one of
the Whigs who had joined Mr. Canning, that a measure
should be brought forward for the repeal of the Foreign
Enlistment Act of 1819. It is not conceivable that a
question of such political importance could have been
raised at such a moment except in concert with some
members of the Cabinet, who must have looked forward
to one of two results — either the adoption of the pro
posal by the majority of their coUeagues, foUowed by
the certain secession of the dissentients, or its decided
rejection, followed by their own retirement. If, now,
the line previously taken on this question by the
Whig party on the one hand, and by Mr. Canning with
the Tories on the other, be considered, the connection
between the strange move made by the Whig Attorney-
' His declaration that he no longer considered himself as a member of
the Government was made on December 29, just before a meeting of the
Cabinet at which Mr. Herries was present ; but ihe fact of Mr. Huskisson's
resignation was not made known until January 5 to Mr. Herries, who
afterwards learned its date for the first time from Mr. Huskisson's speech on
February 18.

CH. VI. FOREIGN ENLISTMENT ACT. 41
General and the contemplated change in the composition
and system of the Government will become apparent.
The condemnation of the heretical pravity of the
Foreign EnUstment Act (destined at a future time to
be rendered more stringent by a Liberal Ministry)
filled for many years a large space in the Liberal sylla
bus of damnable Tory errors, and was to be accepted as
an undoubted Whig dogma under pain of major ex
communication. The degree of detestation in which this Act was
held was the measure of the degree of Whig orthodoxy
as taught in HoUand House. He who was not con
vinced by the eloquence of Sir James Mackintosh,^
exhorting the House ' to exclaim with the brave barons
of former days, Nolumus leges Anglice mutari ! ' — not
convinced by the arguments of Lord Holland,'' de
monstrating that, as the consequence of the passing
of the BiU then under discussion, ' the State ' would
be ' converted into a prison for the confinement of its
subjects ' — not convinced by the oratory of ardent
champions of freedom, as understood and practised in
South American repubUcs, that, because British bucca
neering was unimpeded in the reign of Queen Elizabeth,
filibustering ought not to be prevented by the Govern
ment of King George — was deemed a friend to tyrants,
and an enemy to the sacred cause of revolution aU
over the world.
Lord Holland, who was about to be brought into
the Cabinet at the end of 1827, had been the leader of
^ Speech in the House of Commons, June 10, 1819.
' Speech in the House of Lords, June 28, 1819.

42 FOREIGN ENLISTMENT ACT. ch. ti.
the opposition to the Foreign Enlistment BUI in 1819 ;
and Lord Lansdowne, the person most active in the
negotiation for his admission, had warmly supported
him in the debate on the occasion above referred to,^
Lord Althorp, the unfortunate treaty with whom
concerning the Finance Committee caused so much
embarrassment, had been the mover of the repeal of the
obnoxious Act a few years before, and Mr, Tierney,
who set that treaty on foot, had vehemently condemned
the BiU at the time of its introduction.
Who can faU to see a clear connection between all these
facts, and to draw from them the conclusion that the
abrogation of the neutraUty legislation^ so resolutely
^ Lord Lansdowne's speech in the House of Lords on June 28, 1819, was
not in a very high tone. Two of its principal arguments against the BiU
were that it would (a) deprive several half-pay officers of the means of
profitably employing their activity, and (6) check the development of a
rising branch of British industry.
' It seems to be generally forgotten that Bills for the repeal of the
Foreign Enlistment Act were passed by the first reformed House of
Commons in the two successive sessions of 1833 and 1834, but were, for
tunately for us all, burked in the House of Lords. Let anyone having the
least amount of historical knowledge, of political judgment, and of imagi
nation, considering also what a vast store of latent fanaticism exists in
England, ready at any moment to be evoked by any stump orator, and
how profound is our insular ignorance of international rights and duties,
picture to himself the certain consequences to this country of the efibrts,
had they been successful, of the Liberal party, in the first instance to
defeat, and afterwards to annul, the wholesome, wise, just, and necessary
measure propounded and carried by a Tory Government for the fulfil
ment of our obligations towards other States. There is hardly a nation
in the world which would not have suffered, from the cupidity of British
adventurers and the frenzy of British partisans, an accumulation of unen
durable wrongs calling for vengeance. W^ith regard to the United States
particularly, if, through fraudulent evasions of the law, we were exposed
to the imminent peril of a conflict ruinous to both countries, what would
have happened had there been no law to evade ? Instead of one or two
semi-piratical cruisers stealthily fitted out, whole fieets would have been
openly equipped for hostile operations, and, with regiments on board, levied.

OH. TI. FOREIGN ENLISTMENT ACT. 43
combated by the Whig party, was intended to be a
principal part of the new system to be inaugurated by
the advent of Lord Holland.
The fiUbustering policy of that nobleman and his
friends never was, and, as we have a right to assume,
never would have been, the poUcy of Mr. Canning, who
warmly supported the Foreign EnUstment Act in its
origin, and steadUy maintained it afterwards, because
he thought that the neutraUty of England ought to be
a real, not a sham, neutraUty. If he had .beUeved
that it was the duty of his country to pour out her
blood and treasure on behalf of communities whose
misgovernment, discord, and convulsions have never
ceased to offend civUization ; if he had thought (as, for
tunately for present and future British income tax
payers, he and his colleagues did not think) that Great
Britain was under any obUgation to enter upon a
tremendous conflict with France, backed by all the
great miUtary Powers of Europe, in defence of an
impracticable constitution in Spain, he would have
counselled open, not covert, hostUities.
Never would he have connived at so mean and so
iniquitous a course as State neutrality with private
belligerency — unofficial war under the disguise of offi
cial peace.
The following selection from correspondence Ulus-
trates the Ministerial crisis : —
armed, and trained in England, would have saUed from our ports to engage
in a quarrel in which no Englishman had a shadow of right to interfere.
The certain result would have been a desperate war, which might have lasted
for many years.

44 , CORRESPONDENCE, ch. vi.
Mr. Herries to Lord Bexley.
'Downing Street : December 28, 1827.
' My dear Lord Bexley, — I send, in the same box
with this, a letter upon the unpleasant subject of our
distractions in the Cabinet.
'Pray read it with a recollection of the difficult
circumstances in which I am placed, and let me have
the benefit of your calm and excellent judgment when
we meet. ' The more I think of the proposal which has been
forced upon the King, the more I wonder at the
imprudence of urging it at this period, and without any
consultation with us.
' I cannot imagine any motive but mere party in
terest (and that ill understood) for this proceeding.
' What really public object could it promote ? It
could not be supposed that Lord HoUand could bring
any useful addition of knowledge or abUity to the
Government in the management of our domestic
concerns ; and it wUl hardly be pretended that his
principles and opinions as to our foreign poUcy and
Continental affairs, proclaimed and disclosed as they
have been in various ways, are of a nature to smooth
the difficulties in which our foreign relations are at this
time involved. It would not be impossible, I think, to
prove the contrary.
' I am sorry to hear that the King is distressed and
unwell in consequence of all these things. Mount-
charles (who, by-the-bye, went to him to disclose that
he should go out of office if Lord Holland came in) gives a

CH. VI. CORRESPONDENCE. 45
bad account of him in that respect. I fear he will have
no peace till he makes a strong Government, either
Whig or Tory. The mixed Cabinet requires a firmer
hand and sounder judgment to govern it than he can, I
fear, at present command. Most truly yours,
'J. C. Herries.'

Mr. Herries to Lord Bexley.
' Downing Street : December 28, 1827.
' My dear Lord Bexley, — I have carefully and
anxiously reconsidered aU that has passed between us
on the subject of the proposed change in the Cabinet,
which has been consented to, as I understand, reluc
tantly, and after much objection, by the King, upon a
very pressing requisition on the part of Lord Goderich.
This requisition was made without any previous com
munication with us, and it appears that there existed
no intention of even communicating to us at present
the prospective arrangement adopted as the result of it.
Had it not been for a surmise on your part by which
you were induced to require a categorical explanation
from Lord Goderich, we, and others of our colleagues,
would, I apprehend, at this moment have been unap
prised of it, although it was well known to another
portion of the Cabinet. Having, however, already
expressed my opinion upon the subject of these partial
confidences in the Cabinet, I shall at present say
nothing more on that topic, but submit to you what
occurs to me upon the proposition itself
' In order to judge of the effect which may be pro-

46 CORRESPONDENCE. ch, ti.
duced upon the existing constitution of the Government
by the introduction into the Cabinet of a leading and
most influential member of the extreme Whig party,
it is necessary to advert to the principles upon which
that Government has been formed, as weU as to the
manner in which it is at present composed,
' The present Cabinet consists in part of persons
avowedly attached to the political principles which
have prevailed in the Government of this country
during the last forty years (with the exception of a
very short interval), and in part of individuals
previously accustomed to act in systematic opposition
to those principles and to that Government upon all
the most important questions of domestic and foreign
policy, ' Of these individuals, however, it must be added
that they were distinguished from the majority of the
party with which they habitually acted by the greater
moderation of their principles and proceedings, and by
a greater approximation on many topics of public
policy to the opinions held by the persons who exer
cised the power of Government,
' The union of these moderate Whigs with the Tories
was first accompUshed by Mr, Canning, and in forming
a Government embracing these varieties of political
persuasion it was distinctly laid down by him that the
rulmg character of the Government should be the
same as that of Lord Liverpool, The members of the
opposite party who joined Mr, Canning accepted office
under that express explanation and condition. The
Government thus constituted was therefore essentially

CH. TI, CORRESPONDENCE. 47
Tory, although composed of persons who had not all of
them theretofore been classed under that political dis
tinction. ' The death of Mr. Canning changed nothing in the
principle on which the Government was constituted.
That principle was, on the contrary, confirmed and
enforced by the declaration of the King to his Ministers
when he appointed Lord Goderich to the office of First
Lord of the Treasury.
' The principle so laid down and so confirmed is in
point of fact no other than the principle of Mr. Pitt's
Government, transmitted through his several successors
(with the exception of Mr. Fox's short Administration
in 1806) to Lord Liverpool, Mr. Canning, and Lord
Goderich. It is in that character that it chaUenges
the confidence and support of the country, and if that
character be abandoned, its Pittite or Tory adherents,
both in and out of office, are not only absolved from
their engagements towards it, but their reputation for
consistency and uprightness in their public conduct is
perhaps materially implicated by the support which
they may continue to give to it.
' PubUc character in this country is the creation of
pubHc opinion only: it makes the general estimation,
for worth and ability, in which the men who take part
conspicuously in the management of public affairs are
held, and determines usuaUy the place in the service of
the State which they may aspire to occupy. There is
no point upon which the pubUc opinion is more severely
exercised than on that which concerns the consistency
between the professed opinions and the real conduct of

48 CORRESPONDENCE. ch. vt.
public men. Upon this subject the pubUc are greatly
and justly jealous. Changes of poUtical principles and
of party connections are scarcely tolerated even where
they are accompanied by declared conviction and dis
tinct recantation; but where there is anything like a
mysterious compromise for the sake of the advantages
of office, the conclusion is fatal. The compromise is
designated a political juggle, and the actors in it are
considered with less respect than even avowed apos
tates. For my own part, I acquiesce in this mode of
judgment, because I think the principle a just one and
the severity of its application useful to the public
service. ' Now, I apprehend that the Tory members of the
present Government wUl be in great danger of incur
ring the penalties of that judgment if they do not take
measures to avert, or rather to avoid, it upon the intro
duction of Lord Holland into the Cabinet.
' The principle of the Government being such as I
have stated, it is obvious that any person of the same
political opinion as Lord Liverpool might be added
to it without inconsistency or compromise, but that it
would be impossible without the one or the other to
bring into it an individual of diametricaUy opposite
opinions, and more especially if he should be a person
of great eminence, whose opinions, frequently and
vehemently asserted, are universally known to be en
tertained in an extreme degree.
' Such is the case with respect to Lord Holland, who,
through a long, active, and conspicuous poUtical career,
has espoused the principles and doctrines of the Whig

CH. TI. CORRESPONDENCE, 49
party in the utmost length to which they have ever
been carried; and who, even so late as the month of
May last, took an opportunity of solemnly declaring
that on whatever side of the House he might sit he
would never fail to vote for Parliamentary reform, nor
refuse to move, whenever caUed upon to do so, the
repeal of the Test and Corporation Acts.
' The consequence of the accession, at this time, to
the King's CouncUs of a person thus pledged to these
political opinions must, I think, upon the grounds which
I have stated, be destructive either of the principles of
" Lord Liverpool's Government " or of all public confi
dence in the poUtical professions of the individual him
self. The one or the other must be renounced. Coincide
they never can. I wUl not for a moment suppose that
Lord HoUand will abnegate the principles which he has
so long maintained, and some of the most prominent of
which, as subjects of special difference between him and
" Lord Liverpool's Government," he has so recently re
asserted. If the head of the Government is equally
steadfast in his adherence to the " principle of Lord
Liverpool's Administration," there must arise disunion
highly detrimental to the public service ; if otherwise,
discredit, ' In the country, too, and in ParUament, it would be
worse than idle to expect that, after such a junction, the
Government should any longer be considered as repre
senting both the great political parties in the State,
The accession of Lord Holland would necessarUy be
the signal for the adhesion of aU the Whigs, ultra and
moderate, to the Government ; and equally so for the
VOL, II, E

50 CORRESPONDENCE, ch. ti.
entire and hostile separation of the Tories from it,
whereby those members of it who are professedly at
tached to the '¦^principles of Lord Liverpool's Govern
ment'' would be placed in a very unfavourable and false
position. They would, in fact, be under the necessity
of carrying on a contest in alliance with persons whose
principles do not coincide with their own against the
political party with which, in principle, they are identi
fied. This state of things would, in my apprehension,
be productive alike of public inconvenience in the con
duct of our affairs and of personal discredit to the sub
servient minority in the Cabinet,
' The consequences of these degradations of public
men in the public opinion extend much beyond the
circle of their own personal interests. They produce a
general depreciation of all political character in the eyes
of the country. I think I may safely say that the last,
or rather the present, coaUtion in which the Whigs have
been subordinate has lowered that party in the pubUc
estimation. If the Tories act a simUar part and show
themselves also disposed to compromise their principles,
then aU respect for those who are entrusted with the
management of pubUc affairs must be greatly diminished.
' These observations and arguments are appUcable
generaUy to the members or supporters of " Lord Liver
pool's late Government," who now form a part of the
present Administration. But the position and circum
stances of each individual will render them appUcable in
various degrees, and with various modifications, to his
own particular case.
' My position is marked by striking peculiarities

CH. TI. CORRESPONDENCE. 51
whereby I am certainly placed in a painful dUemma
between conflicting obligations. I can most truly
affirm, however, that an attachment to the honours and
advantages of office (which I do not affect to underrate
or to despise) forms no part of that difficulty, and adds
no perceptible weight to the embarrassment under which
I am compeUed to form my decision.
' The manner in which I was placed in the situation
which I now hold — so far above my pretensions and
so much beyond my wishes — ^has laid upon me a debt
of gratitude to the King and to those who then advised
him which must induce me to contribute every effort
in my power to the support of the Government of which
I was thereby made a member. But, on the other hand,
the very circumstances which impose that obligation
upon me constitute also a pecuUar ground for more than
common soUcitude on my part to maintain above aU
suspicion the consistency and independency of my public
character. It is in a most especial manner due to the
King, who so graciously and firmly insisted upon my
appointment, against the endeavours of a party which
opposed it on the ground of my political principles, that
I should uphold those principles without spot or blemish,
and that I should take care to afford no ground for the
misconstruction by which it was attempted on that occa
sion to attribute my appointment to private and personal
rather than to pubUc motives. Such a misconstruction
would be greatly promoted by any act of apparent
subserviency on my part, such as would be indicated
by conduct inconsistent with my avowed principles and
opinions and by a readiness to hold office upon terms
B 2

52 CORRESPONDENCE. ch. ti.
at variance with those under which I accepted it.
Whenever, therefore, such changes shall take place in
the policy of the Government, or in the composition of
the Administration, as must lead, in the judgment of the
public, to the abandoning or compromising of the '¦'¦prin
ciples of Lord Liverpool s Administration,^' my sense of
what I owe to the King, to the country, and to my own
honour will leave me no choice but to resign my office.
Believe me, my dear Lord Bexley, ever truly yours,
'J. C. Herries.'
On January 5, 1828, Mr. Herries's private secretary,
Mr. Spearman, wrote to him thus, communicating recent
confidential information : —
'  called soon after you were gone. He had

just seen Brougham, and he came to report the con
versation he had had with him. He said that B. was in
high spirits, and was quite satisfied that they were all in
the right course ; that Lord Holland would certainly
come in ; that none of the present men would go out on
that account — that one of them might indeed go, but no
more.  asked him if he thought the Government
could be carried on by the Whigs ; to which Brougham
replied that he did not doubt that the present men,
reinforced as they would be, could carry it on perfectly
well ; to which  rejoined, " Take my word for it.
Brougham, that you have broken up the Government."
Holmes has been here this morning. He saw the Chan
cellor late last night. The ChanceUor was yesterday
again with Lord Goderich. He repeated then to Lord
G. and to Huskisson his determination upon the subject

CH. TI. CORRESPONDENCE. 53
of the Government — that ho was determined imme
diately to communicate with the King, in order that the
state of the Government might not come upon H.M.
unawares ; and it was then settled that Lord Anglesey
should accompany the Chancellor to the King. In
about an hour, however, he received a letter from Lord
Anglesey, declining to go with him on the ground of
his Ul health.
' He apprehends that Lord A. or some other person
is therefore to go alone and without him ; and he thinks
it is stUl hoped that a patched-up Government wiU be
attempted, but he expressed his intention of taking care
to prepare H.M, beforehand for the intended visit if
he did not immediately go down himself. He appears,
fix)m Holmes's account, to be now deeply intent on sub
mitting his own views and of breaking with the Whigs ;
for Holmes says that he will make known to the King
that he wUl not serve with them,
' It is said, among other things, that Grant will
remain if it be a patched-up Government, and wUl
succeed you, . , ,'
The 5th of January seems to have been a busy day
with Ministerial correspondents.
We find two letters of that date from Lord Bexley,
who wrote : —
' Dear Herries, — I met the Lord ChanceUor at Lord
Dudley's, and he spoke to me two or three times on the
falling state of the Government, which he said was
breaking down from two distinct causes, viz. the Fi
nance Committee and Lord Holland's appointment. . . .

54 CORRESPONDENCE. ch. ti.
' I did not profess to the Chancellor more than a
general knowledge that things were going Ul from the
causes he mentioned. I caUed his attention to a box I
had seen just before dinner, containing a proposal from
Scarlett to repeal the Foreign EnUstment Act and the
two Libel Acts of 1819. He agreed with me that
nothing could be more foolish, and I have written
strongly to Goderich on the subject. I do not think
the ChanceUor has seen the King, who is in bed with
the gout.
' Dudley thanked me for my letter on the Greek
question,' and said he agreed with me, but that he
found both Lieven and De Roth much out of humour
at our backwardness. I suspect we shaU hear that the
Russians have passed the Pruth. Under these circum
stances I think your line is clear not to resign, but to
let the King (or Goderich, if he wUl take upon himself
to do so) decide between you and your opponents. I
believe, however, it will end in a break-up without any
distinct cause avowed. Yours sincerely, ' Bexley.'
' My dear Herries, — Since I wrote by your mes
senger I have met the ChanceUor at Don Miguel's. He
told me he had intended to go to the King, to represent
the state of the Government to him, but that he would
not go alone for fear of misrepresentation, and that Lord
Anglesey had declined to go with him. He asked me
^ Mentioned in a previous letter, dated January 1, in which Lord Bexley
says, ' I have written Dudley a very pacific letter upon the Greek question,
and I think we may certainly be of some use in supporting a moderate and
prudent line of conduct, to which, indeed, some of the Cabinet, who may
not always think like us, seem sufficiently inclined,'

oh. VI. CORRESPONDENCE. 55
whether Lord Goderich had given any answer to your
letter about the Finance Committee. I told him I under
stood that you had seen him twice, but that he had said
nothing distinct, only lamenting the hardship of his
own situation. The Chancellor said that was all he
did when he was with him. He quite approved of my
having written to Lord G. about Scarlett's proposition,
upon which I think we are as lUtely to split as any-
thing, for if it is pressed in Cabinet I shall desire our
respective opinions may be laid before the King. I
omitted this morning to mention that the Chancellor
told me yesterday that Tindal ^ would resign if Lord
HoUand was appointed. Our conversation this morning
was very short, as Mountcharles and Villa Real came
in to conduct us to the Prince. . . .'
Mr. Herries to Lord Lyndhurst. The same date.
' My dear Lord Chancellor, — After what you said
to me at our last meeting I would of course take no
step without previous communication with you. I then
told you of my conversation with Goderich on the same
day. I now send you a letter which he has written to
me, and the answer which I propose to make to it, if
you see no objection to it arising out of the state of our
affairs in other respects which I maybe ignorant of. It
seems to me that the object of Goderich's letter is to
draw from me some positive and unconditional declara
tion, which he may make use of in order to dissolve the
' Sir Nicholas Tindal, Solicitor-General, afterwards Loid Chief Justice
of the Common Pleas.

56 CORRESPONDENCE. ch. ti.
Government on grounds convenient to him and those
who are advising him. In my answer I endeavour to
keep firmly upon the condition of the pubUc principle
involved in my letter of December 21, and so to compel
him to make the decision with respect to me upon that
principle alone. . . .'
Lord Lyndhurst to Mr. Herries.
' George Street ; Sunday.'
' Your letter to Goderich went last night. I rather
think Goderich is acting for [or from] himself, and I
am pretty confident not by the advice of either Dudley
or Huskisson. We shall cut a pretty figure after all
that has passed, both publicly and privately, when we
meet Parliament, according to the wish of Goderich
expressed in his last note.'
Mr. Spearman to Mr. Herries. ' Sunday Morning.
' It appears to me that they are now trying to make
it appear distinctly that you would go on with Lord
Holland and the Whigs if it were not for the Finance
Committee ; and if they can get you to give up that
point and go on to Parliament, when the Government
would assuredly be broken to pieces, they wUl turn
round and say that you never would have refused to
serve with Lord Holland on prmciple, and that you
' Lord Lyndhurst's letters to Mr. Herries, of which we find several,
never bear the date of the month or year. Their handwriting is in general
deplorably difficult to read.

ch. TI. CORRESPONDENCE. 0 7
only take advantage of the breaking up. They are
cunning enough, God knows.'
Lord Bexley to Mr, Herries.
' Foot's Cray Place : January 7, 1828,
' My dear Hemes, — I have read your correspondence
with Lord Goderich with more regret than surprise, I
have for some time been convinced that the Govern
ment could not hang together, but it is painful to me
to think that its downfall should be occasioned by your
act or mine. At the same time I do not think that
under the circumstances you could take any other
course than you have done. I do not enter into
particulars, as I mean to see you to-morrow morning ;
and I feel that, with a view to my own conduct, it may
be necessary for me to have some conversation both
with you and with Lord G. . . .'
On the foUowing day Lord Goderich, in conse
quence of the intervention of the Lord Chancellor, drew
the King's attention to some at least of the Ministerial
dissensions ; and the King, who seems to have been
then for the first time made aware of the differences
between the Chancellor of the Exchequer and the
Secretary of State for the Colonies, cut the knot, which
the Premier had been unable to untie, by charging the
Duke of Wellington with the formation of a new
Cabinet.* * Although it is not our business to correct all the grievous errors with
which Mr. Walpole's book abounds, we cannot refrain from protesting
against his description, quite unworthy of a serious history of England, of
the last interview between Lord Goderich and the King. He sets down as

58 CARICATURE OF HISTORY, ch. ti.
matter for record a bit of facetiousness current among the wags of the day,
and communicated to Lord Colchester in a letter of gossip from his son.
' His Majesty ofiered him [Lord Goderich] his pocket-handkerchief.' Mr.
Walpole ought to have known that George IV., whatever may have been
his failings, was, at any rate, not a vulgar bufibon, and that the retiring
Premier, whatever may be thought of his capacity as a statesman, was a
refined gentleman, not to be addressed with insolent personalities.

CH. VII. WELLINGTON CABINET. 59

CHAPTER VII.
Formation of WeUington Cabinet — Herries Master of the Mint — Correspond
ence — Mysterious incident — Ministerial explanations in Parliament-
Attacks upon Mr. Herries, and successful defence — Subsequent statement
of real causes of breaking up of Goderich Cabinet — Refutation of Lord
Palmerston's posthumous slanders.
Mr, Huskisson agreed to become a member of the new
Government on condition ^ that Mr, Herries should not
continue to hold the office of Chancellor of the Ex
chequer, although he did not refuse to be his colleague
in the Cabinet, It was, besides, thought desirable that
there should be nothing to connect the new Ministry
with the questions which had disturbed its predecessor.
For these reasons the Duke of Wellington deemed
it expedient to put into the Exchequer a person who
had not been a member of Lord Goderich's Cabinet —
Mr. Goulburn — offering to Mr. Herries instead of it the
Mint, vacated by Mr. Tierney, who, together with his
purely Whig coUeagues, Lords Lansdowne and Carlisle,
was left out of the new Government.
If Mr, Herries had been made aware (which was
not the case) of Mr. Huskisson's stipulation, he would
probably not have accepted the offer made to him by
the Duke of WeUington ; and we incline to the opinion
that he would have done better if he had, even without
such knowledge, refused to take a seat in the new
' See Wellington Correspondence.

60 LETTERS. CH. vu.
Cabinet as the holder of an office having no adminis
trative importance. But it is impossible for us, calmly
considering the matter after a . lapse of fifty years,
correctly to appreciate all the motives which led him to
a different decision. Among them must principally be
reckoned the persuasions of friends, and a reluctance to
show anything that could have been construed into
Ul-wUl towards the Tory leaders, to whom he desired
to give his political support,
A few letters — all that remain — relating to this
subject may be here inserted, ' Lin. Inn Hall : Saturday
(probably January 12).
' (Confidential.) ' My dear Herries, — The arrangements are going
on but slowly. Should anything occur material to be
communicated to you before Monday, I wUl send by
your messenger. I wiU take care that no misrepresen
tation shaU be made with effect as to the course which
you pursued. No such attempt has yet been made,
nor is there any prospect of it. Ever yours, < j > 2
' Sunday, 2 o'clock,
* My dear Herries, — I cannot give you any informa
tion upon the subject of the proposed arrangements,
because we have agreed to preserve in the progress of
them the most absolute secrecy. What I wish to know
is whether the state of our Exchequer, Treasury, &c,,
wUl admit of the postponement of Parliament for a
week. You must feel that this would, under existing
' Lyndhurst.

CH. vn. LETTERS. ^l
circumstances, be very desirable. Pray send me a full
and a speedy answer. Ever vours, , t
J ' <¦ Lyndhurst.
' George Street : Monday.
' My dear Herries, — Pray write me a line and let
me know how matters stand ; or if you wish to see me
I shall be herefrom, four o'clock. Ever yours, ^ j ,
' George Street : Tuesday.
' My dear Herries, — I have been with the Duke
to-day to Windsor, and the King has desired me to
make a communication to you. Can you make it con
venient to call here this evening at nine o'clock ? Ever
truly vours, , t ,
•^ J ' ' Lyndhurst.
On the back of this note there is the followmg
memorandum in Mr. Herries's handwriting : —
' Tuesday, January 15, 1828.
' I went to him at nine o'clock this night.
' He surprised me much by informing me that very
shortly before I arrived he had received a communica
tion which rendered it impossible for him to tell me
then what he had been commissioned to state to me ;
but he promised to come to me to-morrow. He did
not fix the time.
' I suppressed the vexation which I felt, and after
talking over some other matters left him. My reason
for not appearing to resent this versatUity and mystery
towards me was that the whole was professed to be
done in the King's name. I could not, therefore, with
propriety speak my sentiments upon it. I wrote a note

62 MYSTERIOUS INCIDENT. ch, vn,
to Arbuthnot, complaining confidentially, and I sent
to request Holmes to call upon me,' ^
' Apsley House : January 15, 1828.
' My dear Herries, — I am grieved that for one
single moment you should have had an atom of an
noyance. 'I had known that the ChanceUor was to talk to
you ; but it was for reasons which, when known, could
not affect your peace of mind for a single instant. The
Duke of Wellington went from Windsor to S, Saye to
take leave of Don Miguel, and I fear that before he
' How is this mystery to be explained ? It may be assumed that the
communication, which arrived only just in time to prevent the Lord
Chancellor from delivering the King's message, could have come from no
one but the Prime Minister. The King would hardly have had time to
make it even if he had changed his mind — a most improbable supposition.
But the Duke of Wellington having been at Windsor with Lord Lyndhurst,
the message must have been given in his presence or with his cognizance,
and consequently with his approval. If he had seen any grounds for object
ing to it he certainly would have stated them at once. It is to be presumed
that the two Ministers returned to London, as they had gone to Windsor,
together, and that, in the course of their two or three hours' drive, no reason
for delaying the execution of the King's commands being suggested to the
Lord Chancellor, none presented itself to the mind of the Duke, whose later
injunction can only be attributed to the intervention of a third person. WTio
this influential counsellor may have been, or what his motives, it would be
idle to conjecture. The conclusion, however, is safe that he was a man of
more cautious temperament and less straightforward habits than the Duke
of Wellington. Perhaps also he was not so well disposed towards the
individual principally interested. We do not pretend to know what was
the real nature of the message. The mode of its intended transmission, and
the fact that it did not reach its destination, sufficiently demonstrate the
inanity of the fictions invented by Lord Palmerston and others about secret
communications between George IV. and Mr. Herries, to whom the King
could easily, if so minded, have caused his wishes — whatever they were —
to be conveyed, without risk of impediment, through the private channel of
Sir William Knighton. In this business there were, undoubtedly, conceal
ment and intrigue, but not on the part of the King or of his ex-ChanceUor of
the Exchequer.

CH. vir. LETTERS. (]3
comes U[) to-morrow I could not venture to write to
you respecting the subject about which the Chancellor
had to talk to you. You may rely upon my friendship
that I would not leave you in suspense for a moment
if there was anything which regarded your honour or
your peace of mind. I do assure you that in the breast
of no one is there towards you the most distant suspicion
or distrust. On the contrary, everything that I have
heard spoken of you in every quarter has been most
gratifying and satisfactory ; and so you wUl thoroughly
agree with me when I see you and tell you what the
ChanceUor had been desired to say.
' I cannot bear to appear mysterious ; but beUeve
me as a friend that you will be entirely satisfied when
I explain the whole to you as soon as we meet, and I
will take care to see you the very instant that I am
able. Ever, dear Herries, most truly yours,
' C, Arbuthnot.'
' I cannot bear to leave you in suspense. I think
I shaU tranquUlise you entirely by saying that, it being
understood that the Whigs mean to make a storm in
Parliament about the Finance Committee and Lord
Althorp, it has been thought very necessary that the
new Government should have nothing to do with a
discussion to which it has been a stranger. You may
see there is nothing to worry you.'
' Wimbledon : Saturday.
' My dear Herries, — I will be in George Street at
four o'clock on Monday, and everything shall be pre
pared for the fatal ceremony, I wish I could also get

64 SURREPTITIOUS PUBLICATION. ch. tii.
out of my turmoil, but it cannot be. Brougham means,
I am told, to lead the House of Commons, He says
the lead can't be conferred like a place or dignity. Ever
y°"^^' ' Lyndhurst,'
A premature and surreptitious publication of the
list of the new Cabinet in the 'Morning Chronicle'
gave rise to an unpleasant incident, to which, as it
speedUy passed over without any consequences of the
slightest importance, we should not have aUuded if an
undue prominence had not been given to it elsewhere.
It chanced that one day Mr, Herries inadvertently left
lying on his writing table, when he went for a few
minutes into another room, a memorandum of the com
position of the new Ministry, During his short absence
a visitor was ushered in, who, reading the names and
offices in the paper on the table, made a note of them
for communication to the ' Chron^'cle,' This unlucky
accident (and that it could have been nothing but mere
accident ought to have been manifest, because the
' Chronicle,' which had libelled him outrageously, was
obviously the very last journal to which Mr, Herries
would have thought of conveying any information)
roused the anger of the Duke of Wellington, who
displayed his irritation in the hasty and somewhat
intemperate tone not unfrequently perceptible in his
correspondence, ' I assure you,' he wrote in a letter of
January 21, ' that there never was an event compara
tively so trifling in itself that will produce such
important consequences on the destinies of this country
as will the premature disclosure in the newspapers of

CH, Tn. THE DUKE'S UNREASONABLE WRATH. 65
the names of the new-formed Ministry, notwithstanding
the precautions and the pains I took to prevent such
disclosure.' If any ordinary mortal had written this
sentence it would be treated as an absurd exaggeration ;
for certainly the most sensitive politicometer could
never have indicated the slightest disturbance of the
destinies of this country from the pre-official printing
of the names of the new Ministers in an Opposition
newspaper. The unreasonableness of the great Duke's wrath
is apparent from the foUowing letter, showing that the
Ust had been sent right and left by the ' whip ' of the
Tory party some days before it appeared in the
' Chronicle : ' —
' Holmes caUed about five minutes after you were
gone. He says there will be a very strong neutral
bench. ' Dawson called on Holmes last night, and not
finding him at home, left for him a confidential list of
the new Administration, It corresponded exactly with
that in the " Chronicle," Holmes wrote him an answer
expressing his thanks for the confidential list, for which,
indeed, he said that he was the more obliged because
it confirmed the accuracy of the list which he had sent
on Thursday to Mr, Harrison at Brighton, and which
he beUeved would be found to have been published at
Dublin on Saturday last. He did not add to Dawson,
however, that he had sent the list to Dublin on Thurs
day. How particularly absurd, therefore, to make such
VOL. II. I"

66 MINISTERIAL EXPLANATIONS. ch, tii.
a clamour about the publication of what was so gene
rally known, , , , Ever truly, yours, 'A, Y, Spearman,
' Tuesday, January 22, 1828.'
Soon after the meeting of Parliament explanations,
which, however, were not, and perhaps could not have
been, complete, were furnished by the persons princi
pally concerned in the strangely involved transactions
which had preceded the fall of the Goderich Cabinet,
They are to be found in ' Hansard,' and need not there
fore be repeated in detaU,
Mr, Herries concluded an elaborate statement on
February 18, with a peremptory and unequivocal denial
of accusations made against him, openly out of doors
and covertly in the House of Commons, of having con
spired with the King, or with the leaders of the Tory
party, or with both together, to upset the Government
to which he had belonged. He declared that he had
never had any communication respecting his resignation
with any individual out of the Cabinet, and that he had
' received no advice from any person whatever before
his letter of December 21 was written,' He added that
he beUeved that 'in the quarter alluded to not one single
circumstance relative to those transactions was known
tUl the communication of them was made to the other
House by Lord Goderich,' and ended by saying, ' There
is not a shadow of reason, or the sUghtest foundation,
for the base statement that has gone abroad,'
His clear explanations produced a very favourable
imptession upon the House, No better evidence of
their effect can be adduced than the following letter

ch, tii. COMPLETE VINDICATION. 67
from a gentleman always distinguished for his judge
ment, tact, and high sense of honour — Mr. Yilliers,
afterwards known to the world as the Earl of Clarendon
— who, although not at this time directly eng;iged in
party politics, had Whig connections and inclinations: —
' I cannot go to bed, my dear Mr, Herries, without
offering you my hearty congratulations upon your
triumph, I have long and eagerly desired that you
should have the opportunity which this night has
afforded of stating the simple truth, because I felt sure
that universal approbation of conduct like yours must
be the immediate consequence,
' You needed not the applause of this night to con
firm to yourself the conscious feeling of your own
integrity, but there is no man that must not feel pride
at complete vindication from unjust and malignant
attack, and I beUeve that you yourself cannot feel more
joy than I do at the result of to-night's debate and at
hearing as I did all round me such marked expressions
of satisfaction. No one that I have heard speak upon
the subject thought you said a word too much about
Lord G. If you erred at aU it was certainly not on
that side. Ever yours suicerely, ' George Villiers,' *
In the course of his speech, in which he elucidated
aU that had taken place concerning the Finance Com
mittee, Mr. Herries said that it was impossible to
suppose that his proffered resignation was of sufficient
^ The wi-iter of this letter, who heard the debate, was not a member of
the House of Commons, F 2

68 FURY OF FACTION. ch, tii,
importance to cause the breaking up of the Government ;
that, owing to circumstances which had shaken the
Government to its foundation before his letter of De
cember 21 was written, its fall was apparently inevitable ;
and that occasion was taken of this letter for doing
that which sooner or later must have happened without
it. He added unguardedly in the heat of the moment — ¦
' I say that I know it was so acted upon ' — an expression
which he afterwards qualified by the explanation that
he meant that he drew the positive conclusion from the
circumstances that it must be so. The soUd grounds
for this assertion have been already set forth, but it was
met by Lord Goderich with a positive denial in the
House of Lords,
Then burst out all the fury of disappointed faction.
In a succeeding debate in the House of Commons on
the 21st the man who had been guUty of the 'inex
piable wrong ' of hindering the realization of Whig
aspirations stood at bay against a throng of fierce
assaUants, who stormed at him with threats, taunts,
gibes, and insinuations, going to the very verge of per
sonal insult, from which he had to compel more than one
speaker to draw back. Among the foremost of the at
tacking party was Mr. Thomas Slingsby Duncombe, one
of the most celebrated of the Radical reformers of his
day. His speech on this occasion (February 21), like
his previous discourse on the 18th, which is said to
have 'made a great sensation,' was composed and put
into his mouth, as we learn from Mr, GrevUle ^who
' Mr, Greville's comments (vol. i. p. 130) on these speeches are instruc
tive. ' And what are the agents who have produced such an effect P A

OH. tii, difficult POSITION, 69
seems to have had a hand in its concoction, by the
Honourable Henry, afterwards Lord, de Ros,
CaUed upon to substantiate by proof the declaration
which had been contradicted, Mr, Herries refused to
enter into any further explanations, and confined him
self to the reiterated expression of the conviction he
entertained. That conviction was weU founded ; but
its soundness could not have been demonstrated without
a revelation of the whole of the secret history of the
Cabinet in which Mr, Herries had lately sat along with
some of his present coUeagues then by his side. He
must have told aU that he had learnt concerning the
series of underhand intrigues (no other description can
be given to those proceedings) for the transformation
of the Ministry — intrigues in which Mr. Huskisson had
taken an active part, and of which Lord Palmerston
had at any rate been cognizant ; he must have made
known to the House the information he had been able
to gather as to what had passed between Lord Goderich,
some members of the Cabinet, and the King, in Decem
ber, but not aUuded to by Lord Goderich himself in the
House of Lords ; and, moreover, in order to make all
this matter clear, he must have gone back to the period
of the formation of Lord Goderich's Cabinet, and spoken
of the pressm-e then put upon the Kuig for the admis
sion of Lord HoUand. Obviously he could not make
man of ruined fortune and doubtful character, whose life has been spent on
the race-course, at the gaming-table, and in the green-room ; of limited
capacity, exceedingly ignorant, and without any stock but his impudence to
trade on ; only speaking to serve an electioneering purpose, and crammed by
another man [and what a man !] with every thought and evei-y word that
he uttered.'

70 HUSKISSON'S SPEECH. <ch, tii.
such revelations. His tongue was tied ; and he found
himself in the position in which we suppose many a
public man in England is placed, who is obliged to
submit to attack without employing in his defence aU
the weapons he possesses.
His statements, however, which he could not con
firm by proof positive, were mainly borne out by
declarations, already adverted to by us, which were
made by Mr. Huskisson in his speech on February 18,
to the effect, that by the advice of some of his colleagues
he (Mr. Huskisson) had endeavoured to induce Lord
Goderich to act upon Mr. Herries's letter of December
21 by making the contingent offer of resignation con
tained in it absolute. And this course was suggested,
said Mr, Huskisson, as the best means of preventing
the dissolution of the Cabinet.^ The futUity, therefore,
of the allegation, that the downfall of the Administration
was caused by the conditional resignation of the very
man whose positive dismissal was deemed necessary for
its preservation, becomes at once apparent. Conse
quently Mr. Herries was warranted in affirming, as he
did, that his resignation was not, and could not have
been, the true cause of the break-up, for which it was
made to serve as a colourable pretext. The following
paper in justification of his assertion was afterwards
drawn up by him.
* In the same speech Huskisson said : ' Before the 26th of December . . ,
there had occurred many circumstances which tended materially to impair
the strength, and shake the stability, of the Administration,'

oh. tii, GROUNDS FOR HERRIES' DECLARATION. 71

STATEJIENT by MR. HERRIES OF THE EVENTS WHICH
LED TO THE DISSOLUTION OF THE ADMINISTRATION
OF LORD GODERICH.
'As it appears to be probable that no further ex
planations in ParUament avUI now be given on the
subject of the dissolution of the late Government, con
cerning which Mr, Herries expressed in one House an
opinion widely different from that which was pro
nounced by Lord Goderich in the other, it appears
right to Mr, Herries that he should state, for the in
formation of his own friends (but without comment or
ai'gument) such of the grounds upon which his declar
ation was founded, as appear to him to be amply
sufficient to justify it,
' Lord Goderich has so described the late change in
the Administration as to leave a very general, if not an
universal, impression on the minds of the public that it
was produced entirely by the differences on the subject
of the Finance Committee, And he has afforded room,
by the manner in which he has noticed these differ
ences, for the imputation of blame, by implication, to
Mr. Herries, in respect of the time and mode in which
his resignation was proffered,
' Mr, Herries, on the other hand, has declared his
entire conviction that his resignation was too slender a
matter to be of itself a sufficient cause for the termina
tion of the late Government ; and he has, at the same
time, asserted his knowledge of other causes which, in
his judgment, produced the event, and under the opera-

72 STATEMENT OF EVENTS. ch. th.
tion of which the more unimportant incident of the
Finance Committee became merely the occasion of it,
' That declaration was grounded upon the following
facts : —
' In the early part of last December, Lord Goderich
proposed to the King (with the knowledge and con
currence of only a part of his coUeagues) the introduc
tion of Lord Holland and Lord WeUesley into the
Cabinet, upon the ground of an indispensable necessity
for some addition of strength to the Administration,
' The proposal not having been acceded to, it was
urged again by a letter on December 11, in which it
was intimated that Lord Goderich could not be answer
able for carrying on the government if it were not
adopted, ' On December 13 these proceedings became known,
after a Council held at St, James's, to several of the
Ministers who had till then been ignorant of them.
The retirement of Lord Goderich was made known at
the same time, and was understood to be occasioned by
domestic circumstances, which at that time pressed
anxiously upon him, and the representation of which
had formed part of the letter to his Majesty,
' On the 14th Mr, Herries expressed to Lord Goderich
the great pain which the information had given to him.
He regretted that a measure affecting so materially the
character, and even the existence, of a mixed Adminis
tration, such as was then estabUshed, should have been
adopted without an equal confidence and communica
tion with all its members. He also stated his decided
conviction that the junction with Lord Holland would

on. TH. STATEMENT OP EVENTS. 73
have been fatal to the Government, as then constituted,
if the proposition had been acceded to.
' Mr. Herries said enough on that occasion (although
he considered the Government as being dissolved) to
leave no doubt upon the mind of Lord Goderich that
he, Mr, Herries, would not have continued in his
situation if the intended coalition with one of the most
distinguished opponents of the poUtical principles upon
which the then existing Government was founded had
been carried into effect,
' An interval foUowed, during which some steps
were taken unsuccessfuUy for supplying the place of
Lord Goderich in the Administration, It was ter
minated by his return on December 19,
' The members of the Government being assembled
on that day were informed by Lord Goderich himself
that the difficulties which had occasioned his retire
ment, and which had tn some degree been misunder
stood, were removed, and that if his coUeagues had no
objection to it, he was then ready to resume his station,
such being his Majesty's pleasure. Lord Goderich
adverted at the same time to the proposition which had
been submitted to the Eling for strengthening the
Administration, but the particulars of that proposition
were not stated, nor were the names of the parties
declared, who were the subjects of it,
' It was on that occasion observed by Mr, Herries
that if any change was stUl in contemplation which
might be productive of a difference of opinion among
the members of the Government, it would be better
that it should be communicated at that time than made

74 STATEMENT OF EVENTS. ch. tii,
known at a later period when any discussion or dis
memberment of the Administration, consequent there
upon, might occur under circumstances very incon
venient for the pubUc service, as, for example, in the
midst of the active business of a session of Parliament,
' This observation was met by a declaration from
Lord Goderich in general terms that he had no inten
tion of altering the principle of the Government, whereby
Mr, Herries was satisfied, and pressed the subject no
further, ' A noble lord ^ then present, who had been unac
quainted with the circumstances which had occasioned
the recent occurrences, was, as weU as Mr, Herries,
impressed by this conversation with the beUef that
no change was then intended in the composition of the
Government, But he was induced afterwards to con
sider that some more expUcit information of Lord
Goderich's intentions was necessary ; and at an inter
view which he obtained for that purpose two days
after the meeting, he was informed that Lord Goderich
was positively pledged to bring Lord Holland into the
Administration at an early period,
' The noble Lord made this known to Mr, Herries,
and stated that he had expressed in strong terms his
opinion and feelings on account of the want of con
fidence shown towards him, and also upon the injurious
effects of the late occurrences upon the credit and
character of the Government.
' He added that he had declared to Lord Goderich
that he reserved his determination as to any steps
' Lord Bexley.

CH. TII. STATEMENT OF EVENTS. 75
which he might think it right to take in consequence
of the measure to which Lord Goderich was pledged,
untU the King's domestic engagements at Windsor
connected with the reception of Don ]\Iiguel, should
be terminated. ' Mr, Herries afterwards saw Lord Goderich on the
same subject, and obtained the same information from
hhn. He again stated his opinion of the inexpediency
of the course about to be pursued, and declared his
intention of foUowing the example of his noble col
league in postponing any step thereupon which might
break in improperly at that time upon his Majesty's
arrangements, ' In the meantime, and before those engagements
were concluded. Lord Goderich received other com
munications of great importance as to the state of his
Government ; but of these Mr, Herries was not aware
untU after the date of his last letter on the subject of
the Finance Committee,
' Lord Goderich was informed by one of the most
influential of his colleagues,^ that in his judgment it
was essential for the pubUc interests that no time
should be lost in representing to the Throne the un
favourable state of the pubUc opinion with respect to
the Government, and the apparent want of sufficient
support from one branch at least of the Legislature
(if not from both) to enable it to meet Parliament with
any fair prospect of carrying on the public business
with success. He was told that if he. Lord Goderich,
did not take that course, his colleague, who was then
' Lord Lyndhurst.

76 STATEMENT OF EVENTS. ch. tii.
advising him, would deem it incumbent upon him to
adopt it himself
' It appears by Mr. Huskisson's statement in reply
on February 18, that a simUar representation was made
to him by two members of the Admioistration, and
that he referred them to Lord Goderich as the proper
quarter to which such a communication should be
addressed, ' It was in this state of things, and with this crisis
impending, that instead of taking to the King the
resignation of Mr, Herries, freely and amicably offered,
whereby one difficulty, at least, would have been re
moved from the execution of the proposed change in
the Government, Lord Goderich put an end to his
administration, on the ground of the differences between
his two coUeagues,
'In Lord Goderich's account of the event, these
difficulties alone are mentioned as the cause of it. No
aUusion is made to any other,
' Mr, Herries, having in mind the facts and proceed
ings above stated, asserted that the termination of the
Government was produced by the pressure of much
more important circumstances, and that the conten
tion about the Finance Committee, which but for the
existence of those circumstances would have been easUy
obviated by the acceptance of his resignation, was, at
the utmost, only the occasion of its accompUshment.
' Lord Goderich, by remarking in his statement on
the postponement of Mr, Herries's final proceeding
respecting the Finance Committee, without noticing
at the same time the strange events which had occupied

CH. TII. RENEWED ASSEVERATION. 77
the interval, and whereby the Government itself had
been suspended, gave occasion, unintentionally no
doubt, to the imputation raised by others that Mr.
Herries was influenced in his conduct respecting the
Finance Committee by communications from a higher
quarter. He has solemnly protested, and he now as
solemnly repeats, that there is not the shadow of a
foundation for the charge ; and that his determination,
as expressed in his letter of December 21, was adopted
upon his own judgment and conviction alone, unin
fluenced by advice, suggestion, or communication from
any quarter whatsoever,'
' Great George Street : March 1, 1828.'
The renewed and unquaUfied asseveration at the close
of the foregomg paper ought to be amply sufficient with
out corroboration ; and we should abstain from attempt
ing to give it any superfluous support, if 'the base
statement ' so positively contradicted had not been re
peated in Lord Palmerston's 'Autobiography,'^ The
' ' Huskisson blamed me for not having stood out ; he said if I had in
sisted upon the fulfilment of Goderich's promise that promise would not have
been retracted, especially as it was spontaneously made, and Herries would
not have been thrown like a live shell into the Cabinet to explode and blow
us all up.
' At the appointed time he did explode. He picked a quarrel with Hus
kisson. . . .' — Autobiography.
Lord Palmerston does not say when the remarks attributed to Huskisson
were made ; but from the context it may be inferred that the conversation
above related took place soon after Huskisson's return to England and the
settlement of the dispute concerning the office of Chancellor of the Exchequer.
This supposition, however, is inconsistent with the proved fact that HusMs
son showed a very friendly disposition towards Mr. Herries in that matter.
It is to be observed, moreover, that Huskisson did not urge the appointment
of Lord Palmerston, whose name, indeed, was not once mentioned in the
course of the negotiation which followed Huskisson's arrival. If, in spite of

78 CALUMNY REVIVED BY PALMERSTON. ch, tii,
old calumny having thus being revived, we are caUed
upon to refute it.
As a preliminary observation, we have to remark
that Lord Palmerston, sitting on the Treasury Bench,
heard Mr, Herries, his coUeague in the Cabinet, pledge
his word of honour, in a tone of singular solemnity, to
the truth of his denial ; that he continued to be, both
in office, and out of office, on very good and amicable
(though not very intimate) terms with him ; and that
during the whole of the rest of Mr. Herries's life he
never gave him the least reason to suppose that the
personal esteem always professed by Mr, Herries for
Lord Palmerston was not reciprocal.
We have here something very startling. Do what
we may — turn, twist, shift, re- arrange these facts as we
can — they drive us at last into a dUemma from which
there is no possible escape. Either Lord Palmerston
logical sequence, we are to assume that Huskisson's tender reproach was ad
dressed to Palmerston at a later period — that is to say, about the time of
the break-up of the Goderich Cabinet — ^we shall be forced also to conclude,
against all probability, that from Huskisson's memory every trace of trans
actions in which he had been actively engaged some four months previously
had been entirely effaced. This is strange ; stiU more extraordinary is it
that Lord Palmerston likewise should have forgotten all that had happened
to himself in August 1827. At that time it was certainly known both to
Palmerston and to Huskisson that the reason why the understanding between
Goderich and Palmerston could not be carried out was that the King posi
tively put his veto on the proposed arrangement. If, therefore, Goderich's
' promise had not been retracted,' and he had persisted in opposing it to the
King's decided refusal, the Prime Minister must necessarily have resigned
and destroyed his half-formed Cabinet. It follows, therefore, that Huskis
son, if he really used the words alleged, blamed Palmerston for not having
prevented the consolidation of the Ministry, the impending dissolution of
which he lamented. But so foolish a saying on the part of Huskisson seems
impossible. Consequently we are justified in concluding that the words
cited were not the words of Huskisson speaking to Palmerston, but those of
Palmerston spealring to Bulwer.

en. TII. REFUTATION. 70
contentedly sat in the same ('abinet, and frequently
at the same table, with a man whom he believed to have
been guilty, not only of the most odious treachery, but
of the most revolting perjury, and during the space of
more than twenty years met that man on a footing of
fi'iendly intercourse without ever manifesting towards
him the abhorrence which such conduct must have
inspired in the breast of any man of honourable feeling;
— or he left recorded for posthumous pubUcation, against
a dead man, a monstrous accusation, in the truth of
which he did not believe.
Having premised this much, we proceed to show
the grounds on which, independently of Mr. Herries's
denial, we declare the charge to be false.
1. Not a particle of evidence in support of it was
ever put forward.
2. The papers produced and cited by us estabUsh,
beyond the possibUity of doubt, the fact that during
the negotiations between Lord Goderich and the King
concerning Lord Holland in the first fortnight of
December, Mr. Herries, like other members of the
Cabinet not admitted into the Whig sub-Cabinet, was
in total ignorance of what was going on ; that, untU
the 13th, when Lord Goderich's resignation was an
nounced, he knew nothing of the Prime Minister's letter
to the King, written under the direction of Lord Lans
downe and Mr. Huskisson ; and that he was afterwards
made aware of what had been done in this matter
subsequently to Lord Goderich's return to power, not
through any secret channel of communication with the
Palace, but simply by another Cabinet Minister on

80 REFUTATION, ch. tii.
December 21, the day on which the letter aUeged to
have been written in consequence of secret commu
nications was addressed to Lord Goderich. But from
the King's point of view it was manifestly desirable
that those members of the Cabinet (Mr, Herries being
one of them) who were opposed to Lord Holland's
admission should be perfectly informed of what was
going on, in order that they might be able to help his
Majesty to resist the renewed demand. Nevertheless
they were not informed. And it is absolutely incredible
that if the letter of the 21st concerning the Finance
Committee was prompted by the King, no secret informa
tion should have been imparted to Mr, Herries on a
subject infinitely more interesting to the King than
Lord Althorp's nomination,
3. The form in which Mr, Herries's resignation was
offered to Lord Goderich was inconsistent with the
supposition of its having been concerted with the King
for the purpose of destroying the Government, in which
case it would have been, not conditional, but absolute
and immediate.
4. It is quite clear that both the Lord Chancellor
and Lord Bexley, who were in confidential and fre
quent communication with Mr. Herries, were at the
beginning of January under the impression that the
King was ignorant of the disputes in the Cabinet ; and
such a persistent deception as must have been practised
upon them both, if the Palmerston theory were true, is
wholly inconceivable.
5. In the latter part of December the King was
absorbed in preparations for the reception of Dom

CH. TH. REFUTATION. 81
Miguel, and it was well known that he ^\'as very un
willing to be disturbed in them by political business.
So strongly was this felt, that Lord Bexley, in pro
testing against the Holland negotiation, told Lord
Goderich that he reserved his determination as to any
steps which he might think it right to take until the
King's domestic engagements at Windsor should be
terminated ; and Mr. Herries also declared that he
would postpone any further action which might break
in improperly at that time upon His Majesty's arrange
ments. It is impossible that at that very moment he
should, in concert with the King, have done anything
calculated to produce an explosion which would most
effectuaUy have interfered with those arrangements.
6. On January 10, two days after the final disso
lution of the Goderich Cabinet, Mr. Herries addressed
to Sir WUliam Knighton the foUowing confidential
letter : — ' Downing Street : January 10, 1828.
' My dear Sir WUUam, — It is right that you should
be in possession of the accompanying paper. It contains
the whole story honestly told (and told by documents)
of the subject on which the Whigs and I have been
divided. ' The time must come, I presume, when it will be
my duty to render an account to the King of my
conduct in this affair, I will wait with patience for it,
and not add to the troubles imposed upon his Majesty
by any undutiful importunity on my part. Most truly
yours,
' J. C. Herries.'
VOL. II. ct

82 REFUTATION, ch. vii.
This authentic document is conclusive. No person
of ordinary intelUgence can read it, and stUl entertain
the least doubt of the perfect truth of the writer's de
claration in the House of Commons, It proves indis
putably that, untU some time after the Goderich
Ministry had ceased to exist, the King received no
information from Mr, Herries, either directly or in
directly, concerning the differences between him and
his colleagues, and therefore entirely excludes any
supposition of concerted action,
7. With regard to imaginary communications with
the Tory leaders, the following letter, intended to be sent
to the Duke of Wellington, is not less decisive,
' Downing Street : January 1828.
' My dear Lord Duke, — I transmit to you herewith
a copy of my correspondence with Lord Goderich on
a subject on which you have perhaps heard much
from others. It is accompanied by a few observations
necessary for the clear understanding of the circum
stances which are referred to in it.
' I trust that your Grace wiU appreciate the motives
which have induced me to maintain up to this time
the strictest silence on this matter towards your Grace,
although I could not but feel an earnest desire that no
erroneous impression should be made upon your mind
by the manner in which the subject of this correspon
dence has been treated in the public papers.
' I have judged it to be the most fair, the most
^ There is a rough draft as well as a fair copy signed and ready for trans
mission, which, however, apparently did not take place.

CH. vn. REFUTATION. 83
honourable, and the most delicate course towards all
the parties who have been concerned in the transaction,
to maintain the most scrupulous reserve upon it while
the formation of a new Government was depending, and
above all, to have no communication, direct or indirect,
relating to it, either with your Grace or with any of
the persons with whom or under whom I have hereto
fore had the satisfaction of acting in any political
capacity, ' The time being now, however, come when that
reserve is no longer required, nor proper, I transmit the
correspondence to your Grace, with a strong conviction
that you will find in it nothing to diminish that good
opinion which your Grace has on so many occasions
evinced in the most flattering manner of — Your most
faithfril, &c,, &c,, <j_ (._ Herries,'
Here we might close the case ; but in order to
leave nothing unsaid we wiU add this. Let us suppose
that no declarations were made in the House of Com
mons, and that the testimony of no documents could
be cited. We would still contend that the charge made
in one form or another fifty years ago, and latterly
brought forward again by Lord Dalling in Lord Pal
merston's name, ought to be rejected by every impartial
judge on account of its own inherent improbabUity,
and of the enormous absurdities to which its admission
must necessarUy lead.
No free man becomes a traitor and exposes himself
to ignominy and detestation, when he has nothing to
gain, but much to lose, by his treachery,
a 2

84 REFUTATION. ch. tii.
An Eastern slave alone will commit acts of base
turpitude, at great risk to himself, merely in obedience
to the behest of a king. A sUent clock may be care
fully adjusted and regulated for the destruction of a
vessel in mid-ocean ; but no eloquence wUl persuade
one of the chief officers of the ship to stow it away in
his cabin — a course closely analogous to that which,
according to Lord Palmerston, Mr. Herries was induced
to take by George IV. If the King had urged the
Chancellor of the Exchequer to blow up the Cabinet,
that Minister (had he been capable of entertaining the
proposal) would have replied, ' But I shaU blow myself
up along with my colleagues ; and before doing so, I
must be quite sure that I shall faU on my feet without
being hurt by the explosion. Your Majesty must give
me, if no more, at least assurance of safety.' It is
morally impossible that such an agreement as that
alleged could have been come to without a positive
pledge on the part of the King that in any change
Mr. Herries should be maintained in his then position,
or should obtain an equivalent for it. But it is patent
that no such bargain was struck, and that he received
no assurance. For it is certain that, personally, he was
in every respect a loser by the breaking up of the
Goderich Administration — a loser in point of station, of
consequence, of the means of acquiring increased repu
tation, and of emolument.
On the other hand, the King's motives, on the
Palmerston hypothesis, are wholly uninteUigible, As
we have already observed there was nothing to prevent
him from calling in the Duke of Wellington on the

OH, TII, REFUTATION, 85
death of Mr. Canning. He need not have postponed
for six months the construction of a Tory Government,
interposing another Ministry only to have the trouble
of getting rid of it by subtle contrivances. The Gode
rich Cabinet was a constant source of vexation and
apprehension to him. Its internal dissensions, together
with the harassing dictation and pretentious impor
tunities to which he was almost incessantly subjected
by some of its members, left him no peace and quiet.
During the first, and during the last, months of its
brief existence, he was always in hot water. He seems
to have been obUged even to make a struggle for a
tranquU Christmas dinner.^ And we are expected to
beUeve that, without the sUghtest necessity, he imposed
upon himself this burden which made his life wretched,
whUe, at the same time, he devised a cunning scheme
for its removal after a period of extreme torment. We
are gravely told that, in the process of its formation,
the King took care to put a ' Uve shell ' into the Cabinet,
in order that, at a moment singularly inconvenient to
himself, an explosion might destroy the Government,
and enable his Majesty to do in January that which he
could easUy have done in August, with a saving of a
world of annoyance. This is not aU. A higher pin
nacle of nonsense has yet to be reached.
The explosion of the ' live shell ' was rendered un
necessary by the act of the Prime Minister himself,
who, on December 11, as we have seen, blew up his
* GreviUe teUs us that ' the King said he did not see why he was to be
the only gentleman in his dominions who was not to eat his Christmas dinner
in quiet, and he was determined he would.'

86 REFUTATION. ch. tii.
Cabinet without giving warning to anybody,^ The
King thereby became quite free to send for the Duke of
WeUington and dismiss the ministers whom he disliked.
Instead of doing so, he allowed Lord Goderich, after a
week's retirement, to resume the station he had aban
doned, and revive the Government, which, two days
after its re-establishment, was to be again blown up —
according to the Palmerston legend — at a signal from
the King,
This is the culminating peak of absurdity. Having
attained it, let us ' rest and be thankful,' in the confi
dence that our readers wUl agree with us in pronouncing
the charge we have refuted to be, not only calumnious,
bat ridiculous and impossible,
^ The silence of the Autohiography on this point is extraordinary.

CH. Titi. C^\J31NET CHANGES. 87

CHAPTER VIII,
Cabinet changes — Correspondence with the Duke — Finance Committee —
Reform of the Sinking Fund — Dr. Bowring — Catholic emancipation —
Proposed Indian appointment — Board of Trade — Settlement of old
dispute with the United States — Parliamentary duties — Close of the
Wellington administration — Financial management of Tories and Liberals
compared.
When the retirement of Mr. Huskisson and his friends,
precipitated by the inopportune rigidity of the Duke of
WeUington, made a partial redistribution of places in
the Cabinet necessary, Mr, Herries, who had correctly
described himself in a letter to Mr. Canning as belong
ing to the working class of politicians, addressed the
foUowing letter to the Duke of Wellington, expressing
his desire to be removed to some office of more real
business than the Mint, where he felt that he was out
of his element : — ' Great George Street : May 28, 1828.
' My dear Lord Duke, — After having reflected
upon the plan which you showed me this morning for
the reconstruction of the Government, and bearing in
mind aU the circumstances under which you have been
called upon at this time to make a new arrangement of
it, I feel that I should not be doing justice to the
interest which I take in the stabUity and success of
your Administration, nor to my own feelings of a more

88 HERRIES TO THE DUKE. ch. thi,
personal nature, if I were not to draw your attention to
my particular situation.
' The office which I now fill is a mere sinecure,
and, connected as it is with a seat in the Cabinet, is
such as might be held by any person who, by high
rank or influential connections, though unquaUfied by
official abUity or experience,- might add to the strength
of your Government,
' My only means, if I have any, of being in any
degree useful to you in the public service must consist
in the efficient discharge of some public duties ; and I
confess that I feel myself out of my proper position so
long as I occupy an office suited to the station and
influence which I do not possess, and unsuited to the
exercise of any Uttle abiUty which I may have ac
quired by the previous occupations of my official life,
' When my present office was conferred upon me,
there were circumstances of a peculiar nature which pre
cluded me from putting forward these considerations ;
but I feel it to be right, now that you are about to
make a new distribution of the offices at your disposal,
to put you in possession of my sentiments on the sub
ject, and candidly to state that it would have given me
more satisfaction if I had found that it would have
accorded with your arrangements to place me in a
situation of more labour and responsibUity than that
which I now hold,
' Having thus frankly expressed my sentiments on
this subject, it only remains for me to assure your
Grace that whatever may be your iiltimate arrangements,
and in whatever situation I may be placed, I shall use

CH. Tiir. THE DUKE TO HERRIES. 89
my best endeavours to justify the confidence reposed in
me, and to prove how much I value the honour and
advantage of being connected with an Administration of
which your Grace is at the head. Believe me, &c.,
' J, C, Herries,'
The Duke's reply was very friendly, though he was
not able immediately to make a new arrangement,
' London : May 29, 1828.
' My dear Mr, Herries, — I was not able to answer
your letter yesterday or this day ; and I now steal a
moment from my rest to reply to you,
' Particular circumstances placed you in the office
of ChanceUor of the Exchequer, for which you are
highly qualified ; and another train of circumstances
rendered it necessary to remove you from it. You are
now in the Cabinet, and holding an office which has
not much business connected with the Government ;
and for that very reason your being in the Cabinet is
the more honourable to your character. You are like
wise in that situation in which, having not much
business to transact in your own immediate office,. you
can materiaUy assist the Government on a variety of
subjects with which you are weU acquainted into which
they must make inquiries. This you could not do if
employed in an office of which the business might be
sufficient to employ aU your time,
' I entreat you then to be satisfied, and have
patience, and be assured that you must rise eventually
to offices of more business, though not of more import
ance, or more honourable to your character, than that
which you now hold. Ever yours most faithfully,
* Wellington,'

90 THE KING'S SUGGESTION. ch. Tin.
From the Duke's published correspondence we learn
the fact, of which we should otherwise have been
ignorant (there being no allusion to it in Mr. Herries's
papers) that the King had proposed a new Ministerial
list, in which, Mr. Goulburn being transferred from the
Exchequer to the Colonies, his place was to be taken
by Mr. Herries. In his reply the Duke expressed his
entire concurrence in (to use Mr, Walpole's words)
' the King's estimation of the fitness ' of the person
recommended for the Finance department ; ^ but gave
particular reasons for concluding that 'the arrange
ment suggested would not answer ' — in the first place
because Mr, Goulburn was a West India proprietor, and
secondly because the re- appointment of Mr, Herries to
the post which he had before held might afford ground
for the assertion that existing Ministerial difficulties were
in some way connected with the breaking up of Lord
Goderich's Administration, and ' occasion the secession
of the Ministers who belonged ' to it. In a memoran
dum apparently of about the same date as his letter to
the King, the Duke states as a reason for not making
any change in Mr, Herries's position, that it would
' remove him from Parliament and from the Finance
Committee,' This Committee, which had been the cause of so
much strife, was appointed at the beginning of the
Session of 1828, Sir Henry Parnell being put into the
chair. Although both the ChanceUor of the Exchequer
' ' There cannot be found a gentleman more highly qualified than he is
for this office,' said the Duke of Wellington, who never said what he did
not think.

CK. Tin. FINANCE COMUHTTEE. 91
and Mr. Huskisson were members of it, the management
of the business on behalf of the Government was en
trusted to the Master of the Mint.
Those who desfre to understand the financial system
of the country at this period would do weU to consult
the exhaustive statement made by him to the Commit
tee, as Lord Althorp remarked in the House of Commons,
' in a very able, clear, and satisfactory manner.' In a
debate in 1830 (March 12) Sir James Graham — a
vehement adversary of the then Government, never
very friendly to Mr. Herries, and at that time far from
being so — said on this subject : ' I also place every
reUance on the evidence and the statements made by
the Right Honourable gentleman opposite, the Master
of the Mint, in evidence before the Committee ; and I
wiU go the length of saying that the clearest statement
of the financial concerns of this country I have ever
seen is that of the Right Honourable gentleman in the
Fourth Report, which makes the whole of our compU-
cated accounts clear to the plainest understanding, and
contains many valuable suggestions which the extinction
of the Committee will, I regret to say, prevent from
being carried into effect.' And three years later, in a
debate in the House of Commons on March 25, 1833,
Sir James Graham, then in office, alluding to the same
statement, used the strong expression — ' which I shall
never cease to consider as one of the most able
financial statements ever made.'
The Fourth Report itself ('for which,' said Sir
Henry Parnell, the chairman, 'the House and the
country are indebted to the exertions of the Right

92 FINANCE COMMITTEE, ch, tiii.
Honourable gentleman the Master of the Mint') was
also drawn up by Mr, Herries,
The chief recommendations of that Report related
to the Sinking Fund, on which point it was entirely in
conformity with the views indicated in the Financial
Memorandum already cited which was written by Mr.
Herries in 1827,
The Act of 1823 (4 Geo, IV. c, 19) which modified
previous arrangements, prescribed the annual payment
of a fixed sum of 5,000,000/. (with accumulations of
interest) towards the redemption of debt. The sums
actuaUy issued, pursuant to this Act, for that purpose

were, m

&

1823

. 6,069,210

1824

. 5,196,912

1825
. 5,628,528
1826
. 5,612,466
1827
. 6,762,987
£27,159,102
This total amount exceeded, by 6,871,290/., the
aggregate surplus, for the same period, of Income over
Expenditure (including, on both sides, advances for
Public Works, &c., and repayments), which was
20,287,812/. Without the items mentioned, the
surplus amounted to 22,741,820/., or 4,417,282/, short
of the Sinking Fund.
The surplus, inadequate as it was to meet the legal
requirements of the Sinking Fund, must have been very
considerably smaller but for the contributions derived
from the wonderfuUy compUcated contrivance known
as the Dead Weight Annuity, and devised, primarily.
ch. Till. SINKING FUND. 93
as the means of defraying the charge for MUitary and
Naval half-pay and pensions, but in reality also, ' with
a view of creating an addition to the income of the
State, whereby the surplus required to satisfy the
Sinking Fund of 5,000,000/. fixed by law might stiU
be p^o^'ided, notwithstanding a considerable reduction
of the taxes then existing.'
On account of this annuity of 585,740/., sold to the
Bank for 13,089,419/., there were received, in the five
years specified above, 11,114,049/., the aggregate amount
of the annual payments to the Bank having been on the
other hand 2,635,830/, The difference was applied to
the reduction of debt, ' but the sale of the annuity was
itself a creation of debt, and it was therefore not correct
to caU that a Sinking Fund, which only served to
extinguish in one shape a debt which it established in
another,' It appeared that the maintenance of ' the semblance
of a Sinking Fund by this intricate contrivance ' had
been, and must necessarily be in future, attended with
considerable expense ; and as the measure was ' wholly
useless as an expedient to supply a nominal amount
of Sinking Fund, the Committee had no hesitation in
recommending ' its abandonment.
With regard to the future appUcation of surplus to
the reduction of the National Debt, the Report states
that ' the Committee is impressed with a strong con
viction of the sound policy of applying a surplus
revenue perseveringly, in those times during which no
extraordinary resources need be raised, in the reduction
of the debts accumulated to defray the expenses of

94 SINKING FUND.

ch. Till.

antecedent periods of difficulty and exertion. Without
offering at present any opinion on the comparative
advantages of defraying the charges of war by the
immediate imposition of taxes to the amount of those
charges, or by raising the required supplies by loans,
the Committee consider that if a nation has been in
duced, for the sake of greater present facilities and
safety, to provide for such exigencies by a system of
borrowing, whereby a permanent annual charge has
been created, that nation is bound, on the return of
peace, to make every effort, consistent with a due
regard to the other burthens upon the people, for the
reduction of that charge, A course of policy founded
upon the avowed principle of raising loans for the
exigencies of the State in time of war, and of making
no provision for diminishing the permanent charge of
those loans in time of peace, must appear an abandon
ment of all consideration for the credit and safety of the
country in the eventual occurrence of future difficulties
and dangers,
' If the accumulated debt of each period of extra
ordinary exertion is to be handed down undiminished
as a load upon those who are thereafter to meet the
exigencies of other struggles and other difficulties, it is
too obvious to require an argument that the time can
not be very distant (according to the ordinary vicissi
tudes of peace and war in the history of human affairs)
when the combined weight of the past and present
burthens must become too great for the most pros
perous people to support, and the fabric of public credit
must crumble under the accumulated pressure, , ,

ch. VIII. SINKING FUND. 95
' Impressed with these sentiments the Committee
would have recommended a perseverance in the resolu
tion of 1819 to apply 5,000,000/. annually to the
gradual extinction of debt, if that measure could have
been accomplished by the application of a surplus
revenue, and without the necessity of borrowing or of
adding new burthens upon the country,
' But it is obvious , , , that there is at present no
clear surplus to that amount, nor any immediate pro
spect of such a surplus arising  The Committee
are of opinion that, instead of a fixed Sinking Fund,
the real surplus of revenue only should be appropriated
annuaUy, in the mode hereafter stated, to the reduction
of debt, ' The Committee upon the whole are of opinion
that the following principles in the future regulation
of the Sinking Fund should be adopted : That , . , it
wiU be expedient, in estimating the Supply and Ways
and Means, to keep in view the necessity of a surplus
of not less than 3,000,000/, in each year, but that in
case the eventual annual surplus should not amount to
three millions, the deficiency ought not to be supplied
by borrowing, ' They are also of opinion that all Funded Debt
redeemed by the appUcation of the real surplus Revenue
should be cancelled,'
The Report concludes with the observation that
whUe the Committee 'are deeply impressed with the
conviction that in the present state of the public

96 SINKING FUND. ch. vni.
finances a severe economy in every branch of the
national expenditure is imposed as a sacred duty upon
the Government and upon Parliament, they derive from
their inquiries the strongest confidence in the resources
of the country to fulfil all its engagements, and to
maintain unimpaired its high station in the world.'
The recommendations of the Committee were defini
tively carried into effect in the following year, 1829, by
the Act, 10 Geo. IV. c. 27.
Upon the evidence of aU the facts presented — that
Mr. Herries proposed the constitution of a Committee
of Financial Inquiry ; that at the same time he dwelt
upon the necessity of altering the then existing system
of the Sinking Fund ; that he was the member of the
Government who laid before the Committee, when ap
pointed according his suggestion, aU the information
relating to the general working of the mechanism of
the finances which it required for its deUberations ;
and that finaUy he drew up the Report which embodied
its most important general conclusions — we consider
ourselves as fuUy warranted in claiming for him the
credit of having been principally instrumental in bring
ing about the salutary financial reform above described,^
* It is somewhat remarkable that Mr, Spencer Walpole, who has devoted
large space in his history to details more or less inaccurate concerning this
question of the Sinking Fund, in order to convict Tory financiers of error,
should have been able to find no more room than the corner of a foot-note
for the mention of the useful labours of the Committee which, chiefiy under
the guidance of one particular Tory financier, rectified previous mistakes.
This author has, with his customary carelessness, committed an extraordinary
blunder in his account of the modification of the Sinking Fund system which
was effected in 1823. He says : ' Vansittart applied a sum of money which
he had not got, and which he had no prospect of getting, except by borrow
ing. Robinson, on the contrary, proportioned his Sinking Fund to his

CH. Tin. LIBERAL AND TORY DOCTRINES. 97
The fashionable doctrine of the day among Liberals
— a doctrine now repudiated — was the contrary of that
maintained by the Tories. It was deemed impolitic for
a nation, Uke the individual censured by a cynical wit,
to 'muddle away its money in paying its debts,' ^
' What real good,' Liberal economists scornfuUy asked,
* could be done by applying some three mUUons, or five
mUUons, a year, towards the redemption of 800,000,000/. ?
A diminution of taxes to the same amount would afford
us a much greater reUef.'
When stripped of the pedantic varnish of sham
science which covered it, this principle, once greatly in
vogue, appears as nothing but the crude expression of
selfishness, which says : ' By taking our money out of
our pockets to pay our debts, instead of leaving it to
fructify for our own benefit, we are depriving ourselves
of present enjoyments for the benefit of posterity. But
what is posterity to us ? Let us rather spend our
surplus, and devoted only the balance of income and expenditure to the
reduction of debt.' It is manifest that the writer of this passage cannot
have read, or understood, the Act of 1823 (Robinson being Chancellor of the
Exchequer) founded upon Vansittart's resolutions of 1819, which were re
cited in the preamble. Its imperative directions required the annual pay
ment of five millions — surplus or no surplus. And if Mr. Walpole had
taken the trouble to inspect the public accounts referred to above he would
have discovered the fact, opposed to his theory, that in 1826 the amount
issued by Robinson, according to law, for the reduction of debt, did very
largely exceed the balance of income over expenditure. ' Et voilci comme on
ecrit Thistoire : puisjiez vous A, messieurs les savans.'
' Long after this phrase had been written the same quotation was used
with reference to the same subject by a great popular orator in a speech
at a public meeting ; but he applied it, apparently, to the policy, not of the
Liberals but of their opponents. It is certain, however, that Liberal lumin
aries, such as Mr. Joseph Hume, Mr. Poulett Thomson, Sir Henry Parnell,
Lord Althorp, and others, always opposed and derided the persistent en
deavours of ' stupid Tory ' Governments to effect large reductions of debt.
' Base is the slave that pays,' was a Liberal, not a Tory, maxim.
VOL. II. H

98 HERRIES'S VIEWS. ch. Tin,
money on cakes and ale without taking thought of
future distress. Perish posterity, rather than that we
should give up for it one crumb, or plum, of nice cake,
or one drop of good ale. If posterity is crushed by the
burdens bequeathed by us, with the addition of new
ones imposed by its own necessities — so much the
worse for it,'
In a debate on the Budget in 1828, Mr. Herries, in
the course of a speech in which he refuted an accusation
brought by Mr. Hume against Mr, Canning of having
misled the House by inaccurate statements, took an
opportunity of again expressing his opinion, and that
of the Government, on the subject of the Sinking Fund,
as to which he said : ' No one was more anxious than
myself to enable the Finance Committee to arrive at the
real principle on which it was founded, and to divest
it of aU the intricacy of borrowing on the one hand to
discharge what was due on the other ; and indeed I
may venture to say that the proposition of the measure
originated with the members of the Government, At
the same time, both on my own part and on the part
of those who were members of the Government in the
Committee with me, I must entirely disclaim any
participation in the views of those who thought it was
just, wise, and salutary utterly to abandon all endea
vours to effect any reduction of the debt,* . . .
' The object with some is, not to maintain the
surplus for the exclusive purpose of applying it to a
* It is well known that this was Lord Althorp's view. His avowed
hostility to the principle of providing a surplus for the redemption of debt
was one of the grounds on which Mr. Herries objected to his being made
chairman of the committee.

CH. THi. HERRIES'S VIEWS. 99
Sinking Fund, but to render it occasionally avaUable
for other purposes ; and I contend that if once you
do this, you involve (sic) the principle altogether. The
majority of the Committee were in favour of keeping
up a Sinking Fund of 5,000,000/. if it were possible ;
and it was with great regret that they found it neces
sary to recommend that it should be reduced from
5,000,000/. to 3,000,000/. I fuUy concur in that pro
posal, and if 3,000,000/. actual surplus could not be
raised, I should say, make the Sinking Fund even lower
than that — in short, never have the Sinking Fund
larger than the actual surplus of your income.' After
some other remarks, he added : ' When gentlemen bring
their accusations against the past times of war, and
speak of Mr. Pitt in a spirit of so much condemnation,
I think that they are bonnd to recaU the circumstances
under which that statesman brought forward the
measure of the Sinking Fund ; he did so, no doubt,
with the expectation that the war would only extend
to a period of two or three years, and that, at the end
of that time, the country would be in a state to rid
itself of some of its burdens.' — (Mirror of Parliament.)
It was in this debate that Mr. Poulett Thomson
broached his celebrated fructification theory, which is
now, we suppose, whoUy exploded.
The labours of the Committee, although very useful,
were incomplete. Four reports were presented in the
course of the Session of 1828, The first report merely
conveyed a recommendation in six lines. The second,
on the Ordnance Estimates, contains, among other

100 REPORTS OF THE COMMITTEE. ch. tiii,
general observations upon expenditure and retrench
ment, the foUowing : ' The Committee , . . unequivo-
caUy declare their full assent to the principle that no
Government is justified in taking even the smallest
sum of money from the people, unless a case can be
clearly established to show that it wiU be productive
of some essential advantage to them , . . and the
Committee think that the Legislature of this country
is more particularly bound never to deviate in the
sUghtest degree from that principle in consequence of
the great permanent burdens which the vast amount of
the National Debt has imposed upon the people, . . .
With regard to retrenchment, the Committee are sensible
of the great difficulty which lies in the way of its
accomplishment, , , , But the present circumstances of
our finances render the attempt absolutely indispen
sable, , , ,'
It cannot be doubted that these remarks had the
full concurrence of the Master of the Mint, the most
active Ministerial member of the Committee, The
words of the Report exactly represent the principles
he always preached, and, so far as in him lay, always
practised. In the Third Report the subjects of MUitary and
Naval Half-pay, CivU Superannuations, and Diplomatic
Pensions — the regulations recommended for the grant
ing of which last were adopted by the Civil List Com
mittee in 1831 and established as they now exist, with
some reductions of the amount in each class — were
dealt with.

CH. THi, ITS ABANDONMENT. DR. BOWRING. 101
The Fourth and last Report we have already men
tioned. The Army, Navy, Colonial Establishments, and
other branches of expenditure, were left fdr further
inquiry. But, for some reason with which we are not
acquainted, the Committee was not re- appointed. The
ChanceUor of the Exchequer in 1829 alleged as a ground
for its postponement the pressure of other busmess ;
but the Government had probably some other motive
for their determination. It may at any rate be assumed
that the Prime Minister and the Leader in the House
of Commons were adverse to a continuance of the
inquiry, which, according to letters written in 1827
by an intimate friend of the Duke of Wellington, was
viewed with disUke by the Duke when the intended
appointment of the Committee was announced by Mr,
Canning, Its abandonment may be considered as an
error of judgment, because, in spite of the large reduc
tions of expenditure that were undoubtedly effected, it
gave rise to unjust imputations against the Cabinet of
want of sincerity in their economical professions.
In connection with the business of this Committee
a long and curious correspondence took place between a
man of note in later years, Dr, — afterwards Sir John —
Bowring and the Master of the Mint, At the instance
of the Finance Committee a Commission was appointed
in 1828 to inquire into the system of Public Accounts,
and Mr, Herries desired that Dr, Bowring — whose
special qualifications were known to him, and against
whom he had no prejudice on account of his Radical,
or Benthamite, opinions — should, as one of the Com-

102 BOWRING AND HERRIES, ch. tui,
missioners, visit foreign countries — and Holland es
pecially — for the purpose of investigating the methods
there pursued. But, owing to the decided hostUity of
the Prime Minister and others, this intention could not
be entirely carried out. Mr. Herries, however^ did his
utmost to promote what he considered as a very impor
tant object, giving Dr, Bowring all the assistance in
his power for the prosecution of inquiries which seem
to have been impeded by official obstacles abroad, and
perhaps by official spokes in the wheel at home. The
good disposition shown to him by one member of .the
Government was always recognized very handsomely
by Dr, Bowring, who, four years later, when his fiiends
were in power, wrote as follows to Mr, Herries in op
position : ' I cannot avoid this occasion of re- assuring
you of my sense of obligation for the part you then
took, being thoroughly persuaded that you did every
thing to prevent — and to mitigate — ^my then disappoint
ment. It wUl be a subject of great deUght to me if in
any future period of my existence I am able to testify
to you how much and how truly I am, my dear sir,
your obliged, &c,'
When the Duke of WeUington' s Cabinet was forced
by poUtical necessity to bring forward the measure of
CathoUc Emancipation which caused the rupture of the
Tory party, Mr, Herries was less embarrassed by his
previous conduct on this question than the two distin
guished leaders of the Government, or than many of
his other colleagues. He had formerly voted against
the Catholic claims, but his opposition was always free
from passion or fanaticism. He certainly did not

CH. Till. CATHOLIC EMANCIPATION, 103
entertain the notion which, according to Peter Plymley,
had ' crept mto the world, that difference of religion
would make men unfit to perform together the offices
of common and civU life ; that Brother Wood and
Brother Goose could not travel together the same
circuit if they differed in creed, nor Cockell and
Mingay be engaged in the same cause if Cockell was a
CathoUc and Mingay a Muggletonian,' He did not
' suppose that Huskisson and Sir Henry Englefield
would squabble behind the Speaker's chair about
the CouncU of Lateran, and many a turnpike bill mis
carry by the sarcastical controversies of Mr, Hawkins
Brown and Sir John Throckmorton upon the real
presence,' He cared very Uttle for theological theory, but very
much for priestly practice, which he believed to be stUl,
as in aU former ages, antagonistic to the reason, the
civilization, and the freedom, of mankind.
He regarded the Catholic Question, not from a
reUgious, but fi'om a poUtical point of view. Upon
grounds of poUtical expediency he considered the
original exclusion of Papists from political functions as
a rational measure ; and he was not convinced that
there had ceased to be good grounds for maintaining it
— beUeving as he did that, although, where the Church
was not concerned, a Catholic Member of Parliament
might fulfil his duties quite as faithfully and loyally as
a Protestant, whenever the interests of his Church
came or appeared to come into conflict with the interests
of the State, his aUegiance to the Vatican would cer
tainly overpower his sense of national obligation ; and

104 CATHOLIC EMANCIPATION, ch. Tin,
that, in dealing with many questions of poUtical or
social importance, his chief consideration would be,
not how they might affect the welfare of the country,
but how they might be viewed by an external
authority. On the other hand, insurrection appeared to him
a far greater evU than any which could be apprehended
from the admission of CathoUcs ; and, having to choose
between prospective difficulties and the imminent peril
of civU war, he could not hesitate in giving his voice
for that course which pubUc safety pointed out. The
Coronation Oath, as an objection to legislative change,
had absolutely no force in his eyes.
Few persons wUl now refuse to admit that the
respectable, but inconvenient, scruples of George III,'s
conscience, which prevented the settlement of the
question at the beginning of this century are greatly
to be regretted, and that it was impoUtic to defer untU
the year 1828 an inevitable concession which might
have been granted many years sooner. But, at the
same time, it can hardly be denied, that the arguments
constantly put forward by the Emancipationists, if now
to be produced, would need considerable recasting
before they could be read by the Ught of aU the sayings
and doings of the Vatican and its supporters during
the last twenty or thirty years.
Half a century's experience of incessant agitation
has demonstrated the vanity of the expectations fondly
entertained of Irish tranquUUty and content. It would
be easy to show — facts in hand — that every single pre
diction, and every argument — except that of necessity —

CH. Tin. INDIAN FINANCES.' 105
in favour of emancipation, have been proved false by
subsequent events.
In 1829 the following correspondence, which has a
pubUc as weU as a personal interest, took place between
Mr, Herries and Lord Ellenborough, then President of
the now extinct Board of Control, who pressed him
strongly and repeatedly to go out to India, and en
deavour to effect the cure of the chronic disorder from
which the finances of the Eastern Empire were at that
time, as they are stUl, suffering. Every inducement to
accept the offered post, in which perhaps he might
have rendered great service to the State, was held out
to him, but domestic considerations forced htm to
decline it, ' India Board : April 19, 1829.
' (PriTate.)
' My dear Herries, — Our Indian finances are in a
bad state, and very much require your experienced hand
to bring them round. The expense of coUecting the
revenue increases, the salaries of aU the public officers
increase, the manufactures of the country are undersold
by ours, and India cannot pay its way. We must find
a remedy for this, and none wiU be found untU we can
place one strong and practised mind at the head of the
whole finance of the Empire.
' The first object is to diminish the unnecessary
charges. I really beUeve we cannot increase the
revenue untU we diminish taxation, and by diminish
ing taxation enable the people to acquire wealth, and
to rise elasticaUy as the weight which now crushes
them is removed.

106 CORRESPONDENCE WITH ELLENBOROUGH, ch, tiii.
' Whatever commerce we now have with India must
be in great measure confined to the supply of the wants
of the British residents. We should endeavour, not
only to create in the body of the native population a
taste for British manufactures, but to give them the
means of gratifying their taste.
' There can be no profitable commerce with a pauper
people. ' These opinions have pressed strongly upon my mind
ever since I have been at the India Board ; but I am
satisfied I made but little (sic) from hence.
' Would you undertake the general management of
the finances of India, as a sort of ChanceUor of the
Exchequer to the Governor-General ? If you would do
so you might, I am convinced, not only confer a very
great benefit upon the public, but Ulustrate your own
name much more than you could as Governor of any one
of the Presidencies.
' If you should be inclined to look at the office as
one which you might possibly undertake, I am disposed
to think that I should have no great difficulty in
inducing the Directors to make it worth your whUe to
go to India, You would Uve very much with the
Governor-General, and as you would not be required to
keep any estabUshment, I should think you might save
5,000/. or 7,000/, a year out of the 10,000/. or 12,000/.
which we could manage to give you,
'WUl you think of it?
' You might depend upon being supported here.
Lord W. Bentinck has lately appointed a Commission
to inquire generally into the increase of expenditure,

CH. Tni. CORRESPONDENCE WITH ELLENBOROUGH, 107
and if you would go you would just find the labours of
the Commission finished, and aU the materials ready to
your hands, A few years would enable you to redeem
the errors of half a century, and to lay the foundation
of a permanent system which might endure for as long
a period as men can presume to look forward to, Be
Ueve me, my dear Herries, very truly yours,
' Ellenborough.'
' Great George Street: April 20, 1829.
' My dear Lord Ellenborough, — I am just leaving
London to pass a few days at Brighton, or I would
have called on you to answer your letter by a personal
communication rather than by a written one.
' Upon the first view of your proposition as it
respects the office itself, I have great doubts of your
being able so to constitute your Indian ChanceUorship
of the Exchequer as to effect your great object of
regenerating the whole system of Indian finance
without danger of interfering with some other very
important objects of Indian government,
' I fear you would find it difficult to make such an
office sufficiently substantive and independent for the
accompUshment of such a task without making it too
much so for the authority and influence of the Governor-
General — which wiU hardly admit of any diminution.
In short, I think your Finance Minister in India would
be either a mere adviser of the Governor-General, and,
as such, would have no substantive weight or power,
or he would be a troublesome — perhaps a dangerous —
check upon him.

108 CORRESPONDENCE WITH ELLENBOROUGH, ch. Tin.
' But these opinions are formed, as I said, upon the
first view only of your plan. You are much better
acquainted with the subject than I am, and have thought
more upon it. My objections might possibly be over
ruled by you in a few minutes' conversation on the
matter. ' But with respect to my undertaking such an office
if it could usefully be instituted, there are personal and
domestic reasons which would preclude my undertaking
it, even if I could bring myself to agree in your much
too favourable opinion of my fitness for it.
'If in any of the financial parts of your labours at
home, either for preparing for the estabUshment of such
an office, or on any other occasion, I can be of any
service to you, I beg you to be assured that you may at
all times freely command my services, BeUeve me, &c,
'J, C, Herries,'
' India Board : April 22, 1829.
' My dear Herries, — I should hardly venture to
think of creating the office I spoke to you of unless I
was certain of being able to place you in it, for I know
no other man I think fit,
' Such an officer without talent, experience, and
high station in England, aU combined, would be
incapable of doing good ; but with these qualities and
with the support of the authorities at home he might
do extensive good.
' Lord W. Bentinck wished to have a Vizir, and he
does stUl.
' I am very much obliged to you for your kind

CH. vni, CORRESPONDENCE WITH ELLENBOROUGH. 109
offers of assistance in the Financial Department. I
may take advantage of them perhaps too largely. Be
lieve me, &c. , -n, ,
' ' Ellenborough.
It appears that the President of the Board of Control
wa£ in the habit of consultmg his colleague, the Master
of the Mint, on Indian matters. Thus we read in one
letter : ' I am afraid I trouble you very much with
my Indian business ; ' and in another, ' You wiU do
me a great favour if you wUl read the accompanying
memorandum and letter to Bombay on the subject
of establishing a Government Bank there, and give me
your opinion upon it, , . , I have thrown out the
doubts which have arisen in my mind on reading the
memorandum, but I have great hesitation in acting
upon my own unassisted judgment in matters of this
kind which are new to me, and I shaU be disposed to
defer to your opinion should it be against the vaUdity
of my doubts, A mass of papers was sent to me with
the letter, which you shaU have if you require them.'
Advice from the same quarter was sought by Lord
EUenborough many years afterwards, when he was
Governor-General of India, and his correspondent a
private individual, as we gather from this letter, which
may not be out of place here, though written in 1842.
' My dear Lord Ellenborough, — Your letter about
my son ^ was most gratifying to me. There is nothing
« Captain (afterwards Brevet-Major) William Robert Herries, 43rd Light
Infantry and 3rd Light Dragoons, Aide-de-camp to the Governor-General.
He was killed in action at Moodkee in 1845, when serving in the same
capacity on the staff' of the late Lord Hardinge.

110 CORRESPONDENCE WITH ELLENBOROUGH, ch. viii.
I more desire than that he should continue to give
satisfaction to you. The employment you are giving
him will be of immense use to him.
' He writes to me in the strongest terms of your
kindness and of his devotion to your service.
' I have been prevented by a continued absence from
London from obtaining some information which I have
sought for on the subject of the present system of
control and check upon the current public expenditure
in India. The defect of the system which you advert
to lies, I have no doubt, in the want of a systematic
supervision of the public outgoings in their earliest
stages, whereby the mischief of a lax administration by
the financial authorities, or a reckless profusion by civil
or military servants who spend the public money, may
be nipped in the bud. The ultimate examination or
audit of the public accounts is not sufficient for that
object. It comes too late for prevention and generally
in such a shape that the highest authority cannot easUy
sift the mass of payments made with a view to general
correction and improvement. In this country there
has long (I think from the time of Godolphin) existed
a department for advising the Treasury upon all extra
ordinary military expenditure if possible before it is
incurred, and when the nature of the service wiU not
admit of that, then as soon after the payments made as
information of the accounts rendered wUl admit of, . .
This has no doubt prevented a good deal of wasteful
expenditure by Governors and mUitary officers abroad,
and Commissaries on foreign service. These Comp
trollers of Army Accounts were until lately a separate

CH, TIII. PRESIDENT OF THE BOARD OF TRADE. Ill
Board. The office is now merged in the Auditors of
PubUc Accounts — one of whom is especially assigned
to this service — that is, of advising the Treasury upon
proposed incipient expenditure. I know not if you
have any corresponding check in India. I should
think it would be even more useful there than at
home, ' Sir R. Peel is, no doubt, quite right in postponing
to a future session any general explanations of Indian
finance. It is highly desirable on every account to
avoid at this time discussions upon that point and upon
Indian poUcy in general. An Indian Budget and
Indian debates wUl, I hope, be ushered in under more
favourable auspices when you have been a twelvemonth
at the head of the Indian Government,
' We have just learned by telegraph the arrival of
the maU of June 1, , , , In the meantime I wish you
heartUy joy of the progress already made towards the
restoration of the credit of our arms in Afghanistan,
Y«^«' ^''- ' J, C, Herries,'
In 1830, Mr, Vesey Fitzgerald, having been com
peUed by severe illness to retire, was succeeded in the
office of President of the Board of Trade by Mr, Herries,
who continued to hold together with it that of Master
of the Mmt,
During his tenure of office at the Board of Trade he
had the satisfaction of contributing by active co-opera
tion to the settlement of the long-vexed question of the
commercial intercourse between the British West India
Islands and the United States, After much amicable

112 SETTLEMENT OF DISPUTE WITH AMERICA, ch. tiii.
negotiation ® between the British Government and Mr,
MacLane, the American Minister — who renewed the
discussions which had been carried on at intervals
during many years — the dispute, injurious to both
parties, was terminated by the removal of retaliatory
restrictions on both sides, and the direct trade was at
last opened to British and American vessels on a foot
ing of equaUty by the repeal, on the one hand, of the
American Acts of Congress of which Great Britain com
plained, and, on the other, of the British Orders in
CouncU which were objected to by the United States,
This arrangement, which appears from the Duke of
Wellington's correspondence to have been very re
luctantly assented to by him, was facilitated by a
considerable diminution of the import duties charged
in the United States on several articles of British
Colonial produce.
At the same time a measure was proposed to
ParUament the object of which was to give, in accord
ance with then generaUy prevalent ideas, protection
and encouragement to the trade of the North American
Colonies with the West Indies by means of a new scale
of discruninating duties in favour of certain articles
imported from the former colonies into the latter.
In submitting it to the House of Commons on
November 8, 1830, a few days before the adverse vote
which overthrew the Duke of Wellington's Cabinet,
Mr, Herries said : ' I have the gratification of being
^ We belieTe that we should be justified in saying that the conduct of
this negotiation devolved chiefly upon Mr. Herries, and that he deserves the
credit of having brought it to a successful issue.

OH. Tni. MR, HERRIES'S SPEECH. 113
able to state that a topic of discussion between two
nations, which has occupied the longest time and was
of the most mtricate character of any within memory,
and which has been subject to many varieties of pre
tension on both sides, has now been amicably, and I
trust for ever, termuiated to the satisfaction of both
parties, , , , We have only to regret that the United
States having at length adopted and accepted these
terms, they had not done so at an earlier period. That
country has, however, now subscribed to them fully
and unconditionally, and I am bound to state^ — in fact
I should not be doing justice to the American Govern
ment were I not to do so — that it is impossible for any
Government to have conducted a negotiation mvolving
such important interests in a more friendly, civU, con-
cUiatory, straightforward, and therefore, I should say,
in a more wise and prudent manner than that pursued
by the United States. It would not become me to
express any strong opinion on a foreign Government,
did circumstances not render it indispensably necessary;
but having adverted to the many infructuous attempts
to settle this subject, I am bound to say that I believe
on this occasion neither party has had the slightest
reason to utter a complaint against the other on its
final adjustment, but that every real ground of satis
faction and confidence has been acted on. , , ,
' The American Government have repealed those Acts
which contained the obnoxious proposals. , , . and lest
any ambiguity should arise, the most distinct explana
tions have been required on the one side and given on
the other. His Majesty's Government have adopted this
VOL, II, I

114 WORK IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. ch. tiii.
course in order to remove the possibUity of any after-
claps, which L am sorry to say we have frequently had
occasion to regret as arising out of treaties in the drawing
up of which the closest eye had perhaps not been used.' "^
In the following year the measure proposed was
taken up again and carried, with some alterations in
the scale of duties, by Lord Grey's Government. Mr.
Poulett Thomson, who, as Vice-President of the Board of
Trade, had charge of the BUI in the House of Commons,
while endeavouring to prove that his tariff was better
than that of Mr. Herries, distinctly recognized the pro
priety — or necessity — of affording to the trade of the
Northern Colonies the protection of discriminating duties,
one of the alleged improvements of this new scheme being
indeed a temporary increase of the protection so given.
Lord Palmerston was pleased to remark, in one of
his letters preserved for the benefit of posterity, that
' Herries is entirely mute,' but this observation, like
many others left on record by Lord Palmerston, had
the defect of being untrue, A simple reference to the
' Mirror of Parliament ' or to ' Hansard ' shows that in
the Sessions of 1828, 1829, and 1830, Mr, Herries took
at least his fair share of the business of the House of
Commons, He spoke not unfrequently, and on various
subjects — on one occasion indeed in answer to a motion
made by Lord Palmerston himself on the affairs of
Portugal — but chiefly on those with which he was most
perfectly acquainted. We may cite particularly a speech
' The italics are ours. Later Governments, too, have had occasion to
regret after-claps arising out of treaties ' less accurate ' than they ought to
have been.

CH. viii. THE CURRENCY QUESTION. 115
on the currency question (a matter of more importance
to the English people than the constitution of Portugal
and the tyranny of Dom Miguel) in opposition to a
motion made by ]\lr. Attwood for the adoption of a
double standard by making gold and silver coins a
legal tender in the relative proportions established in
1717, and for the re-introduction of small notes.
In the course of the debate, Mr. Huskisson said : ' I
am perfectly satisfied with the answer that my Right
Honourable friend (Mr. Herries) made to this branch of
the subject ; and, I wUl add, a more able or argumenta
tive speech of the kind I never heard.' And Sir Robert
Peel, commenting upon what Mr. Attwood had called
his ' practical measure,' remarked that ' it would be
almost waste of time to endeavour to show the absurdity
of it, after the able and eloquent speech of my Right
Honourable friend near me.'
The WeUington Cabinet, which was destroyed by
the ricochet of a French revolution, and by the impoUtic
junction of advanced Tories with advanced Liberals,
was, as weU as its predecessor the Liverpool Ministry,
held up to obloquy by the party in the ascendant in
times of popular effervescence when defenders of bygone
Tory Governments had no better chance of fair hearing
than a Papist denounced by Titus Oates, or a British
Ambassador accused of Turkophilism at a Bulgarian
atrocity meeting. The prejudice created fifty years ago
by those who had possession of the pubUc ear has never
since been entirely removed, and even now any mob-
orator or pamphleteer can easUy find ignorant listeners
or readers ready to take upon trust his declamations
I 2

116 TORY AND LIBERAL FINANCE. ch. viii.
against what he may please to call Tory misrule before
the days of reform. But in one — and that the most
important — ^branch of administration it can without
much difficulty be demonstrated that Tory management
was far more advantageous to the nation than that of
the Liberals.
Let the railers at the old Tory system place side by
side the financial results of its three last years, 1828,
1829, 1830, and those of the three last years of the
ensuing Reform Governments, 1839, 1840, 1841. In
the former triennial period they wUl find immense and
most beneficial reductions of taxation terminating in a
very large surplus (nearly three millions) bequeathed to
the incoming Whigs, in whose unskUful hands it was
immediately transmuted into a heavy deficit ; in the
latter, a growing excess of expenditure culminating in
enormous and dangerous deficiency left to be dealt with
by a Conservative Government.
Or let the declaimers calculate how much lighter our
burdens would now be than they are, if the diminution
of the charge of the funded and unfunded debt had
continued at the same rate as during the three years of
the Wellington Admmistration — due aUowance being
made for subsequent additions of debt, and likewise
for the relief derived from the simple expiration of
annuities. In those years it amounted to 785,875/., if
actual payments be taken, or to 1,081,615/., if the
terminable and life annuities be converted into equiva
lent permanent annuities according to Mr. Finlaison's
computation (Parliamentary Paper, 1831).
Another comparison may be made. In the last

ch. viii.

RESULTS COMPARED.

117

eight Tory pre-Reform years, 181^3-1830, without any
deficit, the total real surplus (local advances and re
payments, as weU as the sums received from and paid to
the Bank under the ' Dead Weight ' arrangement, being
eliminated fi-om the accounts) which was applicable to
the redemption of debt, amounted to 22,242,231/.,** while
the aggregate net surplus (after deduction of the defi
ciencies of nine years) of the next twenty years, 1831-
1850, was only 8,986,698/.
This is not aU. The net remission of taxation in
these eight Tory years exceeded qy nearly 37 per cent,
that which was effected in the twenty Liberal and Peelian
years; the totals being, respectively, 14,509,239/., and
10,598,761/.^ The amiual rate of such remission was,
in the first period, 1,811,746/., and in the second,
529,938/. The yearly excess on the Tory side was
therefore no less than 1,283,716/. To make the com
parison complete, let the results above stated be put
together thus :

Surplus ....
Net Remission of Taxation .

Eiglit Tory Tears

Twenty Liberal, &c.
Years

22,242,231 14,509,239

8,986,698
10,598,761

Total ....

36,751,470

19,585,459

Tory Excess .

17,166,011

The annual average was, for the eight years, 4,593,933/,,
and, for the twenty years, 979,272/,
^ For reasons which would require too long an explanation, we believe
that we have understated this surplus by more than a million.
' These results have been obtained from a table, the correctness of which
may be assumed, in Mr. Gifien's Essay on the Reduction of the National Debt.

118 TORY SUPERIORITY, ch, vra.
It must be remembered that, although in the first
period there were some years of plenty and prosperity
advancing by leaps and bounds untU reckless speculation
leapt and bounded into an abyss of bankruptcy, they
were followed by others of deep depression and dire
distress, agricultural, manufacturing, and commercial.
In order to remove the least suspicion of unfairness,
let the most lauded portion of the twenty years above
mentioned — namely the five years, 1842-1846 of the
Peelian system — be set against five years, 1823-1827, of
the pre-Reform system. It wUl be found that the net
surplus of the former quinquennial period — 7,483,815/,
— was little more than half of that of the latter —
14,263,601 — while the gross amount of taxes taken off
in the five years 1842-1846, bemg 8,145,628/., feU far
short of the ne^ reduction represented by 10,934,847/.,
in the five years 1823-1827.
This may be added. In the ten years 1821-1830,
the Tories, with an unreformed ParUament, diminished
taxation to the extent of 17,107,007/.^ In the thirty-six
years following, successive administrations took off
only 25,940,994/., including the taxes imposed for the
Crimean War.
In the face of all these facts it seems difficult to
sustain the doctrine propounded by Liberal orators, as
an article of faith not to be questioned, that bad finance
is the necessary concomitant of Tory government, whUe
the progress of the redemption of debt and of the reduc
tion of taxation is always in direct ratio to the increase
of democratic influence,
' 14,747,442/. (net) had been previously remitted since the Peace.

CH. IX. TORIES IN OPPOSITION. 119

CHAPTER IX.
Tories in opposition— Herries's activity — Praed — Government influence at
Harwich defied — Theory of Treasury ownership — Scurrility of Liberal
press — Reform — Timber duties : defeat of the Ministry — Russiau-Dutch
loan: historical view; Herries's action — Duke of Wellington's attempt
to form a Cabinet — Helpless condition of Conservative party — Croker
and the ' Quarterly Review ' — Reformed Parliament — Herries in Peel
Cabinet — Goes to Italy — Parliamentary business — Metropolitan improve
ments — Stockdale and Hansard — Defeat of Melbourne Blinistry on
Herries's motion — His intervention with a Conservative journal in favour
of Palmerston's policy solicited — Debates on the Budget of 1841 — Hus
kisson's commercial policy elucidated.
During the dark period of the fortunes of the Tory
party, reviled and proscribed after the transfer of power
to the Whigs, no one was more active for its interests
in various ways than Mr. Herries, whose exertions,
which sometimes brought upon himself heavy pecuniary
loss, were not a little useful in holding the party to
gether at times when it seemed likely to go to pieces.
His house was often resorted to for the discussion of
plans and arrangements. He was one of the originators
of the Carlton Club, the feeble precursor of which was
a place of meeting for party purposes established to
a great extent under his auspices in Charles Street,
St. James's Square, and an object of much derision
to enemies, who in their urbane style designated its
habitual frequenters as ' the Charles Street gang.'
Bearing no malice to the angry Tories by whose unwise

120 HERRIES'S ACTIVITY. ch. ix.
coalition with its Liberal assailants the Cabinet to
which he had belonged had been turned out of office,
he busied himself in endeavouring to heal stUl rankling
animosities and effect a reconcUiation between the se-
ceders and the leaders of the party. As a means of
bringing them together again, and as a manifestation
of renewed concord, it was proposed in the summer
of 1831 that the ' Friends of the Constitution ' should
meet at a political banquet. There is in Mr. Herries's
writing a rough draft of a paper for circulation on
this subject with a Ust of ' noblemen and gentlemen
connected with the landed, commercial, colonial, and
other great interests of the Empire,' to be requested
to act as stewards. To this suggestion the Duke of
Wellington ^ returned a favourable reply.
< Wahner Castle : June 2, 1831.
' My dear Herries, — I have received your letter of
yesterday, and I am very sorry that I shall not have
the pleasure of seeing you here.
' I don't see any objection to the proposed dinner.
Indeed, I conceive that such a meeting would have the
effect of reviving the drooping spirits of the gentlemen
of the country, if it should be weU attended. But we
must assume a good title, and must have good names
as managers in order to be certain of being weU at
tended, ' We ought to rest our pretensions to the confidence
of the publick on our desire to protect and preserve
' Several letters on a variety of subjects from the Duke, who was very
cordial towards Mr. Herries and often consulted him during many years, are
preserved.

OH. IX. CORRESPONDENCE. 121
property and all the great establishments and interests
of the country, rather than especially on our opposition
to the Bill, or on the opinions of all or any of us upon
Reform, ' Then for managers, &c,, we ought to have moderate
Reformers, great bankers and merchants [they were
strongly represented on Mr, Herries's list] as well as
noblemen and gentlemen. Believe me ever yours most
sincerely, ' Wellington,
' I understand that you are going down to Sir Robert
Peel's, and you had better speak to him on this subject,'
Sir Robert's answer, in a letter of the same date,
humorously pointing out all the possible inconveniences
of the plan, was discouraging, A few days later he wrote
again : ' I am sorry that the dinner is still in agitation.
The object, I presume, is a formal party union with the
ultra- Tories, This may be right or it may be wrong ;
but at any rate it is a matter that requires in my
opinion more consideration than the acceptance of a
mere dinner engagement would render necessary ; and so
far as the dining implies a new party connection it is a
point on which everyone must be at liberty to decide
for himself. I shall most certainly claim that privUege
for myself individually. , . ,'
Mr, Herries had a strong sense of the necessity, not
sufficiently felt by others, of recruiting his party with
young men of abUity, and was always anxious that
every encouragement should be given to rising talent ;
but he found little or no disposition to second his views,

122 W. M. PRAED. CH. IX.
and he often lamented the disheartening tone of slight
or indifference which chUled enthusiasm and depressed
energy, if it did not, as was sometimes the case, convert
an adherent into an enemy. One of those whom he was
eager to assist in bringing forward in political life was
Winthrop Mackworth Praed, a convert from the early
errors of an undergraduate, whose loyal character, as
well as poetical genius, he greatly admired. The
following letter shows that Praed, returned in December
1830 for the Tory nomination borough of St, Germains,
a few weeks later than the election of his Cambridge
contemporary Macaulay for the Whig nomination
borough of Calne, owed his entrance into ParUament
in great measure to the exertions of Mr, Herries, who
never had any borough interest of his own, ' You
have heard that I am at last in the situation to which
your kindness more than anything else has contributed
to raise me, I am now about to return to town with
my new duties ; and I cannot set out without bespeak
ing for myself a continuance of your goodwUl, UntU
you first honoured me by your notice, I never dreamed
of being where I am ; and if I feel a Uttle giddy
occasionaUy at my unlooked-for elevation, I trust the
same hand that lifted me up will be held out to keep
me steady,' I have another inducement, however, to make me
venture upon writing to you, I know that I am
wretchedly awkward at expressing by word of mouth
my sense of personal obligation. And therefore I am
anxious, before I meet you again, to assure you that I
am very grateful for all you have done for me, and

CH. IX. FRIENDSIIII' FOR HERRIES. Iii3
that my old longmgs after distinction ))ecome doubly
eager from the desire I feel to show myself not quite
unworthy of your good word,
' I have always told my friends, and I have said as
much to you, that I have been an overrated man, and
that my services are likely to be scarcely worthy the
asking. If it should prove so, I hope people will
forget that you ever took up a blockhead, though I
shall remember it myself with very useless gratitude,
K I have better fortune than my fears prophesy, I shaU
indeed hold myself your debtor for the larger half of
whatever success may be my lot in the career you have
opened to me, , , , About the 13th I shall be settled
in the Temple, and ready to work hard under your
auspices, , . .'
Subsequent letters show how earnestly he acted up
to his intentions, and how ardently he devoted himself
to the cause which he had espoused. But instead of
being welcomed as a valuable acquisition, Praed was
received with repulsive coldness by the leader of the
Conservative Opposition in the House of Commons,
His attachment to Mr, Herries was never loosened, and
he continued to look upon him as his best friend in the
poUtical world. This sentiment is strongly expressed
in a letter in which, at the time of the canvass for the
General Election of 1832, Praed bitterly complains of en
couragement indirectly given to his opponent at St, Ives
by some Tory magnates, and ends by saying, ' Pray for
give this long scrawl, I am fiirious, as you see ; and I
shall grow cooler now that I have poured out my fury for
the amusement of the only one of my political guides to

124 -TREASURY BOROUGH THEORY. ch, ix,
whom I feel indebted for kindness, or in whom I trust
for support. Whether chaired into Parliament or
cheated out of it, I shall always be yours, &c.'
Out of office Mr, Herries successfully resisted during
many years the efforts of the Liberal Government to
eject him from the representation of Harwich, opposing
to Ministerial influence, supposed to be aU-powerful
there, his own well-estabUshed personal influence. The
organs of the Reform Administration propounded, with
a crudeness unsurpassed by the most inveterate borough-
monger, the theory of absolute ownership of the so-
called Treasury boroughs ; and the holders of such seats,
elected under the former Government, were summoned,
in the terroristic style of the period, immediately to quit
their wrongful occupancy. The more obnoxious of the
two Tory members for Harwich in particular was
assaUed, in the Whig ' Morning Chronicle ' especiaUy,
with extraordinary virulence, A Ubellous attack in a
letter from a correspondent — real or pretended — called
for a denial, which was published in the discourteous
manner too common half a century ago, of a specific
aUegation, The inadequacy of the reparation moved
the injured person to address to the editor, Dr, Black,
personally and not as an abstraction, the following
dignified and decided remonstrance which seems to have
led to apologies and to have prevented any repetition of
the offence,
' By inserting the contradiction which appears in
your paper of this day, to the only substantive assertion
contained in the letter of " Interrogator," you have to that
extent done an act of justice to me ; but you must permit

en. IX. NEWSPAPER SCURRILITY. 1 25
me to state that I think you have failed to do the same
justice to yourself by omitting to condemn and to
repudiate the personal scurrility -which pervades the
letter containing that assertion.
' I write to you, Sir, under a belief impressed upon
me by assurances from some persons acquainted with
you that I am addressing a gentleman of good and
honourable feelings, who would not, without disgust,
see personal calumny or coarse personal vituperation em
ployed in the prosecution of political controversy, and
who would still less behold with approbation such dis
creditable means resorted to by anonymous assailants.
' I judge, from the manner in which the letter in
question was inserted in your paper, that the writer of
it must be entitled to some attention from you. If so I
have a right to request you to inform him that if he
will put any question to me in his own name and under
that fair responsibUity which he wUl then incur, he will
find me quite ready to deal with his communications as
may become them, and him, and me.
' But as there must, in aU civilised society, bfe some
where lodged a due responsibility for every insult
offered by one individual to another, you wUl, I think,
admit that the editor of a newspaper who publishes
anonymous attacks on private character must be himself
responsible for the offence if he refuses to disclose the
name of the offender.
' I assure you. Sir, that this letter, addressed to you
under the impression with respect to yourself which I
have before stated, is written without any resentment,
but with a very firm determination not to permit

126 THE GOVERNMENT DEFIED AT HARWICH, ch. ix.
personal insult to be thrown upon me through the
medium of a respectable paper such as yours with
impunity, , , ,'
It was not merely in newspapers that the doctrine
of the indefeasible right of the Treasury to the repre
sentation of certain places was asserted. In the House
of Commons it was put forward in the most unqualified
manner, and by the most advanced Reformers, Mr,
Hume complained that ' those who hold what are
called Treasury boroughs voted against Ministers ; '
and Mr, O'Connell said, with regard to the same ad
verse vote, that 'it is seen that those members who
form this Opposition hold their seats by the existence of
Treasury boroughs which they represent, and which
boroughs are known to belong to the Government,
They who are the nominees of private individuals
usuaUy give up their seats when their opinions differ
from those of their patrons. Not so, however, in the
case of the holders of the Treasury boroughs, who thus
pursue at least a factious line of conduct.'
During many years, the utmost exertions were
made in vain by the combined forces of the Treasury,
the Admiralty, and the Woods and Forests, to turn
Mr. Herries out. Ministerial patronage and favours
were, with hardly any attempt at decent disguise,
bestowed for votes. The Ministerial screw was applied
with ruthless severity to electors directly or indirectly
dependent upon the Crown. No Tory Duke of New
castle ever showed a more stern determination to ' do
what he pleased with his own.' All was of no avaU.
Falsehood, slander, promises, rewards, threats, punish-

ch. IX. LIBERAL AMENITIES. 127
ment, were thrown away. The enemy could not be
dislodged. In the teeth of the Whig Government, the
limited constituency before, and the enlarged con
stituency after, the Reform Act, persisted in returning
the Tory ex-Minister, at the General Elections of 1831,
in the white heat of the Reform agitation, when popular
intimidation, aided by the abuse of the King's name, in
most places overpowered all resistance ; of 1832, when,
in the delirium of Reform triumph, the Opposition
minority was reduced to a lamentable rump ; of 1837
(at the election of 1834 he was in office), when the
boundless affection of the nation for the young Queen
was turned, with indecent disregard of constitutional
principle, to the account of the waning — almost ex
tinct — popularity of elderly Whig Ministers. At one
of these elections a pleasant little surprise was prepared
for the successful Tory candidate at Harwich by some
of the Liberal party, exasperated by renewed defeat. As
a clear manifestation of indignant public opinion, a
plan, fortunately detected in time, was formed to make
a salutary example of him by means of a noose to be
thrown by dexterous Liberal hands over his head as he
passed in the ' chairmg ' procession over a certain
bridge (we are not acquainted with the topography),
whereby he would be deftly hauled out of the chair
and flung into the river — a process which, if effectuaUy
completed, as intended, would necessarily have resulted
in the instant death of the offending Tory member.
Similar methods of combatmg erroneous opinions con
cerning the electoral franchise and the distribution of
seats were not unusual.

128 PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. ch. ix.
In addressing his constituents on his election in
1831, Mr. Herries declared that, although strongly
opposed to the measure proposed by the Government,
he was not absolutely hostUe to all ParUamentary
Reform, This was true. He was often heard to express
applause of Pitt's early endeavours to effect the reform
of ' the rotten part of the Constitution ; ' although he
also thought that the great statesman was wise in
abandoning Reform when it became the watchword of
the lovers of French revolutionary principles. He had
no particular affection for Old Sarum. He had no
great admiration of exclusive aristocratic influence.
But what he above aU things dreaded and detested was
democratic despotism ; and if he was mistaken in
thinking that ' the BUI ' would lead to its establishment,
soon or late, he, at any rate, erred in very good com
pany. On one point he was not mistaken. He did
not share in the belief entertained by Lord John Russell
and Mr. Secretary Stanley that the empirical creation
of a uniform ten-pound franchise, resting neither on
principle nor on antiquity, would prove the final settle
ment of the electoral question.
Although he did not frequently address the House,
Mr, Herries was not ' entirely mute.' On some occa
sions he spoke with great effect, and it is a fact that
the gravest embarrassments suffered by the Government
on questions not relating to Reform were directly
caused by his intervention. The defeat of the Cabinet,
three days before the second reading of the Reform
BUI in 1831, by a majority of forty-six on a proposed

CH. IX. TnrBER DUTIES. 129
alteration of the timber duties, was generally attributed
to his action, although the formal motion for the post
ponement of the Ministerial plan was in reality made
by Mr. Attwood. The Chancellor of the Exchequer
had previously announced his intention of proposing an
increase of the duty on Canadian timber for Budget
purposes. On March 18, 1831, without further notice,
he took a new departure, and suddenly submitted to
the House quite different resolutions for the reduction
of the duty on Baltic timber. In other words, he
substituted for a purely revenue question the entirely
distinct question of the protection to be afforded to
colonial and shipping interests. Mr. Herries opposed
the motion, not so much on its own merits, as on the
ground of its being a surprise ('a political trick,' he
caUed it), contending that, without time for deliberation,
the House could not fairly be called upon to decide
upon the new Ministerial scheme. It was in fact the
sudden change of front that he objected to — a legitimate
objection, by no means deserving the imputation of
factiousness thrown upon it by the Ministers and their
supporters.'"^ It was asserted, as a reproach to the
members of the former Government — and particularly
* As might have been expected from the writer of a history the prin
cipal object of which seems to be the converse of that of Dr. Johnson's
Parliamentary Reporting — ' that the Whigs should alwaj's have the worst of
it '  the action of the Opposition on this occasion is unfairly and incorrectly
represented by Mr Spencer Walpole, as the passage in Hansard referred to
by himself is sufiicient to show. But we are inclined to doubt whether he
ever looked at his own reference ; and for this reason. Speaking of Lord
Althorp's change of plan, he says, ' This concession, however, failed to satisfy
the Protectionists.' This phrase is copied (not quoted) verbatim, et literatim,
without the alteration of a, comma, from an equally unfair account of the
same debate, in Sir Denis Le Marchant's Memoir of Earl Spencer.
VOL. II. K

130 TIMBER DUTIES. ch. ix.
to Mr, Herries — who voted against Lord Althorp's
motion, that they had intended, if they had remained
in office, to make a simUar proposal. The Attorney-
General even declared that they were pledged to do so.
But the assertion was positively denied both by the
President of the Board of Trade and the Chancellor of
the Exchequer of the Duke of Wellington's Adminis
tration. The weU-merited check which the Ministers
met with might, in any other circumstances, have
proved fatal to them ; but in view of the more important
question of Reform which they had in hand, they,
perhaps wisely, made up their minds to digest their
discomfiture. But it is evident from Lord Grey's pub
lished correspondence with the King that ' the unto
ward event,' as he calls the vote on the timber duties
in one letter, was considered as very seriously damaging
to the Government. The feeling of their supporters,
however, is exhibited in an article of the ' Times ' of
March 20, which, scouting the supposition of the re
signation of the Cabinet, says, in the ' thorough ' style
of English Reformers of the day — a style not very far
removed from the a la lanterne formula of French
reformers forty years before — ' Canada is a respectable
colony, and the shipowners are a respectable body ; but
the British nation would rather see the Canadas swept
for ever from the map of the Western world, with aU
the shipowners danglmg from its red and yellow pines,
than suffer the grand measure of Parliamentary regen
eration to be lost,'
A previous article in the same paper contains some
curious observations, which might not be inapplicable

on, IX, RUSSIAN DUTCH LOAN. 131
to many discussions at the present day. ' It cannot be
denied that the tone taken by some of the friends of the
measure has been very offensive, and we may perhaps
be aUowed to take this opportunity of denouncing that
parrot gabble about political economy, which is now so
common in and out of Parliament. A person attends
a few lectures of some pedant : he gets by rote a few
abstract rules, and because he has acquired a little
knowledge, just a degree above the nursery, he sets up
for a statesman. . . . The coxcombs in question may
waste as much paper as they please in scribbling, but
they should not be suffered to meddle with public
affairs. They injure every cause which they touch,
and render contemptible every party which admits
their fellowship, , , ,'
On another, and a far more important, question
relating to the legality of the continuance of payments
on account of what is known by the name of the Rus
sian-Dutch Loan, the Member for Harwich gave much
trouble to the Whig Ministry,
The true history of the strange engagement, by
which the people of this country have been saddled for
a century with debts of the Russian Empire to Dutch
bankers, was not known to Parliament either at the
time when it was first sanctioned, or sixteen years
afterwards when it was again the subject of discus
sion. It has been to a great extent revealed by the
publication of the correspondence of Lord Castlereagh,
Lord Liverpool, and the Duke of Wellington ; but
some obscure points connected with it still need eluci
dation. K 2

132 HISTORICAL REVIEW. ch. ix.
In the year 1788 ^ the Empress Catherine contracted
with, or through, the house of Hope and Co. of Amster
dam, a loan of eighty mUlion florins, for the purpose, as
stated by Mr. Alexander Baring (whose authority on
such a subject can hardly be contested) in the House of
Commons on July 12, 1832, of providing the means of
effecting the subjugation of Poland, Mr. Whitbread
said on May 26, 1815, that the loan was primarUy
intended for the Turkish war, which in 1791 nearly led
to hostUities between Russia and Great Britain, The
interest due having for some years been left unpaid,
the Russian Government, soon after the re-establish
ment of amicable relations with this country in 1812,
expressed an earnest desire that Great Britain should
assume the charge of this debt,* So extravagant a
request was very properly refused ; but in February
1814,^ 'the intended aggrandizement of Holland sug
gested a new occasion on which Russia hoped to relieve
herself of this incumbrance,' When, in return for the
sacrifices made, and to be made, by England for the
common cause. Lord Castlereagh at Troyes asked for
an engagement on the part of the AlUes that they would
promote the attainment of certain objects deemed most
essential to her interests — the principal point insisted
upon being the union of the Belgic Provinces with
Holland — Austria and Prussia, readily recognizing the
justice of the claim, promptly declared their acquiescence
without any shabby shuffling. But the conduct of
' The date is taken from Fenn on the Funds, a work of admitted
authority. ¦* Castlereagh Correspondence, 3rd series, vol. i. Letter to Lord Clancarty.
'' Ibid. Lord Castlereagh to Lord Liverpool, February 1814.

ch. IX. HISTORICAL REVIEW. 133

Russia was different. She tried to drive a bargain, and
make money out of the proposed arrangement, ' You
AvUl observe,' wrote Lord Castlereagh to Lord Clan
carty, ' Austria is quite unqualified m her stipulation ;
Prussia not less so in substance, , , , Russia alone has
held back, not upon any objection, but from a desire
to make conditions, , , , The object is to prevail upon
Great Britain and HoUand to take upon them jointly a
debt of eighty mUlions of florins which Russia owes in
HoUand, , , . And why pay Russia rather than Austria
and Prussia ? It comes as a condition with the worse
grace, after our recent gratuitous concession to Den
mark, to fulfil a Russian engagement,'
Their sturdy importunity having been repelled, the
Russian Government accepted the Projet de Convention
after considerable delays. But although Lord Castle
reagh negatived the demand, he unfortunately did not
discourage the hope that the resistance of the British
Ministry might be overcome. His colleagues, however,
stUl remaining obdurate, the annexation of Belgium
was settled tn principle by the Treaty of Paris of May
30, 1814, without the desired concession which was
afterwards untruly asserted to have been the condition
sine qua non of the Russian assent.
Between two and three months later, by a Con
vention with the Netherlands signed on August 13,
Great Britain agreed to restore all the Dutch Colonies
fairly conquered by British valour in a war unjustly
waged against her by Holland, the vassal of France,
with the exception of the Cape of Good Hope, Demerara,
Essequibo, and Berbice, ceded to Great Britain, in con-

134 HISTORICAL REVIEW. ch. ix.
sideration — ^^so it was said — of an engagement, first, to
pay to Sweden 1,000,000/. which HoUand had pre
viously been held liable to furnish; secondly, to advance
a sum of 2,000,000/. for the defences of the Low
Countries ; and thirdly, ' to bear equaUy with Holland
such further charges as might be agreed upon between
the high contracting parties and their allies towards the
final and satisfactory settlement of the Low Countries
in union with Holland, and under the dominion of the
House of Orange, not exceeding, in the whole, the sum
of 3,000,000/. to be defrayed by Great Britain,' «
This last prospective engagement had evidently in
view the pressure brought to bear upon Holland by
Russia, But it was an engagement to Holland — not to
Russia — and it did not bind this country to be a party
to any special arrangement between the two States,
although we were obUged to assist the former in the
payment of the black mail likely to be levied upon her,
Russia, however, was determined to drag England into
the transaction she was bent on effecting for the liquida
tion of her outstanding debt ; and her pertinacity was
rewarded with success.
Nothing can be more completely proved than the
« It seems worthy of notice that the French text of this very important
article is much more complete and precise than the English version, which
ought to be, but which is not, its exact equivalent. Among several other
variations, there is a manifest difierence between the opening words of the
paragraph — ' A supporter, conjointement et en portion 6gale avec la Hollande
. . ,' —and their intended counterpart — ' To bear equally with Holland . . .'
The word conjointement is not redundant. It has a distinct signification.
Why, then, is it not rendered into English ?
Instances of similar divergence, whether arising from sheer carelessness,
from linguistical deficiency, or from any other cause, are too common in
treaties between Great Britain and other countries.

CH. IX. HISTORICAL REVIEW. 135
repugnance of Lord Liverpool (and presumably also of
the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Mr. Vansittart) to the
Russian scheme, which in his own name, and in that of
his colleagues at home, he opposed, until at last their
hands were forced by Lord Castlereagh, and perhaps
also by the Duke of Wellington, In his letters of
October 28, November 2, December 22, 1814, and
January 6, 1815 (see Yonge's ' Life of Lord Liverpool,'
and ' Supplementary Despatches of the Duke of Welling
ton '), the Prime Minister repeatedly and most earnestly
exhorted Lord Castlereagh, then at Vienna, to abstain
from any engagement with Russia as to the Dutch debt
— a matter which the Cabinet evidently considered as
one of great consequence. It seems very probable that
these objections were aUuded to in a despatch from
Lord Castlereagh dated February 13, 1815, a selected
extract from which was communicated to the House of
Commons in 1847 by Lord Palmerston, All that the
pubUc has been permitted to know of the contents of
that despatch is a plea for the policy of the arrangement
to which the Cabinet was — justly, as we think —
opposed,^ After his return to London, Lord Castlereagh,
convinced of the utility, or necessity, of bribery, suc
ceeded in inducing the Cabinet to adopt his views ; and
' Mr. Cooke, Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, who was with
Lord Castlereagh at Vienna, took the same view of the matter as Lord
Liverpool, to whom he wrote, on December 24, 1814 : ' The only point I
really fear for us is the Dutch Loan. Is it not capable of statement so as
to affect our honour as a nation after Russian conduct and our protests
against it ? ... I think the subscribing the Polish arrangement, on other
matters being adjusted, defensible, but adding six millions as a bonus very
difficult to swallow.' — ¦ Wellington Supplementary Dcspjatches.

136 HISTORICAL REVIEW, ch. ix.
the result was this instruction, sent on March 12, 1815,
to the Duke of WeUington.®
' I should hope, from the state of business at Vienna,
that your Lordship would find no great difficulty , , ,
to prevaU upon the Powers to sign at once a treaty
placing, by an early ratification, aU the arrangements
already agreed upon ^ out of the reach of doubt, . , ,
If you can effect this, you may give the Emperor of
Russia, in conjunction with the Dutch plenipotentiary,
an assurance that the half of the Dutch loan, under the
regulations as agreed upon [it does not appear what
they were, or when the agreement was come to] will be
defrayed by us ; it being understood that His Imperial
Majesty wUl act in concert with us tn the other measures
remaining to be settled,
' I suggest a written assurance to remove doubts, ,'
The giving of this assurance was made to depend upon
two conditions. Therefore, the British Government
was stUl free to withhold it. The Duke of WeUington,
on March 28, communicated to Count Nesselrode offi
cially the words of Lord Castlereagh's despatch, with
the unaccountable omission of the important phrase
relating to future concert. It must be supposed, how
ever, that the understanding mentioned by Lord Castle-
' See Supplementary Despatches of the Duke of Wellington, vol. ix.
" They were those relating to Poland, Saxony, the reconstruction of
Prussia, the Kingdom of the Netherlands, Hanover, besides others of minor
importance. But the definitive treaty which confirmed these arrangements
was not, in fact, signed until more than two months later. Possibly an
equivalent may have been found in the Treaty of Alliance of March 26 against
Napoleon, binding the contracting parties to maintain the stipulations arising
out of the Treaty of Paris, which had been determined upon (by protocols)
and signed at the Congress of Vienna.

cu. IX. HISTORICAL REVIEW. 137
reagh was come to, although the practical value of the
agreement is proved by the decisive evidence of Lord
Clancarty, first British plenipotentiary at the Congress
after the Duke of WeUington's departure, to have been
nil. ' How the subject of the Dutch loan,' he wrote
to Lord Castlereagh on May 19, 1815, ' has reached
Lord Grey's ears, except through the Russian Chancery,
I cannot guess ; but sure I am that, so little has this
Emperor kept faith with us, in aiding us tn the con
cluding negotiations here, that he seems to me to have
forfeited aU claim to our future assistance,' This
remonstrance came too late. On the day when Lord
Clancarty's letter was written, the object which the
Russian Government had at heart was secured by a
convention signed in London between Russia, the
Netherlands, and Great Britain, by which, after a pre
amble setting forth that the King of the Netherlands,
being desirous, upon the final re-union of the Belgic
Provinces with Holland, to render to the Allied Powers
a suitable return for the heavy expense incurred by
them in deUvering the said territories from the power
of the enemy ; and the said Powers having agreed to
waive their pretensions in favour of the Emperor of
Russia . . .^ the King of the Netherlands had re
solved to execute with His Imperial Majesty a conven
tion, to which His Britannic Majesty had agreed ' to be a
* Of the Allied Powers mentioned, the one who had principally 'in
curred heavy expense in delivering, &c.,' was, without doubt, England.
Therefore, if the averment of this preamble were true, it would result that
England having a pretension to a ' suitable return ' from the King of the
Netherlands, waived that pretension in favour of Russia, and, at the same
time, agi-eed with the Netherlands to pay money in satisfaction of that very
pretension so assigned by herself. A singular arrangement truly !

138 HISTORICAL REVIEW. ch. ix.
party, in pursuance of engagements taken by his said
Majesty, with the King of the Netherlands in a con
vention signed at London on the 18th day of August,
1814,' Great Britain and the Netherlands agreed
respectively to take upon themselves a portion —
amounting for each of them to 25,000,000 florins (or,
according to a Parliamentary Paper,^ 2,272,727/.) — of
the capital and arrears of interest of the Russian loan
(raised by accumulated arrears from 80,000,000, its
original amount, to 100,000,000 florins), with an annual
interest of five per cent., besides a yearly pa3mient for
Sinking Fund, of one per cent., which was Uable to
be increased to three per cent, on the demand of the
Russian Government,^
But the fifth article of the convention contains the
important proviso that all these obligations shall
' cease and determine, should the possession and sove
reignty (which God forbid) of the Belgic Provinces at
any time pass or be severed from the dominions of His
Majesty the King of the Netherlands previous to the
complete liquidation of the same,' Great value was
attached to this stipulation by the British Government,
It appears from a letter * addressed by Lord Castlereagh
to Count Nesselrode, amiouncing the conclusion of the
^ Laid before the House of Commons in 1815. In a later return, by a
different calculation, the English equivalent of 25,000,000 florins is stated as
2,083,333Z. ' It does not appear that under this one-sided convention either Great
Britain or the Netherlands had the power of accelerating the redemption of
the debt, the paying oflF of which at once would obviously have been advan
tageous to this country at least. But that would not have suited the views
of Russia, whose bidding we bound ourselves to do.
' May 28, 1815. Castlereagh Correspondence.

cu. IX. HISTORICAL REVIEW. 139
convention, that Count Lieven, the Russian plenipoten
tiary, ' was desirous that the fifth article (sliould have
been confined in its operation to the part of tlie dcsljt
iaUing to the share of Holland ' — the effect of such
proposed Umitation being that, m the event of the
separation of Belgium, HoUand would be relieved from
the burthen assumed by her in consideration of the
annexation, whUe England would still continue to be
charged with the share she took for the sole purpose
(ostensibly at least) of diminishing the pressure upon
HoUand. And this most absurd result, which the Tory
Government in 1815 were determined to guard against,
was actually brought about through the complaisance
of Whig Ministers m 1832.
'But this change,' observed Lord Castlereagh m his
letter, ' whUst it would have been at variance with all
my arguments, as employed both at Vienna and since
my return, to reconcUe the Government to the measure,
would have destroyed my whole case in Parliament, by
enabling my opponents to describe the arrangement as
one made not upon the principle of a fair equivalent
with HoUand, but as a gTatuitous concession to Russia
for an object that might not survive the present
crisis.' By an additional article in two paragraphs, which
was kept secret untU 1832, it was agreed, first, that
in the event of a part of the Belgic Provinces being at
any time severed from the dominions of His Belgic
Majesty, a proportionate reduction only of the charge
to be borne by the Netherlands and Great Britain should
take place ; and, secondly, that the invasion or tempo-

140 HISTORICAL REVIEW. ch. ix.
rary occupation of those provinces by an enemy (words
which do not occur in the first paragraph) should not
be considered as determining any part of the stipulated
payments, unless continued beyond the period of a year
— a special provision obviously made for the eventuali
ties of the coining campaign.
Presented to a puzzled Parliament, in connection
with the Netherlands Colonial Treaty, and the Treaty
with Sweden for the settlement of the wonderful affair
of Guadeloupe (not the least of all the marvels of
British diplomacy) — the three instruments forming to
gether a bewildering labyrinth of cessions, retrocessions,
cross compensations, and unintelligible transfers — this
' fantastical and incomprehensible plan,' as it was well
termed by Mr. Baring (speech in the House of Commons,
May 2Q, 1815), received, after a feeble opposition, the
approval of the Legislature. And so it came to pass
that the British nation, taking upon itself the Uquidation
of debts for funds employed in the extinction of the
Polish nationaUty, became an accessory after the fact to
that political crime.
The persistence by which Russia, after many rebuffs,
attained her ends in this business, appears at first sight
strange. In the case of Holland, some plausible pretext
could be found for her demand, and, after all, the
practical effect of the agreement was only the transfer of
a loss sustained by a few Dutch capitalists through
Russian insolvency to the whole body of the Dutch
taxpayers. But upon England, Russia had no sort of
claim, and it was not reasonable that EngUsh taxpayers
should be compelled to indemnify Messrs. Hope and Co,

ch. IX. HISTORICAL REVIEW. 141
Why, it may be asked, did not the Russian Emperor,
if unsatisfied with the lavish assistance furnished by
England, simply solicit additional subsidies either in
money or in stores for miUtary purposes, instead of
pressing for aid in an unusual, and a most objectionable
form ? The answer must be, that he wanted the power
of borrowing ; that so long as his debts remamed unpaid
he could have found no lenders ; and that the credit of
Great Britain afforded a much better security than that
of the newly created Kingdom of the Netherlands. The
explanation of the whole of this affair may, perhaps, be
found in the fact that a few months after the signature
of the convention of May 19, a new Russian loan was
raised at Amsterdam,^
However vicious in principle, however onerous in
practice, the engagement may have been, and whatever
were the purposes for which it was wrung from the
British Government, once taken, the honour of the
nation required its strict fulfilment, but no more. To
pay the uttermost farthing stipulated in the contract
was a positive duty — to pay the thousandth part of a
farthing beyond the covenant was degrading subservi
ency. The terms of the bond were precise. The Treaty,
and the Act of ParUament which embodied and gave
effect to it, had at least the merit — very rare in Acts of
Parliament, and stiU more so in treaties — of accuracy
and clearness of expression ; so that nothing was re
quired for their interpretation but a sufficient knowledge
of the English tongue. At length the case distinctly
provided for in both instruments did arise, ' The
^ In 1816. See Fenn on the Funds.

142 HISTORICAL REVIEW. ch. ix.
possession and sovereignty of the Belgic Provinces ' did
' pass,' and were ' severed from the dominions of His
Majesty the King of the Netherlands ; ' and consequently
the time arrived when, according to the positive words
of the Treaty and the law, the payments were to ' cease
and determine.' Nevertheless they were continued by
the Government of which Lord Grey, who in 1815 had
been vehement in his opposition to the Treaty, was the
head. From a very tardy communication to Parliament
(in 1847) it appears that on January 25, 1831, a memo--
randum ('¦Notice Confidentielle') was addressed to Lord
Palmerston by the Russian plenipotentiaries Prince
Lieven and Count Matuszewic containing, in reply
apparently to some representation, the nature of which
has not been made known, an elaborate plea for the
unimpaired vaUdity of the claims of Russia under the
Convention of 1815, in spite of the actual separation of
Belgium from Holland, It is inconceivable that so
important a document should have received no answer
from the British Secretary of State ; but none has ever
been made public — a reticence on the part of the Foreign
Office, which, common though it was under the Palmers
ton rule, is yet to be lamented for the sake of history,
and also for the credit of British diplomacy.
The principal contention of the Russian plenipoten
tiaries was that the proviso contained in the fifth
article of the convention had solely in view the possi
bUity of foreign invasion and conquest, and was there
fore not applicable to the case — never contemplated, as
the plenipotentiaries asserted — of a separation brought

ch. IX. HISTORICAL REVIEW. 143
about by internal revolution — an inference drawn from
the additional article which in one place speaks of
' mvasion or temporary occupation by an enemy.' But
if acquiescence had not been thought more convenient
than refutation, which would not have been difficult,
the Foreign Office might have replied that the words
cited occurred only in the second paragraph, which
manifestly had in view a danger actually imminent at
the moment when the convention was signed ; and
that the fact of their not being used either in the first
paragraph of the additional article, or in the fifth
article itself, in both of which severance was spoken of
in general terms without any specification of the mode
of its accompUshment, led reasonably to the conclusion
that the operation of the fifth article was not meant to
be limited to the particular case, provided for by the
second paragraph of the additional article, of invasion
by an enemy. It might have been added that the
supposition of any such intended limitation was an
improbable one, because what was important to the
King of the Netherlands — the party primarUy concerned,
and upon whose obligation ours depended — was the fact,
not the manner, of the separation of his Belgic Pro
vinces, his acquisition of which was the sole ground for
his assumption of a portion of the Russian debt, and
the loss of which, from whatever cause ensuing, would
leave him in the same position as if he had never
possessed them.
On November 16, 1831, the day after the signature
of the Treaty for the separation of Belgium from Hol
land, a new convention between Great Britain and

144 HISTORICAL REVIEW. ch. ix.
Russia relative to the Dutch loan was signed in London.
In its preamble, containing several averments, the truth
of which never was, or perhaps could have been, sub
stantiated, not a word is said of the consideration for
which the King of the Netherlands bound himself by
the former Convention of 1815. He is not even men
tioned as having been a party to that convention, which
is spoken of as if it had been one simply between the
other two Powers, Nor is there any allusion to the
engagement in respect of the ceded Dutch colonies,
which is stated in the preamble of the Convention of
1815 to have been the reason for British participation,
and which must indeed be deemed to have been the
only ground for it, unless that engagement is to be
looked upon merely as a colourable pretence put forward
to give the whole transaction a decent appearance, and
veil the displeasing nudity of an agreement to throw
some of the unsatisfied liabilities of a defaulting Czar
upon the shoulders of the British people.
The King of the Netherlands being dropped out, by
the new convention His Britannic Majesty bound him
self to recommend to his Parliament to enable him to
undertake to continue on his part the payments stipu
lated in the former one ; and the Emperor of Russia,
on the other hand, promised that if the arrangements
agreed upon for the independence and neutrality of
Belgium should be endangered, he would not contract
any other engagement without a previous agreement
with His Britannic Majesty and his formal assent. An
entirely new departure was thus taken. The first
treaty was based on the union of Belgium and Holland ;

CH. IX. HISTORICAL REVIEW. 145
the second, on their separation. It was for the purpose
of effecting ' the final and satisfactory settlement of the
Low Countries in union with Holland and under the
dominion of the House of Orange ' that Great Britain
became a party to the former convention : it was in
order to secure the independence of Belgium and,
therefore, the ' final and satisfactory settlement of the
Low Countries,' tn separation from HoUand and not
' under the dominion of the House of Orange,' that
Great Britain concluded the latter.
This agreement amounted in effect to the sale of
an Imperial policy. For a valuable consideration, the
proud autocrat Nicholas alienated his eventual right of
independent action in an European question of the first
magnitude, putting himself under the control of Henry
John, Viscount Palmerston, and his Lordship's lawful
successors in Downing Street, It is, however, not to
be beUeved that the Emperor would have entered into
so humUiating a bargain, if he had been convinced
that the purchase money was afready his of right — that
he was entitled to claim it purely and simply in virtue
of a pre-existing contract. The convention of Novem
ber 1831 would manifestly not have been signed, uiUess
the Russian Government had been persuaded that the
obligations created by the previous convention had
' ceased and determined,'
We now come to a further step in the process of
mystification. On the meeting of Parliament in the
foUowing month, no allusion to the new convention or
to any negotiations relating to the loan was made in the
Speech from the Throne, although it announced the
VOL. II. L

146 PROCEEDINGS IN PARLIAMENT. ch. ix.
conclusion of the treaty (likewise unratified) for the
separation of Belgium, which did not, as the former in
strument did, require the sanction of ParUament for its
execution. This curiosity of constitutional practice in
the full tide of the Reform agitation seems to deserve
notice. Motions for papers, &c,, were soon made. One
of these by Mr, Herries was for ' copies or extracts of
any communications between his Majesty's Government
and the Government of the King of the Netherlands
relating to the payment of the Russian loan in Holland,
after the separation, &c,' The return to the address
was a very short one — Nil. If this statement had not
been made upon the responsibUity of the Secretary of
State, it would appear absolutely incredible. It seems
indeed passing strange that during the whole of the
year 1831, whUe the question of the continued operation
of the Convention of 1815 was pending, and was a sub
ject of discussion between the Russian and British
Governments, the Foreign Office should have been
so reticent, or so little curious, as never to have en
deavoured to ascertain the views of the co-partner of
England concerning their joint engagement, — that the
Netherlands Government should not have attempted to
eUcit the opinion of the British Government, — and that
no interchange of observations on this important mat
ter, in which they were equaUy interested, should have
taken place,^
' Perhaps the terms of the motion were not sufficiently comprehensive
to prevent evasion through technical subtleties. Persons who are not ex
perts ought always to avoid the use of the word ' communication ' in matters
diplomatical, because by diplomatic persons it is frequently used in a ' non-
natural^ sense.

CH. IX. MR. HERRIES'S MOTION. 1 17
After some preliminary discussions, the subject was
brought formally before the House by Mr. Herries, who,
on January 26, 1832, moved resolutions, the conclusion
of which was — ' that the application of the public
money for the purpose of effecting any payments on the
part of Great Britain, on account of the Russian loan m
Holland, after the possession and sovereignty of the
Belgic provinces had passed from the dominions of the
King of the Netherlands, is contrary to the provisions
of the Act 55 Geo, III. c. 115, and is unwarranted by
any authority of Parliament,' Without discussing the
very questionable wisdom of the Convention of 1815, or
the possible expediency of its renewal with the sanction
of ParUament, he rested his case entirely upon the
legal and constitutional ground, that on an imaginative
construction of a treaty, inconsistent with its plain
terms. Ministers could not be justified in issuing money
to a foreign power in direct opposition to the unam
biguous and imperative words of an Act of Parliament
prescribing the conditions under which the payments
were to be made. In the conclusion of his speech he
said — ' I have not treated this as a party question ; I
have not had recourse to any of those taunts or asperities
which too frequently are admitted into statements of
this nature, both on one side and on the other, , , . I
feel that the subject is one which must be discussed
entirely by itself ; . , , for it must be treated, not with
reference to any party views or sentiments, but with
reference to the authority of Parliament and the con
stitutional privileges of this House with regard to the
distribution of the public money. Honourable gentle-
L 2

1 48 SPEECH,

CH, IX,

men who sit on the other side have been much in the
habit, particularly for some time past, of casting reflec
tions in the way of comparison upon those who sit near
me, with respect to this very subject of the jealous
solicitude with which we should regard our control over
the public expenditure. We have been accused — too
frequently, because always unjustly — of great laxity on
this point in comparison with themselves, , , , It has
been attempted to be shown that there was a less
anxious solicitude in respect of public economy among
the members who now sit upon these benches, than
among those who sit upon the opposite ones. Now I
do not advert to that endeavour for the purpose of
reviving past discussions, or raising fresh animosity
between parties — ^but I advert to it for the purpose of
impressing upon gentlemen opposite that this is perhaps
almost the only opportunity that wUl be afforded us of
establishing a test by which to judge of their future
operations. ... If you reject my motion you vote
away 5,000,000/. of public money. His Majesty's
Ministers have already voted it away ; and if you refuse
to second me, you sanction their grant. To aU those
who are of opinion that this principle is of the highest
importance — that all directions for the expenditure of
the public money should be implicitly obeyed ; to aU
those who believe that the assumption of the least
latitude in the observance of that high constitutional
principle is fraught with the greatest danger to the
constitution itself and the liberty of the subject, I
strongly recommend the most earnest consideration of
this question and motion before they venture to vote

CH. IX. WHIG HIGH PREROGATIVE DOCTRINE. 149
against the latter. AU those who think that eventually
it might be right to concede such a grant — but who
never wUl hear of its being conceded without Parliament
being first consulted and its opinion being expressed
upon it — I reckon upon as parties who will vote with
me ; all those who from what they may now hear, or
from their knowledge of this transaction as it now
stands, are inclined to be convinced that we ought not
at all events to make such a grant ; and that we are so
far absolved from our engagements as to make it right
that we should save this sum of money to the pubUc
tUl we are better advised (and I confess that I am one
of these) — they, I say, wUl unquestionably vote for my
proposition. . . .'
The Ministers, advised by the Law Officers of the
Crown, and adopting the Russian theory without
adducing a particle of evidence in support of it, con
tended that the obligations of Great Britain under the
Convention of 1815 stUl subsisted, not being affected
by the Belgian Revolution. The Whig Attorney-
General took a high prerogative tone worthy of Mr.
Attorney Noy, arguing that the King's right of making
and interpreting treaties could not be limited by an Act
of ParUament. But such a ' slavish doctrine,' better
suited, as some modern Shippen might have exclaimed,
to the meridian of St. Petersburg than to that of London,
could not pass unchallenged by the Opposition, which
had no lack of legal strength. WetheraU, Sugden, and
PoUock, lawyers second to none in the House of
Commons, or in Westminster Hall, vigorously sup
ported the motion, and destroyed the unconstitutional

150 LORD PALMERSTON, ch. ix.
sophistry of the Whig jurists. Lord Palmerston, clothed
with aU the authority of the Foreign Office, boldly con
fronted his adversaries with unfounded asseverations, of
which let one serve as a specimen. Speaking of the
conduct of Russia in the negotiation of the Convention
of 1815, he said: ' Of her own accord — and this is im
portant to the question — the payment of the loan was
made contingent on the integrity of the kingdom of the
Netherlands, — that is, Russia knew that it was a matter
of paramount importance to England, that the union of
the kingdoms of Belgium and Holland under one
Monarchy should be observed inviolably by other
nations ; and accordingly, Russia, solely with a view to"
manifest her ardent desire to co-operate with England,
declared, in the terms of the treaty, that the loan should
cease to be obligatory when a separation between
Belgium and HoUand took place, . . . And I ask, is
this gratuitous generosity on the part of Russia to be
now turned against herself by those in whose favour she
volunteered it ? ' This positive statement, made with
all the weight of supposed official information, is proved,
beyond the possibility of doubt, to have been contrary
to the truth, by the evidence of Lord Castlereagh's letter,
above cited, to Count Nesselrode, which shows that the
condition alleged by Lord Palmerston to have been
offered spontaneously by Russia, with 'gratuitous
generosity' towards England, was in reality insisted
upon by the British Government, and most unwiUingly
accepted by the Russian Plenipotentiary, who did his
utmost to put it aside. But the House of Commons
was ignorant of the existence of that letter.

CH, IX. MOTION REJECTED. DECEPTION. 151
The case made out against the Government was so
strong that some of the most thoroughgoing Liberals —
among others Mr, Joseph Hume, and Mr, O'Connell,
who spoke as a la^vyer — declared that it was impossible
for them to resist the motion of censure. Even the
Secretary at War, Sir Henry Parnell, preferring his con
victions to his place, left the House refusing to vote
with his coUeagues. And on the final division the
mam resolution was rejected by only the small majority
of twenty-four — a resiUt which, though a formal absolu
tion, was a virtual condemnation,
WhUe the Ministers and the Crown lawyers in the
course of this debate, as on a former occasion in answer
to a question from Sir Robert Peel, affirmed with
frequent and angry iterance that the old Convention
stUl bound, and the Act of 1815 stUl enjoined, the
Government to pay the interest on the loan, the House
of Commons was studiously kept in ignorance of the
fact that there lay concealed in a red box a new Con
vention absolutely inconsistent with the former one,
which they declared to be stUl in force, and by its
express words rendering necessary the new enactment
which according to their emphatic assertions would be
whoUy supererogatory.
That the Reform Ministry were guilty of gross
deception cannot be denied. But this is not the only
imputation to which they are open. If, as they pro
fessed to believe, the honour of the British Crown
required the uninterrupted discharge of all the liabUities
incurred by the first Convention, then they did not act
honourably towards the Emperor of Russia in imposing

152 CONTRADICTIONS. ch. ix.
upon him an entirely new condition for their fulfil
ment of what they recognized as an honourable engage
ment — in compeUing him to enter into a distasteful
bargain for the continuance of a payment which, if
their theory were true, they had no right to withhold.
The story of contradictions does not end here. The
Auditor of the Exchequer, Lord GrenvUle, a statesman
of the first rank, having expressed grave doubts as to
the legality of any issue for the dividend faUing due in
January 1832, they were overcome by the opinion of
the Law Officers that the money ought to be paid
pursuant to the Act of 1815 ; but at the beginning of
June — the, untU then, hidden Convention of November
1831 being stUl unratified, and aU the circumstances
being therefore precisely the same as before — the
Treasury informed Messrs. Hope that without the
sanction of ParUament they had no authority to make
any further payment. What was declared to be re
quired by law in January, was declared to be contrary
to law in July.
At last, seven months after its signature, the ratified
Convention was brought to Ught, and laid before ParUa
ment. In due course of time effect was given to it by
an Act passed, not without many sharp debates, in which
many hard facts and cogent arguments reminded the
Whigs in the hour of their triumph that even they were
falUble, On the Chancellor of the Exchequer's motion
for going into Committee to take the new Convention
into consideration on July 12, Mr, Herries, reviewing
all the past transactions, pointing out the ' extraordinary
discrepancies ' between the information tardUy given to

CH. IX. NEW MOTION OF CENSURE. 153
the House ' and all the arguments, all the statements
of His Majesty's Government on an antecedent step of
this important question,' and adding to his former
arguments against the conduct of Ministers those
furnished by their own recorded admissions, moved the
foUowing resolution : ' That it appears to this House
that the payment made by the Commissioners of the
Treasury on account of the interest due on the Russian
loan in Holland in January last, when the obUgation
and authority to make any such payment had, according
to the terms of the Convention with HoUand and
Russia, and of the Act of ParUament founded thereon,
ceased and determined, and also when a new Convention
with Russia, not then communicated to this House, had
been entered into recognising the necessity of recurring
to ParUament for power to continue such payments
under the circumstances which had attended the separa
tion between HoUand and Belgium, was an application
of the pubUc money not warranted by law.'
But although the production of the new matter
enabled the mover and his backers, Mr. Baring, Sir
Charles WetheraU, Mr, PoUock (afterwards Lord Chief
Baron) Sir Edward Sugden (Lord St. Leonards) Mr.
Croker, and the leader of the Opposition, Sir Robert
Peel — ^to show a far stronger case than in the previous
discussion in January, the resolution of censure was
negatived by the larger majority of forty- sis, several of
those in the Liberal ranks who had on the former
occasion voted against, now voting for, the Government,
whUe avowing that their opinions remamed unchanged.
Colonel Davies, one of the reformers, said that ' although

154 CONVICTIONS AND VOTES, ch, ix,
he fully concurred in the general position of the right
honourable gentleman the member for Harwich, it was
impossible for him to vote for the resolutions. . . , He
concurred with him in thinking that His Majesty's
Ministers acted Ulegally in making the payment of
January last, and that the Convention they have since
made with Russia, acknowledging that that payment was
contrary to law, has placed them in a worse situation
than they were in before,' Observing that the question
was so plain and simple that a child could understand
it, and that he could find no ground on which Ministers
could be entitled to act as they had done, the gallant
and Liberal member wound up a series of arguments
proving that then- conduct was censurable with the
declaration that he would not vote for their censure.
Mr, Joseph Hume subsequently explained that he had
' voted for the Whigs though he beUeved them to be in
the wrong,' and that 'it was his intention to support
the Government, right or wrong,' a candid avowal
which drew from Sir Robert Peel the remark : ' This I
wUl venture to say, that if any unfortunate member for
a rotten borough — for one of those condemned insti
tutions which were so condemned because men supported
Ministers against their consciences, , , , I say if any
member of those condemned boroughs had avowed that
he was ready to vote that black was white, and that
what was Ulegal in January was legal in July, we
should never have heard the last of the reprobation
which would have been launched upon the head of that
member for a borough constituency,'
It is worthy of observation, as an example of the

CH. IX. MINISTERS WITHHOLD INFORMATION, 155
high-handed way in which Parliament was treated by
the Liberal Government, that in the whole course of the
debates concerning engagements imposing onerous and
durable charges upon the British people for the benefit
of a foreign potentate, no correspondence, no documen
tary information throwing light upon the recent or upon
the previous transaction — not even the Russian memo
randum, of which the Ministerial speakers, making it
their brief, used the very words — was produced. The
communication of the bare Convention with Russia was
unaccompanied by a single elucidatory paper ; and
when Mr, Baring, on July 16, moved for those papers
which the House of Commons had a right to ask for,
the motion was met with a peremptory refusal, and
rejected by a ministerial majority of thirty-six. Such
was the expression of Liberal views of the constitutional
relations of the Crown to the House of Commons just
after the passing of the Reform BUI,
The payment of the tribute to Russia by this nation,
whose deUverance from it the senior member for Har
wich had so much at heart, wUl ' cease and determine '
in June 1915, when, at last, one hundred years after the
original imposition of the charge, the liabiUties incurred
by the late Empress Catherine for iniquitous purposes
being extinguished by the operation of the Sinking Fund,
wiU no longer be a burden upon British tax -payers.
The total sum then paid for the satisfaction of sundry
Dutch creditors of Russia wUl have amounted to con
siderably more than double the maximum contribution
of 3,000,000/, which m 1814 Great Britain undertook to
make by her agreement with Holland.''
' The aggregate amount of our payments in respect of this loan from

156 THE PALMERSTON METHOD. oh, ix.
Once again this subject was discussed in the House
of Commons in 1847, when a motion was made by Mr.
Hume,^ for the discontinuance of these payments, on
the quite untenable groimd of the annexation of Cracow
to Austria, On this occasion Lord Palmerston, having, as
he said, caused enquiry to be made at the Record Office,
laid upon the table a paper, in eleven pages (including
four pages of translation) described as ' Correspondence
relating to the Russian Dutch Loan, 1815 and 1831,'
Its contents are the extract from Lord Castlereagh's
despatch of February 13, 1815, and the ' Notice Confi-
dentieUe ' of January 26, 1831, above mentioned. This
is the whole of the information ever imparted by Lord
Palmerston to the House of Commons concerning the
correspondence of the Foreign Office on this matter, not
a single paper of any kind signed by himself (except
the Convention of 1831), nor any despatch addressed to
him by a British representative at The Hague, or at
January 1, 1816, to December 31, 1871, was 5,445,406/. 8s. 8d. The capital
redeemed was 1,166,666Z. 13s. M., leaving still to be paid oflF916,666Z. 13«. 4rf.,
bearing interest at five per cent.
^ His speech (March 4, 1847) affords a good example of the historical
ignorance which members of Parliament frequently display in debates on
foreign questions. In stating his case, and in order to make it clear, he said :
' By the fourth article of the Treaty of Vienna an agreement was entered
into between England, Russia, and Holland, respecting the Russian Dutch
loan borrowed by Holland from Russia and payable upon two conditions.'
It woidd be difficult to compress into the space of a single sentence a greater
quantity of nonsense than that which is comprised in these words. For
(1) the article cited contains no allusion whatever to England, to Holland,
or to any loan ; (2) no agreement concerning the Russian Dutch loan is
mentioned in any part of the Treaty of Vienna ; (3) the loan in question
was borrowed, not by Holland from Russia, but by the latter in the former
country ; (4) no loan was ever raised by Holland in Russia. But these
absurdities were allowed to pass without notice. Perhaps they were not
perceived.

oh. IX. CONDUCT OF THE NETHERLANDS. 157
St. Petersburg on the subject havmg been suffered to
appear. A future generation may perhaps be better
enlightened in 1915, when the suppressed papers of the
Castlereagh and Palmerston periods being, possibly,
allowed to emerge from the recesses of the Foreign Office,
this nation may at last be enabled to learn the true
and complete history of a century of debt imposed
by Russian pressure upon British weakness.
It is necessary now to mention the course pursued
by our co-partner in the transaction of 1815. Holland,
interpreting the fifth article of the Convention of that
year according to the simple and natural meaning of
its words, ceased, in 1831, to pay her portion of the
interest, &c., of the loan. But as she did not recognize
the independence of Belgium untU 1839, Russia main
tained that up to that date, at aU events, the payments
were due. The question was under discussion for many
years between the two Governments, and was finally
settled in 1850 by a Convention, by which the Nether
lands agreed to pay one mUlion and a half of florins
(the amount payable for about one year and a half —
Great Britain paid in 1831, 1,056,250 florins) and re
ceived in return quittance in full of all claims — an
arrangement implying an admission on the part of
Russia that the interpretation put upon the Convention
of 1815 by Holland and by the Tory Opposition in the
British House of Commons (notably by the member for
Harwich) was the true one ; that the Russian interpre
tation adopted by the Whig Cabinet in England was a
false one ; and that the demands acceded to by the
Government of Great Britain, but, with more spirit,

158 THE DUKE'S ATTEMPT TO FORM A CABINET, ch. ix.
rejected by the Government of the Netherlands, were
groundless, extortionate, and fraudulent.
Enough, perhaps too much, has been said of the new
way to pay old Russian debts,
A recently published letter from the Duke of
Wellmgton to WUliam IV, dated May 12, 1832,
on the subject of the Duke's abortive attempt to con
struct a Reform Cabinet when Lord Grey resigned in
consequence of the King's refusal to create a large batch
of Peers, begins with the statement that ' The Duke of
Wellington has seen in the course of this day some of
the^gentlemen mentioned by Your Majesty, The Duke
is apprehensive that Mr. Herries as well as Mr. Goul
burn wiU be unwilling to serve. . , ,'
From this it would seem that Mr, Herries's name
was suggested by the King, but that before any direct
communication had been made to him, he manifested his
determination to be no party to the proposed arrange
ment. He was frequently heard to speak of it after
wards in terms of the strongest condemnation, and
there can be no doubt that he always looked upon
the step taken by the Duke as a deplorable error of
judgment. It may safely be assumed that, firm Con-
stitutionaUst as he was, he viewed with no favour
able eye the subsequent negotiation by which the
Sovereign induced the Duke and other Peers to pledge
themselves to abandon their legislative duties in order
to avert the risk of a forced increase of the Upper
House, The following letter dated May 23, 1832 (when the
Reform BUI was in Committee of the House of Lords),

CH. IX. LETTER FROM A FRIEND. 15!)
from a friend of the Duke of Wellington has reference
to this transaction.
' The Duke thought he could not do otherwise than
assure the King that he, for one, would do nothing to
embarrass him. Having said this, he now is positive
that he cannot directly, or indirectly, take any part in
the BUI, and indeed I don't think that he could with
honour. . . , The Duke says that he was peculiarly
circumstanced, but that this need not cause others to
follow his example. He thinks it very hard that people
wUl have no judgment of their own, I reply that,
hard or not, the fact is that people look to him for
an example, and foUow the one he has set ; and that,
inconvenient as this may be in an instance like the
present, it would be quite impossible to have a Party
and act upon a system if the great mass did not act as
their chief does. Indeed I added that he would be the
first to find fault if upon general subjects every one was
acting for himself ; and that he could not be surprised
if, at a moment of great distress, there was great con
fusion when the Party found itself without a leader.
What is now to be done ? In the House of Commons
Peel wUl not stir. . , , The Duke on his part has
bound his honour not to embarrass the King, His
particular friends in the House of Lords, such as Lords
Aberdeen, Bathurst, and Rosslyn — will not move with
out him ; and indeed they seem to think that any
attempt to improve the BUI would cause the immediate
creation of Peers, , , , I come to the conviction that
there is nothing to be done. You had better see Lord
Ellenborough and consult with him. He wUl not quit

160 MR. HERRIES AND THE HOME OFFICE. ch. ix.
his post.^ He is active and intelligent and he will be
able to let you know whether by any effort we could
make there would be a possibility of rallying to such an
extent as to alter the BUI on the third reading. . , , I
hope you wUl have communicated with Lord Melbourne
respecting the projects of the PoUtical Unions, In the
desperate state to which we are reduced, I would rather
communicate with the Ministers themselves than be
overtaken by the storm without striving to avoid it.
Our leaders have left us, , . ,'
In the previous year Mr, Herries had conveyed to
the Home Office some secret intelligence probably of a
similar nature to that above alluded to. On November
21, 1831, Mr. G, Lamb, Under-Secretary of State, wrote
to him : ' I return you many thanks for the communi
cation of Mr,  's letter which, I am sorry to say, is
too much in consonance with other information from the
same quarter, , . . I have immediately transmitted it
to my brother [Lord Melbourne] accompanied with all
the cautions which you wish to be observed in any com
munications with the quarter from which it comes, and
there can be no doubt that it affords an opportunity
for availing ourselves of a most valuable channel of in
formation if dexterously used in the way you point out.
I have only to assure you that it shaU be considered
as strictly confidential, and that I feel much obUged by
the trust reposed in me, which can have no motive but
the promotion of publick security and tranquUUty.'
The following ' Rough sketch of a paper ' written
' He did not quit his post, and voted according to his convictions.

OH. IX. PAPER ON COMING ELECTIONS. 161
by Mr. Herries not long, apparently, before the passing
of the BUI, has no date.
' The question of Reform is now irrevocably decided.
All hope of any beneficial result from any combined
opposition to the measure in its present shape must be
abandoned ; and it therefore only remains for those who
have acted together as a party in opposing it to decide
what other steps they can or ought to take in order to
avert or mitigate its destructive consequences,
' Very great anxiety prevaUs among the principal
members and indeed throughout the whole body of
that Party to learn the determination or disposition of
their two leaders upon this point. Their opponents are
already active in the field for the ensuing elections, and
the Tory party must take their measures at once and
with great vigour, or give up aU chance of forming any
considerable part of the new Parliament. . . , The
isolated endeavours of individual volunteers wUl effect
Uttle in such a crisis as the present. Many generous
and resolute men wUl, no doubt, be found who wUl
spontaneously incur the expense and inconvenience of
contesting counties and boroughs upon Conservative
principles in opposition to Radical brutality. Some of
them may succeed ; but, unless there be a combined
effort, unless the majority of the Tory candidates be
invited, encouraged, and in some cases aided, by the
influence and the means of the Tory party acting under
the guidance of its acknowledged chiefs, the utmost that
can be expected from such individual exertions wUl be
the return of a fraction of that body — deprived of some
of its most active and experienced supporters, insufficient
VOL. II. M

162 CONSERVATIVE APATHY, ch. ix.
in numbers or in weight to produce any effect in a Re
formed House.
' Whether by a great combined exertion a more
successful result can be obtained is a question which
appears to require speedy attention and most deUberate
consideration. For this purpose is it not advisable —
is it not indeed urgently expedient — that the Duke of
WeUington and Sir Robert Peel should without delay
assemble the most influential of the Peers and Com
moners who act with them, and, taking these persons
into councU on the present most critical posture of our
affairs, should determine after mature deliberation what
course it may be best for the Tories as a body — ^if they
are to continue such — to pursue ? '
But they had almost ceased to be a body, and for aU
practical purposes they had no leaders. Although, as
the writer of the above paper expected, ' many generous
and resolute men ' were found ready to come forward,
the ' combined effort ' which he desired was wanting.
There was no unity of action and little disposition
generaUy to make sacrifices for a common cause. ' I
hear that there is no idea of assisting any candidate with
money,' writes one very estimable candidate ; ' so Holmes
tells us and Bonham, and all who can be supposed to
have means of knowledge,' A letter from an inteUigent
man with an Ulegible signature to Lord Aberdeen, and
by him communicated to Mr, Herries shows a dismal
prospect for the Conservatives on the eve of the General
Election at the end of 1832, ' It is impossible not to
be struck on the one hand with the great activity dis
played in various parts of the country by the reforming

CH, IX. DESPONDENCY AND DOUBT. 163
Whig and revolutionary parties ; and, on the other,
with the torpor, listlessness, and Turkish waiting upon
Providence displayed by the Conservative party. Truth
to say, there seem but the two former parties in the field,
displaying certainly all the incipient symptoms of that
rancorous hostUity which is likely to distinguish their
hereafter bearing towards each other. Arise how it
may, this apathy of the Conservative side is a fatal
presage for the future, I have been led to think that it
may be ascribed, not so much to want of faith in the
cause, as to the utter inadequacy of the agents and
agency (in former circumstances effective enough) to
grapple with the new system, . , ,'
In the disorganised remnant of the Conservative
Party after the election of the first reformed House of
Commons there was a general feeling of despondency,
which the attitude and tone of its leader was not
calculated to lessen. Right or wrong, the beUef was
common that he wished to abandon his foUowers, whom
he no longer seemed to care to direct or encourage. The
complaint was universal that no one knew what were
his views. Even those who had been most in his confi
dence found it difficult to obtain from him any clear
indications of policy, as the foUowing letter shows,
< January 4, 1838.
' My dear Herries, — Being desirous of eliciting from
Peel his opinions and views as to the course which it
would be most expedient for us to pursue in ParUament,
I wrote to him when I was last at Cambridge. My
letter stated what I considered to be the difficulties of
our situation — suggested the importance of perfect union
M 2

164 THE LEADERS, ch, ix.
and complete concert with aU who called themselves,
Conservative, as the only hope of keeping a party to
gether, and urged that without a strong party, strong
in union more than in numbers, there was no hope of
our being of any use, I enclose you his reply which I
received this morning, I agree TTith his general view,
though I feel the difficulty of maintaining the neutral
position which he recommends, I am sorry to see
(what perhaps others would not observe) stiU an un-
wUlingness to unite cordiaUy with the Ultras, but this
may easUy be softened by our joint management. Of
course the letter is for your private information, and
when you have read it you will return it to me, I am
obliged to divide it into two letters, as it is over weight
for one  Yours, &c,, ,^ Goulburn,'
Even as to the Duke of Wellington's steadfastness,
distrust, though quite unfounded, seems to have been
felt in some quarters. Idle reports were circulated of
his intention to give up politics and leave England.
To Mr, Herries, who thought that such rumours were
likely to have an injurious effect, the Duke wrote as
follows :
' Belvoir Castle : January 5, 1883,
' My dear Herries, — Arbuthnot has shown me a
letter from you on the subject of the paragraph in the
' Morning Post,' ' Standard,' &c,, respecting my Intention
of going abroad. It is difficult to judge what was the
Intention of these Gentry in publishing such an article ;
which, tUl I saw your letter, I considered a matter of
indifference. It is still more difficult to contradict the

OH. IX, THE DUICE TO HERRIES. 165
existence of an Intention excepting from authority ; but
as I never have had, so I never wUl have anything to
say to any of the newspapers,
' But the Intention is supposed to exist because there
has been a reduction of EstabUshments, servants, &c.
This fact may be contradicted if it is judged necessary.
In fact I have as many servants as I have ever had ;
and more horses because I am in the habit of going out
hunting more frequently than heretofore,
' No EstabUshment has been diminished, not even
that for preserving Game ; notwithstanding that since
the enactment of the Game BUI to put down poaching
there has been such an increase of that crime, as that
there is no Game to preserve,
' This is all that can be said upon the subject. But
I would prefer to say nothing ; and to leave this Lye to
take the usual course ; that is to be the wonder of nine
days ; and to be the subject of various anonymous and
abusive letters to myself ; and then be forgotten, unless
others should wish it to be contradicted by a contra
diction of the facts, BeUeve me ever yours most
suicerely, i yr ,
A letter received shortly before the meeting of the
new ParUament from Sir Robert Peel exhibits a balance
of inconveniences to be calculated,
' I have only this moment got your letter. ... I
hope it is true that the Radicals mean to declare war
against the Government — I am adverse to any course of
proceeding on our part which should justify the Govern-

166 PEEL TO HERRIES, ch, ix.
ment in the eyes of the country in forming a cordial
union with the Radicals, That I think would be
tantamount to positive destruction, because it would be
tantamount to the adoption of the views and principles
of the Radicals, and their practical enforcement through
the Crown and Government,
' At the same time I cannot advise us to make
any compromise of the principles which we have main
tained by acquiescing in any declarations of opinion
which may be proposed in the address with one or other
of two views — either to compel us to such a compromise
or to expose our numerical weakness by refusing to
make it. Of the two in my judgment the exposure of
our weakness wiU be the least evU,
' I hardly think it worth whUe to notice the very
foolish and mischievous reports countenanced, if not
propagated by our journals — of junctions with the
Government or at least coquetting with the Government
by individuals. Disunion of the Conservative party on
any ground would be bad enough — but disunion on
the ground of individual accessions to a Government
constituted like the present would be an intolerable evil.
' The reports originate possibly in the surmise that
there are differences among the members of the Cabinet
— surmises for which the language of the ' Times,' and
the ' Globe ' seem to afford ample foundation. What
ever be their origin, they have none in any communica
tion, direct or indirect, on any matter of pubUc concern
with me or with any one to my knowledge. Ever most
faithfully yours, 'R. P,'

CH, IX. CROKER AND 'THE QUARTERLY.' 167
About this time there began a series of letters
fi'om Mr. Croker concerning his political articles for
the ' Quarterly Review,' On January 10, 1833, he
wrote :
' Dear Herries, — . . , , I have obtained leave to show
.the enclosed to some one who can say whether it suits
the views of our party — pray look at it — alter on the
margin what you please. Your notes will only be seen
by me, K the paper be altogether wrong, say so ; for
we wish to keep the Review a good Tory on all points.
When you have done, return the paper to my address
at Mr, Murray's over the way [Mr, Herries then lived in
Albemarle Street, opposite to the eminent publisher's],
Y°^^^"^'^' 'J, W. Croker.
' The article is nearly twice too long ; any omissions
therefore which you would suggest would be very
acceptable advice,'
Letters from the same writer asking for information
or criticism were frequent during many years. One
without date of year, says : ' Many thanks for your
exceUent advice, to which I shaU give effect, , . , Lord
George Seymour has called in with a report that the D.
of W, is going to Ireland as L.L. If you hear that I
am made Bishop of Waterford you may equally be
lieve it, , . .'
Although the Conservative Opposition during the
Sessions of 1833 and 1834 was impotent and dis
heartened, the member for Harwich did not desert his
ParUamentary duties. He never spoke for the sake of

168 HOUSE of commons, ch. ix.
speaking without a practical purpose, but on several
questions of importance he expressed his opinions — as, for
example, on the renewal of the Bank Charter BUI, when,
together with Sir Robert Peel, he strenuously opposed
the provision for making Bank notes a legal tender — on
the Slavery Abolition BiU, when he strongly objected,
not indeed to its principle, which he approved, or to the
grant of 20,000,000/. as compensation, which he thought
equitable, to the planters, but on constitutional grounds,
from which he never swerved in the least, to the dis
cretionary power given to the Government as to the
mode of raising the money, asserting, as he always did,
the absolute right of the House of Commons to determine
the conditions of loans — and on various other subjects.
He was once even imprudent enough to bring forward
an Indian case, such as neither the House nor the
pubUc can ever be induced to pay attention to, advo
cating in a long speech the cause of the King of Oude
against the Board of Control,
Among the changes introduced by the Whig Minis
try, one important measure for the thorough reform of
one of our most ancient institutions — the Exchequer —
by the aboUtion of many offices become useless — ^those
of Auditor, the Clerk of the Pells, the four TeUers,^
with their subordinates — and the substitution of
simpler forms in accordance with modern habits of
' A special exception was made by the BUI in the case of Lord Camden,
whose office was retained as a mark of respect for the public spirit displayed
by him in spontaneously giving up to the nation during many years con
siderable emoluments to which he was fully entitled, and amounting in the
aggregate to upwards of a quarter of a million. He was a staunch Tory —
a friend and disciple of Pitt.

ch. IX. REFORM OF THE EXCHEQUER. 169
business, for the antiquated and cumbrous machinery
belonging to the times of the Norman Kings, with its
tallies, grotesque notation, barbarous Latin jargon, and
impracticable system of Roman numerals, received the
cordial approval of Mr. Herries, at whose suggestion
some improvements were made in the detaUs of the BiU.
He took an opportunity of pointing out, as Lord GranvUle
Somerset had previously noticed, that in fact it was
mainly founded upon the labours of a Royal Commis
sion presided over by himself, which had been ap
pointed in 1830, when the Duke of WeUington was in
office, to enquire into the management of the Revenue.
It appears, indeed, that the matter had been long under
consideration ; for in the appendix to the Report of
another Commission in 1831, there is a letter from the
Clerk of the Pells in 1828, stating that early in the
previous year he had received communications from the
ChanceUor of the Exchequer (Mr. Robinson) and the
Secretary of the Treasury (Mr. Herries) directing his
attention to the possible simplification of business, and
reduction of estabUshment, which might be effected by
the consoUdation of existing offices.
The reform of the ancient procedure of the Exchequer
was indirectly associated with the destruction of the
ancient seat of the Legislature of England at the last
moment of the existence of the first reformed House of
Commons. The old talUes which represented the admin
istrative history of this nation during many centuries
having been doomed to the flames, lighted the fire which
consumed the venerable Palace of Westminster, rich
in the glorious memories of that Parliamentary history

170 PEEL CABINET. ch. ix.
which long before the year 1832 was studied with ad
miration by the civiUzed world.
When Sir Robert Peel was hastUy summoned from
Rome to assume the direction of the Government at the
end of 1834, he offered to Mr, Herries a seat, which was
accepted, in his shortlived Cabinet, with the office of
Secretary at War — a Department with the business of
which Mr, Herries was, from old experience, weU
acquainted. He had not been long installed when he
received (on January 5, 1835), from the new Prime
Minister the communication of a confidential letter to the
Duke of Wellington, expressing Sir Robert Peel's desire
that the King's speech should, if possible, announce the
fact that, notwithstanding aU former reductions, the esti
mates of the year 1838 were lower than 'any preceding
estimates since 1793, and that the head of each Depart
ment should commence without delay a consideration of
what retrenchments could be made consistently with
the true and permanent interests of the pubUc service —
but adding that he would not purchase the advantage
of such a declaration by any reduction that could not
safely be made.
The Premier's wishes were fully entered into by the
Secretary at War, who yielded to no member of the
House of Commons — not even to Mr, Joseph Hume
himself, as he once told that gentleman in debate — ^ia
love of economy. It has already been shown how eager
he was for retrenchment after the Peace, and again in
1827. Carrying out his own constant views he framed
those Army Estimates for 1835, which many years
afterwards were held up by the Manchester school as a

ch. IX, RETRENCHMENT. ELECTIONS, 171
model for peipetual imitation, and even now seem
occasionally to be looked back upon with fond, but
unavailing, regret. They were in fact lower than any
estimates which have ever been voted since 1793, the
first year of the Great Revolution War, Perhaps they
were too low. Such, indeed, appears to have been, some
years later, the impression of the Minister who pre
sented them to ParUament, It must, however, be
presumed that they were not laid before the House of
Commons without the previous consideration and ap
proval of the Duke of WeUington,
The foUowing letters TPritten during the progress of
the General Election show what appeared to be the
Ministerial prospects, ' January 10, 1835,
' My dear Peel, — The accounts from the boroughs
this morning are not so good as those of yesterday.
Out of 21 members returned we have only 7. The
balance is therefore materiaUy changed. It now stands
thus : For, 138 ; Against, 133 ; Hopeful, 17 ; Doubt
ful, 3.
' Among our hopefuls and doubtfuls there are two
or three respecting some of whom Bonham thinks you
can give some account. . . . But the faUure of the
Lords and Secretary of the Admiralty is stUl the most
pressing subject of difficulty. I have been so strongly
impressed with it, that I wrote last night to Shaw to
suggest to him the great importance of putting Sir
George Cockburn into an Irish borough, if there were
yet time for it, and any one were avaUable for the
purpose. It occurred to me that Kinsale might be so.

172 CORRESPONDENCE, ch, ix,
I hope I did right. There was no time to be lost, and
I had no person to advise with here. If you approve
of my suggestion, you wUl perhaps write to Shaw in
the same sense. , . , Now that Grant has lost his
chance of a seat, may not Patrick Stewart be put on the
Ust of persons from which you wiU have to choose your
Chairman of Ways and Means? I think he is in favour
with the House, and might be more easUy carried than
a pure Tory  Truly yours, , j ^^ Herries,'
' January 10, 1835,
* My dear Praed, — I despatched your servant yester
day with the " yes " which you said would suffice for
him. That is not the usual answer carried away from
this office, I assure you,
' You have done admirably weU, and it is with more
satisfaction than I can weU express that I confess my
self in the case of Yarmouth to have been a false
prophet, and a vain Croker, I trembled for you, I
thought it but fair to send your letter to Peel, who is at
Brighton, , , ,
' We are doing quite as weU as I expected in the
country. We have a clear majority on the whole of the
returns up to this date, and I feel tolerably confident
that we shaU maintain it to the end. But it wUl be a
bare majority. Truly yours, , j_ ^^ Herries,'
' January 11, 1836,
' My dear Herries, — I return Praed's letter. He
has fought a good fight and his triumph is a very use
ful one.

CH. IX. CORRESPONDENCE, 173
' Bonham's calculations are the most flattering I
have seen as to numbers. I am the last to despair of
success in the great contest in which we are engaged,
' My confidence arises less from the returns them
selves than from the conviction that we shaU do all
that can be reasonably and justly required, and that, in
spite of clamour and menace, reason and justice wiU
stUl prevail,
' A good infusion of  s  s and  s is by
no means to be deprecated. The violence of such empty,
frothy feUows as Dr,  , is of no disservice to a
Government, Ever yours, ' Robert Peel,'
Same date.
' I write one line to say that I quite agree with you
as to Cockburn, and that I think the suggestion of
Patrick Stewart worthy of the fuUest consideration. . ,
In spite of returns, and occasional mishaps, I have a
confidence in our success which arises mainly from this
reflection : — If what we shaU propose to the House of
Commons wiU not satisfy — who are the men that wUl
propose that something which is to satisfy ?
' I do not hesitate to say that I feel that I can do
more than any other man can who means his reforms
to work practicaUy, and who respects, and wishes to
preserve, the British Constitution,
' I think this must ultimately prevail, and attract
for us more support than we at present calculate upon,
' However, though God knows as utterly indifferent
to the tenure of my present post as any man can be
on all private grounds, I am very confident and very

174 EXCHEQUER BILLS. oh, ix,
sanguine — and though this is not sufficient to ensure
success, I am sure despondency and despair would at
once prevent it. Ever yours, , -^^^^^^ p^^^_,
The attention of the Secretary at War seems not to
have been confined to the business of his own depart
ment and the general poUcy of the Cabinet, Evidence
of his having been consulted on administrative questions
not connected with his office is afforded by a long letter,
in many sheets, in answer to enquiries from Sir Robert
Peel, on Exchequer BUls, their origin, nature, history,
uses, and possible dangers, with some suggestions of an
eventual change of system in their issue, for the sake of
greater security. The foUowing passages in this paper
appear to have some historical interest,
' The counterbalancing objection to these advantages
is the very great possible, though not probable, danger
to which the Treasury is exposed by the existence of a
debt professedly payable on the demand of the creditor
without any means of making that payment if it should
be actuaUy demanded. The present practice is to ad
vertise periodicaUy the payment of aU Exchequer BUls
more than a twelvemonth old with an offer to the
holders to give new BUls in lieu of money if they desire
it. This is done in fuU confidence that the money will
not be caUed for — and generaUy with the perfect cer
tainty that, if it should be demanded, it would not be
forthcoming at the Exchequer.
' The enormous danger that may arise under this
system was exemplified at the period of the Panic tn
1825, There is little doubt but that the shock to

CH. IX. RESIGNATION OF MESTISTERS. 175
PubUc Credit which produced such terrible results on
that occasion was increased by the course which the
Treasury was compelled to adopt with respect to
Exchequer BUls. The period for advertising a large
portion of them happened to fall in with the first indica
tions of alarm and distress in the City. Exchequer BUls
fell to a discoimt, and no doubt could be entertained
that if the advertisement had been published in the
usual manner, money would have been demanded for
nearly the whole amount. In that case the Exchequer
would have been bankrupt. Some delay consequently
took place before an arrangement could be made with
the Bank for meeting the emergency ; but the mere
postponement of the advertisement became an additional
source of alarm and pressure, , , ,'
To the weU-known history of the brief struggle
which ended in the resignation of the Ministers there is
nothing to be added. They gladly withdrew from an
untenable position, into which they had been brought
by circumstances not the consequences of their own
acts. His own sentiments as well as those of aU his
colleagues on the termination of the hopeless contest
were, no doubt, correctly expressed by Mr, Herries,
when he wrote in a private letter on April 19 : 'We
shaU probably be out of office to-morrow ; and, so far
as we are personally concerned, I am sure that there is
not one of us who wUl not feel the release as a most
welcome deUverance from a most painful burthen,'
A first visit to Italy, where he passed several months
in the foUowing year, afforded to Mr, Herries a pleasant
and a wholesome change from House of Commons

176 VISIT TO ITALY, ch. ix,
business, and the worry of party politics. The keen
enjoyment which he derived from the study of art and
antiquity, of which he was a true lover, without dUet-
tantist affectation, was lessened only by the contempla
tion of the effects of misrule in many parts of the
Peninsula, and especiaUy at Rome, where his own
observation, confirming him in the opinion he had
always entertained, made him more than ever deplore
the part taken by Great Britain in the restoration of the
most odious and the most contemptible of aU European
Governments. ' Once overthrown,' he would say, ' it
never ought to have been aUowed to be set up again ;
and, if we could not prevent the re-estabUshment of
such a system, at any rate we ought not to have had a
hand in it.' Government by Priests appeared to him
hardly, if at aU, less offensive than government by mobs.
The duty of an Opposition, said Mr. Tierney, is
threefold — always to oppose — never to propose — and to
turn out the Government. That duty was upon the
whole fairly well discharged by the Conservative adver
saries of Lord Melbourne's Cabinet, But it can hardly
be said that their proceedings — or indeed those of the
Government — during the first three or four years at
least, had a very interesting character. It may indeed
be doubted whether any portion of our ParUamentary
and poUtical history since the accession of George
III, is so little attractive to present readers as that
which comprised the existence of the Melbourne Ad
ministration. To the general tediousness of the debates
of the greater part of this period Mr. Herries contributed
little or nothing, but, on the other hand, with perhaps

oh. IX. METROPOLITAN IMPROVEMENTS. 177
more advantage to the public, he took a considerable
share of Parliamentary work of a practically useful kind.
He was one of the most active members of the Committee
of 1838, and subsequent sessions, on Metropolitan Im
provements — a subject in which he never ceased to take
the most lively interest — to whose recommendations we
owe the formation of many new thoroughfares, such as
the prolongation of Oxford Street ; the extension of
Cannon Street ; the line from PiccadiUy to St, Martin's
Lane; the enlargement of the approaches to London
Bridge ; and other additions to previously existing
means of communication.
The greater part, if not the whole, of the second, the
most comprehensive. Report of 1838, was written by
Mr, Herries,
On the great PrivUege question of Stockdale and
Hansard, when the House of Commons, not venturing
to punish the Lord Chief Justice of England and the
other Judges whose decisions it condemned, or the
Juries who had given verdicts adverse to its pretensions,
visited with its wrath the Plaintiff in actions which it
had more than once directed the Attorney- General to
defend, the Plaintiff's solicitor, the solicitor's clerk, and
the Sheriffs, who, under pain of attachment for default,
had executed the judgment of the Court of Queen's
Bench, — when night after night the subjects of debate
were the hazardous shortness of the neck of one incar
cerated Sheriff, and the perilous ' turgescence ' of the liver
of the other — Mr. Herries, differing entirely from the
Conservative leader, whom he respected and honoured,
but would not blindly follow, and beUeving that the
VOL. II, N

178 PRIVILEGE QUESTION, ch. ix.
course pursued was arbitrary, Ulegal, unjust, subversive
of judicial independence, dangerous to the liberty of the
subject, and derogatory to the dignity of the House
itself, voted repeatedly in the opposing minority, in the
lists of which his name — the only one of the lay Con
servative members of the rank of Privy CouncUlor — is
to be found along with those of C. Cresswell, Sir W.
FoUett, W. E. Gladstone, T. Pemberton, Sir F. PoUock,
Sir E. Sugden, F. Kelly, &c., &c., against the majority
composed of Ministerialists, advanced Radicals, and Sir
Robert Peel's supporters. Though he did not think
himself called upon to attempt to add anything to the
arguments of the eminent lawyers whose views he shared,
his feeling on this question was very strong. He held
the opinion that in the famous precedent case of Ashby
and White Chief- Justice Holt and the House of Lords
were in the right, and the House of Commons in the
wrong. Being convinced that ' neither House of Parlia
ment hath any power by any vote or declaration to
create to themselves any new privUege that is not
warranted by the known laws and customs of Parlia
ment,' and applying to the present occasion the words
of the Lords' resolutions of 1 704, he came to the con
clusion that ' The House of Commons , , , had assumed
to themselves alone a legislative authority by pretending
to attribute the force of a law to their declaration, had
claimed a jurisdiction not warranted by the Constitution,
and had assumed a new privUege to which they could
have no title by the laws and customs of Parliament,
and thereby, so far' as in them lay, subjected the rights
of Englishmen and the freedom of their persons to the

ch. IX. STATE OF THE FINANCES. 179
arbitrary votes of the House of Commons.' Arbitrary
violence in any shape, whether exercised by the Crown
or by the House of Commons, he abhorred. The only
mode of government which appeared to him tolerable
was that of government by law — fixed, defined, known —
and he refused to recognise the validity'' of any ' tyrant's
plea,' under cover of which a bare majority of the
House of Commons might destroy all securities for pro
perty, Uberty, or even life, and substitute for English
freedom, and EngUsh justice, the execrable despotism of
a French Convention. But although he was opposed
to the claim of the House to make a privilege whatever
it might at any time think proper to declare to be such,
he at the same time thought that the absolute right of
publication ought to be secured to Parliament by law.
He therefore rejoiced at the rational termination of an
unseemly conflict by an act of legislation which might
have prevented it.
WhUe this question was stiU pending, the existence,
becoming more precarious every day, of the Melbourne
Cabinet received from the member for Harwich the
rudest shock which it had sustained since its temporary
resignation in 1839.
The condition of the finances was deplorable, and
there was no prospect of improvement. Instead of
having an annual surplus available for the reduction of
debt, the country had faUen into a state of chronic
deficit, which grew year by year, and the only remedy
for which appeared to be increased taxation. On
February 13, 1840, Mr. Herries made a motion for
accounts and estimates, to throw light upon the subject
N 2

180 MR. herries's motion. . ch. ix.
to which he forcibly drew the attention of the House,
' The finances of the country,' he said, ' now presented
such an aspect, and things had now arrived at such a
pass, that it became the imperative duty of a faithful
House of Commons to look the affairs of the nation in
the face . . , at. a moment when their financial affairs
were in a state which he did not scruple to designate as
most dangerous. The duty which the House would
have to perform was one of an extremely painful nature,
and the painfulness of that duty was in no sUght degree
increased by the reflection that we were now in the
twenty-sixth year of peace,' Admitting that his
motion was unusual, he argued that it was justified by
unusual circumstances, ' Was it too much to ask that
Ught should be let in upon a state of things respecting
which the public were as yet ignorant and uninformed ?
, . . .The conditions and prospects of the country were
such as to render the information which he sought of
immense importance. There existed with reference to
it extreme solicitude in the public mind. There was no
society into which he went where he did not hear en
quiries made, surmises hazarded, and a universal anxiety
manifested ; there was no person with whom he con
versed that did not appear fuU of apprehension as to the
prospects of the country.' He pointed out that in 1837
there had been a deficiency of 726,000/, ; in 1838, of
440,000/, ; m 1839, of 1,512,000/,, making a total of
2,678,000/, ; which he calculated would be raised at
the end of 1840 to the aggregate deficit of ceaftainly
4,678,000/,, or, probably, of nearly six millions. Such
disastrous results he contrasted with those of the period

ca. IX. DEFEAT OF MINISTERS. 181
of peace between 1817 and 1828, when by means of a
large surplus income ' there had been a reduction of
3,500,000/, on the charge of the debt, while in the same
time 26,000,000/, of taxes had been taken off ; ' and of
that of the Duke of Wellington's Administration when
the Chancellor of the Exchequer had reduced taxes
to the amount of between 6,000,000/, and 7,000,000/,
a year, and had stiU left a surplus revenue to his
successor. Lord Althorp, of 3,000,000/, While he
' believed that there never existed a more solemn obliga
tion on the House than at this time, to take proper
steps to put a stop to the present financial embarrass
ments of the country,' he recommended the House,
however, ' to guard themselves against forming an ex
aggerated or too gloomy view of the general state
and situation of the country, , , , He believed that our
resources were unimpaired, that, indeed, we were more
competent than at any former period of our history to
make great exertions, . , . He utterly repudiated the
fooUsh saying that England was laid prostrate under
the weight of its seven hundred mUlions of debt, , , .'
The motion was carried against the Government by
a majority of ten, in which the names of two such
decided Liberals as Mr, Grote and Mr, Hume appear.
This defeat on a matter of primary importance was a
' heavy blow and a very great discouragement,' from
which the tottering Cabinet never entirely recovered.
From a Member of ParUament Mr. Herries received the
following note of approval : — ' It is impossible to write
to you without congratulating you on Thursday last.
I do so most sincerely. Notwithstanding a tearing

182^ EASTERN QUESTION, cH. ix.
cough, I Ustened to every word you said, and a more
clear and conclusive statement, and one more damaging
to our opponents I never heard, I believe that night
to have been le commencement de la fin.''
Among a variety of letters of the year 1840, there
appears the foUowing curious note addressed to Mr,
Herries a few days after the signature of the famous
Quadruple Treaty of July 15, by one of the plenipoten
tiaries, an old acquaintance,
' Could you muzzle the  's [a Conservative
journal] nonsense on the Eastern Question, which he
does not understand? The writer of the two leading
articles of yesterday and to-day does not see that he is
playing the game of France and spoUing ours, , , ,'
The veteran diplomatist knew the character of his
correspondent, whose aid he solicited to prevent embar
rassment to the policy of the Government, He knew
that he was writing to a man who although strongly
attached to his party, and a decided opponent of the
Liberal Ministry, would never, like the Liberals during
the whole of the great war, sacrifice national interests
to party animosity, A question here presents itself
Is it not in the highest degree probable that the step
taken by the foreign plenipotentiary to obtain the inter
vention of a leading member of the Conservative
Opposition was made known to Lord Palmerston in
the course of the frequent conversations which must
have been held on the state of affairs ; if, indeed, the
intention to take it was not previously communicated to
his Lordship, who may possibly even have suggested
the writinii' of the note ?

CH. IX, DIPLOMACY AND THE PRESS, 183
Taking the same view as his diplomatic friend, Mr,
Herries lost no time in recommending the matter to the
attention of a political manager, from whom he received
the foUowing answer : —
' Your correspondent is quite right in saying that
the articles in question are playing the game of France,
but not equaUy so, I suspect, in supposing that the
writer does not understand the question. Whether he
misstates I know not, but am satisfied that he does
understand the question. Between ourselves, they come
from a person who has some knowledge at least of the
French poUcy on the Eastern affairs ; , . . but if you
could satisfy me that the course taken by the paper
(which commits only itself) is injurious to the Party,
I have probably sufficient influence with  to stop
the course, or at least I would try it ; but, as at present
advised, though approving Palmerston's policy, I see no
harm that can arise from the paper's taking its own line.
After all, however, when we talk of Party, does one
remain, for any useful purpose? '
At the time when one of Lord Palmerston's political
adversaries, moved by patriotic sentiments, showed his
anxiety to sUence some of the assailants of the Minister
who was engaged at a most critical moment in defend
ing the permanent interests of England, one of Lord
Palmerston's own colleagues was, far more dangerously
than the Conservative journal, 'playing the game of
France,' and domg his best to ' spoU ours,' Lord
Holland, a cosmopolite, whose patriotic sentiments were
never so strong as his sympathies with foreigners of
various sorts, was, indeed, at this moment ' a live shell

184 BUDGET DEBATES, ch. ix.
in the Cabinet,' the intended explosion of which would
have destroyed not only Lord Palmerston's position and
policy, but together with them the credit of England
and her power in the East.
Mr, Herries approved Lord Palmerston's policy in
1840, and did not believe that it would lead to war —
from which, if necessary, he would not have shrunk
then, or at any other time. His views do not seem to
have been shared completely by the generality of his
party, if the foUowing passage in a letter written to
him in October by the confidential manager before
aUuded to may be taken as an indication of prevalent
Conservative opinion, ' With my general deference to
your judgment, I yet entirely doubt the possibility of
avoiding war.'
In the foUowing year Mr, Herries took an active
part in the long and agitated debates on the financial
and commercial policy of the Government, which ended
in its defeat by a majority of thirty-six. In the first
debate, or conversation, upon the weU-known Budget
of 1841, he observed that ' although he would not enter
into the general question as to the two first propositions
respecting timber and sugar, yet after what he had
heard from the President of the Board of Trade (Mr.
Labouchere) he thought he went very nearly with him.
As he understood that gentleman, his object was not
to bring forward any sweeping or general measure of
alteration in our commercial code. He did not embrace
the views of the Import Duties Committee : he did
not say, there should be no protection ; but he had
endeavoured to arrive — whether he had or not was a

cu. IX. huskisson and IIERUIES. 185
question for future discussion — at tliat point which
afforded the requisite degree of protection, consulting at
the same time the interests of the consumer. And
he could assure the right honourable gentleman that
when he brought forward single cases in this way, as
any demand for reUef might arise, and founded on such
principles, he would find no one more wUling to give
such propositions a fair and impartial consideration
than himself.'
The foUowing passages may also be quoted from a
somewhat earUer speech in a debate concerning import
duties in British colonies, as indications of the speaker's
views on the subject of Protection, They likewise show
what were, and alwaj^s had been, his sentiments with
regard to the commercial poUcy of Mr, Huskisson, to
wards whom systematic hostUity has been falsely
attributed to him by sundry diarists, letter- writers, and
pamphleteers, AUuding to the Report of the Import
Duties Committee, he said : ' He felt and admitted the
actual necessity of carrying much further the enquiry
whether there should or should not be a continuance of
protecting duties. He begged to remind the House
that Mr. Huskisson endeavoured, by the effect of his
legislation, to adjust, not to abrogate, protecting duties,
Mr, Huskisson endeavoured to find the point at which
protecting duties were indispensably necessary, and he
proposed to dispense with every shackle upon commerce
that was not necessary, , . , For his own part, he felt
bound to express the great satisfaction he felt upon every
occasion when any measure proposed and carried into
effect upon the legislation promoted by Mr, Huskisson

186 LORD JOHN RUSSELL, ch. ix,
produced the benefits which had been anticipated.
He himself, so far as his humble endeavours went, had
always acted with Mr, Huskisson in the promotion of
the principles which that statesman entertained on this
subject. He had never, on the subject of the principles
of free trade, had any difference of opinion from that
right honourable gentleman, and he could say, as aU
those who had acted with him could say — those who
had been spoken of as Uliberal, whUe Mr, Huskisson
had been praised as Uberal — . . . . that they had
given a most cordial concurrence in aU those measures
which Mr, Huskisson had proposed, , , . Mr. Huskis
son never was an indiscriminate promoter of free trade,
and it was equally unjust to suppose that those who
acted with him were not as Uberal as he was in the view
which he took in adapting our commercial system at the
close of the war, and in a new state of things, to that of
other countries, and in reUeving our commerce from aU
those shackles that could possibly be dispensed with, , ,'
Lord John RusseU, foUowing Mr. Herries, said that
' he wished to address a few observations to the House
after the right honourable gentleman who had just sat
down, because, interesting as this conversation rather
than debate had been, there was no speech from which
lie had derived greater satisfaction than that of the
right honourable gentleman. He agreed with him in
his description of the general policy of Mr, Huskisson,
although, perhaps, there was something to be added to
that description. He was pleased, however, to hear
that in that poUcy , , , , the colleagues of Mr, Huskis
son had cordially concurred, , , , It was well known,

OH. IX. HERRIES'S POLITICAL I'OSITION. 187
too, that Mr. Canning. . . . eagerly supported the
prmciples involved in those measures. The right
honourable gentleman (Mr, Herries) opposite had
himself declared his adherence to them ; and he re
joiced to hear from testimony so valuable and undeni
able that such principles were likewise to be found
amongst the most enlightened of the party to which the
right honourable gentleman belonged, , , ,'
• The language used by Lord John Russell, and by
other distinguished members on the Ministerial side of
the House, marks the importance of the political position
which belonged to Mr, Herries in the judgment of his
contemporaries. The ChanceUor of the Exchequer
(Mr, F, Baring) spoke of him as the individual who
had more practical experience in financial matters than
any other member, Mr. Charles VUliers, the able and
consistent advocate of the repeal of the Corn Laws long
before Mr. Cobden's appearance on the poUtical stage,
rising to reply to Mr. Herries m the sugar debate, said
that ' he had Ustened to the right honourable member
with great interest, for knowing that he had been con
nected with the finances of the country, and expecting
that he might soon be so again, he was anxious to learn
his views on the state of that 'financial emergency in
which he had described the country to be placed. , , .'
From these and many other expressions it was quite
manifest that on the Ministerial side of the House
Mr, Herries was looked upon as the person most likely
to become the ChanceUor of the Exchequer in a new
Administration,

188 LOSS OF SEAT. oh. x.

CHAPTER X.
Herries driven by evictions from Harwich : beaten by bribery at Ipswich ;
not included in Peel Cabinet — Satisfactory assurances from Prime
Minister — Correspondence with him and Goulburn — Herries out of office
consulted by ministers — His correspondence with Sir R. Peel and
Chancellor of the Exchequer on new plan of finance, &c. — Metropolis
Improvements Commission — Thames Embankment, &c.
Mr. Herries, who had contributed not a Uttle assistance
towards the discomfiture of the Melbourne Ministry, was
not one of the great Conservative majority which in a
new ParUament carried Sir Robert Peel triumphantly
into power for the protection of British agriculture. He
found that the Whig Government had at last become too
strong for him at Harwich, where intimidation and
eviction had done their work so surely as to render his
re-election impossible without bribery, to which he never
would resort. His principal supporter for many years
— a gentleman of high respectability and considerable
local influence — was driven away from the borough by
the destruction of his business as a ship-buUder, which
he had for a long time carried on in premises belonging
to the Crown, His steady adherence to the Tory
member, whom the Government were bent on ejecting,
after having procured for him, as weU as others, a series
of vexations, finally caUed forth a peremptory notice,
enforced with needless harshness, to quit his shipyard,
slips, dweUing-house, workshops, &c,, &c, A copy of
tliis document is extant, signed by the Postmaster-

OH. X. EVICTION AND BRIBERY. 189
General, two Commissioners of Woods and Forests, and
two Lords of the Treasury. Such was the manner in
which freedom of election was maintained by a Liberal
Ministry seven years after the passing of the Reform
Bill to secure the perfect representation of the people,
undisturbed by undue influence and especially that of
wicked Tory landlords. The Whig Government ' did
what they pleased with their own.'
Banished from his old seat by the decree of those in
power, Mr. Herries was induced by delusive calculations
in a luckless hour to offer himself at the General Election
as a candidate — ^in conjunction with the late Sir Fitz-
roy KeUy — for the borough of Ipswich, where, to their
great surprise, the two Conservatives were defeated. But
the election of their Liberal opponents was in the ensu
ing session declared void by reason of bribery. Upon
this mischance Sir Robert Peel wrote to Mr. Herries on
July 4 : ' I am very much disappointed at your failure,
though not at all surprised that you should refiise to
resort to the means by which alone success could have
been obtained. From what I had heard before I left
London, I had sanguine hopes of your success, though
no part of them was founded on a favourable opinion of
Ipswich voters. . , , I care little as to the loss of the
seat compared with that of your valuable assistance and
support, I now wish you had tried some constituency
better qualified to form a just estimate of your value
and qualifications as a representative than these Ipswich
sentlemen,' From Mr, Goulburn also he received a
letter full of expressions of friendly sympathy : ' I hope
you cannot doubt my great regret at the issue of the

190 NEGOTIATIONS. ch. x,
Ipswich election, I do not know what your own
anticipations may have been, but I confess that my
disappointment was aggravated by the result being so
contrary to my previous expectations, I am in hopes
that your disappointment in this quarter wUl not per
manently exclude you from the House of Commons,
For as far as regards myself I can truly say — and I think
my feeling is only that of all those who have, like us,
borne the heat and brunt of the day — that there is no one
whose assistance and society I should more regret to
lose in what I may at least call days of more prosperous
fortune, . , ,'
While the petition against the sitting members
was pending, a strong desire was manifested in some
quarters to compromise the matter in the manner
fashionable among electioneering experts of the day.
Many proposals, suggestions, and hints were made with
that view to Mr, Herries, but he declined to enter into
any arrangement. To Mr, Goulburn, then just installed
in the Exchequer, in forwarding a letter concerning
some revenue business from an Ipswich local politician,
he wrote : ' The concluding paragraph of it adds to my
conviction that Wason and Rennie will be ousted on
petition. I have no doubt that if good Conservative
candidates be sent down on the vacancy the two seats
may be now secured. There is, however, a hankering
after a compromise, I have already stated to you that
I am no party to advising or encouraging such a pro
ceeding in any shape, and least of all in one which
might render me liable to the imputation of tripping up
the heels of Kelfy.' On the same subject he wrote, in

ch. X. PEEL CABINET. 191
the latter part of 1841, to a Conservative gentleman at
Ipswich : ' I have, as you know, avoided making any
statement or declaration to you upon those intimations,
— not only while I was uncertain whether Mr. Kelly
was disposed to relinquish his claims upon the borough,
but even after I had understood from you that he had
positively declared that he would have nothing more to
do with it. The truth is that it did not appear to me
to be either necessary or becoming that I should say
anything of my own views or feelings on the subject
untU some distinct proposition should be made to me.
... It is right, therefore, that you should know that
it is far from probable that I should be in a situation to
avaU myself of the good wishes of the Conservative
Party at Ipswich in the event of a vacancy, and that you
must consequently be prepared to give your support
to some other, I hope, more influential and effective
representative on the right side of politics than my
self. , , ,' Endeavours were made to find a seat for him
elsewhere, and several places were suggested as offering
fair chances of success. If his party had been still in
opposition, it is probable that he would have taken the
advice of his friends and put himself forward as a
candidate on some suitable vacancy occurring. But
as matters then stood he thought that by doing so he
might bring himself into a false position.
Against general expectation, he was not included
in the list of the new Cabinet formed on Lord Mel
bourne's resignation in September, the sole cause of
his omission being, as Sir Robert Peel himself declared,
his absence from Parliament, What passed between

192 COMMUNICATION FROM THE PREMIER. ch. x,
them on this subject is recorded in the following memo
randum of a conversation on September 10,
' Mr. Herries waited on Sir R, Peel in consequence
of a note received on the 8th making an appointment
for this day,
' Sir R, Peel received him with the greatest cordiality,
and, after a few commonplace general observations, en
tered upon the subject of the interview,
' He began by saying that he had been desirous of
communicating the matter he was about to state at an
earlier period, that he had even commenced a letter,
which he found would be a long one if he explained
himself so fully as he desired, but that his incessant and
pressing occupations, some of them of the most harass
ing and perplexing kind, had prevented him from
going on with it. He then said that he had no doubt
Mr. H, was perfectly aware of his earnest desire to have
the benefit of his services and assistance in his new
Government, and he assured him that he was fully
prepared to have recommended him for an office with a
seat in the Cabinet if the difficulty arising from his want
of a seat in Parliament had not presented such an
obstacle as he could not — circumstanced as he was with
respect to other people — contrive to overcome. He then
said there were strong claims upon him on the part of
Mr.  , Lord  , Lord  , Mr.  , &c, ; that
if he had set aside a general rule of exception which
existed in Mr, H,'s case, it would have been impossible
for him to resist the various "claims and pretensions put
forward by those and other persons ; that it had cost
him much to come to this decision, and he had done so

on. X, FRIENDLY ASSURANCES. 193
very reluctantly and with considerable regret, but that
he found himself really unable to do otherwise. He
said that Mr. H. might be well convinced of his earnest
desire to have removed this obstacle by seeing him pro
vided with a seat in Parliament by the circumstance of
his having sent the deputation from Bradford to him. . .
He said that so strongly was he desirous of having
Mr, H, for one of his colleagues, that he had been pre
pared to suggest to Sir  to waive his pretensions
on this occasion to facilitate an arrangement for Mr, H.,
and with a pretty good knowledge that he would have
experienced no difficulty in that quarter. He then
went on to say that it would be satisfactory to Mr. H.
to know that the other members of the Cabinet (and he
specificaUy mentioned Lord Stanley and Sir James
Graham) would have been well pleased with any
arrangement that should have placed Mr. H. among
them. He said that some observations had been made — -
he forgot by whom — that a difficulty might arise from
the placing of Lord Ripon and Mr. H. in the same
Cabinet. He asked Mr. H. if any such objection would
have existed on his part, and upon being answered in
the negative, he stated that he had every reason to
suppose that Lord Ripon was equally free from any
feeling incompatible with their sitting in Council to
gether with perfect cordiality.^
He added that he would at once frankly state that
if any objection had been suggested by Lord Ripon to
1 This obviously could not have been the ease if Lord Ripon had believed
that there was the least truth in Lord Palmerston's story about the imaginary
blowing up of the Goderich Ortbinet.
VOL. II. 0

194 FRIENDLY ASSURANCES. oh. x,
the admission of Mr, Herries into the Cabinet he should
in that case at once have declared that he would not
admit the objection, and that Lord Ripon could not be
a member of his Cabinet.^ He said that these statements
would convince Mr. Herries of the high estimation in
which he stood with him and of his sincere desire to have
him again for a colleague if the circumstances of his case
had allowed of it, and he added that he thought that such
declarations proceeding from him, and given in perfect
truth and sincerity, ought to be, and would be, sufficient
to remove from the mind of Mr. H.'s friends any un
pleasant feelings which they might be induced to enter
tain by the mere view of the fact of Mr. Herries's not
being included in the recently formed arrangements.
He then asked Mr, Herries whether he intended to come
into Parliament (as Mr, H. understood), his words
being, ' I suppose you wUl come into ParUament,' To
this it was answered Mr, H, did not exactly see the way
at present ; that his ability to come into Parliament
might with some constituencies depend a good deal
upon the position which he might happen to occupy
with relation to the Government,
Mr, H, then adverted to the borough of Ripon,^
and to his having suggested to Sir Robert Peel some
time back that Ripon and some other boroughs would
probably be at his disposal. Sir R, Peel observed that
with respect to Ripon Sir George Cockburn had a
^ This shows what was Sir Robert Peel's estimation of the relative value
of the twe' men.
^ About to be vacated by Sir E. Sugden on his appointment as Lord-
Chancellor of Ireland.

CH. X. CORRESPONDENCE. 195
peculiar claim, inasmuch as he had entertained an expec
tation of coming in upon a vacancy at Sandwich which
it appeared was likely now not to occur. . . .
He then expressed his hope that Mr. H. would com
municate with him as confidentially upon public matters
as usual , . , and the interview terminated in the most
friendly manner,'
It gave rise to the following correspondence: —
'September]]. 1841.
' My dear Peel, — I returned home too late to write
to 3'ou by the post yesterday, or I should not have
allowed it to depart without a few lines to assure you
that my conversation with you had afforded me very
great satisfaction in relieving my mind from an un
pleasant though undefined misgiving as to the cause of
my having heard nothing from you during the progress
of your official arrangements.
' Your frank and friendly explanation has dispelled
the vague surmises which had been haunting me ; and
I have now the certainty that not only were you
desirous of once more proposing me to the Crown for
a Cabinet office, but that such an accession to your
CouncUs would not have been unwelcome to any of
your colleagues ; my want of a seat in Parliament
being the only obstacle to your wishes in that respect.
' After these gratifying assurances from you upon a
point of so much interest and importance to me, I shall
pass into the retirement to which the unlucky result of
the Ipswich election has alone consigned me, without
any painful feeling except that of sincere regret that I
am not able in the hour of success to rejoin those ranks
0 2

196 CORRESPONDENCE. ch. x.
in which, under your guidance, through many a year
and many a turn of good and ill fortune to our common
cause, I have witnessed all the good fights and good
management which have ultimately led to it.
' I trust that I am not wrong in the understandmg
that I am at liberty to state to my own anxious and
inquiring friends what have been your feelings and
intentions in respect to my position, and what has been
the only impediment to your acting upon them. Be-
lieveme,&c., ' J. C. Herries.'
'Whitehall: September 18.
' My dear Herries, — You certainly are at liberty to
mention to any of your relations or friends with whom
you may deem it desirable to communicate upon the
subject, that if on being recently called upon by Her
Majesty to form an Administration, you had been a
member of the House of Commons, I cannot doubt that
I should have invited you to render the Government
your valuable assistance as a member of it with a seat
in the Cabinet.
' I do not believe that I should have met with the
slightest impediment in the way of such an offer from
any one of my present colleagues, and if I had, I should
not have permitted it to prevail. BeUeve me, my dear
Herries, with sincere regard, most faithfully yours,
' Robert Peel,'
A few days later another communication took place.
' September 21. — A messenger from Sir Robert Peel
arrived at i-past 5. I found him at my house on my

ch. X. A SEAT OFFERED BY SIR R. PEEL. 197
return home at ^-past 6. He brought a letter desiring my
immediate presence at Sir Robert's, on the subject of a
proposal of a seat in Parliament.
' I returned with the messenger, and found Sir
Robert at his house at 10 o'clock,
' He told me that the conduct of Sir E. Sugden had
provoked a motion by WUde to which it had been
found necessary to give waj;-, and that the writ for Ripon
had consequently been moved. This he said had in
conveniently precipitated his arrangements, and he now
offered Ripon to me m such a manner that an immediate
decision was indispensably requisite. I must go down this
night, or to-morrow by the very first train, if I accepted
the seat. He said that he had destined it for Sir George
Cockburn, but that he was glad to offer it to me in the
first instance, hoping that Cockburn might find an
opening in some other place, , , , He pomted out in
strong terms the advantages of Ripon as a seat — its
certainty — its probable permanency — the terms on which
it might be held, &c. In short, he said, it is the very
best seat in England, He added, however, that the
offer of the seat was to be considered as being unaccom
panied by any other proposal. This I understood, and
no doubt correctly, to intimate that he had no proposal
to make to me respectmg office,
' I told him that I was a great deal taken by sur
prise so far as Ripon was concerned, because in a former
interview he had apprised me of a different destination
for it, I said that I was sensible of his kindness in
making me the offer, but that my present intention was
to decline any seat under the immediate nomination of

198 OFFER DECLINED, Ch. x.
the Government at the present time, when I had so
recently been left out of the official arrangements in the
formation of it on the sole ground that I was not pro
vided with one.
' He seemed surprised by my decision, and suggested
various grounds to induce me to reconsider the matter,
I thanked him heartily for his kindness on this occasion,
and for that which he had expressed in assuring me
that he had fully intended to associate me with him in
his Cabinet if I had been in Parliament, and I expressed
my earnest hope that nothing would occur to disturb
the mutual regard between us. But I added that I felt
so strongly that I should be in a false and very un
satisfactory position were I to occupy such a seat as
Ripon while I was entirely unconnected with my former
friends in office, that I must positively decline it, I
assured him that I should always be ready to afford any
assistance to him, and that I thought I could be more
useful when out of Parliament than in it under such
circumstances, , , .'
The views indicated above are brought out still more
clearly in a communication to Mr, Goulburn, ' September 29, 1841.
' My dear Goulburn, — In the conversation which I
had with you after I had declined the proposal to go to
Ripon, you appeared to me to enter into the feelings
which I then described as having actuated me, and I
think you assented to the argument upon which my
conclusion was built, though I do not remember that
you expressly said so.

CH. X. LETTER TO GOULBURN. 199
' I have since thought a good deal about that matter.
The enclosed memorandum which I send you in con
fidence contains shortly my view of the subject. I am
anxious that you should read it with a friendly attention,
and that I should have the benefit of your judgment
upon it. It is seldom that a man thinks very clearly
or judges quite soundly when his feelings are strongly
moved by the subject to which his thoughts are
directed. I am the more anxious, therefore, to have
your advice and opinion.
' You wiU see that the present object of my solici
tude is that my separation in political life from those
with whom I have so long and so cordially acted, may
be effected in the manner least likely to occasion a
severance in other respects,
' Do not think that I expect an immediate attention
to this affair of mine. Let me hear from you at your
leisure  Most trufy yours, , j_ ^^ Herries,'
Memorandum.
' The more I have reflected on the offer of the seat
for Ripon from Sir Robert Peel, accompanied by the
declaration, by way of caution, that it was not connected
with any other proposal — by which I understood that
no prospect of employment was held out to me — the
more am I satisfied that it was right on my part to
decluie the favour thus proffered to me,
' My position is this : I was called into the higher
departments of political life by Lord Liverpool from the
lucrative permanent situation which I then filled, on

200 MEMORANDUM. ch. x,
the ground of my supposed experience and capacity
in public business. From the period when that occurred
(now twenty years since) I have been in close and con
fidential connection with the party which I then joined,
and steadfastly devoted to the same political prmciples,
I have occupied some very prominent stations, both in
subordination to the Government and as forming a part
of it. I have taken, on some occasions, a very forward,
and, at all times, a labouring, part in Parliament, in
concert with the chiefs of my party. I have maintained
out of office, at a considerable cost, during more than
ten years, and at four elections, against all the power of
the Government, a seat theretofore invariably at the
disposal of the Treasury for the time being. Driven at
length from thence by the overwhelming weight of that
power, I embarked, with every fair prospect of success,
in a contest at Ipswich, which proved unfortunate by
reason of the peculiar hostility of the Whigs to me ; and
I now find myself temporarily deprived of a place in
the House of Commons at the very time when the party
and the principles with which, and for which, I so long
have been fighting, have triumphantly prevailed.
' On the occasion of this great change every indivi
dual, so far as I know, havmg any fair claims to office,
or favour or distinction, high or low, has derived some
advantage from it, or received some public recognition
of his pretensions or services, except myself. But I have
received the assurance that, had it not been for the un
fortunate mischance of the lost election, and the conse
quent want of a seat in the House of Commons, a high
station in office would have been assigned to me.

ch, X. MEMORANDUM. 201
' On my part it is perfectly true that I have not asked
for office ; that I have urged no vain or selfish ])reten-
sions to employment ; and that, on the contrary, I
have submitted myself entirely to the judgment of my
leader to employ me or not, as to him might seeni most
expedient for the public service. I did so in perfect
sincerity and good faith, prepared to abide, without
objection or remonstrance, by the decision, be it what
it might. ' But whUe I submit my self entirely to that determi
nation, formed upon grounds of public expediency (not
in any degree aflecting my character), whereby I stand
excluded from office, I am far from being indifferent to
the effect which might be produced upon the estimation
in which I have hitherto been held in public and private
Ufe by the manner of my retirement and the circum
stances attending it. Any unfavourable misconstruction
as to the cause of my official severance from the Con
servative party might prove a thousandfold more painful
to me than the mere fact of my being laid aside.
' It happens, unfortunately, that the most obvious
conclusion with respect to my present insulated position
is precisely that which has the smallest foundation in
truth. It is supposed (and I know the fact from having
been called upon to refute the error) that I have urged
pretensions to a particular office, or at least to office of
a certain rank, without which I would not be satisfied,
and that a difference between me and Sir Robert Peel
on that point has led to the result. This is as unfavour
able to me as it is devoid of truth. Other conjectures
equally unfounded have been made ; naturally enough.

202 MEMORANDUM. ch. x.
because the real cause is not obvious, and indeed to
many persons, even when distinctly stated, it is not
easUy intelligible. They will not understand how the
want of a seat in Parliament, which could be so easUy
supplied now that my friends are in power, either by
them or by my own exertions, could so definitively have
closed the door against me. The vacancy at Ripon was
foreseen by ^very one even before the new Government
was formed, and if I had accepted the offer of that seat,
the very fact of my now filling it would have rendered
my separation from office more unaccountable. The
assurance, which I should have given to everyone, that
it was only because the vacancy did not actuaUy exist at
the very moment when my former fellow-labourers were
caUed into employment again, would, if urged under
such circumstances as an explanation of my exclusion,
rather have tended, I think, to create than to remove
any unfavourable doubts, I should hardly have stood
clear and well in the public eye in such a position, and
with nothing more to offer than such an assurance
(strictly true though it be) to account for it. In short,
I do not see how I could at the present moment satis
factorily take a private station in Parliament under the
immediate auspices of the Government, but unconnected
with it, except on the clear and avowed understanding
that I had spontaneously renounced public employ
ment, and was determined to retire from all public duties
beyond those of an individual member of the House of
Commons, That would undoubtedly be a high position,
and one which any man might be proud of. But it
is not mine, and I am not the man to assume a false

OH. X. MEMORANDUM. 203
character, or to allow sentiments and pretensions to be
unduly ascribed to me not strictly in accordance with
the truth.
' What, therefore, remains for me, after so long a
period of active, and I hope not wholly unuseful service,
and after so great a sacrifice of personal interest as I
have made, except to abide quietly by my fireside, and
to watch with friendly anxiety the progress of a better
order of things in the hands of those who are now called
to the administration of public affairs ?
' But I must take care that my retirement be not ex
posed to misconstruction, and that it bring no spot or
speck upon my good name. In this I confidently hope
for the assistance of all my friends in office, in concur
rence with Sir R. Peel, who will, I am sure, do what
ever may be most conducive to afford clear evidence
that my connection with his Government is not severed
by reason of any diminution of the good opinion or
goodwiU towards me of those who compose it. It
would indeed be as little to their credit as to mine if
any mystery should hang over my separation from
them. After having so long been before the public I
must pass from official into private life as an upright
public servant, and as a gentleman and a man of honour
ought to do,'
Mr. Goulburn, in his reply, concluded thus : ' I can
truly say that I have never heard your exclusion from
office attributed to any other than the real cause, and
what our old friendship would make an imperative duty
on me is felt, I believe, by all your friends in the Gov
ernment, that if any surmise to the contrary was to

204 FINANCIAL CONSULTATIONS. ch. x.
reach them they would be prompt and eager in its refu
tation.' . , .
Although removed from active political life, Mr,
Herries continued to be consulted, as he had been dur
ing the greater part of his existence, on many impor
tant questions, and his aid and advice, frequently sought,
were always readily given. As we write we see before
us -a bulky packet of comparative financial statements
and calculations for each of the Administrations since
the Peace, enclosed in a letter to the Duke of Welling
ton, shortly before the meeting of the new Parliament.
' August 21, 1841,
' My dear Lord Duke, — I think the accompanying
papers contain the answers to the several points on
which you put questions to me, with the exception of
the sugar, on which I hope you have received ample
information from the quarters in which I made inquiry.
' With respect to the prices of sugar, I find some of
the best West Indians — Irving in particular, and I dare
say Grant — beginning to be alarmed about the lowness '
of the price. They expect what they caU bad times
from the abundance of the supply. If there is reason
for their fear in that respect, the argument becomes so
much stronger against the framers of the Budget.
' My servant will return to me to-night, and if you
wish for any further information that I can afford, you
will perhaps send a line to me by him. Believe me,
&c,, 'J, C, Herries,'
Not very long after the formation of Sir Robert

CK. X, FINANCIAL CONSULTATIONS, 205
Peel's Government, we were present ^\'hen the quiet of
the retired politician was rudely disturbed by a hot and
hurried Treasury messenger driven up to his door at
full speed in a post-chaise — the bearer of a short but
urgent missive from the Chancellor of the Exchequer,
beginning with the ominous words, ' Peel and I are in a
cleft stake,' and entreating that his friend would in
stantly repair to London for the purpose of trying to
extricate them from that unpleasant position. Respond
ing to this earnest appeal he hastened to town, where
he learned that the difficulties, on account of which his
help was wanted, had arisen out of a funding operation
rendered necessary by the deficit bequeathed by the
outgoing Whigs, It did not appear to the person called
in that the embarrassment (which, in his opinion, might
have been avoided) was a very serious one, and he sug
gested means for its removal. Then ensued a curious
incident. The two heads of the Treasury, closeted
with a great capitalist, discussed the terms of a proposed
arrangement, whUe tn an adjoining room their concealed
counseUor from the country sat apart for occasional
consultation. He returned to his fields, wondering why
he had been called away from them, and reflecting upon
the much more difficult negotiations which in much
more critical times he had often concluded with far less
trouble, and without seeking any external aid.
On a far more important matter, his opinion was
thought worth taking soon afterwards, as may be seen
from the following paper in reply to a letter, dated No
vember 5, 1841, from Sir Robert Peel, in which, refer
ring to an interview with Mr. Herries on the same day.

206 LETTER TO PEEL, ch, x,
he encloses correspondence (returned uncopied), ' on
the subject of some extensive scheme of finance for the
purpose of supplying the existing and the contemplated
deficiency by much more legitimate and satisfactory
means than have been hitherto resorted to ' — and adds,
' I shall be very much obliged by your ca- eful perusal
of these papers, and by the communication of your opi
nions on matters of such paramount importance,' ' November 8, 1841.
' My dear Peel, — A hasty glance at the papers which
you sent to me on Friday night was sufficient to show
me that great attention ought to be brought to the
perusal of them, and being very pressingly engaged
with the matters which had brought me to London, I
was obliged to postpone, untU my return hither, the
careful consideration of these important documents. I
return them herewith.
' Although they embrace several topics and some de
tails of considerable interest, the main point to which all
of these are subordinate is of such paramount importance
that I think I shall best fulfil your wishes in confining
my observations almost exclusively to it. The question
for decision is, whether the existing insufficiency of the
Revenue to meet the annual expenditure can be supplied
in any manner more suitable to the present circum
stances of the country than by the imposition of a tax
on Income derived from Property? ' *
¦* From this passage and subsequent observations, as well as the words
quoted above from Sir Robert Peel's own letter of November 6, it is mani
fest that the primary object which he had in view when he submitted the
question so stilted to the consideration of Mr. Herries was the restoration of
the lost financial equilibrium. It cannot be doubted that the reimposition

CH. X. THE DEFICIT. 207
' Your estimate nf the actual deficiency for future
years is 3,000,000/., and, I presume, you contemplate
the necessity of making provision to the extent of about
1,000,000/. beyond that as a surplus, indispensable for
the sake of security and the maintenance of the public
credit. ' I assume, of course, that all intention to dabble with
the disastrous state of things by temporary expedients,
involving the creation of new debt, is to be entirely
rejected, as being a course bad in itself, and, moreover,
peculiarly unfitted to the position of the present Go
vernment, and to the expectations that are entertained
of it. ' Such being the case, I have no hesitation in de
claring my firm conviction that no other safe and prac
ticable expedient is open to you than a recourse to
direct taxation, and that a Property Tax is the best
of a property or income tax was, at that time at least, contemplated as a
means, in the first instance, of supph ing ^he continuous deficiency of the
Revenue which had to be made good. Sir Robert Peel's own words on
bringing forward the measure in 1842 point to the same conclusion. But
when Mr. Herries, in moving for a diminution of the income tax in 1851,
asserted that such had been its original and principal purpose — observinc at
the same time that he knew the fact from having himself been consulted on
the subject — he was contradicted in a somewhat too peremptoiy tone of
authority. It had then become the fashion to treat as a matter of quite
secondary importance the perilous financial condition of the nation at the
beginning of 1842, described by Sir Robert Peel as the ' mighty and growino-
evil ' which he proposed to remedy, and to represent the income tax as
having been from the outset devised solely, or chieflj', as an engine for
effecting a complete change of fiscal policy.
It seems worthy of observation that in the passage above, ' a tax on in
come derived from property ' is spoken of. Whether in the original scheme
brought under the cognizance of Mr. Herries the tax was intended to be so
limited, or whether the words used by him implied a suggestion of his own,
we have no means of knowing.

208 PROPERTY TAX. ch. x.
description of direct taxation that you can adopt under
present circumstances,
' I have the less difficulty in arriving at this conclu
sion, because I have very long entertained the convic
tion that the burthens of this country, consisting in so
large a degree of accumulated debt, ought to be defrayed,
in a greater proportion than they have hitherto been
since the Peace, by the contribution of accumulated
wealth ; and that the very great preponderance assigned
in our system of taxation to the duties derived from
manufactures and consumption, was not only impolitic
but unsustainable,
' I was so deeply impressed with this belief more
than fifteen years ago that when I held the office of
Chancellor of the Exchequer I had come to the deter
mination, in entire concurrence with Huskisson and
Lord Ripon, to propose a Property Tax by way of
commutation for some of the then existing indirect
taxes, which were most obstructive to the mdustry of
the country, and consequently most detrimental to it in
its then growing rivalry with the manufactures of the
Continent, and also most obnoxious to the public
feeling ; and therefore likely to be wrenched, sooner or
later, out of the hands of any Government. The change
of Ministry put an end to these intentions, but I have
never ceased to think that they were right in principle ;
and I am stUl convinced that by adopting such a course
at that period the cris's in which we are now involved
would have been averted. We should have anticipated
the necessity under which we are now compelled to
revert to direct taxation.

on. X. CAUSE OE DEi<R'l]5NCY. 20!)
'I need not point out to you that our present insufli-
ciency of public income does not arise from any really
extravagant or unforeseen excess of expenditure on the
one hand, nor from any decay of wealth or diminution
in the means of consumption or contribution to the
public revenue in the nation at large on the other. If
the expenditure, such as it is even now, is compared
with the estimate formed by the Committee of Finance
in [1817 or 1828 — the figures are uncertain], there is
nothing to complain of. And if the actual produce of
the revenue be contrasted with the amount to which it
would have been reduced by the taxes taken off if con
sumption had remained stationary, the augmentation is
prodigious. ' It is, in truth, therefore, solely to the abandonment
of taxes that we owe the present deficiency ; and
although that abandonment may have been made in
some respects unnecessarily, and in others unskilfully,
by the late Government, I am stUl thoroughly persuaded
that no Government, however skUful or strong, could
have resisted, or, if they could, ought to have resisted,
the inducement to a large reduction of the indirect
taxation which the circumstances and the feelings of
the country created.
' Among the mistakes Lord Spencer, who may be
reckoned, perhaps, the very worst of the financial
managers who have had charge of the Exchequer,
committed, the greatest perhaps was the giving up of
the taxes on houses and windows (taxes upon pro
perty), and laying a duty upon raw cotton. It was
moving exactly in the wrong direction. Even the
VOL. II. P

210 POST OFFICE REVENUE. ch. x.
unwise reduction of the Post Office revenue ^ was more
justified upon principle than that measure.
^ In the judg-ment of the writer of this letter, as well as in that of Sir
Robert Peel, to whom it was addressed, the change of the postal system in
troduced in 1840 was imprudent because it greatly increased the deficiency
of the Revenue. This, and no other, was the ground of the opposition to
the measure on the part of the Conservatives ; and it is impossible to deny
tha.t their financial objections were well founded. The immediate loss of
revenue was enormous. In the year ended January 5, 1839 (the last com
plete year under the old system), the net revenue of the Post Office was
1,659,609Z., including 45,156?., the amount of postage charged on Govern
ment departments. In the year ended January 6, 1841 (the first year of
the penny post), the net revenue was only 500,789?., including 90,76H.
charged on Government departments. The real loss to the public, therefore,
was 1,204,325?. Ten years later the net revenue was no more than 803,898?.,
from which being deducted 109,523?. for Government postage— a mere
matter of account — there remained only 694,375^, falling short of the real
receipts for profit of 1838 by 919,978?. As compared with the latter year,
the returns for 1860, when the new system had been in operation for twenty
years, still show a deficiency of 872,235?., not reduced to less than 174,374?.
in 1862, after which date the Post Office accounts are made up on a different
principle. But this is not the whole case ; because, while these accounts
previous to the last-mentioned year include, under tbe head of receipts, the
postage charged in the United Kingdom for letters, &c. conveyed by British
mail steamers, they exclude from the expenditure side the sums paid under
contract for the conveyance of those mails. And, moreover, the actual cost of
the manufacture of postage stamps has hitherto been defrayed, not by the
Post Office, but by the Inland Revenue department.
However great, therefore, the advantages of cheap postage have been —
and they are undeniable — to all classes of the community in other respects,
the expectations of financial success held out by the promoters of the reform
were delusive. It is incontestable that the adoption of the Rowland Hill
system added very largely to the already dangerous deficit, which must have
gone on gi-owing iintU it had reached the most formidable proportions if the
Liberal Government which carried the postal reform had remained long in
office ; because that Government was adverse to the application of the remedy
— the only efficacious one — by which the evil was cured — the income tax.
Consequently, those who with Sir Robert Peel resisted the postal change
when it was brought forward were fully justified in saying — before you
throw away existing revenue, put an end to the existing deficit.
Persons who now deride an opposition which they attribute to Con
servative factiousness or stupidity, and to official obstructiveness, would do
well to take notice of the opinion strongly expressed against Rowland Hill's
reform, sixteen years after its introduction, by Mr. McCulloch, a decided
Liberal and an eminent economist, in his Commercial Dictionary, ed. 1856.

CH. X. SUGAR DUTIES. 211
' But I should bore you, and very unnecessarily, if
I were to pursue reflections upon this subject only
tending to the same conclusion, that a Pro[)erty Tax is
the best ex}iedient for restoring the balance of our
income and expenditure. As I formerly thought that
direct taxation shoiUd be substituted for indirect con
tributions to the pubUc income, which I foresaw could
not be preserved, so I am of opmion that it is the only
proper mode of supplying the place of those duties now
that they are wrested from you. It is stUl, in truth,
only a substitution of the one for the other.
' I have already said that I should confine myself to
a distinct statement of my opinion on the questions of
overwhelming importance on which you have asked
for it. ' There may be opportunities hereafter for remarks
upon the detached observations (some of them of great
value) which have been submitted to you by others.
' I wUl only say that, with respect to the House
Tax, it is much easier to wish that it had never been
abandoned than to suggest that it would be wise and
practicable just now to re-establish it.
' With regard to the reduction in sugar ' [that is to
say, reduction of duty on British Colonial sugar], ' I
confess that I entertain more than a doubt of the pro
priety of effecting it at present. Our expectations of a
supply from the West and East Indies, sufficient to meet
the entire consumption, have not, I believe, been realised ;
and, so long as the monopoly exists in favour of our
own growers, with a, supply at aU within the consump
tion of the country, the remission of the duty would, in
V 2

212 • FISCAL DIFFICULTIES. ch. x.
a great degree, be a boon to the planter at the expense
of the Exchequer. If, hereafter, the produce should so
much exceed the consumption as to force prices at home
to a level with those on the Continent, then, indeed, it
may be an act of justice to the planter (since the benefit
of the bounty is taken from him) to make some reduc
tion of the duty.
' Of the practical difficulty of framing an Act for the
imposition of a Property Tax ^ under existing circum
stances, and of the skill and judgment and labour which
wiU be required for adjusting the burthens upon the
several descriptions of property and income, which ought
to be made in different proportions to contribute to it,
I am fully sensible.
' It will be an Herculean task, indeed, to prepare the
Act, and the fighting it through Parliament wiU be no
trifling undertaking. But I do not anticipate much
opposition in the House of Commons to the adoption
of the principle. On the contrary, I am led to believe
that you wiU have a great majority in favour of the
measure there.' . . .
That the views indicated in this paper really had
been seriously entertained by the writer at a much
earlier period, is proved by a passage in a speech de
livered by him in the House of Commons in 1830, on
" The difficulty was immensely increased by the absence of records illus
trative of the working of the former Act. All the old income tax returns,
&c. were unwisely destroyed in 1818, in compliance with a motion from
Mr. Brougham. The practical effect of this fiscal concession to public
opinion was that, on the renewal of the income tax in 1842, the fruits of
past experience were lost to those who had to frame the new Act and put
it in execution, public utility having been, neither for the first nor for the
last time, sacrificed to popular clamour.

CH. X. INCOME TAX. 213
Mr. Poulett Thomson's motion for a Committee for a
Revision of Taxation ; when, referring to some previous
remarks by Mr. Huskisson, he said : ' My right ho
nourable friend, the member for Liverpool, on a former
evening appealed to me, in confirmation of the assertion
that I had long since been favourable to some change in
taxation, by which its pressure might be transferred
from one portion of the community to another. This
undoubtedly is the case, and I concur with my right
honourable friend in the principle, and would, under
certain circumstances, be glad to see it carried into
effect.' He approved the renewal of the Income Tax in 1845
(when he was out of Parliament) for another period of
three years ; and he thought that it was again war
ranted by the circumstances of the time in 1848. But
in 1851, being in the House of Commons, he made a
motion for a diminution of the tax, with a view to its
gradual abandonment. This was no reversal of the
poUcy he had recommended in 1841, and which he had
intended to take up in 1828. The reasons which at
those two periods had convinced him of the expediency,
or necessity, of the imposition of an Income Tax no
longer existed. The condition of the national finances
was entirely changed. The distribution of fiscal bur
thens was widely different. Mr. Herries did not ask
for the immediate and complete cessation of the Income
Tax ; nor did he propose that a reduction of this charge
should be compensated by the substitution of a corre
sponding amount of indirect taxation. The question
at issue was not whether the Income Tax should be

214 LETTER ON BRAZILIAN TREATY. ch. x.
retained as the best means of repealing duties on articles
of consumption, but whether a certain proportion (two-
sevenths) of the then existing rate of Income Tax should,
or should not, be still maintained, instead of another
existing direct impost — the Window Tax — which Mr.
Herries beUeved to be less generally obnoxious.
Another letter, written in the same month, relates
to the Sugar question and the pending negotiations
with BrazU. It very clearly marks the writer's views,
which were opposed to monopoly on the one hand, and
to any encouragement of slavery on the other,
' Sevenoaks : November 29, 1841,
' My dear Peel, — I return the projet of the BrazUian
Treaty and the paper connected with it, I had intended
to take them to you to-day, and to state verbally what
occurred to me upon the subject. But I am prevented
from leaving this place,
' In a former letter to you, I expressed much doubt
with respect to the propriety of making a considerable
reduction in the Sugar Duties generaUy, so long as the
monopoly in favour of our own colonies continued to
be effective by reason of the msufficiency of the supply
from thence to meet the full demand for our home con
sumption, I understood at that time that such was the
state of things, and I understand that it is still not ex
pected that our sanguine expectations of an ample im
portation of British Possession sugar will be reaUsed in
the present year,
' But a new view of the case is presented by the
proposal now under your consideration, and if foreign
sugars are to be admitted upon such terms as will leave

OH. X. SUGAR AND SLAVi:i!Y. 215
only a reasonable protection to the British grower, and
thereby abolish his monopoly, the ground^\"ork of my
objection is removed, and the reduction of the Stigar
Duty, coupled with the condition that the estimated
loss of Revenue thereby to be created, is to be made
good by an equivalent amount of new taxation, becomes
a fair question of financial and commercial expediency.
I assume, of course, that you are fully satisfied that, by
the terms of your treaty with Brazil and the qualified
character of the competition to be established between
slave-grown and fi*ee-labour sugar, the objection on
which we insisted so strongly last year \last Session
should have been written] , on the score of slavery, will
be removed ; and that no danger to the successful pro
gress of the measure of emancipation in our Colonies
is to be apprehended from it. Upon that point I am
hardly competent to form an opinion, and I need not
suggest to you how important it will be to be able tc
estabUsh it in argument consistently with the course
pursued on our side against the propositions of the late
Government. ' You are no doubt prepared to hear from them, that
they also proposed to give to the consumer some benefit
by an approach to competition between the sugars of
our own labourers and those of Brazil ; that they did so
professedly with the view of enlarging our trade with
that country, and of preparing for the renewal of our
commercial treaty with it : but that their plan was to
accompUsh these objects not only without a loss of
Revenue from sugar but with an augmentation of it ;
and that the additional benefit in the price of the article

216 WEST INDIAN MONOPOLY. oh. x.
(something more than a penny per lb.) which your plan
wiU confer upon the consumer beyond theirs, by the
reduction of the duty, must be purchased by the imposi
tion of a new burthen, which may be found more onerous
to him, &c., &c. This is not my argument, but one
which will, I think, be used by a Whig Opposition by
way of appeal to the anti- Property Tax feeUngs of the
House.'' ' I judge from the confidential paper which you
send me, that there is yet some uncertainty as to the
disposition of BrazU to accede to your propositions on
the subject of slavery ; but I take it for granted that
you are fully satisfied that, if she does adopt them,
they wiU be effectual for their object. I should
otherwise have entertained some fears upon that
point. ' I am also led to suppose that the detaUs of the
discriminating duties are as yet rather sketched out
than determined upon. On the rates of duty, I should
be unwilling to offer an opinion without more consulta
tion than I could now venture to have with practical
men on the subject. The form in which it is proposed
to describe and enact the differential duties on sugar
appears to me to be susceptible of improvement by sim
plification ; but that is altogether a minor consideration.
' Upon the whole, I shall be glad to see the prin
ciple of the proposed measure satisfactorUy and success
fully carried out. The tendency of my opinions has always
been rather in opposition to the West Indian monopoly, more
' This Sugar Question, as we know, was not brought forward by Sir
Robert Peel in 1842.

CH. X. LETTER TO GOULBURN. 217
esp>eci(dly since the seftlenient tcitli them, on the emanripation
of their slaves : and nothing but a clear conviction of tlie
justice and weight of our anti-slavery argument against the
Whig proposition of last Session would have induced me to
enter so heartily as I did into opposition to it.^
' I shall be in London in the course of the week, and
wiU take my chance of finding you at leisure.
' Believe me, &c., ' J. C. Herries.'
On March 7, 1842, four days before Sir Robert
Peel's celebrated financial statement was made in the
House of Commons, a very long letter was addressed to
the ChanceUor of the Exchequer, commenting upon
some points stUl under consideration. A few extracts
from it may be worthy of perusal.
' Sevenoaks : March 7, 1842.
' My dear Goulburn, — You wished me to write to
you after a Uttle reflection on the two points which
were mentioned when I saw you the other day, viz,,
the exemption of Ireland from the proposed tax on pro
perty, and the remission of the sugar duty,
' The first took me very much by surprise, I had
always contemplated the re-imposition of a property
tax (whether as the ultimate resource for meeting a
public exigency, or as a commutation for other bur
thens) as being to be borne uniformly by all property
of the same description in every part of the United
Kingdom, And the more I have since thought upon
* The italics are those of the Editor. The passage is not underlined in
the original draft.

218 PROPERTY TAX: IRELAND. ch. x.
the subject the less I can reconcUe my judgment to the
justice or policy of omitting Ireland from its due share
of this assessment.
' It must, however, be observed, that I have not
heard the arguments on the other side. You had no
time to explain them to me when we met ; and this is
a subject upon which I cannot, untU your plans are
pubUshed, venture to invite discussion with other per
sons, I have therefore nothing to deal with but my
own suggestions ; and, as my opinions have long been
fixed in favour of the extension of the tax to Ireland,
the other side of the question has not had a fair chance
in my cogitations,
' I know nothing but by conjecture of the feelings
of the English landlords, capitalists, or professional men
on such a subject ; but I should apprehend that they
would not easUy be reconciled to bear the whole bur
then of this imposition, by the consideration of the in
direct taxes which you propose to create in Ireland ;
consisting chiefly of alterations, which will only bring
Ireland more nearly to a level with England with regard
to those taxes, , . ,
' But these objections are aU upon the surface, and
must have been considered fully, together with many
others, before you adopted your present resolution.
The answers to them are, however, not equally obvious ;
and I must fairly confess to you that the only two
points which you mentioned to me, viz, : 1st, The
difficulty of establishing a machinery in Ireland for the
collection of an Income Tax ; and 2ndly, That of per
suading the Irish members to submit to it, — do not

CH. X. SUGAR DUTIES. 219
appear to me to be sufficient to outweigh considerations
of so much magnitude.
' To the first of these I cannot attach much weight.
It was urged long ago, and for many years, against the
application of the Poor Laws to Ireland. It has been
overcome in that matter, in which it was probably a
more formidable obstacle than it would be found in the
assessment of a Property Tax.
' The latter is, I daresay, the substantial impediment
which you have to grapple with. I am far from being
insensible to the embarrassment which it presents. I
remember that Lord Londonderry bore testimony to
the weight of it when there was a question, at the close
of the war, of continuing a modified Property Tax in
stead of abandoning whoUy that which then existed. He
felt the difficulty of imposing it in Ireland ; but he also
felt, if I mistake not, that without that condition it ought
not to be re-imposed at aU. My own belief is that at
the present time, and under present circumstances, a
good majority of the House of Commons would support
you both in the imposition of a Property Tax, and in
the extension of it to Ireland. . , ,
' Now, with respect to the remission of a large pro
portion of the Sugar Duties,
' You know what my opinion is upon that subject,
supposing that the supply from our Colonies and pos
sessions be not greater than the average consumption of
the United Kingdom, and consequently, that under their
present monopoly of our home market, the planters
would derive the chief benefit from the reduction of the
duty. However much I may be a well wisher to the

220 QUESTIONS TO BE CONSIDERED, oh. x.
East and West Indians, I am not prepared to make so
great a sacrifice to them as that would be. On the other
hand, supposing the colonial supply of sugar to be
abundant, and the price in consequence to be regulated
by the general European market — or supposing the pro
jected treaty with BrazU to be brought to bear, so that a
modified competition between foreign sugar and that of
the Colonies would secure to the consumer the advantage
of the reduction of duty — in either of these cases there
can be no doubt that the remission of the tax upon sugar
would be desirable. But you must bear in mind that
in the present instance we have not the good fortune
to be considering what concessions of taxation may
be made from a surplus Revenue, but what are the fittest
subjects for a Commutation. It is a question between
Sugar Duty and Property Tax. I calculate roughly (but I
have not seen your estimates and papers) that the duty
proposed to be taken off sugar wall be equivalent to
about 1 per cent, of the Property Tax to be imposed.
To the consumer it may make a difference in the price
of the sugar of something more than Id., and less than
l\d., per lb. The point to be decided, therefore, is
whether such a reduction of price in that article to the
consumer generally is the best boon you can give to
the community in compensation for the imposition of
1 per cent, on Income and Property.
' In determining upon that question, it should be
borne in mind that the remission of Sugar Duty will
have less influence on the interests of commerce and
manufactures (except it be done in combination with a
good Brazilian treaty) than the taking off of duties

CH, X. ADVICE. peel's BUDGET. 221
from raw materials of manufacture or supplies from
foreign countries. This will be still more the case in
consequence of the measures now in progress for the
encouraging the intercourse between our colonics and
other countries ; our own produce and manufactures
will no longer possess the exclusive benefit of our
colonial consumption. . . .
' But ... I am hardly in a condition to compare
the general advantages of a diminution of the Sugar
Duties with that of other alterations of the tariff which
you may not j-et have determined to make. In the
present state of my, information I can only express a
hope that it wiU not be preferred to a reduction of the
charges on the importation of raw materials of our
manufacture. ' All which is humbly submitted. Truly yours,
' J. C. Herries.'
A reference to Sir Robert Peel's financial speech on
March 11, shows a remarkable coincidence between his
arguments against the expediency of a reduction of
Sugar duties, which, under existing circumstances
would have benefited the British colonial producer
alone, and those strongly urged against it — if unaccom
panied by the admission of foreign competition — in the
letters above cited. But it is evident from this corre
spondence that a reduction of some sort was originaUy
contemplated as one of the measures to be proposed, and
that the question was stUl undecided almost on the eve
of the introduction of the famous budget.
That confidential communications of this kind were

222 LATER CONSULTATIONS. ch. x,
habitual, may be assumed from a letter, dated February
28, 1844, to Mr. Herries from the ChanceUor of the
Exchequer, on the subject of the proposed reduction of
the 3. I per Cents, and different plans for effecting it,
' I have deferred writmg to you,' he says, ' because I
have been in the hopes of seeing you, but as I cannot
learn whether you intend being in London I think it
better to ask for your advice by letter, , , .
' Would you be good enough to give me your
opinion on this matter by return of post ? Your
experience in such matters makes you a better judge
than most persons, and I should be unwilling to act
without a previous knowledge of your views. , , , I
find I am too late for the post, so I send this by a
messenger in the morning,'
In the course of the Peel Administration, Mr,
Herries rendered good service to the public as a member
of the Royal Commissions on Metropolitan Improve
ments and RaUway Termini, The first Report (1844)
of the former Commission was chiefly devoted to the
question of the Thames Embankment, part of which
was originally projected by that great EngUsh artist.
Sir Christopher Wren, who designed a commodious
quay from Blackfriars to the Tower, To Sir Frederick
Trench is due the credit of having proposed to Parlia
ment a more extended plan for an embankment and
public thoroughfare on the northern shore of the river
between Westminster and London Bridges, His BUI
for this purpose was brought forward, but afterwards
dropped, in 1825, In 1840 the subject was submitted
to the examination of a Committee of the House of

CH. X. THAMES EMBANKMENT. 223
Commons which collected much valuable evidence, but
went no further. The Royal Commission aj (pointed
by Sir Robert Pet'l studied all the different plans pro
posed, and strongly recommended the execution of
the work in accordance with one of them particularly.
Mr. Herries being entirely convinced of the utUity
and feasibility of the undertaking — although individu
ally he preferred another plan (that of Mr. Walker)
to the one selected — did his utmost to promote it,
endeavouring to persuade the Government of the day
to carry it out, and to enlist influential persons in
support of the views of the Commission.® But the
Prime Minister, whose countenance was necessary, threw
cold Avater on the project ; and few could be made to
feel, the advantage of a scheme generally looked upon
as an impracticable bore, detrimental to wharfingers
and the owners of gardens, and not worth an addi
tional tax of so many pence per ton of coals. More
than twenty years were destined to elapse before the
public haUed the accomplishment, on a greatly improved
plan, of the noblest work of modern London ; but the
efforts, though unsuccessful, of those who did not live
to see its execution, deserve record and recognition.
^ He continued hie advocacy after Sir R. Peel's retirement.

224 RETURN TO PARLIAMENT URGED. ch, xi.

CHAPTER XI.
1846—1852,
Return to Parliament, 1847 — Monetary crisis — Bank Charter Act — Repeal
of the Navigation laws — Answer to Mr. Cobden's motion for reduction
of estimates — Derby Cabinet, 1862 — Herries, President of the Board of
Control.
At the beginning of 1846, a strong desire was ex
pressed by the most prominent members of the sur
prised and derelict Conservative party that Mr. Herries,
whose principles were weU known to them, should
return to ParUamentary Ufe. But, though he entirely
disapproved the sudden change of the course of his
political friends in office, he felt no disposition to enter
into a conflict with them. To an obliging suggestion
from a distinguished person, that arrangements might
be made for the immediate fulfilment of the wishes of
those who were anxious that he should re-enter the
House of Commons, he repUed : ' Your letter has found
me in a state of health and spirits Uttle suited to the
arduous task which it suggests to me. Whoever may
be the friends, of whose wishes you are the kind inter
preter, I beg sincerely to assure them and you that I
feel highly gratified by thefr too favourable opinion of
such public services as I should be able to render in
Parliament at the present most critical period. Had I
been a member of the House of Commons at this time.

CH. XI, INVITATIONS. 225
I should, I trust, not have shrunk from the duty of
freely discussing all the bearings of the fearfid experi
ment which is about to be made upon the existing
social and political constitution of this country : l)ut I
feel no desire to leave my present retirement to take
part in such a fi-ay ; and the less so when I consider
that I might be occupying a place which would be
better filled by a younger and stouter combatant than
myself at a time of such extraordinary difficulty and
peril.' Twelve months later he was again urged to come
forward, by a letter from an active manager in the
House of Commons, who wrote to him : ' I believe
there is a great probabUity of a vacancy occurring
within a few days of a seat, which I believe we can
secure to you. I need hardly say that, if you were in
the House, you would render great services to a large
party.' . , ,
To this invitation he replied : ' My long absence
from the Carlton has been owing to long and severe
Ulness, from which I am slowly recovering, I thank
you much for your letter, and the very friendly terms
in which you advert to the subject of it, I fear that
you greatly overrate my power of rendering serAdce
to the good cause : but I shall, at all events, be very
glad to meet you, and I will go to London on Friday
for that purpose if I possibly can,'
These communications, however, had no immediate
result. About the same time some correspondence took
VOL, II, Q

226 IRISH RAILW^AYS. en. xr.
place on the subject of Lord George Bentinck' s proposed
measure ' for the prompt and profitable employment of
the people by the encouragement of railways m Ire
land,' between the then leader of the Opposition and
Mr. Herries, who cordially approved the principle of the
Bill, while he suggested some alterations in its detaUs.
' Febraary 3, 1847.
' My dear Lord, — I beg to thank you for the perusal
of the draft of a BUI herewith returned, which I received
this morning only. ... I have not been able to
bestow such attention upon it as it deserves, . . , I
have no hesitation, however, in stating that the general
scope of the measure appears to me to be exceUent, and
that the detaUed enactments suggested for the execution
of it appear generally to be sufficient for the purpose,
' If the principle of the measure should be adopted
by Parliament, the clauses in the BUI relating to the
mode of raising and applying the money required must,
of course, be left mainly in the hands of the Treasury,
That part of the [illegible] would present no practical
difficulty, and the money and [illegible] clauses might
perhaps be presented in a more simple form, , , , I
venture to express a doubt of the propriety of giving
authority to the Treasury to create and sell Stock for
the purpose. It is, I think, an unconstitutional course
that any permanent debt should be contracted, except
under conditions subject to the immediate control of
Parliament.^ When that expedient was introduced into
the Savings Banks Bill I objected to it, and the then
' The writer always adhered inflexibly to this sound constitutional
doctrine.

CH. XI. LORD GEORGE BENTINCK. 227
Whig Government admitted the general principle of the
objection, although they did not alter their course.
Brokers care nothing for these matters,
' In the present case it seems to be unnecessary.
The sum to be raised is comparatively small, and the
Treasury might well make provision for this and other
exigencies during the sitting of Parliament, either by a
smaU loan or an increased [uncertain in the draft ;
some words appear to be omitted] credit of Exchequer
BiUs, ' It seems to me that that part of the task might well
be left upon their shoulders,
' I am really sorry to be obUged to write so hastily
on a subject of so much importance, I cannot conclude
without expressing my sincere well wishes for your
success in this very useful and highly important
measure, BeUeve me, &c,, , j_ (._ Herries,'
Lord George Bentinck wrote on the same day : —
' I am much obliged by the trouble so kindly taken
by you in glancing over my BUI for me, and greatly
encouraged by your approbation of it ; the pretence for
rejecting even its introduction is the disturbance it will
create in the money market, and the dread that public
securities may be lowered, and commerce and trade
screwed down by another raising of the price of dis
counts by the Bank of England. To my mind such
apprehensions are the most ridiculous that timidity and
ignorance ever sowed in the mind of any visionary.
But, nevertheless, I have gathered in private conversa
tion with Lord John that the opposition to be raised,
Q 2

228 LORD GEORGE BENTINCK. ch. xr.
against me will be mainly founded and built up upon
this rotten ground.
' Now your opinion on all financial^ matters stands
not only deservedly high with our Parliamentary
friends, but would have great weight in the City, and a
pithy note from you, giving a strong opinion upon this
point, which I might be at liberty to read aloud in the
House of Commons would, I think, have a stunning
effect, and very likely turn the fortunes of the day. So
valuable should I deem it, that if this note should faU to
catch you before you leave town, or should catch you
too late to give you time to answer it before you set out
for Kent, I should very Uttle regard the expense of an
express to bring me such a note before five o'clock in the
evening. ' I am much obliged for your general advice, which
I wUl not faU to follow.' , , ,
The answer was to the following effect :
'I have only just now (in the afternoon) received
your letter, I am very sure that you ascribe infinitely
too much influence upon the public mind to any opinion
of mine, and that no communication from me could have
rendered such assistance to you in the House of Com
mons as you are kind enough to suppose it might have
done, I must, however, candidly add that even if there
had been time for me to convey such a communication
to you, I should have been most reluctant to have had it
put forward by you in the House, and with so much
more importance attached to it than it could possibly
have deserved,'

OH. xi', RETURN TO HOUSE OF COMMONS. 229
Yielding to repeated solicitations, Mr. Herries at
length made up his mind to become a candidate for a
seat at the general election of 1847, when he was re
turned, together with the Marquis of Granby, for the
borough of Stamford, after a smart contest, of a local
and personal, rather than a poUtical, nature, with a Con
servative opponent. His parliamentary revival is thus
gracefuUy and justly noticed in a brilliant contemporary
work.^ ' Lord George Bentinck, however, gained an
invaluable coadjutor by the reappearance of Mr. Herries
in public life, a gentleman whose official as weU as
parUamentary experience, fine judgment, and fertile
resource have been of inestimable service to the protec
tionist party.'
A protectionist — not a prohibitionist — he was then,
as he always had been, but in a lower degree probably
than the majority of the party to which he belonged.
His desire was not to prevent, but, on the contrary, to
favour competition ; foreign competition with British
industry, but also British competition with foreign
industry. He was opposed to protective duties too high
to admit the former, but he advocated the imposition
of protective duties just high enough, but no higher,
to make, according to his view, the latter possible. It
has been seen, m the case of sugar, from his letters to
Sir Robert Peel and Mr. Goulburn, that he objected to
a diminution of duty on the produce of British colonies
on the ground that it would have been in effect an
augmentation of the protection then enjoyed by it, and
which, deeming it excessive, he would have been willing
^ Lord George Bentinck : A Political Biography. By B, Disraeli, p. 442.

230 SENTIMENTS. WARM RECEPTION. oh, xi,
to reduce considerably, but for the question of slavery.
He believed that British agriculture, the ruin of which
would, in his opinion, be a national calamity, stood in
need of protection, because, owing to causes not remov
able either by legislation or by individual exertion, the
unassisted competition of British producers with those
of all other countries could not (as he thought) be per
manently sustained.
Evidence is to be found in confidential communi
cations from friends and supporters of a feeling of hos
tility on the part of some at least of the Peelites, who
were anxious to prevent the election of Mr. Herries, and
would have been glad if it could have been made void.
But how little there was of personal animosity in his
sentiments towards them may be seen from a letter to
him from Croker, dated June 27, 1847, concerning an
impending attack in the ' Quarterly Review ' : —
' You wUl see that I have attended to all your sug
gestions, and omitted or altered everything that you had
queried, much to the improvement of the article, I have
also lowered a few expressions which you would have
marked, no doubt, had you gone on marking. It is
impossible not to feel indignation at the apostasy and
at the mischief it has done, but personally I really have
quite the reverse of ill-will or a desire to give pain, and so
am very much obliged to you for your moderating hints,'
The warmth of Mr, Herries's reception on resuming
his seat in the House of Commons was very gratifying.
Sir Robert Peel took the first opportunity to ' express,
in common with the House generally, his satisfaction at
the return to this house of his right honourable friend.

oil. XI, BANK CHARTER ACT. 231
and his congratulations that, by his return, the House
would have the benefit of his great intelUgence and
great practical experience,' By the occupants of the
Treasury Bench, and especially by Lord John Russell,
Prime Minister, Sir Charles Wood (Lord Halifax),
Chancellor of the Exchequer (the frequent contests
between whom and Mr, Herries were always charac
terised by the utmost courtesy), and Mr. Labouchere
(the late Lord Taunton), he was invariably treated, in
spite of strong opposition, not only with due civUity,
but with marked respect.
The monetary disasters of the autumn of 1847, and
the extra-legal course taken by the Government in con
sequence of them, made the meeting of the new Parlia
ment in November necessary, and required its immediate
attention. The subject was one in which Mr. Herries
took great interest. He believed that the crisis had
been intensified, if not caused, by the restrictions im
posed upon the Bank by the Act of 1844, from the
operation of which he had always feared that dan
gerous embarrassment would arise. He predicted its
recurrence, and he could not be persuaded that a law was
a good one which involved the necessity of its own perio
dical violation by the assumption of a ' dispensing power '
on the part of the Crown. He took an early opportu
nity of expressing his views in a debate on the Chan
cellor of the Exchequer's motion for a committee to
inquire into the causes of the recent commercial dis
tress. In doing so he said that ' he was satisfied that the
day would come when Parliament would again be called
upon to interfere.' He did not live to see the fulfilment

232 LORD JOHN RUSSELL. ch. xi.
of his prophecy ten years afterwards, in 1857, and
again, with another interval of nine years, in 1866.
Lord John Russell, who replied particularly to Mr,
Herries's speech, observing that in the course of the
discussion some novel opinions had been thrown out,
and there had been a great deal of discursive disquisi
tion, said : ' I am happy to find, therefore, that in fol
lowing the right honourable gentleman, I follow one
who has kept himself within the limits of that which is
properly the subject of debate, and who has given
opinions which, whether I agree with them or not, at
any rate must be listened to with the greatest respect,
coming as they do from a person of his influence, his
experience, and his knowledge both of the financial and
the constitutional history of the country,' The person
alluded to was reluctant to allow his name to be placed
on the list of the committee, but consented to do so in
compliance with the desire strongly manifested by the
ChanceUor of the Exchequer, who said that it would be
a great pubUc disadvantage if he should decline to serve
on it. Soon after the Christmas holidays Mr, Herries
brought the subject forward again by moving two reso
lutions, the first of which, approving the recommenda
tion given by the Government to the Bank, was adopted,
but the second, declaring the expediency of a suspension
of the restrictions imposed by the Acts of 1844 and
1845, was rejected by a majority of 41, The motion
came too late. The October panic had passed away.
Consols were rising, and the pressure, no longer felt,
was almost forgotten.
The repeal of the Navigation laws proposed for the

CD. xr. NAVIGATION LAW. 233
first time by the Government in 18 18, and effected in
1849, was the most important question dealt with by
the House of Commons during those sessions, or indeed
during the whole existence of that Parliament. ' The
resistance,' says Lord George Bentinck's illustrious
biographer, ' was led with great ability by Mr. Herries,
and the whole party put forward their utmost strength
to support him.' In a fair and temperate spirit, as some
of its best advocates admitted, he opposed the measure
of the Government, believing that the abrogation of the
' Maritime Charter ' would expose to hazard that naval
preponderance which it had been designed to secure,
and to the maintenance of which, looking at the ques
tion from the point of Adew of national greatness, he
made all other considerations entirely subordinate. But
although he thought that it was rash to abolish the
code which, modified indeed in some of its parts, had
subsisted for two centuries, he never went to the ex
treme length of saying that no relaxation in any of its
detaUs ought ever to be aUowed. He professed his
readiness to assent, as he had done more than twenty
years before, to such alterations as a change of circum
stances might render necessary. His opinions were
expressed in the resolution which, in concert with his
friends, he moved on the 20th of May, 1848 : ' That it
is essential to the national interests of this country to
maintain the fundamental principles of the existing
Navigation laws, subject to such modifications as may be
best calculated to obviate any proved inconvenience
to the commerce of the United Kingdom and its de
pendencies, without danger to our national strength.'

234 NAVIGATION LAW. ch. xi.
What he meant when he spoke of the 'fundamental
principles of the existing Navigation laws,' he explained
by quoting the words of Mr. Huskisson : ' The funda
mental principle of the Navigation laws is that of giving
by law in our foreign trade a preference to British ship
ping and British seamen, so far as we can do so con
sistently with our engagements and relations with other
countries, and of confining our domestic trade, our
coasting and colonial trade, as well as our fisheries,
exclusively to ourselves,' , . . To these principles
Mr, Huskisson firmly adhered. The legislative changes
effected under his auspices, and in which Mr, Herries,
then Secretary to the Treasury, was largely a coUabo-
rator, were no deviation from them. It was contended,
with no little inconsistency, by many of those who at
the same time most vehemently demanded the total re
peal of the Navigation law, denouncing its artificial
restrictions as injurious to commerce, to the consumer,
and to the shipping interest itself, that hardly anything
in reality remained of the detested statute. With vary
ing metaphor it was said that the substance having
been taken away by the legislation of Wallace and Hus
kisson, and by the reciprocity treaties, nothing was left
but a shred, a rag, a shadow, the bark of the tree with
out its trunk, and from this strange fallacy was drawn,
especially by Sir Robert Peel, an argumentum,ad hominem,
as illegitimate as such an argument commonly is, against
Mr, Herries, who was twitted with his useless defence of
the mere semblance of a protection, which he himself had
helped to destroy. But such reasonings, however smart
they may have appeared in debate, will not bear the

ch. xr. NAVIGATION LAW. 235
test of candid examination. The so-called Reciprocity
Acts of 1823 and 1824, and the treaties founded upon
them, did not in fact touch the Navigation Act in
the slightest degree. They dealt simply with the
equalization of discriminating duties on ships and on
the goods carried in them — charges not imposed by
the Navigation Act, and which were not its necessary
consequence. The amended Navigation Acts of 1822
and 1825 removed several of the former restrictions on
the colonial trade, the long voyage trade, and the
European carrying trade, some of which had no longer
any meaning or importance, and others had been ren
dered inapplicable by altered political circumstances.
One change indeed, by which the interdiction of im
portations of certain commodities from the Netherlands
or Germany, was taken off, was nothing but a return
to the Act of 1660, But after all these concessions to
foreign navigation, the main provisions of the law were
still in many respects intact, A Prussian vessel was
enabled to carry Prussian produce from a Prussian
port to certain ports in the British West Indies, and
bring home colonial produce. But it could not carry
a cargo of British goods from London to Jamaica, or a
cargo of sugar from Trinidad to Liverpool, A Dutch
ship might bring over to England from Amsterdam
French wine previously imported into Holland, but not
claret from Bordeaux, port wine from Oporto, or oranges
from Palermo, The transformation of colonies into
independent States required the adoption of new rules
for the trade with the American Continent, but the old
ones to a great extent subsisted for the import trade

236 NAVIGATION LAW, ch. xi.
with Asia and Africa, which, for all practical purposes,
was stUl a British monopoly, being confined to British
ships or those of the country of origin and export.
How then could it be pretended that the Navigation
Act was reduced to a mere shadow ? To the reductio ad
absurdum Mr, Herries repUed by quoting Mr, Labou-
chere's words on introducing his bUl in 1849 : — ' The
changes I am about to recommend are of a far more
important and extensive description than any previously
proposed to Parliament, , , , I do not disguise from
myself that these alterations are of a very gi'ave and
serious character,' , , ,
Although the result could not have been doubtful,
the contest was vigorously sustained in the House of
Commons, where Mr, Herries's motions were power
fully supported by Lord George Bentinck, Mr, Disraeli,
Lord Granby, Mr, Walpole, and other speakers who
were not afraid to fight a losing battle. In the House
of Lords the Navigation law had no more eloquent de
fender than Lord Brougham, He often took counsel on
this subject with Mr. Herries, at whose house he became
a frequent visitor, and for whom he professed particular
esteem ; his sentiments, which at an earlier period had
been those of inveterate hostUity,^ having undergone an
entire change.
' It was displayed both in and out of Parliament. Many bitter attacks
in newspaper articles and reviews were known, or believed, to have pro
ceeded from Brougham's pen. A passage in a letter written by him to Sir
Robert Wilson in 1827 shows his animus. ' I fear such appointments as
that ardent ultra [this Whig notion at that time was entirely erroneous]
and concealed malignant Herries augur no great good to the godly.' The
godly were of course the Whigs. — Narrative of the Formation of Canning's
Administration, by General Sir Robert WUsou. Edited by the Rev. Herbert
Randolph. 1872.

CH. XI, EFFECTS OF REPEAL. 237
It must be conceded that the apprehensions of those
who, adhering to the policy upheld by a long line of
English statesmen, from Cromwell to Huskisson, and
advocated by the greatest of English economists, de
precated the abrogation of the law, famous in the history
of England and of the world, ' for the encouragement
of British Shipping and Navigation,' have not been
realized, although it may be doubted whether, in all
respects, their predictions have been proved to be erro
neous by results. But their successful adversaries cannot
justly refuse to admit that the maritime and commer
cial conditions of every region of the globe which ex
isted prior to the year 1850, and in view of which the
question was discussed, have since that time been wholly
changed by the operation of causes not then foreseen.
The requirements both of peaceful trade and of naval
warfare at the present day are far removed from those
of the year 1848.
All the calculations of the comparative cost of build
ing and navigating British and foreign ships which
were made at a time when the number of steam vessels
was relatively insignificant, and wood was stUl the
material principally employed, have been upset by the
enormous increase of steam navigation, and of the use
of iron in the construction of ships ; in both which
respects our ability to defy foreign competition needs
no demonstration. The prodigious augmentation of traffic of all kinds
between aU countries, far exceeding that which previous
experience could have warranted anyone in reckoning
upon, has demanded a corresponding addition to the
formerly avaUable means of transport.

238 NEW CONDITIONS OF TRADE. ch. xi.
The unexpected access of Europeans to Japan ;
the extension of trade with China brought about by
successful war ; the creation of new centres of commer
cial activity consequent upon the gold discoveries of
California and Australia ; the opening of the Suez Canal
by French enterprise in spite of the senseless opposition
of Lord Palmerston to an undertaking beneficial to the
world in general, but far more so to England in par
ticular, of the impotent ill-will of British diplomacy,
and of the prejudices instiUed into the mind of the
British public, led by persistent invective and insinua
tion to look upon the great work now placed in the
category of ' British interests ' of the first magnitude,
as an engine malignantly designed for the destruction
of the British Empire, and upon its ingenious and
courageous promoter, as a deadly enemy bent on the
ruin of all that was most sacred to a Briton : these
extraordinary events, not even remotely referable to
free trade in general, or to free trade in shipping, speci
fically, have given such an impulse to steam navigation
on the largest scale as no man could have contemplated
in 1848. Another revolution not then to be imagined was
the sudden displacement of American by British ship
ping : the result, not of fair competition in the ordinary
course of trade, but of civil war, and of depredations
exercised by ' volunteer cruisers ' fitted out through the
pernicious activity of English speculators.
In looking at comparative statistics of British
navigation, it is well to remember that the conditions
required, formerly and now, to constitute a British

CH. XI. WHAT IS A BRITISTI SHIP? 2.")9
vessel are not the same. What was legally and
technicidly described as a British ship under the old
Navigation law, was such m reality. It was a vessel
buUt in the United Kingdom or in some British depen
dency, owned by a British subject, navigated by a
British master, and manned by a crew of which at least
three-fourths were also British subjects. It is now pos
sible for a ship to have a British register, and to be
entitled to saU under British colours, which has been
built in Norway, is owned by a Company the whole of
whose capital belongs to Americans, commanded by a
Dutchman, and manned with a ' scratch crew ' of mur
derous mutineers of no known nationality, not one of
whom speaks or understands the English tongue, or
cares in the least for the parallelogram of red bunting
with a particoloured corner, called the British ensign,
which, manufactured perchance at Ghent, may have
beeiLjpurchased by a German bagman in a slop-shop at
Antwerp. What is there British, except its register,
about such a ship? Even the belaying pins with which,
somewhere m the South Sea, the mate kUls the captain,
the boatswain the mate, the cook the boatswain, and
the carpenter the cook, are probably not British made ;
nor the knives with which, after scuttling the so-caUed
British ship, the piratical crew cut each other's throats ;
leaving the last survivor in possession of the only
British articles on board — a bottle of whisky and a box
of biscuits. As to the genuine British seaman of the mercantile
marine some high naval authorities have held the
opmion that his average quality has deteriorated since

240 HERRIES AGAINST COBDEN. ch. xi.
the adoption of the modern system. But this is a
consideration which does not affect the question of cheap
conveyance, and consequently of cheap consumption,
long since recognized as the primary object of human
existence. On Mr, Cobden's irrational motion (February 26,
1849) for a reduction of expenditure by ten mUlions in
order to bring it down to the standard of the estimates of
1835, without regard to all the changes which fourteen
years had brought about in modes of warfare, in arms,
in the numerical strength of continental armies, and in
the naval and mUitary preparations of foreign Powers,
Mr, Herries, supporting the Government, animadverted
severely, but justly, upon the customary misrepresenta
tions of the financial and economical agitators, ' The
Right Honourable gentleman, the Chancellor of the
Exchequer,' he said, ' had complimented the honourable
member for the West Riding on the moderation and
forbearance which had marked his observations. In
that compliment he (Mr, Herries) could not join ; for
although the tone and language of the honourable
member were moderate and sufficiently tempered to
suit the atmosphere of that House, he (Mr, Herries)
could not forget that the speech of the honourable
member was, after aU, but a repetition of that which
had been ringing in the public ear for the last six
months from Liverpool, from Manchester, and every
other scene of agitation, where the same things had been
said, though not exactly in the same terms, , , , The
honourable member was violent in one place, and
decorous in another ; but if the honourable gentleman

CH. XI. EXPENDITURE OF ENGLAND AND FRANCE. 241
was to have the privilege of using inflammatory and
irritating language in one place, and sober and discreet
language in another, he (Mr. Herries) would much
prefer that he should give way to his violence and
invective in that House, and reserve his decorous
argumentation for those places where his audiences
consisted of multitudes composed of more inflammable
materials. . . . The honourable member had instituted
a comparison between the expenditure of the Govern
ments of England and France. He (Mr. Herries) being
thus provoked to follow the honourable gentleman in
that contrast, was compelled to declare that he did not
think he had studied that subject quite well enough to
warrant him in coming, as he had done, to a conclusion
in respect to the financial administration of the two
nations unfavourable to that of England. ... If they
reviewed the financial progress of the EngUsh and
French nations for the last twenty-eight years, they
would see much more cause for congratulation than for
blame or regret, in the comparative good management of
our own Government, under the sanction of ParUament,
when placed in contradistinction with that of France,'
, , , He then gave a succinct statement of the expen
diture of each country from 1820 to 1848 inclusive,
showing, as the result of the comparison, that ' whUst in
England they commenced in 1820 with 56,150,000/.,
and ended in 1848 with 55,596,000/. ; in France
they commenced with 35,000,000/., and ended with
72,000,000/. From 1824 the average amount was
about 38,000,000/. until the year 1830. In that year
a great change occurred. There was a revolution,
VOL, II, R

242 PEASANT PROPRIETORS AND PEACE, ch. xi.
Revolutions were expensive things — a fact which it
would well become those who were disposed to promote
them to bear in mind. In 1830 an enormous increase
of expenditure was incurred for the revolution itself,
whereby the amount of the Budget of 1831 was sweUed
to the sum of 60,000,000/, , , , It was weU deserving
the attention of the House that the rapid expansion of
pubUc expenditure in France seemed to keep pace
with the progressive infusion of more popular elements
into her Government and Constitution ; and this re
markable circumstance suggested an observation on a
doctrine which had been propounded to the good people
of Manchester by the member for the West Riding, the
effect of which was that the minute and progressive
subdivision of property which prevaUed in France,
under the laws of that country, was an admirable
safeguard against a propensity to war, by its tendency
to arrest the expenditure by which war was always
accompanied, . , . He (Mr, Herries) had been greatly
surprised by the maintenance of such a doctrine in the
face of history and experience. Why, let the honourable
member but look at those papers to which he had just
been referring, and then tell him what he meant by
stating that this subdivision of property must have the
effect of preventing war, because it prevented expen
diture. Did he not know that this very subdivision of
property and all this expanding expenditure had been
going on together in France,* and that a great part of
^ He might have added that the peasant proprietors of France were the
mainstay of Bonapartism and Sacerdotalism. But he could not have
predicted that a Second Em ire, created and supported by allied pea-

on. XI. COST OF DEMOCRACY, 243
that expenditure was for the Algerme war — a war
which had been forced upon the Government by the
pressure from without ? , , . Let the honourable
member then, whenever he again addressed the people
of Manchester on the subject of agitating for a re
duction of the national expenditure, and compared
democratic with monarchical institutions — let him — if
he chose to give the preference to democracy, teU his
audiences that aU history taught that if they must needs
have repubUcs and democracies in preference to such a
monarchy as that under which we Uve, they must be
weU prepared to put their hands deep into their pockets
to pay for the change, , , , The honourable member told
the House of things past and things to come, and of his
intense desfre for the reduction of expenditure. In that
he was not singular. Why, so was he (Mr. Herries) also
for reduction. He was ready to go along with the
honourable member if he would only go at a different
pace, , . . With agitators he was not prepared to go —
with an agitation that was based on no soUd foundation
he could not co-operate — an agitation, too, that was con
ducted in a spfrit of hostUity and hatred against particu
lar classes, , . He would tell the honourable gentlemen
sant proprietors and priests, would bring ruin upon France by a war of

It might also have been suggested to Mr. Cobden as a matter for his
consideration, whether the Corn Laws could have been repealed without
conflict between town and country, if in 1846 the whole soil of the United
Kingdom had been owned by the tillers thereof, numbering with their
families many millions directly interested in the maintenance of high prices
for agriciiltural produce, their sole means of subsistence ; and whether the
minute subdivision of property which he desired would not inevitably be
followed by a demand on the part of those millions for a return to agricul
tural protection. E 2

244 PROPOSED REDUCTION OF SALARIES. ch. xi.
opposite that they had no right to impute to him or to his
friends any indisposition to retrenchment and economy.
They were prepared to promote both to the utmost,'
The denial of the dogma that infinite subdivision of
land among little cultivators is the true remedy for aU
maladies of the body poUtic was received with great
indignation, Mr, Herries was told that he was in
favour of an increase of pauperism for the better preser
vation of peace, because he doubted the truth of the
doctrine laid down by Mr, Cobden, and interpreted by
another speaker, ' that the more property was divided
in proportion to the population, as in France, the less
danger was there of their institutions being disturbed,'
This was said just one year after the revolution
of February 1848, followed by months of ruinous
anarchy, whUe the ' institutions ' and society of Eng
land, where property was not 'divided as in France,'
remained unshaken. But concerning ' peasant pro
prietors ' anything may be affirmed.
In spite of his constant desire to defer to the
opinions of his friends in opposition, Mr. Herries was
not always able to agree with them. On one occasion,
indeed, he felt compelled to express his dissent from
a motion made by Mr. Henley, with the concurrence of
many of the protectionist party, for a general reduction
by ten per cent, of the salaries of civU servants, from
the highest to the lowest, on the ground of an aUeged
decrease of the cost of living. Being convinced that such
a diminution of their scanty and well-earned incomes
would inflict great suffering upon an immense number

CH. XI. DERBY CABINET. 245
of meritorious functionaries, he voted with the Govern
ment against the proposal. In the course of his speech
he pointed out the considerable reductions successively
effected since 1815 — the ratio of diminution having been
much greater in salaries than in the number of officials.
He also observed that when the price of wheat rose
from 39s, in 1835 to 70s, in 1839, there was no pro
position for an increase of salaries, and that their regula
tion by the price of corn, with a necessary alteration
almost year by year — a system of corn salaries instead
of corn rents — ^would be most detrimental to poor clerks
with 90/. a year or less, who could not reduce their
fixed charges for rent, insurance, and the like.
It is needless to follow the vicissitudes of the ses
sions of 1850 and 1851, the history of which is written
in the Book of Hansard,
When Lord Palmerston's swift vengeance drove his
late coUeagues out of office in 1852, and Lord Derby
was forced under adverse cfrcumstances to undertake
the formation of a new Cabinet, Mr, Herries accepted
the post in it of President of the Board of Control, It
was a very great disappointment to him that the place
in the Cabinet which he was most qualified to fill — ^the
ChanceUorship of the Exchequer — could not be assigned
to him. Lord Derby explained that there were special
reasons which compelled him to unite the position of
leader of the House of Commons with the office of
ChanceUor of the Exchequer in the present instance,
and that this had been already arranged with Mr, Dis
raeli, But with that exception, and one or two others,
he offered him his choice. So strongly did Mr, Herries

246 BOARD OF CONTROL, oh. xi.
feel upon the subject of the Exchequer, that he begged
for a short time — though there was but little to spare —
in order to consider what course he should pursue; and
in the same afternoon he wrote to Lord Derby (whose
great kindness, and even anxiety to satisfy him, he
always acknowledged), offering to support the Govern
ment without office, or, if Lord Derby continued to
think, as he had said in thefr interview, that it was
of importance to the Government that he should be a
member of it, he suggested that he might hold some
honorary office without any serious duties attached
to it. In truth he felt that, at his time of Ufe, and in his
state of health, he could not undertake the administra
tion of a department involving much labour, and that
his intimate knowledge of our financial system, even in
its minutest detaUs, would enable him to deal with the
Exchequer with the greatest ease.
But Lord Derby could not consent to either of these
proposals, and, finaUy, it was left to Mr. Herries to
decide between the Colonial office, the Board of Control
(India Office), and the Board of Trade. He selected
the India Office, being averse from the labour which he
believed the Colonies would entaU upon him,^
^ There is much confldential correspondence betweeen Mr. Herries and
Lord Derby, as well as other political personages, during the period from
1848 to 1853. It is of course too recent for publication ; but the present
Editor may, without indiscretion, remark that if it could be produced it
would afford indisputable proof of the very high estimation in which Mr.
Herries was held.

CH. xii. WORK AT THE INDIA OFFICE. 247

CHAPTER XII.
Work at the India Office — Correspondence on Burmese War, &c. — Exercise
of patronage — Letters to Croker and others — Recognition of French
Emph-e — Resignation of Derby Cabinet — Mi'. Herries retires from Parlia
ment — Letter from Brougham — Opinions of eminent pubhc men — Death
— Liberal testimony— General view of Mr. Herries's political principles
and practice — Conclusion.
He soon perceived that age had weakened the capacity
for continuous work which at an earlier period of his
Ufe had been immense, and some premonitory attacks,
temporarUy disabling him, warned him that he was en
deavouring to do more than his strength would aUow.
K the Cabinet had appeared to be firmly estabUshed he
would have sought rest in retfrement, but, in the pre
carious state of its existence, a sense of duty to his
colleagues restrained him from abandoning the post he
had been persuaded to assume. His feeUng of weariness
is expressed in a letter to a poUtical friend of former
days : — ' I rejoice to observe that you have lost none of
your warmth of attachment to the old school of politics
in which you and I were feUow-labourers "a long time
ago." But a sad change has come over the spirit of
that dream. You are well out of the toU and turmoU
of a struggle with the augmented and augmenting
powers of RadicaUsm. I heartily wish I were in so
quiet a position as you are. The management of my
immense office is a hard task at my time of life, and

248 CORRESPONDENCE. ch, xit.
nothing but a conscientious devotion to a good cause
would have induced me to undertake it, , , ,'
But there is certainly no want of vigour or care
perceptible in his correspondence, official or private.
The second Burmese War, the intelUgence of the
commencement of which reached England soon after
the installation of the new Ministry, and the Par
liamentary inqufry into the system of government in
India previous to the expiration of the Company's
charter, were the principal objects calling for the atten
tion of the Indian Department during Mr, Herries's
short administration of it. To other questions of per
manent importance he devoted himself with the greatest
soUcitude, In particular, he earnestly pressed forward
the construction of raUways, and promoted the plans
for the establishment of telegraphic communication, the
honour of devising which belongs to Dr, O'Shaugh-
nessy. The following extracts from private letters,^ written
by Mr, Herries at this time show his views on these
subjects, and his mode of treating them.
To the Duke of Wellington, March 4, 1852,
' In obedience to your wish expressed to me at the
Levee, I send you the draft of the letter prepared by
Lord Ellenborough in 1829 after consulting you on
the possible renewal of the Burmese war, together with
Lord EUenborough's note suggesting a reference to
it, , , ,'
^ The publication of the present Memoir has been retarded by the acci
dental discovery of a large volume containing this correspondence.

OH. XII. BURMESE WAR. 249
To the Earl of Ellenborough.
March 4. — ' I am much obliged to you for your
letter. I saw the Duke at the Levee, and I reminded
him of his suggestions to you on the subject of a pos
sible renewal of a Burmese War in 1829. He desfred
to have an opportunity of reading the draft of your
despatch. I have accordingly sent it to him. I am
anxiously waiting for the mail from India. As there is
every disposition on the part of the Indian Government
to avoid war, I am in hopes that nothing permanently
mischievous may arise from the reported skirmish off
Rangoon.' To the Marquis of Dalhousie.
March 8. — ' Your letter, addressed to Lord Brough-
ton, dated January 23, has been placed by him in my
hands, and affords me the first opportunity of opening a
private and confidential correspondence with you, in
my present official position, of which I avaU myself
with much pleasure. . . .
' , , , Although I entertain a strong expectation that
under your prudent management the misfortune of a
war with Ava wUl be avoided, I think it may be useful
and interesting to you to refer to a despatch touching
the possible danger of the renewal of a Burmese war,
which you wUl find in your archives under date of Sep
tember 29, 1829, It was sent out by Lord EUenborough
after a communication with the Duke of Wellington,
from whom I have just received the note enclosed, after
sending it to him for perusal, , , .'

250 BURMESE WAR. oh. xn.
April 8, — ' Your letters by the last maU have been
of great interest, and we await with much solicitude the
result of your prompt and decisive measures for bring
ing the Burmese to reason. I do not in the least degree
doubt the correctness of your conclusion, that nothing
short of vigorous compulsion would produce that
effect. , , ,
' , , , With more discretion on the side of the naval
negotiators, and a strict compliance with your instruc
tions, the affair might perhaps have been terminated
without having recourse to the strong measures which
you are now forced to adopt, , . ,
' I sincerely hope that you wUl not find it incon
venient, either to your health or to your private affairs,
to accede to the request which Lord Derby has made to
you, and which I also subsequently addressed to you
through the Secret Committee (very much to the satis
faction of the Chairs), that you would consent to remain
another year in the discharge of your high and most
important functions. Under any circumstances a com-
pUance with the request would have been essentiaUy
advantageous to the public service. The recent events
and present prospect of affafrs in India, greatly add to
the importance of it, , , ,'
May 24, — ' Your letters by the last mail have put us
in possession of all your proceedings and views up to
the starting of the expedition against Rangoon, They
afford no ground for hope that any answer would be
received from Ava such as might authorise General
Godwin to bring matters to a peaceful conclusion with
out striking a blow, I therefore expect to learn by the

CH, XII, BURMESE WAR. 251
next arrival of the mail that Rangoon has fallen and
Martaban also. The instructions which you have given
to the General are in every respect approved of by
Lord Derby and the whole of the Government here,
of which I have the satisfaction of conveying to you an
assurance by my secret despatch of this date.'
June 7. — ' Your despatches of the 22nd and your
private letter of the 24th, have brought us good tidings,
and afforded much gratification to all of us. I heartUy
congratulate you on the complete success of an expe
dition prepared so immediately under your personal
superintendence to carry out your own poUcy, in which
the whole of the Government at home have unreservedly
concurred, as I have already assured you. Although
you were not sanguine at the date of your letter in the
hope that the King of Ava might be wise enough to
profit by the severe lesson which you have given him,
I must confess that I am not without the belief and ex
pectation that such a blow so promptly and so vigor
ously administered may have the effect of subduing
even Burmese pride, and thereby lead to a speedy con
clusion of the war. Heaven grant it may be so.
' The state of the health of the army is the only
subject of anxiety to us. It does not appear from any
accounts we possess whether the cholera, of which some
cases had occurred, was of Rangoon origin, or carried
with them by the troops from Madras or Calcutta.
We are assured here by persons assuming to have
knowledge by experience of the locality, that Rangoon
is not invariably an unhealthy place. The reminis-

252 ELECTRIC TELEGRAPH. BURMESE WAR. ch. xii.
cences of our last mUitary occupation of it are not
decisive upon that pouit. In that instance there was
a neglect of all those precautions and provisions for the
health and comfort of the men which in this case you
have so carefuUy attended to, , , .
' Our Committee, on the renewal of the " East
Indian Territories " Act proceeds quietly and satis
factorUy. There is a general inclination towards a
maintenance of the present system with perhaps some —
not very important — modifications.
' I took the liberty of communicating part of your
letter to me to the Queen,'
June 8, — ' I will attend immediately and with much
interest to your despatches by the last maU on the
subject of the electric telegraph. The papers are
this day brought under my consideration. You may
depend upon my warm support in the prosecution of
your views, and on my giving aU possible attention to
Dr, O'Shaughnessy when he arrives. It is a matter of
immense importance to the Government of India,'
June 23, — ' It affords me much pleasure to be able
to reUeve your mind of one subject of solicitude, which
appears (by your last letter of May 3) to occupy it.
You were then under the impression that the Burmese
War is unpopular here. But , . , I am able confi
dently to assure you that war with Ava stands in no
disfavour in the public mind ; whUe, on the contrary,
there certainly does prevail a very general admiration
of the manner in which you have commenced and

CH. XII, SOLDIERS AND SAILORS APPLAUDED, 253
hitherto conducted it. Your earnest endeavours to
avoid it are duly appreciated. We have published in
an Extraordinary Gazette the documents relating to
the capture of Rangoon and Martaban, and I trust that
in the forthcoming Queen's Speech notice wUl be taken
in becoming terms of approbation of your own share of
these important achievements, as well as of the valour
and discipline of the troops engaged in them. They
are, indeed, beyond aU praise, considering the diffi
culties of the cUmate with which these brave feUows
had to contend,
' The good health of the army and the favourable
condition of the wounded are subjects of much gratifi
cation to aU of us, , , ,'
With reference to the two last letters. Lord Dal
housie wrote on August 7 : — ' You have gratified me
by the kind terms in which you have disabused my
mind of the beUef that this war is obnoxious in England,
I do not affect to be insensible to any approbation
which may be felt of my own share in the matter, or to
be by any means indifferent to the expression of it, but
I can also most unaffectedly declare that my chief care
is that her Majesty's Government should, at the fitting
time, give fuU praise and reward to the soldiers and
saUors who have done thefr work so weU, They are
noble feUows, By my life they are noble feUows !
' Your very prompt and complete adoption of aU
our proposals regarding the electric telegraph has been
most gratifying to us here. Be assured it is a work
whose importance and value to this country cannot be
over-estimated,' , , ,

254 BURMESE WAR, ch. xii.
To the Marquis of Dalhousie.
July 24. — ' Your letters of June 2 have brought to
us the satisfactory intelligence of the capture of Bassein.
' The movement upon that place was well planned
and happily executed.
' The occupation of Bassein and the consequent
command of the branch of the river on which it is
situated, is an important addition to the possession of
Rangoon and Martaban.
' General Godwin's opinion, confirmed by your own,
on the impolicy of a forward movement under present
cfrcumstances is entirely acquiesced in here. I have
submitted the papers to the Duke of WeUington. It is
a remarkable cfrcumstance that you should remain so
entfrely uninformed of the disposition or condition of
the Court of Ava. There must be some special cause
for the absence of information from thence. I am
inclined to impute it to some convulsion in that Go
vernment, and I am not without hope that we may reap
the benefit of thefr distracted councUs in a concession
which may relieve us from the necessity of a march
upon Ava.
' Happen what may, I have no doubt but that you
wUl make the Burmese pay our expenses. In the
present state of our Indian finances, we can Ul afford
to incur extra charges for punishing thefr misconduct.
I am aware of your anxious attention to the subject of
the income and expenditure of India, and I trust you
will permit me, in the course of the present recess, to
open an unreserved correspondence with you on that

cri. xii, TELEGRAPH AND RAILWAYS. 255
important topic. , , . I have seen Dr. O'Shaughnessy,
and am much pleased with him. I will do everything
in my power to forward his business here, and to pro
mote your intentions with respect to the electric tele
graph system in India. We are doing what we can in
pushing on the construction of your railways. I could
not agree with the Dfrectors on the question whether
the ]\ladras RaUway should be executed by the East
India Company itself, or by contract, as in the case of
the others now in progress. The great advantage of
inducing the investment of British capital, and the
application of British enterprise to Indian improve
ments, taken in conjunction with the apparently suc
cessful progress (hitherto) of the contract system in
the construction of the Bombay and Bengal raUways,
induced me to overrule the resolution of the Court of
Dfrectors in favour of the other course. . , ,
' You wiU observe in our newspapers that great
havoc has been made in the ranks of the late ParUament
by the elections now nearly brought to a close. There
are few of us who have not lost personal friends in the
general slaughter ; and independently of all political
bias there are some whose absence from ParUament I
shaU sincerely deplore,'
Augmt 24, — ' I have received your private letter of
3rd July, If you wrote to me by the preceding mail
(which we fear is lost), I am without hope of ever
seeing your letter. It is not in my power to write to
you on this occasion as fully as I should have wished
, , , by the next maU you may confidently expect
a fuU and explicit communication of the views and

256 PEGU. LORD FALKLAND, ch, xii.
decision of the Government upon the several alterna
tives set forth in your minute of the 30th of June,^
concerning the ulterior measures to be pursued in the
settlement of the Burmese question, , , ,'
To the Duke of Wellington.
September 2. — ' Your paper of suggestions on the
annexation of Pegu has been acted upon, I have
drawn the instructions to the Governor-General accord
ingly, in concert with Lord Derby, and they are now
with the Queen for approval, I thought it right to
inform her Majesty that your advice had been taken by
Lord Derby upon the subject,'
To Viscount Falkland.^
September 6, — ' , , . , You may be assured that
there is, and always wUl be, a ready disposition on my
part, and on that of the other members of H,M, Go
vernment, to repel unjust or injurious attacks upon
the pubUc servants abroad, as a duty to them upon
general pubUc grounds, independently even of the
personal respect which they entertain for your Lord
ship and others who Uke you are discharging important
duties in distant lands, , , , In a former letter to you
I have adverted in just terms of approbation to the
admirable celerity with which the orders of Lord
Dalhousie were executed at Bombay in the preparation
of the Naval Force requfred from thence for the
expedition to Rangoon. The subsequent conduct of
the Indian steamers in the Rivers of Pegu has been
^ Papers presented to Parliament March 15, 1863, p. 37.
^ Governor of Bombay.

CH. XII. LORD DALIIOUSIE'S INSTRUCTIONS, 257
sufficient, I trust, to dispel all prejudices which may
have existed against your naval establishment,
'I have read with attention and interest your
remarks upon the financial condition of your Lord
ship's Presidency, You are justly entitled to a full
allowance for all the cfrcumstances to which you advert,
as necessary causes of the apparently unfavourable
balance of the Income and Expenditure of Bombay, I
am about to enter upon a full investigation of the
financial condition of all the Presidencies, and you may
be assured that the important facts to which you dfrect
my attention will not be overlooked, , . .'
To the Marquis of Dalhousie.
September 7. — ' I have received your private letters
of the 14-15th June, and of the 14th July ; the earlier
ones after the latter ; they were retarded by the faUure
of the Ajduha.
' I wrote by the last maU to inform you that we
had received your important minute of the 30th June.
I regretted that I could not by the same opportunity
send you the opinions of the Government upon it. The
maU which brought it arrived later than usual, and my
coUeagues were so dispersed that I was unable to lay
before the Queen the draft of the instructions which
you so earnestly and so naturaUy requested to receive
in the most explicit terms, in time for the outgoing
maU, ' Those instructions * wUl reach you when you
receive this letter. The fullest consideration has been
* September 6. Papers presented to Parliament March 15, 1853, p. 62.
VOL. II. S

258 VIEWS OF THE GOVERNMENT. ch. xii.
given to aU the points adverted to in your Minute.
Lord Derby thought it right to take the Duke of
Wellington into our councUs, , , , You wUl observe
how entfrely aU your measures are approved of, and
how cordially aU your motives are concurred in by the
Government at home. The only point on which we
somewhat diverge — not from any of your positive views
— but from a suggestion connected with your fifth and
last proposed alternative — is one upon which I trust
that you will ultimately agree with us,
' We see no practicable or safe termination of the
warfare in which you are engaged with Burmah except
by compelling the King of Ava to conclude it by a
treaty such as may satisfy our interests and vindicate our
honour, or by driving him from his capital and extin
guishing his rule. We have, therefore, not adopted the
course, rather hinted than expressly proposed in your
minute, of confining our miUtary operations to the
expulsion of the Burmese from Pegu and then leaving
them to do the worst they can against us.
' I see with satisfaction your determination to go
yourself to Rangoon. Your presence cannot but have
an excellent effect there. . . , On the whole we look
forward with confident hope to the ultimate issue of
the operations into which you have been compelled to
enter. My own expectation is that they wUl put an
end for ever to all danger and trouble on your eastern
frontier, and open new and important sources of
advantage to the commerce of this country and of
India,'

CH. xn, PUBLIC OPINION. 259
To Sir J. W. Hogg, Bart., Chairman of the Court of
Directors.
September 7. — . . . ' We differ very slightly from
the Governor-General as to the modus terminandi of the
war which he commenced with so much reluctance and
has prosecuted with so much skill and vigour. What
ever may be thought of it by others, / look forward to
great benefits to India to be ultimately derived from
the ample punishment — perhaps the expulsion of the
Burmese from our eastern frontier there. . . .'
To the Marquis of Dalhousie.
September 23. — 'I have received your letter of the
7th August after your return from Rangoon. The
information which it brings to us relating to the health
and general good condition of the troops is so satisfac
tory that I have thought it right to communicate the
contents of it to the Queen. I have also deemed it
advisable to publish in the ordinary Gazette the de
spatches relating to the affair at Prome. It appears to be
desfrable, in order to prevent idle misrepresentation, to
keep the public mind weU informed upon the state of
things in Burmah, and that it should be prepared by
correct intelUgence for the results to which your
measures are inevitably tending. A great change has
afready taken place in the general feeUng in this
country respecting an extension of our Indian posses
sions eastward. Unless I am much mistaken there
prevails at present a stronger disposition to deprecate
too much forbearance and self-denial than to quarrel
s 2

260 THE DUKE'S ADVICE. HIS DEATH, ch. xii.
with conquest and aggrandisement in the quarter into
which you have so successfully carried an unavoidable
war. There would, I am confident, be an accusatory
outcry of disappointment if Pegu were not to be added
to our eastern Empfre. I hope you wUl find our
instructions sent out by the last maU as expUcit as you
could desfre. The opinion of our great old Duke upon
the subject, given at the request of Lord Derby, was
perhaps the last advice of any poUtical importance
which he was caUed upon to give. He was peremptory
upon the point of compelling the Burmese to cede Pegu
by a definitive treaty, or driving them out of Ava;
subject in the latter case to such further punishment as
our sacrifices of men and money might justify and
require, , . .
'The public miad is at this moment whoUy en
grossed here by the death of our great hero. Having
been warmly attached to him myself during the last
thirty years, I feel deeply and lament sincerely the loss
of him. But his departure has been to me more a sub
ject of regret than of surprise. The last letter which I
received from him (a few days only before his death)
was scarcely legible or intelUgible,
' I have several important papers on your pubUc
affafrs now under my consideration which I reserved on
account of thefr magnitude for a day of leisure, , , ,
One of our first acts when ParUament meets must be
the reappointment of the Committee on the renewal of
the Indian Government Act, I do not anticipate any
very serious opposition, but immense trouble, in obtain-

OH, XII. GENERAL GODWIN. LORD DALHOUSIE. 261
ing the consent of Parliament to a continuation of it, I
trust that the late Government will concur with the
present in the promotion of that object. We worked
harmoniously in the Committee in the last session, . . .'
October 8. — ' I have received your letter of August
21. It is fuU of interest, and presents altogether a
very satisfactory prospect of the successful termination
of the warfare into which you have been dragged by the
insolent and impracticable Burmese. . . .
' I know nothing personally of General Godwin.
But the good opinion which you have formed of him
leads me to expect that once put in motion under your
direction, and with the weU- appointed army placed in
his hands, his movements wiU be prompt and vigorous
— such as appear to be especially required for the speedy
success of the campaign which is before him, and the de
struction of the enemy with which he has to cope. . . ,'
To the Earl of Derby.
October 5. — ' The maU from India, which reached
me last night, brings inteUigence which requires our
immediate attention,
' The Governor-General has, somewhat hastUy, as
it appears to me, adopted a course with respect to his
operations in Burmah which is indeed conformable to
the suggestions thrown out towards the conclusion of
his elaborate Minute, but which we did not approve of,
I now send you his letter to General Godwin, showing
the determination to which he had come after fully
considering aU that had been submitted to him by the

262 SUBMISSION OR SUBJUGATION NECESSARY, ch. xii.
mUitary and naval commanders at Rangoon — ^whether
it was in conformity with their opinions he does not
state. , , ,
' I also send you copies of his two latest private
letters to me. In the last of these he does not enter into
any explanation of his recent resolves,
' The receipt of our instructions, which (in confor
mity with his own especial and repeated request) are
most expUcit, on the question of poUcy upon which he
appUed for dfrections, and which he seems now to have
decided for himself, wUl, I hope, have produced the
effect of inducing him to alter his arrangements, if not
his opinions, and to take vigorous steps for finishing
the war which we have been forced to commence.
There can be no satisfactory or final conclusion of the
warfare in Burmah except by a treaty, or by the subju
gation of the enemy. The Duke's memorandum leaves
no doubt upon that point. It is fortunate that Dal
housie has made full preparations for carrying the war
beyond the point at which he appeared disposed to stop
when he wrote to Godwin, It is also satisfactory to
know that the enemy is miserably unprepared to meet
the pressure of a vigorous prosecution of the war, . , ,
They can look to no quarter for aid. On the side of
Munipore they are threatened with hostUity ; on the
other side the Shans give them no countenance, , , ,
Their chief reliance is upon some tradition of a lucky
spot near Ava ! — a poor obstacle to oppose to the most
efficient force and the best provided with aU the requfre-
ments of war that has, perhaps, ever been put into the
field by us in India,

CH. XII. LORD CHANCELLOR, MILITARY OPINIONS. 263
' I am not sure that you have got a complete copy
of these instructions [dated September 6], I therefore
send one. You will see that I incorporated in toto
your paragraph, , , . I sent a copy to the ChanceUor,
I enclose his note of approval in returning it. The
dispersion of our Cabinet rendered it impracticable for
me to send it round to all its members. There was more
over no time for it. I now enclose for your consideration
a sketch for a secret despatch, which I should be glad to
send out by the mail which departs on Friday next.'
The Lord ChanceUor' s note above alluded to was as
foUows : —
' My dear Herries, — Although it is unimportant
whether I approve or disapprove, yet I cannot withhold
my approbation. It would be manifestly impoUtic to stop
short in the career of conquest at the point which you
desfre to retain, and then remain on the defensive. I
admfre the tone and composition of the paper itself,
' ¦' ' St, Leonards,'
From General Godwin's ' Memorandum on the
strength of the army I think requisite, to enable me to
march into the heart of Burmah, and to subjugate it,'
and from Sfr John Littler' s Minute of November 4
(both of which documents are published in the papers
presented to ParUament), it is evident that the miUtary
authorities perceived no extraordinary difficulty in the
execution of the instructions, which the Governor-
General was determined not to carry out, for an advance
upon Ava in the event of refusal or delay on the part of
the King to treat for peace on the basis of the cession
of Pegu,

264 LORD DALHOUSIE'S PLANS : OVERWORK, ch. xii,
Mr. Herries to the Earl of Derby.
October 22. — 'I have prepared a secret despatch
[October 23 : pubUshed in Burmah Papers] to Lord
Dalhousie, in which I have noticed his change of plans,
and the probabUity that he has been induced by the
earUer advance of the force under General Godwin to
anticipate in his Minute of August 10 our final instruc
tions, which he justly observes he could not receive in
time for a September movement of the troops, I have
so worded it as to show that we adhere to those instruc
tions, and to intimate our beUef that they wiU square
very well with the onward movement which he proposes
to make, although our view of the ulterior poUcy to be
pursued differs from that which is laid down in his
Minute.' To the Marquis of Dalhousie.
October 25. — ' I heartUy congratulate you on the
state of your army. . . . Your letter of the 7th is re
plete with good tidings, except in one particular, in
which I sincerely sympathise with you. Your labour
is enormous, and I fear that in such a cUmate it may
prove distressing to you. But are you not in some
measure the cause of this pressure ? If I mistake
not, your indefatigable industry has heaped upon your
single shoulders much of a weight distributed by your
predecessors among others, and thus you are accumu
lating a burden which may hereafter break the back of
one of your successors. . . .
' If you have had time to look at our newspapers
you will have seen that my estimation of the public

cu. XII, FAVOURABLE ESTIMATES MISTRUSTED. 265
feeling here on the -subject of your war was quite cor
rect. The cry now is for conquest and annexation.
The mercantUe and manufacturing interests begin to an
ticipate the advantages which they may derive from our
possession of the seaboard of Burmah, , , , Let us also
bear in mind that some other Power might have picked
a quarrel there, and have become a thorn in our side, if
we had not been compeUed to establish ourselves in
Pegu, , , ,'
November 8, — ' Your last letter brings most cheerful
accounts of the health and conduct of the army in
Burmah, It would almost appear as if you had sent
them thither as to a kind of sanatorium, , , ,
' Your financial metamorphosis of an estimated de
ficiency into an actual surplus for the year 1850-51 is
so pleasing and so singular (in my long experience the
change has always been of a converse complexion), that
I can hardly receive it, even fi'om you, without some
Uttle apprehension, and mistrust of some possible draw
back. However correct your statement no doubt must
be of the mere cash account, I am tempted to inqufre
whether, as a service account the result wUl wear an
equaUy favourable aspect. Are there no postponements
of expected payments, and no accelerations of estimated
receipts , , , ? I need not recommend to your vigUant
mind an inquiry upon these points, I shaU do what I
can here to obtain a clear view of the subject, before I
venture to crow very loudly in the House of Commons
upon it,^
' He seems to have felt that with regard to Indian estimates ' Confi
dence is a plant of slow growth in aged bosoms.' An expert in accounts, he

266 EXCHANGE OPERATIONS. GODWIN, ch, xii.
'We have had some startling occurrences in our
exchange operations with India in this country, I
readUy yielded to the urgent request of the Chairs to
lower the rate on which they offered bUls when it was
found that scarcely any could be got at 2s. the rupee.
But I stickled for a reduction to Is, U^d. only. They
however urged, and I yielded to them, the necessity of
a further diminution, viz,, to Is, 11^, At that rate a
torrent of bUls was poured in, and we were compeUed
to put up the exchange again to Is, ll^d., and after
wards to 2s, The abundance of capital is wonderftd,
and the caprices of speculation are unfathomable, I rely
in these matters greatly on the knowledge and ex
perience of the Chafrs, who sit in the very heart of the
money market. . , ,
* , , , In this case, however, they have all been at
fault, , , ,' To Lord Raglan.
November 21, — 'I return the extracts from General
Godwin's letters, , , ,
' I hope the day will soon arrive when I and others
wUl be in a condition to do justice to General Godwin
and the army in ParUament, , , , Nothing can have
been better than the conduct of all the authorities, civil
and mUitary. in the preparation, dispatch, and manage
ment of the expedition to and at Rangoon, , , , The
operations of the troops at the time when Godwin's
looked at them with caution, lest an apparent surplus should turn out to be
a real deficit. Possibly he may have been convinced from long experience
that the results of the incomings and outgoings of Indian finance belonged to
the category of ' those things that no fellow can find out,'

OH, xn. GOVERNOR-GENERAL'S INSTRUCTIONS. 267
letters were written, were wholly at the discretion of
Lord Dalhousie, He himself disclaimed the necessity
of any instructions from home in that respect : but no
maU went out without conveying to him cordial ap
proval and encouragement. On the other hand, he did
apply for distinct instructions and dfrections respecting
the poUcy to be ultimately adopted in the prosecution
and termination of the war. They went out to him
fuU, distinct, and expUcit, in the earliest possible reply
to his dispatch. We consulted the great Duke before
I framed them (with Lord Derby), and sent them to
the Queen for sanction. They not only give Dalhousie
fuU scope to do all that he contemplated, but they enjoin
him to do more. He is therefore anything but fettered
by the Government at home. But Dalhousie could not
receive these instructions before the middle of October,
His appUcation for them was only dispatched from
India on the 3rd of July, , , ,'
To the Marquis of Dalhousie.
December 23, — 'As this is the last occasion of my
writing to you as President of the Board of Control, I
have much pleasure in avaUing myself of the oppor
tunity to assure you of the gratification which your
confidential communications have afforded me, I shall
always reflect with much satisfaction on the harmony
and good understanding which have prevaUed in our
correspondence, and upon the Ught which it has thrown
upon the zeal, activity, and judgment which have been
constantly displayed in the discharge of your most
arduous duties in the government of India ; to which I

268 LAST LETTER TO LORD DALHOUSIE, ch. xii.
shall at all times be ready to bear my humble testimony
whether in or out of ParUament. I have written a short
secret letter ^ to you this maU, with which I trust you
wiU be satisfied. I have avoided touching upon any
controversial topics, and have confined myself to the
notice of your proposed modus operandi, which will I
hope, practically accomplish the end of our instructions.
' The wretched and barbarous Court of Ava appears
to be in such a state of impotency that even a moderate
degree of pressure ought to be sufficient to reduce it
to submksion, whUe you have prepared the means of
subjecting it to much more than a moderate degree of
coercion, ' But I feel that I am trespassing upon the province
of my successor. Whoever he may be [Sfr Charles
Wood succeeded him ; but the new Cabinet was not
formed at the date of this letter], he cannot be half so
content to assume the office as I am to relinquish it, I
harnessed myself again in the pubUc service with great
reluctance, and only in compUance with the wishes and
entreaties of my poUtical friends, who had strong claims
upon my humble services, I can now sing my nunc
dimittis with hearty satisfaction, and enjoy my retfre
ment with a satisfied conscience,'
Nothing could have been more handsome than the
manner in which Lord Dalhousie appears to have been
treated by the Government, to which he was well known
to be strongly opposed in political opinions, ' Dal
housie,' Mr, Herries wrote in one of his letters to Lord
* December 23, Burmah Papers, p, 96.

OH. xn. POLICY OF THE CABINET. PATRONAGE. 269
Derby, ' is no friend to our party.' But, for the public
interest, the Prime Minister urged the GoAcrnor-General
to remain at his post, and the President of the Board of
Control cordially supported the request. Both the pri
vate correspondence of Mr. Herries and the published
despatches written by him in the name of the Secret
Committee, testify the earnest desire of the Government
to afford to Lord Dalhousie the utmost encouragement.
On the other hand, it can hardly be affirmed that he
displayed an equal readiness to act in conformity with
thefr views. And the day may perhaps come, when
native insolence, or foreign intrigue, in Burmah, will
make EngUshmen regret that the bold and decisive
poUcy inculcated by the Derby Cabinet twenty-eight
years ago, was not then carried into effect.'
A general beUef erroneously prevaUed that the
Indian patronage of the President of the Board of Control
was almost boundless. Mr. Herries, sharing probably
the fate of his predecessors and successors, before the
introduction of the system of competition, was speedUy
overwhelmed with applications, far beyond his means
of complying with them — ^for cadetships, admissions to
' Letters written by Mr. Herries in 1853 contain the following passages :
' In my last short despatch of December 1852, in reply to Dalhousie's long,
feeble, and inconclusive objections to those instructions (which he neverthe
less professed it to be his duty to obey), I approved of the measures which
he proposed to take, because I observed that they would, if carried out,
fulfil the object of those instructions. ... If our orders had been frankly
and promptly carried into effect, Ava would have been in our possession
before this time , and the war and its expenses at an end. . . . He (Dal
housie) is a difficult man to manage. . . . We should have been in Ava
long before this time if our instructions had been obeyed. In the present
state of China that might have been of the greatest consequence ; for we
should have been in immediate and close river communication with its
western provinces. . . .'

270 WELLINGTON. NELSON. MACREADY. ch. xn.
Addiscombe or Haileybury, and the Uke — a certain
number of which, in accordance with usage, were
placed at his disposal not long before he quitted office.
Three cases in which he had the gratification of render
ing services to individuals on public grounds, are of
sufficient interest to deserve mention. The first was
an appointment asked for by the Duke of Wellington
in one of his latest letters, which could not easUy be
deciphered. The Duke made an earnest request on
behalf of a young friend, observing at the same time
with some bitterness, that simUar appUcations on his
part had been constantly neglected in other quarters.
The answer was as foUows : — ' September 2, 1862.
' My dear Lord Duke, — It wUl gratify me exceedingly
to put at your disposal the first nomination to an
appointment at HaUeybury which wiU be at mine. No
patronage has yet been assigned to me. It is in
November that the nominations to writerships are
distributed. The holder of my office is generally put
upon the same footing as the Chafrman of the Dfrectors.
It will give me very sincere pleasure to do justice to
your wishes. . , ,'
In the second instance alluded to, Mr, Herries was
able at the last moment, but not apparently without
some difficulty, to secure a nomination of some kind for
a grandson of Lord Nelson, recommended to his care by
an exalted and patriotic personage.
To art also due honour was rendered. After the
greatest of British warriors on sea and on land, a
famous British tragedian must be named.

OH, XIT. CLAIMS TO PATRONAGE. 271
To W. C. Macready, Esq.
' My dear Sir, — I am very glad to find that my offer
of an Addiscombe Cadetship for your son is acceptable
to you. I believe it is the best mode of entering into
the East India military service. It therefore affords
me much satisfaction that I am enabled by this appoint
ment not merely to meet the wishes of a friend, but at
the same time to testify my sense of the just claim to
pubUc patronage of a gentleman who has so largely
contributed, as you have, to the gratification and im
provement of the pubUc, Believe me, &c,,
' J, C, Herries,'
In another instance, one of the much coveted ap
pointments to what were called direct cavalry cadet-
ships was given, in preference to many well recommended
appUcants, to the son of a distinguished officer now
Uving, solely on account of the miUtary services of his
father — then only a Captain, but weU known to the
pubUc — with whom the President of the Board of
Control was not personally acquainted.
Among the miscellaneous correspondence of this
time there are some letters to and concerning Mr,
Herries's much maUgned old friend Croker, on literary
and historical matters. One of them, in answer to
queries about some transactions alluded to as ' Charles
Fox's dealing with Irish PeUs,' says : — ' I can recollect
nothing (if indeed I ever knew anything) of the matter
to which you caU my attention, I put the inqufry into
hands which I thought might gather some information

272 CROKER, FOX. LORD MONTEAGLE. ch.xit,
for me, but I have just now received the answer — nil. .
It occurs to me while I am writing that Monteagle
might ferret out some information, , , ,
' I admfre your fortitude and perseverance, and most
heartily wish that they were not put to so severe a
test,' To Lord Monteagle, with whom, in or out of office,
he had for many years maintained exceUent relations,
Mr, Herries wrote on this subject : — 'I send you a letter
from Croker asking for information which I cannot get
for him. It occurs to me that you might perhaps be
able to refer me to some source of knowledge on the
subject which would be useful to him. His fortitude
and energy in his wretched condition are admfrable,'
There is something curious in this appUcation from a
veteran Tory to an ex-Whig Minister and a former
contributor to the ' Edinburgh Review,' for materials
to be used by a ' Quarterly ' Reviewer, a Tory of
Tories, respecting — ^perhaps against — Fox.
Another letter throws considerable doubt on an
historical point supposed to be certain, and completely
disproves assertions coimected with it too confidently
made by some writers, ' November 9, 1852,
' My dear Croker, — My recoUections, imperfect as
they are, aU tend to negative the stories which I have
heard and read about the compromise between Lord
Liverpool and George IV- for the disposal of the Ubrary
of George III. I believe them to be without foundation,
' There may have been some private discussion
between the King and his Minister on the subject of

CH. XII, LIBRARY OF GEORGE IIL 273
these books, which some officious and half-informed
intriguer may have converted into the substantial
aUegations which have obtained a sort of credit (partly,
if I mistake not, through the ' Quarterly Review ') in
the public mind. But I doubt the existence even of
such a slight foundation as that. I never heard Lord
Liverpool mention it, although at that period he was
very unreserved in his morning conversations with
myself and Arbuthnot touchmg his communications
with the King,
' The appUcation of money from the French
Indemnity Fund towards the works going on at
Buckingham House had no connection whatever with
the Ubrary, I myself had the conduct of that affair,
and conducted the defence of it in the House of Com
mons when it was attacked by M, A, Taylor.
' I believe Nash had nothing to do with the affair of
the books, , . , Truly yours, ^ _
'I hope your pulse and hearing continue in their
amended state,'
It is probably this letter which is alluded to in a
foot-note to an article on the British Museum in the
' Quarterly Review ' for December 1852, saying : — ' We
have received a strong remonstrance, accompanied with
as it seems to us, very strong evidence, against the
whole and every part of the anecdote related in our
number for December 1850, relative to the motives and
manner of the transfer by George IV, of his father's
library to the museum. We took the anecdote from
the original and ftiU edition of the Handbook for Spain •
VOL. II, T

274 CROKER AND 'THE QUARTERLY.' en. xii.
but think Mr. Ford must have been misled by some
of the loose talkers among his Majesty's Whig ex-
friends.' ®
A letter of an earlier date relates to the politics of
the day.' My dear Croker, — I have just had time to cast my
eye over your excellent article. But I have done
better for you. I have induced Derby to do the same,
and I send you the note I have just received from him.
y ' Your view is surely the correct one. What we are
i now threatened with is a coaUtion of which ultra-
, democracy is a powerful ingredient, and of which it
I promises to become the predominating element, . . .
¦ Yours, &c,, 'J C H'
° The story alluded to here, and which has since been repeated, was to the
effect that George IV, having entered into negotiations for the sale of his
father's library to the Emperor of Russia, was deterred by the strong re
monstrances of his ministers from carrying them into effect ; and that al
though he made a merit of the presentation of the Royal collection of books
to the British Museum, he stipulated for a sum, to be paid to him out of the
money received as indemnity from France, equivalent to the amount which
he would have obtained by the projected sale. As to the alleged applica
tion of the French indemnity funds, the evidence of Mr. Henies, who was
perhaps better acquainted than any other person with everything relating to
the receipt, transfer, and disposal of every penny of them, is absolutely con
clusive. It proves that the assertion, in whatever quarter it may have
originated, was nothing but a simple lie, invented no doubt for party pur
poses. We may add, although corroboration is superfluous, that we have
inspected several ponderous bundles of papers concerning the French in
demnity, without the discovery of the least trace of any allusion to the sup
posed bargain with the King. On the other point, that of the representations
said to have been necessary on the part of the King's ministers, Mr. Herries's
negative testimony does not of course exclude their possibility ; but it seems
in the highest degree improbable that both he, who was in confldential com
munication both with the Prime Minister and with Sir William Knighton,
the icing's Private Secretary, and his predecessor as Secretary of the
Treasury, Mr. Arbuthnot, should have remained in total ignorance of such a
transaction if it had really occurred.

CH. XII. THE SECOND EMPIRE. 275
One of the last acts of the first Derby Cabinet was
the unavoidable recognition of that Second Empire de
clared to be synonymous with peace, but which brought
a sword. The fact is merely aUuded to here because it
affords an opportunity of stating that the person whose
actions and opinions we are endeavouring faithfully to
record, although he accepted this political necessity,
looked upon the great December crime with all the
abhorrence which it could not faU to arouse in the mind
of every man to whom law, justice, truth, honour, hu
manity, and freedom were not vain words void of sense.
He would not have been induced by any consideration
to cover with fulsome adulation the successful adventurer
at whose feet this nation soon precipitated itself in a
torrent of sycophancy,^
After the resignation of the ministry and the
formation of the coalition Government presided over
by Lord Aberdeen, Mr, Herries ceased to feel much
inclination for party contentions, and acted inde
pendently during the last year of his parliamentary
life. In the debates on the India Government Bill,
some parts of which he opposed, he joined with the
Ministers in resisting Lord Stanley's motion for sus
pension. He agreed with his successor in office. Sir
Charles Wood, as to the principle of the continuance of
the poUtical functions of the East India Company,
although he was well aware of defects requiring remedy.
* Several letters written at a subsequent period manifest on the part of
Mr. Herries towards Napoleon HI., whom he always designates by the initials
L. N. B., the greatest distrust. He was not the only person who thought
that the nephew had all the selfishness and all the perfidy, without a
spark of the genius, of the uncle.
I 2

276 INDIA GOVERNMENT BILL, ch. xii.
The system of double government has been destroyed,
and is perhaps generally condemned ; but it is open to
doubt whether the new Imperial rule is in all respects
superior to it in efficiency. Experts in Indian matters
may be found who declare that the former method en
sured a more thorough sifting of important questions,
and a more complete despatch of business, than the
present machinery. They also say that the Council
of the Secretary of State for India is no more a reality
than the Secret Committee was, in whose name the
President of the Board of Control addressed his in
structions to the Governor- General, Persons who are
not experts may be excused if they are unable to dis
cern in recent occurrences any clear proof that all is for
the best under the best of all possible Indian Govern
ments, and if they observe that in the later history of
the old Chai'ter no such administrative monstrosity can
be perceived as the financial mystification which crowned
the edifice of Lord Lytton's Viceroyalty,
Warned by faUing health that he could no longer
sustain the fatigue of constant attendance to the duties
of the House of Commons, at the end of the session of
1853 Mr, Herries resigned his seat, and finally closed
his public career. On doing so he addressed this letter
to the Speaker, Mr, Shp,w Lefevre (Lord Eversley) : —
' My dear Mr. Speaker, — I cannot take my leave of
Parliament, and subside, as I do from mere weariness
and exhaustion, into private life, without a farewell
word to yourself, and an expression of my personal
thanks for the courtesy, kindness, and assistance which
I so often experienced from you, and especially at the

CH. XII. RETIREMENT. TESTIMONIES, 277
time when I took a more active part in the business of
the House, when that assistimce was invaluable,' , , ,
Among many friendly letters which were addressed
to him on this occasion, the foUowing was not the least
remarkable, coining, as it did, from a former enemy : —
' Brougham : August 29, 1863.
' Dear Mr. Herries, — I saw with regret your retire
ment from Parliament, but you are the best judge how
far it was fitting,
' I cannot help mentioning to yourself what I have
often stated to others — because it may be satisfactory
to you — I mean the very sfrong opinion once and again
expressed to me by my friend. A, Baring, afterwards
Ashburton, He said you were, of all the men he had
ever seen in the financial department — and I think he
added transacted business with — by far the most com
petent. He was by no means apt to be easily pleased
with the extent and accuracy of any one's knowledge.
Believe me sincerely yours,
' H, Brougham,'
The opinion repeatedly expressed by so weU qualified
a judge as the first Lord Ashburton, and, apparently,
endorsed by Lord Brougham, may to many persons
seem more important than the contrary opinion of
Mr, Spencer Walpole. It agrees in a striking manner
with George the Fourth's ' estimate of fitness ' which
provokes a sneer from that writer at the King and
the Minister, Alexander Baring's observation of ' the
financial department ' embraced a long period, and the
administration of many Chancellors of the Exchequer,

278 OLD RECOLLECTIONS, oh, xii,
for he was born in 1774, and sat in the House of
Commons from 1812 to 1835, when he was raised to
the Peerage,His view coincided also with that manifested more
than once to a permanent pubUc servant of high rank
(on whose authority we state the fact) by (then) Lord
John RusseU, who declared that, as he beUeved, Mr.
Herries knew more of the finances of this country than
any other man in England,
To a^ind letter from his old friend, Mr, Goulburn,
Mr, Herries replied: ' I am much obUged to you for
your letter. It brought pleasantly to my mind the
recoUection of old times, when we commenced together
our political career under good old Tory auspices, and
[something illegible] real, not radical, Uberality.
' I was sorry to hear from our common friends that
you had been so unweU in the Spring, and, Uke myself,
much absent from ParUament on that account,
' I retired when I found that it was seriously detri
mental to my health to attempt to give regular atten
dance in the House of Commons, I do not say what
I might have done to struggle against the difficulty, if
there had been any personal or pubUc inducement to
stimulate the exertion or the sacrifice. In the absence
of any such motive I have subsided quietly into private
life, with a calm conscience and a hearty disposition to
enjoy it,
' I heartUy wish you the same peaceful quietus when
it shall be your turn to follow my example,'
Mr, Croker wrote to him thus on August 15 :
' Thanks for your letters (the paper is not yet come).

CH. xii. PARLIAMENT AND PARTIES, 279
My object is to examine what colonies can be worth,
over which we have no control,' [This refers to a for
mer letter asking for information ' as to the mUitary and
naval expenses of our colonies,'] , , .
' I had heard some days ago of your intended re
tfrement fi'om Parliament and pubUc life. I am not, as
Juvenal was, " digressu veteris confusus amici," , . ,
It is perhaps, on the whole, better that you should
eclipse yourself, , , , I hope it may succeed as well
with you as it did with me, I have had twenty years
of quiet, and I may add happiness, and, tiU the last two
years, of health, since I ceased to be M,P,, which may
now be interpreted member of Pandemonium ; in my
day it was only Purgatory.
' I should like very much to know what are your
speculations on parties. I begin to be interested /or
Aberdeen, for I see not who is to succeed him, Gra
ham seems to me to stand the most forward for the suc
cession, but what between his boldness of language and
timidity in action, I should be afraid, for him and for
us, of some great catastrophe ; but he is, I think, the
cleverest administrator in the Cabinet, . , .'
Though he had done with party politics, Mr, Herries
lost none of his interest in national concerns. He
anxiously watched, but without any confidence in the
result, the efforts of the Government to control Russian
arrogance by pacific diplomacy, directed by Lord
Clarendon, an old friend, for whom, though politicaUy
opposed, he never ceased to entertain the most sincere
regard. He lamented the feebleness of Lord Aber
deen, which allowed the country without preparation

280 RUSSIAN WAR, DEATH, ch, xii,
to ' drift ' into a war the Minister neither dared to
make ready for, nor knew how to avert. If he ap
plauded the tardy resolution of the Cabinet to employ
the only means by which Russian aggression ever has
been checked — force — he deplored the want of fore
thought which exposed our arms to the risk of humiUa-
tion ; and, remembering as he did, the stern solemnity
of the hour of Nelson's last departure,^ he was sad
dened by the vulgar exhibition of buffoonery, swagger,
and bombastic braggadocio, which made ' the judicious
grieve' on the sailing of the worst manned fleet that
within human memory had left a British port to en
counter an enemy. But manners and language were
not more different than times and men. If the careless
levity which marked the despatch of the Baltic expedi
tion was unlike the earnest exertion, the terrible deter
mination, of the eve of Trafalgar ; if the sorry fustian of
the Reform Club banquet, and the vainglorious vapour
ing of the Copenhagen address, were lamentably out of
keeping with the simple grandeur of the famous signal
of October 21 ; it was equally true that Napier was not
Nelson, any more than Aberdeen was Pitt, or Nicholas
Napoleon. Mr, Herries died suddenly on April 24, 1855,
The foUowing notice of this event is to be found in
a newspaper, ' The Examiner,' representing opinions
the very antipodes of those of the deceased.
' Mr. Herries was probably on duty at Nelson's funeral, as a Lieutenant
of the Light Horse Volunteers, which corps held on that occasion the highly
honourable post of the fr'ont of the Admiralty, where the coffin was deposited
on January 8, 1806, and whence the procession started on the following
morning.

oh. xii. 'the EXAMINER.' 281
' The journals of the week contain the announce
ment of the death of the Right Hon. J. C. Herries at
the age of seventy-seven. He was one of the few sur
vivors of that race of public men whose services may
be dated from the beginning of the century ; he
was a sincere and upright politician ; and his career,
spent in the discharge of many important and varied
duties, was honourable and useful. Those who,
like ourselves, were opposed to him and his political
views, could not fail to esteem in him the rare quality
of consistency ; and to his own party the withdrawal
of his wise and moderate counsels must be a severe loss.
He was respected by all who knew how to respect an
uncompromising integrity, and his strong sagacity made
him always invaluable as an adviser. Mr. Herries
entered ParUament in middle Ufe,^ and had not the gifts
of an orator. He was neither a frequent nor a briUiant
speaker : and when his speeches made an impression on
the House, it was owing to the matter and not to the
manner of them. It was therefore to the force of his
inteUect, to his clear judgment, and to his honourable
character, that his position as a public man was due ;
but those who had the privilege of knowing him in
private life, knew in him all the fine qualities of the
understanding joined to those of the heart, with a
benevolence which never ceased to exercise itself upon
all around him. Among his intellectual quaUties a
discerning and Uberal taste in literature and art was
conspicuous ; and he was an accomplished scholar both
in the dead and Uving languages of Europe. . . .'
2 At the age of forty-five — considerably past the ' ?nezzo del camming

282 POLITICAL PRINCIPLES, ch, xn.
These remarks appeared in the radical ' Examiner,'
The spfrit of candour they breathe towards a political
adversary — very different from the uncandid tone of
systematic detraction perceptible in another quarter —
is highly honourable to the editor of the paper at that
time, Mr, John Forster, whose advanced Liberal senti
ments are weU known.
There is reason to believe that Mr, Herries was at
some period more justly appreciated by members — and
those not the least important — of the party to which he
was opposed, than by some of the party to which he
belonged. And yet he served his party well and con
stantly in ' either fortune ' — in adversity as in prosperity
— in the broken line of a discomfited minority, as well
as on the Treasury bench supported by a compact
majority. He never sailed under false colours, or was
afraid to show his own. He had no taste for a patent
reversible flag suitable for all uses ; nor did he try to
wash down his ' true blue ' into a neutral tint. But
although he steadfastly adhered to his principles — the
result of reflection, not the product of emotion — he did
not push them to extreme and dangerous consequences.
At no time ' passion's slave,' he eschewed violent
courses, and deprecated rash resolutions. What he
desired was the maintenance of lawful authority, good
government, for the benefit of all classes, according to
law, subject to the constitutional control of ParUament
— but of Parliament alone — and unswayed by the
capricious clamour of ignorant multitudes guided by
ambitious men for their own ends. But whUe he
detested political agitation, and objected to unnecessary

ch. xii, RATIONAL TORYISM, 283
changes made merely for love of novelty and excite
ment, he was always friendly to salutary remedies of
real defects, and ready to promote weU-considered
measures, whether legislative or administrative, of prac
tical improvement,^ Having no superstitious veneration
for antiquity, he would gladly have concurred in the
removal of many of its reUcs which he did not admire.
In particular he would have hailed with satisfaction law
reforms much larger than any attempted in his time, or
likely to be effected in the present generation ; for he
was not convinced of the superlative wisdom of our
system of jurisprudence, civU or criminal. He was,
what he professed to be, a moderate, rational, govern
mental — not transcendental — Tory, The toryism to
which he addicted himself was that of the school of
Pitt, whom he considered as incomparably the great
est of EngUsh statesmen — not that of the school of
Bolingbroke, whom he did not look upon as a model
for imitation. Had he Uved in the early years of the
eighteenth century, he would probably have been caUed
a Whig — as an adherent of the Revolution Settlement.*
He had no fancy for anachronous revivals. Revived
Stuartism was repugnant to his reason. Revived
Laudism excited his scorn. In no sense of the word a
^ In a letter from him, dated August 26, 1853, the following words
occur : — ' . . . My steadfast Toryism, and opposition to organic changes in
the British Constitution . . . while I promoted all the measures for the
extension and liberation of commerce introduced by Huskisson and Liver
pool and Canning — those truly liberal improvers and anti-Radical re
formers. . . .'
' Like his forefathers. According to family tradition his grandfather
was injured by the Jacobites in 'the '45 ' on account of his ' Hanoverian '
proclivities.

284 THE CHURCH. FOREIGN POLICY. ch, xii.
Pligh Churchman, he viewed with strong dislike the
uprising of Sacerdotalism described as the 'Oxford
movement,' and condemned the prelatical pusiUanimity,
or connivance, which favoured the Romeward course.
In matters of Ecclesiastical polity he was, in truth,
a sound Erastian. The Church, connected with the
State, upheld by the State, but subordinate to the State,
and controlled by the State, was valued by him as a
preservative institution very beneficial in its action,
if judiciously dfrected. But when he spoke of the
Church, he meant the Protestant Church of England by
law established — a Church regulated by, and subject to,
the law of the land. He did not mean an anti- Pro
testant Church, beyond the law, above the law, hostUe
to the law, claiming by virtue of a supernatural au
thority attributed to itself by itself, a right of inde
pendent action as ' libera Chiesa ' in, no longer, ' libero
Stato,' over which, and over a prostrate laity, a legion
of parochial popelings should reign supreme.
He thought that the bases of the foreign poUcy of
the Crown should be the scrupulous fulfilment of all
its own engagements, with an inflexible resolution to
require the observation of aU engagements towards
itself; the preservation of a general equUibrium as the
only security for peace, and for the independence of aU
nations ; and the vindication, in aU parts of the world,
at all times, at all hazards, of British honour and
interests, which he would never have been prepared to
sacrifice to all ' the aspirations ' of aU ' the nationalities '
and all ' the races,' An ethnological and philological
foreign policy, regardless of history, geography, strategy,

OH. XII. PARLIAMENTARY SPEAiaNG. 285
public faith, or state interest, and necessarily involving,
if carried to its legitimate consequences, the dismember
ment of almost every State in Europe, beginning with
the United Kingdom itself, seemed to him fit only for
discussion in an assembly of lunatics. Not being able
to admit that Welshmen ought to be absolved from
thefr aUegiance to the EngUsh Crown because Sussex
farmers, as a general rule, could not comprehend the
mysteries of Eisteddfod, he did not understand why it
should be deemed iniquitous on the part of a foreign
sovereign to retain under his sceptre persons speaking
divers languages, and classified by learned professors
under different ethnographical denominations.
Such were, as we beUeve, in general terms, his
political opinions, as gathered from private conversation
more than from his public utterances, which, indeed,
were not very frequent. Coming into Parliament too
late in Ufe to acqufre skill in the art of political speak
ing, he did not add to the too large number of those
who unsuccessfuUy attempt oratorical display. He
never quite overcame the diffidence which commonly
restrains men of mature years who have not practised
debating when young. It very often happened, besides,
that he was prevented from taking part in the discus
sion of important questions by an affection, destroying
his power of making himself heard, to which he was con
tinually liable. Nevertheless, when he addressed the
House he generally did so with effect, from knowledge
of the subject of which he had to treat. One remark
maybe added. Some writer once described him satirically
as 'the man of figures,' and he was skilled in their use.

286 TRANSACTION OF BUSINESS. ch. xii.
But in his speeches he did not abuse them. It is obser
vable that he was comparatively sparing of statistics in
what may be caUed the statistico-commercial period of
our parUamentary history, the student of which is startled
by the appearance of thefr formidable masses filling up
the columns of Hansard with arithmetical eloquence.
Every sentence a sum, every parenthesis a percentage,
the reports of five speeches out of six must be reckoned,
rather than read, through. From simple addition there
is but a step to compound multiplication of a painful
kind ; and he is fortunate who does not, in the course of
two pages, find himself exposed to double rule of three
in its most virulent aspect.
In the transaction of pubUc business, it is not to be
denied that in the judgment of his contemporaries of
different parties Mr, Herries showed abUity of a very
high order ; and of his constant efforts to secure or
increase the efficiency of the pubUc service sufficient
proof has been furnished in the preceding pages.
We have completed the unwelcome task forced upon
us by attacks which it was our sacred duty to repel.
In vindicating the memory which has been unjustly
assailed by others we cannot pretend to have been free
from bias, but we are not conscious of having been
guUty of exaggeration or unfairness. Nothing has
been intentionally overcoloured, nothing thrown into
the shade. There has been neither invention nor
concealment in our narrative. For all that we have
advanced we have shown what we believe to be solid
grounds. If the necessities of our defence, and a firm
determination to tell the truth, the whole truth, nothing

CH. xn. CONCLUSION. 287
but the truth, have compelled us sometimes to disturb
popular notions, and to exhibit facts detrimental to
established reputations, we have done so with regret,
but without fear. Refutation, not apology, was the
object we had in view. It was not our purpose with
bated breath to deprecate hostility and sue for con
donation, but to overthrow calumny, and encounter
malice with the genuine records of a long and spotless
life. We lay them before the public, whose impartial
judgment we confidently await upon the question,
whether we have, or have not, succeeded in proving
that the injurious assertions we undertook to meet were
whoUy false, and that, far from deserving the aspersions
of his slanderers, John Charles Herries was justly
entitled to the fame of a most faithful, zealous, and
able servant of the Crown and the Nation,
' E questo fia suggel, ch' ogni uomo sganni,'

INDEX.

ABERCROMBY
ABERCROMBY, Right Hon. J.,
i. 127
Aberdeen, Lord, conduct of, respect
ing Reform Bill, ii. 169; letter
communicated by, to Herries, 162 ;
Prime Minister, 275, 279, 280
Accounts, scrutiny of, i. 108; of
foreign payments, 251, 261
Alexander, Emperor, the Pope's
claims opposed by, i. 106
Allies, supplies for, i. 30, 60, 61, 62,
63, 84; subsidies to, 88, 89, 90,
91, 92, 94, 95, 96, 102, 103, 104,
108, 237, 245, 247, 261, 261
Althorp, Lord, ii. 12-18, 23-28, 30,
31, 33, 37, 42, 80, 91, 181, 209
(Spencer)
Arbuthnot, Right Hon. C, i. 13, 21,
114 note, 119, 146, ii. 62, 164, 273
Ashburton, Lord, ii. 277 (see Baring)
Austria, subsidies to, i. 88, 90, 238,
289, 245, 246, 251, 261

BANK OF ENGLAND, i. 66 and
note, 67,78, 142, 220, 226,227,
242, ii, 93, 227; Charter, 168,
231
— at Bombay, ii. 109
Baring, Mr. A., concerning Russian-
Dutch loan, ii. 132, 140, 155 ; his
opinion of Herries, i. 220 note, ii.
277 VOL. II. U

BUDGET
Bath, Order of the, Herries appointed
Secretary to, i. 16
Bathiu-st, Lord, i. 12, 77, 78, 88, ii.
159
Bennet, Hon. H. G., motion of cen
sure by, i. 109
Bentinck, Lord George, ii. 226, 227,
229, 233
Beresford, Marshal, requisitions from,
i. 34
Bexley, Lord, correspondence with,
i. 207, 210, ii. 44, 45, 63, 64, 67;
mentioned, i. 212, 224 note, ii. 40,
74, 80, 81
Bills of Credit due to Allies, i. 91,
92, 93, 240, 246, 260, 270, 272
Bisset, Commissary-General, letters
to, i. 25, 39, 48, 66, 72, 75 ; pri
vate bargains condemned by, 74
Black, Dr., ii. 124
Bonham, Mr., ii. 162, 171, 173
Bourne, Right Hon. W. S., i. 132,
164, 169, 170, 173, 174, 178 note,
192, 193 note, 204, 205, 207, 215,
219
Bowring, Dr., efforts in favour of, ii.
101
Brazil, project of treaty with, ii. 214
Brougham, Mr., i. 205, 206, ii. 36,
62,64
— Lord, ii. 236 ; letter from, 277
Buclringham Palace, i. 216, 217, 218
Budget, the, of 1816, letter and re-

290

INDEX,

BULOW
marks, i. 115, 116, 117 ; of 1841,
debates on, ii. 184 ; of 1842, com
munications with Peel and Goul
burn concerning, 206, 214, 217,
221
Bulow, von. Baron, i. 102
Burmese War, ii. 248 ; correspond
ence respecting, ibid, to 268 ; 269
and note

CAB, the, money dealing combina
tion, so called, i. 74
Camden, Marquis, i. 178 note, ii. 168
Campaign of 1815, arrangements for,
i. 97, 98, 99, 101
Canning, George, administration of,
i. 122; hostility of, to Reform,
123, 127 note ; sentiments for
Herries, 123 ; junction of Wbigs
with, 126, 127, 128 ; communica
tion from, 129 ; letters to, 131,
134; Knighton's remarks upon,
137 ; rumoured intrigues against,
138; alluded to, 148; death of,
149; preservation of his Govern
ment, 203, 209 ; feelings of his
friends, 208, 211; Lord Grey's
speech against, 211 ; combination
formed by, 214 ; the King's deter
mination to support, 215; his
confidence in Herries, 219; men
tioned, 223, 227 ; principles of, ii.
8 ; Finance Committee proposed
to, 11 ; neutrality policy of, 40,
43 ; remarks on his Government,
46, 47 ; measures of, described, 283
note
Canningites, drifting, ii. 8
Canova, A., assistance given to, by
British Government, i. 105 and
note; treatment of by the Em
peror Alexander and by the Prince
Regent, 106
Carlton Club, ii, 119,225

CROKER
Castlereagh, Lord, i. 88, 92 note, ii.
132, 133, 135, 136, 137, 138, 139,
160
Catherine, Empress, debt contracted
by, ii. 132, 166
Catholic Question, i. 21, 123, ii. 102
Certificates for raising money, issued
at Lord Wellington's request, i.
76
Ciudad Rodrigo, Napier's remarks
on siege of, i. 37
Clarendon, Earl of, ii. 67, 279
Clothing of troops, i. 33, 34, 45,
56-63
Cobbett,pamplilet by Herries against,
introduction, [18], i. 8, 9
Cobden, Mr., ii. 187 ; motion of, for
reduction of estimates, 240 ; doc
trine laid down by, 244
Cockburn, Sii- George, ii. 171, 173,
194
Coinage, fabulous, described by
Napier, i. 80 ; foreign, at the Royal
Mint, 86, 100, 244, 245
Colchester, Lord, irrelevant refer
ences to his correspondence, i.
179, 218
Commissariat Service, British, de
fects and reforms in, i. 24, 26, 27,
28 i promotions and appointments
in, 24, 25, 26 ; superiority of, to
that of the Allies, 98
Commissary-in-Chief, functions of, i.
23 ; Herries appointed, 17, 19 ;
office of, abolished, 106
Comptrollers of Army Accounts, i.
17, 26, 107, ii. 110
Contractors, failures of, i. 31, 32,
33 ; slanderous assertion concern
ing, 37
Convoy regulations, i. 35
Cresswell, C, ii. 178
Croker, Right Hon. J. W., i. 13 ;
correspondence with, ii. 167, 230,
271, 272, 278

INDEX

21)1

CURRENCY
Currency, speech on, ii. 115
Customs consolidation, i. 121

DALHOUSIE, Marquis of, corre
spondence with, ii. 249-266,
257, 259, 261, 264, 265, 267 ; in
structions to, 256, 267, 262, 203,
264, 267, 269 and note ; treatment
of, 268
Davies, Colonel, ii. 154
Decrees of Berlin and Milan, i. 14,
15
Democracy, cost of, ii. 243 ; ultra,
274
Derby, Earl of. Cabinet formed by,
ii. 245, 246 ; correspondence with,
ibid., 261, 264, 269; mentioned,
260, 261, 256, 258, 260, 267
Disraeli, Mr., ii. 229, 233, 236, 245
D'lvernois, Sir F., writings of, i. 11 ;
on Berlin and Milan decrees, 14,
15
Dom Miguel, ii. 54, 62, 75, 81, 116
Drummond, Commissary - General,
fi'uitless missions of, i. 66 rwte

EASTERN QUESTION, discus
sions on, ii. 2 ; memorandum
concerning, 3 ; newspaper writing
on, 182; Palmerston policy, 183,
184
East India Company, Directors of, i.
220, 226, ii. 259, 270
Ellenborough, Lord, correspondence
with, ii. 106-109, 249; conduct
of, respecting the Reform Bill,
169, 160
Entrenching tools, erroneous charges
concerning, i. 37-46
Estimates for 1816, i. 117; for 1835,
ii. 171, 240
' Examiner,' the, notice of Herries
in, ii. 281

Gr.iinaF,
Exchequer, reform of the, ii. 108
Expenditure, i. 115, 117, 143, 146,
ii. 100, 101, 170, 241

FALKL.\ND, Viscount, letter to,
ii. 256
Farnborough, Lord, i. 147, 148, 216
Finance, pamphlet on, i. 7 ; consult
ations on, 114, ii. 204, 206, 206,
222 ; memorandum on, i. 139 ;
plan of, ii. 1, 208 ; Tory and Liberal
compared, ii. 116
— Committee, appointment of, re
commended, i. 139, ii. II ; dis
putes concerning (see Herries,
statement by) ; reports of, 92-90 ;
referred to, 209
Fitzgerald, Right Hon. V., retire
ment of, ii. Ill
FoUett, Sir W., ii. 178
Foreign Enlistment Act, proposed
repeal of, ii. 40, 54, 55 ; Liberal
condemnation of, 41, 42 ; note on,
42 ; supported by Canning, 43
Forster, John, Mr., ii. 282
Fox, C. J., information sought con
cerning, ii. 272
France, Constitution, i. 4, 6 ; decrees,
15, 16; British army in, 81, 82,
86, 88, 101, 238, 245 ; King of,
funds for, 88, 238 ; expenditure,
ii. 241
French money procured for Lord
Wellington, i. 85, 246 (Appendix
C.)
GENTZ, Frederick, translation
from, i. 1 ; letter from, 2 ;
correspondence with, 7
George III., disposal of library of,
ii. 272, 274 note
George IV., i. 124 ; views attributed
to, 128 ; mentioned, 148, 149 ; ne
gotiations with, 164, 156, 157, 160,

TJ 2

292

INDEX.

GLADSTONE
161, 162, 163, 164, 168, 169, 176,
179, 180, 182, 185, 187, 188, 190,
191, 192, 193, 194, 195, 196, 197,
198, 199, 203, 204, 207, 209, 211,
214, 215, 221, 222, 223, 224, 232,
233, 234, 235, 236 ; determined to
support Canning, 216 ; his hatred
of Whigs, ibid. ; Lord Holland
pressed upon, 175, 195, 197, 232,
ii. 7, 9, 10, 35, 44, 45, 72, 80 ;
situation of, at Canning's death, i.
214 ; anecdote of, 216 ; dismissal
of Lord Goderich by, ii. 57 and
note ; message from, 61 ; reception
of Dom Miguel by, 75, 80 ; fiction
concerning, 77 note, 84, 85, 86 ;
Ministerial changes proposed by, 90
Gladstone, W. E., ii. 178
Goderich Administration, i. [6], [8],
[9] (Introduction)
Goderich, Lord, suggestion from, i.
124 ; mention of, 148, 149, 162 ;
negotiations of, in the formation of
a Cabinet, 153-236 ; secret pro
ceedings of, ii. 9, 10, 69, 72, 74,
79, 85 ; led astray by Tierney, 12 ;
communications with, on minis
terial difficulties, 14-67, 72-76;
temporary resignation of, 9, 10,
19, 27, 72, 73, 86 ; dissolution of
his Cabinet, 67 ; his statements
concerning it, 66, 68, 69, 71, 76 ;
its true causes, 68, 70-77 (see
Herries)
Gordon, Colonel, Commissary-in-
Chief, i. 18, 24; reports Whig
threats, 22 ; commissariat im
proved by, 24 ; letter to, 61
Goulburn, Right Hon. H., ii. 69;
correspondence with, 163, 189,
190, 198, 203, 205, 217, 222
Graham, Sir James, remarks of, on
Herries's statement, ii. 91 ; men
tioned by Peel, 193 ; Croker's
opinion of, 279

HERRIE3
Granby, Marquis of, ii. 229, 236
Grant, Right Hon. C, i. Ill, 180,
224 note, ii. 63
Great coats, soldiers', War Office
negligence concerning, i. 64 ; Na
pier's false charge respecting, re
futed, 66, 56, 57
Greece, views concerning, ii. 3 ; Hus
kisson's sentiments for, 7
Grenville, Lord, letter from Perceval
concerning, i. 12 ; Auditor of the
Exchequer, hesitates to make pay
ments for Russia, ii. 152
Greuhm, Mr., Prussian ChargS
d' Affaires, letters to and from, i.
98, 103
Greville, Mr., Passages in Diary of,
remarked upon, i. 217, 275 ; on
T. Duncombe, ii. 68 and note
Grey, Earl, letter from Perceval
concerning, i. 12 ; his speech
against Canning, 211 ; his view of
vote on timber duties, ii. 130;
knowledge of Russian-Dutch loan
obtained by, 137 ; action of, con
cerning do., 142
Grote, Mr., ii. 181

HAMILTON, Mr. W., efforts of,
in aid of Canova, i. 105 note
Hanover, money of (see Coinage);
negotiation with, i. 106
Hardinge, Sir H., letter from, i. 200
Harrison, Mr. G., correspondence
with (see Herries and Treasury) ;
mentioned, i. 129, ii. 65
Hart Davis, Mr., letters from, i. 200,
ii. 2
Harwich, i. 119, 123, ii. 124, 126,
127, 188, 200
Herries family, notice of, Introduc
tion, 10
Herries, Colonel, Introduction [10]
[16], i. 10, 19

INDEX.

293

HERRIES
Herries, Right Hon. J. C, early life
of. Introduction, 10-20; Vansit
tart's seci-etary, i. 1 ; literary oc
cupation, ibid. 7, 8, 9 ; Pereeval's
secretary. Secretary to Order of
the Bath, 16 ; employment of, in
Ireland, 17 ; Comptroller of Army
Accounts, Mi. ; Commissary-in-
Ohief, ibid. 19, 23 ; his attachment
to Perceval, 20; obnoxious to
Wliigs, ibid. ; commissariat im
provements effected by, 24, 26,
26, 27, 97; testimony of, 29;
Wilberforce on, 31; defence of
the Storekeeper-General by, 38, 42,
46 ; complains of injustice, 50 ;
administrative activity of, 31, 34,
35, 36, 45, 61, 53, 59, 60, 61, 63,
64 ; his comments on Lord Wel-
lesley's speech, 67; monetary
operations of, 83, 85, 86, 87, 88,
89, 90, 92, 93, 94, 99, 100, 104,
237, 240, 243, 244, 245, 248, 249,
273 ; mission of, to Paris, 89, 237 ;
management of subsidies by, 94,
96, 102, 103, 104, 237, 247, 251,
261 ; his office abolished, 106 ;
auditor of the Civil List, 109 ;
recognition of his services, 108,
109, IIO, 111, 273 ; suppression of
truth concerning. III, 112 ; con
sulted by Lord Liverpool, 114 and
note ; his desire for retrenchment,
115, 117, 139, 143, ii. 100, 170,
243 ; member of Revenue Inquiry
Commission, i. 118 ; Secretary to
the Treasury, and enters House of
Commons, 119 ; effects Customs
consolidation, 121 ; his position
under Canning (anecdotes), 122,
123, 126; wishes to leave the
Treasury, 124, 131, 134, 152 note ;
injurious statement concerning,
128; hints to, from Tory seces
sionists, 136 ; opinions of Welling-

IIERIUES
ton and Peel concerning, 138 ;
the ' Times ' on, ibid. ; paper on
Finance by, 130 ; views of, respect
ing African Settlements, 145, 146 ;
on Windsor Castle Commission,
147 ; general expectation concern
ing, 160, 151, 152, 155, 180 note,
220 ; negotiations with, in the for
mation of Goderich Cabinet, narra
tive by, and correspondence, 163-
214; comments upon the same,
214-236 ; calunmy and innuendoes
against, 165, 166, 199, 200, 216,
217, 218, 227, 234 ; Chan
cellor of the Exchequer, 177 ;
financial reform intended by, ii. 1 ;
fundholders' confidence in, 2;
memorandum by, on Eastern affairs,
3 ; his fixed principles, 9 ; Finance
Committee proposed by, 11 ; dis
putes relating thereto, statement
and correspondence, 12-39 ; resig
nation offered by, 22, 39, 40 ; ex
planations in Parliament, 66-70 ;
statement by, concerning dissolu
tion of Goderich Administration,
71; Lord Palmerston's charge
against, refuted, 77-86 ; Master of
the IMint in Wellington Cabinet,
69 ; mysterious communications to,
61, 62 note ; desires a change of
office, 87 ; the King's proposal
concerning, 90 ; in Finance Com
mittee, 91,92,&c. ; views respecting
Sinking Fund, i. 139, ii. 96, 98 ;
supports Dr. Bowring, 101 ; sen
timents as to Catholic Emancipa
tion, 102 ; office in India proposed
to, 105 ; consulted by Lord Ellen
borough, 109 ; President of the
Board of Trade, 111 ; negotiates
settlement of American dispute,
112 ; his speech thereupon, ibid. ;
speech on Currency, 116; ac
tivity in opposition, 119, 120 ; as-

294

INDEX,

HERRIES
sists W. M. Praed, 122, 123;
keeps his seat at Harwich, 124,
126, 127 ; scurrilous attacks upon,
124 ; his view of reform, 128 ;
causes a Ministerial defeat, 129;
motions of, on Russian Dutch
Loan, 147, 152; disapproves the
Duke of Wellington's negotiations
with William IV., 158 ; communi
cates with the Home Office, 160 ;
urges unity of Tory action, 161 ;
consulted by Croker, 167 ; in re
formed House at Commons, 168 ;
Exchequer reform promoted by,
109; Secretary at War in Peel
Cabinet, 170-175 ; goes to Italy,
175 ; promotes metropolitan im-
provements,i.l21, ii. 177; opinions
of, on Privilege question, 178 ; de
feats Melbourne Ministry, 179 ;
his assistance solicited by foreign
diplomatist, 182 ; his view of Pal
merston's Eastern policy, 184;
takes part in budget debates,
184; elucidates Huskisson's com
mercial policy, 185 ; his political
position, 187 ; loses seat in Parlia
ment, 188 ; Sir R. Peel's assur
ances to, 192 ; offer of a seat to,
197; consulted on financial mat
ters, 204, 205 ; advice on pro
perty tax, sugar duties, &c., 206-
221 ; later consultations of, 222 ;
serves on commissions, ibid. ;
Thames Embankment advocated
by, 223; his return to Parliament
urged, 224 ; consulted by Lord
George Bentinck, 226 ; elected at
Stamford, 229; sentiments of,
229, 230 ; warm reception of, ibid. ;
course taken by, on monetary
crisis, 231 ; on navigation law,
233; on Cobden's motion, 240;;
on Henley's motion, 244; Presi-
sident of Board of Control in Derby

HERRIES
Cabinet, 245 ; his work, 247, 248 ;
correspondence of, on Burmese
War, &c., 248-268 ; support given
to Lord Dalhousie by, 269 ; non-
execution of his instructions, ibid.
note ; exercise of patronage by,
269; his feelings towards the
Second Empire, 276 and note; last
year of his Parliamentary life, 276 ;
retirement of, 276; opinions of
emhient men concerning him, 277,
278 ; his interest in national con
cerns, 279 ; death of, 280 ; notice of,
by the ' Examiner,' 281 ; general
view of his principles, 282
Herries, Right Hon. J. C, letters
from, to Bank, governor of, for
tokens, i. 67
— Bentinck, Lord G., on Irish Rail
way Scheme, ii. 226, 228
— Bexley, Lord, on Ministerial diffi
culties, i. 207, ii. 44, 45
— Bisset, Commissary-General, on
commissariat patronage, i. 26;
supply of specie and monetary
arrangements, 66 72, 75
— Black, Dr., complaining of scurri
lity in the ' Morning Chronicle,' ii.
124
— Canning, Mr., expresang a desire
to leave the Treasury, i. 131, 134
— Castlereagh, Lord, concerning
BiUs of Credit, i. 92 note
— Chancellor of the Exchequer, on
Rothschild's operations, i. 86;
funds for the King of France, 88
note ; proceedings of Russian
agents, 95 note ; Russian fleet, 97 ;
French coinage at the Mint, 99
— Commissary-General at Dublin,
on inaccurate military requisitions,
i. 33
— Correspondents, various, on Com
missariat patronage, i. 25, 26 ; con
tractors, 32; transport deficien-

INDEX.

295

HERRIES
cies, 36 ; piu'chase of shoes, 50 ;
Russian dealings, 90 ; a super-
abimdant military chest, 101 ; re
specting proposed return to Parlia
ment, ii. 224, 226 ; Burmese War,
269 note; Napoleon IIL, 276
note ; his own principles, 283 note
Herries, RightHon. J. C, letters from,
to Croker, Mr., in answer to ques
tions concerning C. J. Fox, ii. 271 ;
as to George IH.'s library, 272 ; on
an article, 274
— Dalhousie, Loid, respecting the
Burmese Wai',telegraplis, railways,
finance, &c. ii. 249, 250, 251, 252,
254, 266, 257, 259, 261, 264, 265,
267
— Derby, Lord, on Lord Dalhousie's
instructions, ii. 261, 264
— Ellenborough, Lord, respecting
Indian finance, ii. 107, 109 ; Bur
mese War, 249
— Falkland, Lord, assurance of sup
port, &c. ii. 256
— Farnborough, Lord, on the fur
nishing of Windsor Castle, i. 148
— Goderich, Lord, respecting Chan
cellorship of the Exchequer, i. 181,
182, 186, 191 ; on termination of
Ministerial crisis, 209 ; offers of
resignation, ii. 20, 26, 29, 31
— Goulburn, Mr., on a proposal
from Sir R. Peel, ii. 198 ; on Pro
perty tax and Sugar duties, 217 ;
on retirement from Parliament, 278
— Gordon, Colonel, on Spanish and
Portuguese clothing, &c., i. 60
— Harrison, Mr. G. (Treasury), on
Russian behaviour, i. 95 ; lavish
expenditure, 115 ; results of mis
sion to Paris (Appendix A), 237 ;
proposed monetary operations (Ap
pendix B), 240; payments to
Foreign Powers (Appendix D),
247

HERRIES
Herries, Right IIoM. J. C.,lettersfrom,
to Ilorries, Robert, respecting Hus
kisson and pamphlets, i. 8
— Hogg, Sii- J. W., on Burmese
War, ii. 259
— HusMsson, Mr., on abandonment
of African Settlements, i. 146 ; on
his return to England, 202 ; re
specting Finance Committee, ii. 15
— Knighton, Sir W., respecting
Windsor Castle, &c.,i. 149 ; Minis
terial arrangements, 183, 206 ; dis
putes with the Wliigs, ii. 81
— Lyndhurst, Lord, on Ministerial
crisis, ii. 55
— Macready, Mr., cadetship for his
son, ii. 271
— Merry, Mr. W. (War Office),
delays, i. 54
— Monteagle, Lord, asking for in
formation, u. 272
— Peel, Sir Robert, concerning elec
tions, ii. 171 ; Exchequer Bills,
174 ; on Property tax and Sugar
duties, 206, 214
— Planta, Mr., suggesting official
changes, i. 124
— Pole, Mr. W. W., on Catholics and
Whigs, i. 21
— Praed, Mr. W. M., on his election,
ii. 172
— Raglan, Lord, respecting General
Godwin and Lord Dalhousie, ii
266
— Rosenhagen, Mr., on Commissariat
defects and reforms, i. 26, 27 ; on
bad subsidy treaties, 96 ; the Bud
get of 1816,116
— Rothschild, N. M., directing pay
ment for Canova, i. 104
 Baroness, on her husband's
death, 229
— Secretary of the Treasury, on
Commissariat patronage, 26
— Sister, his, on negotiations with

296

INDEX.

HERRIES
Lord Goderich, WThig proceedings,
&c., i. 189, 201, 203, 211
Herries, Right Hon. J. C, letters
from, to Speaker, Mr., on retire
ment, ii. 276
~- Storekeeper-General, on contrac
tors, i. 32 ; lamenting injustice,
60; respecting great coats, 64;
Spanish and Portuguese equip
ments, 61
— War Department, on supplies for
Prussia, i. 63 note
— Wellington, Lord, in defence of
Storekeeper-General, i. 38, 42
 Duke of, transmitting corre
spondence with Lord Goderich, ii.
82 ; on Herries's situation in the
Government, 87 ; with financial
calculations, 204 ; on the Burmese
"War, 248, 256 ; promising appoint
ment, 270
— Letters to, from Arbuthnot, Right
Hon. C, i. 13, 114 note, 119, ii.
62
— Bentuick, Lord G., ii. 227
— Bexley, Lord, i. 210, ii. 63, 54,
57
— Brougham, Lord, ii. 277
— Croker, Right Hon. J. W., ii.
167, 230, 278
— Dalhousie, Lord, ii. 263
— D'lvernois, Sir F., i. 14
, — EUenborough, Lord, ii. 106, 108,
109
— Gentz, Frederick, i. 2
— Goderich, Lord, i. 186, 189, 198,
199, 209, ii. 22, 24, 28
— Goulburn, Right Hon. H., ii. 163,
189, 203, 222
— Greuhm, Mr., i. 103
— Huskisson, Right Hon. W., i.
146, u. 17
— King, the (George IV.), i. 185,
214
— Knighton, Sir W., i. 201

HUME
Herries, Right Hon. J. C, letters to,
from Lyndhurst, Lord, i. 150, 181,
ii. 66, 60, 61, 63
— Peel, Sir R., ii, 121, 165, 172,
173, 196, 206
— Perceval, Right Hon, S., i, 12,
13, 15, 18
— Planta, Mr., i. 126, 133, 178, 186,
202, 212
— Praed, Mr. W. M., ii. 122, 123
— Rosenhagen, Mr., i. lOI
— Rothschild, N. M., i. 93 note
— Spearman, Mr., i. 138, ii. 62, 56, 65
— Treasury, Assistant Secretary of,
i. 73, 108, 273 (Appendix E.)
— Trotter, Mr., i. 46
— Vansittart, Right Hon. N., i, 11
— Villiers, Mr,, ii. 67
— Wellington, Lord, i. 41, 47 ;
Duke of, ii. 64, 89, 120, 164
Herries, Sir W., i. 28
Herries, Major W. R., ii. 109
HoUand, French money procured
from, i. 85 ; monetary operations
in, 241 ; aggrandisement of, ii. 132 ;
Russian debt in, 132-168 ; British
engagements to, 134; separation
of Belgium from, 142, 143, 145,
150, 153 ; course pursued by, con
cerning the Russian loan, 157
— Lord, observations of, on Per
ceval, i. 20 note; intrigues for'
admission of, into Goderich Cabi
net, 160 and note, 175, 176, 196,
197, 232, u. 7, 8, 9, 10, 36, 38,41,
42-49, 52, 63, 55, 56, 69, 72, 74,
79; his opposition to Foreign
Enlistment Act, 41, 43; his en
deavours to upset Lord Palmer
ston, 183
Hope, Messrs., creditors of Russia,
ii. 132, 140 ; notification to, from
the Treasury, 152
Hume, Joseph, Mr., opposed to re
demption of debt, ii. 97 note;

INDEX.

297

HUSKISSON
supports Herries's motion, 161 ;
votes that black is white, 154 ;
nonsense uttered by, 156 ; his love
of economy, 170 ; votes with Her
ries against Ministers, 181
Huskisson, Rt. Hon. W., mentioned
in Letters, i. 8, II, IS ; opinion of,
on proposed taxes, 114 note ; com
mercial poUcy of, 123, 219, ii. 186,
283 nnte ; iU health of, i. 136 ; coi--
respondence of, with Herries, on
African Settiements, 145 ; trans
actions of, in the formation of Go
derich Cabinet, 155 and note, 164,
165, 168, 169, 170, 172, 173, 174,
175, 178 note, 179, 180, 187, 188,
192, 198, 201, 202, 203, 204,
205, 206, 207, 208, 212, 223, 230,
232, 236 ; friendly conduct of, to
wards Herries, 176 and note, 212 ;
magnanimity of Herries esteemed
by, 212 ; concurrence of, in Her
ries's financial plans, ii. 1, 208,
213 ; proposal from, respecting
Russia and Turkey, 3 ; his feeling
for Greece, 7 ; participation of, in
Whig intrigues, 9, 10, 69 ; pro
ceedings of, with respect to the
Finance Committee, 12-15, 17, 18,
20-24, 26, 30, 32, 37-40 ; friend
ship of Herries for, 30, 32 ; enters
WelUngton Cabinet, 59; retires
from it, 87; applauds Herries's
speech, 115 ; Navigation Laws
dealt with by, 234

INDIA, exchange, ii. 266 ; finance,
106-111, 254, 257, 265 and Jioite ;
government, 248, 262, 276; pa
tronage, 269 ; railways and tele
graphs, 248, 252, 253, 265;
steamers, 266
Ipswich, election at, ii. 189
L-ving, Mr., i. 227

LYNDHURST

KELLY, Sir F., ii. 178, 189, 190
Kennedy, Sir R., Commissary-
General in the Peninsula, i. 39, 45,
61, 56, 57, 59 note

LABOUCHERE, Rt. Hon. IL, ii.
231, 236
Lamb, Hon. G., thanks for secret
intelligence, ii. 160
Lansdowne, Marquis of, discussions
respecting Herries, i. 163, 168,
170, 196, 207, 222, 223, 231 ; in
tended resignation, 176, 177 note ;
bewildering statement by, 178
note ; satisfaction given to, 176,
177, 212, 232 ; his condemnation of
libel against Herries, 172, 229 ;
speculations concerning, 210, 211 ;
negotiations respecting Lord Hol
land, 195 ; ii. 9 ; speech on Foreign
EnUstment BUI, 42 note
Light Horse Volimteers, notice of,
Introduction, [II] ; ii. 280
Liverpool, Earl of, complaint to, from
Lord WeUington, i. 37 ; paper sent
to, 67 ; representations to, 85, 88,
96, 98; consults Herries, 114 and
note ; brings him into political Ufe,
119 ; ii. 199 ; his reUance upon
him, i. 120 ; his attention to busi
ness, ibid., note; his government,
principles of, ii. 46-50, 52; op
posed to payment of Russian
debt, 135; aUeged transaction of,
with George IV., 272 ; his mea
sures of Reform, 283 note
Londonderry, Lord, views of, con
cerning Property tax, ii. 219
Louis XVIIL, funds advanced to,
i. 88, 238
Lyndhurst, Lord, communications
with Herries, i. 150, 151, 156, 181,
234, ii. 55, 66, 60, 61, 62 note, 63,
80 ; with the King, Goderich, and

298

INDEX,

LYTTON
Others, i, 169, 170, 174, 207, ii,
52, 53, 54, 55, 67, 75 ; his advice
to Herries concerning libel, i, 167
Lytton, Lord, ii. 276

MABERLY, Mr., assistance from,
i. 167, 201
Mackintosh, Sir J., i. 178 note ; speech
on Foreign Enlistment Bill, ii.
41
MacLane, Mr., United States Minis
ter, negotiations with, ii. 112
Macready, W. C, claims recognised,
cadetship for his son, ii. 271
Manchester School, estimates of 1835
loved by, ii. 170
Maritime law, Herries on, i. 2
Metropolitan improvements, i. 121,
ii. 177, 222
MUitary requisitions, inaccuracy of,
i. 33, 34
Mint, Royal, Hanoverian coinage at,
i. 85, 245 ; French louis-d'or struck
at, 100, 245 ; secret, Napier's fable
concerning, 80
Monetary operations (see Herries)
Monteagle, Lord, letter to, about Fox,
ii. 272

NAPIER, Sir W., errors of, i. 28,
37, 65, 66, 67, 68, 76, 77, 80,
81, 82, 83
Napoleon, Emperor, i. 66
— IIL, ii. 276 and note
Nash, Mr., evidence respecting Buck
ingham Palace, i. 216 ; mentioned,
ii. 273
National Debt, reduction of, i. 14,
142, n. 93, 97 and note, 98 and
note, 116, 117, 118, 181
Navigation, neutral, i. 2, 4
— Act, debates on repeal of, ii. 233-
236 ; remarks, 237-240

PEEL
Nelson, Lord, appointment for his
grandson, ii. 270

O'CONNELL, D., Mr., vote of, on
Russian-Dutch Loan question,
ii. 161
O'Shaughnessy, Dr., Indian telegraph
system devised by, ii. 248, 262, 255

PALMERSTON, Viscount, Hus
kisson on, i. 13 ; administration
of War Office by, 53, 225 note ;
opposed to retrenchment, 116 ;
false statements in 'Autobio
graphy' of, 128, 163, 162 note, WS
note, 194 note, 216, 234, ii. 77-
86, 193 ; Herries decUnes to serve
under, at the Treasury, i. 129;
offer of the Exchequer to, by Go
derich, 159 note, 194 ; the ' Times '
on, 226; operations against the
Turks proposed by, ii. 7 ; remark
on Herries by, 114 ; Russian com
munication to, 142 ; Emperor Ni
cholas subjects himself to, 146;
untrue assertion by, 160 ; informa
tion withheld from Parliament by,
166 ; Eastern poUcy of, 182, 183 ;
Lord HoUand against, ibid. ; his
opposition to the Suez Canal, 238 ;
RusseU Ministry overthrown by,
245
ParneU, Sir Hem-y, chairman of
Finance Committee, ii. 90, 91 ;
prefers convictions to place, 151
Patronage, exercise of, in commis
sariat, i. 24, 25, 26 ; by Herries at
India Board, ii. 269-271
Peasant proprietors, doctrines con
cerning, ii. 242 and note, 244
Peel, Mr. and Sir R., secession
from Canning, i. 122 ; opinion of
Herries, 138 ; speculations con-

INDEX.

299

PEMBERTON
cerning, 211 ; mentioned, 214 ;
observatioiiS on Herries's speech,
ii. 115 ; correspondence, 121 ; on
Russian-Dutch Loan question, 151,
153, 154 ; mentioned, 159 ; letter
concerning, 162 ; letter from, 165 ;
action on the Bank Charter, 168 ;
Cabinet formed by, 170 ; communi
cation from, ibid. ; correspondence
with, 171-174; views on Pri
vilege question, 178; in power,
188 ; letter from, 1S9 ; commu
nications with Herries respecting
Ministerial arrangements, &c., 192-
198 ; assistance given to, 205 ;
consults Herries on financial plan,
ibid. ; letters to, on the same sub
ject, 206, 214 ; postal reform op
posed by, 210 note ; financial state
ment of, 221 ; Thames Embankment
discountenanced by, 223; wel
comes Herries's return to Parlia
ment, 230 ; in debate on Naviga
tion Law, 234
Pemberton, C. R., i. 176 and note
— T., ii. 178
Peninsular War, i. 28-87
Perceval, Right Hon. Spencer, let
ters from, to Colonel Herries, i.
10, 19 ; to J. C. Herries, 12, 13,
15, 18 ; letter to, from WUber-
force, 31 ; makes Herries his pri
vate secretary, 10 ; firmness of,
towards the Prince Regent, 17;
obtains appointments for Herries,
ibid, and 19; his friendship for
him, 20 ; his virtues, Md. ; party
malignity against, ibid, and note,
168 note ; untrue charge against,
29 ; Lord WeUington's declaration
concerning, 48
Pitt, Mr., Introduction [17], ii. 47,
99, 283
Pius VH., gratitude of, to British
Government, i. 105 note

RIPON
Planta, Mr., i. 124, 125, 133, 130,
149, 150, 163-156, 104, 105, 178,
180, 192, 202, 212
Pole, Right Hon. 'W. W., i. 17, 18 ;
letter to, from Herries, 21
PoUock, Sir F., u. 149, 153, 178
Portland Administration, i. 10
Post Office revenue, ii. 210 and note
Praed, W. M., brought into Parlia
ment, ii. 122 I supported by Her
ries, ibid. 123, 124
Prince Regent, dealings with, i. 17,
19 ; reception of Canova by, 106
Private bargains, i. 48 and nxite, 72,
73,74
Privilege question, ii. 177
Prussia, suppUes for, i. 63 note, 98 ;
subsidiary arrangements with (see
Subsidies)

QUADRUPLE TREATY, letter
from a Plenipotentiary, ii. 182
' Quarterly Review,' Croker's articles
in, ii. 167, 230, 272, 274 ; remarks
on George HI.'s library in, 273,
274 note

EAGL AN, Lord, letter to, ii. 268
Railways in Ireland, ii. 226 ;
in India, 248, 255 ; Termini, Royal
Commission, 222
Retrenchment desired by Herries, i,
115, 117, 139, 143, ii. 100, 170,
243 ; resisted by departments (see
Palmerston), i. 115, 116, 143 ; re
commended by Finance Committee,
ii. 100 ; effected by Wellington
and Peel Administrations, 101,
170
Ripon borough, seat for, offered to
Herries, ii. 197, 198, 199
— Lord, question respecting, ii. 193
and note

300

INDEX.

ROBINSON
Robinson, Right Hon. F., negligence
of, i. 120 and note ; historical error
concerning, ii. 96 note
Rome, misgovernment at, ii. 176
Rosenhagen, Mr., Comptroller of
Army Accounts, correspondence
with, i. 26, 95, 101, 116
Rosslyn, Lord, conduct of, respecting
the Reform BUI, ii. 159
Rothschild, N. M., operations of, i.
85, 86, 87, 89, 93, 104, 247 ; Ubel
on Herries, concerning, 166, 227,
228 ; Herries's friendship for, 228,
229
¦ — Baroness, letter to, i. 229
RusseU, Lord John, remarks of, ii.
186, 187, 231, 232 ; his opinion of
Herries, 278
Russia, conduct of, in money matters,
i. 90, 91, 94, 95, 97; fleet of,
maintained by Great Britain, 97
and note ; subsidiary arrangements
with (see Subsidies) ; enticement of
manufacturers by, 95 note; pro
posal from, as to invasion of Turkey,
ii. 3 ; war with, 280
Russian-Dutch Loan, i. 106, 260,
271 ; history of, ii. 131 ; Herries's
motions concerning, 147, 153 ;
Ministerial deceit and conceal
ment respecting, 151, 155, 156 ;
amount paid by Great Britain, 165
and note; renewed discussion on,
166 ; nonsense in House of Com
mons respecting, ibid, note ; course
of the Netherlands concerning,
157

ST. LEONARDS, Lord, letter
from, ii. 263
Salaries, proposed reduction of, ii. 244
Scarlett, Sir James, repeal of Foreign
Enlistment Act proposed by, ii.
40, 64, 55

SUPPLIES
Second Empire, recognition of, ii.
275
Shoes for the army in the Peninsula,
i. 39, 41, 43, 46, 50
Sidmouth, Lord, letter from Perceval
respecting, i. 12
Sinking Fund, Lowndes's plan for, i.
13 ; opinions of Herries concern
ing, 139, 142, ii. 92, 96, 98, 99;
report of Finance Committee on,
92; Mr. S. Walpole's blunders
concerning, 96 note
Slavery, ii. 214, 216, 216, 217
Speaker, the, Mr. Shaw Lefevre,
letter to, ii. 276
Spearman, Mr., character of, i. 94 ;
able assistance of, ibid., 108, 250,
273, 274 ; letters from, ii. 62, 66,
65
Specie, dearth of, and measures for
procuring, i. 65-72, 76, 78, 79,
83-67, 98, 99, 100, 110, 111, 240,
243, 244, 245, 248; prices of, 81
note
Stamford, return for, ii. 229
Stanley, Mr., i. 178 note ; ii. 128
— Lord, u. 193, 276
Stewart, Patrick, ii. 172, 173
Storekeeper-General unjustly cen-
sm-ed, i. 37 ; vindicated by Herries,
38, 40, 42-46
Subsidies, arrangements concerning,
i. 88-111, 237-273
Sugden, Sir E., ii. 149, 163, 178,
197
Supplies for the army provided by
Commissary-in-Chief, i. 23 ; for
Peninsular service, 35, 36, 45, 62,
63, 58 ; for Spaniards and Por
tuguese, 32, 33, 34, 46, 66, 60,
61, 62 ; for West Indies and
Canada, 61, 53 ; for AUies in Ger
many, &c., 63 and note ; abundance
of, iu 1815, 97, 98

INDEX.

301

TAXES
TAXES, deUberations concerning,
i. 114 ; imposition of, impracti
cable, 141 ; Herries's views con
cerning, ii. 1, 208, 212 ; remissions
of, 117, 118, 181, 209
Thames Embankment, ii. 222
Tierney, Right Hon. G., financial
resolutions moved by. Introduction,
[17] ; his hostiUty to Herries, i. 20,
22, 163, 168, 174 note, 196, 206,
207, 227, 231, 276, ii. 12; aUeged
agreement of, with Canning, i. 127,
128 ; improbable story concerning,
174 note; Brougham's hatred of,
206 ; expected to resign, 208 ;
subdued, 212; behaviour to the
King, 223 ; his interference with
the Finance Committee, ii. 12-19,
37,39
Timber Duties, Reform Cabinet de
feated upon, ii. 129
Tory Government, Napier attacks, i.
55 ; effects restitution of works of
ait to Rome, 105; wish of, for
economy thwarted, 116 ; spUt up,
126 ; re-estabUshment of, difficult,
208 ; unfairness towards, u. 115 ;
superiority of its financial admin
istration, 116, 117, 118
Tory party, rupture of, ii. 102 ;
Herries's services to, 119, 282;
efforts for union of, 120, 121, 161,
164 ; leaderless, 160, 162
Transports, captured, i. 30; deten
tion of, 36 ; insufficient, ibid.
Treasury, Herries clerk in, Introduc-
tion,i. [16] ; commissariat patronage
by, 26 ; Lord Wellington dis
pleased with, 36 ; report to, from
Herries, 62; support of Herries
by, 53 ; business thrown upon him
by, 63, 64; fruitless inquiry by,
66 note ; instructions of, to com
missaries, 70, 71, 72; deference
shown by, to Lord WeUington, 73,

WALPOLE
74 ; objections of, to private bar
gains, ibid. ; yields to Lord Wel
lington's judgment, 75 ; minute on
Hanoverian coinage, 85 note ;
Herries sent to Paris by, 89 ; in
convenience to, from Russian deal
ing, 90 ; letter to Secretary of,
94; minute on abolition of Com
missary-in-Chief 's office, 107; ap
probation of Herries by, 108, 273 ;
Herries appointed Secretary to,
119; and his proposed retirement
from, 124, 131, 134, mentioned
passim.

UNITED STATES, commercial
intercourse of, with British
West Indies, ii. 111-114

VANSITTART, RightHon. N., let
ter from, i. II ; negotiation with,
12 ; Herries's plans approved by,
85 ; communications with, 86, 88,
96, 96, 97, 99, 242 ; speech of, 109 ;
financial statement of, 117 ; allu
sions to, 242, 244, 246, 247 ; blun
ders concerning, ii. 96 note
ViUiers, Mr., congratulates Herries,
ii. 67
— Right Hon. C, repeal of Corn
Laws advocated by, ii. 187 ; allu
sion to Herries by, ibid.

WALPOLE, Right Hon. S. IL,
speeches on Navigation Laws,
u. 326
Walpole, Spencer, Mr., History of
England by, remarks on. Intro
duction, and i. Ill, 153, 166, 174
note, 175 note, 177 note, 193 note,
200 note, 212 note, 216-219, 220
note, ii. 96 note, 129 note, 277

302

INDEX.

WEtLESLEY
WeUesley, Marquis, his phUippic,
comments on, by Herries, i. 67 ;
proposed admission of, into Gode
rich Cabinet, ii. 9, 35, 72
WelUngton, Lord, and Duke of, i. 26,
27, 28, 29, 36 ; fault-finding, 36 ;
erroneous judgments of, ibid, and
note ; complains of stores, 37 ;
letters to, from Herries, concern
ing tools, shoes, &c., 38, 42 ; re
plies from, 41, 47, 51 ; exertion to
supply, 61 ; corn contract directed
by, 62 ; misquoted despatch from,
55; correspondence on clothing,
56 ; orders of, respecting great
coats, 57; unfounded complaints
of, 58, 59 ; complains of the Bank,
66 note ; alleged interference of
Government with, paper on, 67 ;
deference of the Treasury to, 73,
74, 76 ; pretended opposition to,
ibid. ; specie suppUed to, 77, 78,
79, 83, 84, 86, 88, 101, 112 note,
238, 244, 245; story of coining
by, 80; wheat supplied by, to
Prussian army, 98 ; Herries sent
to, at Brussels, 101 ; treaties of
subsidy concluded by, 102 ; seces
sion of, from Canning, 122 ; return
of, desired at Windsor, 137 ; sen
timents of, concerning Herries,
138 ; abandonment of African Set>-
tlements urged by, 145 ; on Wind
sor Castle Commission, 147 ; letter
to, from Lord Westmoreland, 151 ;
from Sir H. Hardinge, 166; his
visit to Windsor, 216 ; charged
with the formation of a Cabinet, ii.
57 ; offers the Mint to Herries, 69 ;
Huskisson's stipulation with, ibid. ;
goes with LjTidhurst to Windsor,
61 ; letter and note concerning,
62 ; unreasonable wrath of, 64,
65 ; intended letter to, from Her
ries, 82 ; rigidity of, towards Hus-

WHIGS
kisson, 87 ; letter to, from Herries,
ibid.; reply from, 89; opinion of
Herries expressed by, 90 ; his dis
Uke of the Finance Committee,
101 ; hostility of, to Dr. Bovsrring,
102; arrangement with America
reluctantly assented to by, 112;
Cabinet of, destroyed, 115 ; good
financial management of his Ad
ministration, 116-118 ; correspond
ence of, with Herries, 120 ; his cor
respondence respecting Russian-
Dutch Loan, 131, 135; instruc
tions to, from Lord Castlereagh,
136 ; attempted construction of a
Cabinet by, 168 ; pledge given by,
to the King, 159 ; action of, urged
by Herries, 162 ; letter from, to
Herries, 164 ; letter to, from Sir
R. Peel, 170 ; consideration of
estimates by, 171 ; financial calcu
lations for, 204; letter to, 248;
his suggestions concerning Bur
mah, 249 ; papers submitted to,
254 ; letter to, 266 ; consulted on
Burmese war, 258, 267 ; last poU
tical advice of, 260 ; death of, ibid. ;
memorandum by, 262; appoint
ment of a friend of, 270
WethereU, Sir Charles, u. 149, 163
Whigs, animosity of, against Her
ries, i. 20, 22, ii. 200; junction
of, with Canning, 126,137 ; pledges
of, 127 ; conduct of, in formation
of Goderich Cabinet (see Herries,
' Narrative ' and ' Correspondence,'
passim) ; mutual hatred between
them and George IV., i. 215; re
marks upon, 222, 223, 227, 231,
233 ; intrigues of, ii. 9 ; against
Foreign Enlistment Act, 40, 41,
42 and note, 43 ; letter from Her
ries respecting, 45 ; views of
Brougham and Lyndhurst con
cerning, 52, 53 ; cunning of, 57 ;

INDEX.

303

WILBERFORCE
Storm from, preparing, 63; Her
ries to Knighton, about, 81 ; action
of, at Hai-wich, 126, 127, 188, 189 ;
make deficits, 116, 179, 205 ; allu
sions to, passim
WUberforce, Mi-., letter from, to Per
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Forms. Edited by Dr. Wk. Smith. Post Svo. 6s.
 ElucidatioES of the above Grammar. Translated by
Evelyn Abbot. Post Svo. 7s. 6^.
 Smaller Greek Grammar for the Middle and Lower
Forms. Abridged from the larger work. 12mo. 3s. Gd.
 Accidence of the Greek Language. Extracted from
the above work. 12mo. 2s. 6J.
 Principles of Greek Etymology. Translated by A. 8.
WiLKiNS, M.A. , and E. B. England. M.A. 2 vols. Svo. 16s. each.
The Greek Verb, its Structure and Development.

Translated by A. S. Wilkins, M.A., anl E. B. England, M.A.
Svo. l^'s.
CURZON (Hon. Robert). Visits to the Monasteries ofthe Levant,
Illustrations. Post Svo. 7s. ed.
OUST (General). Warriors ofthe 17thCentnry— The Thirty Years'
War. 2 Vols. les. Civil Wars of France and England. 2 Vols. 16s.
Commanders of Fleets and Armies. 2 Vols. 18s.
 Annals of the Wars — 18th & 19th Century.
With Maps. 9 Vols. Post Svo. 5s. each.
DAVT (Sir Humphry). Consolations In Travel; or. Last Days
of a Philosopher. Woodcuts. Fcap. Bvo. 8s. 6d.
 Salmonia ; or. Days of Fly Fishing. Woodcuts.
Fcap. Svo. 3». 6d.

PUBLISHED BY MR. MURRAY.

DARWIN (Charles) WORKS ; —
Journal op a Naturalist oorino a Vovaok uoond the
World. Crown Svo. 9s.
Origin op Species by Means op Natural Selection; or, the
Preservation of Favoured Races iu the Struggle for Lite. Woodcuts.
Crown Svo. 7i. 6ii.
Variation of Animals and Plants under Domestioation.
Woodcuia. 2 Vols. Crjwu 8vo. ISs.
Descent of Man, and Selection in Relation to Sex.
Woodcuts. Crown avo. 9s.
Expressions of the Emotions in Man and Animals. With
Illustrations. Crown Svo. V2-i.
Various Contrivances by which Orchids are Fertilized
by iNSb-CTS. Woodcuts. Ctowu Svo. 9s.
Movements and Habits of Climbikq Plants. Woodcuts,
Crown bvo. 6s.
Insectitohous Plants. Woodcuts. Crown Svo. 14«.
Effects of Cross and SelfFertilization in the Vegetable
Kingdom. Crofvn 8vo. 1^'s.
Different Forms of Flowers on Plants of the same
SPECIE'*. Cruwu Svo. It's. ed.
The Power of Movement in Plants. Woodcuts. Or. 8vo.
Life of Ebasmus Daewik. With a Study of his Works by
EBNKsr Kbausb. Portrait. Crown Svo. 7s. 6d.
Facts and Arguments for Darwin. By Fritz Muller.
Translated by W. S. Dallas. Woodcuts. Post Svo. 6s.
DE COSSON (B. A.). The Cradle of the Blue Nile; a Journey
through Abyssinia and Soudan, and a Residence at the Court of King
Johuof Ethiopia. Mapandlllustrationa. 2 vols. PostSvo. 21s.
DENNIS (George). The Cities and Cemeteries of Etruria. A
new Edition, revised, recording mU ihe latest Discoveries. With 20
Plans and 200 Illustrations. 2 vols. Medium Svo. 42s.
DENT (Emma). Annals of Winchcombe and Sudeley. With 120
Portraits, Plates and Woodcuts. 4to. 42s.
DERBY (Earl of). Iliad of Homer rendered into English
Blank Verse. With Porlrait. 2 Vols. Post Svo. lOs.
DERRY (Bishop ofI. Witness of the Psalms to Christ and Chris
tianity. The Bampton Lectures for 1876. Svo. 148.
DEUTSCH (Emanuel). Talmud, Islam, The Targums and other
Literary Remains. With a brief Memoir. Svo. 12s.
DILKE (Sib C. W.). Papers of a Critic. Selected from the
Writings of the late Ch«s. Weniwoeth Dilke. Wiih a Biographi
cal Sketch. 2 Vols. Svo. 24».
DOG-BREAKING, with Odds and Ends for those who love the
Dog and Gnu. By Gen. Hutchinson. With 40 Illustrations.
Crown SVO. 7s. 6d.
DOMESTIC MODERN COOKERT. Founded on Principles of
Economy and Practical Knowledge, and adapted for Private Families.
Woodcuts. Feap. Svo. 5s.

10 LIST OF WORKS

DOUGLAS'S (Sir Howard) Theory and Practice of Gunnery.
Plates. Svo. 21s.
 (Wm.) Horse-Shoeing; As it Is, and As it Should he.
Illustrations. Post Svo. 7s. 6d.
DRAKE'S (Sir Francis) Life, Voyages, and Exploits, by Sea and
Land. By John Barbow. Post Svo. 2s.
DRINKWATER (John). History of the Siege of Gibraltar,
1779-1783. With a Description and Account of that Garrison from the
Earliest Periods. Post Svo. 2s.
DUCANGE'S MEDi.aavAL Latin-English Dictionary. Re-arranged
and Edited, in accordance with the mode- n Science of Philology, by Rev.
E. A. Dayman and J.H. liEBSELB. Small 4to. {In Preparation.
DTJ CHAILLU (Paul B.). Equatorial Africa, with Accounts
of the Gorilla, the Nestrbuilding Ape, Chimpanzee, Crocodile, &c.
lUustratiens. Svo. 21s.
 Journey to Ashango Land; and Further Pene
tration into Equatorial Africa. Illustrations. Svo. 21s.
DUFFERIN (Lord). Letters from High Latitudes; a Tacht
Voyage to Iceland, Jan Mayen, and Spitzbergen. Woodcuts. Post
Svo. 7s. ed.
 Speeches and Addresses, Political and Literary,
delivered in the House of Lords, in Caneda, and e'eewhere. Svo.
DUNCAN (Majori. History ot the Royal Artillery. Com
piled from the Original Records. Portraits. 2 Vols 8vo. 18s.
 EDglibh in Spain; or, The Stoiy of ihe War of Suc
cession, 1824-1840. Conipiled from the Reports of the British Com
missioners. With lUin-trations. Svo. 16s.
EASTLAKE (Sir Charles). Contributions to the Literature cf
the Fine Arts. With Memoir of the Author, and Stlectiona from his
Correspondence. By Lady Easti.ake. 2 Vols. Svo. 24s.
EDWARDS (W. H.). Voyage up the River Amazon, including a
Visit to Para. PostSvo. 2s.
EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME, during the Vatican Council, with
a Daily Account of the Proceedings. By Pomponio Leto. Trans
lated from the Original. Svo. 12s.
ELDON 'S (Lord) Public and Private Life, with Selections from
his Correspondence and Diaries. By Hobaoe Twiss. Portrait 2
Vols. Post Svo. 218.
ELGIN (Lord). Letters and Journals. Edited by Theodore
Walrusd. With Preface by Dean Stanley. Svo. 14s.
BLLESMERE (Lord). Two Sieges of Vienna by the Turks.
Translated from the German. Post Svo 2s.
ELLIS (W.). Madagascar Revisited. Setting forth the Perse
cutions and Heroic SuHenngs of the Native ChriAtians. Illustrations.
Svo. 16s.
 Memoir. By His Son. With his Character and
Work. By Rev. Henby Allon, D.D. Portrait. &vo. 10s. 6d.
 (Robinson) Poems and Fragments of Catullus. 16mo. 6s.
ELPHINSTONE (Hon. Mountstuaht). History of india^tbe
Hindoo and Mahomedau Periods. Edited by Pbofessob Cowell.
Map. Svo. IBs.
"  (H. W.). Patterns for Turning ; Comprising
Elliptical and other Figures cut on the Lathe without the use of any
Ornamental Clinck. With 70 Illustralions. Small 4to. 15s.
ELTON (Capt.) RLd H. B. CUTTERILL. Adveiuurea and
Discoveries Among the LnVes mid Mountains of Eastern and Ctntral
Africa. VMib Mup aad lllustiatiODS. Svo. 2l5.

PUBLISHED BY MR. MURRAY.

ENGLAND. [See Artuur, Croker, ITomb, Markham, Smith,
and Stanhope. J
ESSAYS ON CATHEDRALS. Edited, with an Introduction.
By Dean Howson. Svo. Vis.
FERGUSSON (James). History of Architecture in all Countries
from the Earlleat Times. With 1,600 Illustrations. 4 Vols. Medium Svo.
Vol. I. & II. Ancient and Medioeval. 6ds.
Vol. III. Indian & Eastern. 42s. Vol. IV. Modern. 31«. (id.
Rude Stone Monuments in all Couutries; their Age

and Uses. With 230 Illustrations. Medium Svo. 24s.
— Holy Sepulchre and the Temple at Jerusalem.

Woodcuts. Svo. 7s. 6ti.

 Temples of the Jews and other buildings in
the Haram Area at Jerusalem. With Illustrations. 4to. 42s.
FLEMING (Professor). Student's Manual of Moral Philosophy.
With Quotations aud References. PostSvo. 7s. eu.
FLOWER GARDEN. By Rev. Thos. James. Fcap. Svo. Is.
FORBES (Capt. C. J. F. S.) British Burma and its People;
sketches of >;ative Mauners, Customs, and Religion. Cr. Svo. 10s, ed.
FORD (Richard). Gatherings from Spain. Post Svo. 3s. 6d,
FORSYTH (William). Hortensius; an Historical Essay on the
Office and Duties of an Advocate. Illustrations. Svo. 7s. 6d.
 Novels und Novelists of the 18th Century, in
Illustration of the Manners and Morals of the Age. PostSvo. 10s. ed.
FORSTER (John). The Early Lile of Jonathan Swift. 1667-1711.
With Portrait. Svo. 15s.
FRANCE (History of). [See Jer\is — Maekham — Smith — Stu-
deuts' — TOCQUEVILLE.]
FRENCH IN ALGIEKS; The Soldier of the Foreign Legion—
and the Prisoners of Abd-el-Kadir. Translated by Lady Dcev Gordon.
Post Svo. 2«.
FRERB (Sir Bartle). Indian Missions. Small Svo. 2s. 6d.
 Eastern Afiica as a Field for Missionary Labour. With
Map. Crown Svo. 5s.
—  Bengal Famine. How it will be Met and How to
Prevent Future Famines in India. With Maps. Crown Svo. 5s.
QALTON (F.). Art of Travel ; or. Hints on the Shifts and Con
trivances available in Wild Countries. Woodcuts. Post Svo. 7s. 6d.
GEOGRAPHY. [See Bunbdrt — Croker — Smith — Students'.]
GEOGRAPHICAL SOCIETY'S JOURNAL. {Publislied Yearly.)
GEo!RGE (Ernest). The Mosel ; a Series of Twenty Etchings, with
Descriptive Letterpress, Imperial 4to. 42s.
 Loire and South of France ; a Series of Twenty
Etchings, with Descriptive Text. Folio. 42s.
GERMANY (History of). [See Marxham.]
GIBBON (Edward). History of the Decline and Fall of the
Roman Empire. Edited by Milman, Guizut, and Dr. Wh. Smith.
Maps. 8 Vols. Svo. 60s.
 The Student's Edition ; an Epitome of the above
work, incorporating the Researches of Recent Commentators. By Dr.
Wm. Smith. Woodcuts. Post Svo. 7s. 6d.

12 LIST OF WORKS

GIFFARD (Edward). Deeds of Naval Daring ; or, Anecdotes of
the British Navy. Fcap. Svo. 3a. 6d.
GILL (Capt. William), R. E. The River of Golden Sand.
Narrative of a Journey through China to Burmah With a Preface by
Col. H. Yule, C.B. Maps and Illustrations. 2 Vols. Svo. S0«.
 (Mrs.). Six Months in Ascension. An Unscientific Ac
count of a Scienlific Expedition. Map. Crown Svo. 9s.
GLADSTONE (W. E.). Rome and the Newest Fashions in
Religion. Three Tracts. Svo. 7s. 6d.
 Gleanings of Past Years, 1843-78. 7 vols. SmaU
Svo. 2s. 6it. each. I The Throne, the Prince Contort, the Cabinet and
Constitution. II. Personal and LHerary. III. HlHtorical and Specu
lative. IV. Foreign. V. and VI. Ecclesiastical. VII. Miscellaneous.
GLEIG (G. R). Campaigns of the British Army at Washington
and New Orleans. Post Svo. 2s.
 Story of the Battle of Waterloo. Post Svo. 3s. 6d.
 Narrative of Sale's Brigade in Affghanistan. Post Svo. 2«.
 Life of Lord Clive. Post Svo. 3». 6d.
 Sir Thomas Munro. Post Svo. 3s. 6d.
GLYNNE (Sir Stephen R.). Notes on the Churches of Kent.
With Preface by W. H. Gladstone, M.P. Illustrations. Svo. 12s.
GOLDSMITH'S (Oliver) Works. Edited with Notes by Peter
Gdhhinoham. Vignettes. 4 Vols. Svo. 30s.
GOMM (Field-Marshal Sis Wm. M.), Commander-in-Chief in
India, Constable of the Tower, find Colonel of the Coldstream Guards,
1784—1879. His Life, Letteis, and Journals. Edited by F. C. Carr
Gomm. With Porlrait. Svo.
GORDON (Sir Alex.). Sketches of German Life, and Scenes
from tile War of Liberation. Post Svo. 3s. ed.
 (Lady Duff) Amber- Witch : A Trial for Witch
craft. Post Svo. 2s.
French in Algiers. 1. The Soldier of the Foreign

Legion. 2. The Prisoners of Abd-el-Kadir. Post Svo. 2s.
GRAMMARS. [See Curtius ; Hall; Hutton; Kino Edward;
Lhathes; Maetznbb; Matthi^; Smith ]
GREECE (History of). [See Grote— Smith— Students'.]
GROTE'S (George) WORKS ¦—
History of Greece. From the Earliest Times to the close
of the generation contemporary with the Death of Alexander the Great.
Library Edition. Portrait, Maps, and Plans. 10 Vols. Svo. 120s.
Cabinet Edition. Portrait and Plans. 12 Vols. Post Svo. Gs. each.
Plato, and other Companions of Socrates. 3 Vols. Svo. 45».
Aristotle. With additional Essays. Svo. ISs.
Minor Works. Portrait. Svo. 14s.
Letters on Switzerland in 1847. 6s.
Personal Life. Portrait. Svo. 12s.
GROTE (Mrs.). A Sketch. By Lady Eastlake. Crown Svo. 6«.
HALL'S (T. D.) School Manual of English Grammar. With
Copious Exercises. 12mo. 3s. 6d.
 Manual of Enelish Composition. With Copious Illustra
tions and Practical Exercises. 12ino. 3s. ed.
Primary English Grammar for Elementary Schools.

Based on the larger work. 16mo. Is,

PUBLISHED BY MR. MURRAY. 13

Hall's (T. D.)—co7itinuul.
 Child's First Latin Book, comprisine a full Practice of
TT . T T V w?"' !"""<»">»• """l Adieotives, witli the Ao"tlv6 Verbs. 16mo 2s
HALLAM'S (Henry) WORKS:—
The Constitutional Hlstory of Ekoland, from the Acces
sionof Henry the Seventh to the Death of George the Second. Libra,u
**","",•. fJ''\ ^""^ ^"'- ^<'"»"' ^'""o". 3 Vols. Post Svo. 12s i^^L^
dm^'s iidiiOTi, Post Svo. 7s. 6rf. lu.u. a.c». am-
History of Europe during the Middle Ages. Library
Rditiov, 3 Vols. Svo. 30s. Cabinet Edition, 3 Vols Post Svo lof
*i/<;e..CsfdiliTO, PostSvo. 7s. 6 i. 'ois. jrost avo. 12s.
Literary History op Europe during the 15th 16th and
ivois^^Posrsvo. /if"''* '^*'*°"' ^ '^°"- ^™' *^' '''¦*'''" ^'""'"'¦
HALLAM'S (Arthur) Literary Remains; in Verse and Prosp
Portrait. Fcap. Svo. 3s 6d. "urrose.
HAMILTON (Gen. Sir F. W.). History of the Grenadier Guards
From Original Documents, &c. With Illustrations. 3 Vols. Svo 6.1s'
 (Andrew). Rheinsberg : Memorials of Frederick tiie
Great and Prince Henry of Prussia. 2 Vols. Crown Svo 21s
HART'S ARMY LIST. {Published Quarterly an,d Annuadv )
HATCH (W. M.). The Moral Philosophy of Aristotle; con
sisting of a translation of the Nichomachean Ethics, and of the Para
phrase attributed to Andronicus, with an lutroduclory Analysis of eacti
booK. Svo, lc5.
KATHERLEY (Lord). The Continuity of Scripture, as Declared
by the Testimony of our Lord and of Ihe Evangelists and Anostlnn
Svo. 6s. Popular Edition. Post Svo. 2s. ed. i.«»i.io».
HAY (Sir J. H. Drummond). Western Barbary, its Wild Tribes
and Savage Animals. Post Svo. 2s.
HAYWARD (A.). Sketches of Eminent Statesmen and Writers
with other Essays. Reprinted from the "Quarterly Review" with
Additions and Correction'. Contents: Thiers, Bismarclt Cavour
Metternich, Montalembert, M-lbourop, WeUesley, Byron and Tennv'
son, Venice, St. Simon, Sevign^, Du Deffand, Holland Houte Srriw
berry Hil'. 2 Vo's. i-vo. ' "¦"''-
HEAD'S (Sir Francis) WORKS :—
The Royal Engineer. Illustrations. Svo. 12s.
Life of Sir John Burgoyne. Post Svo. Is.
Rapid Journeys across the Pampas. Post Svo. 2s.
Bubbles from the Brunnen of Nassau. Illustrations. Post
Svo. 7s. 6d.
Stokers and Pokers; or, the London and North Western
Railway. Post Svo. 2s.
HEBER'S (Bishop) Journals in India. 2 Vols. Post Svo. 7s.
 Poetical Works. Portrait. Fcap. Svo. 3s. 6d.
.  Hymns adapted to the Church Service. 16mo. Is. &d
HERODOTUS. A New English Version. Edited, with Notes'
and Essays, Historical, Ethnographical, and Geographical, by Canon
Rawlinsok, Sir H. Rawlinson and Sib J. G. Wilkinson." Mans and
Woodcuts. 4 Vols. Svo. 488.
HERRIES (Rt. Hon. John). Memoir of his Public Life during
the Reigns of George III. and IV., William IV., and Queen Victoria
Founded on his Lettfrs and other Unpublished Documents. By hia
son, Edward Herries, C.B. 2 vols. Svo.
HERSCHEL'S (Caroline) Memoir and Correspondence. By
Meb. John Herschel. With Portraits. Crown Svo. 7s. ed.

14 LIST OK WORKS

FOREIGN HANDBOOKS.
HAND-BOOK— TRAVEL-TALK. English, French, German, and
Italian. 18mo. Ss. ed.
 HOLLAND AND BELGIUM. Map and Plans.

^"'nORTH GERMANY and THB RHINE,—

The Black Forest, the Hartz, ThUringerwald, Saxon Switzerland,
Rtigen, the Giant Mountains, Taunus, Odenwald, lilass, and Loth-
ringen. Map and Plans. PostSvo. 10s.
SOUTH GERMANY, — Wurtemburg, Bavaria,

Austria, Styria, Salzburg, the Alps, Tyrol, Hungary, and the Danube,
from Ulm to the Black Sea. Maps and Plan'<. PostSvo. lOs.
PAINTING. German, Flemish, and Dutch Schools.

Illustrations. 2 Vols. Post Svo. 24s.
LIVES AND WOKKS OF EARLY FLEMISH

Painters. Illnslralions. Post Svo. 7s. 6d.
SWITZERLAND, Alps of Savoy, and Piedmont.

In Two Parts. Maps and Plans. Post Svo. 10s.
-FRANCE, Part I. Normandy, Brittany, the French

Alps, the Loire, Seine, Garonne, and Pyrenees. Maps and Plans
Post Svo. 7s. ed. Part II. Central France, Auvergne, the

Cevennes. Burgundy, the Rhone and Saone, Provence, Nimes, Aries,
Marseilles, the French Alps, Alsace, Lorraine, Champagne, &c. Maps
and tlans. Post Svo. 7s. 6d.
MEDITERRANEAN— its Principal Islands, Cities,

Seaports, Harbours, and Border Lands. For travellers and yachtsmen.
Maps and Plans. Post Svo.
ALGERIA AND TUNIS. Algiers, Constantine,

Oran, the Atlss Range. Maps and Plans. Post Svo. IDs.
PARIS, and its Environs. Maps and Plans. 16mo.

3s. ed. SPAIN, Madrid, The Castiles, The Basque Provinces,

Leon, The Asturias, Galicia, Estremadura, Andalusia, Ronda, Granada,
Murcia, Valencia, Catalonia, Aragon, Navarre, The Balearic Islands,
&c. &c. Maps and Plans. Post Svo. 20s.
PORTUGAL, Lisbon, Porto, Cintra, Mafra, &c.

Map and Plan. Post Svo. 128.
NORTH ITALY, Turin, Milan, Cremona, the

Italian Lakes, Bergamo, Brescia, Verona, Mantua, Vicenza, Padua,
Ferrara, Bologna, Ravenna, Rimini, Piacenza, Genoa, the Riviera,
Venice, Parma, Modena, and Romagna. Maps and Plans. PostSvo. 10s.
CENTRAL ITALY, Florence, Lucca, Tuscany, The

Marches, Umbria, &c. Maps and Plans. PostSvo. lUs.
ROME and its Environs. Maps and Plans.

Post Svo.
 SOUTH ITALY, Naples, Pompeii, Herculaneum,
and Vesuvius. Maps and Plans. Post Svo. lOs.
 PAINTING. The Italian Schools. Illustrations.

2 Vols. Post Svo. 30s.
¦ LIVES OF ITALIAN PAINTERS, prom Cimabue

to Bassano. By Mrs. Jameson. Portraits. Post Svo. 12s.
NORWAY, Christiania, Bergen, Trondhjem. The

Fjelds and Fjords. Maps and Plans. PostSvo. 9s.
 SWEDEN, Stockholm, Upsala, Gothenburg, the
Shoresof the Baltic, &c. Maps and Plan. PostSvo. 6s.

PUBLISHED BY MR. MURRAY. 15

H-VND'IOOK— DENMARK, Sleswig, Holsteia. Copenhagen, Jut
land, Icelani. Mapa and PlaiiH. FoHtSvo 6s.
 RUSSIA, St. Pbtersbubq. Moscow, Poland, and
Finland. Maps and Plans. Post 8vo. 18s.
 GRKECK, the Ionian Ittlanda, Continental Greece,
Athens, the Peloponnesus the iHlaniis of the jEj^ean Sea. Albania,
Tliessaly, and Macedooia. MapH, Plann, and Viftwa, Post 8po. 15».
TUKKEY IN ASIA— CoNSTANTiNnPLB, the Bos-

phonis, Dardanellej^, Broui'i, Plain of Troy, Crete, Cyprus, Smyrna,
Eplieaus, the Seven Churches, Coasts of the Black Sea, Armenia,
Euphrates Valley, Route to India, ^c. Maps and Plans. PostSvo. 16s.
 RGYPT, including DeHcriptions of the Course of
the Nile through Eio'Pt and Nubia, Alexandria, Cairo, and Thebes, the
Suez Canal, the Pyramids, the Peninsula of Sinai, the Oases, the
Fyoom, &c. In Two Parts. Maps and Plans. Post Svo. 15s.
HOLY LAND — Stria, Palestine, Peninsula of
Pinai, Edom, Syrian Deserts , Pe'ra, Daraaacus ; and Pa'royra. Maps
and Plans. PostSvo. 20s. *,* Travelling Map of Palestine. Iu a
INDIA. Maps and Plana. PostSvo. Parti.

lioMij.vv, l2s. Part It. Madras, 15«.

ENGLISH HANDBOOKS.
HAND-BOOK— ENGLAND AND WALES. An Alphabetical
Hand-Boolt. Condensed into One Volume for the Use of Travellers,
With a Map. PostSvo. 10»,
 MODERN LONDON. Maps and Plana. 16mo.
3b. Bd.
 ENVIRONS OP LONDON within a circuit of 20
ni'le-i. 2 Vols. Crown Svo. 21s.
 ST. PAUL'S CATHEDRAL. 20 iJlustrations.
Crown Svo 10s. 6ff,
EASTERN COUNTIES, Chelmsford, Harwich, Col

chester, Maldon, Cambridse, Ely, Newmarket, Bury St. Edmunds,
Ipawicb, Woodbrldge, Felixstowe, Lowestoft, Norwich, Yarmouth,
Cromer, &c. Map and Plans. Post Svo. 12s
CATHEDRALS of Oxford, Peterborough, Norwich,

Ely, anil Lincoln. With 90 IHustrationft. Crown Svo. 18s.
KEN"T, Canterbury, Dover, Rampgate, Sheemess,

Rochester, Chatham, Woolwich. MapB and Plans. Post Svo. 7s. 6d.
SUSSEX, Brighton. Chichester, Worthing, Hastings,

Lewes, Arundel, &c. Mf^ps and Plans, Post Svo.
 SURREY AND HANTS, Kingston, Croydon, Rel
ate, Guildford, Dorking, Bnxhill, Winchester, Sonthampton, New
Forest, Portsmouth, Islk of Wight, &c. Maps and Plans. Post Svo.
10s.
 BERKS, BUCKS, AND OXON, Windsor, Eton,
Reading, Aylesbury, Uxbridge, Wycombe, Henley, the City and Uni
versity of Oxford. Blenheim, and the Descent of the Thames, Maps
and Plans. Post Svo.
WILTS, DOESET, AND SOMERSET, Salisbury,

Chippenham, Weymouth, Sherborne, Wells, Bath, Bristol, Taunton.
&c. Map. Post Svo. 10s.
DEVON, Exeter, Ilfracombe, Linton, Sidmouth,

Uawlish, Teignraouth, Plymouth, Devonport, Torquay. Maps and Plans,
PostSvo. 7a. 6d.

LIST OF WORKS

HAND-BOOK — CORNWALL, Launceston, Penzance, Falmonth,
the Lizard, Land's End, &c. Maps. PostSvo. 6»,
 CATHEDRALS of Winchester, Salisbury, Exeter,
Wells, Chichester, Rochester. Canterbury, and St. Albans. With 130
Illustrations. 2 Vols. Cr. 8vo. 36«. St. Albans separately, cr. Svo.
GLOUCESTER, HEREFORD, and WORCESTER,

Cirencester, Cheltenham. Stroud, Tewkesbury, Leominster, Ross, Mal
vern, Kidderminster, Dudley, Bromsgrove, Evesham. Map. Post Svo.
CATHEDRALS of Bristol, Gloucester, Hereford,

Worcester, and Lichfield. With 50 Illustrations. Crown Svo. 16fi.
NORTH WALES, Bangor, Carnarvon, Beaumaris,

Snowdon, Llanberis. Dolgelly, Cader Idris, Conway, &c. Map. Post
Svo. 7».
 SOUTH WALES, Monmouth, Llandaff, Merthyr,
Valeof Neath, Pembroke, Carmarthen, Tenby, Swansea, The Wye, &c.
Map. PostSvo. 7s.
 CATHEDRALS OP BANGOR. ST. ASAPH,
LlandafT. and St. David's. With Illustrations. Post Svo. 15s.
 NORTHAMPTONSHIRE AND RUTLAND—
Northampton, Pelerboroua;h, Towcestpr^ Daventry, Market Har-
borough, Kettering, Waliingborough, Tbrapston, Stamfotd, Uppiog-
ham, Oakham. Maps. PostSvo. 7s. 6d.
  DEEBY, NOTTS, LEICESTER, STAFFORD,
Matlock, Bakewell, Chafsworth, The Peak. Buxton, Hardwick, Dove
Dale, Ashbome, Southwell, Mansfield, Retford, Burton, Belvoir, Melton
Mowbray, Wolverhampton, Lichfield, Walsall, Tamworth, M^.
Post Svo. 9«.
 SHROPSHIRE AND CHESHIRE, Shrewsbury, Lud-
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PUBLISHED BY MR. MURRAY. '27

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2S LIST OF WORKS

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12mo. Ss. 6d.

PUBLISHED BY MR. MURRAY. 29

Smith's (Dr. Wm.) Greek Course — continued.
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 ¦ (Philip). History of the Ancient World, from the Creation
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30 LIST OF WORKS

STEYENS (Du, A.). Madame de Stael ; a Study of her Life
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STUART (Villiers). Nile Gleanings: The Ethnology, History,
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PUBLI.SHKD BY MR. MURRAY. 31

STANHOPE'S (Earl) WORKS :—
History of England prom the Reion op Qdekn Annb to
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SWAINSON (Canon). Nicene and Apostles' Creeds; Their
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 Life in the Light of God's Word. Post Svo. 5s. !
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82 LIST OF WORKS PUBLISHED BY MR. MURRAY.

TWENTY YEARS' RESIDENCE among the Greeks, Albanians,
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TWISS' (Horace) Life of Lord Eldon. 2 Vols. Post Svo. 21».
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