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THE LIFE AND LETTERS

HENRY CECIL RAIKES

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THE LIFE AND LETTERS

OF

HENRY CECIL RAIKES

HER MAJESTY'S POSTMASTER-GENERAL

BY
HENRY ST. JOHN RAIKES

MACMILLAN AND CO., Limited
NEW YORK : THE MACMILLAN COMPANY
1898

PREFACE.
So far as the matter of the present memoir is
concerned, I have endeavoured, w^hile preserving a
certain degree of continuity, to select from a large
and heterogeneous mass of material (the sorting and
arrangement of which alone occupied two years) such
events as appear either to have personal value or to
be of public interest.
In some instances I have relied upon my own
memory, or drawn upon the recollections of relations
and friends, but, as far as possible, I have depended
upon documentary evidence.
Many interesting episodes in which others played
a leading part are necessarily touched on lightly, or
altogether excluded ; but in the latter portion of the
work, which deals mainly with Mr. Raikes's career at
the Post Office, I have not hesitated, where in the
interests of truth it seemed necessary, to lift the
official veil which so often tended to obscure his

VI PREFACE,
actions, and to create false impressions in the mind of
the public.I cannot more fitly close this preface than by
expressing to all those who have helped me in my
work my most hearty thanks for their kindly
assistance. HENRY ST. JOHN RAIKES.

SUMMARY OF CONTENTS.

PAGE
Introduction ... ... ... ... ... xiii
CHAPTER I.
Character sketch — Early training — Shrewsbury — Head of
school — Entered at Trinity College, Cambridge ... i
CHAPTER II.
Pedestrian powers — Matriculation — University life - — The
Union — Velocipeding — Debates, President of Union —
Dean Trench and Dr. Livingstone — Gladstone's " Homer "
— Lord Macaulay — Trinity scholarship — Engagement —
Classical Tripos ... ... ... ... ... t5
CHAPTER III.
Law and literature — Flint county election — Disraeli —
Marriage — Parliamentary gossip — Called to the Bar —
Dr. Thomson — Parody on " Bonnie Dundee " (/'?i:«i:/^) —
Literary efforts ... ... ... ... ... 29
CHAPTER IV.
Desire for Parliamentary career— North Wales Circuit — Death
of Henry Raikes- — Tour in Italy — Settled in London ... 40
CHAPTER V.
First contest at Chester — Mr. Gladstone intervenes — Passages
of arms with the Chancellor of the Exchequer— Defeat —
Stands for Devonport without success — Party organization,
Lord Nevill — Lewes ... ... ... ... 45

vm SUMMARY OF CONTENTS.

CHAPTER VI.
PAGE
Connection with Press — Imperial Review — Legal work — Church
Defence Institution — Party organization — Mr. Spoffbrth —
The National Union and Mr. Gorst— Sale of Tuflfley—
Introduction to Disraeli — Cambridge University repre
sentation, Messrs. Beresford Hope and Cleasby — Man
chester meeting — Requested to come forward for Chester 55

CHAPTER VII.
Position under the Franchise Act — Defeat of Government —
Second contest at Chester, secures seat — Resignation
of Disraeli — First speech in Parliament — Irish Church
disestablishment — Aptitude for Parliamentary work - —
Married Woman's Property Bill — Conservative press ex
tension — Sir Henry Wolff, anecdotes — Lewis Carroll —
Franco-Prussian war — Church Defence ... ... 69
CHAPTER VIIL
"Our National Defences"— Sessions, 1872, 1873 — Ballot Act —
Church Defence, Dr. Lee — Dinard — " Tom " Collins and
the bell-man — The National Union — Mr. Disraeli at Man
chester — White brandy ... ... ... ... 81
CHAPTER IX.
Chester contest, 1874, head of poll — Sir W. Harcourt — Ap
pointed Chairman of Ways and Means, and Deputy
Speaker — Advice to his son — Tour in Rbineland — Italy —
Resigns various posts ... ... ... ... 89
CHAPTER X.
Riding exercise — Governor of Shrewsbury school — Vanity Fair
caricature — The Lyndhurst picture, Mr. Disraeli, curious
experience — Sir A. Orr-Ewing, anecdote — Mr. Hardinge

SUMMARY OF CONTENTS. IX
I'AGE
Gififard — Chester, teasles — Merchant Shipping Bill —
Prisons Bill — Lord Redesdale — Deputy Speaker — Watton
¦ — Turfreform ... ... ... ... ... 97
CHAPTER XI.
Meeting at Chester — Session, 1877, Irish obstruction — Soutb
Africa Bill, tbe extraordinary sitting — A "paper" fleet —
Confession — Dick Whittington ... ... ... 112
CHAPTER XIL
The Eastern Question, excitement in London — Ministerial
crisis — J. Lowther appointed Chief Secretary for Ireland —
T'^ae. Horfiet — " Jim " Lowther, anecdote — Session, 1878 —
W. G. Grace — Obstruction, definition of — Porte de
Venasque ... ... ... ... ... 123
CHAPTER XIII.
Mr. Gladstone reappears at Chester — The Chairman protests
vigorously — Sir R. Cross declines to assist — Mr. Disraeli
and Sir W. Harcourt, anecdote — Mr. Peter Rylands —
Nineteenth Century sa.'iicS.Q. ... ... ... ... 136
CHAPTER XIV.
Chester contest, 1880 — Mr. Raikes defeated — Sir W. Wynn's
offer- — Chester Petition and Commission — Bribery and
Corruption — "Milcbcow" ... ... ... 143
CHAPTER XV.
Privy Councillor — Bencher of Middle Temple — Corapensation
to railway servants — Party bickerings — Sunday-school
centenary — Civil Service Commission — Industrial enter
prises ... ... ... ... ... ... 155
CHAPTER XVI.
Death of Lord Beaconsfield — Supports Lord Salisbury — Central
Council of Diocesan Conferences — Mersey Tunnel Railway

X SUMMARY OF CONTENTS,
PAGE
Company — Presentation to tbe Princess of Wales — Ex
pected retirement of Mr. S. H. Walpole — Offer of Preston
— Hesitation and acceptance — Local difficulties — Trium
phant return — A batch of congratulations ... ... i6i
CHAPTER XVIL
Return to old scenes — Trouble in Ireland and Egypt — Brad-
laugb question — Preston resignation — Opposition of party
managers — Elected for Cambridge University — Party
organization ... ... ... ... ... 176
CHAPTER XVIII.
Despondency of Conservative party — Mr. Raikes expresses
bis views — Mr. Alfred Austin and tbe National Review —
Series of meetings — Obstruction, disclaimer — Corrupt
Practices Bill — Death of Dr. Lee — Vigorous speeches —
Riding tours — W. F. Haydon, reminiscences of Disraeli —
Sir W. Harcourt — An exciting dinner-party ... ... 191
CHAPTER XIX.
The advent of Lord Randolph Churchill — Weakness of
recognized leaders — "An English Tory," a biting article — -
Mr. Escott's views — Rapid rise of Lord Randolph —
"Joseph and his Brethren" — Mr. Gladstone's Reform
Bill — The Lords make a stand — Redistribution — Activity
of Conservative party — Literary contributions ... ... 206
CHAPTER XX.
The Session of 1885 — Downfall of Mr. Gladstone's Second
Ministry — Redistribution, incessant labour — ¦ Corrupt
practices — Wrexham meeting — Lord Randolph at Cam
bridge — Mr. Gladstone resigns — Difficult position of Lord
Salisbury — Lord Randolph gains an instalment only — Mr.
Raikes stands aside — Tbe close of the Session — Mr.
Gladstone victorious at the General Election — Mr. Raikes
returned unopposed — Mr. Gladstone and the Mersey
Tunnel ... ... •.• ... ... ... 223

SUMMARY OF CONTENTS. xi
CHAPTER XXL
PAGE
The Church in Wales, Dr. Jayne — The House of Laymen —
Session of 1886 — Repels attack on Cburch in Wales —
Home Rule — Disruption of Liberal party — General
Election, 1886, success of Unionists — Mr. Raikes and
the Home Secretaryship — Appointed Postmaster-General
— Permanent officials at tbe Post Office ... ... 241
CHAPTER XXIL
American mails — Desperate struggle with steamship companies
— His first victory — Tour in Devon — Autumn campaign —
Resignation of Lord Randolph — Anecdotes — Mr. AV. H.
Smith appointed leader of the House ... ... 257
CHAPTER XXIIL
Trial of strength with Mr. Blackwood — Press attacks — Mr.
Raikes gains the day — Reconciliation ... .. 273
CHAPTER XXIV.
Death of Lord Iddesleigh — Session, 1887, procedure — Mr.
Gladstone closured — Imperial Penny Postage — Her
Majesty's Jubilee — Redirected letters — Prolongation of
Session — Post Office reforms — Colonel King Harman,
reminiscences — Death of Mr. Beresford Hope — Master in
the Post Office — Health gives way ... ... ... 282
CHAPTER XXV.
Procedure — Postal reforms — Messrs. De La Rue and Inland
Revenue — A bad bargain — Special Committee — Success
of the Postmaster-General — Session, 1888 — Honorary
degree — Threatening letter — Meetings — Sir Michael
Hicks-Beach extolled — Submarine Telegraph Co. ... 294
CHAPTER XXVI.
Hyferes, Milan, Monaco — Poem — Leisure, so-called — The
Queen's visit to Wales— Session, 1889— Tithe Bill-
Criminal Code Bill — Church in Wales — Punishment of

xn SUMMARY OF CONTENTS.
PAGE
postal servants — Meetings — Primrose League at Hawarden
— Bishop of St. Asaph — ^^Cburch work — Mr. Raikes deter
mines to resign, dissuaded by Sir Michael Hicks-Beach
— Chairmanship of Customs — Death of Mrs. L. C. Raikes
— Health again breaks down — Death of Dr. Kennedy
— Sir A. Blackwood and Dr. Barnardo — Friction with
Secretary — Post Office mutterings ... ... ... 305
CHAPTER XXVIL
Jubilee of Penny Postage — Church bistory lecture — Trouble
at Cardiff — Duty of a Minister — Restless feeling at Post
Office — Firmness of Postmaster-General — The telegraph
ists — Earl Compton — Unestablisbed postmen — Mr. Mahon
— Revolt of unestablisbed men — The Strike — The men at
tbe Central Office give way — The reinstatement question 325
CHAPTER XXVIIL
The position of tbe Postmaster-General — Relations witb
the Treasury — Session, 1890, Tithe Bill- — Sir G. O.
Morgan — Parnell Commission — Self-culture — Relations
witb permanent officials — Indian and Colonial postage —
Savings Bank and discontent — Tbe sorters' agitation and
Mr. Clery — The Raikes Scheme ... ... ... 363
CHAPTER XXIX.
Savings Bank outbreak — Overtime — Boy Messengers, Ltd. —
District Messengers Co. — Mr. Raikes takes action — Press
and Parliamentary attacks — Mr. Smith alarmed — Legal
proceedings — Settlement — " Toby, M.P." — The Press and
manufactured agitations — Parliamentary proceedings and
Earl Compton — Mr. Raikes disarms bis critics — Mr.
Alfred Austin — Meetings — Appointed Chancellor of St.
Asaph — Tithe Bill, Sir Michael Hicks-Beach's tactful
management — Church in Wales, disestablishment motion
— "National feehng" — Influenza — The German Emperor
— Last statement in the House — Concessions to the post
men — Return home — Death— Letter to Mrs. Gladstone 382

INTRODUCTION.
Henry Cecil Raikes was born at the Deanery,
Chester, on November 25, 1838, and, after a public
career of some distinction, died at Llwynegrin on
August 24, 1 89 1, in his fifty-third year.
His father, Henry Raikes, of Llwynegrin Hall,
Flintshire, for many years Registrar of the Diocese
of Chester,^ — during his tenure of office a position of
considerable emolument and importance, — married
Lucy Charlotte, second daughter of the venerable
Francis Wrangham, F.R.S., Archdeacon of Craven
and Canon Residentiary of Chester, of whom it may be
briefly recorded that he was an eminent scholar, and
the companion of the most brilliant men of letters of
his day, from Sir Walter Scott to Sydney Smith. He
was also a noted book-collector, and the sale of his
library in 1842 aroused widespread interest in Biblio
phile circles.
Henry Raikes had ten children (five sons and five
daughters), of whom Henry Cecil Raikes, the subject
of this memoir, was the eldest son. Henry Raikes
himself was the eldest son of the Reverend and Wor
shipful Henry Raikes, Chancellor of the Diocese of
Chester, the intimate friend and counsellor of Bishop
Sumner throughout his occupation of that See up
to the time of his elevation to the Archbishopric

X 1 V INTR OD UCTION.
of Canterbury, and the author of numerous erudite
treatises. Both by the paternal and maternal line Henry
Cecil Raikes was of Yorkshire lineage, although
throughout his life he always preferred to identify
himself with the place of his birth.
The Wranghams are an ancient Yorkshire family,
and the Raikeses also hail from the county of many
acres, for the first English home of their remote Danish
forbears (who spelt their names indifferently " Reekes,"
" Raikes," or " Rakes") was in the East Riding.
Of their ancestors, the first to bring himself
prominently before the public was Thomas Raikes,
Mayor of Kingston-upon-HuU in 1633, 1642, and
1643, who took a leading part in resisting the Royalist
forces, as recorded in the following curious minute,
dated September 30, 1643, taken from the Corporation
books of that place : —
"At the Election of Mayor for the year to come the
Burgesses assembled taking into consideration Mr. Mayor's
(Thomas Raikes) vigilance and carefulness of the Town's
affairs the year past and his fidelity to the Publick Cause and
the great danger that the Town is now in being at present
strongly beleagured by the Earl of Newcastle's Forces lying
nigh and daily shooting into the Town with their great
ordnance, earnestly prayed Mr. Mayor either to continue
Mayor as he is, or otherwise that he would be elected Mayor
again for the Year to come ; he consented when Lord Fairfax,
Governor, came into the said Assembly and requested him to
do so, assuring him that his extraordinary charge would be
satisfied him by the PubHck, and divers of the Burgesses then
undertaking that his charge should be borne."
Thomas's elder brother, Robert, was Henry Cecil

INTRODUCTION. XV
Raikes's direct ancestor ; and his great-grandson
Robert, son of the Vicar of Hessle, migrated early
in the last century to Gloucester, where he became
proprietor of the Gloiicester jfournal (in which
capacity he was summoned to the bar of the House
of Commons and severely admonished for having
published an account of certain debates therein), and
eventually Mayor.
His son Robert, of whose early labours an inte
resting account appeared in the June number of the
Gentleman s Magazine, 1784, became known to fame
as the philanthropic founder of Sunday schools ; his
son William returned to Hull ; his son Richard, a
Canon of Gloucester, married the beautiful Miss Mee,
Lord Palmerston's aunt ; and his son Thomas, who
married Charlotte, a daughter of the Hon. Henry
Finch, achieved success as a Russian merchant and
Governor of the Bank of England.
Of Thomas Raikes's children, his eldest son, in
turn named Thomas (who contrived to run through
three fortunes), was the well-known dandy and
dilettante, the companion of Brummell, Alvanley,
Count Pozzo di Borgo, and other notables of his time,
whose journal, edited by Mr. Charles Greville, and
published in 1856, had considerable vogue in its day,
and, indeed, quite recently was described by the late
Sir Robert Morier, a few weeks before his death, as
" not one of the best, but the best book of its kind ; "
his second son, Henry, Bishop Sumners Chancellor,
and grandfather of Henry Cecil Raikes, has already
been alluded to ; his son Richard followed in his
footsteps, and became Governor of the Bank of

XVI INTRODUCTION.
England in 1833; his son George became a partner
in Currie's Bank ; and his daughters married — one.
Lord Stratford de Redcliffe, and another Lord
William Fitzroy.
Chancellor Raikes, as he was commonly known,
lived at Deeside, Chester, now the Bishop's palace,
and his son Henry (the father of Henry Cecil Raikes)
took up his abode at Llwynegrin, in the county of
Flint, some twelve miles distant, in 1848. The last-
named distinguished himself at Corpus Christi College,
Cambridge, and did not suffer his scholarship to grow
rusty in later life. He was a good mathematician, a
fair classic, and a learned constitutional lawyer. His
interest in politics was academic rather than practical,
although he twice contested Derby in the Conservative
interest in 1849 and 1857. By training a man of
business, by inclination a student, he devoted much of
his spare time to historical research, and his history
entitled " A Popular Sketch of the Origin and
Development of the English Constitution, from the
Earliest Period to the Present Time," dedicated to
the University of Cambridge (of which the first
volume was published In 1851), was favourably
received by the reviewers, and generally admitted
to be a work remarkable alike for clearness and
accuracy. He personally supervised the early training
of Henry Cecil Raikes, who proved an apt pupil, but
he did not live to see the seeds which he had sown
qOme to full maturity, as he died in 1863, shortly
before his son's twenty-fifth birthday.

ERRATUM.
Page 301, line 7,/^?- "Roseberry" read "Rosebery."

THE LIFE AND LETTERS

OF

HENRY CECIL RAIKES
(1838-1891)

CHAPTER L
Born in the year of the Queen's Coronation, 1838,
Henry Cecil Raikes early in life gave Indications that
he was endowed with more than average ability ; and
those to whom his education and training were com
mitted were not slow to predict for him a brilliant and
distinguished career.
But, although for many years he took a prominent
part in the public life of the country, made for himself
a considerable reputation, and ordinarily was regarded
as a successful man, these anticipations were not
realized in their entirety.
When we take into consideration his natural gifts,
which embraced great decision of character and
tenacity of purpose, an intellect which enabled him to
grasp easily and comprehensively the intricacies of
complicated and widely differing subjects, a mind
stored with the most varied culture, and no small
I

2 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF
share of conversational and social ability, and add to
these the untiring industry and perseverance which so
constantly astonished his fellow-workers, — we may feel
some surprise that the confident prophecies of those
who had watched his intelligence expand were not
more literally fulfilled, and that the measure of his
success was not greater than it actually was. But the
explanation Is not far to seek. Two causes, one
material and the other moral, contributed In varying
degree to bring about this result.
In the first place, although Mr. Raikes inherited a
fair Independence, he was never a wealthy man ; and,
as time went on, expensive election contests, and losses
of divers kinds, made considerable inroads upon his
original capital. From a very early period he had to
toil unremittingly in order to supplement an income
insufficient In itself to meet the requirements of his
position — especially when out of office — and outside
his political labours there were few days in the year
on which he did not accomplish what many men would
have regarded as a full task in itself It is unnecessary
to dwell upon his devotion to his public duties, and it
will suffice to say that, however great the pressure of
private affairs might be, these always came first. The
result was that, sometimes for months together, he not
only did not know what it was to have a holiday, but
systematically crowded two days' business into one.
I do not think that the quality of his work suffered
appreciably thereby, or that his advance as a politician
was materially retarded, although the tax on his

HENRY CECIL RAlKES. 3
physical and mental powers was, of course, Immense.
He, nevertheless, paid the penalty in full when, at the
age of fifty-two, with such success as he had striven for
almost within his reach, over-strained nature gave way.
Such success might, perhaps, have come earlier, at
a time when he could have grasped It, but for the
existence of the second or moral obstacle.
Mr. Raikes was endowed by nature with a spirit
of sturdy independence. When his mind was once
made up as to the right course to be pursued In any
particular Instance, either by himself or by his leaders,
it was difficult to wean him from his opinion by con
siderations of mere expediency. Unbending by nature,
he had scant sympathy with that moral weakness
which strives always to conciliate and never to conquer.
For his own part, when a question of principle was
involved, he ever declined to give way. In minor
matters he showed himself sufficiently forbearing, but
even In these, if a contest were forced upon him (and
It seldom was unless he had selected his ground), he
would rarely entertain any suggestion of compromise.
Nevertheless, when the day was won, his generosity
to his vanquished opponent was, as a rule, no less
remarkable than the relentless vigour with which he
had up to that time assailed him. And he was no
mean adversary. Cool, self-reliant, and far-seeing, he
never struck at random, and was quick to detect weak
points, and to drive his advantage home. With his
whole attention concentrated on the ultimate rather
than on any proximate result, he pursued the line of

4 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF
conduct he had marked out for himself, outwardly
unmoved by praise or blame. No man can hope to
avoid mistakes altogether, but when given a free hand
he was, on the whole, remarkably successful ; and the
knowledge of this fact had, perhaps, a tendency to
augment his natural Impatience of control.
It must not, however, be inferred from this de
scription that Mr. Raikes was lacking in diplomacy.
Those who were brought most closely in contact with
him had frequent cause to admire the tact with which,
on behalf of himself or of others, he would unravel a
knotty situation, or find a way of escape when diffi
culties closed around. Another point, which was, I
think, not fully recognized by his leaders, is that, in
spite of his natural propensity for fighting, his oppo
nents had small success in tempting him to defend
untenable positions, or, indeed, to engage at all unless
he had made his footing sure.
It has been often said that the breath of a Govern
ment of the present day is " compromise." And the
powers that rule are so profoundly impressed with the
truth of this doctrine that they will, in nine cases out
of ten, strain every nerve to avoid a conflict, even
when they have right on their side, and, in addition,
hold the winning cards. The forcible mode of pro
cedure has few charms for a Ministry as a whole ; and
the man who openly advocates its exercise on occasion,
and as openly chafes when restrained by prudent
timidity, is looked upon with small favour.
There is no reason to suppose that the latter-day

HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 5
leaders of the Conservative party failed to appreciate
Mr. Raikes's abilities, and the untiring service he
rendered to the cause. Nevertheless, although when
in power they offered him posts of dignity and public
importance, they — not unnaturally from their own
point of view — -preferred to bestow places, the posses
sion of which would enable their holders' influence to
make itself really felt in the Inner circle of the Ministry,
upon men of more flexible disposition than the subject
of this memoir.
How Mr. Disraeli would have acted in the matter
had he been spared a few years longer, it Is, of course,
Impossible to say with certainty. He paid Mi"- Raikes
a high compliment In 1874, when he entrusted him, at
the age of thirty-six, with the control of our great
National Assembly ; for he might, instead, have given
him some minor post, or, indeed, have passed him
over altogether without exciting particular remark.
That he did neither, argues that even thus early he
had formed a high opinion of Mr. Raikes's judgment
and force of character ; while, from the nature of the
appointment selected, it may, perhaps, be reasonably
inferred that he had an Inkling of Mr. Raikes's auto
cratic bent.
On the whole, It seems probable that had the "old
Chief" been at the head of affairs in 1885 and 1886,
Mr. Raikes would have been afforded a less restricted
opportunity of making his mark than actually fell to
his lot ; for Mr. Disraeli, undoubtedly, had the knack
of turning to account qualities which to men whose

6 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF
powers of intuition were less developed appeared
merely defects, or at best inconvenient gifts.
It is, however, quite possible that, in spite of the
disadvantages I have enumerated, Mr. Raikes would,
in the end, have justified the predictions of his friends,
had the usual span of life been allotted to him. His
death in his fifty-third year — an age at which many men
of ability only begin to make a name for themselves in
political life — came at a time when he was probably
entitled to look forward to the future with confidence.
As Chairman of Committees from 1874 to 1880 he
had made considerable mark, and though to the out
side world his reputation had appeared to suffer for a
time in consequence of the criticisms of his policy at
the Post Office, his judgment had been very largely
vindicated by the results obtained. The difficulties
with which he had had to contend successively for
five years were, at the moment, either overcome or
smoothed away. Every branch of the Service had
benefited to some degree beneath his sway. Steady
and progressive reform of abuses and anachronisms
had done its work within the Office ; and constant and
consistent endeavours to Improve postal facilities and
to extend the sphere of usefulness of the Service
had (although much remained to be accomplished)
at length borne fruit without. Among the higher
officials, with some few important exceptions, Mr.
Raikes was popular almost from the first. The lower
grades were slower to appreciate his merits, but in
time they learnt that, though he was not to be trifled

1838-49-] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 7
with, he was inflexibly just, and that his real concern
for their welfare impelled him to give the most anxious
personal consideration to all grievances or complaints
which found their way to the Office.
The result was that, when in July, 1891, he bade
farewell to St. Martins-le-Grand, everything was in a
high state of order and efficiency In the department ;
his vast army of subordinates was in the main content
and prosperous ; while his own reputation as an
administrator stood higher than it had done at any
previous time during his tenure of the position of
Postmaster-General. It is unnecessary at this point to enter into any
detailed examination of his services as Head of the
Postal Service or as Chairman of Committees, for
these will be dealt with in their proper place ; and
before passing to earlier scenes I will merely remark
that the sketch which I have drawn above does not
purport to be a complete picture. It Is merely an out
line of an explanatory character, giving prominence
to certain qualities which, in conjunction with circum
stances, exercised, in the writer's judgment, a restrain
ing influence upon the full development of Mr. Raikes's
career as a statesman.
Mr. Raikes's early training was undertaken mainly
by his father, a gentleman of considerable attainments
In several branches of learning, and an historian of
some repute in his day. The boy, in spite of his
tender years, took an intelligent interest in the

8 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1849.
compilation of his father's inagnum, opus, his " Con
stitutional History ; " and, encouraged by the author to
discuss with him many of the abstruse questions dealt
with in it, he early enlarged his horizon, and learnt to
think and reason in a manner more appropriate to a
grown man than to a child.
Although Mr. Raikes was "almost brought up on
a diet of English Constitution," as he once remarked
many years later, his other studies were by no means
neglected, and when at the age of eleven, in company
with his brother Francis (now a Q.C. and County Court
Judge), he was placed under the care of that eminent
scholar, the late Dr. Kennedy, at Shrewsbury, he rose
so rapidly In the school that at the age of thirteen he
became a member of the Sixth Form.
At first the quiet home-bred boy found It difficult
to accommodate himself to his new life. Accustomed
to the constant companionship of his father, and to
the refining Influence of his accomplished mother, the
general roughness and the ordinary trials and hard
ships of public-school life seemed to him for a time
unbearable, as his early home letters testify. He was
already very tall, and to a schoolboy height is a con
siderable disadvantage. His weakness renders him
an easy prey to his sturdier tormentor, while his size
renders him ridiculous when In trouble, and excludes
him from any hope of pity.
However, like most healthy- minded boys, Mr.
Raikes settled down in due course, and, when he had
learnt to hold his own, enjoyed to the full his school

I853-] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 9
life, in which he played a prominent part, both in the
class-room and in out-of-door pursuits.
His early letters, although perhaps a little above
the ordinary standard, can only be called remarkable
in one respect, namely, that In them the writer hardly
ever failed to inquire tenderly after the progress of
"the history," even when fullest of his own pleasures
or woes. Dr. Kennedy, amongst his other accomplishments,
was a scientific wielder of the rod, and for his first few
years at school Mr. Raikes, with proper schoolboy affec
tation, appeared to take for granted a natural feeling
of animosity between master and pupil, and an equally
natural propensity on the former's part to revel In the
delight of inflicting condign punishment. For Instance,
in one letter he says, " The doctor still continues very
111, but was well enough to flog C. to-day ; " and later
he mentions that the doctor is again unwell, " But he
Is in a very good temper, nevertheless, in consequence
ofhis having flogged P. yesterday."
Some of his descriptions of his preceptor's occa
sional outbursts are both quaint and patronizing, and
give an indication of the spirit of quiet humour which
rendered him in later years so admirable a raconteur.
His political instincts began to develop after little
more than a year at school, and from the time that he
was promoted to the Sixth Form, In 1852, his letters
are full of allusions to public affairs, and to the posi
tion of parties in the House of Commons.
In 1853, Dr. Kennedy entrusted his young nephew

TO THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1853.
to his charge — appreciative testimony to the steadi
ness of the boy of fourteen — and the sense of responsi
bility thus cast upon him had not a little to do with
the rapid expansion of some of his best traits. In the
same year was laid the foundation of Mr. Raikes's
love for the works of Thackeray, which he retained to
the close of his days. He would never admit that
Dickens could In any sense be compared with his
great rival, and his juvenile verdict on " Vanity Fair,"
which he described as " beating Dickens out of sight,"
was never modified. The early development of one
of his most marked characteristics is exemplified In a
letter to his mother, in which he announced that he
had been made a " prseposter," or monitor, and
added —
"I feel so strange in this new place (Head Room), and,
you know, I was quite the chief in the private room, and it is
such a change to be nobody here."
He did not, however, long remain a " nobody."
By rapid degrees he rose to the second place in the
school, the first being held by the late Mr. Arthur
Holmes, one of the most brilliant scholars ever turned
out by Shrewsbury, who was some years his senior.
Try as he would, Mr. Raikes could never manage to
overtake his leader, although on occasion he ran him
very close ; but their rivalry was of the most friendly
nature, and the closest intimacy existed between
them. The constant effort stimulated the younger bt)y's
faculties to a marked extent, and Dr. Kennedy's

I855-] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. I I
judicious and highly valued praise encouraged him to
set up a very high standard before himself. He
possessed considerable talent for versification, which
he continued to cultivate throughout his life, and this
gift especially appealed to his master. In a letter to
his father, dated May 26, 1854, Mr. Raikes alluded to
this branch of his studies.
" We have had examination in elegiacs this afternoon, of
which I did a tolerable set, as I supposed, but at calling-over
K. called me up and told me there were several very good
lines, and one as good as a pentameter could be. The English
was ' And long demurs breed new delays,' which I rendered
' Longa novae semper fit mora causa morae.' "
In September, 1854, Mr. Raikes took part In his
first debate, the subject being the morality of the
school. He took up arms for the defence, and In a
subsequent letter says —
" I came in with some weight as being able to say that no
one had ever seen me smoke and drink at any tavern since I
had been there.''
At Shrewsbury, so it seems, such proceedings were
by no means uncommon at the time.
Early In 1855 Mr. Raikes mentioned Incidentally
that the Doctor had been examining Holmes and
himself on the Craven and Porson papers, and thought
them good enough to send up, though he did not sup
pose they were eligible ; and a few days later he
informed his father that Dr. Kennedy had begun to
lecture on his history, of which the second volume had
been completed during the previous year.

12 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1855.
The concluding sentence of the letter in which this
information was contained evinces a good deal of dis
cernment when we remember that the writer had not
long passed his sixteenth birthday. It runs —
" I have been reading some of Macaulay's ' Essays,' which
I have bought. He bas a most mischievous knack of seeming
to view things without any party bias, and yet gives a very
liberal impression."
The next extract sufficiently explains itself Under
date March 25, 1855, Mr. Raikes writes: —
" We have been having the most amusing correspondence
here. It is always the custom for the head boy to write a
Latin letter to tbe Judges, who without more ado ask for a
half-holiday. This time Holmes wrote to Lord Campbell,*
who, to our surprise, sent us back a bantering Latin letter
to ask what we meant. Holmes and I therefore concocted
him another epistle, which he was civil enough to answer
again, and to write to K. in Latin too."
Mr. Raikes himsel subsequently received many
similar letters after successful elections, and on like
occasions, from the head of his old school for the time
being. Twice during his school career Mr. Raikes was
instrumental in saving a schoolfellow from drowning.
The first time was In 1853, when he closed a modest
letter descriptive of the circumstances in the following
words : —
" I am sure you will thank God with me, dearest mamma,
for His great kindness in saving myself and enabling me to
help another." * At that time Lord Chief Justice.

1856.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 1 3
The second occasion was in 1855, and he wrote
home : —
"I am positively the most fortunate fellow in the world,
but fear I am not thankful enough for it : fancy, I have
again saved a fellow from drowning, and this time a friend,
Macfarlan. He went under three times before I could get to
him, and he was so heavy when I had got hold of him that I
should have sank too if I had had far to go."
Mr. Raikes was confirmed at home in October of
the latter year, and, his friend Holmes having left for
Cambridge, became head of the school about the same
time. He was also appointed captain of the football
team, and huntsman.
As head boy, Mr. Raikes was brought into very
close relations with Dr. Kennedy, and It was mainly
during the last year of his school life that he learnt to
love and value his preceptor, and to regard him in the
light of a friend rather than that of a master. That
this feeling was cordially reciprocated is evidenced by
a charming note written to him at Christmas, 1855,
in which the " Doctor " subscribes himself " Yours
affectionately ; " while subsequent events amply proved
Its permanent character.
During his last year at school, which terminated In
the summer of 1856, Mr. Raikes carried all before
him. Writing on February 4, 1856, he remarked —
" We have done examination now, and it will be given out
to-morrow. I suppose I shall get another prize thereby. K.
is going to give me Hallam's works well-bound for my others."
While Mr. Raikes was gaining credit at school, its

14 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1856.
former head was making his mark at Cambridge. On
March 12, 1856, the first-named wrote triumphantly —
" We have received the news of Holmes being elected
First Bell's Scholar and Craven University Scholar, the first
freshman elected University Scholar for thirty-one years,
since Peile of Repton. . . . What a wonderful fellow Holmes
is ! I feel quite an awe when I think that I was next him,
though a long way off."
From this time, as can be gathered from his letters,
Mr. Raikes's one desire was to enter on his University
course at the earliest possible moment. Doubtless,
Mr. Holmes's brilliant successes had fired his ambition,
and In the absence of serious rivalry at Shrewsbury
the longing for a larger stage rapidly grew irresistible.
Although, in the first instance, his father practically
declined to consider the matter, by insistence he gained
his point, and against the wishes and advice of Dr.
Kennedy — who was very anxious to supervise his
studies for another year — he was permitted to leave
school In June, 1856, and to enter Into residence at
Trinity College, Cambridge, the October following,
some weeks before his eighteenth birthday.

fS56.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES.

CHAPTER II.
With the idea of strengthening his mathematics —
always his weakest point — Mr. Raikes spent a few
weeks during the summer of 1856 with the Rev. A.
T. Paget, at KIrstead Rectory, In Norfolk. His
sojourn there demands no particular notice, and I
only mention It because In one of his letters allusion
is made to his pedestrian powers, in the exercise of
which he always took great delight. The letter Is
dated September 9, and after describing a visit to
some relations, the writer added —
" Thence I walked back to Wymondham, which 1 did
faster than I have ever walked before, i.e. the first three miles
just under half an hour, and the four in forty minutes
altogether. I walked back from Norwich to Kirstead, which
I reached by ten o'clock well tired, having trudged about
seventeen miles.''
This was no isolated performance, for his length of
stride enabled him to cover a great deal of ground
with very little exertion, and for some years six miles
in the hour was within his compass.
Mr. Raikes entered formally into residence at
Trinity College, Cambridge, in October, 1856, and, by
what, in the light of later occurrences, may be regarded

1 6 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1856.
as a coincidence, was allotted the rooms in New Court
formerly occupied by Mr. S. H. Walpole, whom he
subsequently succeeded as member for the University.
The matriculation examination naturally presented
no difficulty, and in his description of it, on October
16, Mr. Raikes said —
" Our matriculation examination took place to-day. As
there could be no question of scholarship, we determined to
make it one of pace, and I beat the classics, as I cleared the
paper in an hour."
In the same letter he mentioned that Mr. W. G.
Clark, who was Second Classic, and Medallist in 1842,
had offered to coach him gratuitously in composition
and classics generally, with a view to the Craven, which
would obviate the necessity of getting a private tutor
till the following term, when he proposed to join Mr.
Shilleto. University life very soon threw Its glamour over
him, and the ring of enthusiasm in a letter written to
his mother a few days later is very noticeable —
"Life is so very pleasant up here, that it is hard to me to
conceive anything more delightful. Such very nice rooms, so
many friends, and such glorious freedom, leave scarcely any
thing to be desired. . . . ! have received the most pleasant
and flattering letter from Kennedy, in which he asks me to
choose myself books at Deighton's to the amount of £1 ^s,
for my last prizes, which I have accordingly done. I have
got Gibbon, and Arnold's 'Roman Republic,' which make
a grand addition to my library." He adds, " I signed the
library book of the college the other day, and find I am the
youngest man up here, as we have all to put our ages."
Freedom from restraint, and the belief that he

1 857.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES, I 7
could easily make up for lost ground when he chose
to settle down to work in earnest, combined to render
Mr. Raikes oblivious of the fact that a life of constant
self-denial is necessary to those who aim at the highest
University honours ; and though he never actually
neglected his studies, he certainly devoted more of
his time to lighter pursuits than was prudent, in spite
of his great natural abilities.
The debates at the Union held out a special
attraction to him, and on November 3 he mentioned
that he had taken part in one of them for the first
time, the subject being the Naples question. From
that time forth he was constant in his attendance,
and before long became one of the most prominent
members. His devotion eventually reaped its reward
in his election to the Presidential Chair ; but in after
years he used to regard this distinction as having
been rather dearly bought.
Mr. Raikes's sociable disposition soon made him a
general favourite, and with no examination immediately
before him except the Craven (in which he did fairly
well In the spring of 1857), he gave himself up to the
pleasures of the hour to a very considerable extent.
His circle of acquaintances rapidly widened, and
among those with whom at this time he formed a life
long friendship were the present Lord Burton and the
late Sir George Young.
In 1857 velocipeding, the earliest form of bicy
cling, attracted his attention, and in company with his
old schoolfellow, Mr. J. C. Wood, he explored a

1 8 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1857.
considerable extent of the fen country on his cumbrous
iron steed. On May 5 he thus describes one of his
early experiences : —
" I have taken very much to velocipeding for exercise, as
one can get much more than on one's feet, and it is so much
cheaper than riding. I average about six or seven miles an
hour on a good road, but it soon tires one. I went twenty-four
miles last Saturday, and felt as if I had no legs when I got
home ; to awake, however, to a most painful consciousness of
them in the morning."
In the summer he joined a reading party presided
over by Mr. Blore, at Bray, In Ireland, but his stay in
that country did not furnish him with any experiences
of more than passing interest. On November 10 he
wrote from Cambridge —
" I lost my motion for condign punishment on the Indian
mutineers, although I took the mildest view possible, and
was, moreover, assisted by a most eloquent speech from a
freshman, a son of Sir C. Trevelyan, and a nephew of
Macaulay. The numbers were 36 for to 70 against, which
may give you a very high, and at the same time just, idea of
the sense and manliness ofthe Cambridge Union." He adds,
" We had a most exciting contest for the Union offices
this time, but the party who combine considerable religious
profession with the lowest Radical doctrines and the most
overbearing and repulsive vulgarity succeeded, as they always
do." A tolerably scathing denunciation !
Mr. Raikes soon formed an alliance with the
" freshman " Trevelyan, who, I need hardly explain
is now Sir George Trevelyan, with results most
satisfactory to both of them. Writing in March, 1858,

1859.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 1 9
on the subject of Lord Derby's accession to power, he
says —
" We have had a little excitement also in the Union here ,
as the Ministry (of the Union) have given considerable
dissatisfaction, so that a very strong opposition has been
organized to their management of the concern, of which
Trevelyan and I are the only speaking members — a very
pleasant arrangement, as we always have a tumultuous
cheering body behind us, and generally a majority on
division, without any rivals aspiring to lead the party."
He was unsuccessful in his candidature for the
Vice- Presidency of the Union in April, being defeated
by " a Kingsman named Browning " by three votes.
This proved to be merely a temporary reverse, and
on February 18, 1859, he wrote triumphantly to his
mother —
" I have attained the summit of my Unionic ambition by
being elected President without opposition last Monday.
Kennedy will be pleased to hear this, as he took such
interest in the society, and was elected President himself,
beating Bulwer."
His position did not, however, always enable him to
carry the assembly with him. An Instance of this is
supplied by a letter written later in the year, which
also shows that Mr. Raikes's ideas were occasionally
in advance of his time. It runs —
" We had a debate on Wednesday on a crotchet of mine,
' That the only way to check bribery at elections is punish
ment of the bribed,' which brought out some fair speakers
among the freshmen. It ended much as I expected — 9 for,
46 against, so my eloquence was not very overpowering. . . .
I do not think I have told you before this of my American

20 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1856-57.
neighbour, young Everett, the son of the ex-ambassador,
who, after taking all the honours at Cambridge, has come
over to see what is to be done at Cambridge here. He is
rather clever, I think, and speaks with a glorious twang."
Many of my readers must be acquainted with Mr.
Everett's book upon life at Cambridge,* which sub
sequently held an honoured place in Mr. Raikes's
library. Some of the latter's comments upon the events
of the day, and on the people with whom he was
brought In contact, are worth reproducing.
Writing on November 18, 1856, he passes a
severe criticism upon Dean Trench, whose course of
sermons he had looked forward to with much
interest —
" Trench, you know, is now preaching before the Univer
sity, and is most disappointing — dry and diffuse, and, although
subtle and inquiring, without a ray of animation or spark of
eloquence." In a letter written about a year later, on December
13, he Is equally scathing in his comments on a lecture
delivered by Dr. Livingstone —
" Which was very disappointing (to me, at least), as he
told us very little about his travels, and that little in a very
confused way ; but dilated at considerable length on his
missionary zeal, which we all know to have produced no
converts in the course of his seventeen years' travel. He
also made a good many remarks on the state of English
society in general, of which one would have thought there
might be a better judge than a Scotch mechanic who had
spent the last seventeen years of his life in the heart of
Africa." ¦" " On the Cam."

1858.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 2 1
On May i8, 1858, he wrote—
" Everything here is in a wonderful state of excitement on
the Ministerial crisis, and scarcely anything else is talked
about. There appears to be no doubt that Lord Derby will
dissolve if beaten, although the Palmerston papers, especially
the Times, deny it so vehemently. It is explicitly stated in
the Sun that at a second meeting, held at Cambridge House
at 5 p.m. last Sunday, in order that Lord Shaftesbury might
attend it after afternoon church, it was resolved, notwith
standing an energetic protest from Labouchere, to disseminate
this falsehood in all the papers, although no one was better
aware than Lord Palmerston that a dissolution would
necessarily follow a Ministerial defeat."
A few days later he enclosed an epigram by Mr.
Shilleto, his private tutor, on the rumoured engage
ment of Dr. Whewell to Lady Affleck. He wrote —
" Shilleto has written an epigram on it in EngHsh
Elegiacs, which you should appreciate when I tell you that
Whewell wrote a long version ofthe Burial Service in honour
ofhis late wife (Cordelia) in the same measure. Here it is : —
" ' Shade of Cordelia, no longer the Master of Trinity mourneth,
Nought now affects or afflicts, Whewell's afiSxt and Affleckt.' "
During the Long Vacation, which he spent at
Cambridge, he came across Mr. Gladstone's " Homer,''
and on August 22 thus records his impressions of It : —
" I have also skimmed Gladstone's ' Homer,' i.e. one
volume of it. It is very beautifully written, but to my mind
is very absurd. No Neoplatonist of Alexandria ever found
more in Homer that was not discernible to the duller eye of
common sense. It seems that the Bible migbt be dispensed
with altogether save as a commentary on the myths that are
seen through a glass darkly in Homer — very darkly indeed,
I think. Even the gifted sophist himself has not quite

2 2 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1859-
ascertained whether Latrona symbolizes Eve or the Virgin
Mary. He is best on Virgil, whom he attacks with as much
severity as if he were answerable for Lord Palmerston's
Bishops. It is curious to read Merivale at the same time,
who makes out Virgil about the first of poets."
In April, 1859, Mr. Raikes had his first practical
experience of electioneering at Derby, where his father
was the Conservative candidate. He had, however, to
return to Cambridge before the declaration of the poll
In order to enter for a Trinity scholarship.
Writing on May i to condole with his father on his
defeat, he says, " My only consolation Is that I almost
think you will hardly care so much about it as I do."
In the same letter he describes his first meeting
with Macaulay : —
" With whom do you think I had tbe honour of dining last
night } No other than Lord Macaulay, Lady Trevelyan and
party, including K. Macaulay, the newly re-elected Conserva
tive M.P. for this borough.
" Lord Macaulay told us, among other good things, that
he had recently sent his character to a graphologist, who
began by stating, ' This young man may, if he takes pains,
succeed in conversation.' Another thing which was very
good that be told me, was that Sir G. C. Lewis recently sat
to Grant * for his picture. The painter, an uneducated man,
had heard that his sitter was an author, and resolved to study
his works in order to make himself agreeable. So the other
day, on meeting Lady Theresa Lewis, he told her that he had
been very much amused by her husband's book. She was
naturally rather surprised, and asked what part he had liked
best. ' Oh,' said he, ' where the devil carries away Father
* If this refers to Sir Francis, the epithet "uneducated" is hardly-
applicable.

i86o.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 23
Ambrosio.' Of course, the poor man had been reading ' The
Monk' "
On June 14 he wrote —
" I see there is a statement in to-day's paper that Glad
stone called on Lord Palmerston last night, and had a long
interview with him. If he takes office he will have
abandoned the only principle to which he has ever adhered."
In October he alludes to the same distinguished
statesman's approaching visit to Cambridge in order to
receive the deo-ree of LL.D. —
" The Public Orator told me to-day tbat he was very
much bothered with tbe preparation of his laudatory speech
about Gladstone. You see, be changed from Liberal to
Conservative just about the time of Gladstone's last desertion
the other way, so he is naturally in rather a dilemma."
On January 26, i860, he writes —
" Have you heard the last definition of the three Churches,
High, Broad, and Low, as Altitudinarism, Latitudinarism,
and Platitudinarism ? . . . There are one or two anecdotes
of Macaulay flying about Cambridge. Here is one : When
T. B. M. was in India a dissenting missionary stopped him one
evening at his door, saying that he had waited there all day
to know if he thought that Napoleon was ' the Beast.' ' Nay,'
said M., ' if you look nearer home, sir, you will see that the
House of Commons, 658 members, Speaker, clerks and door
keepers, make up just 665.' * Very ready, was it not ? "
Although Mr. Raikes did not .succeed In carrying
off any of the great University prizes, his academic
career proper was not without distinction. In his
college examinations he invariably did well, as a long
row of books inscribed with the Trinity Arms testify.
* The '' number " of " the Beast."

24 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1858-59.
In 1858 he entered for a Trinity Scholarship, and
was unsuccessful by a very narrow margin. Writing
on April 1 7, he says —
" I was third in classics in my year, and very nearly
second, as my tutor tells me that the difference between
Whiting and myself was of the smallest."
On this occasion only two classical scholarships
were given, the other three being reserved for mathe
matics. In 1859 he was more fortunate, in spite of
the distractions of the Derby contest. On May 7 he
wrote to announce his success in rather indifferent
terms, and said that he was so badly treated the
previous year,
" when I so certainly ought to have had one after the
examination I had done, that I should have been very
content to let the thing pass as far as I was concerned. It is
rather curious that you should have been bothered with an
election in which I took more interest than you did, and that
I should have passed an examination in which you were more
interested than I was."
During his last year at the University he seems to
have read with considerable steadiness, and to have
made up some of his lost ground.
He came of age on November 25 of this year
(1859), and at Christmas his engagement to Miss
Charlotte Blanche Trevor Roper, to whom he had
been attached for some time, was sanctioned by his
parents. When he returned to Cambridge, in
January, i860, he was naturally very full of his
newly found happiness, which served, possibly, to

i860.] henry CECIL RAIKES. 25
distract his attention from his studies to some extent.
He wrote, nevertheless, with confidence as to his
prospects more than once, and on February 10
he said^ " I imagine the order will be pretty much as the enclosed
' prophecy,' and that I may make my appearance, if fortunate,
pretty close up with the last-named, say about tenth. There
is, however, a great deal of chance in the affair, notwithstanding
which, I am in very tolerable spirits about it."
In a subsequent list he placed himself fourteenth,
which was very close to the mark as affairs turned out.
The First Class in the Classical Tripos was, how
ever, this year, i860, limited to eleven names, and,
when the result of the examination was published,
Mr. Raikes found, much to his mortification, that he
had not gained a place in it. Writing to his father
on March 29, i860, he says —
" I am sure that however disappointed you will be at the
enclosed abomination (the list of the Classical Tripos), you will
sympathize with me rather than condemn me for a misfortune
so great, and, I confess, so totally unexpected. You will
observe that I am fifteenth, just about the average of my
hopes, but below the irrevocable line instead of above it, as
the experience of the last few years had fully justified me in
expecting. I am, indeed, very sorry for the disappointment
I seem destined to be to you, but am quite able to believe
that even a trial like this is all for my good. I have done
well in Trinity you will observe, being fourth in tbe year, but
that is poor consolation. It is, however, altogether, unpre
cedented that we should have only two first classes. We
expected eight."
It may be mentioned in explanation that It was

26 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [i860.
generally supposed that, as usual, the First Class would
contain about seventeen names.
Mr. Raikes recurs to the subject on April 2 —
" Seeing Roby, the senior examiner, in tbe Senate House,
I asked him what was the gap between eleven and twelve,
and he said ' scarcely any,' adding that those near the top of
the second were not at all unfit for the first. The Public
Orator told me afterwards that he had heard from Roby that
he had a very high opinion of my classics, and thought
me quite a first-class man. Adding insult to injury, is
it not .? "
Dr. Kennedy, though keenly disappointed at the
non-success of his favourite pupil, did his best to
lighten the chagrin felt by Mr. Raikes's father, and
wrote —
" I was exceedingly sorry that your eldest son missed his
First Class. Of course, I knew it depended a good deal on his
reading at Cambridge, because he went there a year earlier
than is usual. Still, I thought the chances were many in
favour of his having a place in the First Class. . . . Pray tell
Cecil tbat we shall look to his future life to show what is
in him." I have dwelt at some length upon the subject of
Mr. Raikes's degree, because I think that his failure
to take a First rankled in his mind longer and more
bitterly than any other subsequent disappointment
Incurred in the course of his life. This was due, in
part, to the knowledge that he had not done himself
full justice, and, In part, to the belief that even what
he had accomplished had not met with due recognition
at the hands of the authorities.

i860.] henry CECIL RAIKES. 27
He was, no doubt, personally responsible for his
failure to attain to a higher position in the list ; for
he had it In him to have done much better had he
really devoted himself to the task Instead of, as he
thought, working just sufficiently to enable him to
pass muster. But this does not alter the fact that, as
he anticipated, he gained a place good enough to
have secured the position he coveted under ordinary
circumstances. To this extent he was unfortunate,
and. Indeed, at the time, he and his fellow sufferers
were regarded by many who were in a position to
judge, as victims, not of their own incapacity, but of
the caprice of the examiners in cutting down the class
to such narrow limits In spite of the views of the
senior member of the Board.
The subject is lightly touched upon by Dr. E. C.
Clark, LL.D., one of Mr. Raikes's most Intimate
friends, in a brief obituary sketch, which appeared
in the Cambridge Revie-w, October 15, 1891, and I do
not think that I can more fitly close this record of
school and college days than by quoting the following
•extract from It : —
" Mr. Raikes's strong political views are well-known.
They were impressed upon him in his very earliest years by
the teaching of his father, and confirmed by his ovvn great
admiration for Mr. Disraeli. But it would be a mistake to
suppose that they were merely accepted by him on the
ground of authority. When I first met him as a boy at
Shrewsbury School, his knowledge of modern politics was
amazing. To that knowledge he never ceased to add
throughout his life ; and it was mainly this part of his varied

28 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [i860.
culture which made him so interesting a companion. The
reproach of deficiency in academical distinction, for a
representative of the University, was sometimes, I think,
unjustly cast on him. The position of Scholar at Trinity,
and a high Second Class in the Classical Tripos, are honours
by no means despised in the eyes of those who understand
their meaning. At the same time his friends would have
had a right to expect more from his great talents but for that
devotion to politics, which was then, and ever after, for him
the ruling passion."

i860. J HENRY CECIL RAIKES, 29

CHAPTER III.
After leaving Cambridge Mr. Raikes entered his
name at the Middle Temple, and In the autumn of
i860 commenced his legal studies In the chambers
of Mr. Bourdillon, a conveyancer of some repute, at
3, Stone Buildings.
Although he worked steadily, from the first the
law had comparatively little interest for him, and he
soon began to write for the press in his spare time.
The first papers to avail themselves of his services
were the Morning Herald and Evening Standard,
and he also contributed occasionally to the Yorkshire
Post and other leading provincial journals.
His natural tastes, together with the desire to
obtain material for his articles, caused him to pay
frequent visits to the House of Commons, and he was
often indebted to the late Mr. Bass, M.P. for Derby,
one of his kindest friends, for a pass.
In 1866 he became regularly attached to the
Standard as a leader writer, and on March 1 thus
announces the fact to his mother : —
"You may be glad to know that on that auspicious day
to all of us, the 28th of February,* I commenced an engage
ment with the Standard, by which I am to write two articles
"¦ His mother's birthday.

30 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1861.
per week at two guineas apiece, which will give me nearly
;£'200 a year if I keep pretty constant to London. My
valuable contributions are to appear always on Thursday
and Monday."
Mr. Raikes's introduction to the press was brought
about by a short article upon some point of colonial
politics (I think), which was printed, not in leader
form, but as a letter. I am not sure which of the
papers It appeared in, but it encouraged him to inter
view the editor, and paved the way for future articles.
His connection with the Imperial Review and
other publications will be described later on ; but
before taking up the thread of his life again in 1861,
it may be of Interest to quote an extract from an article
in the Whitehall Review, August, 1891, evidently
written by some one acquainted with his literary
efforts. " Had he (Mr. Raikes) possessed less ambition and means,
he would probably have been a successful journalist, for he
was an excellent leader writer, and his contributions to the
Standard five and twenty years ago were models of style
and polish, cogency of argument, and apt illustration."
Mr. Raikes when in London, wrote home with
considerable regularity, and much of the social and
political gossip which he transmitted to his parents, is
of interest at the present time, while the letters them
selves throw valuable sidelights upon his character
and disposition.
In a letter of March 29, 1 861, he gives an anecdote
of the Prince of Wales, who was at that time up at
Cambridge —

1 86 1. J HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 3 I
"Ofthe latter (the Prince) it is said that when dining the
other day at John's, by way of doing the civil thing he
accosted the master with a 'Dr. Bateson, do you hunt?'
Poor Bateson was dumb-foundered, on which the Prince,
thinking to mend matters, remarked, ' Oh, of course you did
when an undergraduate ! ' "
The point of this story lies in the fact that the
University authorities, then as now, looked with but
scant favour upon devotion to the chase on the part of
their alum,ni.
During this spring the health of Mr. Raikes's
father gave some grounds for alarm, and the bond of
tender affection which existed between father and son
is strikingly exemplified in a letter written by the
latter on April i, a portion of which I subjoin : —
" There are so many who cannot spare you, and most of
all myself, that you must not allow such thoughts to distress
you. When I look back upon all the happiness of my boy
hood in your society, and your great kindness to me, and
constant wish for my improvement, during those happy years
when we rode and read together nearly the livelong day, I
cannot but hope that the future has many such years of
simple pleasure and usefulness in store for you with your
younger sons, and even that I may, in some degree, recom
pense your care of my youth by doing something worthy of
it. Yet, to me half the pleasure of any success will be wanting,
if I have not the same kind eyes to sympathize with it that
used to smile upon my first childish essays."
On May lo he urged his father to contest Flint
county, then vacant by the death of Mr. T. E. M. Lloyd
Mostyn, and pointed out that, owing to a variety of
circumstances, an opportunity was afforded which might
never come again. He adds —

32 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1861.
"Ah, what would I not give for such a chance myself!
. Meanwhile let me send a hint to the Standard that you
are a possible candidate. I know the editor a little, and he
will let me write an article to back you."
His father did not come forward, and Mr. Raikes
had to content himself by venting his superfluous
energies in hunting up such Flintshire electors as
resided In London in support of Mr. Hughes, the
Conservative candidate.
On the 27th ofthe same month he thus described
his first glimpse of Disraeli at close quarters.
" While we were comparing notes in a snug corner of the
drawing-room at the Carlton, up to our table sauntered
Disraeli himself, in beautiful condition and very smart in his
get-up. I did so long to be introduced to him. I managed
to pass to him through Lord Nevill a story B  sent me
this morning about eight voters at Hope, whom the R  's
have discovered to have been tampered with by Gladstone
himself; on which Dizzy smiled the grimmest of smiles."
The Liberal candidate triumphed in Flintshire,
much to Mr. Raikes's disappointment, and on May 31
he wrote in terms of lofty indignation that Mr.
Gladstone " had the inconceivable bad taste and
impudence to refer to the Flintshire election amid
'loud derisive cheers' from the Opposition. He has
really quite resuscitated the old feelings of party
warfare by making every political opponent a personal
enemy." On June 15 he records a curious instance of
the firm line adopted by Mr. Disraeli in questions

1 86 1. J HENRY CECIL RAIKES.

Z2>

of party discipline. Twenty-four independent Con
servatives absented themselves from a critical division,
and in consequence Mr. Disraeli withdrew himself
from the House altogether for three or four days, and
declined to return until he had received a satisfactory
apology from the malcontents.
On June 25 Mr. Raikes wrote from Newberries,
where he was staying with his friend Arthur Bass —
" You will see that Bethell is the favourite to-day for the
vacant Woolsack. Cockburn was yesterday. Poor old Lord
Campbell 1 If, as one may hope, his mind was prepared, it
seems a glorious death to die so painlessly and quietly after
a life of eighty years, in the full enjoyment of his faculties,
and still busied with his duties and society."
On the 27th, two days later, in a letter full of
legal gossip he records that " Bethell was sworn In
Lord Chancellor this morning. His title is to be
Lord Westbury."
As has been already mentioned, Mr. Raikes married
early in life. His bride was Miss Charlotte Blanche
Trevor Roper, fourth daughter of the late Charles
Blayney Trevor Roper of Plasteg, Flintshire, a country
gentleman of old family, and a near neighbour. The
wedding took place, amid considerable local rejoicings,
at Hope Church, on September 26, 1861, and after
the honeymoon, spent amid the picturesque scenery
of South Devon, Mr. and Mrs. Raikes returned
to London, and took up their abode in a modest
cottage in the St. John's Wood district.
About the same time Mr. Raikes, having acquired
the rudiments of conveyancing, turned his attention 3

34 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1861-62.
to special pleading under the direction of Mr. T.
Greening, at 5, Hare Court, Temple.
For the next few weeks his letters are devoted
mainly to private affairs, but on November 29 he
expresses himself strongly upon the " Trent "
incident —
" They say here that Palmerston is resolved not to go to
war about the Trent outrage. The French view us with
unutterable scorn accordingly. I never heard of such a thing.
An American war would really be a thing to volunteer for.
So much for a ' spirited Foreign Policy ! ' "
The Government's determined attitude, however,
speedily caused him to modify his tone, and on
December 9 he wrote —
" How excited Frank (his sailor brother) will be by the
American news ! I wrote him a letter on Sunday, the ist,
giving the best account I could of the reception of the news
in London. They sing patriotic songs now at several of the
theatres, and the audiences rise cheering. It seems a very sad
thing, though, and I fear history will overlook our provocation,
and condemn us for attacking them when in such distress."
The earlier part of 1862 appears to have passed
without any particular incident, and on February 12
Mr. Raikes writes —
"There seems a promise of utter stagnation in the
Parliamentary Session. I suppose Gladstone will, however,
do something to endanger the safety of a Ministry which, as
the Saturday says, counterbalances the advantage of having
Mr. Disraeli as an opponent by the misfortune of having Mr.
Bright as a supporter."
On March 26, after alluding to a visit to the House

1 862. J HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 35
of Commons, he concludes a letter to his mother as
follows : —
" The Classical Tripos is out to-day. Jebb first, and Graves
second. Both things most gratifying to me, as Jebb is a
personal friend, and a man of great genius, and Graves does
credit to old Shrewsbury. Seventeen in the First Class
again ! What a swindle my year was with only eleven ! At
least, so thinks one who was fifteenth."
In a letter dated May 2 he makes passing reference
to the opening of the great Exhibition —
"The opening of the new Exhibition yesterday was, as
you will have seen, a most splendid success. The weather is
really such as I can hardly ever recollect, and even in London
we seem to breathe Shelley's ' Elysian air.' By the way, how
the poets seem to have rivalled each other in bad verses on
the occasion of the opening ceremony. I thought Tennyson's
lines the worst possible on the subject until I read Dean
Trench's." On June 9 Mr. Raikes announced that he had
passed his Bar examination, and that —
"there are now, thank goodness, no further conditions pre
cedent to my becoming a barrister, save the not unimportant
ones of three dinners and the fees."
Writing from Aberystwith on August 20, he dealt
with the Roupell case, and sarcastically sums up his
observations with the remark that Roupell —
" must be a Frankenstein equally composed of Gammon
and Titmouse (he is not twenty-seven yet), and that is, I
suppose, the natural type of a metropolitan M.P."
It must be borne in mind that at the time this
letter was written the Liberals had practically a
monopoly of the London seats.

36 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1862.
During the Long Vacation, on September 29, Mr.
Raikes's eldest daughter, Alice Theodora, was born at
Llwynegrin, and his return to London was in con
sequence deferred until the first week in November.
Writing to announce the safe arrival of his party,
he expressed himself with some force upon the
appointment of Dr. Thomson to the Archbishopric of
York— "The son of a Whitehaven grocer, a Third Class in
Classics, and only forty-three ! I do not suppose history
contains a parallel. He is, I believe, a good man, and very
good preacher, but he might have waited for two more
Archbishops to have filled the See, and yet not have
exceeded the usual age."
In a subsequent letter he repeats an amusing
anecdote on the subject of the reception of the news of
her husband's elevation by Mrs. Thomson —
" Jasper More told me a good story yesterday. It appears
that about the time Longley was designated for Canterbury,
Mrs. Thomson (of Gloucester and Bristol) was confined.
Her husband was also unwell about the same time, and kept
his room — of course, a separate one from his wife's. One
morning she was not a little alarmed by a vision of her
spouse, who entered the room in his shirt, and with rather an
excited manner, exclaiming, ' Zoe, my love, I'm Archbishop
of York.' ' Dear me, Willy dear,' she is reported to have
answered, ' how very shocking ! How ill you are — quite
delirious ! Do go back to bed and send for the doctor ! ' The
poor lady was terrified out of her wits, and could with
difficulty be convinced by Lord Palmerston's letter, handed
to her by the sans-culotte Archprelate."
During the winter of 1862 there was a severe
outbreak of the form of crime known as "garotting,"

1 862.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 2,7
and writing to his father on December i6, Mr.
Raikes remarks —
" I don't suppose you saw a little thing of mine in last
week's Pjinch — a parody on Bonnie Dundee, about Bramwell's
sentences on the garotters. It had not any very great merit,
I am free to confess."
Three verses * may be here reproduced : —
" In the Court of Old Bailey 'twas Bramwell that spoke :
' The Crown can't allojy all these crowns to be broke,
So let each skulking thief who funks justice and me
Just attend to the warning of bold Baron B.
Just hand me my notes and some ink for my pen,
And, gaoler, look sharp and bring up all your men,
Under five years of servitude none shall go free.
For it's up with the dander of bold Baron B.'
" He turned as he spoke to the hands of the clock,
And then, with a scowl on the roughs in the dock,
' The time's getting on, but I've words two or three
For your friends out of doors from your friend Baron B.
Just hand me my notes, etc.
" ' If one man dogs another as homeward he goes,
And masters his purse by the aid of some blows,
That man before long shall have audience of me.
And I'll do my best for him,' quoth bold Baron B.
He has got at his notes and some ink in his pen,
Mr. Jonas before him has ranged all his men,
' For life, ten years, five ; none with less shall go free.'
More strength to your elbow say we. Baron B."
It was the only one of Mr. Raikes's occasional
contributions to Punch which was ever accepted : and
In after years I have heard him say that he imagined
that it owed its success to the fact that he sent it In
unsigned, and with nothing to ear-mark it. Several
* " Poems and Occasional Pieces," by Henry Cecil Raikes. Richard
Bentley & Son, 1895.

38 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1862-63.
other pieces, of greater merit in his opinion, which
had his name attached to them, were entirely ignored.
These verses were popularly attributed to Tom
Taylor, and the late Lord Bramwell had a copy of
them, which he was known to show his friends with
much delight.
On the last day of the year Mr. Raikes wrote —
" You will have seen all about the French Emperor's
visit to Rothschild, but I dare say this story has not reached
you. It appears that a magnificent parrot had been instructed
for a month previously in one particular formula. This
unlucky bird was let loose in the afternoon while the battue
was going on, and was ill-starred enough to cross the
Emperor's range. He fired, and the loyal parrot uttered its
death-shriek in the words ' 'Vive UEmpereur,'
" It is said that Napoleon III. was very much affected by
this touching piece of devotion, and has ordered his victim to
be stuffed for the Paris Museum. Credat JudcBus, though I
dare say old Rothschild is not very quick to believe in the
anecdote which has sprung into existence on his own ground."
In addition to his newspaper work, at this time
he devoted some attention to a novel, of which he
completed fifteen chapters. He used sometimes in
later years to talk of finishing it, but never did so.
The influence of Disraeli's style Is very apparent In
this, his only essay in the art of fiction with the
exception of an entravaganza, which latter he com
pleted in February, 1863, and submitted to Buckstone.
The latter acknowledged Its receipt in the following
letter, which probably crushed Mr. Raikes's theatrical
aspirations, for I do not think that he sent the play
to any other manager.

1863.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 39
='T. R. H., March 7, 1863.
" Dear Sir,
" As my Easter and next Christmas extravaganzas
are settled upon, it would be useless my reading the MS.
you so kindly offer me. I thought it better to say so at once
than keep you in suspense. I have been too busy lately to
reply to your note. " Dear Sir, truly yours,
"Jno. B. Buckstone."

40 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1863.

CHAPTER IV.
In February, 1863, Mr. Raikes, having concluded his
legal studies, took chambers on his own account with
Mr. Purton, an old school-friend, at 5, Mitre-court
Chambers, although he was not formally called to the
Bar till May i.
He had more than once hinted his desire to
embark upon a Parliamentary career to his father,
who, it seems, had, at any rate for the time, entirely
discountenanced the notion. His father-in-law, Mr.
Trevor Roper, held different views, however, and,
fortified by his approval, Mr. Raikes, on May 15,
openly avowed his wish to contest the Flint Boroughs
at the next election.
" I have, as you well know," he wrote to his father, " only
too strong a predilection for such an enterprise, and accord
ingly suffered him (Mr. Roper) at last to persuade me to see
Lord Nevill, who is guardian to the young Mostyns, on the
subject. . . . He introduced me to Mr. Spofforth, who is now
the Carlton Coppock, and I had a long talk with him the
other day at his office."
Although his father still remained obdurate, he
returned to the charge with great vigour some days
later, and had evidently quite convinced himself that
there was a fair possibility of success. His eagerness

1864.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES, 4I
is apparent in every line of his letter, although he
made a gallant effort to deal with the subject in a dis
passionate manner.
A sudden attack of Illness which compelled him to
go to the seaside to recuperate, caused the project to
drop into abeyance for awhile, and later, the increasing
gravity of his father's symptoms diverted the current
of his thoughts, and prevented him from intruding his
own personal wishes and ambitions upon his distressed
parents. He joined the North Wales Circuit, on July 21, at
Carnarvon ; and not long afterwards his father's illness
took a still more serious turn, and ended in his death
In the first week of October.
This sad event naturally upset all Mr. Raikes's
plans, and for the remainder of the year he had little
time to spare for his own concerns, in consequence of
the volume of business cast upon him. In November
he returned to London, and on the 23rd of the follow
ing month his eldest son, Henry St. John Digby, was
born. In the spring of 1864, Mr. Raikes gratified a long-
cherished desire, by making a prolonged tour In Italy,
and spent some months in Rome. Writing thence to
his mother, on March 31, he says —
" At every turn there is something to see, most interesting
or beautiful, or both ; and the soft warm weather and cloudless
sky contributed to make us fancy ourselves almost in Paradise.
It is endless to particularize, but I think the Coliseum by
moonlight was the most enchanting scene I have ever
beheld."

42 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1864.
Modern Rome naturally created a less favourable
impression. " I do not admire any of their boasted palaces much, and
think their churches mean outside, and tawdry and unim
pressive within. The Vatican is admitted to be frightful, but
St. Peter's even, is only impressive to me from its great size.
The front is, to my mind (I speak as a fool), singularly un
satisfactory, very like the Mansion House, but much inferior.
The colonnades are certainly beautiful, and the dome would
be grand upon almost any other structure, but I cannot
swallow the fagade. ... I have said nothing, but it is because
nothing adequate can be said, of the beauty of the art-
collections of pictures and statues. The eye is quite surfeited
by the lavish beauty of form and colour which it has enjoyed.
If the antiquities did not make Rome the most interesting
place in the world, the art-treasures would."
It was, however, reserved for Venice to arouse in
him as In many others, the highest feelings of enthu
siasm and admiration.
" Venice, April 24. — The place is quite indescribable. Of
all the foreign cities, it alone has quite exceeded my highest
preconceived ideal. The Piazza of St. Mark is not onlj'- the
most interesting site of modern Europe, but by far the most
beautiful group of buildings I have ever seen, or dreamt of.
And so totally unlike anything else, one can hardly believe
in its existence even when there.
" In pictures there is a more lavish display than anywhere
else, and in the great gallery the Assumption of Titian is to
my mind the nepljis ultra of beauty. Raphael's Transfigura
tion at Rome may be classed with it, but to my mind the
Titian is decidedly number one. It is quite worth coming to
Italy to see this alone.
" As I write I look across the hotel garden, and see the
lights glistening in the Grand Canal within a stone's throw,

1 864.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 43
and rejoice that the world has one spot more romantic than
all its romances."
The Italian lakes, too, appealed forcibly to Mr.
Raikes's sense of beauty, and some idea of the im
pression they made upon him, may be culled from the
following passage : —
"May 8. — But the lakes, especially Como, and inferior
only to it, Lugano and Maggiore, transcend in perfect and
varied loveliness anything I could have fancied in earth or
heaven. They differ in character, but only to rival each other
in beauty. Lugano's waters are darker, its banks greener,
and the hills about it not quite so lofty as those encircling
its grander neighbours ; but I hardly know whether it is not
my favourite of the three, though nothing ought to be
mentioned in the same week with beautiful Bellagio."
On his return to London, Mr. Raikes, who in
consequence of his father's death had become the pos
sessor of a fair independence, removed his household
from Regent's Park to 33, Gloucester Place, Hyde
Park, and at once began to look out for a seat in
Parliament. For some months his efforts failed to meet with
success, although, by Mr. Spofforth's advice, his name
was submitted to the Stockport people, and negotia
tions were also entered into with some members of the
party at Malmesbury; and it was not until the following
year tbat he was selected to contest Chester in the
Conservative interest, upon the retirement of Major
Humberston. His small Flintshire property was situated but a
few miles from the ancient city, and, had circumstances

44 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1864.
permitted it, he would dearly have loved to take
up his abode there. But, reluctant though he was to
sever old associations, he realized that his work lay
in the metropolis, and decided to make London his
headquarters until such time as he should be able
to afford two establishments.

¦865.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES,

45

CHAPTER V.
In the memoir written by Dr. E. C. Clark, an extract
from which has been given in a previous chapter, the
author asserts that Mr. Raikes " only entered on the
real work of his life when he began his electioneering
campaigns in 1865."
This is undoubtedly true. Mr. Raikes did little
more than approach the threshold of literature and
law. His talents would probably have raised him to
eminence In either profession had he chosen to per
severe, but his inclinations always led him in a
different direction, and, when the opportunity of grati
fying them came, he readily bade adieu to any chance
of literary or legal distinction, and devoted himself to
what, from that time onward, was the real work of his
life. He retained his chambers for a few years, and
practised occasionally ; while he continued to write,
and to take an Interest in literary matters throughout
his career. But, the plunge once made, law and
letters alike became mere incidents in his scheme of
existence. Both by nature and training, he was well
fitted for public life ; and in spite of the crushing
defeat which he suffered in his first contest at Chester,

46 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1865.
the brilliancy of his early speeches, and the skill and
coolness with which he parried the assaults of Mr.
Gladstone himself, marked him out as a man likely to
go far. The sitting members for Chester at the time of
the General Election, 1865, were Earl Grosvenor (the
present Duke of Westminster) and the late Colonel
Humberston. The latter, who was a Conservative,
did not propose to offer himself for re-election, and a
vacancy was thus created, which was eventually con
tended for by three candidates. Earl Grosvenor's
seat did not enter Into the calculations of any of the
aspirants, for his family Interest was of such a pre
ponderating nature that his return was a practical
certainty. The position generally was rather a curious one.
Numerically, the Liberals in Chester were in a large
majority, but at the previous election a considerable
section of them had co-operated with the Conservatives
in returning Colonel Humberston, who was exceedingly
popular with all classes.
The choice of the Conservatives lay between Lord
Binning and Mr. Raikes, and In April they decided in
the latter's favour. A section of the Liberals had
meanwhile determined to bring forward Mr. Fenton,
a selection which was not agreeable to many influential
members of the party, who, in turn, proceeded to cast
about for a candidate of their own.
To Mr. Raikes the condition of affairs was intensely
interesting. If the Liberal opponents of Mr. Fenton

1865.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 47
were unable to bring forward a man of their own,
they were likely to support the Conservative, and In
sufficient numbers to secure him the seat.
If, on the other hand, they did succeed In finding
a candidate, It was just possible that, In spite of the
great Liberal preponderance, Mr. Raikes might be
enabled to defeat both their representatives. Mr.
W. H. Gladstone's name soon began to be mentioned
as a probable candidate, and before Issuing his
address, Mr. Raikes wrote to Sir Stephen Glynne,
who was an old friend of the family, to ascertain
whether his nephew really proposed coming forward.
Sir Stephen in his reply, dated May 16, informed
him that such was likely to be the case, and added —
" I very much regret that you should thus be placed in
opposition to my nephew, as of course it is annoying to see
those in whom one takes an interest engaging in the turmoil
of an election on different sides. But though Willy Glad
stone has in some measure been drawn into election matters
at Chester, he has not yet finally consented to be a candidate,
and I cannot say whether he will ultimately be in the field or
not. I have never ceased to regret tbat he has been put
forward at all, and I shall only be too glad if it is decided to
withdraw him."
These views were not, however, shared by Mr.
W. E. Gladstone, then Chancellor of the Exchequer,
who not only urged his son's claims with all his usual
impetuosity, but actually, in defiance of the etiquette
which at that time forbade a Cabinet Minister to take
part in another candidate's election, came to Chester
and joined actively in the fray. In view of the

48 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1865.
relationship subsisting between the parties, this pro
ceeding, though irregular, was not entirely unnatural,
but, of course, it placed Mr. Raikes at a considerable
disadvantage, and he strongly resented it. In one
way, nevertheless, it was beneficial to him, for it
placed In his hand a weapon of which he made adroit
and effective use.
Mr. Gladstone opened the campaign with an un
provoked onslaught upon his youthful opponent, and
derided his utterances In a manner that was, perhaps,
hardly generous in a man of his standing. Doubtless,
he was animated only by the desire to forward his
son's interests, but his contemptuous words indubitably
left a sting behind which was never entirely eradicated.
As a sample of the style of rhetoric In which he
indulged, I will quote one passage from the speech
he delivered at Mr. W. H. Gladstone's first meeting,
and Mr. Raikes's reply thereto : —
" I have read Mr. Raikes's speeches. I think he seems to
be a young gentleman of considerable readiness, and he has
got cut-and-dried opinions on all the questions of the day. . . .
You may get a cut-and-dried representative who will answer
political questions as if they were his catechism, and will go
like a parrot wherever you send him ; but, gentlemen, if at
24 or 25, as Mr. Raikes seems to think, he ought to under
stand the whole wide range of English politics, and be a
perfect master of all these vast subjects, and, not only
a master, but in a condition to smite every other man with
denunciation, I say this, that if he can get to that by the
age of 25, what a wonderful fellow he will be by the time he
is 50 or 60. And I really do think that, if Mr. Raikes's
education advances in future years at such a rate as he

1865.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 49
appears to think it has advanced of late, I will not tell to
what enormous dimensions — I mean morally — he may not
swell in future times."
Although Mr. Raikes was somewhat surprised at
this personal attack, from a quarter from which, in
view of the degree of intimacy which had existed
between the two families, it was totally unexpected,
he picked up the glove with alacrity, and promptly
carried the war into the enemy's country. The care
fully studied moderation of the greater part of his
reply made it very effective, and, as he doubtless
hoped, it resulted in a display of considerable irritation
on the minister's part. The portion I propose to
quote runs —
" Now, gentlemen, I come to another subject, which
I approach with great reluctance, and with which I wish to
deal with the greatest moderation. I refer, of course, to that
remarkable fact, the unprecedented appearance amongst
you, as an electioneering speaker, of the Chancellor of the
Exchequer. Gentlemen, I respect the Chancellor of the
Exchequer's eminent position ; I admire his splendid abilities ;
I believe that he believes he is always, and in all things,
actuated by public spirit, and I am further retarded in ex
pressing my full feelings on this occasion by the memory of
one who was my father and his friend. But let it not be
for a moment supposed that I stand here in Chester to be
intimidated by the imported eloquence of any alien orator.
I could not any longer look upon myself as a gentleman
or an Englishman, I should feel ashamed of myself, I should
feel it a disgrace for Chester, if I allowed myself to be
deterred from my duty, or driven from my post, by the
openly expressed displeasure of even so great a Minister.
Some of my friends have been comparing me with an
4

50 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1865.
ancient soldier, who had the temerity to defy the lightning.
Gentlemen, the thunderbolt has fallen, and I am not much
the worse for it.
"As to the good taste of the right hon. gentleman's
appearance amongst you, I will not make any remark.
I will leave it to the calm judgment of friend or foe amongst
the citizens of Chester. As to the political propriety of
a Cabinet Minister interfering in such a measure, I am
happy to quote, not my own words, but those of a member of
her Majesty's present Government. You are aware that an
election is now proceeding in Westminster. The friends
of one of the candidates had the folly and absurdity to invite
the assistance and co-operation of a Cabinet Minister, and
from that gentleman received the dignified rebuke that a
Cabinet Minister, though he might sympathize with the
political opinions of a candidate, felt it his duty, as a member
of her Majesty's Government, not to interfere beyond giving
his vote at the election. Gentlemen, that letter was written
under the instructions of the Chancellor of the Exchequer,
and there appeared at the foot the signature ' W. E.
Gladstone.' " I think it would have been better for his own fame, if, when
the Chancellor ofthe Exchequer was tempted down to Chester,
he had acted in the same way. I say, when the Chancellor
of the Exchequer came down to Chester, it was a pity that
he had not the help of that judicious private secretary — but
he was too busy electioneering on his own account. And
then, you know, the election of Mr. W. H. Gladstone is
a matter of so much more national importance than the
election of Mr. Stuart Mill. As to the dignity of the pro
ceeding ... I will say nothing."
After dealing seriatim with the main points of
Mr. Gladstone's speech, Mr. Raikes concluded as
follows : —
"The names of great men are associated with their

i865.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES, 5 1
labours. The name of Wilberforce will live as long as the
history of England's self-denial in the emancipation of the
slaves ; the name of Pitt will be for ever associated with
the great struggle for the liberty of England and Europe ;
my own humble family name may, I trust, go down con
nected with the education of the poor ; * and the Chancellor
of the Exchequer has elected to let his name go down to
posterity with the Gladstone t claret."
On reading this speech, Mr. Gladstone is reported
to have said, " That is the most impudent young man
in England." Nor was he content with this expression of opinion
alone, as we see by a letter written by Mr. Raikes to
his mother on June 2, in which he says —
" The violent attack made upon me by the Chancellor of
the Exchequer appears to have created a great impression in
my favour. He is quite furious ; has written to me de
manding an explanation of some things I have said, and
threatens Mr. G. Boydell with all sorts of terrors if he does
not retract some things which he has said. So we are in the
heat of the battle."
The correspondence has not been preserved, with
the exception of a copy of the last letter written by
Mr. Raikes, which is couched in the most polite and
good-tempered terms.
Writing of Mr. W. H, Gladstone, he remarked
that he was " fairly civil," but a more extended
* An allusion to Robert Raikes, the founder of Sunday-schools.
f A reference to the diminution of the dues upon imported light
wines — Mr. Gladstone's scheme for encouraging their consumption
among the poorer classes in preference to beer, and thus promoting
sobriety.

52 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1865.
acquaintance inspired a true and almost tender liking
for him. The latter's naturally gentle disposition un
fitted him to some extent for the turmoil of political
life, but in compensation gained him a host of personal
friends. At his death he may be said to have left
not a single enemy behind, and few men have been
more sincerely mourned than " Willy " Gladstone.
The election resulted in the return of Earl
Grosvenor and Mr. W. H. Gladstone ; Mr. Raikes,
in spite of his exertions, being at the bottom of the
poll. His want of success is not very surprising, if
we take Into consideration that Lord Grosvenor's
supporters, although free to give their second votes as
they pleased, not unnaturally preferred to bestow them
upon the candidate whom they supposed to be most
nearly in accord, politically, with the House of Eaton.
Mr. Fenton had a strong following of his own, but the
appearance upon the scene of a member of Mr. Glad
stone's family proved fatal to his prospects, as it did to
those of Mr. Raikes.
The latter's spirited encounter with the Chancellor
of the Exchequer had, however, done him the service
of marking him out as a rising man, and he was
generally spoken of In the Press as one for whom a
seat must shortly be found.
He had not very long to wait, for towards the
close of April, 1866, while the fate of Mr. Gladstone's
Reform Bill still hung in the balance, he was in
vited. In conjunction with the Hon. R. C. Abbot (now
Lord Colchester), to contest one of the two seats at

i866.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES, 53
Devonport, which had become vacant In consequence
of an election petition.
Mr. Raikes himself nourished high hopes, and ably
backed by Mr. Ferrand, one of the former members, he
and Mr. Abbot very nearly succeeded in gaining the
victory, and would probably have made an even better
fight than they did, but for the mismanagement of one
of their agents. They held the lead up to 1.30 on the
polling day, but from that time their opponents drew
slowly away, and in the event were successful b}'
fifty-three votes.
In spite of these two defeats, Mr. Raikes's aptitude
for political life had already been recognized by Mr.
Disraeli, and other members of the Constitutional
party, to whose service he regularly attached himself
in the course of the summer, and undertook, at the
instance of Lord Nevill (Lord Abergavenny), the
organization and development of those first Conserva
tive associations, upon which the popular Conservatism
of the present day has been founded. And it was,
probably. In consequence of the mtimate terms thereby
established between Mr. Raikes and the more active
and popular leaders of the party, that, although he had
not yet had a seat in Parliament, and was still under
thirty years of age, he was pressed to become a candi
date at the next election, not only for Devonport for
the second time, but also for the important Lancashire
constituencies of Salford and Manchester.
That Mr. Raikes had made a considerable impres
sion on Lord Nevill thus early in their acquaintance

54 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF ' [i866>
(1866), Is Indicated in a letter written by Dr. Smythe
of Lewes, in the course of this year : —
" I saw Lord Nevill to-day, and mentioned to him that in
expressing my own wish that you should represent the town
of Lewes in the House of Commons, I was only giving utter
ance to the feelings of a large majority in the Boro'. . . .
Lord Nevill said you were a man of remarkable genius, a
splendid speaker, and that you would some day be leader in
the Commons House. I was very glad to hear this come
from the President of our Association. Of my own opinion
of you — I hope to give \t pro bono publico on the hustings."
Mr. Raikes's connection with Lewes was due, in the
first instance, to his mother having taken a house In the
neighbourhood, which enabled him to cultivate friendly
relations with the local leaders of the party. Some
lectures which he delivered, aroused a good deal of
interest, and he soon became personally popular. As
he had the additional advantage of being favourably
looked upon by Lord Nevill, he would certainly have
been asked to come forward at the next election, had
not the action of the Reform Bill deprived the town
of one of its members.

1865.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES, 55

CHAPTER VI.
Although, as pointed out In the last chapter, Mr.
Raikes practically broke away from his old routine
when he made his plunge Into active politics, he did
not lose touch with his literary work. And though he
gave up actually writing for the Press shortly after his
entry into Parliament, he, nevertheless, indulged in
literary ventures to some extent, and to the last was
an occasional contributor to such magazines as the
Fortnightly, the Nineteenth Century, and the National
Review. In a letter to an old college friend, the Rev.
Edward Evans, dated February 27, 1865, he says —
" My own political prospects are not very bright, but I am
going to be connected with a new Conservative paper on
really sound principles, wbich will not, I fear, find much
favour with the public. The scheme, however, is not yet far
advanced, but we are to endeavour to enunciate the real
principles of an aristocratic party and government, not mere
Derbyism, and we have got one or two good men."
He probably was referring here In anticipation to
the ill-fated Imperial Review, which he brought out in
1867, in conjunction with Mr. Luckie (afterwards the
owner of John Bull), who, besides being part pro
prietor, undertook the duties of editor. The paper,

56 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1866.
although patronized to some extent by the party, and
supported by some of the cleverest writers of the day,
failed to gain much hold upon the affections of the
public — as Mr. Raikes had only too truly prophesied
in his letter two years before — and In August, 1867,
the editor wrote grimly to say, " We shall soon be in a
position to advertise the most aristocratic circulation
in the world." It began to improve its financial
position in 1868, but remained a source of such
expense to its proprietors, that in October they made
up their minds to discontinue It. This determination
was, however, modified at the earnest request of Mr.
Spofforth, who promised to apply to the heads of
the party for a sufficient sum of money to tide the
paper over the General Election, which took place in
November. I am not aware whether the application
was successful or not, but the Review was carried on
until December, when It came to an end, and termi
nated Mr. Raikes's solitary venture as a newspaper
proprietor — a somewhat costly experience. A final
effort was made, it appears, to save it from destruc
tion, but the Conservatives were at the time partially
paralyzed by the magnitude of their defeat ; and Mr.
Disraeli's dictum that the party was " over-papered,"
was the stereotyped reply to every suggestion.
Although, by 1866, his pursuit of the law had
become very fitful, he still continued to go circuit,
in consequence of his having been appointed "junior."
In this capacity he once had the privilege of read
ing a severe lecture to a gentleman who is now an

1866-67.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 57
ornament of the Bench, but his duties were not, as a
rule, heavier than his practice, which, he mentions in
April, 1866, had produced eight guineas as the result
of the circuit. A chance, had he cared to grasp It,
was, however, afforded him a few months later, shortly
after the Devonport contest, when he received his
first and only Parliamentary brief. Owing to the
absence of his leader, the duty of replying fell to
Mr. Raikes, who thus took a more prominent part in
the proceedings than generally falls to the lot of a
barrister of three years' standing, and little experience,
in a matter of such importance. He not only won
his case, but did sufficiently well to merit the approba
tion of his opponent, Serjeant Merewether ; but his
good fortune did not cause him to falter for a moment
in pursuing his chosen career. A success of this
sort he looked upon as merely accessory to it.
In July Mr. Raikes formulated the idea of acquiring
the Globe In the interests of the Conservative party,
but, at any rate at first, the authorities declined to
undertake the responsibility, or to subscribe, although
Mr. Spofforth wrote that, " the possession of the Globe
newspaper by the Conservative party. If unknown to
the public, would be of material advantage." It seems,
however, that some arrangement was eventually arrived
at, direct or indirect, for on November 6 Mr. Raikes
wrote to his mother : " Do you ever see the new
Globe * which I bought for the party ? It is the
best paper going."
* It is now, and has been for many years, in private hands.

58 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1867.
In 1867 he succeeded Mr. J. M. Clabon, as
Chairman of the Committee of the Church Defence
Institution, founded some years previously by the
late Mr. Henry Hoare, to constitute a centre to direct
and advise Churchmen throughout the country upon
the subjects relating to the temporal interests of the
Church. The society, guided, as it had up to that time
been, by laymen rather of the clerical type, had failed
to make much impression upon public opinion, and
it was reserved for Mr. Raikes — seconded most ably
by the late Dr. Alfred Lee, whose services he secured
as secretary to the Institution immediately after the
disestablishment of the Church in Ireland had become
an accomplished fact — virtually to create and develop
that powerful organization, which, while carefully
avoiding all topics of religious controversy, has during
the last thirty years so successfully maintained the
position of the National Church against all assaults.
But, Important as was the work on behalf of the
Church which Mr. Raikes then took in hand, and
great as was the influence which it exerted upon the
whole of his after life, it was in a sense subordinate,
in 1867-68, to his labours in connection with the
organization of the Conservative party. Their results
in many respects represented the best work ever done
by him, from a political point of view. The passage
of years has not unnaturally dulled the recollection of
some of those now remaining of the men who, at the
time, were in a position to appreciate his services ; while

1 867.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 59
a later generation has no knowledge of the ungrudging
labour, which, If It bore no Immediate fruit in the 1868
Election, when the organization was still In its infancy,
has since then been largely instrumental in populariz
ing Conservative sentiments throughout the kingdom,
especially in the industrial centres.
Roughly speaking. Lord Nevill had conceived the
idea of bringing Into line all the scattered Conservative
and Constitutional Associations in the country, and he
pitched upon Mr. Raikes as the best man to bring
the scheme to a practical conclusion.
Attempts, some of them moderately successful,
had been made in this direction from time to time, but
the desired result had never been actually attained,
and It fell to Mr. Raikes's lot to practically unite the
more important Associations under one central council,
thus securing unity of aims and policy amongst them.
He attacked the task with characteristic vigour,
but, needless to say, the work was not completed in
a day. The difficulties he had to contend with were
immense, and, at times, it appeared as though ultimate
success were impossible. This was In the main due
to the jealousy of the existing large Associations.
Some of them were anxious to maintain their inde
pendence ; others were frankly Indifferent ; others,
again, were almost openly hostile. Of these, perhaps,
the most powerful was the Metropolitan Conservative
Association, which, in addition to fulfilling the functions
to be inferred from its title, had a large connection In
the country, and probably hoped some day to rise to

6o THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1867.
a position of supreme authority. Its moving spirits. In
consequence, regarded the new venture, in spite of its
official character, with suspicion, and as likely to
Interfere with their operations and lessen their Im
portance. Such was the position with which Mr.
Raikes found himself confronted when he took the
business in hand. As a basis for his operations he
determined to utilize the machinery of the then exist
ing Conservative Union, and amongst those who
were prominently associated with him in this task,
were the present Sir William Charley, a most im
petuous worker, Mr. A. G. Marten, and Mr. W. C.
Harvey. To secure efficiency in this direction was, of course,
only a portion of the work. To make the new body
a real success, it was necessary to gain the support of
Conservatives throughout the country, and this entailed
much labour and travelling. Mr. Raikes saw the great
importance of establishing cordial relations between
his party and the industrial population, and devoted
special attention to this object. It was not easy to
make way at first, but he was much encouraged by the
splendid success he met with, amongst other places,
at Manchester, then a stronghold of Liberalism,
although the Conservative Association there was at
first hostile to the new scheme.
In describing this particular meeting, he remarks —
" It is a great thing for the party to have assembled some
2500 working-men in the heart of the enemy's country. No
wonder they are infuriated."

i867.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 6 1
By August, 1867, the scheme was well under way,
and some Idea of the value placed upon Mr. Raikes's
services in connection with it, can be gathered from
a letter he received from Mr. Spofforth, then the
manager of the Conservative party, on the 12th of
that month : —
" I am sure the Conservative party will never be out of
your debt (unless, indeed, it falls to their lot to make you
Lord Chancellor) for the continuous and unremitting exer
tions you have made for their benefit. What I wanted to
have a personal conference with you for, will be explained
by the enclosed correspondence. . . . Mr.  has every
inclination but luckily not the ability to be mischievou's, and
his conduct is only another instance of how careful any one
in my position ought to be, before in the slightest degree en
couraging, or having communication with a zealous politician
who has an eye rather to his own advantage than to that of
the party. ... I quite agree with you in the substance of
your letter, and hope that we shall have Conservative
Working-men's Associations established in every borough
in England, those to be in communication with the Conserva
tive Union. Can you tell me anything about Mr. Harvey and
Mr. Charley, two young barristers, who appear to be zealous
and respectable ? "
The work of establishing local Conservative Asso
ciations affiliated to the Central Council, steadily
progressed, and in November It was determined that
the Conservative Union should cease to exist as such,
and should be merged in the new body, which was
formally launched as " The National Union of Con
servative and Constitutional Associations."
Mr. Gorst, now Sir John, was the first Chairman of

62 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1867-71.
the Council, and Mr. Leonard Sedgewick, 2iprot^gioi
Lord NevIU's, was appointed secretary.
In December, the National Union, as it is now
commonly called, issued a circular, in which it was
explained that the object for which it was founded
was "to give unity of Ideas and of action to the
Constitutional Associations which are now being formed
throughout the country."
Although the scheme was, on the whole, well
received, opposition was by no means stifled, and for
some years the organization had a hard fight for
existence. ' It managed, however, to survive the dis
astrous result of the General Election in 1868, and by
1870 was recognized as a considerable factor in the
political world. In that year Mr. Raikes, who had, in
1869, become a Vice-Chalrman, was appointed Chair
man of the Council, a position which he held until
1875. It was in 1870 that an idea, which had occurred
to Mr. Raikes and some of his colleagues some time
previously, took shape. The proposal, which was
warmly supported by Lord Holmesdale, was to estab
lish, under the auspices of the Union, a club founded
upon constitutional lines, with a view to drawing the
members of the party more closely together, and
putting the members of the country associations in
touch with their friends in London. The scheme was
eventually carried out by the formation of the St.
Stephen's Club.
In 1871 the National Union got into difficulties,
which were not lessened by the fact that at the

i87i.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES, 63
beginning of the year Mr. Gorst had undertaken the
direction of its most formidable rival, the Metropolitan
Conservative Association, as secretary.
His Immense capacity for organization v/as of the
greatest value to that body, which began seriously to
threaten the position and Independence of the Union.
I do not suppose that he was actuated by any real
spirit of hostility to the latter, but that he was guided
rather by the desire to bring into prominence the
Association to which he had given his services, and to
secure for it predominant influence, at the expense of
a rival, if necessary. Be this as it may, the position
soon became serious, and as an instance of the friction
between the two bodies, the following extract from a
letter written by him to Mr. Raikes on March 8, 1871,
speaks for itself:—
" The difficulty is this : Sedgewick (the secretary of the
N.U.) and I are both in correspondence with country
associations and agents. We sometimes ask simultaneously
for the same information, and we sometimes give answers on
the same subjects not exactly in the same sense. This
method of proceeding is not calculated to create confidence
on the part of the country associations in the central
organization of the party."
This was undoubtedly true, but Mr. Raikes had
not the slightest intention of allowing the Union to be
reduced to impotence on that account. A scheme of
re-organization was carried out under his direction,
which resulted in establishing it upon a permanent basis,
and the best testimony to the wisdom of the course

64 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1867.
pursued is given by the position which the National
Union holds at the present time.*
Busy though he was in 1867 with his work of
organization, Mr. Raikes did not relinquish his efforts
to find a seat In Parliament. In this he was very
nearly successful on one occasion, to judge by a letter
to his mother, written on January 31 : —
" The Boston affair has revived unexpectedly, and it is
now settled that I am to be the candidate, and, as I hope,
pretty nearly settled that I shall win."
He goes on to say that he will not be able to deliver
a projected lecture on Bolingbroke at Lewes in con
sequence, and adds —
" I have been grinding at my subject for some time, and
am somewhat disgusted at not being able to deliver it. But
I hope the Monday Club will forgive me, as I certainly shall
myself if I tack the two magic letters to my name before I
revisit Lewes."
The project, however, fell through, and he resumed
his ordinary duties for the time.
On May 4 he mentions that he has sold Tuffley,
his Gloucestershire property, which had come into the
family by the marriage of the beautiful Miss Mee,
Lord Palmerston's aunt, to Richard Raikes, Canon of
Gloucester in years gone by, and of which much of
the proceeds were destined to be swallowed up in
election contests subsequently. He adds —
* It is a significant fact that, whereas in 1868 London returned only
one Conservative member, at the present time, 1897, fifty-four out of its
sixty-two representatives belong to the Unionist party, a circumstance
to which Mr. Balfour drew attention in a recent speech addressed to
the Metropolitan Division of the National Union.

i867.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES, 65
" This has been a busy week. I have been introduced to
Disraeli, who spoke very kindly and complimentarily to me in
the hearing of the deputation."
Even thus early in his career Mr. Raikes had set
the representation of Cambridge University before
himself as one of the goals of his ambition ; nor did
he lack supporters, prominent among whom was his
old schoolfellow, Mr. Arthur Holmes. The views of
some of the older men, who were not unfavourably
disposed to him personally, are well expressed In the
following letter, written in November, 1867, by the
Very Rev. Dr. Perowne, who, fifteen years later,
in 1882, his second condition having been mean
while amply fulfilled, was among Mr. Raikes's
staunchest champions when he defeated Professor
Stuart, and secured the Blue Riband of the House of
Commons —
" There are," he wrote, " two objections which would be
urged against his (Mr. Raikes's) election — his comparative
youth, and his want of a high Degree. One of these will
be removed in the course of a few years ; the other may be
removed if Mr. Raikes will gain such public reputation as a
speaker or writer, or in some other way obtain such a recog
nized position as will satisfy our fastidious Senate of his
intellectual fitness to represent them."
In January, 1868, it became known that Sir
Roundell Palmer, one of the sitting members for the
University, was on the point of giving up his seat,
and Mr. Raikes, with a view to discovering how much
support he could count on if he decided to come
forward, paid a visit to Cambridge. 5

66 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1868.
The late Mr. Beresford Hope was the nominee of
the High Church party, while amongst the Moderates
the names of Mr. Cleasby, Q.C, and the Hon. J. W.
Strutt (now Lord Rayleigh) were mentioned. The
last-named was. In the first instance, the candidate
favoured by the Government, and as he had occupied
the proud position of Senior Wrangler a year or two
before, he was, in spite of his youth, looked upon
kindly by the University itself. He failed, however,
to give satisfactory assurances on certain points, and
In consequence withdrew from the contest.
The honour of opposing Mr. Beresford Hope there
fore rested between Mr. Cleasby and Mr. Raikes.
The latter was warmly supported by letter by Mr.
Spofforth, and on the spot by Mr. Arthur Holmes,
Dr. E. C. Clark, and Dr. Perowne, who In the end
waived his previous objections. These, however, still
held good with the majority, and the choice eventually
fell on Mr. Cleasby.
Mr. Raikes took his disappointment very well,
and at once set to work on behalf of his quondam
opponent. Writing to his mother on February 15, he
says —
" I have been so immensely occupied in conducting old
Cleasby's election, that I have had but little leisure either to
reflect on my disappointment, or to acknowledge the kindness
which has been shown me in consequence. Yet it is rather
hard, the same never-varying answer which I get from those
to whom I write, ' I should have been delighted to vote for
you, but I cannot support Cleasby, and have gone over to B.
Hope.' Besides, it is very trying to the temper to sit for

i86S.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 67
hours in that Committee Room, really conducting the whole
business of the election, yet without the authority requisite to
reduce the disorder, and to organize a more satisfactory state
of things. ... I felt that I owed it to my friends at Cam
bridge, who had shown such kind consideration of my claims,
that I should forward the wishes of the party to the best of
my power. ... It ought to lead to something hereafter, but
at present politics seem rather weary work."
Mr. Raikes's exertions were probably telling upon
him at the time, and this, combined with his failure to
secure a satisfactory Parliamentary opening, tended to
keep him in a state of depression. In his two next
letters he took a very gloomy view of his position,
and It was not until he decided, In August, to contest
Chester for the second time that he recovered his
normal spirits.
Writing on March 3, he said—
" I wish I could look forward to any promotion with my
Chiefs. But, unhappily, great people are very slow to
appreciate the importance we youngsters set upon our claims
or capabilities. I have at present, certainly, powerful friends.
But my experience is that powerful friends do rather less for
one than for others. I have had a very friendly note from
old Cleasby, to whom I have announced my intention of
coming forward next time. I have to preside to-night at a
large Conservative dinner at Brompton and Chelsea. It is a
great bore. But I suppose it is well to experience every
phase of public life."
On June 30, In his capacity of Chairman of the
Church Defence Institution, he addressed a meeting
of five thousand people In the Free Trade Hall,
Manchester, In opposition to Mr. Gladstone's proposal

68 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1868.
to disestablish and disendow the Irish Church. The
proceedings were marked with great enthusiasm, and
the significance of the unanimous resolutions in favour
of the maintenance of the Union of Church and State
was accentuated by the fact that they were passed in
a great Liberal centre. Mr. Raikes, himself, secured a
considerable personal triumph, but neither this nor the
receipt of requisitions from Manchester and Salford,
asking him to stand in the Conservative interest at the
next election, did much to raise his spirits. Although
he appreciated the compliment paid him, he was anxious
to contest a seat where there was a fair prospect of
success. On July 10 he was informed that a petition,
asking him to come forward again, was being largely
signed in Chester, and on the 14th he wrote to his
mother —
" I am as yet quite unable to foresee whether I shall be a
candidate for Chester or some other place. ... I will send
you the Liverpool Mail, which has a magnificent flourish of
trumpets over my Manchester speech.
" This last week has been a very harassing one, as well as
very hot. I have had to decline positively (a thing I hate
doing) two too affectionate constituencies. And it is quite
possible that I may be left without a seat at all. Nor, to tell
sober truth, should I very bitterly regret it if I am shut out
again from Parliament."

HENRY CECIL RAIKES, 69

CHAPTER VII.
The Chester requisition, which, as mentioned in the
last chapter, was set on foot in July, 1868, reached
such large proportions that, early in August, Mr.
Raikes announced his readiness to contest the seat
again, as it seemed to be the wish of nearly half the
electorate that he should do so. He soon found that
he had no reason to regret this decision, for the newly
enfranchised working men, on whom he had made a
very favourable impression In 1865, before they were
entitled to vote, received him with open arms.
The general position was, as will be remembered,
rather a curious one. Early in the year Mr. Gladstone
had succeeded in defeating the Government on his
motion in favour of disestablishing the Church in
Ireland. It was, however, agreed upon all hands that
an appeal to the constituencies would, under the
circumstances, be absurd, since, as matters stood, no
voice would be given to the enlarged electoral body
under the Franchise Act, 1867. The General Election
was, therefore, deferred until November, by which time
arrangements had been made by Mr. Disraeli to enable
the new voters to exercise their powers.
In the result, the country declared decidedly for

70 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1868.
Mr. Gladstone and his policy, although, by the curious
irony of fate, he personally was defeated in South
Lancashire. Chester was a striking exception to the general
rule. Once more divided counsels held sway in the
Liberal camp ; and in consequence Mr. Salisbury, a
local attorney, of Radical rather than Liberal tendencies,
and Mr. Hoare, entered the lists against Mr. Raikes
for the second seat. It was, as usual, assumed that, in
spite of the introduction of an unknown quantity In the
form of the new electors, Earl Grosvenor's return at
the head of the poll was a certainty.
The election took place on November 17, and
It early became apparent that Mr. Hoare had no
chance of success. He consequently retired from the
contest. An ever-widening gap separated Earl
Grosvenor and Mr. Raikes from Mr. Salisbury, and all
interest became centred on the struggle between the
two leaders. Towards the close of the day some
of Mr. Raikes's supporters grew frightened at the
situation. The possibility of Earl Grosvenor occupying
any place but the first had never occurred to their
minds ; and the position of their man, gratifying though
It was, was also alarming, for the Grosvenor Influence
was a very real factor In the life of the citizens, and if
" the Earl " were to be deprived of the place of pride,
no man could tell what the consequences might be.
A little judicious splitting of votes was therefore
Indulged in, in order to render the position quite
secure, and, In the event. Earl Grosvenor headed the

1 868.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. J I
poll by seventy-two votes, with Mr. Raikes second,
nearly a thousand ahead of Mr. Salisbury.
Disappointment had so often been Mr. Raikes's
pot tion that, during the preceding year, he had
frequently stated that if he did not secure a seat in the
House of Commons before he was thirty, he would
retire from active political life. Too much weight
need not be attached to this resolution, which was,
no doubt, the outcome of depression of spirits, and I
venture to think he was unlikely to have adhered
to it, even In the face of further failure. At the
same time, it is curious to note how narrow a margin
separated his election from the fatal date. The
former, as I have mentioned, took place on November
1 7, and just eight days later he celebrated his thirtieth
birthday — on the 25th.
On November 20 he wrote to his mother —
" It is the best part of the success to find that it has
gladdened so many kind hearts, and, as you say, the only
tinge of regret about it is to think of one whom it would have
gladdened most of all. ... I am really more dead than alive
after it aU. I was chaired round the town for some three
hours after it was all over, and nearly fainted three or four
times, I was so knocked up, and I am still far from well."
On December 2 Mr. Disraeli sent round a circular
to his supporters, announcing the resignation of his
ministry, who were, of course, in a hopeless minority.
Although their fate must have been merely a
matter of time, the bolder policy of meeting Parlia
ment had commended itself to Mr. Raikes, and he
ventured to express his disappointment to Mr.

72 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1869.
Spofforth. The latter's reply is Interesting, if only to
show how far those responsible for the guidance of the
party misconceived the probable result of their course
of action, although there is no particular reason to
suppose that in any event affairs would have turned
out very differently from the way they did.
" Thanks for your letter and what you have done.
" I disagree with you, and think the move was a good
one. A debate on the Irish Church, which might have
occurred had we continued in, would have enlightened Mr.
Gladstone as to the likeliest measure to pass ; as it is, he
must introduce a crude and ill-digested measure, which will in
all probability leave the Irish Establishment where it is. The
move appears to have met with universal satisfaction. I
have only heard of another dissentient besides yourself, and
you will see it will turn out all right."
It may be noted here that Mr. Raikes entered
Parliament, to use his own expression, as "a constitu
tional reformer," i.e, a reformer within and upon the
lines of the Constitution — a designation to which he
always adhered in preference to the common party
name of Conservative, as more aptly representing the
true principles of popular Toryism.
Parliament met formally on December 10, but the
real work of the Session did not begin until the House
assembled in February, 1869.
Mr. Raikes soon gave evidence that he did not
intend to earn the character of a silent member, and
his maiden effort, a speech upon the redistribution of
seats in Ireland, was favourably spoken of in the
papers. Here is his own account of It contained in a
letter to his mother, dated February 27 : —

1869.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 73
" If I cannot, and certainly do not, call the thing a grand
success, as some of my too flattering friends here are doing,
it certainly cannot be called a failure — at least, I said what I
had to say in the way in which I intended to say it, and
was not for a moment nervous or confused. And that I
succeeded in keeping the entire attention of the House for a
full half-hour was, on the whole, more than I expected."
In March, at the request of some Cambridge
friends, he spoke against the University Tests Aboli
tion Bill, and took this early opportunity of asserting
his determination to act independently of his leaders if
he chose. He thus alludes to the matter, in a letter
written before his indignation had subsided : —
"We had a tremendous row in the House last night about
the University Tests Bill, and our leaders behaved so badly
that there is a very sore feeling among the independent
members of the party. We had hoped to keep tbe Second
Reading off till after Easter by incessant adjournments, but
their pusillanimous policy led them to discountenance efforts
which they ought to have made themselves. However, I
think we have given them a lesson that we can speak for our
selves when we choose."
All through his life Mr. Raikes was a strong
advocate of a fighting policy when In opposition. He
had, previously to his entrance to the House, con
sistently opposed Mr. Gladstone's proposals in respect
to the Irish Church, on the platform, and In the Press,
and had published a pamphlet on the subject ; and
when in this Session the Disestablishment Bill was
introduced, he fairly revelled in the opportunities for
attack which it offered. He took a constant part in
the debates, and one of his speeches, couched in a

74 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1869.
bantering vein, delivered on April 15, met with a very
cordial reception, and drew commendation from Mr.
Disraeli himself.
Itwas, however, inevitable that the Bill would pass
the Commons, and In due course all eyes were turned
to the Lords. They, too, bowed to the expressed will
of the people, and the faint hopes which had still
lingered in the hearts of the supporters of the Estab
lishment in Ireland were finally extinguished. While
matters were yet undecided, Mr. Ulick Bourke wrote
to Mr. Raikes on June 23 —
" I hope the Lords will be stout, as Cardinal Cullen has
found the House of Commons so pliant that he will not easily
let go his hold of Gladstone."
He added In reference to the financial side of the
measure —
"Gladstone's generosity to us reminds me of Lord
Coleraine, who, walking down Pall Mall in a very heavy
shower, and receiving a salute from a fine lady, took off his
friend's hat and held it very low in return."
Amongst minor matters, Mr. Raikes actively
opposed the Burials Regulation Bill and Mr. Gurney's
Married Women's Property Bill ; and, generally
speaking, took a prominent part in the work of the
Session. At Its close the Globe singled him out as
one of the new members who had shown themselves
to possess " considerable Parliamentary ability, either
oratorical or practical," coupling with his name those
of Mr. Holt, Mr. Morgan, Mr. Broderick, and Lord
G. Hamilton,

I870.J HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 75
Less opportunity was afforded him in 1870, a great
part of the Session being occupied by Mr. Forster's
Education proposals, the scope and ultimate result of
which were, perhaps, hardly realized at the time. He,
however, took up the cudgels for medical officers
serving on the west coast of Africa, who felt that they
had a grievance under limitations Introduced by the
Warrant of 1867, and also Interested himself on behalf
of the transport officers.
A more ambitious effort was the Introduction of a
Married Women's Property Bill, In conjunction with
Mr. Staveley Hill. Mr. Russell Gurney also reintro
duced his Bill on the same subject, which had been
thrown out by the Lords the year before.
The chief points of difference between the two
measures are summarized in a circular issued by Mr.
Raikes on April 25.
"Bill No. I, introduced by Mr. Gurney and Mr. Jacob
Bright, proposes to separate altogether the interests of
husband and wife, to deprive tbe husband in every case
of that authority which he has hitherto enjoyed as the sole
controller of the family property ; and by creating a separate
estate for the wife to facilitate fraudulent transfers from the
husband to her for the purpose of defrauding creditors.
" Bill No. 2, which is brought in by Mr. Raikes, Mr.
Staveley Hill, and Mr. West, secures for a married woman's
property in every case the security now only obtained by a
settlement. It provides that in cases where a husband by
misconduct or idleness has forfeited his right to authority
over his family, a wife may obtain protection for property
acquired or earned, after an order to that effect has been
obtained, and it contains a stringent clause against marriage
settlements made to defraud creditors."

76 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1869-70.
On this occasion he did not oppose Mr. Gurney's
proposals, but suggested that both Bills should be
read a second time and referred to the same Select
Committee. This the supporters of Bill No. i would
not permit, and Mr. Raikes's measure was defeated
on the Second Reading. Mr. Gurney's duly passed
the House of Commons, and subsequently the House
of Lords, after it had been subjected to considerable
modification. Although much occupied by his Parliamentary
duties In 1869, Mr. Raikes found time to promulgate
an elaborate scheme for extending Conservative in
fluence in the country through the Press. Its main
features were the establishment of a weekly paper to
radiate simultaneously from four provincial centres,
and the introduction of a new daily paper, under the
direct auspices of the Conservative party, as a rival to
the Times,
The idea was under consideration for some time,
and as late as October, 1870, we have a letter
from Mr. Rowland Winn in which he regretted
that there was nothing doing as regards " the news
paper." At the conclusion ofthe Session of 1869 Mr. Raikes
took his family to Trouville, and not long after his
return from abroad, attended the Church Congress
at Liverpool, early in October, where he delivered an
address upon Diocesan Organization.
A visit paid by him to Sir H. Drummond Wolff
In December recalls to mind an anecdote of that

i87o.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 77
admirable racontetir, which the former was fond of
repeating. It happened that one evening. Sir Henry, Mr.
Raikes, and another friend, were sitting at a card-
table at one of their clubs, waiting for a fourth to
make up the rubber, when a tall, dignified old
gentleman, with white hair and an erect bearing,
entered the room, and glanced round as though in
search of some one. Sir Henry immediately addressed
him cheerily with, " Ah ! how are you. Sir John .''
Won't you join us ? " The new-comer politely declined
to do so, and smiling to himself, left the room. " Who
Is your friend?" inquired Mr. Raikes. "I'm sure
I don't know," was the negligent repl}^ " I only
hoped he would come in, and he looked just the sort
of old buffer who would like to be called Sir John."
Another story which delighted him very much, had
its birth many years later, after Sir Henry's return
from Teheran, where he had been prostrated by a
severe attack of illness. " Oh, yes," said the latter
in reply to inquiries, " I was very bad indeed. In
fact, they gave me up at one time ; but the doctor
managed to pull me through. Everybody was as
kind as possible, and (with a twinkle in his eye) the
Embassy sent a very nice wreath," The inflection of
his voice, as he uttered the last three words. Is said
to have been quite indescribable. A very sincere
bond of friendship united the two men, utterly dis
similar as they were in character, and they were close
allies both in public and in private life.

78 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1870.
In 1870 Mr. Raikes removed from Gloucester
Place to 95, Onslow Square, where his second son,
Francis Edward, was born ; and it was here that he
made the acquaintance of Mr. C. L. Dodgson (Lewis
Carroll), who lived a few doors away. The latter,
who was engaged at the time upon "Alice in Wonder
land," used constantly to pace up and down the long
garden at the back of the houses, on which his study
windows opened, and soon made friends with the
younger members of the family. The name Alice
was ever a passport to his affections, and he and Mr.
Raikes's eldest daughter, then a child of eight, struck
up a firm alliance. I venture to append a charmingly
characteristic letter written nearly twenty years later.
" Christ Church, Oxford, January 29, 1888.
" So it is not enough, my dear Raikes, that we should be,
in a way, relations — nor even that I should have known you
and your family for at least a dozen years, to justify you in
asking for a bed here, but you feel it necessary to invoke the
aid of my brother, to act as ambassador between us 1 Well,
I will not be Jealous of Wilfrid, provided you have known
bim longer and more intimately than me. Otherwise what
stronger claim, to any hospitality I have to offer, can you
desire, than the fact that you are the father of my old, old
friend (not old in years, but old in friendship) Alice ?
" A bedroom shall be ready for you if you will kindly give
me a day's notice. . . . Kindest regards to Mrs. Raikes, and
love to your daughters — specially to Alice. Of course (owing
to circumstances) I love all ' Alices,' more or less : but some
more." The outbreak of war between France and Prussia,
in July, had a deep personal Interest for Mr. Raikes,

i87o.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 79
as his mother was on the Continent at the time.
Fortunately, she was In Switzerland at the moment
when hostilities commenced, and her son advised her
to remain there until the first rush was over. In the
letter, In which he gave this counsel, written on
July 21, he declared himself on the side of France : —
"All the Liberals here are for Prussia, and many Con
servatives also. I am all for France, and hope to see Austria
and Denmark recover their own."
In his next few letters he naturally dwells on
the great struggle on which the eyes of Europe were
fastened. Writing from Penmaenmawr on Septem
ber 5, he says —
" England has been quite astounded by the great news of
the Emperor's surrender. There must now, I presume, be
peace — of a sort, But the unfortunate issue of the war has
sown the dragon's teeth of incurable animosities and endless
disturbance in Europe. France will never consent to accept
the position which Germany now will force upon her, and
many generations to come will curse the destiny which gave
Bismarck and his master the victory which they have won."
Mr. Raikes continued his work of political organiza
tion throughout the year, and also took every possible
opportunity of warning Churchmen In England that
they must bestir themselves If they wished to avoid
the fate of their brethren on the other side of St.
George's Channel. In April, he embodied his views
in a lecture, which he delivered at a meeting of the
Central Council of the Church Defence Institution.
" Practicable Reforms in the Church Establishment "
was the title of his paper, and he divided the subject

8o THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1870.
into three branches. The first related to the number
of the bishops, which he contended should be aug
mented ; the second to the affairs of Convocation ;
and the third to the reform of capitular bodies.
His words fell into fruitful soil, for Churchmen were,
not without reason, at this time thoroughly alarmed,
and he had the satisfaction of living to see many of
his suggestions carried out, some In part, others in
their entirety.

i87i.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 8 1

CHAPTER VIII.
The greater part ofthe Session of 1871 was occupied
by the Army Bill, a measure in which Mr. Raikes
took much interest. In the early part of the year he
published a series of letters in the Standard upon
" Our National Defences," and went somewhat deeply
into the subject. In these he avoided taking a
party line, and discussed, from a practical point of
view, the necessity of increasing our effective force,
the difficulties in the way of abolishing the purchase
system, which he admitted had little to be said for it,
and the government of our army and training of our
home forces. On the whole, he took no serious
objection to the system then in vogue, but rather
suggested that it should be amplified and extended
upon existing lines.
The Army Bill was succeeded by the Ballot Bill,
to which he was uncompromisingly opposed, but I
have no record of any speeches delivered by him
against it.
We may pass over the Sessions of 1872 and 1873
very shortly. In the former, Mr. Raikes took an active
part in opposing the late Sir G. O. Morgan's Burial
Bill, which he contended was absolutely unnecessary, 6

82 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1872-73-
an opinion which the results obtained have largely
justified ; but with the exception of a threatened
Ministerial crisis (over the Alabama affair), there was
little to disturb the even tenor of the proceedings.
The Session of 1873 saw him to the fore In the
debate upon the Endowed Schools Commission, when
he protested strongly against the endowments left by
charitable persons for the elementary education of the
children of the poor, being diverted to the middle-
class schools. He also took much interest In the
Judicature Bill, which he succeeded In amending in
several respects.
Almost throughout the Session, the House was
in a state of unrest. In March Mr. Gladstone made
the Irish University Bill, by which It was proposed
to throw open fellowships at Dublin University to
Roman Catholics, a question of confidence. After
four nights' debate the measure was rejected, and the
Prime Minister thereupon resigned. He was so
freely blamed for taking this course, in many quarters,
that it may be of Interest to quote a few lines in
respect of it, contained in a letter written to Mr.
Raikes by the late Lord Coleridge, then Sir J. D.
Coleridge, Attorney-General : —
" Let me add, though perhaps you will not agree, that I
think Gladstone's resignation followed of necessity from his
having made opposition to Fawcett a question of confidence
in 1870 and 1871. That may have been wise or unwise, but
having been done, all the rest followed necessarily.
" Yours very truly,
" J. D, Coleridge."

¦1873-74J HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 83
Writing on March 21, Mr. Raikes said —
" As for the crisis, I am glad it is over, and that our people
were sagacious enough to decline office. They are quite
right ; but things seem rather flat just now after all the
excitement of last week."
It was, nevertheless, generally felt that a Dis
solution might come at any time, and even so late as
the end of June, he informed his mother that he was
unable to make his plans for the summer.
The Conservative party were warned to hold
themselves in readiness, and as early as March 28
Mr. Gorst, in his official capacity, wrote to Mr. Raikes
advisinsf him to set his house in order at Chester. As
matters turned out, his letter was a little premature,
but it throws an interesting Hght upon the view of the
Ballot Act held by those responsible for the party
organization. " Do you think you are safe in fighting Chester without a
colleague .'' You have so much experience in elections, and
know Chester so much better than I do, that I merely put
the question, as I feel it my duty to do.
" It appears to me that with the Ballot Act there will be
great difficulty in getting men to plump, and a single man
running against two opponents, may sometimes lose his
election by the splits of his own friends. I dare say there is
no chance of getting a second man in at Chester, but if you
want what is vulgarly called ' a waste-paper basket,' you
should lose no time in finding one."
Mr. Raikes, however, thought it better to fight
single-handed, and the result of his election in 1874,
wherein, out. of 2356 votes recorded in his favour.

84 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1871-72.
2173 were plumpers, forms a curious commentary
upon the letter quoted above, although its general
wisdom cannot be doubted.
The year 1871 was marked by a great extension
of the operations of the Church Defence Institution
as a counterblast to the threats of Mr. Miall. The
Rev. Dr. Lee, its energetic secretary, was sent on a
mission to the provinces, where he was successful in
forming numerous local branches. The higher clergy,
too, began to realize the importance of organized
opposition to the Liberationists, and by September,
twenty-one out of the twenty-seven English bishops
were enrolled as members.
The work was continued actively in 1872, and in
this, and subsequent years, Mr. Raikes was in constant
demand as a speaker, both on Church Defence topics,
and on the subject of religious education.
At the close of the Session he took his family
abroad with him to Dinant, and writing home late
In August, he draws a pleasant picture of his holiday-
making : —
"We do absolutely nothing here. We sleep (as well as
we can) ; we breakfast (indifferently) ; we dig in the sand
with the children (this we do very well) ; we bathe (as
comfortably as preposterous foreign usages will allow) ; we
lunch (after a promiscuous fashion of our own) ; we go out
in boats, or we cross to St. Malo or St. Servan to shop for
things we do not want, or we take long walks to more distant
bays, or we dig again ; we dine at the table d'hdte of one or
other hotel (or as we have done to-day, infamously at home) ;
we read a little, and have tea, and go to bed early — all these
things we do — but we never write to anybody."

1872-73.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 85
An incident of this summer holiday, which bears
witness to Mr. Raikes's coolness In emergency, im
pressed itself vividly on the present writer's memory.
Mr. Raikes was, one afternoon, introduced by an
acquaintance to a French gentleman. The last-named
was standing at the very edge of the quay, and in the
act of making his bow lost his balance, and would
have fallen into the water, had not Mr. Raikes seized
his outstretched hand. For a moment the result hung
in the balance ; then weight told ; the strain relaxed,
and Mr. Raikes fell flat on his back, pulling the
Frenchman on to the top of him. The rescuer at
once arose, with perfect gravity recovered his hat,
evaded a threatened embrace, and continued his
conversation as though nothing had happened.
Throughout the early part of 1873 he was In
constant correspondence with Mr. Thomas Collins,
upon the subject of denominational schools, in the
position and prospects of which both were deeply
interested. " Tom " Collins, as he was always called
by his intimate friends, was much attached to Mr.
Raikes, and always ready to render him uncom
promising support. The latter, in turn, both liked and
trusted him, although he derived some amusement,
at times, from his general oddity and frankly avowed
parsimony. This trait was amusingly Illustrated by
an incident which occurred at one of Mr. Collins's
elections, which he himself used to describe with much
gusto. On this particular occasion, some difficulty
arose with the crier, whom he had engaged to

86 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1873-
announce his meetings, on the question of remunera
tion. The bell-man stood out for certain terms, to
which Mr. Collins declined to accede, and the
conference ended In the former going off In a huff.
This was rather awkward, as time was getting short,
but "Tom," nothing daunted, took possession of the
dinner-bell out of the hall, and "cried" the meeting
himself quite in professional style, much to the delight
of the electors.
The proceedings in Parliament during this year,
1873, have already been referred to, and there is not
much In Mr. Raikes's platform utterances that calls
for comment, with the exception of his address from
the chair at the seventh annual meeting of the
National Union, held at Leeds in April. After
dealing with the position of the Union, he plainly in
dicated his confidence In the part which it was likely
to play in the future political history of the country, by
stating that there was nothing In his public life from
which he could hope to derive more satisfaction than
the part he had taken in founding the organization,
and that, if it were not presumptuous to say so, he
should continue to feel proud of having in any way
contributed to the formation of those bodies, which,
he was sure, " were destined to prove the foundation
of the strength of the Constitutional party In this
country." That he was justified In speaking thus hopefully,
was amply proved the following year, when the crucial
test came. No doubt, public opinion would have

I873-] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 87
driven Mr. Gladstone from power In any event, but
it is equally certain that the completeness ofhis defeat
was, in considerable measure, due to the work of the
organization which had grown into a power since the
1868 election; and this Mr. Disraeli was not slow to
recognize. Mention of the latter's name, recalls the fact that it
was in April of this year, 1873, that he delivered his
famous speech at the Free Trade Hall, Manchester.
In connection with this historical effort, I have heard
Mr. Raikes repeat a story which has never, I think,
found Its way into print, although It is sufficiently
credible to be true.
When Mr. Disraeli reached Manchester, almost his
first act was to Instruct a gentleman, who was in his
confidence, to purchase, if possible, three bottles of
white brandy. This task the messenger found great
difficulty In accomplishing. He hurried from one
wine-merchant to another. Some had never heard of
the liquor. None had any of it in stock. At last,
when almost in despair, he was told that If there was
any to be had In the city at all, it was likely to be
found In the cellars of a certain old gentleman, who
was a collector of rare and curious wines and spirits.
He hurried to the address indicated, and there found
what he was In search of The supply, however, was
limited to two bottles, and the proprietor at first
declared that nothing on earth would Induce him to
part with them. As a last resort, the messenger con
fided to him the reason why they were required. On

88 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1873.
this the old gentleman jumped up, and himself fetched
the two precious bottles, and sternly declining any
suggestion of payment, placed them in his hands.
But the strangest part of the story is yet to come.
The two bottles were duly conveyed to the hall, and
placed under the table ; and Mr. Disraeli gave his
friend strict injunctions to keep the tumbler which
stood upon It constantly replenished with brandy and
water In equal quantities, while he was speaking.
These Instructions were carefully carried out, but after
some little time had elapsed, Mr, Disraeli half turned,
and whispered, " Stronger ! make It stronger ! " This
he continued to repeat at intervals, until, towards the
close of his very lengthy address, the friend was
perforce driven into supplying him with the neat
spirit, which, owing to Its colour, was indistinguishable
from water by those sitting round. And, at the
conclusion of the speech, both bottles were empty !

i874.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES, 89

CHAPTER IX.
During the autumn of 1873, Mr. Raikes was constant
in his attendance at Chester, and when the appeal to
the constituencies was made on January 24, 1874, all
was in readiness there on the Conservative side.
The Hon. Norman Grosvenor, who had succeeded
his brother unopposed In 1869, did not again come
forward, and in consequence, no one directly connected
with the house of Eaton was in the field. It was,
however, generally supposed that Mr. Dodson (now
Lord Monk Bretton), who had occupied the Chair in
the previous Parliament, represented their interests ;
while Sir Thomas Frost, a local manufacturer, also
stood as a Liberal. The contest ended in the return
of Mr. Raikes and Mr. Dodson, the former at the
head of the poll.
The election produced few incidents of note, but
a report of one of Mr. Raikes's speeches, which he
forwarded to Sir William Harcourt, drew from the
latter an amusing reply : —
" Your speech was a very good one. I think you dealt
with me as Isaac Walton did with the frog, when he baited
him ' very tenderly.'
" Your definition of the difference between the parties is

90 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1874.
mighty neat. Do you see, Leatham describes the policy of
the gentlemen who desire to seize the increment of land, as
worthy only of 'pickpockets and philosophers.' Not so bad."
The active and prominent part taken by the senior
member for Chester In the House of Commons, and
on public platforms. In opposing the Radical propa
ganda, apart from his services as an organizer, had
marked him out for office whenever the party, In
which he was already looked upon as a rising poli
tician, should again come Into power. And In
February of this year he was nominated by Mr.
Disraeli to fill the honourable post of Chairman of
Ways and Means, and Deputy-Speaker of the House
of Commons. It was no secret that, at the time, he
would have preferred the comparatively humble posi
tion of an Under-Secretary of State, in which he
could have continued an active combatant in Parlia
mentary debate, to the more dignified but neutral
office, which had usually been filled by men of greater
age and longer Parliamentary standing.
But Mr. Disraeli had presumably already an inkling
of Mr. Raikes's special aptitude for controlling and
moderating the stormy passions of a popular assembly,
and those who remember how he met and baffled the
first audacious efforts ofthe Irish obstructionists, admit
that he possessed, In a high degree, the somewhat rare
qualities which should distinguish the Chairman of
Committees of the House of Commons.
Mr. Raikes himself was so fully convinced that
he could do better work in some other position, which

1 874-] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 9 1
would, at the same time, give greater scope to his
political ambitions, that he made several efforts to
obtain the option of a more active if less Important
post. His friends, however, advised him not to reject
the offer lightly, and he finally decided to take the
position offered him, though very reluctantly.
When it became known that Mr. Raikes had
accepted the appointment, letters of congratulation
poured in in great numbers ; but he derived little
satisfaction from these, since. In spite of his decision,
he remained convinced that he would not be a success
as Chairman. On March 21, 1874, Mr. Disraeli moved that Mr.
Raikes should take the Chair on the House going into
Committee of Supply, and the motion was agreed to
unanimously. Mr. Raikes retained his post for six years, and, to
quote from the Times of August 25, 1891 —
" It is pretty generally admitted that he discharged the
duties of that office with firmness, courtesy, and discretion.
... A Chairman must be an autocrat in some measure, and
the qualities which have occasionally drawn censure upon Mr.
Raikes during the tenure ofhis later office insured him success
in tbe earlier."
The Daily News of the same date said —
" He (Mr. Raikes) was firm and steadfast in his rulings.
He was independent in his conduct, and pointedly refused to
adopt Mr. Disraeli's suggestion that Secretaries of State
should be called Mr. Secretary Cross, or Mr. Secretary
Hardy, founding himself, as he said, in preference ' upon the
precept and example of Mr. Speaker.' "

92 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1874.
Mr. Disraeli's wishes upon the point, it may be
mentioned, were conveyed to him by a message in
pencil, written upon a tiny scrap of paper, and signed
"D." In spite of his private misgivings, there is little
reason to doubt that Mr. Raikes was well suited to,
and by his new duties. His health, certainly, suffered
at times under the strain of the long hours, which
prematurely whitened his hair ; and the feeling that
he had " shelved " himself occasionally caused him to
despond. But, in the main, he found his work inte
resting, and he took great pride in doing it well, and
in earning the respect and approval of both sides of
the House.
Although, for obvious reasons, I do not propose to
enter into domestic details In these pages, I may here
quote a portion ofa letter of a purely private character
written by Mr. Raikes about this time. It was sent
to his eldest son, Henry, who had just left home for
school for the first time, and few boys, entering upon
the battle of life, have received more tender, and
withal, more practical advice. This is not my reason
for inserting It. My intention Is rather to give a
glimpse into the intensely sympathetic and religious
side of Mr. Raikes's character, some knowledge of
which is essential in forming a judgment upon the
whole. His tenderness of disposition was only
realized by those brought into actual contact with
him, and any estimate of his character founded merely
upon the published records of his career would,

I874-J HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 93
without an occasional sidelight of this description,
be necessarily imperfect.
" There is much I ought to have said to you, and wish I
had been able to say. But if you will bear in mind always
what I hope you have learned already — to remember your
God who loves you, and your father and mother and sisters
who are always thinking of you ; to obey and to speak the
truth ; to be good-humoured and to try to be interested in
what interests your friends and companions, we shall hope
that you will be happy in your new life, and will lay the
foundation of much happiness for all of us in time to come.
" You will find many things you think hard — we all do ;
make it your object to think little of them, and you will get
over them."
In the autumn Mr. Raikes took some of his family
to the continent, and after visiting Brussels, journeyed
through Rhineland. He gave several interesting
glimpses of this tour in his letters to his mother.
Writing from Nuremburg on September 20, he drew
a realistic picture of its beauties : —
" I wandered back into the old castle and on to the
ramparts by starlight, and was able to contrast their aspect
by night with the brilliant picture by day. You must
imagine huge gabled houses of every form, with every variety
of fantastic oriel, high-peaked dormer-window, and quaint
turret, alternating with church portals of almost lace-work
elaboration, a rushing river crossed by many an ancient
covered bridge, perfect walls flanked by innumerable grim
old towers, and the moat below, one mass of garden and
greenery — and all this quite real, with real people living in
the houses, and real soldiers patrolling the streets, and the
busy hum of real life convincing one that the scene is actual
and not theatrical^ — all this crowned by the bluest of skies

94 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1874.
contrasting with the garish red of tbe tiled roofs, and you
have the faintest notion of the place."
Before returning home, Mr. Raikes bent his steps
once more to his beloved Italy, and revisited Naples
and Rome amongst other places. Ravenna exercised
a curious fascination over him, and he writes of it at
length : —
" I am bound to say that, although nearly a fortnight's
change of scene has, in no small degree, tended to shake off
the singular spell of tbat weird city, I must still look back on
our stay there as one of the most interesting experiences of
my life, and as being something quite unique among all the
associations of travelling which I have gathered together. I
cannot now say what it is. The town is almost ruinous,
and quite desolate. The dreary streets are almost entirely
deserted. There are no beggars to speak of. There are no
shops, no hotels, only one small piazza, to which it is almost
impossible to make one's way through the tortuous labyrinth
of lonely lanes and grass-grown courts. The few inhabitants
who have escaped being murdered by the Secret Society,
appear to be chiefly guides and assassins, sometimes, perhaps,
both. " But the churches, which outside look like tumble-down
old barns, are all glorious within — like the king's daughter —
their clothing is of wrought gold. From floor to ceiling they
are walled with the most magnificent mosaics in all the
colours of the rainbow, as fresh as when they were put up
by Christian emperors and empresses twelve to fourteen
hundred years ago. . . . But the most fantastic thing of all
was our drive on Sunday afternoon out through the broken
walls, by the utterly deserted plain, to the great cathedral of
St. Appolinace, in Classe, which has survived by some fifteen
hundred years the city of which it was the centre, about four
miles from Ravenna. More splendid mosaics, columns of

I874-] HENRY CECIL RAIKES, 95
priceless marble, a ruinous old campanile, a solitary farm
house tenanted by one solitary and decrepit labourer ; no
congregation, no habitation, no living creature in sight. And
then a drive of two miles more, and we cross a sluggish river,
and are in the celebrated Pine Forest — and such a forest of
romance : tbe velvet turf, the endless glades, the noiseless
woodland paths, the sweet trees, the blue sky and boundless
sunshine, all on the way as it seemed from nowhere to
nowhere — it appeared the ante-room to fairyland ; and we
ran races with tbe children, and wished to stop there for ever.
There were striped spiders running about as big as mice, that
must have been familiars of the Lady Abracadabra, and
hairy caterpillars (one of which T  put into his pocket, as
he said he wished to take it home and give it some tea) at
least five inches long.
" However, we had to come away just at the hour of
Byron's ' Ave Maria,' and as we turned our backs on the forest,
the vast plain was beginning to exhale a climbing mist,
through which the sallow sun was hardly seen to set before
we strained our eyes to catch the crumbling towers of
Ravenna. Really, one could quite grasp Campbell's idea of
the Last Man— ' The sun's eye had a sickly glare.
The Earth with age was wan.
The skeletons of ages were
Around that lonely man.'
We quite felt that if we had stopped there longer we
should have been bewitched."
The little party got back to England at the begin
ning of December, their return being, perhaps, hastened
by the rumour that Mr. Disraeli was seriously 111.
The work entailed by Mr. Raikes's new office
compelled him, in the course of the year, to relinquish
more than one of the public positions which he had

96 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1875.
held up to that time. Amongst these was the
Presidency of the Church Defence Institution, in
which, at his earnest request, he was succeeded, in
1875, by Mr. (now Lord) Egerton of Tatton, a
selection which insured the continuity of that active
policy which has become more marked in every
succeeding year.
In June, 1875, he also, with much reluctance,
decided to resign the Chair of the Council of the
National Union, greatly to the regret of its members,
who, on the 23rd of the month, passed the following
resolution : —
" That the Council have received with deep regret the
resignation of their highly valued Chairman, Mr. Raikes, and
while feeling that it is for him to decide on the course which
the high public position he so worthily fills calls for at his
hands, they cannot refrain from expressing their sense of the
loss which the Union will sustain in the withdrawal of one
who has, for eight years, presided over their deliberations with
ability and courtesy, and whose exertions in the cause have
done so much to insure its success."

I875-] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 97

CHAPTER X.
In May, 1875, it was decided, in recognition of the
Increased work thrown upon the Chairman of Com
mittees, to raise the salary ofthe office from ;!^i500 to
^2500 per annum, and on the 23rd of that month, Mr.
Raikes wrote to his mother —
" I have felt balf afraid that you have thought me rather
scant of thanks for your kind congratulations on my pro
spective increase of official income, seeing that my letter of
announcement crossed yours of congratulation. But you
know how frightfully hard pressed I am at this time of year
to find the necessary hours for sleep and food, and how
entirely without a margin of leisure I am, now that I have
entailed upon myself a new master, in the shape of a horse
that must be ' taken out ' every day for an hour or more,
whether his slave desires it or not."
From this time forward Mr. Raikes commenced to
ride regularly, and derived the greatest benefit from
the exercise. In spite of his fine physique, he was
never really strong, and his long tour abroad the
previous year had been taken mainly with a view to
shaking off the effects ofthe Session. With the same
object In view, he visited Belgium for a few days
at Whitsuntide ; but although he continued to go
abroad at Intervals, from this time forth he depended
mainly upon his daily ride to keep his mental and
7

98 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1875.
bodily powers in order. He added in the same letter
of May 23 —
" Mr. Disraeli's suppressed gout, which is now the polite
equivalent for unsuppressed ill-temper, compelled us to come
back on Wednesday, as I could not be sure of getting to the
House in time on Thursday. And now I can hardly believe
that last Sunday we attended high mass at Antwerp."
His increased salary was not, however, actually
voted until nearly the close of the Session.
It was either towards the close of 1874, or at the
beginning of 1875, that the St. Stephen's Club, the
early history of which has already been alluded to,
threw open its doors ; and In February Mr. Raikes
mentioned In a letter that, on the whole, it was doing
" very well."
In February, too, he was appointed a governor
of his old school, Shrewsbury, in succession to the
late Sir G. Osborne Morgan, upon the nomination of
Lord Cockburn. But he did not retain his position
for long. From the first, Mr. Raikes was bitterly opposed
to the removal of the school from its old site, which
was endeared to him by many tender recollections.
The proposal took shape In 1873, and in company
with Mr. Tudor and other old Salopians, he
offered uncompromising resistance to the project.
In consequence of their opposition, what was known
as the Colon Hill site was abandoned, and a more
suitable one at Kingsland selected. But Mr. Raikes
was entirely against removal at all, and possibly his

i87S.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 99
desire to become a governor was prompted, to some
extent, by the belief that, in that position, he might
be able to avert what he regarded as a calamity.
If so, his hopes were doomed to disappointment.
The die was practically cast at the time of his nomina
tion, and not many months later, when it became
manifest that utilitarian considerations must triumph
over sentimental ones, he resigned his seat. To the
end, he maintained an attitude of Indifference to " the
new school at Kingsland," and would send none of
his sons to It.
Neither the city of his birth nor his University,
devoted as he was to both, held quite so deep a place
In his heart as his old school ; and constant in his
affections and uncompromising In his feuds as he was,
there is little room for wonder at his action on this
particular occasion.
On April 17, 1875, Mr. Raikes shared the almost
Inevitable fate of all public men, and was caricatured
in Vanity Fair, The portrait Is not one of Pellegrini's
happiest efforts, although he makes the most of his
subject's unusual height, and represents the table of
the House of Commons, at which he is standing,
as reaching barely to his knees. The slight sketch of
his career by "Jehu Junior" which accompanied it
concluded — ¦
" In this post (the Chairmanship) he has risen to a height
seldom attained, and has performed his duties very con
scientiously, and with a discretion the more remarked on
account of what, in these days, would be called his youth.

lOO THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1875.
For he is a serious man by nature, notwithstanding which,
he is popular as well as successful. He is Chairman of the
Church Defence Institution, but has no other weaknesses,
except a taste for writing poetry, which is only redeemed by
the fact that he never publishes it."
In the course of the same month, Mr. Raikes
suffered a severe personal loss by the sudden death
of his brilliant friend, Mr. Arthur Holmes. The
news came quite unexpectedly, for only a few days
previously Mr. Raikes had received a letter from him
full of his (Mr. Raikes's) prospects at Cambridge,
and the certainty of his being selected as candidate in
case of a vacancy.
It happened that in June a picture of Lord Lynd
hurst (Mr. Disraeli's earliest patron) was advertised
for sale, and Mr. Raikes, on hearing that the Premier
had expressed a desire to obtain possession of it,
conceived the idea of getting a few Conservative
M.P.'s to subscribe the amount necessary to purchase
it, and of presenting it to him. The plan was voted
a happy one, and the funds required having been
guaranteed by twenty-four members, Mr. Raikes was
deputed to attend the sale and make the purchase.
On arrival at the auction - room, he met Mr.
Montagu Corry, and learnt from him that he had been
Instructed by his Chief to buy the picture, and was
present for that purpose. Mr. Raikes hastily ex
plained his mission, and asked that he might be
allowed to carry it out. To this Mr. Corry gladly
assented, and the two entered the sale-room together.

i875.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. lOI
only to find, much to their chagrin, that the picture
had been knocked down, a few minutes before, for
a comparatively trifling sum — about ^40, I think.
Mr. Raikes, with a view to discovering the
purchaser, sought out the eminent salesman who was
conducting the proceedings, and after explaining the
circumstances, begged him to assist him In obtaining
the picture, for which he was empowered to give
a handsome figure, if necessary.
Mr.  was much Interested. He would do all
he could in the matter. He knew the purchaser well.
He was an old customer of his, a great admirer of
Mr. Disraeli, and a man of some importance In the
W^est of England. He was quite sure that when he
heard what was in contemplation he would surrender
his bargain with the utmost readiness.
Somewhat consoled, Mr. Raikes took his departure.
A few days later he received a most sympathetic
letter from the auctioneer. That gentleman was really
mortified to have to say that he had proved quite
mistaken in his estimate of his customer's character.
The latter had proved obdurate, and In spite of all
possible persuasion, declined to pass on his bargain
except at a most exorbitant profit. He had special
reasons for valuing the picture, and really did not
feel justified in parting with It for less than ^250, or
thereabouts — I am not certain of the exact figure.
A consultation among the subscribers resulted in
a decision to pay the sum demanded, and eventually
the presentation was duly made.

I02 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1875.
Mr. Disraeli was very deeply gratified. The
picture itself recalled many pleasant reminiscences ;
the artist, D'Orsay, in days gone by had been one of
his boon companions, and the partner In many a scene
of festivity and frolic ; whilst amongst the subscribers
were a number of his most devoted personal followers.
A few months later Mr. Raikes, to his surprise
and amusement, received a letter from Mr.  ,
which, in effect, ran — I am writing from memory —
" An American gentleman, who has visited Europe with
the express purpose of buying the Lyndhurst picture, came
to see me about it the other day. As you were the buyer,
I have referred him to you, and / trnst that you, -will make as
good a profit out of yojir purchase as I did."
This last sentence was, under the circumstances,
somewhat enigmatical, but the probable solution was
not long in offering Itself.
Mr. Raikes used to laugh heartily over the incident
In later years. " To think that  was such an old
humbug," he used to say. " It never occurred to me
that he In the least doubted the truth of my explana
tion of my desire to buy the picture ; but his letter
plainly shows, not only that he did not believe one
word of my story, but also that the picture was
originally knocked down to him. As a reply to my
supposed attempt to work upon his feelings, he
promptly invented a mythical purchaser, and under
the cloak of disinterestedness, drove an admirable
bargain for himself But the really delightful feature
of his proceedings was his cool cynicism in showing

IS75-J HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 103
his hand when, from his point of view, there existed
no further necessity for concealment."
In the autumn Mr. and Mrs. Raikes went for a
tour in Scotland, and the former, in one of his letters,
put Into words an idea which must often have occurred
to other travellers in that country —
" Our experience in Scotland," he said, " is that you meet
all the nice people in the trains, and all the brutes at the
hotels." Amongst other places, they stayed at Balllklnrain
Castle, the huge pile erected by the late Sir Archibald
Orr Ewing, Bart, M.P., an eminent and wealthy Scotch
manufacturer. The latter then, or during a subsequent
visit, told him the following characteristic story : —
When the building operations at Balllklnrain were
approaching completion. Sir Archy invited an old re
tainer, who had known him from boyhood, to inspect
the premises, and personally conducted him over them.
The old gentleman was a man of few words, and the
only comment which could be wrung from him was,
" Indeed it's big." " Well," said Sir Archy, finally,
" what do you think } Lady Orr Ewing says it is not
big enough."
This monstrous suggestion completely overpowered
the faithful servitor's natural feelings of respect, and
sharply ejaculating, " The dommed hussy ! " he turned
on his heel and took his departure without other word,
good or bad.
Towards the end of October an appeal for advice

I04 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1875-
and assistance was made to Mr. Raikes by a gentle
man who has since played no unimportant part on the
political and judicial stage. Mr. Hardinge Giffard
(now Lord Halsbury), perhaps the most brilliant and
successful criminal advocate of his day, in spite of his
services to the party and the obligations he had laid
them under by his heavy pecuniary sacrifices, was at
this time without a seat in the House of Commons,
and with scant prospect of obtaining one.
In this emergency he turned to Mr. Raikes. "A
crisis," he explained, "sometimes comes in men's lives,
when they must move on or move back, and I think
it has just now come to me."
It is unnecessary to enter into any detailed account
of Mr. Raikes's exertions on his friend's behalf. It is
sufficient to say that he did all that lay in his power,
and, although for the time unsuccessful in finding Mr.
Giffard a seat, he had the satisfaction of seeing his
abilities and services almost immediately recognized
by the offer of the Solicitor-Generalship. Had Sir
J. Holker been willing to remain Solicitor-General, it
Is probable, judging from a letter In my possession,
in which it Is stated that " such an arrangement
would obviate some difficulties," that Mr. Giffard's
merits would have received even more distinguished
recognition, and that he would have succeeded Sir R.
Baggallay as Attorney-General.
The formal appointment was not made until
November 25, but on the 17th of that month Mr.
Giffard wrote —

1875-76.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 105
" Everybody seems to know what ought, I believe, to be
private and confidential, but I myself have kept it so. Mean
while, let me thank you most heartily for your kind and most
efficient aid both in advice and actual influence. I think to
your advice — indeed, I am sure— I owe the opportunity of
getting a seat.''
It was not, however, until 1877 that Sir Hardinge
Giffard (as he then was) succeeded in effecting an
entry into the House. On March 3 in that year he
was duly elected for Launceston, and on the 4th he
wrote to remind Mr. Raikes of his promise to act as
one of his sponsors.
"You remember that you have promised to introduce me.
. . . As I dare not leave this on Sunday (Sabbath Closing
Bill !), I cannot be in time to take my seat to-morrow night."
Mr. Raikes took the keenest pleasure in the sub
sequent successes of his friend, and the fact that he
was so closely Identified with the course taken by
Lord Halsbury when the latter stood, as he supposed,
and probably with truth, at the dividing of the ways,
may, I trust, be considered a sufficient apology for the
Introduction of this instructive incident.
On January 9, 1876, Mr. Raikes paid a visit to
Chester, and addressed a large meeting of his con
stituents. His speech was in the main a practically
dispassionate summary of the work of the session.
In the course of it he gave a curious illustration
of the marvellous patience the House had displayed
in dealing with the various difficult and perplexing
questions and matters of detail which arose under

I06 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1S76.
the Agricultural Holdings Act which deserves
reproduction. "A gentleman rose, I think four times one night in
Committee, and catching my eye, said, ' Mr. Raikes, I beg to
move that the word "teasles" be here inserted.' The House
of Commons was so anxious to hear what he had to say that
I don't think anybody laughed, although that was the fifth
night we had spent on the Bill."
The same incident was celebrated in verse by,
I believe. Sir Wilfrid Lawson. In the main this
particular effusion was confined to a description of the
abandonment ofthe Merchant Shipping Bill, and Mr.
Pllmsoll's conduct on that occasion, but the following
six lines bear upon the point mentioned : —
" This * proved for the time of the tumult a cure,
And we all settled down to discussing manure,
With the wisdom of owls, and the sharpness of weasels,
Attending to Acland's discussion on Teasles ;
Who in the debate all day bore the brunt
With that eminent farmer, dear old Mother Hunt."
It may be mentioned. In justice to the Minister for
Education in the last Parliament, that he was not the
hero of this episode.
Mr. Raikes's duties In the Chair prevented him
from taking any very active part in debate in the
Session of 1876, but it may be noted that he once
voted against the Government. The occasion was
the Second Reading of the Prisons Bill, Introduced by
Mr. Cross. It was not regarded as a party measure
by a section of the House ; indeed, the minority was
* Mr. PlimsoU's withdrawal.

1876.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 107
SO diversified in Its character that an analysis of the
list of those taking part in the division was published
under the head of " Curiosities of Voting." Chester,
nevertheless, resented this display of independence
on the part of her senior member, and lectured him
severely In the local press, and I am not at all certain
that his action on this occasion was not responsible for
the first little rift in the Conservative party In the old
city, although Its existence was hardly suspected for
some years.
In June Mr. Raikes was brought into close contact
with Lord Redesdale. On the motion of the former,
a Select Committee of five members was appointed
to join a committee of five lords for the purpose
of considering the question of the admission and
practice of Parliamentary agents. Mr. Raikes and
Mr. Dodson were two of the members selected to
serve, and the amalgamated committees were presided
over by Lord Redesdale.
The latter presented his report in July, and with
it Mr. Raikes was in hearty accord. The main
suggestions contained in it were to the effect that
the authorities should have power to frame rules to
suspend incompetent agents ; that admission should
be by examination, and that agents should be inter
dicted from dividing costs with the solicitors who
employed them,
Mr. Raikes's relations with Lord Redesdale were
always of a most cordial character, and when the
former lost his seat in 1880 the latter wrote —

I08 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1876.
" I cannot say how much I regret the result of your elec
tion contest, and the loss I consider the House of Commons
has sustained thereby. It will not be easy for them to find
any one with whom I shall be able to work with equal
satisfaction." In the latter half of July the Speaker was taken ill,
and on the 21st Mr. Raikes, as Deputy-Speaker, was
called upon in that capacity for the first time. He
thus recorded the incident in a letter written to his
son Henry, and headed, " From the Chair:" —
" I must begin my letter to you from this place, where I
am sitting for the first time as Speaker (and where no other
Tory has sat for forty years), although I can hardly find an
opportunity to finish it to-night, as I think you may like to
have it to keep afterwards."
In March of this year (1876) Mr. Raikes rented
Watton House, Herts, from the late Mr. Abel Smith,
M.P. It was situated within easy run of London, and
he was in consequence able, as a rule, to spend his
Sundays in the country. He was at this time rather
anxious about his sight, and had taken to wearing grey
spectacles when in the Chair, in order to mitigate the
effect of the gaslight. His opportunities of enjoying
the fresh country air enabled him, however, to dis
continue this practice after a few months' discomfort,
and he was never attacked by this form of weakness
again. The Session over, Mr. Raikes retired to Watton,
and there his fourth son, Thomas Algernon, was born
in August. Sir Henry Wolff thus quaintly felicitated
him on the event : —

1876.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 109
" Many congratulations on the accession. There is no
chance of your being ashamed at the Gate any more than in
the Chair, for, wherever you are, and in whatever capacity
you appear, you are always reporting progress."
There was some very fair shooting attached to
Mr. Raikes's new abode, and though he himself took
no active part as a sportsman, he was very fond of
walking with the guns, and displayed much Interest in
the proceedings. He filled the house this year for the
first week In September, and took the field with his
guests each shooting-day ; but in the course of the
second week business called him abroad, and seizing
the opportunity of a visit to Austria, he remained
away about a month. However, judging from a letter
written by him on October 7, the expedition was not
a great success. In it he says —
" My tour has been a very melancholy operation, so far as
I have been concerned at the moment, as I was far from
well nearly all the time, and had nobody to inflict myself
upon. But I have seen several places which I greatly wanted
to see, and which I think I may remember with more pleasure
than I experienced in seeing them."
On October 24 he attended the Diocesan Con
ference at Chester, and read a paper upon the
" Reunion of Christians In Its Home Aspect," and the
following day went on to Manchester in order to
attend the annual meeting of the National Union.
He was asked to preside over the Council's delibera
tions by the Marquis of Hamilton, but thought it
better, in view of his position as Chairman, to decline
the invitation.

IIO THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1876.
It was in this year that Mr. Raikes inaugurated a
small measure of turf reform. It had long been
customary for the members representing Chester to
subscribe jointly a sum of money to be run for at the
annual races under the name of the Members' Plate,
and it was in connection with this race that he took
action. In spite of his predilection for riding, Mr.
Raikes was in no sense a " horsey " man, and his
acquaintance with racing was rather of a theoretical
than a practical nature. But this, naturally, did not
prevent him from holding certain views on the sub
ject, the soundness of which many would be found to
endorse nowadays. Taking as his starting-point the
fact that the raison-d' Sire of racing is to Improve the
breed of horses, he argued that the running of young
horses off their legs at two years old was on the face
of It absurd. He was also of opinion that the minimum
weight carried was far too low, and encouraged owners
to keep bad horses in training ; while, as a practical
test, he regarded short distance scurries as of the very
smallest value.
The conditions under which the Members' Plate
was run did not accord with his views, and accordingly
he announced that unless they could be satisfactorily
amended he would have to consider the question of
discontinuing his subscription.
The proceedings had at times resulted in a walk
over, and consequently his first stipulation was that
there should be no race unless three horses came to the
post. He further proposed that two-year-olds should

1S76.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. Ill
be excluded from the stakes, that the course should be
lengthened, and that the minimum weight should
be raised. He was, I think, successful in carrying all
these points.
In spite of his limited knowledge, Mr. Raikes
always took much interest in the great races of the
year, and was fond, in spare moments, of devising
appropriate appellations for prominent equine per
formers whose owners had neglected to bestow a
name upon them. The victory of a stupidly or
clumsily named horse in any big race always aroused
in him some small degree of irritation.

112 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1877.

CHAPTER XI.
In January, 1877, Mr. Raikes paid his annual visit to
Chester, in order to fulfil a round of engagements and
to address his constituents. The proceedings at his
big meeting were hardly as orderly as usual ; but, in
spite of a considerable amount of interruption, he
managed to keep his audience fairly in hand, and by
an act of simple and unpremeditated courtesy suc
ceeded in silencing the malcontents. During the
meeting a young man, who had taken an active part
in fomenting disturbance, succeeded in forcing his way
on to the platform. He was promptly pushed off, and
fell heavily upon the reporter's table, amid consider
able merriment. In this Mr. Raikes did not join, and
jumping from his chair, took the man by the hand and
assisted him to his feet. At the same time he ex
pressed his regret that any one, whatever his conduct
might have been, should have been so summarily
dealt with at one of his meetings. This act of kind
ness to a rude and disorderly opponent was highly
appreciated, and the member was enthusiastically
cheered. In the course of the same month he delivered an
inaugural address to the members of the newly formed

i877-] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. I 13
Conservative Association at Oswestry, Mr. Stanley
Leighton, with whom he was subsequently closely
associated in Church Defence work, occupying the
chair. He also, on January 22, attended a great
meeting at Liverpool, at which Sir Stafford Northcote
(the late Lord Iddesleigh) was the principal speaker.
During the early part of the Session his work was
not of a stirring nature.
On March 4 he wrote to his mother —
" I have been speaking twice this afternoon on the excit
ing subjects of Parochial Charities and Steam Tramways — ' to
such base uses may we come' — but I am glad to have got
them over, as I am sufficiently my father's son to be always
anxious about anything for which I am responsible."
In April he was hotly assailed by correspondents
in all parts of the country on the subject of the new
Standing Order It was proposed to move, by which
existing gas companies were to be compelled to offer
any additional capital which they might desire to raise,
by public auction or tender. The object of the clause
was that any surplus profits, beyond the sum neces
sary to pay dividends up to ten per cent, for each year
of the company's existence, and to create a reserve
fund equal to one-tenth of the capital, should go in
reduction of the price of gas.
This restriction in favour of the consumer, was
stoutly resisted by many of those interested financially
in the companies, but without effect.
But, generally speaking, public attention, at this
time, was concentrated on affairs in the East, and little
8

114 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1877.
interest was taken in the routine proceedings of
Parliament which were not of an enlivening nature.
On June 24 Mr. Raikes evidently thought that
the Session might possibly be wound up at an early
date, for he wrote — " We have so little chance of
doing anything in the House of Commons, that the
sooner we vote the necessary supplies and escape the
better." But in speaking of " escape " he had reckoned
without the Irish members. These gentlemen had
given a good deal of trouble during the Session, and
in July they began to obstruct the business of the
House in earnest. Mr. Raikes, personally, had a very
hard month of It, for in those days, long before the
Introduction of the twelve o'clock rule, the length of a
sitting was often only governed by the capacity for
endurance possessed by those taking part In the
debate. His letters, at this time, contain constant references
to the Irish members whom he had to thank for many
a sleepless night. As a rule, they treated the Chair
man with courtesy, and apparently nourished no
feelings of ill-will towards him. In spite of his firm
hand. The first to break bounds seriously in this
respect, was Mr. Callan, who, on July 30, during the
Committee stage of the South Africa Bill, made an
attack upon the Chairman on his calling Mr. Courtney
to order. The Standard thus describes the incident : —
" Mr. Callan said the Chairman's ruling was an insult to
the common sense of the House. An uproar ensued, and Mr.

1877-] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. II 5
Callan said his remarks were meant to apply, not to the
Chairman, but to hon. members on the Ministerial benches.
Amid great excitement, several hon. members stated that they
understood the remarks as directed against the Chairman,
who declared that unless tbe words were withdrawn he could
not continue to conduct the deliberations of the Committee.
Mr. Callan repeated that his words did not apply to the
Chairman, and finally his disavowal of them was accepted."
Mr. Raikes, however, felt strongly that If the
matter was allowed to rest there, his authority would
be seriously undermined. He accordingly made
representations to Sir Stafford Northcote, the leader
of the House, who, no doubt, had reason for anxiety
as to the progress of business. In view of the organized
obstruction with which he found himself face to face,
and evidently feared that If the question was raised
again It might lead to further difficulties, for In a note,
dated July 31, he replied —
"Dear Raikes,
" I have your note, and can only say that you must,
of course, do as you think right about bringing yesterday's
incident again before the House. I trust, however, that you
will allow me to express my opinion that the matter is not
one to demand further notice, as I cannot think that the
disorderly conduct of a member of the calibre of Mr. Callan
can really in any way affect your authority, which the whole
House is anxious to sustain, and I may add, resolved on
sustaining. " Yours faithfully,
" Stafford H. Northcote."
The position, generally, was one of peculiar difficulty.
The Government (and in this they were supported by

II 6 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1877-
the whole of the House except the followers of Mr.
Parnell) had determined to conclude the Committee
stage of the South Africa Bill in the course of the
sitting, which commenced on July 31. On the other
hand, the little knot of Irish Obstructives were equally
resolved to exhaust the forms of the House in a
desperate resistance. Preparations for the encounter
were duly made on both sides, and Sir Stafford
Northcote sent a second letter, dated July 31, to warn
the Chairman to be in readiness for emergencies. It
ran — " My dear Raikes,
" Looking to what is before us to-night, and to the
possibility of our not only having to sit through the night,
but even to go on with the bill through the morning, I wish
you to consider what arrangements you can make for your
own relief My own idea is that, when you suspend the
sitting at nine to get some refreshment, some one else should
immediately take your seat and carry on the Committee till
(say) two o'clock, or such other hour as you and he could
agree on. Do you think Dodson would be disposed to help
you } It would be a great coup if you could get him.
"Yours very faithfully,
"Stafford H. Northcote."
In the event, the writer's anticipations of trouble
were literally fulfilled, for the debate which commenced
on Tuesday, July 31, did not terminate till two o'clock
in the afternoon of Wednesday, August i. During
the whole of this time, Mr. Raikes never left the
precincts of the House, and although relieved at

1 877- J HENRY CECIL RAIKES. II7
intervals by other members, spent the greater portion
of it in the Chair.
An interesting account of the proceedings is given
in the Daily Telegraph, August 2, 1877, and the
following narrative is very largely drawn from It : —
" Tuesday night will be memorable in the history of the
House of Commons as having been productive of a series of
' sensation scenes,' the like of which has not occurred, at least,
since the time of the Long Parliament.
" Shortly before four o'clock the Speaker took the Chair,
and then, for twenty-six hours, the House was almost solely
taken up with the altogether unparalleled struggle forced
upon it by the little knot of Irish members, known as the
'Obstructives,' butwho strenuously deny 'the soft impeach
ment,' and claim to be regarded as most careful and con
siderate promoters of Parliamentary industry and efficiency."
As soon as the Orders of the day had been gone
through, and on the South Africa Bill being reached,
Mr. O'Donnell moved to report progress. He was
followed by Mr. Parnell, and at his heels came Mr.
Knatchbull-Hugessen, rising to a point of order.
" Very gently the Chairman suggested that it was for
the hon. member to be guided by his sense of propriety
as to the nature of the arguments he would employ."
At this point Sir William Harcourt joined in the
fray, and a spirited encounter between him and Mr.
Parnell ensued. In which the Irishman received severe
castlgation. So far, little progress had been made, and Sir
Stafford Northcote's earnest request to the House
to eo on with the Bill was of small avail, for the

Il8 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1877.
Obstructives Insisted on a couple of divisions, figuring
In the first as 3 to 149, and in the second as 2 to 134.
Government and Opposition were, however, alike
in earnest. They meant the Bill to pass, whether the
Irishmen wished it or not, and in order to utilize
profitably their superior numbers, a system of relays
was arranged. But the Obstructives were only just
getting into their stride. They Insisted on discussing
every clause and line of the Bill ; personal Invective
was Indulged in freely, and points of order were
raised continuously.
" In this exciting fashion the night wore on, and hon.
members on both sides wore themselves out. The relays
were organized. As he had pledged himself to do, Mr. W. E.
Forster held his place, as did Sir William Harcourt. . . . Mr.
Raikes, Mr. Childers, Mr. W. H. Smith, and Sir H. Selwin
Ibbetson acted by turns as chairman. And the seven ? Mr.
Parnell and Mr. O'Connor Power held out till seven o'clock
tbis morning. . . . Mr. Biggar took a nap on two chairs in the
library of the House between six and eight o'clock, Mr. Gray
having arranged to keep the ball rolling while his friends were
sleeping." The Government relay who had left the House at
eleven the previous evening, returned about seven
o'clock on Wednesday morning, and soon after that
time many of those who had been up all night took
their departure. Three ladies remained in the Ladies'
Gallery all through the night, one of these being Mrs.
Cavendish Bentinck, another the sister-in-law of Mr.
Parnell. Between nine and ten o'clock on Wednesday

i877.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. II9
morning the fight once more became fast and furious,
and Mr. Parnell announced that he was far from
regarding the contest as hopeless, since he had a relay
coming over from Ireland in the mail steamer.
To cut a long story short, the struggle was main
tained until after two o'clock on the Wednesday
afternoon, when the schedule of the Bill was passed,
and a few minutes later the Bill was also formally
passed, and ordered to be reported to the House.
" After that the Speaker came into the House, and the
remainder of Tuesday's work proper was gone through ; Mr.
Parnell and the other six taking it up with ready hands. But
the great fight was over, and only its memory, which will long
be held green, was left to those who had borne the brunt of it
for six-and-twenty mortal hours.
" It was observed that the floor of the House was marked
with traces of the ended battle, showing unwonted litter from
the fact that it had been denied its customary daily sweeping.
"At twelve o'clock the chaplain had, according to rule,
entered to say prayers ; but to his surprise, found that his
ministration of the preceding day sufficed. Towards the close
of the sitting. Lord Beaconsfield entered the Peers' Gallery."
On August 9 Mr. Raikes alluded briefly to the
" famous long sitting," In a letter to his mother, which
begins —
" A discursive discussion on the Appropriation Bill, which
began with the Khan of Khelat, and is now tending through
Merchant Shipping towards Scotch turnpikes (it is true,
though it sounds Bedlamish), leaves me, I hope, sufficient
time to answer your last two letters. One of them, especially,
I know came to me with a sweet home flavour, when I was
first left disconsolate in London, and on some morning when
I had got no letter from Watton. . . . You will have seen the

I20 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1877.
history of our famous long sitting, when we began in July and
ended in August, and when we really did put down the Irish
rebels at least for this Session. It will have to be done again,
doubtless, and at the sacrifice of more time and temper, but
for the moment I am glad to think that the Saxon has risen
' unwounded from the dreadful close, though breathless all.'
"By the way, you will be amused (though I think it no
laughing matter) by the epigram on the Strand bookseller,*
who has been selected to administer the British Navy on the
verge of an European war.
" ' A paper fleet is this of ours.
If all they say be true ;
Let's hope the fleets of other Powers
Are stationary too.'
"It will be a comfort to get away from a humiliated
Parliament, and a discredited Ministry, to the more ennobling
society of my bairns by the Norfolk sea. I spent last Sunday
with them at Hunstanton, much to my own benefit, and I
have great hopes of getting away on Saturday evening for
good and all."
At Hunstanton he succeeded, for the time, in
banishing from his mind the cares and worries of
political life, and threw himself with zest into the
simple pleasures of the place, in which he took quite
as much enjoyment as the youngest member of his
family. Mr. Raikes, tolerant as he was in his religious
views, held strong opinions upon the practice of
Confession, which, at this time, was on the Increase
amongst a certain section of Churchmen, and cordially
approved of the action of the two Houses of Convoca
tion in considering and confirming this year certain
* Mr. W. H. Smith succeeded Mr. Ward Hunt as First Lord of the
Admiralty.

i877.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 121
resolutions on Confession originally passed in July,
1873. Their effect, it may be mentioned, was to
limit the practice to two exceptional cases, for which
special provision was made.
It occurred to Mr. Raikes, and a few others, that
it would strengthen the hands of the Church if a
certain number of influential laymen were to express
their concurrence in the views laid down by Con
vocation. He, therefore, prepared a circular letter
adopting the resolutions, which was signed by thirty-
eight members of Parliament ; and in the course of
September he forwarded copies of it to the Arch
bishops and Bishops. Amongst the signatories
appeared the names of A. J. B. Beresford Hope,
Arthur James Balfour, Marcus Beresford, Thomas
Brassey, W. T, Charley, Wilbraham Egerton, W.
Grantham, Stanley Leighton, Henry Cecil Raikes, and
John G. Talbot.
The lay support thus given to the Bishops was
much appreciated by them, and from most of them
cordial replies were received.
In the course of the autumn Mr. Raikes revisited
Scotland, and also made some little stay in Chester.
His constituents, he mentioned in a letter written late
In November, seemed "very sound and staunch, but
not very much disposed to make a fuss about my
visit." On the 27th of the same month, his youngest
son, Arthur Whittington, was born.
The latter derived his second name from the family
of his great-grandmother, the wife of Chancellor

122 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1877.
Raikes, who was the last descendant of Dick Whitting-
ton's brother William.
Mr. Raikes took considerable pride In the link
which connected him with the famous Lord Mayor of
London, and always attributed his own fondness for
cats, which was very pronounced, especially as regards
those of a sandy colour, to the Whittington strain In
his pedigree.

I87S-77-] HENRY CECIL RAIKES, 1 23

CHAPTER XII.
It Is not within the scope of this work to enter at
any length Into a discussion of the Eastern Question.
Still, it will, perhaps, be convenient to devote a few
lines to affairs in the East during the years of 1 8 75-7 7,
as otherwise the meaning of the first few letters quoted
in this chapter might be a trifle obscure to those
unversed in foreign politics.
In 1875 disturbances arose in Herzegovina and
Bosnia which, at first regarded as being of a com
paratively trivial nature, in time assumed proportions
sufficiently alarming to induce the Porte to appeal to
the European Powers.
It is unnecessary to enter in detail into the steps
taken by the latter in the early stages of the negotia
tions—such as the abortive Andrassy Note, or the
Berlin Memorandum of May, 1876, from which Eng
land dissented. In that month the events occurred
which led to the series of terrible massacres, which,
under the name of the Bulgarian Atrocities, horrified
the whole civilized world. A few weeks later, Servia
and Montenegro revolted against Turkish rule, and
Europe generally realized that she was face to face

124 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1875-77.
with a crisis which might have the most far-reaching
results. Diplomacy exerted itself to the utmost to bring
about a peaceful solution of the difficulty, but its
efforts produced little effect, and in September, 1876,
Russia suggested that recourse should be had to a
forcible demonstration. To this England, in view of
Treaty obligations, could not agree ; and Instead, it was
decided to hold a Conference of the Powers, which met
on November 22, 1876. The day following, the Porte
proclaimed a new Constitution, and evidently regarding
this as sufficient answer to the demands of the Powers,
declined to take any further step.
After the Conference broke up, Russia continued
to press for common action, but the British Govern
ment, anxious to let the new Constitution have a fair
trial, held back awhile.
Negotiations continued to be carried on between
the individual Powers and Turkey, with the result
that peace was definitely concluded with Servia.
Montenegro, however, still held out.
Meanwhile, both Russia and Turkey were arming,
and it became evident that, unless some settlement
could be arrived at, a collision was inevitable.
On March 31, 1877, a Protocol was signed in
London by the Powers, in which the Porte was re
quested inter alia to replace Its armies on a peace
footing, and to put in hand the necessary reforms
without delay. The Russian representative, before
signing this document, made a declaration to the effect

1875-77-] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 1 25
that, as an earnest of the Porte accepting the advice
of Europe, a special envoy must be sent to St. Peters
burg to treat of disarmament. This Protocol the
Turkish Government energetically declined to accept,
and the Czah met their refusal with an order to his
troops to cross the frontier.
Although the Turks had justly forfeited the con
fidence of England, the British Government declined
to be a party to an attack made upon them in defiance
of Treaty obligations. So long as Turkish interests
alone were concerned, the Government maintained a
policy of watchful neutrality. But the success of
the Russian arms gradually opened a vista of ter
rible possibilities in regard to the interests of Eng
land herself. These latter Lord Beaconsfield was
determined to safeguard, even though it should
become necessary to check Russia's advance by force.
Although to most Englishmen the idea of fighting
side by side with the Turk was absolutely repugnant,
with the majority the necessity of guarding the
integrity of the Empire overrode sentimental con
siderations. But there remained a minority whose
most ardent desire was to see the Turk utterly effaced.
For us to interpose before Russia had completed her
work was to them a crime. Blind to their country's
interests, they cried out in horror at the suggestion
that these must be preserved at any cost.
Chief among them was Mr. Gladstone. All his
influence, all his authority, were thrown into the
balance on the side of Russia, and the difficulties of

126 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1877-78.
the Ministry were increased tenfold by his absolute
disregard of patriotic considerations.
In a letter written by Mr. Raikes to his mother on
May II, 1877, he said —
" Our debate drags its slow length along, while the
Russian armies are apparently advancing, with but little
resistance, towards the points from which we shall never be
able to dislodge them should they once occupy them. I
suppose it is agreeable to Mr. Gladstone's morbid vanity to be
the hero of our rather unsubstantial conflict here ; but the
thousands and millions of people whose lives are to be
sacrificed by his caprice— without him, and his supposed
influence, we should have had no war at all — may rise in
judgment against him some day."
At last the Russians advanced to within sight of
Constantinople, and the vanquished Sultan sued for
peace. The gravity of the situation induced the
British Government to summon Parliament for an
earlier date than usual, and the two Houses met on
January 17, 1878. Previously to this, rumours of
dissensions in the Cabinet had been rife, and Lord
Carnarvon's strong speech upon the Eastern Question,
followed by the remarkable disavowal of him In the
Standard, signed "One who knows," had produced a
marked sensation.
On January 24 the Chancellor of the Exchequer
gave notice that he would move a supplementary
vote for Naval and Military Services, amounting to
^6,000,000. On the same day Lord Carnarvon, the
Colonial Secretary, resigned, and his place was filled
shortly afterwards by Sir Michael Hicks-Beach.

1878.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 1 27
]Mr. Raikes wrote to his son Henry on January
28— " I have been presiding over rather a stormy sitting in the
House when the vote of credit for six millions was asked for.
It is to come on again on Thursday next, but I have little
doubt of the Government carrying it by a respectable
majority." This anticipation was duly fulfilled, but only after
debates which did little credit to the Opposition.
Meanwhile, the British populace were growing daily
more excited, and during the first week of February,
agitation rose to fever height In London. On the
7th of that month, Mr. Raikes wrote to his son
Henry —
" We are still unable to make out what the Russians mean
by the Armistice. There were telegrams this afternoon that
they were in the outskirts of Constantinople, and London has
been greatly agitated. A large mob came to the House of
Commons this afternoon clamouring for War, while we were
having a very confused debate within, and the Radicals are
getting into tremendous disgrace in consequence of their
unpatriotic conduct. Our fleet is within twelve hours' sail of
Constantinople, but tbe Ministers are unwilling to send it up,
as it might give the Russians an excuse to push on and say
we had set the example."
A week later, on February 14, he wrote —
" This afternoon we hear, at last, that our fleet has sailed
up the Dardanelles, and is by this time probably lying oft'"
Constantinople. The Russians almost certainly will proceed
to occupy Constantinople in force, so we shall be very near
coming to blows, if we do not actually strike out. . . . Mr.
James Lowther is going to Ireland as Chief Secretary — a

128 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1878.
place I rather thought I might like ; but they never seem to
wish to get me out of my Chair."
On February 21 he wrote in a more hopeful
spirit —
" We have just had very good news, viz. that Russia
engages not to occupy Gallipoli on our engaging also not to
land any soldiers there. Of course, they may break their
word, as they have unfortunately done very often before, but
still their making the promise looks more like an abatement
of their extreme pretensions than anything we have seen
lately. So we breathe a little more freely."
The relief did not last for long. The refusal of
Russia to submit the Treaty of San Stefano to the
proposed Congress, the calling out of the Reserves by
the British Government, and the resignation of the
late Lord Derby, sufficed to keep the minds of men in
a ferment. It is unnecessary to dwell on the subsequent
developments of the situation which culminated in the
Berlin Congress, from which the two British represen
tatives. Lord Beaconsfield and Lord Salisbury (Lord
Derby's successor at the Foreign Office), returned
bearing. In the words of the former, " Peace with
honour." It will have been observed that, in his letter of
February 14, Mr. Raikes alludes to the choice of his
friend, Mr, James Lowther, as Chief Secretary for
Ireland, in succession to Sir Michael Hicks-Beach ;
but it is not generally known that he himself was
recommended for the post by Lord Salisbury, who on
February 14 wrote —

1S78.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 1 29
" I have made application in the ' proper quarter ' — which,
however, in the matter of patronage is wholly self-contained.
I shall be very glad if my agency should contribute to procure
for you a change of work that is to your taste — and for
Ireland an admirable nomination."
It is more than probable that Mr. Lowther had
been selected before application was made on Mr.
Raikes's behalf ; but in any event, taking into con
sideration the Parliamentary conditions at the time,
the Government would have been disinclined to make
a change in the occupancy of the Chair unless com
pelled to do so by circumstances. Apart from the
difficulties which a newcomer would have had to face
as his successor, Mr. Raikes was peculiarly well fitted
for the office he then held, in the opinion of many of
those best qualified to form a judgment on the point.
The general view was expressed In an article published
in the now defunct Hornet early in 1878, and written
by a gentleman closely in touch with the opinion of
the House itself, from which the following is a short
extract : —
" He (Mr. Raikes) is just the man to be Chairman of
Committees. When occasion arises for him to take the place
of the Speaker, he has just the energy and force of character
which enable him to hold his own when necessary. He has
also that courteous bearing which, in so august an assembly as
the House of Commons, secures the goodwill of those over
whom he has been called to preside. . . . He is as popular on
the left hand of the Speaker as he is on the right. . . . During
the time Mr. Raikes has occupied the post of Chairman of
Committees he has secured the good opinion of the House of
Commons, and there can be little doubt he will, in the future,
9

I30 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1878.
be even more influential than he is at present. His know
ledge of Parliamentary forms, and of the temper and
prejudices of the House, eminently fits him for a more
prominent position than that he now occupies."
Although at the time Mr. Raikes had, no doubt, a
strong fancy for going to Ireland, no one was better
pleased than himself at his friend's promotion. He
had a genuine liking for "Jim" Lowther (as he was
generally styled by his intimates), and revelled in his
breezy buoyancy. Of the many good stories that he
used to relate concerning him, I can at the moment
only recall one which, whether true or not, is sufficiently
characteristic to bear re-telllno- — •
Towards the end of one of Mr. Lowther's meet
ings, the audience being largely composed of farmers,
a solemn-looking Individual arose, and remarked in
sepulchral tones, " What you've been saying is all
very well, but what I want to know is whether you
hold with the Athanasian Creed." This was an
undeniable poser ; but the orator rose to the occasion,
and nodding cheerily to the audience, replied, " On the
whole, ' yes,' for all of us who have to do with land
must appreciate the force of the noble precept, ' Cursed
be he who moveth his neighbours landmark.' " This
response went right home to the hearts of the farmers,
and in the burst of applause which followed the ques
tioner subsided.
There are few allusions in the early 1878 letters to
proceedings In Parliament, apart from those referring
to the all-absorbing Eastern Question ; but in one

1 878.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 131
dated February 21, Mr. Raikes mentions casually that
he has been making speeches " on the exciting topics
of steam tramways, Manchester water, and ancient
monuments." He further proceeds. In the same letter,
to give some inkling of the Catholicism of his literary
tastes, for he says —
" On my way here I went to the bookseller's shop where
my Parliamentary rubbish had been shot, and found tbat he
would allow £2 i8j. for it if I spent it in books at his
establishment. So I bought the ' New Republic,' the ' Epic
of Hades,' Taine's ' English Literature,' in 4 vols., Sterne's
'Works,' in 13 vols., a beautiful book of all Canova's statues,
and the ' Anti-Jacobin,' for that money, so I hope you will
think I laid it out well."
His work in the Chair was not quite so consistently
arduous as in the previous Session. On May 31 he
wrote to his son Henry —
" Did you see that the Australian eleven now in England
beat the Marylebone Club nearly in one innings, getting W.
G. Grace, the champion bat, out for four each time ? Verily
wonders will never cease 1 "
Mr. Raikes was never a cricketer himself, but he
took much the same Interest In a big match as he did
in a big race, and this was always heightened if
W. G. Grace happened to be playing.
The only time that he was actually brought into
contact with a member of the Grace family, was on
the occasion of a visit to Sir George Jenkinson, at
the time when the latter represented Wiltshire in the
House of Commons. Sir George had the express

132 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1878.
Stopped at the local station, but through some over
sight omitted to send to meet his guest. The latter
inquired for a fly, but without success, and was
presently accosted by a "plain middle-class farmer
man " with a pleasant face, who offered to give him
a lift in his light cart. In the course of conversation,
the driver mentioned his name, and added, " Perhaps
I shall be better known to you as the father of the three
Graces." Mr. Henry Mills Grace, who died in 1871,
was, like his more famous son W. G. Grace, a country
doctor. The congestion of public business had for some
time past occupied the attention of the authorities,
and early in this year a committee was appointed
to examine the question. Mr. Raikes, in virtue of his
position, was one of the principal witnesses ; but so
many changes in procedure have been made of late
years that it would serve no useful purpose to dwell
on the views he then expressed. One of his replies,
however, to Mr. Parnell, who was a member of the
committee, and asked him to define "obstruction,"
has a more abiding interest. " Of course," said Mr.
Raikes, " it is not easy to give any precise definition
of ' obstruction ' which might not be evaded by any
member desiring to obstruct the business of the House,
but I can say generally, that to my mind, ' obstruction '
includes frivolous objections, constant repetitions of
the same arguments, an evident desire to waste time,
or the use of such arguments as are likely to intro
duce into the question matters of controversy tending

1878.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 1 33
unduly to protract debate. There is also another
form of obstruction, which consists in raising over and
over again points which have been ruled out of order
by the Chair." This sum'mary embraced most of the
methods adopted by his Interlocutor and his sup
porters, and seems to cover the ground with some
accuracy. Mr. Raikes, probably in consequence of his ap
pearance before the committee, was at this time the
recipient of numerous letters suggesting various pos
sible, or Impossible, reforms of the procedure of the
House ; but I do not think that he derived much
practical assistance from any of them. Some of them,
nevertheless, were very curious ; and high amongst
these ranked the contribution of a certain noble lord,
since deceased, whose efforts in the direction of reform
were apparently hampered by the fact that —
" My speeches are never reported, except in Hansard, and
I have some trouble in recalling them ; but the reporters
embarrass rather than aid me, for they do not care to study
truth, which I endeavour to do."
After spending the early part of the vacation
at Sandown in the Isle of Wight and at Watton,
Mr. Raikes bent his steps abroad, In company with
his youngest brother Arthur, towards the end of
September. In a letter to his son Henry from Luchon, on
October 3, he describes his ascent to the Porte de
Venasque, as " the most adventurous feat of his life."
The account may, perhaps, seem a little over-drawn

134 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1878.
to those who make a business of climbing, but it
must be remembered that Mr. Raikes had had little
experience as a mountaineer : —
"For seven miles we rode up a steady ascent through
stupendously beautiful valleys coloured with all the tints of
autumnal foliage, and many-coloured rocks of enormous
height — but along an excellent road up to the Hospice.
Here we were about 5000 feet above the sea, and the awful
ridge towered right over our heads 3000 feet higher.
" Off we set, however, by a series of zigzags rather scratched
than made on the perpendicular face of the mountain. In
no case were they less steep than the roof of a house, and
at the corners and in several other places they were scarcely
less steep than the wall.
" Ever beneath us grew the precipice, growing from
hundreds to thousands of feet. Still above us towered the
mountain, up which we seemed to make hardly any progress,
while it was far too dizzy to measure it by looking down
into the valley. Here and there we struggled past mountain
sheep. Once or twice we saw on distant precipices goats
which must have had wings to get there. Under our feet
the almost unnoticeable path differed only from the grassy
side of the mountain by the loose stones through which our
poor horses painfully stumbled along.
"After about an hour of this we got on to a sort of
sloping terrace where we had better foothold. Here we met
some shepherds and Spanish peasants. At last we came to
the mountain crest. Here the zigzags were shorter, the turns
more perpendicular tban ever. And the path was over the
face of the naked rock.
"Then we reached the frozen snow about half a mile
from the top. Here we got off, and scrambled along with
half-shut eyes, not daring to look above or below us, and
dragged our horses by the bridles behind. Once I slipped
in a snowdrift, and my mare, struggling up behind me, slipped
half on to me and put her foot on mine.

1 878.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. I 35
" But we got out of the drift, and in another moment
stood in the crack in the ridge, which is the gate between
France and Spain. Right in front spread the huge mass
of the Maladetta, the highest of the Pyrenees, with its great
snowfields, 1 1,000 feet high ; but below and between spread
a sunny though barren valley, into which we soon descended,
and stopped at a deserted hovel to get our lunch."
Mr. Raikes returned to England In the latter part
of October, but in his letters written at this time he
makes few references to public affairs. On October 31,
in a letter to his mother, he remarked —
" The political outlook is, I think, very gloomy. There is
only the scantiest hope left of escaping an Afghan war, and
it seems only too likely that we shall have to fight Russia,
after all, if we are to get the Berlin Treaty carried out."
With the exception of this passage, the letters in
my possession, written in the autumn of 1878, are
occupied almost entirely with details of that home life
which the writer of them loved so well.
So far as he personally was concerned, the work
of the Autumn Session was not particularly heavy, and
Mr. Raikes mentioned in one of his letters that he had
very little to do.

136 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1879-

CHAPTER XIII.
Early in 1879 rumours of an approaching Dissolution
caused the two rival political camps at Chester to
commence setting their houses in order. The Liberals,
in particular, displayed great activity, and made con
siderable headway. Marked encouragement was
given them from headquarters, and In August Mr.
Gladstone made his appearance in person, and
addressed a large and enthusiastic meeting. The
local managers were able to congratulate themselves
upon a most successful coup, but the outside world
opened their eyes wide at the .spectacle of Mr.
Gladstone assisting In an attack upon the seat of an
officer of the House. Needless to say, much indigna
tion was evinced amone Mr. Raikes's friends and
supporters within and without the constituency, and
he himself shared in the feeling to the fullest extent.
In order to counterbalance the efforts of their
opponents, the Chester Constitutional Association
organized their annual fete upon a larger scale than
usual this year, and it was attended by some 3000
people. It took the form of an immense picnic at
Rhyl, and was held shortly after the great Liberal
demonstration. This afforded Mr. Raikes a con
venient opportunity of expressing his views upon the

I879-J HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 137
subject of Mr. Gladstone's visit, and he did so in a
speech of remarkable vigour : —
" Throughout the six arduous years during wbich it has
been my duty to stem the tide of tumult and disorder within
the House, and to vindicate the great traditions of English
public Hfe, it has been my happy privilege to receive from one
and all — from one leader and from the other leader, from one
party and from the other party — that cordial, that generous,
and that constant support which alone has made my task
possible. But there has been one exception. One man out
of the British House of Commons — that not a mere private
member, not a novice in political warfare, not an inex
perienced enthusiast who has rushed into Parliament full of
tbe latest cries wbich may have captivated a section of
excitable electors, but a man who has sat, as he lately told
us, in eleven Parliaments, who has been Prime Minister of
England — a man who has led the House of Commons, has
felt it compatible with his idea of pubhc duty within three
days of the end of the Session to come down into a con
stituency with which he has no earthly connection, in order
to denounce that man whose position in Parliament can only
rest upon the cordial co-operation, as I have told you, of all
parties ; to deviate from the honourable traditions of Parlia
mentary life, to violate the very first instincts that guide all
Englishmen in dealing with each other, to trample upon the
traditions of English gentlemen, and to tread underfoot those
principles which actuate in every sphere of life the English
man, be he nobleman or workman.
" I wish to speak with all becoming respect for every
political opponent, and Mr. Gladstone in particular. I believe,
as far as I can judge, that I have a greater respect for Mr.
Gladstone than he appears to have for himself. Some people
raight stigmatize the course he took with very hard epithets.
I will only say that I regret to see the decline of a great
reputation, and that I lament as much as any of his own
supporters can lament, that so great and so distinguished a

138 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1879.
man as Mr. Gladstone should have been so unworthy of
Mr. Gladstone's fame."
This speech brought in a sheaf of letters, some
complimentary, some very much the reverse.
During the winter months Mr. Raikes continued
to prosecute his campaign vigorously, but in spite of
his efforts the Liberal reaction showed no signs of
diminishing. In consequence, he decided to call in
help from outside, and in December wrote to Sir
Richard Cross (Lord Cross) to point out the necessity
of sending down a Cabinet Minister In order to
counteract the effect of Mr. Gladstone's speeches,
and efforts generally, on behalf of his kinsman, Mr.
Beilby Lawley (Lord Wenlock), who had been chosen
as the second Liberal candidate, and to press Sir
Richard to come himself, if possible. In due course
he received the following reply : —
" I quite agree that, if it be your desire, all possible
assistance should be given to you as against Gladstone and
the Duke ; but I am afraid that it will be impossible for me
at the present moment to be the one of the Cabinet to come
to Chester, for reasons which I think you will yourself say
are good.
" I do not like Cabinet Ministers speaking too often, nor
does the Chief; and having spoken once since Harcourt
invaded my region at Southport, I have declined to speak
at Wigan, St. Helens, Liverpool, and Warrington, and have
just accepted the arrangements made for me by my chairman
to meet all the Heads of the party, and some of the Tails
(without speaking), for a whole week of dissipation on
January 5, etc., and if any speech is to be made it is to be
made at Warrington, but most probably none.

1S79.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 1 39
" Anyhow, you see it would be impossible, after all this,
to appear outside my district at Chester at the present
moment. . . ."
The mention of Sir William Harcourt's name
reminds me that earlier In the year, in July, Mr.
Raikes received a very cordial letter from him on a
personal matter, which ended as follows : —
" I am very glad to find that the reports of Dizzy's illness
have been exaggerated. Though I heartily wish to see him
out of office, there is no one who would be more sorry than I
to lose him out of the world."
A curious bond of affection had always existed
between Mr. Disraeli and Sir W. Harcourt, which
dated back to very early days when the elder man
had some hops of attaching the rising barrister to his
own side. At that time the latter was a constant
guest at Mr. Disraeli's table, and at one of the earlier
of these parties an Incident occurred which I give, on
Mr. Raikes's authority, as having been related by Sir
William Harcourt himself.
It happened on the occasion in question that Mr.
Harcourt, as he then was, was placed next to Lady
Beaconsfield. On the wall opposite them hung a
portrait of a lightly-draped female figure, and during
a pause in the conversation, the guest's eyes happened
to wander to it. " I see you are looking at that
picture," suddenly broke in the hostess with a laugh.
" I always say that it oughtn't to be allowed in here
— but It is nothing to the Venus that Dizzy has in his
bedroom." "That I can quite believe," replied Mr.

140 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1879.
Harcourt, gallantly, with a bow. The answer appeared
to tickle her ladyship immensely, so much so that Mr.
Harcourt, feeling that he had ventured on to rather
delicate ground, quickly changed the subject.
But the incident was not thereby disposed of, for
later on, when the party had reassembled In the
drawing-room. Lady Beaconsfield suddenly called to
her husband across the room, "I want to tell you such
a funny thing that Mr. Harcourt said to me at dinner."
And then out came the whole story coram publico.
" I never felt more uncomfortable in my life," Sir
William used to say in telling the story. " But when
Lady Beaconsfield had finished Dizzy made no com
ment, but slowly turned his eyes upon me with his
usual grave smile. Many men would have evinced
some sign of annoyance, but he did nothing of the
sort, and afterwards his kindness to me never varied."
In a letter to his son Henry on June 13 of this
year, Mr. Raikes incidentally mentioned that he had
heard of him through Mr. Peter Rylands, M.P., who
also had a boy at Charterhouse, and the reference
recalls the amusement with which Mr. Raikes used to
dwell upon his colleague's strictures upon the service
at the school chapel. "It isn't bright enough," the
latter complained; " there ought to be more music and
so on to interest the boys." " Considering the strict
ness of Mr. Rylands' views (he was a rigid Noncon
formist), he was," said Mr. Raikes, "the last person
from whom I should have expected such an expression
of opinion."

1 879-] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 141
Mr. Rylands had many solid qualities, but he was
not an inspiring speaker, and on one occasion In the
House, when he was on his legs and appeared likely
to remain there for some time, this was brought home
to him in a somewhat unkind manner.
As he proceeded with his indictment of the
Government a slip of paper began to travel along the
benches, and in its course aroused a good deal of
merriment. At length it reached the orator, and on
looking at it he was confronted with the following
doggerel : —
" Preposterous Peter, prithee cut it short ;
That Dizzy doeth what he didn't ought
We know. Yet life were sweeter.
Which gave ten Dizzys and dispensed with Peter."
The cruel part of It was that the effusion emanated
from his own side of the House.
Although a good deal of fitful obstruction was
indulged In during the Session of 1879, It did not
assume a really rampant form till towards its close.
Writing to his son Henry on July 19, 1879, Mr.
Raikes said —
" I had fully intended to write to you on Friday evening,
as I often do ; but a very unusual thing prevented me. At
7 p.m. the Speaker informed me privately that he understood
that the House would be kept up all night, and very pro
bably through Saturday also, over the Army Bill, and that, as
he did not think he could last after 4 a.m., he wished me to take
his place about that time. So I had to go to bed at 10.30, get
up again at 2 a.m., breakfast at 2.30, and was in the House
ready for work, though not at all anxious for it, by 3.15.
And then the Irishmen gave way, and before 4 a.m. the Bill
was through. So I crept back again to bed, though not to

142 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1879.
sleep, and was glad enough to get away by the morning
train to Welwyn."
No very long or uninterrupted period of leisure
awaited Mr. Raikes on his return home. The posi
tion of affairs at Chester, as already indicated, was
causing some anxiety, and he was not able for long to
defer his campaign in that quarter. In spite, how
ever, of the ordinary run of meetings and other
engagements, he found time, in response to a pressing
request from Mr. James Knowles, to contribute an
article on the business of the House of Commons
to the Nineteenth Century, which appeared In the
November number. Mr. Knowles, in preferring his
request, wrote —
" I am, of course, aware that nobody could write upon the
subject with more familiar knowledge of it than yourself, nor
is there anybody whose suggestions would carry greater
weight." A few days later Mr. Raikes left for South Wales,
and stayed with his old friend, Mr. Gwyn, for the
Church Congress at Swansea, where he spoke on the
subject of Lay Work in the Church.
On his return he plunged vigorously into election
work at Chester, and from that time on until Christmas
held two or more meetings every week.
The only measure of which I can find record which
Mr. Raikes took an active part In promoting during
the year, was a Taxation of Costs Bill, which was
backed by Sir J. Mowbray. I do not think, however,
that It ever advanced beyond its Initial stages.

i88o.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 1 43

CHAPTER XIV.
A foretaste of the lines upon which the Chester
election of 1880 was fated to be fought, was afforded
at a large meeting held by Mr. Raikes a few days
before his return to his duties in the Chair. The
speakers, who Included Sir Hardinge Giffard (Lord
Halsbury), then Solicitor-General, and Mr. Staveley
Hill, M.P., were subjected to constant and prolonged
interruption, and Mr. Raikes, personally, was unable
to conclude his remarks In consequence of the uproar
which prevailed.
While the Chairman was detained in London by
his Parliamentary duties, his opponents were actively
engaged in a personal canvass of the constituency.
Unable to counteract their efforts by his presence,
Mr. Raikes availed himself of the only expedient
open to him, and issued a circular deprecating the
attempt to take advantage of his enforced absence on
the public service, and pointing out that the course
taken by his colleague, Mr. Dodson, devolved upon
him the responsibility of acting as the only representa
tive of Chester in Parliament. He did not, however,
by any means lose heart.
He himself was not. It seems, very strongly

144 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1880.
In favour of bringing forward a second Conservative
candidate, although an understanding arrived at in
1869, when it was decided not to oppose the Hon.
Norman Grosvenor, had been disregarded by his
opponents when they brought forward Mr. Lawley,
a nephew of the Duke of Westminster, and a con
nection of Mr. Gladstone's, in conjunction with Mr.
Dodson. In 1874 the Conservatives regarded the
last-named as the Eaton nominee, and although they
might have carried both seats on that occasion, in
pursuance of the tacit compact with the Duke of
Westminster that he would not use his Influence on
behalf of the second Liberal candidate, and would
thus leave one seat to be contended for by the direct
representatives of the two parties In the city, they
refrained from putting a second candidate in the field.
But under the changed circumstances, with practi
cally two Eaton nominees in the field, they insisted on
bringing out a second man on their own account. It
may, of course, have been the case that the Duke of
Westminster considered that the understanding arrived
at In 1869 was only to extend over the next election;
or again, the Conservatives may have been mistaken
in supposing that Mr. Dodson was in any way the
representative of the House of Eaton.
But, be this as it may, the appearance of the two
candidates, each of them backed by the Grosvenor
Interest, and supported by the full force of the Liberal
party, created a very sore feeling, and the Conservatives
felt that they had been very shabbily treated.

i88o.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 1 45
Their choice eventually fell upon Colonel Sandys,
now member for the Bootle division ; and Mr. Raikes,
in company with him, formally opened the campaign
on March 15, by holding a large and enthusiastic
meeting at the Linen Hall, the scene of the fiasco of
the previous month.
On March 21 Mr. Raikes wrote to his son Henry —
" As I am on my feet from morning to night on every
week-day, at present my only chance of writing to you will be
on Sundays. I came down here last Monday for a day, and
had the best meeting in the Linen Hall Rink which I have ever
seen in Chester. My ally. Major Sandys, whom we hope to
make my colleague in the next Parliament, has been very
well received, and the general feeling appears now to be
decidedly in our favour. But the enemy will strain every
nerve, and are spending money most recklessly to keep us
out, and it will be a very hard fight yet. Still, we are fairly
hopeful, though we shall be pretty well worn out by the time
when the election comes off, which is fixed for Thursday
week, April i. Some people, let us hope not ourselves, will
undoubtedly be April fools that day, I expect to remain
here all the time till then."
The tenor of the next letter is of a very different
character, and not only illustrates the tenderness of
the writer in his domestic relations, but also brings
into relief the depth of the religious feelings which
were so powerful a factor in shaping his life. It is
dated " Easter Sunday, 1880," and runs as follows : —
" I do not like the day of your first Communion to pass
without a few words of love from your father. It is, perhaps,
the most important step that one takes in life as the actual
act of allegiance to our Lord and Master, which had previously
10

146 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1880.
been a duty for which others on your behalf were responsible
in the first instance. We can only hope that our dear boy
has felt it thus, and has realized something, both of the
solemnity, and of the immensity of the privilege of becoming
thus directly associated with our Lord.
" I thought not a little about you as we stayed in the
Cathedral this morning, and I was rather happy to think that
we were, at the same time, sharing your privilege under the
same roof under which I was first received into the Church
more than forty years ago."
The nomination of candidates took place on March
30, and in addition to the Conservative and Liberal
candidates, a gentleman named Malgarini, who de
scribed himself as " Independent," was put forv/ard.
I fear, however, that the late-comer derived little
satisfaction from the contest, for from the first moment
of his appearance he seemed to excite the most violent
animosity in the breasts of the lower orders on both
sides. He only attempted to hold one meeting, and
directly he appeared on the platform attired, according
to the local press, in evening dress and white gloves,
he was greeted with such a shower of rotten eggs, soot,
and flour-bags, that he was compelled to beat a hasty
retreat without having given utterance to a single
remark. His candidature, and proceedings generally,
furnished the only humorous element in the contest ;
for the real fight was waged with deplorable bitterness,
and the Liberal mob, in particular, committed violent
excesses. The poll was declared on the night of Thursday,
April I, with the following result: Dodson, 3204;

i88o.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 147
Lawley, 3147; Raikes, 2056; Sandys, 1961 ; Mal
garini, 16.
This signal victory for the Liberals came as a
surprise to both parties. Up to the very last Mr.
Raikes expected to retain his seat, and only the more
sanguine of his opponents ventured to predict a win
for Mr. Lawley.
In a letter written to his three younger daughters
jointly, on April 4, Mr. Raikes gave a description of
the last few days of the contest, which, astounding as
it may seem, was more than justified by the revelations
made later on in the course of the petition whereby
the two Liberal members were unseated, and before
the Commissioners by whom the city was subsequently
disfranchised. In this letter Mr. Raikes wrote —
" I have been really almost stunned by the suddenness
and magnitude of our overthrow at Chester. Actually, until
I saw the numbers in the Town Hall, a few minutes before
they were declared, I still cherished the hope that I might
have saved my seat. The majority against us was much
larger than even our adversaries, with all their bragging, had
anticipated. Some six hundred voters who had promised us,
must have been bribed, or terrified, into voting for the
Radicals. The town was practically given up to the mob
throughout the afternoon. Two or three of our committee-
rooms were literally wrecked by the enemy, our windows at
our head office were smashed three days running, and we
could only protect our books and papers by having forty
fighting-men to guard them night and day. Many of our
poor supporters were most cruelly ill-used. A poor young
girl, who was wearing blue ribands, was seized by the Irish
hags in Boughton, and nearly torn limb froni limb. She was
with great difficulty rescued from their clutches by Edward

148 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1880.
Lloyd and Willy Briggs, who also took some voters who had
been so beaten and kicked that they could not walk, by a
boat along the river and through Mr. Lloyd's garden to escape
tbe mob. My grandfather's monument in the cemetery is
said to have been broken and defaced. And Mr. Duncan's
(Mr. Raikes's agent) life was so seriously threatened that he
was obliged to sleep at the hotel lest he should be murdered
on the way home. So, altogether, Chester has distinguished
itself in a way not likely to tempt me, or anybody else, greatly
to desire to represent it again."
Immediately after Mr. Raikes's defeat, the late Sir
Watkin Wynn, regardless of the circumstance that
such a course would undoubtedly jeopardize his own
election, Invited him to stand as his colleague for
Denbighshire, a two-member constituency returning a
Conservative and a Liberal. Lady Wynn went even
further, exclaiming, " You must be in the next
Parliament, Mr. Raikes, even if Sir Watkin has to
give up his own seat to you." A rare Instance of
friendship this, and one which Mr. Raikes never
forgot !
The Standard, in a leader devoted to the general
rout of the Conservative party at the polls,
remarked —
" The news of Mr. Raikes's defeat at Chester will elicit
other than purely party regrets. In his capacity of Chairman
of Committees he has won popularity as well as esteem. A
loyal Conservative, he has displayed in his official duties
consistent impartiality. His manner has always been
courteous, and his judgment generally correct. Mr. Raikes
will -not have much difficulty in finding a seat elsewhere.
There is, at least, no reason to anticipate his absence from

i88o.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 1 49
the new House of Commons — an absence which would
generally be regarded as a real party loss."
There can be no doubt that the ability and impar
tiality displayed by Mr. Raikes during his tenure of the
post of Chairman had gained him many friends on both
sides of the House ; and until he lost his seat he was
looked upon as Mr. Brand's probable successor. This
view, which was shared by many experienced poli
ticians, had been given currency In a paragraph in
the World, published a few weeks earlier —
" It is said that a new Parliament is likely to produce a
new Speaker. Political speculation is naturally turned this
way. For practical purposes the best man would, no doubt,
be Mr. Raikes. As Chairman of Ways and Means, he has
shown a mixture of judgment and firmness, with readiness of
resource, which eminently qualify him for the post. If the
House were to vote by ballot on a list of candidates, Mr.
Raikes would, no doubt, be the one selected. Rumour, how
ever, also points to other candidates with less experience but
broader acres."
Speculation on this point was, of course, cut short
so far as Conservative candidates for the post were
concerned, by the result of the General Election. It Is,
however, by no means certain that, had fortune placed
the Speakership within Mr. Raikes's grasp at this time,
that he would have accepted It, although possibly he
might have done so. Doubtless, this dignified post had
many attractions for him, but it was never really one
of the objects of his ambition ; and he always regarded
it rather as something which he might without dis
content fall back upon, failing the realization of his

150 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1880.
more cherished hopes, than as a thing to be actively
striven for. Still, he was careful not to let his claims
sink completely into abeyance, and later on, once, if
not oftener, pressed them to some extent when there
appeared to be a possibility of a vacancy.
So far as Chester was concerned, the Liberal
triumph was of short duration. The Conservatives
decided to petition, and the case came on for hearing
before Mr. Justice Lush and Mr. Justice Manisty on
July 13. So many instances of bribery and treating
were brought forward that, on the 17th, the re
spondents announced their intention of contesting the
matter no further. The judges thereupon announced
that the petition had succeeded, and that Messrs.
Dodson and Lawley must be unseated, although no
blame attached to them personally. They took time
to consider whether they should certify that there was
reason to believe that corrupt practices had extensively
prevailed, but apparently had little difficulty in making
up their minds, for, later in the day, they announced
that they had decided to do so.
The downfall of his opponents, perhaps, aroused a
little bitter satisfaction in Mr. Raikes's breast, but he
by no means shared in the elation of his more enthu
siastic supporters. An act of justice had been done,
but the gulf existing between Chester and himself
could, he felt, never be bridged over.
One of the earliest tp congratulate Mr. Raikes
upon the result was Dr. Kennedy, who wrote, in
characteristically vigorous style, as follows, on July 1 9 : —

i88o.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 151
" I heartily rejoice in the retribution which has overtaken
all parties concerned against you in the Chester election. I
have no pity for any of them, for Gladstone least of all, whose
conduct in personally introducing into that city a second
nominee of Eaton has always seemed to me deserving of
the utmost reprobation. The unseating of that nominee, in
company with one of his own Cabinet, must be a bitter
pill for him, especially when accompanied with a report of
extensively corrupt practices."
The recommendation of the judges resulted, as a
matter of course, in the appointment of a Commission,
and on October 7 the Commissioners, Mr. A. J. Collins,
Q.C, Mr. A. T. Lawrence, and Mr. F. Lockwood,
formally opened their inquiry.
Writing to his mother from London on October 12,
Mr. Raikes said —
" We are all here regaling ourselves with the reports of
the Chester Commission. So far, we have reason on the
whole, I think, to be well satisfied. The exposure of 
has been complete, and I hope  will be equally shown up.
That wretched Salisbury has not spared dear L  , or the
poor old Misses W  , with his calumnious tongue. But his
impudent fabrications are not likely to do much harm to any
one, so far. I may have to give my evidence on the 23rd, but
do not expect to appear much sooner, and I have exceedingly
little to tell."
Mr.  , above referred to, had admitted to the
Commissioners that he was the " milch cow " (the
" Welsh cow," as it appeared in the Standard) of the
Liberal party during the election ; and that he had
spent ^iioo to ^1200, mainly for illegal purposes.

152 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1880.
out of his own pocket. Mr. Salisbury, to whom refer
ence is also made, had degraded himself by asserting
that a number of ladles, including some of Mr. Raikes's
relatives, who for years past had laboured amongst the
poor, had, under the guise of charity, administered
bribes. I think that this malicious suggestion made Mr.
Raikes more angry than anything else which occurred
in connection with the proceedings, and he wrote again
a few days later —
" My dearest Mother,
'' I cannot say how grieved and disgusted I am at
all this annoyance which has befallen you and dearest L 
through the malignant misrepresentations of the Radical crew.
Poor L  's life of unobtrusive and innocent benevolence
to be made a source of slander against her, when she was
actually hundreds of miles away at the time of the election,
seems very hard. But she has only to appear to confound all
their politics and knavish tricks to boot."
Eventually all the ladies thus slandered did appear,
and gave an emphatic contradiction to the false charges ;
so that this particular attempt to throw mud was not
altogether a success.
Mr. Raikes had little evidence to give beyond
dIs]DosIng of some of Mr. Salisbury's baseless charges.
He made, however, one neat hit at this gentleman's
expense when he was examined as to an occurrence of
which Mr. Salisbury, and another person concerned,
gave different versions. While he admitted that his
own remembrance might not be quite clear, yet he
had no hesitation in accepting the second witness's

i88o.J HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 1 53
testimony as true. " But," queried one of the Com
missioners, In effect, " how can you be so certain ? For
you admit that you hardly know Mr. — — " " That is
so," replied Mr. Raikes, "but then, you see, I know
Mr. Salisbury very well."
It is unnecessary to dwell at any length upon
the proceedings, which lasted for several weeks;
but it cannot be denied that the revelations made
amply justified the Commissioners in coming to the
conclusion that malpractices had existed to a suffi
ciently large extent to compel them to resort to
drastic treatment. The disgrace attaching to the
disfranchisement of not only a number of leading
citizens, but of the city itself, was keenly felt by both
parties. This was particularly the case In the ranks of
the Conservatives, who considered that they had been
more hardly dealt with in proportion to their offences
than their opponents, who had undoubtedly gone about
their work in the more systematic manner of the two,
as their admittedly larger expenditure and their un
blushing employment of a " milch cow " and a " man
In the moon " conclusively proved. This feeling was
stimulated by the belief that mistakes had crept into
the Report itself. The Conservative agent drew up a
paper indicating eight alleged errors, of which I give
one (the most Important) instance —
" 3. (Page xiii.) — 'The sum expended on this election by the
Liberal party was .^5000, and ;^3900 by the Conservatives.'
" Correction. — ' The sum expended by the Liberals, as
proved in evidence, was ;^6i9i I2j-., of which ;^28 57 ^^^

154 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [i88o.
corruptly expended ; the sum expended by the Conservatives
was ;£^3843 13J. jd., of which £j\.'?, was corrupt. This could
only be verified by going through the Blue Book, which the
writer has done.' "
Ifthe agent was correct in his figure.s, which I do
not pretend to assert, the Conservatives had indubit
ably just cause for complaint, for, according to this
calculation, their total proved expenditure was less than
two-thirds of that of their opponents, while the amount
corruptly spent by the Conservatives was barely equal
to one-fourth of that expended by the Liberals.
Nevertheless, but slight difference was made in the
punishment meted out. It Is, however, hardly credible
that a competent and Impartial tribunal could have
made so grave a blunder as the admission of these
figures would imply.

HENRY CECIL RAIKES. I 55

CHAPTER XV.
Although the year 1880 was disastrous to Mr.
Raikes, in a Parliamentary sense, it brought with it
some minor compensations.
On March 11 it was intimated to him, through
Mr. Montagu Corry, that the honour of a Privy
Counclllorship was to be conferred upon him.
On March 18 he went to Windsor to be sworn
in, and in a letter written to his son Henry on
the 2 1st, he gives the following brief account of the
ceremony : —
" I went to Windsor on Thursday to kiss the Queen's
hand and to be sworn in. Her Majesty looked very well and
I got through the ceremony, not indeed without something of
a thrill, but still, I hope, without making any conspicuous
blunder. We lunched with the Ministers and Ladies of the
Court, and Lord Beaconsfield was very kind and friendly."
It is interesting to note that Mr. Raikes had not
reached his forty-second birthday at the time when he
was the recipient of this honour, for It has fallen to the
lot of few politicians to be admitted to the Council at
so early an age.
About two months later Mr, Raikes was elected a
Bencher of his Inn, the Middle Temple, a token of
appreciation which he valued very highly.

156 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1880.
His opportunities of active Parliamentary work
during 1880 were naturally circumscribed, but shortly
before the close of the Session, on March 9, he brought
forward a resolution In favour of giving compensation
to railway servants injured in the performance of their
duty. It was worded as follows: —
" That the exceptional character of the services performed
and dangers incurred by railway servants in the discharge of
their duty, calls for the immediate and special attention of
her Majesty's Government ; and this House is of opinion that
a change in the law is required, by which, notwithstand
ing the legal doctrine of Common Employment, adequate
compensation shall be secured to railway servants in all cases
of injury to which they have not personally contributed."
Mr. Raikes, who was closely in touch with the
large number of railway men resident in Chester, had
made various efforts to get the matter ventilated in
a more practical form, without success. He urged,
however, on this occasion. In the course of a lucid
speech, that a case had been made out for establishing
a system by which railway servants (or their repre
sentatives in fatal cases), where they personally had
not contributed to loss of life or injury to limb, should
be entitled to receive from the company a certain
sum, to be fixed at a maximum by Parliament, and to
be assessed in cases of Injury by a competent arbitrator.
He also suggested that greater facilities should be
afforded to the men for Insurance —
" For," he said, " if you could establish such a system, by
which, without an expensive course of proceedings and

i88o.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 1 57
without having recourse to hungry attorneys, you would
provide an expeditious remedy in cases of death and injury,
and if you use that as the centre of a system by which you
encourage habits of thrift, economy, and providence, I think
you would go a long way towards solving one of the most
difficult problems with which we have to deal."
Members in general were, however, too much
occupied In preparing for the approaching election to
take much interest In the resolution, and, apart from
this, Mr. Raikes was too far in advance of his time
in thus advocating an inroad upon the doctrine of
Common Employment (which has not been seriously
threatened until comparatively recent years) to obtain
much support. The resolution was seconded by
Mr. Hall, and opposed by Sir E. Watkin, and the
proceedings terminated In a " count."
Mr. Raikes's abrupt exit from political life naturally
caused a complete upheaval of most of his plans and
aspirations. He set to work, however, with character
istic energy to effect a re-entry, but though he was not
favoured by fortune in this respect until early in 1882,
he was not entirely shut out from the deliberations of
the party which, as the following letter shows, was
anxious to avail itself of his tried capacity for
organization — "June 2, 1880,
" 10, Charles Street, Berkeley Square.
" My dear Raikes,
" We have been sorry that you could not attend our
meetings during the past few days, but we cannot afford to
part with you on that account ; and your assistance will be
most valuable when we come to consider, as I hope we shall

158 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1880.
in a few days, the recommendations we should make for the
constitution of a Central Office. " Yours sincerely, "W. H. Smith."
The party itself, at this time, was somewhat
demoralized by the Liberal victory, and its members
were quarrelling among themselves with no small
vigour. The Central Office and the National Union,
in particular, were at loggerheads, and Mr. Raikes's
connection with the latter body soon drew him into
the fray. It is hardly necessary to enter into the
causes and merits of the dispute, but it may briefly be
said that the National Union contended that Mr. Gorst,
as party manager, aimed at absolute autocracy, and that
if permitted to follow his course unchecked the Union
itself would sink into insignificance, and become
entirely dependent upon an official who was strongly
suspected of being unfavourable to its existence.
Mr. Gorst, on his part, took up the position that, as
party manager, he must be allowed an entirely free
hand, and that all important questions relating to
organization and funds must be entrusted to his
discretion. Eventually the affair ended in a compromise,
whereby the National Union retained its indepen
dence, and Mr. Gorst his dignity — and the control of
the party funds.
Although busily engaged in passing In review the
various possible Parliamentary openings which pre
sented themselves, and in other business of a more

i88o.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 1 59
personal nature, Mr. Raikes found time to take an
active part in inaugurating the first Old Salopian
dinner, which was held on June 9, with the then
Archbishop of York in the chair. He also attended
the celebration of the Sunday-School Centenary at
Gloucester, on the 29th of the same month, and
witnessed the unveiling of the statue erected in
honour of his great-granduncle, Robert Raikes, the
founder of Sunday Schools, by Lord Shaftesbury.
But the most pressing matter which Mr. Raikes
had to face, was the diminution of his Income entailed
by the loss of his post as Chairman of Committees.
Although his own tastes were simple in the extreme,
his large family was a considerable and ever-growing
source of expense, and under the circumstances of the
case, his private means were insufficient to enable him
to maintain the position he had gained in the social
and political world.
In the first instance, he was attracted by the Chair
of the Civil Service Commission, but the post did not
fall vacant before his friends went out. He then made
an effort to obtain the Governorship ofthe Hudson Bay
Company, but in this he was unsuccessful. Meanwhile,
there arose a considerable demand for his services In
connection with industrial enterprises, caused by his
known aptitude for business, combined with his ex
perience in controlling large assemblies. Many offers
of responsible posts as chairman or trustee, were made
to him, and after careful Investigation, he accepted
some of these, and invested the greater part of his

l6o THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1880.
capital in the concerns with which he Identified
himself. I only allude to these matters because In later
years his connection with public companies was at
times criticized by opponents and others who were,
for the most part, entirely ignorant of the merits of the
case, and of the fact that in the city Mr. Raikes's repu
tation as a sound and straightforward man of business
was quite independent of his repute as a politician.
"To go into politics " with the object of making
a living passes with a tolerably numerous class as
entirely legitimate. If only the intention be not too
openly expressed. On the other hand, the public
man who supplements his income by perfectly honest
and straightforward means in order that he may retain
the position which he has earned in the political world,
is often the victim of childish censure. His critics do
not know, or If they do, are careful to hide their
knowledge, that the man who undertakes such double
duties, and labours at them conscientiously, has to
sacrifice his leisure in favour of a life of unremitting
toil and its attendant anxieties ; and often does so, not
with any view to personal gain, but merely in order
that he may be enabled to place his tried abilities at
the service of his country.
Such a life was that of the subject of this memoir
during many years ; and even when it closed, under
circumstances which emphasized the silent sacrifice
of health and means which had been made, the voice
of ungenerous criticism was not entirely stilled.

^^^^¦^ HENRY CECIL RAIKES. l6l

CHAPTER XVI.
The illness of Lord Beaconsfield cast a gloom over
the spring of 1881, although it was hardly anticipated
at first that it was likely to have a fatal termination.
So late as April i Mr. Raikes, in a letter to his son
Henry, said —
" Lord Beaconsfield seems to be tending, though very
slowly, towards recovery, but the continuance of the cold
winds makes his state still very precarious."
Nevertheless, the end was not far off, and little
more than a fortnight later the great Conservative
leader breathed his last.
Mingled with the profound sorrow awakened in
the hearts of Lord Beaconsfield's followers by this
catastrophe, there was a feeling almost of dismay.
To whom could they turn for guidance ? Who was
worthy to lead the party which their late Chief had
practically created, and had held together for so many
years ?
A spirit of dim foreboding brooded over all from the
highest to the lowest, and this is strikingly exemplified
in the closing sentence of a letter which Mr. Raikes
received from Lord Salisbury on March 28 — 1 1

1 62 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1881.
" I have just returned from the old Chiefs funeral. It
was a very striking sight, and to me inexpressibly sad. It
seems like the passing away of an epoch. What is it that lies
before us ? "
For a few days the question of the leadership lay
In abeyance, but soon the more active spirits began
to move In support of those to whom they were
willing to give allegiance.
From the first Mr. Raikes never wavered. To
him there was but one possible successor to Lord
Beaconsfield, namely. Lord Salisbury, and he lost no
opportunity of advocating his claims.
On May 9 Lord Salisbury was selected as leader
of the Conservative party in the House of Lords.
The same evening Mr. Raikes addressed a large
meeting at Salford, and towards the close of his speech
alluded to the question of the general leadership, as
follows : —
" I cannot conceal from myself that the times require
a man of no ordinary calibre. You may remember, some of
you, that in Punch, about the time when Lord Salisbury took
the seals of the Foreign Office, there was a picture of some
boys playing at football, and somebody was being put aside,
and tbe captain said, 'Let the strong man come to the
front ;' and there was the strong man.* That expressed the
sentiment of England at that moment ; and I believe Mr.
Gladstone said some few years ago, ' If this country comes
face to face with some very important emergency there is
only one man to whom she will turn to serve her and save
her, and that is Lord Salisbury.' ... It may not, perhaps,
be known to everybody in this room, that this man, who is
at the head of one of the greatest families in England,
• Viz. Lord Salisbury.

3 1.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 1 6

o

and occupies a house which compares with Windsor in
magnificence, actually supported himself and his wife, for
many years, by his pen. No doubt, in the iron discipline
of his earlier years he learned to sympathize with the
millions who toil hard for their daily bread ; and I feel sure
that the circumstances of his present position will not
diminish his influence with the people of this country when
they know that he has had to earn his bread by the sweat of
his brow." There was little doubt, at the moment, which way
popular opinion tended In the party, but nevertheless,
this outspoken confession of faith carried considerable
weight in the district with many who were inclined to
favour the selection of a commoner on general grounds.
A very important matter occupied Mr. Raikes's
attention during the summer of 1881, namely, the
formation of a body which subsequently became a con
siderable factor in the work of the Church under the
name of the Central Council of Diocesan Conferences.
It was composed partly of clergy and partly of laity
selected (as Its name implies) by the various diocesan
conferences. Its objects were to promote the more
united action of the clergy and laity of the whole
Church in friendly relation with the diocesan con
ferences and Convocation (at the same time strength
ening the latter), and to get due consideration paid
to Church measures in Parliament.
The scheme, which was of a comprehensive nature,
had been mooted some years before, but until taken
up in earnest by Mr. Raikes, Archdeacon Emery, and
Mr. Stanley Leighton, had made little headway.

164 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [i88i.
One of the first steps taken on its revival was
the issue of a report embodying the main features
of the proposed arrangement to the leading clergy
and laymen in England and Wales ; while it fell to
the lot of Mr. Raikes, as Chairman of the Council, to
communicate with the bishops, and to ask for their
advice and support.
On the whole, the replies were of an encouraging
nature, for though a certain proportion were couched
In non-committal terms, only one (that of the Arch
bishop of York, which did not arrive until December)
was absolutely unfavourable.
Amongst those who formed a high opinion of the
value of the scheme were the Bishops of Winchester,
Chichester, Chester, Carlisle, Bath and Wells, and
Ely. By March, 1882, the project was estabUshed on a
firm basis. In the course of that month the Executive
Committee was appointed, with Mr. Raikes as its
Chairman, and further communications were opened
with such of the bishops as still hung back from
giving their approval.
From that time on, the Central Council continued
to gain in weight and authority until the House of Lay
men was Instituted several years later ; but as some
description of the proceedings that then took place
is given in a subsequent chapter. It is unnecessary to
allude to it more fully here.
Apart from the ordinary round of business and
political engagements, Mr. Raikes was much occupied

i88l.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 1 65
during 1881 by the affairs of the Mersey Tunnel
Railway Company, of which he had been appointed
Chairman. On Saturday, October 29, the inauguration of the
new works for the construction of the tunnel took
place, and the Mayors of Liverpool and Birkenhead,
from their respective sides of the river, started the
powerful engines erected to keep the workings clear
of water, and to raise to the surface the material
excavated. In the course of his speech at the dinner which
followed, Mr. Raikes took the opportunity of giving
some Interesting Information with regard to the in
ception of the scheme. Briefly summarized, it was to
the following effect : About the year i860 it was
proposed to connect Liverpool and Birkenhead by a
high-level bridge, but this project was defeated by
the shipping interest, who feared that it might prove
an Impediment to navigation. Some five years later
authority to make a tunnel was obtained, but the
various schemes brought forward led to no definite
result until 1879. In that year Major Isaac and other
gentlemen took the work in hand. The first sod was
turned in December, and, the engineering difficulties
having been successfully coped with, real progress was
made for the first time.
Although the scheme was brought before the
public in June, 1881, the formal opening of the tunnel
did not take place until January, 1886. The work of
boring, though necessarily slow, was greatly accelerated

1 66 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1883-86.
by the adoption of Colonel Beaumont's machine
driven by compressed air, in 1883. On January 17,
1884, the last few feet of rock which divided the
Beaumont tunnel on the Birkenhead side from the
driftway on the Liverpool side were broken away in
the presence of the Chairman, Major Isaac, Mr.
Waddell (the contractor). Colonel Beaumont, Mr.
Brunlees, the Messrs. Fox (the engineers), and others.
After mutual congratulations the Liverpool party,
headed by Mr. Raikes, struggled past the boring-
machine, and were thus the first to pass the river by
the route by which so many thousands have since been
carried. Two years sufficed for the completion of the work,
and on January 20, 1886, the Prince and Princess of
Wales visited Liverpool in order to perform the
ceremony of opening the tunnel for traffic. All passed
off successfully, and on February i the line was
thrown open to the public.
The Princess was graciously pleased to accept a
brooch representing a section of the tunnel surrounded
by diamonds as a memento of her visit, and some
few months later Mr. Raikes and Major Isaac attended
in order to present the gift. The interview was not
devoid of amusing features. Major Isaac, who was
somewhat nervous, opened the proceedings by reading
a long address of congratulation, and after every
pause for breath interpolated the word " madam "
before resuming the thread. " This address," Mr.
Raikes said afterwards, " seemed as though It were

1 88 1. J HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 1 67
never going to end, and when it had been in progress
for some minutes the Prince was biting his lips in
order to conceal his amusement." But the climax
came when Mr. Raikes's turn arrived. At the first
word he uttered — " Ma'am " — his colleague gave a
violent start, and his obvious surprise at this ex
hibition of familiarity, gradually succeeded, as it was,
by an expression of intense gloom which plainly
betrayed inward wrestlings, was almost too much for
the gravity of the rest of the party.
Mr. Raikes's attention was first turned to Preston
In May, 1881, on the death of Mr. Hermon, when
the Central Office inquired whether he would care
to have his name brought forward. He had by this
time made his ground very sure at Cambridge, and
as It was expected that Mr. Walpole might resign his
seat at almost any moment, he found some difficulty
in making up his mind. As matters turned out, how
ever, he was not at the moment driven to make an
absolute choice, for the Preston delegates, when they
came to see Mr. Gorst, informed him that they had
practically decided upon a local candidate, in the
person of Mr. Ecroyd. They added that if they had
had to look outside, there was no one whom they
would have preferred to Mr. Raikes ; and that this
was no mere empty expression of civility was proved
the following year.
In November the representation of Cambridge
University appeared to be almost within his grasp.
It was thought that Mr. Walpole was likely to vacate

1 68 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [l88i.
his seat immediately, in consequence of the local un
popularity of the scheme of the Commissioners with
which he was closely identified ; and on November 20
Mr. Raikes received a letter dealing fully with the
situation, and describing the proceedings at a meeting
of some of the principal leaders of University opinion,
at which his correspondent, Mr. A. K. Miller, was
present. After discussing the probabilities of a vacancy,
the meeting proceeded to select a candidate In order
to be ready for Immediate action.
" I proposed you," wrote Mr. Miller ; " remarking on the
importance of your being in the House next Session, on
your connection with the Central Committee of the Conserva
tive Associations, with the Church Defence Institution and
the Council of Diocesan Conferences, and on your strength
with the moderate clergy and Church laity. . . . The
President of Queen's said he thought we could not possibly
have a better candidate, and it speedily appeared that we
were unanimous, and that every one had come with the
intention of supporting you."
As a matter of fact, Mr. Walpole did not, at the
moment, entertain the views attributed to him, and
although some of Mr. Raikes's supporters were anxious
to acquaint their senior member with their wishes, it
was felt on all hands that no step must be taken which
would involve the slightest risk of hurting his feelings,
or of making him imagine that he was out of touch
with any considerable body of his constituents. Mr.
Raikes himself, anxious though he was to grasp the
prize which appeared to be so nearly within his reach,
would, I think, sooner have given up all hopes of

I882.J HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 1 69
realizing his ambition than have Inflicted one moment's
pain upon his old friend.
And so matters drifted on until January, 1882,
when Mr. Raikes was given the opportunity of entering
Parliament, as member for Preston, on the elevation
of Sir John Holker to the Bench. The offer was
contained in the following letter':— "Preston, January 10, 1882.
" Dear Sir,
" It being almost certain that a vacancy will occur in
the representation of our borough in Parliament, owing to Sir
John Holker accepting a judgeship, I have been requested to
ask you if you will consent to offer your services as a can
didate, if invited by the party. Considering the glorious
majority (1664) by which Mr. Ecroyd was returned at the last
election, I am certain of your return.
" Yours most truly,
" William P. Park (Chairman)."
The door was now open, and Mr. Raikes had to
decide upon his course with short space for reflection.
In his heart he was determined that, come what might,
he would not renounce his claim to the University
seat. Sooner than do that he was prepared to refuse
Preston or any other opening that might present Itself
But was it necessary to do so ? Mr. Walpole had
as yet made no sign, and it was rumoured that he
intended to hold his seat till the next General Election,
which might not take place for some years. Assur
ances, too, were forthcoming from the right quarter
that Mr. Raikes might regard himself as untrammelled.

170 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1882.
and that, whatever his position when the University
seat fell vacant, the first offer of it would be made to
him. So far, then, as Cambridge was concerned, he might
accept the offer without hesitation.
But what was his position in regard to Preston ?
A conditional acceptance would not, he felt sure, be
entertained, and would, in fact, be regarded as tanta
mount to a refusal. It would have the additional
demerit of admitting the world in general into his
confidence ; and there were other aspirants to the
University seat of at least equal weight with himself
in the party, who would at once be enabled to take
active steps In support of their own interests and in
opposition to his.
By a refusal he would place himself, perhaps for
years, outside Parliament, where at this juncture his
presence was earnestly needed in view of the special
legislation which was about to be brought forward.
Further, it was impossible for him to ignore the fact
that any prolongation of his absence from the political
stage was bound to prove detrimental to his own
personal aspirations.
In view of the whole of the circumstances he felt
that his wisest course would be to accept the proffered
invitation, and to be guided in his subsequent course
by the turn of events. If, as seemed probable, Mr.
Walpole were to determine to retain his seat until the
General Election, few difficulties would arise; for it
was hardly a secret that a certain prominent member

1 882] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 171
of the party was anxious, when occasion offered, to
migrate to Preston, and this fact afforded an easy basis
for a settlement.
It was true that this same gentleman was also
sjDoken of as a possible candidate for University
honours; but as matters stood, Mr. Raikes had little
reason to fear effective interference in that quarter.
Again, if Mr. Walpole were to resign his seat
unexpectedly, Mr. Raikes felt that he need have no
hesitation in leaving Preston. The position there was
quite secure, and there could be no lack of men able
and willing to come forward and take his place. Some
soreness there would be, undoubtedly, especially in the
quarter already alluded to, for his rival would see him
self cut off both from Preston and from Cambridge at
one blow, and would, no doubt, throw every possible
difficulty in his path. But Mr. Raikes was the last
man in the world to be turned from his course merely
by fear of opposition.
Hardly had Mr. Raikes been adopted as their
candidate by the bulk of the Conservative party In
Preston, when an entirely new difficulty arose. The
supporters of Mr. W. E. M. Tomlinson, the president
of the Preston Working-men's Club, and a gentleman
of considerable local influence, insisted upon pushing
his claims.Mr. Tomlinson himself announced that he was
entirely in the hands of his friends, and would come
forward if they desired him to do so. The position
rapidly developed into a deadlock. The majority of

172 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1882.
the Conservatives supported Mr. Raikes ; but Mr.
Tomlinson's following was sufficiently large to make
it almost certain that if both went to the poll the
Liberals would be able to bring in a nominee of their
own, or by casting in their lot with Mr. Tomlin
son, to ensure the defeat of the official Conservative
candidate. In either event the unity of the local
organization would be destroyed for some time to
come. Eventually an appeal was made to head- quarters,
and Mr. Tomlinson had an interview with Sir Stafford
Northcote and Mr. Gorst. Neither of these gentle
men took a very strong line, but on January 20 Sir
Stafford wrote to Mr. Raikes to say that he had
urged "that, at the present moment, and looking to
the prospects of the next Session, it was of very great
importance to bring you in."
Four days later Mr. Tomlinson announced his
withdrawal from the contest, in consequence of " the
desire expressed by the. leaders of the Conservative
party, that at this conjuncture there should be no
division, and that Mr. Raikes should be put in a
position to take part in the forthcoming discussion of
the rules of the House of Commons," and concluded
with the request that his friends would cordially
support Mr. Raikes.
The excellent grace with which Mr. Tomlinson
renounced his claims when he learned that Mr.
Raikes's services were required for the benefit of the
party as a whole, earned for him the undivided respect

i882.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. IJ^)
of the Preston Conservatives, which stood him in good
stead later in the year.
For some reason there was considerable delay in
the issue of the Writ. This gave the Liberals, who had
been hugging themselves upon the position of affairs
in the Tory camp, time to settle upon their course
after Mr. Tomlinson's retirement had dashed their
earlier hopes. The names of Mr. Watts and Mr.
Ayrtoun were mentioned in the first instance ; but
eventually the Liberal Association determined not to
run an official candidate. Mr. Simpson " of Liver
pool " was, however, good enough to step into the
breach on "purity principles." His only previous
appearance had been as a " Liberal-Conservative " at
Liverpool, in 1874, when he figured at the bottom of
the poll. On this occasion, although defeated, he
polled practically the full Liberal strength, obtaining
4212 votes, as against 4340 recorded in favour of
Mr. Thompson, the official candidate, when opposed
to Mr. Ecroyd the previous year.
On his part Mr. Raikes secured 41 votes more than
were cast for the successful Conservative in 1881, and
thus raised the majority from 1664 to 1833.
The poll was declared on February 2, and the
result evoked much enthusiasm.
After fulfilling a political engagement of long
standing at Hereford, Mr. Raikes turned his steps
towards home, where he was received by the people
of Mold with much cordiality. On his arrival at the
station he was met by a deputation, which comprised

174 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1882.
in its ranks members of both political parties, and was
presented with an address, which, in Its concluding
words, bore witness to his popularity in the district.
The last sentence ran — -
" You see around you neighbours of all shades of opinions
— Liberals and Conservatives, Churchmen and Dissenters —
and we all most heartily congratulate you upon your success,
and wish you long life, happiness, and prosperity."
The Council of the National Union also paid
Mr. Raikes the compliment of passing a resolution
congratulating him upon his brilliant victory.
Lord Salisbury wrote —
" You must forgive me for writing a line to say how
heartily I congratulate you and the party on your return to
the House of Commons. You must have had an anxious
quarter of an hour — but it was a splendid poll."
But perhaps the quaintest of many congratulations
was contained in a letter from his brother-in-law, the
Rev. Digby S. Wrangham. The passage in question
ran —" A Right Honourable who is not an M.P. always, as I tell
Agnes, reminds me of a teapot with a handle but without a
spoilt. Having secured the latter important appendage, may
you pour forth abundance of the liquid eloquence that so
valuable a 'vessel' should do — hot and strong!"
The. Morning Post gSLve. expression to the sentiment
generally aroused by Mr. Raikes's return to active
service, in the following words : —
" We are very glad, irrespective of the Conservative
triumph, that Mr. Raikes has again been enabled to enter
the walls of St, Stephen's, from which he has been greatly

1 882.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. I 75
missed during the last two years. His re-election occurs at
a peculiarly auspicious moment, when it is generally under
stood that the Ministry intend to propose a radical alteration
in our whole system of Parliamentary debate, and one which,
if agreed to by the House of Commons, would practically
render discussion a farce and free speech an empty name.
Mr. Raikes has presided over deliberations of the Legislature
during Sessions of as stormy a character as anything that the
last two years have witnessed, and will be able to give the
House the benefit of his great and varied experience of
obstruction in all its varied moods, whether as practised by
the Parnellites, the independent members of the Liberal party
below the gangway, or the front bench during the six Sessions
the late Parliament lasted. His election is a decided rebuke
to the proposed cloture, or gagging policy, as well as a con
demnation of all that the present Government have done,
whether at home or abroad, during the last two years."

1 76 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1882.

CHAPTER XVII.
Mr. Raikes took his seat at the opening of Parliament
in 1882, and formed one of the majority of 286, which
again asserted that Mr. Bradlaugh should not be
permitted " to go through the form of repeating the
words of the oath." He did not, however, take any
very active part until the debate on the new rules
came on, and in a letter to his mother, on February 27,
he remarked —
" I have not yet quite pulled myself together after my
Preston fatigues, but the recovery of the old work is, I think,
doing me good, though it is a bore to be walking about
incessantly with a speech to deliver on the cloture, which is
incessantly postponed."
The hoped-for opportunity did not arrive until
March 20, but the delay does not appear to have
detracted from the merit of the speech, which was
admitted on all hands to be a valuable and luminous
contribution to the debate.
For some weeks affairs in the House dragged on
wearily, and on April 29 Mr. Raikes wrote to his
mother —
" We have been merely counting time in the House of
Commons ever since we met. The next great excitement for
me is a prospective debate next Thursday, on the late Chester

I882.J HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 1 77
election. . . . You will be sorry to hear that the Preston
expenses have amounted to the terrible total of ^1940, to
which not one farthing has been locally subscribed, and only
;£'ioo from outside."
But the period of calm was not destined to last
for long. The opening of May was marked by the resignation
of Mr. Forster, Chief Secretary for Ireland, in con
sequence of the determination of the Government
to release the imprisoned Irish M.P.'s. The Lord-
Lieutenant, Earl Cowper, took the same course upon
similar grounds.
In political circles excitement rose to fever heat, and
before It had time to cool, the Phoenix Park murders
plunged the whole of Europe Into consternation.
In the ferment of the moment little attention
was paid to Mr. Stanhope's Church Patronage Bill,
which was debated on May 2, and characterized by
Mr. Raikes as a half-hearted measure which only
nibbled at the abuse of the transfer of patronage for
pecuniary considerations.
The spirit of unrest continued to hover over the
country throughout the summer, for in addition to the
troubles in Ireland, matters had drifted into a very
dangerous position in Egypt. The massacre at Alex
andria in June, whereby six hundred Europeans lost
their lives, was followed by the historic bombardment
on the nth of the following month. This pro
ceeding, in spite of Mr. Gladstone's assertion that we
were not at war with any one, cost the Government 12

178 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1882.
the services of Mr. John Bright, to whose penchant
for peace at any price we no doubt, to some extent,
owe the cession of the Transvaal to the Boers in the
previous year, an act of weakness which, since that
time, has so often embroiled this country in South
Africa. Affairs were further complicated during the first
week of July by the defeat of the Government upon a
clause in the Crimes Bill relating to domiciliary visits,
and it was expected In many quarters that they would
seek escape from their difficulties by resignation. But
Mr. Gladstone, in spite of the gaps created in his
Cabinet by the death or defection of some of his ablest
colleagues, held on his course. Nevertheless, although
the Session was unduly prolonged. It was found
Impossible to finish the business in hand, and It was
eventually decided to meet again in November in
order to confirm the cloture resolutions.
Although Mr. Raikes took no part in the Brad-
laugh debate at the commencement of the Session, he
held very strong views upon the question. In April
he had an opportunity of dealing with the subject at
Liverpool. He arrived on the nth, and stayed with
Lord Lathom, who was entertaining Lord Salisbury
and Sir Stafford Northcote, for the great Conservative
demonstration which was to be held on the two follow
ing days. The occasion in question was a dinner
given in honour of the Preston victory by the members
of the Liverpool Junior Conservative Club.
In the course of his speech Mr. Raikes commented

1 882.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. I 79
very severely upon the attitude of the Government In
respect of Mr. Bradlaugh, and gave point to the
anomalous position occupied by them by the following
comparison : —
" You may have heard of a story told some years ago,
and I believe Sydney Smith was the first person who gave
currency to it, reflecting upon the character of the then
Archbishop of Canterbury. Somebody had said that the
Archbishop had violated the oath he had taken in assuming
his see (in which he promised to maintain the emoluments
and dignities of the Cathedral Cburch of Canterbury), when
he lent himself to a proposition to knock off, in the future, half
the capitular body. It was, however, contended that that
could not touch his conscience, because he had only taken
the oath by proxy, and in consequence, the Archbishop stood
scathless, while the unfortunate proctor was bound to bear
future penalties of the violated oath, if the oath was violated.
" It seems to me that Mr. Gladstone and his colleagues
have taken that story to heart. They stand by and lead you
clearly to understand that Mr. Bradlaugh is a very shocking,
very wicked, very dreadful man. If he takes an oath in
which he does not believe, he is committing an act of the
most scandalous profanity, and if her Majesty's Government
allows him to do so it is perfectly free from any possible
charge of complicity of this kind. I fancy that is not an
attitude which, although it may suit a casuistic chancellor,
will commend itself to the robust judgment of the English
people." In September Mr. Raikes, with his wife and eldest
daughter, attended Preston Guild Merchant, a function
held every twenty years with great pomp and cere
mony. The earliest record of It dates back to the
year 1329, the time of Edward III. The Duke and

l8o THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1882.
Duchess of Albany graced the proceedings with their
presence on this occasion, and trade processions, con
certs, and balls filled out the week, which concluded
with a Review on the last day.
This was, I think, the last visit paid by Mr. Raikes
to Preston in his capacity of member for that city.
There had been several false alarms about Cam
bridge from time to time. At one period it was asserted
that Mr. Walpole would certainly withdraw from
public life in June, and it was further reported that
Mr. Gorst's claims were being considered in certain
quarters. Matters, nevertheless, remained in statu quo till
October, when, towards the end of the month, Mr.
Walpole informed the local party leaders that he
definitely intended to retire in the course of a few
days. At Mr. Raikes's request he consented to
defer the final step for a short time, in order that
the former might place his leaders in possession of
the exact state of affairs.
Although Mr. Raikes's friends had everything in
readiness for a contest, the secret had been well kept,
and there is little doubt that the party leaders were
somewhat chagrined when they discovered how strong
his position was. They had, doubtless, imagined that
his aspirations to the "blue riband" of Parliament had
sunk into abeyance after his election for Preston, and
regarded the seat about to be vacated as practically
in their gift.
Mr. Gorst's name was again brought prominently

1 882.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. i8l
forward, and pressure was put upon Mr. Raikes in
order to prevent him leaving Preston.
His mind was, however, too firmly made up to
brook interference with his plans, and on November 2
he addressed the following letter to the chairman of
his Preston Committee : —
" Dear Mr. Park,
" It is not without very real regret that I write to
inform you of my intention very shortly to resign the seat for
Preston which I had the great honour to obtain in February
last. " For many years, indeed, I may say, ever since I began
public life, it has been my ambition to represent the Univer
sity of Cambridge, and so far back as 1867 I found many
supporters there, who have remained faithful to their choice
ever since.
" I learn that it is now the intention of Mr. Walpole to
retire from the representation of the University almost imme
diately, and though the Conservative candidate will not be
formally chosen until a few days after his announcement of
this intention, I have every reason to believe that I shall be
invited to offer myself for the seat.
"There is no other offer that could tempt me to leave
Preston. But I trust that, if I accept the invitation to
take what is considered the 'blue riband' of the House of
Commons, I shall not be thought to slight a constituency
which I should prefer to any other borough or county in the
kingdom. " I feel satisfied that the generous and cordial spirit which
prevailed in the Conservative ranks nine months ago, will
again secure a victory for the party as signal as you then
achieved. " May I venture to express a hope that in view of the
paramount importance of preserving union, the fact of Mr.

1 82 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1882.
Tomlinson's retirement last February may be taken as a cir
cumstance in his favour, and that his claims may be
thoroughly and carefully considered by those who control
tbe party.
" I shall, of course, issue an address, probably about the
end of next week, bidding farewell to the constituency. Will
you, however, be kind enough meanwhile to convey to my
more intimate friends my sincere thanks, as well as my regret
in parting from them. " Yours very truly,
" Henry Cecil Raikes."
As soon as the party managers realized that Mr.
Raikes's determination was not to be shaken by
ordinary methods, they decided on taking an extreme
step. Mr. Walpole was formally requested to further
postpone his proposed resignation, and the following
letter was addressed to Mr. Raikes : —
" Conservative Central Ofifice, November 3, 1882.
" My dear Raikes,
" We have been considering tbe very serious condition
of affairs at Preston, and we have found it necessary to ask
Mr. Walpole to delay, for a short interval, his retirement in
order to give some little time to our Preston friends to con
sider the course they should take. You owe something to
Preston, and I hope you will do what you can to assist the
party there to settle the very serious differences which the
circumstances have created.
" I send you a copy of our letter to Mr. Walpole.
" Yours very sincerely,
" W. H. Smith."
With the information at his disposal, it was easy
enough for Mr. Raikes (as it seemed to him) to read
between the lines of this letter. The view he took

i882.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 1 8

o

may be summed up as follows : Although no direct
allusion was made to the representation of Cambridge
in Mr. Smith's communication, the Central Committee
undoubtedly had their own Ideas on the subject, and
had they not been forestalled by the promptitude of
Mr. Raikes's action, would have taken steps to enforce
them. As matters stood, their only chance lay In
interposing delay. If successful In this, they might
have been able, by bringing pressure to bear all round,
to secure sufficient backing to justify them In launching
an official candidate. Then if in spite of this, Mr.
Raikes still persisted in leaving Preston, he would find
himself confronted with a very real difficulty ; and
would have to choose between facing a struggle with
a member of his ovvn party, endowed with all the
prestige attaching to the official candidate, and aban
doning his University aspirations, and with them
Parliamentary life, at least, for some years to come. If
this position could be brought about It might well give
him pause.
Though fully alive to the danger that threatened
him, he remained unshaken in his determination,
and although highly indignant at this attempt to
embarrass his movements, never dreamt for one
moment of surrender. If his leaders resolved to
proceed to extremities, he, confident in the strength
of his own position, was fully prepared to meet them.
So far as Preston was concerned, their appeal
amounted, in his opinion, to little more than a con
fession that there, too, the Central body were, for the

184 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1882.
moment, unable to put forward the candidate of their .
choice. For, though it has never been questioned that
any member, whose seat is moderately safe, is within
his rights In leaving his constituency under the special
circumstances of an invitation to sit for one of the
Universities, the unwritten rule does not apply to
ordinary cases, and the politician who desires to
change an uncertainty for a certainty has generally
to curb his longings until a General Election furnishes
a convenient opportunity.
Mr. Raikes was well aware that no question would
have been raised as to the propriety of the party
nominee relinquishing his seat if invited to Cambridge,
and also that it was idle to suggest that Preston was
likely to be lost because the authorities were not in a
position to permit the man they favoured to accept the
offer of standing for it. The arguments of the Central
Office, therefore, bore little weight with him, as he
regarded them as intended merely to cover action,
whereby it was hoped to deprive him of the prize for
which he had toiled and waited so long.
His natural indignation at this treatment was not
lessened by the receipt of the following letter from
Mr. Balfour, who, in virtue ofhis position, was obliged
to yield to the pressure put upon him, and to withdraw
his promised support : — " Carlton Club, November 3, 1882.
" My dear Raikes,
" Since I saw you this morning the question of the
vacancy for Preston, which will result from your standing for

i882.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 1 85
Cambridge, has come up before the Central Committee. The
Committee are so strongly of opinion that an immediate
election for that borough would, at the moment, be injurious
to the interests of the party, that they are unwilling that I,
who am a member of the Committee, should appear to have
promoted it by allowing my name to be printed on the list of
your Cambridge Committee. I am very sorry that this should
be so ; but I do not see how, under the circumstances, I can
do otherwise than comply with their request.
" The situation is an awkward one for me ; but I con
sole myself by thinking that you will appreciate my motive,
and will not suffer in your electioneering prospects by my
defection. "Yours truly,
" Arthur James Balfour.
" P.S. — If my name is printed on your committee list,
would you kindly have it erased ? "
The Central Committee, no doubt, felt that they had
taken effectual steps to curb Mr. Raikes's indepen
dence, but if so, they must have been somewhat rudely
undeceived by his reply. In It are blended both anger
and defiance, while the contempt with which their
flimsy arguments are tossed aside must have assured
them that their correspondent had the game in his
own hands, and was perfectly well aware of it : —
" II, Chapel Street, November 4.
" Dear Smith,
" I suppose I ought to acknowledge your communi
cation of yesterday, accompanied by Mr. Balfour's letter
written at your request. I would much rather forbear to
comment upon these letters at all. But, in order to protect
myself, I feel bound to say that the course taken by your
committee appears to have beea based upon very imperfect

1 86 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1882.
knowledge of the facts of the case, as well as upon a strange
misconception of your own functions and of what is due to
one member of the party from another. I am not likely to
forget that I owe something to Preston, but having regard
to the exceptional difficulties, certainly not of my own crea
tion, with which I had to contend there, as well as to the
heavy financial burden which I was left to bear alone, it would
be well to remember that the party owes much more to me.
" I will only further point out that it was at my request
that Mr. Walpole consented to postpone his resignation from
the first day of the Session, when he originally intended it to
take effect ; that I seized the first opportunity when Parlia
ment met of informing you of the exact state of things both
at Cambridge and Preston, and that it is solely due to the
negligence of your own committee if the necessary arrange
ments have not been made for securing to the Conservative
majority at Preston the seat which you will find it very
difficult to lose.
"It is, I suppose, an axiom in electioneering that the
shorter the notice of a vacancy the less is the risk of a split
in the party.
" I have written to Mr. Walpole to disclaim any participa
tion in an interference with his action, which I believe to be
unprecedented and unwarrantable. " I remain, yours very faithfully,
" Henry Cecil Raikes."
This letter probably convinced the leading spirits
on the Council that there was little to be gained by
pushing matters to extremes, for although Mr. Walpole
placed himself in their hands, they put no further
obstacle in Mr. Raikes's way.
Mr. Walpole issued his farewell letter on Novem
ber 7 ; on the 9th Mr. Raikes was formally adopted
as candidate in his place ; and on the loth his Address

i882.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 1 87
to the members of the Senate was printed. Lists
of his London and Cambridge committees were
published simultaneously. Lord John Manners (the
Duke of Rutland) being chairman of the former,
and the Hon. and Rev. Latimer Neville, Master of
Magdalene, of the latter. Day by day these lists were
swelled by the addition of fresh names, and It soon
became evident that Mr. Raikes had behind him
a very large majority of those who represented all
that was best of University opinion. On the 14th
Mr. Raikes issued his farewell address to the electors
of Preston, and on the following day applied for the
Chiltern Hundreds,
Meanwhile Preston, as anticipated, had fixed her
affections on Mr. Gorst as Mr. Raikes's successor,
but he found himself unable to come forward. In
default, Mr. Hanbury found some supporters, but
the matter ended, as it well might have begun, in
the selection of Mr. Tomlinson, who thus reaped the
reward of his self-sacrifice earlier in the year.
As most of my readers probably are aware, voting
at the University election is not by ballot, and the
electors are not compelled to attend in person in order
to exercise their suffrages. All that is necessary for
them to do is to fill in the voting-paper sent to them,
with their own name and that of the candidate they
desire to support, and to forward it as directed. The
poll is kept open for some days, and at its close poll-
books are published showing how each individual vote
has been cast.

1 88 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1882.
From this it will be seen that it is of great im
portance to the candidate to be in possession of a full
and accurate list of the names and addresses of the
graduates who are entitled to vote.
Although the official list formed a very tolerable
guide, Mr. Raikes was of opinion that with care and
attention it might be considerably supplemented and
rectified so far as actual addresses were concerned,
and he had arranged for this work to be taken in
hand some six months previously. His attached
friend, the late Mr. Walker Bally, cheerfully under
took the task, and, far from dropping it when the
election was won, carried it on from year to year with
a system and minuteness which resulted in a degree
of accuracy being reached such as probably had never
before been attained. It was a real labour of love,
and Mr. Bally felt himself fully rewarded when weeks
of patient research resulted in the addition of a few
previously untraced addresses to what he described as
his " great work."
The Conservatives were, then, fully prepared for
action when it was announced, on November 14, that
Professor Stuart would take the field in the Liberal
interest. The poll opened on November 23, and closed on
the 28th. The proceedings were not marked by any
particular degree of interest, for, though Professor
Stuart was personally popular, Mr. Raikes early
secured a commanding lead, which increased day by
day. The Conservatives eventually carried the seat

1882.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 1 89
by a majority of 2192, the figures reading: Raikes
3494, Stuart 1302. It may be noted, too, that the
latter did not succeed in gaining a majority amongst
the members of even one college. However, since
that day he has been fortunate in finding a more
appreciative, if less intellectual, constituency.
This was the first contest which had taken place
since the election of 1868, when two Conservatives
opposed each other, and Mr. Beresford Hope carried
the day against Mr. Cleasby.
Towards the close of the poll letters of congratula
tion began to stream in, and in all Mr. Raikes received
between two and three thousand of these missives.
Shortly after the determination of the Cambridge
contest, several of those who had up to that time been
responsible for the management of the party threw
up the reins, and Mr. Raikes, prompted no doubt by
his own experiences, wrote to Lord Salisbury in order
to urge the necessity of putting matters on a more
satisfactory footing, and in due course received the
following reply : — " December 12, 1882.
"My dear Raikes,
" I very much wish I had a chance of seeing you in
the manner you propose. But we have been ordered to the
Riviera for the health of one of my children ; and we start on
Friday, the 15th.
" The organization of the party is indeed ' acephalous ' at
this moment. Northcote on board a yacht. Stanhope en
route to join him, Gorst and Smith resigned — let us hope
there will not be many bye-elections during the holidays.

190 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1882.
Anyhow, I should be of little service, as, for obvious
reasons, I have carefully kept aloof from matters exclusively
concerning the House of Commons. " Ever yours very truly,
" Salisbury."
" Your majority was a splendid one, but I am afraid that
it contributed to make our friend in Liverpool over-confident."
Upon the whole, Mr. Raikes could look back upon
the year 1882 with considerable satisfaction. Although
many anxieties and vexations had beset his path, the
events which occurred during the latter part of the
year made ample amends. The strain upon his
system, and the serious inroad upon his resources
involved by two contested elections within nine
months, were, like the quarrel thrust upon him by the
action of some of his colleagues, almost forgotten in
the realization of one of his most cherished ambitions.
Indeed, his success would, I think, have been robbed of
half its sweetness had It not been attained in the teeth
of difficulties.

HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 191

CHAPTER XVIII.
In 1883 the fortunes of the Conservative party had
fallen to a low ebb. Its leaders in the House appeared
to have sunk Into a condition of apathy, while the
resignation of its chief managers was In Itself regarded
as a tacit confession of failure.
The function of an Opposition Is, It is commonly
assumed, to oppose, but, with the exception of their
stand on the Bradlaugh question. Sir Stafford North
cote and his leading colleagues showed themselves
unequal to coping with Mr. Gladstone, and seemed
inclined to abandon themselves to a policy of drift.
While unable or unwilling to make opportunities for
themselves, they even proved Incapable of taking
advantage of those furnished by the Government's
blunders. Not unnaturally, their hold upon their supporters
relaxed, and a general spirit of despondency began
gradually to permeate the rank and file. Murmurs
were heard here and there, indicative of a mutinous
spirit, but the majority merely lost heart, and came to
regard the spectacle of their leaders being ever drawn
at Mr. Gladstone's chariot-wheels as a perfectly natural
arrangement. A few bold spirits were even now ripe

192 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1883.
for revolt, but they were rendered powerless by the
apathy of their fellows.
Mr. Raikes, who had viewed the decadence of his
party with grave concern, was constant in his efforts
to reinfuse life into the corpse of Conservatism.
Although he chafed at the timidity of his leaders in
the House of Commons, he did not ally himself with
the little band of conspirators who eventually accom
plished their overthrow. His confidence in Lord
Salisbury was unabated ; and though he foresaw that
certain changes would be necessary, he desired to
have them effected gradually and without any open
rupture. His one aim was to benefit the party as
a whole, and with this object in view he worked
untiringly. While urging upon his leaders the advisability of
entirely reorganizing the system of management in
voguej he was even more insistent upon the necessity
of showing a bolder front, both in Parliament and
throughout the country, than they had done for some
time. His views upon the Parliamentary duties of the
Opposition will be found recorded in the January
number of the Nineteenth Century, 1883.* Of this
article Mr. Gibson (Lord Ashbourne) wrote —
* The following passages give a fairly clear idea of the line taken by
Mr. Raikes in the article referred to, which was entitled " The Functions
of an Opposition."
"... It will follow from this that a party in Opposition will be always
ready to do battle with the Ministry of the day, not merely upon those
great issues which are fraught with momentous consequences to the State,
but also whenever it may find a fair and legitimate opportunity of

i883.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 193
" It is, on the whole, a most valuable contribution to our
political literature. I anticipate for next Session constant
opportunities for the kind of criticism you advocate, but it
will need close work and close attention and attendance."
But it is hardly necessary to say that Mr. Raikes
did not confine his efforts to mere expostulations.
While urging his leaders to take steps to revive the
prestige of the party, he himself laboured hard to
extend its influence in all possible directions, at the
same time seizing every opportunity for criticism of
and assault upon his opponents on the platform and in
the Press.
In 1882 he allied himself with Mr. Alfred Austin,
who in addition to his poetical gifts is possessed of
marked business capacity. In a scheme for starting a
new magazine, with the object of " bringing the
intellectual forces of Conservatism to bear upon the
country." An integral part of the arrangement was
exhibiting to the country such powers as it may possess, and of training
in the practice of Parliamentary dialectic those who are to be its
champions in the competition for the service of the State.''
"... A passive attitude, if permanently maintained, must tend to
disorganize forces, which can only be kept in heart by such successes as
the blunders of any minister must frequently put within the reach of his
opponents." " If we grant, then, that the general attitude of those who sit on the left
of the Speaker should rather be one of expectancy than of aggression, we
must not be supposed to admit that where the policy of the Government
gives an opening for such an exposure as may excite indignation out-of-
doors, the occasion should be lost. Such an occasion, in the opinion of
many on both sides of the House, was afforded by a celebrated incident in
the history of last year " (the promulgation of the Kilmainham corre
spondence). " And it was allowed to pass with a mere desultory discussion,
which showed that the professed critics of the Ministry were really more
frightened than elated by the unusual chance of displaying their fighting
qualities."

194 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1883.
the formation of a club " in the eighteenth rather than
the nineteenth century signification of the term," the
members of which were to supply the necessary literary
matter. These proposals were both carried into effect in
March, 1883. The club was christened the "Cecil,"
after Lord Salisbury (though Mr. Raikes always liked
to consider himself its unofficial godfather), and had
the late Lord Lytton for its first president. It is still
a flourishing, though somewhat select institution.
The first num.ber of the National Review, of which
Mr. Austin and Mr. Courthorpe were the joint editors,
while Mr. Balfour, Mr. Raikes, and the late Mr.
Edward Stanhope filled the position of trustees,
appeared about the same time.
Mr. Raikes was subsequently an occasional con
tributor to the Review, and an article from his pen,
entitled " The Redistribution of Political Power,"
appeared in the second number. Apropos, the Very
Rev. Doctor Perowne wrote —
" Your paper in the National Review struck me as particu
larly valuable, addressed, as it was, to educated men who
might be supposed to work out for themselves some of the
momentous questions raised in it. Ifl might venture on a
criticism, I should say that this article was too full of thought
— or rather, the thought was too much condensed. There
was matter for several articles compressed into one.
"P.S. — I fear I have not said what I meant about your
National Review article. Do you not think it might be well
to expand and publish in a somewhat more popular form the
very important considerations contained in it ? I am sure

1883.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 1 95
you will forgive the suggestion. The country is ill-informed
or misinformed on the subject."
Mr. Raikes was also associated with the formation
of the Constitutional Club, and of the Cambridge Uni
versity Carlton Club, during 1883; while, in addition
to the National Review, he was largely responsible for
the appearance of the Ban^ter in July of the same year.
This latter paper was published In order " to keep in
view the interests of the Church, and to support the
Constitutional party in the State," and for some eight
years did good work. Its first editor was Mr. Charles
Mackeson, while its general direction was In the hands
of the Hon. and Rev. Latimer Neville (Master of
Magdalene, Cambridge), Mr. Raikes, and Mr. Stanley
Leighton. Parliament met this year on February 15, but
before taking up his duties Mr. Raikes, in pursu
ance of the active policy which he advocated, had
addressed meetings at Newbury, Leeds, and Bury.
His speech at the last-mentioned place, which was
delivered on February 12, was, said the Morning Post
in a highly laudatory article —
" In many respects the complement of that made at Leeds
last Friday. Together they form a clear and comprehensive
indictment of the Ministerial policy of the last three years.
. Altogether, Mr. Raikes's able speeches ... go a long
way to make clear the issues that have to be fought out
between the Government and the Opposition during the
coming Session, and if the principles so well laid down by the
right hon. member for the University of Cambridge are
firmly insisted on by the Conservatives, so much the better
for Parliament and the country at large."

196 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1883.
As may be imagined, Mr. Raikes, busy as he
generally was, was more fully occupied than usual at
this period ; indeed, as he mentioned incidentally in
one of his letters, he had about " four times " as much
work as he could do. He, nevertheless, found time
to devote considerable attention to the Central Council
of Diocesan Conferences (which now embraced twenty-
three dioceses), in view of a threatened onslaught by
Archdeacon Denison on that body, mainly on the
ground that the Bishops were not represented upon It.
Although Mr. Raikes was a constant advocate of
a fighting policy, he drew a very distinct line between
legitimate opposition and obstruction, and early In
April a resolution passed by the Junior Liberal Club
at Cambridge condemning "the persistent and sys
tematic obstruction indulged in by sections of the
members of the House of Commons, for the manifest
purpose of preventing urgent and beneficial legisla
tion," and forwarded to him, gave him an opportunity
of publicly repelling the charge persistently levelled
at the Conservatives, whenever they asserted their
Independence, by their opponents.
His letter, which was reproduced in most of the
papers, ran as follows : — " House of Commons, April 9, 188^.
" Dear Sir, . i^ y. j
" As you have done me the honour to forward me a
resolution passed by the Cambridge Junior Liberal Club on
the subject of Pariiamentary obstruction, I hope you will
forgive me if I venture to express my regret that a body
of intelligent young men should have taken the pains to

i883.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 197
pronounce an opinion upon a matter with which they appear
to be so imperfectly acquainted.
"The present is the fourteenth Session in which I have
had the honour of a seat in the House of Commons, during
half of which time it was my duty to preside in the Com
mittees of the whole House, and I can, with all sincerity,
assure you that I never remember any Session in which so
little opposition, far less obstruction, has been offered to the
measures of the Government.
" Parliament was called together a week or more after the
usual time, and the debate on the Address, which was always
regarded by high Constitutional authorities like Lord John
Russell as the most legitimate field for challenging the policy
of Ministers, was undoubtedly prolonged beyond its ordinary
limits by Amendments initiated by Sir Wilfrid Lawson, the
Liberal member for Carlisle, and protracted by Liberal
members from Ireland. The Supplementary Estimates,
raising most important questions with regard both to Egypt
and Ireland, have been voted with unexampled, if not, indeed,
unseemly rapidity. The first stages of the Army, Navy, and
Civil Service Estimates of the present year have passed with
an ease almost unknown in recent Parliaments. The Army
Annual Bill, which was, under its old nomenclature of the
Mutiny Bill, the happy hunting-ground of Mr. Chamberlain
and Mr. Hopwood, and their associates Messrs. Parnell and
Biggar, has now reached its final stage after an hour or two's
debate. " Every other important measure proposed by the Govern
ment has made all the progress desired by its authors with
less expenditure of time than the experience of former
Sessions could have led us to expect. And, with the excep
tion of the Affirmation Bill, which is likely to be opposed by
members of all parties who are unwilling to bow the knee to
Mr. Bradlaugh and his doctrines, the Ministerial proposals
seem likely to encounter as little resistance in the future as
in the past days of the Session.

198 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1883.
" It is almost a pity, then, that those who, like your
members, have an opportunity of obtaining from the news
papers a tolerably accurate record of the progress of public
business, should allow themselves to become the instruments
of an impudent mendacity which seeks, by discrediting the
House of Commons (in which there exists at present an
immense Liberal majority), to promote an agitation which is
only too likely to endanger the Constitutional liberties of our
country. " I have the honour to remain
" Your very faithful servant,
" Henry Cecil Raikes."
To the general public this letter appeared merely
a spirited vindication of a party wrongfully accused
of obstruction, but a phrase here and there — such, for
instance, as "the Ministerial proposals seem likely to
encounter as little resistance In the future as in the
past days of the Session " — seems to point to the con
clusion that what little faith in the ability ofhis leaders
to hold their own in the House of Commons remained
to Mr. Raikes was rapidly ebbing away.
There was a slight rally when the Affirmation Bill
came on in May, and the measure was rejected by
three votes. Beyond this, the Session presented few
features of Interest. Towards the close Mr. Raikes
took an active part In the Corrupt Practices Bill,
introduced by the Attorney-General. He proposed
various amendments to this measure, one of which —
a suggested limitation of the time during which a
candidate should be responsible for expenditure in
curred, to three months before and three months

^883.] HENRY CECIL RAIkES. 19^
after election — would, if carried, have, to some extent,
obviated the difficulty of knowing when an election, so
far as the question of expenses Is concerned, begins or
ends, which exists to the present day. He also, as a
member of the Standing Committee on Law, devoted
much ofhis attention to the Criminal Code (Indictable
Offences Procedure) Bill.
In July he suffered a severe personal loss in the
death of the Rev. Dr. Lee, Secretary of the Church
Defence Institution, and editor of the National Church.
On being brought in contact with this gentleman,
Mr. Raikes had speedily recognized his sterling
qualities, and hastened to find employment for him in
which his valuable gifts could be turned to account.
The two were united by a strong bond of mutual
affection, and had laboured side by side in the cause
of Church Defence for many years.
Dr. Lee lost his living in the sister Isle In con
sequence of the disestablishment of the Irish Church,
but in spite of his eminent services in the cause of
religion, and of the many efforts on the part of Mr.
Raikes and others to procure some recognition of
them, he never succeeded In obtaining preferment in
England. Many now living must remember him
— a little, thick-set, excitable man, whose tongue,
apparently, frequently found difficulty In keeping pace
with his thoughts — but few, perhaps, realize how deep
a debt of gratitude Churchmen of all grades owe to
him. The memorial fund which was subsequently raised,

200

THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1883.

mainly through the efforts of Lord Egerton, of Tatton,
Mr. Raikes, and Sir E. Hertzlet, is, perhaps, the best
testimony to the esteem in which he was held by those
who knew him most Intimately.
. During the spring and summer Mr. Raikes, in
pursuance of the active policy which he had set before
himself and urged upon his leaders, addressed a
number of public meetings. Amongst the places he
visited were Rhyl, Eastbourne, Mold, and Newport
(Mon.). His speeches throughout this year were
conspicuous for force and vigour, and at Newport, for
instance, he was so merciless in his denunciation of
the Government that one of the local papers piteously
headed its account of the meeting, " A Condemnation
of Everything." He also attended the opening dinner
of the Cambridge University Carlton Club, at which
the other principal speakers were Mr. Beresford Hope,
Mr. Gibson (Lord Ashbourne), and Mr. Alfred Austin.
At the close of the Session he sought repose at
the little Welsh watering-place, Criccieth. Mr. Raikes
himself, accompanied by three or four of the younger
members of his party, made his way from Llwynegrin
to the sea by road. A combined riding, driving, and
walking tour during the summer, was one of the few
relaxations which he allowed himself during later years.
His first experiment In this direction was probably
entered upon in the hope of reviving the recollections
of his childhood, when the annual trip to the sea
side on wheels was one of the great excitements of
life. Be this as it may, it proved so successful that

1883.J HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 20I
subsequently the excursion was carried out regularly,
and, in the course of these extended outings, nearly
every picturesque spot In North Wales was visited.
The cavalcade usually consisted of two or three riding
horses or ponies and a light dog-cart. The latter
rendered the party entirely independent of the railway,
and obviated most of the drawbacks attendant on a
riding-tour pure and simple.
To the younger members of the family these
expeditions were a source of unfailing delight, and
great was the competition among them for places in
the party. Nor can this be wondered at. Mr.
Raikes's singularly retentive memory and general
culture rendered him a charming companion at all
times, but during these excursions he excelled himself
His mind was stored with curious knowledge — folk
lore, local traditions, and quaint fragments of history —
acquired In part from his own reading and in part
from the lips of his father in the course of their
earlier wandering-s in the same districts. Under his
guidance these journeys were invested with a dis
tinction which was fully appreciated by his young
companions, although at the time they were, perhaps,
unable to analyze its source, and a romantic aspect was
lent to every yard of the way traversed by the party.
Criccieth Itself afforded restful pleasure to the
hard-worked M.P., who for the time flung all business
and Parliamentary cares from him, and settled down
to a life of placid enjoyment. On August 23 he wrote
to his mother —

202 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1883.
" This place is really the gem of the North Wales coast ;
and as we look across the broad bay of Mediterranean blue to
Harlech's ' castled crag ' nearly opposite, and follow the line
of the Merioneth mountains down to Barmouth and Towyn
beyond it on our left, or glance over the Carnarvonshire
peninsula on our right from the Rivals almost to Bardsey, I
am constantly being reminded who it was who first taught us
to love the picturesque and in these familiar scenes.
" Really the place is as lovely as the Riviera ; and when we
stroll along the little esplanade in a balmy moonlight which
brings out in very effective outline the Castle and Castle
Rock, we can quite fancy ourselves under Italian skies. But
to make sure of not losing our home associations, we have
brought ' Old Mortality ' with us, and enjoy as much as any
thing making L  and T  acquainted with Claverhouse
and Burley."
On his return home Mr. Raikes devoted himself
to promoting the Lee Memorial Fund, to which allusion
has already been made, and also solaced this period
of comparative leisure by writing an article, which
appeared in the October number of the National
Review under the title of " The New Law of
Elections," and was described by Mr. Balfour in one
ofhis letters as "excellent."
With the advent of the autumn campaign, Mr.
Raikes again became very busy, as his services were
in much request In different parts of the country.
The first meeting he addressed was held at Carnarvon,
under the presidency of the late Lord Penrhyn, and
he also spoke at Bristol (Dolphin Dinner), Newport,
Leicester (where he chose for his subject " Parliamen
tary Reform "), and other places.

I883.J HENRY CECIL RAIKES, 2O3
A chance meeting with Mr. W. F. Haydon brought
him, late in October, an Interesting letter, a portion of
which I venture to quote —
" The sound of your voice flung an arch over some twenty
years and more, and carried me back in a moment to days
when life was a little more cheerful and hopeful to us tban,
perhaps, it may be now.
" Poor Disraeli, I shall never forget meeting him one day
in Berkeley Square, just after he succeeded Lord Derby as
Prime Minister ; and on my saying to him, ' Well, you see it
has come : now you must acknowledge that I am a true
prophet,' (he) stopped and looked at me as I was standing
before him, bolt upright, and full of life and health, and
replied, ' Ah, but you are young yet ; you have life before
you, but for me it is twenty years too late. Give me your
age and your health.' ' And so I will, sir,' I repHed, ' if you
will give me your head.' He laughed kindly, but the tone of
his voice and his whole look at me was so inexpressibly sad
that I could see he felt the loss of his youth and strength
much more than any one suspected. ... I was much amused
at your remembering the poor old New Quarterly. It died
from want of capital. ... I was vastly amused at the pre
sent Lord Derby * — then only eldest son. I begged him
to enrol his name in the list of subscribers. But he would
not. His excuse was, ' There is no room for new publications
of this strong political character ; besides,' he added with
charming simplicity, ' I could not really find tbe necessary
space for a new quarterly on my bookshelves.' "
Later on in the same letter the writer expressed
doubts as to the possibility of producing a successful
memoir of Mr. Disraeli in the absence of autobio
graphical papers, and apropos Introduced the following
anecdote : — * Fifteenth Earl.

204 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1883.
" He (Disraeli) suddenly asked me, ' Are you one of those
who keep letters 1 ' ' No, sir,' I said ; ' I never keep a letter
unless it is on a family matter, or business . affairs of course.'
After that I noticed he used to write to me with much less
reserve on men and things, and I never recollect his letters
being in any but his own hand."
An Invitation to Sir William Harcourt to stay in
December elicited a characteristic response : —
"Your kind and hospitable letter of the 19th somehow or
other got ' mixed and mingled ' up in my official papers aud
sent off to London, and only returned to me in a box which
I only opened in the train on my road to London yesterday.
This will account for what must have seemed to you like a
churlish silence.
" I could not, however, have availed myself of your kind
ness, as, owing to my obligations to my constituents, I was
so bustled about that I only got two nights at Hawarden,
and was obliged to come home last night to do my Christmas
at home. I did not know you were so near a neighbour of
the G.O.M. It only, however, proves the old saying, ' The
nearer the church, the further,' etc.
" When you are in office and I in opposition I shall hope
to come and see you."
Hawarden is distant from Llwynegrin but six
miles, but nevertheless Mr. Raikes saw little of his
illustrious neighbour, who rarely visited the surround
ing districts. I remember, however, that on one
occasion Mr. Gladstone accepted an invitation to dine
with Mr. Bankes of Soughton, and Mr. and Mrs.
Raikes were among the guests. It was the night of
O'Donnell's execution for the murder of Carey, and a
dark report came down from the Home Office that
Mr. Gladstone would be assassinated at the party.

1883.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 205
Every possible precaution was taken, and the other
guests were much surprised on their arrival to find the
house surrounded by police. Patrols were stationed
on the roads, and for the nonce Lord Aberdeen and
Mr. W. H. Gladstone took the places of the coachman
and footman on the box of the Premier's carriage.
It was a somewhat anxious time, but apparently the
least concerned of all those in the secret was Mr.
Gladstone himself, who throughout the evening was
as gay and debonair as was usual with him when in
society.

206 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [l8

CHAPTER XIX.
In 1884 the influence of Lord Randolph Churchill
began to make itself really felt, to the great discom
fiture of his nominal leaders. The latter still clung
with desperate clasp to their passive attitude, but
from time to time their turbulent ally succeeded in
forcing them out into the open, and compelling them
to give battle. Naturally, they distrusted his im
petuosity, while his scarcely veiled contempt for their
cautious policy was very galling to men of standing
and experience. Although within the party itself rela
tions between the leaders and a large section of their
supporters grew daily more strained, the outcome was
on the whole beneficial. The inauguration of a more
vigorous line of policy kept them united In the face of
the enemy, while the disasters In the Soudan furnished
a sufficient pretext for an active campaign against the
Government both in the House and in the country.
The Liberal policy In Egypt and the Soudan was
fiercely challenged on the Address, the debate lasting
for five days. Mr. Raikes, who had spoken on the
subject at Millom shortly before the opening of Par
liament, was invited by Mr. Rowland Winn on behalf
of Sir Stafford Northcote to take part in the debate,

1884.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 207
to which the disaster of SInkat lent particular point
and interest.
The Liberals, nevertheless, held their own, and for
awhile the leaders of the Opposition, exhausted per
haps by the spasmodic effort into which they had been
driven by Lord Randolph Churchill, made no further
movement, while their personal adherents devoted
their energies to quarrelling among themselves.
Their renewed inactivity to a large extent dashed
the hopes of those who had begun to hope that a
brighter day was dawning ; and Mr. Raikes, who had
revelled in the fray so long as It had lasted, reluctantly
reverted to the opinion which the experience of several
Sessions had gradually driven him to entertain, that it
was little use continuing the struggle unless a clearance
could be made of most of those to whose guidance the
command of the Opposition in the House of Com
mons was then entrusted. He had from his entry Into
Parliament nourished a strong liking and respect for
Sir Stafford Northcote, and was averse from joining in
any movement to supersede him entirely unless events
should render It absolutely necessary. At the same
time, he was strongly of opinion that his leader was
too gentle and pliant to be pitted alone against Mr.
Gladstone, and that It was necessary to strengthen his
hands by replacing his existing associates with abler
men, or even, in the last resort, to hand over the
reins to some one possessed of a more powerful
individuality. But the difficulty in the way of effecting any change

208 THE UFE AND LETTERS OF [1884.
lay in the fact that though the hour was opportune, no
one with any solid pretensions to authority was ready
to take up the task. None of the members of the
circle which surrounded the leader of the Opposition,
with one exception, were, in Mr. Raikes's opinion,
endowed with the necessary ability or statecraft to
render them worthy of being entrusted with the virtual
command of the party ; and the one whom mentally he
separated from the rest seemed content to remain in
the background.
Meanwhile, the name of Randolph Churchill was
on the lips of many, but him the member for the
University was not prepared to accept without con
siderable reserve. He recognized in the member for
Woodstock a real force, but felt more than a slight
hesitation in reposing confidence in a man who was
obviously playing for his own hand, and evidently was
prepared to go to ruthless extremities in order to
attain his ends. For a time, then, he thought it politic
to wait upon events ; and meanwhile, moved to Biblical
comparison, perhaps, by some reminiscence of " Elijah's
Mantle," an article from Lord Randolph's pen which
had aroused a widespread sensation in the previous
year, he amused himself by satirizing the two wings
of the party with unsparing and impartial vigour.
In March he published in the Fortnightly Review,
over the signature of " An English Tory," an article
entitled " Job and his Comforters : Elihu's Parable."
In it, under the thinnest of disguises, figured several
of the more prominent members of the Opposition.

1 884.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES, 209
To Sir Stafford Northcote was allotted, as of course,
the title-role, while Lord Randolph Churchill, Mr.
Gorst, and Sir Henry Wolff played the parts of the
historic Comforters.
The article was widely read and discussed, and
much curiosity was displayed as to the identity of Its
author. The secret was, however, well kept, at any
rate for a few weeks.
Some idea of its general tenor may be gathered
from the following extracts : —
"The sad soliloquy ceases. The hands of perplexity
desist from travelling up and down the sleeves of irresolution.
The knocker has sounded ; the door opens, and Eliphaz *
is announced. His demeanour is almost obsequious, his
deference really charming ; but he has been observing with
anxiety the result of certain recent elections, and he has
thought it well that certain conclusions at which he has
arrived should be submitted to his leader. The Central
Committee — here a gentle sigh escapes his listener — seem
scarcely to have appreciated the particular circumstances of
a particular constituency. It is true that the vacancy had
come rather suddenly. . . . The Liberal candidate had since
been returned by a majority of three hundred ; and he
ventured to say that throughout the whole transaction every
body had behaved ill and foolishly except himself. . . . He
rose to go just as another and louder peal at the bell heralded
the announcement of Zophar f and Bildad,$ who came in
together. " Their visit, however, appeared to have been dictated only
by a spirit of politeness. Some disquieting rumour as to the
state of their Chief's health had engendered in them an earnest
solicitude to be informed of his well-being. Yet was their
• Mr. Gorst. t Sir H. Wolff. t Lord R. Churchill. 14

2IO THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1884.
very presence evidently distressful to the object of their
sympathy, who appeared to be not a little puzzled as to
whether tbis occasion could be improved so as to obtain from
them, if not an expression of regret for the past, at least some
assurance of submission for the future. But that terrible
letter * — followed, as it had been, by various contributions of
opinion in all the morning papers — seemed to paralyze its
victim's efforts to assert his authority. It was too plain that
he was the culprit on whose pusillanimity and inaction rested
the whole responsibility for all party reverses, past, present,
and future. Zophar was very good-natured, and introduced
one or two anecdotes possessing a peculiar interest ; but his
companion seemed rather moody and silent, as if he had
rather come to observe the effects of his exhortation than to
follow it up by any very immediate application. Had he not
shown his magnanimity by coming to have ten minutes of
friendly conversation with the man whom he had just held up
to public scorn as a hopeless incapable ? And was not the
mere fact of his sitting in that armchair a sort of indication
of the superiority so contemptuously taken for granted ? "
The moral drawn was that as Job was permitted
to retrieve his past errors, and to enjoy a fresh lease
of life and prosperity upon breaking with the past
and all its associations, in the same manner might Sir
Stafford Northcote, by casting away the potsherds
which had borne him company In his humiliation, and
setting before himself " a worthier occupation than an
aimless friction with the baser relics of his former im
portance," be enabled to rise to higher things and
to re-establish his party In the position which it had
formerly occupied.
The advice, although kindly meant, was no doubt
* Lord Randolph Churchill's famous letter to the Times,

1884.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES, 211
couched In too caustic a vein to prove very acceptable.
Apart from any intrinsic value attaching to It, the
article takes high rank If looked at merely as an effort
of satire, or upon the broader ground of literary finish.
The editor of the Fortnightly, in writing to acknow
ledge Its receipt on February 22, said —
" ' The hands of perplexity travelling up and dovvn the
sleeves of irresolution ' is excellent. It is epigrammatic phrases
of this sort which live — and yours have the true ring of
vitality. The whole article delights me. The literary form
is a real treat to me."
On March 23, after Mr. Escott had had full oppor
tunity of gauging the effect produced, he wrote again : —
" It is, on the whole, the best piece of political writing
that I have yet been able to publish in the Fortnightly. . , ,
I had, by the bye, a most amusing letter from Sir William
Harcourt about it. 'The article,' he said, 'is wonderfully
clever and bitter, but as Home Secretary I think it only right
to warn you that it brings you within the jurisdiction of the
Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals.' "
Lord Randolph Churchill's rapid rise provoked
not only the hostility of his titular chiefs, but In even
an intenser degree the jealousy of those who occupied
a secondary rank in the party. The former. In turn,
attempted to make use of him and to thwart him,
while the latter were almost unanimous in their desire
to compass his downfall. Mr. Raikes himself inclined
more strongly almost day by day In the direction of
giving to Lord Randolph Churchill some portion of
the authority as yet denied him. In a letter written
to his son Henry on March 13 he said —

212 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1884.
" We struggle along in the usual chaotic manner, and I
have grown quite sick of the party and hopeless of the cause
so far as Parliament is concerned. But there is, I think, a
healthy current of opinion perceptible out-of-doors which
may create something more like a real Conservative party in
the next House.
" Randolph Churchill seems to me the sole hope, and he
wants very careful counsellors about him."
By May the whole country was glowing with
excitement over the position of General Gordon, and
Mr. Raikes, In common with other members of Parlia
ment, was Inundated with letters imploring him to
urge his leaders to head a great popular movement
instead of merely asking questions. Lord Salisbury
himself was, no doubt, fully alive to the necessity of
taking action, but in order to do so effectually It was
imperative to secure the assistance of Lord Randolph
Churchill, for this, in view of the strained relations
then existing, could not be counted on as a matter of
course. It appears, however, that at a meeting held at
Lord Salisbury's house on May 10 matters were satis
factorily arranged, and a few days later Sir Michael
Hicks-Beach brought forward a motion condemning
the Government for their treatment of Gordon. Mr.
Gladstone on this occasion was deserted by the
Irish members, and the credit for detaching them
was generally admitted to be due to Lord Randolph
Churchill. The assault resulted in a moral victory
for the Opposition, but it soon became apparent that
instead of drawing the leaders and their dashing

i884.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 213
lieutenant more closely together, the only effect
obtained was an increase of distrust, fostered by the
jealousy of subordinates, on the one side, and of inde
pendence on the other.
The determination to extinguish, if possible, the
rising star was, in fact, so marked, that "an English
Tory " was moved once more to deal with the situa
tion. His contribution on this occasion appeared in
the June number of the Fortnightly, under the title of
"Joseph and his Brethren: An Eastern Apologue
with a Western Moral."
This essay was couched in a somewhat less bitter
vein than " Job and his Comforters," but was by no
means devoid of irony, the parallels drawn between
certain members of the semi-official clique on the
Opposition side, whose characteristics the writer
touched In with much malicious skill, and the sons of
Jacob, being replete with humour. Lord Randolph
himself did not escape unscathed, as witness the
following extract : —
"Joseph, unquestionably, must have been a very provoking
younger brother. The mere fact that his greater gifts were
recognized at the very outset of bis career by those most
capable of judging them ; his objectionable sense of supe
riority ; his fantastic dreams and vexatious visions, so
unworthy of his position, and so irreconcilable with the
character of a future statesman ; his coat of many colours,
worn in all probability with rather aggravating ostentation,
when his elders and contemporaries attired themselves, in
season and out of season, in the orthodox livery of their tribe ;
his audacious, if not impudent, declaration that a day was

2 14 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1884.
coming when not only the rivals ofhis own generation, but both
the august personages who presided over the family councils
should come and submit themselves to his acknowledged
supremacy ;— all these things were as gall and wormwood to
tbe self-satisfied young sheikhs, whose highest ambition was
to swagger through the bazaars of Hebron, or to compass, by
every device of pettifogging chicanery, the retention of a well
or two which might be threatened by Philistine aggression."
The writer, after dwelling fancifully upon the cir
cumstances surrounding the disposal of Joseph by his
brethren, and pointing out the existence up to a
certain point of a "resemblance between these inci
dents of primeval history and events which have
happened in days much less remote," went on to
say —" He" (Lord Randolph Churchill) "does not belong to tbe
little ring — semi-official as yet, but which expects to become
at the next turn of the wheel official in the fullest sense — that
hedges in the rival queen-bees of the Conservative hive from
all communication with their party, their followers, and their
countrymen. It is the lot of almost every party leader to
surround himself with a little circle of men whose zeal is only
equalled by their exclusiveness, and whose ambition far
exceeds their ability ; . . . these conspire to intercept the
interchange of political confidence between the leaders of
the party and the party at large, and none of them would
shrink, as we have recently learned, from inflicting upon Lord
Randolph Churchill all the execration, extinction, and exile
which his presumption has deserved.
"... It is obviously not impossible for the smaller fry
of Conservative officialism at the present moment to exclude
from their ranks tbe one man who seems likely to save them
from universal unpopularity. And if they are abetted by
their recognized chiefs they may succeed in their object.

1884.J HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 215
But Lord Salisbury should remember that Jacob certainly
did not connive at the conspiracy in the wilderness ; and Sir
Stafford Northcote may also take note that Leah, as far as
we know, was not a consenting party to the machinations of
her offspring. If they had been open to the suspicion of any
such complicity, it is possible that even the magnanimity of
Joseph would not have been equal to the task of resuscitating
tbe fallen fortunes of his race."
The meaning of the lesson thus sought to be
Imparted, is almost too obvious to need explanation.
In Mr. Raikes's opinion. Lord Randolph had by this
time shown himself to be the one man capable of
rallying the country to the side of the Conservatives.
He must come to the front In any event — must, even
if driven out of the Conservative ranks, become a
power in the land.
" Recognize this fact," urged the writer. " Do not let
your eyes be blinded by the mediocrities of the Front Bench,
but take advantage of the circumstance that you have in your
ranks a man of commanding ability and undoubted force of
character." The Session was not many weeks old when Mr.
Gladstone introduced his Reform Bill, which soon
became the subject of fierce controversy. The main
objection taken to It by the Conservatives was that
the measure, while enlarging the Franchise, made no
provision for the inequalities which must arise under
its action. It was, they urged, impossible to separate
an increase of the electorate from its corollary, a re
arrangement of electoral areas, without manifest
injustice.

2l6 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1884.
Mr. Raikes, at a meeting of the party, suggested
that a committee should be formed to scrutinize the
details of the measure, and shortly afterwards received
the following letter from Mr. Edward Stanhope : —
" Your suggestion at the Carlton meeting the other day
had been anticipated by Sir Stafford Northcote, and he has
formed the nucleus of a committee, with Beach as chairman,
to consider the clauses of the Reform Bill.
" Beach hopes that you will consent to join the committee,
which includes Gibson as representing Ireland, Maxwell from
Scotland, and two or three other English members."
Mr. Raikes took up the work with ready hands,
and throughout the Session was constant In his
attendance when the question of Reform was under
discussion. He delivered a telling speech early in the debate,
on March 27, which subsequently led to a lively
passage of arms between himself and Mr. G. W. E.
Russell. To quote from a contemporary account of
the proceedings —
" When Mr. Raikes rose to resume the adjourned debate
on the Reform Bill, there was but a meagre attendance,
typical indeed of the want of interest displayed in the
measure throughout the country. His was one of the ablest
speeches yet made from the Conservative side. . . . Mr.
George Russell had a great opportunity of distinguishing
himself, but let it slip. He was unable to answer Mr. Raikes,
who had dealt with the question in a manner never dreamt of
by the Under-Secretary of the Local Government Board. To
tell an honorary member that he was the representative of a
University, and could not be supposed to sympathize with

i884.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 2 I'J
the measure before the House was hardly worthy of a relative
of the great Whig statesman."
In April Mr. Raikes varied his Parliamentary
duties by addressing two or three public meetings,
and said in a letter written to his mother on the 22nd
of that month —
" I have been rambling over the country throughout last
week — to Neath on Monday, speaking there on Tuesday ; to
Taunton, and speaking there on Wednesday ; to Llwynegrin
on Thursday, going over the buildings, etc., there on Friday ;
and back to town on Saturday. It was miserably cold
nearly all the time, and I am glad to get back from the
delusive greenery of the country to smoky, comfortable
London." Returning to the Parliamentary Session, we find
the Government, In spite of the narrow majorities by
which it maintained its position on two or three
critical occasions, pushing steadily on with the Reform
Bill, although a strong impression was gaining ground
that the Lords would decline to pass it unless due
provision were made for redistribution of seats at the
same time. That the justice of this point of view
was largely admitted in the Commons also Is proved
by the fact that an amendment of Mr. Raikes's, to
the effect that an extension of the Franchise should
be accompanied by Redistribution, was rejected by
only twenty-six votes, although the Government at
the time were nominally possessed of an enormous
majority. The Bill in due course reached the Lords on

2l8 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1884.
July 7, and the Peers, while asserting their approval
of its principle, refused to pass it without the
essential part — Redistribution — except under one con
dition. They expressed their readiness to accept the
measure in its existing shape if the constituencies so
desired It, and called upon the Government either to
introduce their Redistribution Scheme, and to send
them up a complete Reform Bill ; or to consult the
people and find out whether they approved or not of
the Bill in Its imperfect form.
It is unnecessary to do more than allude to the
agitation set on foot as soon as It was realized that the
Upper House was in earnest ; but that Lord Salisbury
had no Idea of wavering is shown by the following
letter, written in reply to one addressed to him by
Mr. Raikes :— "July 15, 1884.
"My dear Raikes,
" Many thanks. The meeting at the Carlton passed
off very weU. The vast majority were fully with us, and as
far as the House of Lords were concerned, no elements of
dissension appeared which we did not already know of. . . .
I am a little doubtful as to the wisdom of going into great
detail on the question of redistribution. We may endanger
several of our friends' seats. With your two other recom
mendations I quite concur.
" I earnestly hope we shall keep together in November.
" Yours very truly,
" Salisbury."
Mr. Raikes was exceptionally active in Parliament
throughout this Session. His exertions were naturally

1 884.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 219
mainly directed to the Reform Bill, but he found time
to introduce on his own account a Defamation of
Character Bill, which was read a second time towards
the end of June without a division. He ran down to
Wales for a few days towards the end of July In
order to fulfil some local engagements, but returned
to London for Lord Salisbury's dinner to the Council
ofthe National Union.
Lord Randolph Churchill's proposals for reorganiz
ing the management of the party had not, by any
means, been received with favour by that body, but
Lord Salisbury appears to have succeeded in smooth
ing some of the difficulties with which the question
was surrounded, for on July 27 Mr. Raikes wrote to
Mr. Walker Bally—
" You will be glad to hear that there has been a great
reconciliation in the party. The Central Committee is dis
solved, and Salisbury and Randolph have kissed each other.
I only hope it may last. The occasion is to be signalized by
a grand attack on the Government next week on Egyptian
affairs generally."
The agitation in favour of the Reform Bill had by
degrees developed into a direct attack on the House
of Lords, and had assumed sufficiently large dimen
sions to impress upon the Conservative leaders the
necessity of counter-demonstrations. One of the most
important of the latter was held in August at Nostell
Priory. The principal speakers were Sir Stafford
Northcote, Lord Carnarvon, and Mr. Raikes, who
addressed what the Times described as an " imposing

2 20 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1884.
gathering" in the open air. Sir Stafford, with more
than customary vigour, emphasized the fact that those
who declared that the majority of the House of Lords
and the Conservative party were opposed to a further
extension of the franchise in the counties, simply
asserted an untruth.
Throughout the autumn campaign Mr. Raikes
devoted himself almost entirely to the Franchise ques
tion, on which he was naturally well qualified to speak.
At a meeting held at Mold he dexterously adopted
Mr. Gladstone's alternative phrase that the House of
Lords had '' effectually stopped " the Reform Bill,
pointing out that they had not " rejected " it, as it was
still upon the order-book of that House when Parlia
ment was prorogued.
So good a case was made out by Conservative
orators generally, that it soon became apparent that
the Government had little to gain by pushing matters
to extremities against the Lords ; and the publication
of the text of their Redistribution Bill, unauthorized
as it was declared to be, was generally taken as a sign
that they were unwilling to throw away the substance
for the shadow. Mr. Raikes, like many others, was
inclined to believe that the Government were not
entirely innocent in the matter, and were, indeed,
willing "to surrender the information while pretending
to withhold it."
During a portion of the autumn Session the Uni
versity member made Cambridge his head-quarters,
and in company with Sir Hardinge Giffard (Lord

i884.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 22 1
Halsbury), attended the annual dinner of the Cam
bridge Carlton Club, postponed from May to Novem
ber 29. He was within easy reach of London, and
able to run up on important occasions, as, for instance,
to use his own words, " for our one other Reform
debate, as soon as Gladstone and Northcote have
sufficiently studied the parts of the lion lying down
with the lamb in our new political paradise."
In December he returned to Wales, in order to
take part in the festivities attendant on the coming of
age of his eldest son.
There can be little doubt that Mr. Raikes
strengthened his Parliamentary position considerably
during 1884. Although tied down in the main to a
subject dry and technical In Its essence, he showed so
powerful a grasp of detail and such infinite readiness
in snatching tactical advantages, that his leaders In
the following year had no hesitation in asking him to
bear a considerable portion of the burthen involved
by the intricacies of the Redistribution Scheme. And
when, as happened In due course, he and Lord Ran
dolph Churchill began to draw nearer to each other,
he felt that he was able to look forward to his own
immediate future with a considerable degree of
confidence. His fatal knack of ridicule, however, stood him in
bad stead later on, and though he must have derived
much quiet enjoyment from the compilation of the
articles already referred to In this chapter, it would,
perhaps, have been wiser In his own interests had he

222 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1884.
reserved his sarcasm entirely for the benefit of his
opponents. He did not entirely neglect these latter,
as is shown by the publication of his parody entitled
"Canute II." in Vanity Fair early in the year,
concerning which the then editor wrote —
" Your verses which you have been so kind as to send to
Vanity Fair are admirable. This is the kind of thing that
sticks. I wish I could persuade you to send us weekly some
thing (long or short) of the same nature."
But his sharpest shafts were at this time aimed at the
more pretentious members of his own party.
A less aggressive effort than those already referred
to was an article published in the November number
of the National Review, as may be gathered from
the following letter written by the editor on Sep
tember 27 : —
"My dear Raikes,
" I had several good laughs, and many more quiet
smiles, over your paper last night, when I read it in print for
the first time.
" It is capital and most amusing.
" I am sorry Courthorpe did not print it in the October
number ; but he said he could not manage it.
" It shall appear under my auspices.
" I am rather disposed to suggest you should add another
page written in a serious vein, and containing an appeal to the
Conservative party not to forfeit the substance for the shadow
of Conservatism, and, in a word, to preach a short sermon on
the text Respice finem.
" Is not Salisbury's paper masterly .''
" Yours very sincerely,
"Alfred Austin,"

i885.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 223

CHAPTER XX.
Proceedings in Parliament during the year 1885
present many features of interest, even if considered
merely from the standpoint of the casual observer.
But though there is no uncertainty as to the effects
produced, the causes are, to some extent, shrouded
in mystery. When the inner history of this period
comes to be written, It will probably be found that
forces were at work, the existence of which, though
guessed at by a few, was entirely unsuspected by many
v/ho were then believed to be behind the scenes.
The year opened dramatically enough with the
attempt to blow up the Houses of Parliament with
dynamite, and the excitement created by the explosion
had hardly passed away when the whole nation was
plunged into consternation by the news of the death of
Gordon, This calamity can hardly be said to have
been unexpected, but Its actual occurrence was re
garded in political circles as a deathblow to the Liberal
Government, which for months had been supposed to
be tottering to its fall.
On February 27 Mr. Raikes wrote to his
mother —

2 24 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1885.
" Here everything is anxiety and confusion. The Govern
ment will, I think, probably fall to-night, which will serve
them right, of course, but will impose on our people a burden
which I greatly fear is altogether beyond their capability.
"Sir S. N.'s resolution was thought so feeble in its
terms that our Junta (at last !) sent for me, and begged me to
draw one more calculated to strengthen our party.
" This I very reluctantly have done, and it will be moved
to-night by Lord G. Hamilton if Northcote's is defeated."
The Government, nevertheless, held their own until
June, which month witnessed the downfall of Mr.
Gladstone's second Ministry (upon what appeared to
be a matter of secondary importance), and the assump
tion of the reins by Lord Salisbury. In November,
as will be remembered, an appeal to the country
resulted In a victory for Mr. Gladstone once again.
From the beginning of the Session the air was
thick with rumours, and on all sides startling develop
ments were expected. Under these circumstances
it can hardly be a matter for surprise that members
In general found some difficulty in settling down
steadily to work.
The Government duly brought In their Redis
tribution Bill, but this aroused little interest save in
the breasts of those who imagined that they were
likely to suffer under its operation, and among the
little knot of experts to whom was confided the duty
of working out the practical details of the measure.
Mr. Raikes, who was included in the second
category, was in constant communication with Sir
Charles Dilke and the other members of the Boundary

1885.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 225
Commission. He had commenced his labours in the
recess, and that they were no sinecure, even during
the earlier stages, may be gathered from an instance
mentioned in a letter to his mother dated January 1 2 : —
" A  and I were busy on Saturday — and, 1 am ashamed
to say, all yesterday afternoon up to and after the legitimate
hour of post — in perfecting my scheme for the electoral sub
division of Cheshire, which is to be considered by the Boundary
Commissioners to-day. And we are rather proud of having
got through this work of necessity, including a nicely coloured
map, just in time I "
The mass of papers devoted to this question
which he left behind, sufficiently testify to his un
wearying Industry in connection with It, both in and
out of Parliament.
Amongst other matters, special provision was made
in the Bill for the punishment of electors found guilty
of corrupt practices in the course of the Election of
1880. In the first instance, It was proposed to inflict
the penalty of disfranchisement for life. This sugges
tion evoked much feeling at Chester and other places
implicated, and Mr. Raikes received many letters both
from friends and opponents among his old constituents
begging him, if possible, to obtain some mitigation of
punishment. When the matter came before the House the pro
position he made was that persons scheduled for bribery
at the 1880 election should be incapable of being regis
tered as Parliamentary electors during a period of seven
years after the presentation of the Commissioners' 15

2 26 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1885.
reports. It was felt that the penalty of disfranchise
ment for life suggested in the Bill was too severe, and
Mr. Raikes's views met with a considerable degree
of support on both sides of the House. On the
Attorney - General (Sir Henry James) leaving the
matter in the hands of members generally, the amend
ment was agreed to without a division.
Some of the Chester Liberals were far from
satisfied at the result, as they had hoped that the term
would have been limited to the life of the existing
Parliament. But on the whole, their late member's
interposition was well received, and brought him
many letters of thanks.
The two most important political gatherings
attended by Mr. Raikes during the first half of the
year were of widely differing natures, and were held
at Wrexham and Cambridge respectively.
The first, a mass meeting, took place in April, and
Lord Salisbury, who was the principal speaker, was
very warmly received. He and Mr. Raikes were
the guests of the late Sir Watkin Wynn at Wynnstay ;
and this must have been the last time that the member
for Cambridge University set eyes upon the " Prince
in Wales ; " for less than a month later he had passed
away amid general sorrow. To Mr. Raikes personally,
Sir Watkin's death was a very severe blow, and by it
he lost one of his most staunch and faithful friends.
The second meeting was the annual dinner of the
Cambridge University Carlton Club, which was held
on June 6.

i88s.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 227
It was mainly through Mr. Raikes's influence that
Lord Randolph Churchill was induced to attend the
banquet ; and that the former had gained a very real
influence over the latter, transitory though it proved
to be, is proved by an incident which occurred In the
course of the evening. Needless to say, the leader of
the Fourth Party had an enthusiastic reception at the
hands of the undergraduates, but at first some of
the older men looked at him askance. He was
destined, however, on this occasion to win all hearts.
He spoke with splendid vigour, and when he had
finished it was evident that few, if any, had been able
to resist the charm of his spirited eloquence.
At the conclusion of the proceedings a small party
adjourned to Mr. Mortlock's house, where Lord
Randolph was staying. The guest of the evening
was, apparently, rather tired by his exertions, for he
sat silent for awhile. Presently, leaving the older men,
he came across the room and began to talk to the
present writer, then an undergraduate. Some allusion
to the leaders of the party brought from him the
unexpected query, " Do you know who my leader is?"
I smiled and shook my head, and he answered
his own question by saying abruptly, " Your father, —
Mr. Raikes;" and then he added something about
" owing a great deal to him."
I do not doubt that at the moment Lord Randolph
Churchill spoke in all sincerity, although he would,
perhaps, have described the relationship between
himself and Mr. Raikes more accurately by the use

2 28 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1885.
of the term "counsellor." The modern Rupert of
Debate was not a man to follow another's lead.
Nevertheless, at this period he might, and, as it seems,
at times, in cases where he felt that experience was
lacking in himself did take advantage of the advice
of those in whose riper judgment he had confidence.
Later events show plainly enough that in seeking
guidance he was but passing through one of his many
phases. To reliance upon his own capacity he, no
doubt, owed his brilliant rise, and, in an equal degree,
his sudden fall, rendered irretrievable, as the latter
was, by his omission to take into calculation one
Important factor In the political situation.*
Barely two days after the Cambridge meeting the
long-looked-for crisis in the affairs of Mr. Gladstone's
Administration took place.
The Government, who had weathered so many
storms, were defeated upon a detail of the Budget ;
and on June 9 it was announced that they had sent
in their resignation.
The prevailing feeling was one of astonishment,
first that the Ministry should have suffered defeat at
all upon a matter of secondary importance ; and second
that they should, in consequence of such defeat, have
thought it necessary to hand in their portfolios.
The Conservatives were naturally exultant as a
body, but, as the situation began to clear, the more
prudent of them realized that they were placed in a
very awkward position. * The existence of Mr. Goschen.

i885.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 229
To begin with, It was impossible to make an
appeal to the country before November, owing to the
action of the Redistribution Bill (which was then
passing its final stages In the Lords), unless they were
prepared to throw away all the pains and labour which
had been expended on the measure.
In the second place, they were in a decided
minority In the House of Commons, and would, if
they accepted office, only be able to deal with the
embarrassments created by the late Cabinet at the
pleasure of, and in a manner approved of by Mr.
Gladstone. In the third place, by accepting office the Con
servatives would transform themselves from the attack
ing Into the defending party when the appeal was
eventually made to the country, and this alone was
certain to be gravely disadvantageous to them, looked
at from a tactical point of view.
The impression grew rapidly that the Liberal
defeat was not entirely unpremeditated, and that It
would not have occurred had the inner circle of the
Cabinet seen any advantage In retaining office. It
was shrewdly suspected that internal difficulties, which
were known to exist, had refused to yield to treatment,
and that It had been decided that the only method
of avoiding an open rupture, with Its attendant dis
advantages, was for the Government to resign as a
whole before the explosion took place.
An additional inducement to ministers to pursue
this course was probably furnished by the consciousness

230 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1885.'
that thereby they would not only escape from their
own embarrassments, but would place their opponents
in a serious dilemma.
It is, perhaps, not putting the case too strongly to
say that when the appropriate moment arrived defeat
was deliberately courted. The question of " Beer "
Is a dangerous one for any Ministry to handle, but
no special precautions were taken when the discussion
of this delicate subject had to be faced. A four-line
whip had. In the course of the Session, lost Its effec
tiveness ; and until the middle of the debate no
announcement was made that the question was to be
treated as one of confidence. Even when it became
apparent that the Liberals were in danger of defeat
the Premier brushed aside the suggestion of an
adjournment which would have enabled him to bring
up his reserves, and, apparently with a light heart,
faced the issue.
This short review of ancient history will, perhaps,
enable my younger readers to grasp the difficulty in
which the Conservative party were placed at this
juncture. As to Lord Salisbury's courage In deciding to
accept office, there can be no two opinions ; but
whether he was justified from a party standpoint in
doing so. Is a very different question.
Of one thing we may be quite certain, and that is
that he was guided by the highest and most patriotic
motives. He felt, no doubt, that by taking office he
would be doing a service to the country at large, and

i88s.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 23 1
in that belief he did not shrink from what he conceived
to be his duty.
One important factor In the situation must not,
however, be entirely lost sight of It was commonly
believed at the time that the Queen herself was most
earnest in her desire that Lord Salisbury should assume
the reins. If this be true, one can hardly wonder
that when patriotism and loyalty were placed in the
scales on the one hand, and expediency on the other,
that, with a man of generous temperament, the former
far outweighed the latter.
Nevertheless, when the decision became known. It
aroused considerable foreboding In the Conservative
camp. On the whole, Mr. Raikes was not averse to the
experiment being tried under certain conditions. The
first of these was that the services of the semi-official
ring should be as far as possible dispensed with, and
the leading places filled by younger and bolder men.
The second was that a clear understanding should be
arrived at with the Opposition that the new Govern
ment should have a free hand during the remainder of
the Session.
That he himself looked forward to important office
cannot be doubted, but In construing the next letter
care must be taken to discriminate between his own
personal disappointment and his regret that the
Government, by neglecting to make their foothold
sure, and to rid themselves of members who were, in
his opinion, a source of weakness, should have paved

232 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1885.
the way for Mr. Gladstone's ultimate triumph which
he himself plainly foresaw.
In a letter to his mother, dated June 23, he wrote
expressing much concern at the illness of his favourite
sister, and then went on to say —
" It may be some distraction, though perhaps not alto
gether a pleasant one to you, to hear something of my share
in the events of the last few days. . . . Lord Salisbury came
back from Balmoral to London on Monday, the 15th, and
called together some of his friends, not including me.
" On Tuesday afternoon Sir M. Beach, who had accepted
the leadership in the Commons, came to me, and asked me
to say frankly to him what were my own wishes or expecta
tions regarding myself in the projected Ministry. I told him
that, circumstanced as I am, ... I could not afford to accept
any secondary position in a Ministry which nobody expects
to live six months ; that I was not to be tempted to join them,
therefore, by anything less than a Secretaryship of State, and
that I had fixed my mind particularly on the Home Office.
" This he asked to be allowed to communicate to Lord
S., and I assented. It did not appear to me necessary to
tell him that nothing would induce me to act under ... all
of whom I was determined to pitch overboard, if possible.
" Hearing no more, I went to him on Wednesday, and
saying that I must, of course, leave Lord S. to act as he
thought proper on my communication, I should be very much
hurt if I was not further consulted by him. And Sir M. B.
instantly said that Lord S. would write to me and ask me to
call on him next day.
" No such request has, however, reached me.
" The next day it became known that Lord S. was
going to surround himself with . . . and Randolph Churchill
informed me that he had pressed my claims for the Home
Office in vain."

1885.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 233
Lord Randolph himself. It can hardly be doubted,
had to be satisfied with only an instalment of what he
desired. He achieved Cabinet rank. It is true, as
Secretary of State for India ; and It was said that it
was with his approval that the leadership of the Com
mons was entrusted to Sir Michael Hicks-Beach. The
Cabinet of 1885 was, nevertheless, practically a repro
duction of that of 1874-80. Places were found for all
the surviving members of the latter, and the mass was
but leavened by the Introduction of Lord Randolph
himself. Lord George Hamilton, and one or two
younger men, for whose benefit the sum total of those
included was slightly increased.*
Apart from the failure of his own hopes, the
retention of the " elderly gentlemen," at whom Lord
Randolph had so often gibed, and with whom he now
seated himself in apparent contentment, was a real
disappointment to Mr. Raikes.

* It was asserted with some confidence at the time, that Mr. Gibson,
now Lord Ashbourne, proved a valuable intermediary in the selection of
this Cabinet, and that he personally conducted a number of delicate
negotiations. Three courses were open to Lord Salisbury — the first, to give all the
principal posts to the old hands ; the second, v/hile retaining the great
majority of his former colleagues, to make some slight concession to the
younger and more vigorous element ; the third, to draw freely from the
ranks of the rising talent to the exclusion of several of the elder men.
The second plan was favoured by Mr. Gibson, and he was said, in urging
its adoption, to have reminded the Premier of the ancient maxim, " In
medio tutissimus ibis.''
On this being repeated to Lord Randolph, with a smile he passed the
matter by, and merely remarked, " Now I come to think of it, Gibson is
very like an ' ibis.' ' The tutissimus ibis ' wouldn't be a bad name for him,
would it .'' "

234 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1885.
He held that the appointment of a strong Conser
vative administration might have been at this juncture
of almost incalculable advantage to the country at
large, and would, moreover, in the long run, possibly
have had the effect of consolidating the party to
which he owed allegiance.
From the combination settled upon he looked for
no such results under the most favourable circum
stances. He came to the conclusion, nevertheless,
that, though it might be powerless for good, it would
serve as, at any rate, an inoffensive stopgap, if it could
fulfil its allotted span without being openly discredited.
This end, it appeared to him, could only be achieved
with certainty by arriving at a definite understanding
with Mr. Gladstone. It was more or less common
knowledge at the time that the latter was averse from
giving the specific assurances demanded by Lord
Salisbury, and Mr. Raikes expressed the feeling of an
important section when he represented that to under
take the government of the country in the absence
of such pledges would be to court disaster, whether
regarded from a patriotic or a party standpoint.
Many men under similar circumstances would have
stood aside and permitted matters to take their course
without remonstrance. But to do this was not in
Mr. Raikes's nature. And nothing, I think, could be
more characteristic of the man than that, in the midst
of his own disappointment, he should have been able
to rise above mere personal vexation, and to emphasize,
for the benefit of the leader who had ignored his

1885.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES, 235
services, the reality of a danger which the latter
appeared to under-estimate. The letter goes on : —
" On Friday I set to work with R  , Y  , and some
others to get up a memorandum entreating Lord S. not to
take office unless he obtained adequate and explicit assur
ances from Gladstone that he would keep the peace up to the
end of the session. This was signed by thirty-six leading
members of the party, and handed to Sir M. Beach.
" On Saturday and Sunday I hoped that this policy had
prevailed, and that Lord S. had reconsidered the mad idea
of going into action with the crew whom he had collected.
"But yesterday the Queen prevailed, and our people have
accepted office, with, as I fear, the certainty of ruin to them
selves and the country."
With this decision, Mr. Raikes's last remaining
hope vanished. But now that the die was cast, he
had leisure to review his own position. Some idea of
the depth of his despondency may be gathered from
the concluding sentences of his letter. His party, as
it seemed to him, doomed to destruction, the un
grudging labours of over twenty years forgotten, his
very views treated with silent disdain, — why continue
the ungrateful struggle ?
But let us turn to his own words : —
" I was informed yesterday that Mr. A. E. Miller, Q.C,
one of the Railway Commissioners, would resign his post to
stand for Dublin University. The ofiice is lucrative, ;^3000 a
year, and not extremely laborious.
" As there is no further place for me in the counsels of the
party, I decided, after much mental wrestling, to ask for it.
" If my request is granted, it will vacate my seat for Cam
bridge and terminate my political career. I need scarcely

236 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1885.
tell you what anguish it has cost me to take this step, and to
give up tbe objects of a lifetime. I suppose I have loved the
career too well ; and the idol is broken, doubtless all for
the best. I doubt whether physical suicide could involve a
greater strain and torture of mind. But I feel sure that I
have chosen the wiser course in view of all considerations.
Nevertheless, it may well happen that Mr. Miller may yet
hesitate to abandon so good a post, or Giffard (Lord
Chancellor) may not give it me. In that case I shall be
rather like a man cut down after hanging himself."
The following day, June 24, Lord Salisbury sent
for Mr. Raikes, and asked him to accept a place in
his Ministry. This recognition of his services, tardy
though it was, and insufficient as he felt It to be, did
much to dispel the resentment felt by the member for
Cambridge University. Now that his Chief had finally
decided upon going into action, he would do nothing
to hamper him. He offered Independent support, but
declined to identify himself blindfold with a policy In
the development of which he would have no part, by
accepting an offer which would have given him "the
semblance without the reality of power In the Council
of the Ministry."
Apart from considerations already glanced at, Mr.
Raikes was of opinion that the, at that time uncontra
dicted, report that an understanding had been arrived
at with the Irish members, was in Itself a sufficient
justification for his decision. He cordially disliked
and distrusted the Idea of such an alliance, and feared
that if it really existed, the Government would be to
a large degree driven to lean upon it in the absence

1 88s. HENRY CECIL RAIKES, 237
of any definite pledge on Mr. Gladstone's part. He
therefore turned a deaf ear to the proposals made,
although they included certain contingencies of an
advantageous nature. His absence from the Cabinet
occasioned some surprise, and when it became known
that he had declined to join the Ministry he was asked
for his reasons from many quarters. In particular
his Cambridge friends were much concerned, but that
his explanations were regarded as satisfactory may be
gathered from the following letter from the Master of
Corpus, dated July 3, 1885 : —
" I can quite understand your refusal to accept any office
which might give the semblance without the reality of power
in the Council of the Ministry.
" Still, I feel you have made a great sacrifice. Most men in
your position would have accepted office even if they felt that
the post offered was not such as to satisfy their just claims.
By the course you have taken you cannot but have gained
the respect of the Prime Minister, and I trust that he will yet
show that he values consistency and adherence to principle,
and knows how to reward them.
" I can imagine no more attractive position than that of an
independent Conservative M.P., with the right to mix freely
in the fray. But this is an expensive luxury. On the other
hand, the Speakership is a dignified and lucrative post with
the reversion of higher rank, and it is likely in the future to
be of great political importance. Much as I value University
representation, I value it more on Imperial than Academic
grounds. The occasions on which Academic interests have
to be promoted or defended are comparatively rare. But it
is an immense advantage to the Empire, and will be still
greater, in all probability, that such men as the Universities
send to Parliament should take part in the deliberations of
the House of Commons. I should like to see you presiding

238 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1885.
over that great assembly. It would be an honour to the
University, and I conceive that you could effectually serve
the country in such a position."
This letter correctly shadows the nature of Lord
Salisbury's proposals.
It Is unnecessary to devote much space to the
remainder of the Session. The Redistribution Bill
reached Its final stage early in July, and about the
same time the Criminal Law Amendment Bill, in
which Mr. Raikes had taken a very active interest,
was read the second time. Other measures of public
importance which engaged his attention were, the
Bill for Taxing Corporate Property, which stirred
considerable feeling In the breasts of his Cambridge
friends, and the Pluralities Bill. The member for
the University managed to obtain an assurance In
regard to the former measure which satisfied his
constituents, and he was equally successful in respect
of the Pluralities Bill, so far as it affected Wales.
The Session closed unmarred by any untoward
incident, and members, for the most part, were glad
to get away in order to complete their preparations
for the approaching General Election. Mr. Raikes,
who was personally free from anxiety on this score,
devoted himself to organizing the campaign in his
own immediate neighbourhood.
With October the struggle began in earnest, and
Mr. Raikes's services were much in request. He did
not, of course, address any political meetings at Cam
bridge, but towards the end of the month, in company

i88s.J HENRY CECIL RAIKES, 239
with Mr. Beresford Hope, attended a Church Defence
meeting there.
Although the decision of the Cambridge Liberals
not to contest the University seats left Mr. Raikes at
liberty to assist his friends, he was, unfortunately, at this
juncture rendered incapable of active political work by
an attack of illness, the result of an injury to his leg
sustained by him earlier in the autumn. He made an
effort on November 2 to disregard his ailment, but
this proved too much for him, and for some little time
he had the mortification of being obliged to assume
the role of a looker-on. Curiously enough, his own
return was announced to him the day before his birth
day, this being the third occasion on which political
success had come to him within a few hours of that
event. As he had foretold in the summer, the advan
tage lay almost entirely with the Liberals, and his
friends met with but scanty success at the polls.
This vindication of his judgment was achieved at too
great a sacrifice to afford him any satisfaction ; and It
is quite possible that the gloomy view which he
then took of the situation might again have proved
correct, had not Mr. Gladstone succeeded in upsetting
all calculations in the following year, and In driving a
large and influential section of his own followers Into
the Opposition camp.
There can be little doubt that the Election of 1885
was one of Mr. Gladstone's greatest tactical successes,
but it is possible that this triumph in itself was the

240 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1885.
cause of his undoing, by inspiring him with the belief
that failure could not be written across any page to
which he chose to turn.
That he was as full of life and vigour at this time
as most men are in their prime, is plainly shown by
the following letter, which sufficiently explains itself: —
" Dalmeny Park, November 11, 1885.
"Dear Mr. Raikes,
" I am sorry there has been a delay as to answering
your kind letter.
"Mr. Gladstone bids me say that he accepts the compliment
you have offered him of the first locomotive engine bearing
his name, and we both thank you for desiring it.
" I like very much that his constant sympathy with the
enterprise should be recognized, for he has ever taken the
most lively interest in the Mersey Tunnel Scheme.
" It will not be my fault if the voice should fail upon the
return from Scotland. At present there is no such fear ; Mr.
Gladstone is all health and vigour, thank God.
" Pray present our kind regards to Mrs. Raikes and your
daughters. " Believe me, yours truly,
"Cath. Gladstone."

I885.J HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 24 1

CHAPTER XXI.
Although preoccupied to a large extent by the
complex aspect of the political situation throughout
1885, Mr. Raikes did not relax his efforts on behalf
of the Church. He had from early days striven to
extend the sphere of her influence in Wales, and In
1884 he felt that the time had come when much good
might be effected if the personal Influence of some
of the great Church dignitaries in England could be
brought Into active play. He therefore ventured to
sound the Archbishop of Canterbury as to his willing
ness to visit Wales, and to deliver an address, a
proceeding which he imagined might be productive
of important results so far as the Church herself was
concerned. In reply the Primate intimated that he would
come If his presence "were thought really likely to be
useful In an important attempt to replace the Church
fairly before the people of Wales," but his visit would
have to be paid after his return from abroad if he
were obliged to leave England for a change. (This,
it should be stated, was In June, 1884.) The Arch
bishop further stipulated that the occasion should be
16

242 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1885.
neither political nor simple Church Defence, that it
should not be a Diocesan Conference, and that it
should have an " avowed object."
The conditions laid down narrowed the field
considerably, but it occurred to Mr. Raikes that an
address at Lampeter upon the necessity of strengthen
ing and extending that foundation would afford an
opportunity of dealing with Church work and the
spiritual needs of Wales. This suggestion was warmly
welcomed by Dr. Jayne, the present Bishop of Chester,
then Principal of the College, but certain obstacles
supervened and prevented the project being carried
out during 1884. It was not, however, lost sight of,
and on February 5, 1885, Dr. Jayne wrote —
"Your kind effort on our behalf last year has borne fruit,
at least, indirectly ; for the Archbishop of Canterbury has
accepted our Visitor's invitation to lay the foundation-stone of
our new buildings, and our Degree Day, June 25, has been
provisionally chosen for the ceremony. It would be much
valued if you could honour us with your presence then."
The ceremony was eventually postponed till the
autumn, when it was attended by representative
Churchmen from all parts of the principality ; and
there can be little doubt that the Primate's visit
created exactly the impression hoped for by those
who were responsible for it.
Early in 1885 Mr. Raikes undertook the laborious
task of obtaining statistics relative to the position of
the Church in Wales generally.
This he accomplished by sending a printed form,

i88s-86.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES, 243
with spaces to be filled in with the necessary informa
tion, to every parish in the Principality. The work of
collation and reduction was naturally very heavy, but
the results obtained completely repaid him for the
labour expended upon the- task, and enabled him to
put forward a very strong case for the defence when
Mr. Dillwyn made his vigorous onslaught upon the
Church in Wales in 1886.
The decision of Convocation in 1885 to establish
the House of Laymen was very unwelcome to Mr.
Raikes. He regarded this step as ill-advised In more
than one respect, and, taking into consideration the
work already accomplished by the Central Council
of Diocesan Conferences, inopportune. As President
of the latter body, the existence of which he felt was
seriously menaced by the new scheme, it behoved him
to walk warily, and before taking any active step he
thought it prudent to ascertain how the project was
regarded in his own diocese.
After consulting some of those with whom he was
most closely identified in Church work, he decided
not to oppose the experiment. He determined, how
ever, that he would not become a member of the
new House ; but, in order to avoid any possibility
of friction, he further made up his mind to with
draw from the Presidency of the Central Council of
Diocesan Conferences, and thus to stand completely
aside. The Parliamentary .Session of 1886 was remarkable
for two things — the production by Mr. Gladstone of

244

THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [i5

his scheme of Home Rule for Ireland, and the
consequent disruption of the Liberal Party.
Many speculations were Indulged in as to the
form the measure would take, but even when it was
laid before Parliament, and was found to realize the
darkest forebodings of the supporters of the Union,
there were few, if any, bold enough to predict the
ultimate issue. Until Mr. Gladstone played his great
stake, matters proceeded much in the usual course.
Early In the Session Mr. Dillwyn brought forward a
motion declaring that the Church of England in
Wales had failed to fulfil its professed objects as a
means of promoting the religious interests of the
Welsh. This gave Mr. Raikes an opportunity of
which he was not slow to take advantage. His con
tribution to the debate was generally admitted to be
the most telling speech that was made from a Church
man's point of view in the course of the discussion.
This may well have been the case, for the member
for Cambridge University probably possessed a more
complete mastery of this particular subject than any
one else in the House, with the exception of Mr.
Gladstone. Apart from general knowledge, he had
the additional advantage of having at his command
the statistics which, in anticipation of an attack, he had
with so much care and trouble collected from every
available parish in Wales during the previous year.
His figures had relation to the position of the Church
in Wales generally, and dealt more particularly with
Elementary and Board Schools ; the working of the

1886.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 245
Burial Act of 1880 ; the expenditure of the Church on
buildings, etc., during the previous ten years ; and the
increase of her endowments from private sources.
In the result, the motion met with defeat, as Mr.
Albert Gray succeeded In carrying an amendment to
it by 241 to 229 votes. A curious feature of the pro
ceedings was that Mr. Gladstone, Mr. Chamberlain,
and other members of the Government took no part
In the division.
On April 8, 1886, Mr. Gladstone laid his Home
Rule proposals before the House of Commons. From
the outset they met with a dubious reception, and day
by day the opposing forces gathered increased strength.
It soon became evident that nearly one-third of the
Liberal party, headed by some of the ablest men In
its ranks, were opposed to the policy of their Chief
No one could tell what the outcome might be, but the
belief rapidly grew that Mr. Gladstone would not sit
down under a defeat in Parliament, but would. If the
House proved recalcitrant, appeal to the country.
On May 18, Mr. Raikes, in a letter to his mother,
said —
" It seems to be generally believed that Mr. Gladstone has
bullied the Queen into allowing him to dissolve this new-born
Parliament. And it seems likely that nearly all June and
July will be wasted on another General Election, with a new
House of Commons to meet in the end of the latter month or
beginning of August, and then — what t
" It seems hard to believe that the country will return a
Parliament pledged to hand over poor Ireland to the crew
of rebels and assassins with whom Mr. G  has now

246 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1886.
associated himself. But we seem to be on the brink of a
revolution, not merely in Ireland ! "
This letter proved to be a tolerably accurate
forecast, and on the defeat of the Home Rule Bill,
Mr. Gladstone, having secured the assent of the
Sovereign, proceeded on the lines indicated in his
Midlothian manifesto.
In July, for the second time in nine months, the
country was plunged into the throes of a General
Election. There was no relaxation of purpose on the
part either of the Conservatives or of the Liberal
Unionists, and when the battle was over the Unionist
majority was found to number more than a hundred.
Mr. Raikes was again returned unopposed.
Towards the end of July, Lord Salisbury under
took the difficult task of forming his second Ministry.
Pride of place was given to Lord Randolph Churchill,
who was appointed Chancellor of the Exchequer, and
was entrusted with the leadership In the House of
Commons. An unknown quantity was introduced in
the person of Mr. Henry Matthews, Q.C, to whom
the Home Office was allotted, but most of the old
hands were again included in places of more or less
dignity and importance.
It was at first pretty generally supposed that Mr.
Raikes would be Home Secretary, and he figured, as a
rule, in that capacity In most of the lists of probable
appointments. But it was not to be, and a Central
News telegram of July 29 gave the public an inkling
of what had been arranged. It ran —

i886.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES, 247
" Lord Salisbury spent most of the forenoon attending to
his correspondence. . . . The appearance in Arlington Street
of Sir John Gorst and Mr. Henry Matthews, Q.C, coupled
with the absence of Mr. Edward Clarke, gave rise to a great
deal of speculation. Mr. Cecil Raikes, who was the next
caller, had an interview of nearly an hour's duration with Lord
Salisbury, a circumstance which strengthened the general
belief at the Carlton that the right hon. gentleman will
receive Cabinet rank. It was, indeed, positively stated that
Mr. Raikes would be the new Home Secretary, but as a
matter of fact, although Mr. Raikes's claims to the post are
officially admitted to be strong, it is not improbable that
he may have to waive them in favour of a legal luminary
comparatively little known in the political world, compensation
being found for the right hon. gentleman elsewhere."
But Mr. Raikes, before this information was made
public, had learnt that the Home Secretaryship was
not to come his way. On July 28 Lord Salisbury
wrote to him as follows : — " 20, Arlington Street, S.W.,
"July 28, 1886.
¦'My dear Raikes,
" Are you disposed to join us as Postmaster-General ?
I am very anxious to meet your views. I wish I was in a
position to do so more fully. But that is a species of regret
which clogs me at every step of the very arduous task in
wbich I am engaged.
" I shall be very glad if we are able to persuade you to
associate yourself with us — for the present in this office.
" Believe me yours very truly,
"Salisbury."
There is abundance of virtue in a saving clause.
The post offered had small attraction for Mr. Raikes,

248 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1886.
but between accepting it In full satisfaction, and " for
the present," there was a wide difference.
The upshot of his Interview with Lord Salisbury on
the following day, in the course of which the assurance
was repeated that if opportunity offered his views
would be more fully met, was that he accepted the
post. He fully realized the difficulties of his Chief's
position, and, of course, was not blind to the fact that
if he were to refuse this office he would probably be
throwing away the substance for the shadow, and
would cut himself off from any but a remote chance
of future advancement.
Further than this, his objections to accepting a
place out of the Cabinet, which had been in force the
previous year, no longer existed. The Unionist
Ministry was sufficiently strong to carry out its policy
without relying upon adventitious allies, or making
concessions opposed to the true spirit of Constitu
tionalism. Under these circumstances members of
the Government who were not admitted to the inner
circle could depend upon the traditions of the party
being observed, and banish all fear of being involved
in a line of policy dictated by expediency. Con
sequently, if Mr. Raikes had refused office upon the
ground that it was not the one which he personally
preferred, his conduct, besides blighting his own
prospects, would have evoked little sympathy.
But to him the most mortifying part of the whole
affair was that his ambition had been defeated solely,
in all human probability, by the introduction of an

1 886.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 249
entirely unsuspected rival, supported by Influence
which had been thrown into the scale on his behalf
only a year before. Had it again been exerted In his
favour there could have been little doubt as to the
result. Where all is conjecture. It is unsafe to enter upon
the question of motive. Nevertheless, as was inevit
able when Mr. Matthews's appointment became known,
men shrugged their shoulders significantly ; for with
his name was closely associated the story of the
downfall of one of the ablest men on the Liberal
benches, a dangerous rival of Lord Randolph's in the
affections of the democracy.
While negotiations were proceeding, evidence of
Mr. Raikes's popularity with the party generally, was
given in a way which must have been very gratifying
to him. As the list of Cabinet appointments gradually
grew, and no mention of his name appeared. It
occurred to a number of leading Conservatives at the
Carlton that there might exist an intention of passing
him over. So strong was the feeling aroused by this
suggestion that a sort of round-robin was drawn up,
earnestly requesting the Prime Minister not to lose
sight of Mr. Raikes's long and arduous services to the
party. This document was signed by a number of
influential members, and forwarded to Lord Salisbury.
When it became known that Mr. Raikes had been
offered and had accepted the position of Postmaster-
General, many of his friends were by no means
satisfied, and from several of them he received

250 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1886.
letters which savoured rather of condolence than
congratulation. The late Sir Alfred Slade wrote —
" I am, as you know, pleased at your getting a place,
but I am not satisfied, nor are your friends. You ought to
have been in the Cabinet."
Amongst others, an even more intimate friend, the
late Colonel Keith Falconer, wrote in somewhat the
same strain : —
"I lose not a post in telling you with what unfeigned
satisfaction I see your appointment in the paper. I wish
it had been the Home Office, which you would have ad
ministered so ably ; still, it is a real pleasure to see that your
great services to the party have at last been recognized, if
inadequately. You are one of my oldest political friends, and
I venture to think no one knows your value better than I do.
I trust this is only the beginning, and that it will not be long
before your merits are rewarded, as they ought to be, by a seat
in tbe Cabinet."
These and other letters of a like tenor hardly
tended to make the recipient more satisfied with his
lot, but they were, of course, gratifying from one point
of view. A man who has obtained office does not, as a rule,
take into consideration the feelings of other claimants,
but it was characteristic of Mr. Raikes that on receiving
his appointment he should have written to Lord John
Manners (the Duke of Rutland), who had previously
occupied this position, in order to ascertain his views.
Had Lord John Manners in his reply evinced any
preference for his old post, I have little doubt that

1886.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 25 1
Mr. Raikes would have made way for him. The
latter's answer, which is typical of that high-minded
gentleman, set the matter at rest, however. He
wrote — " Though I hope to have an opportunity to-morrow
of talking over G.P.O. matters with you, I must write a line
of thanks for your kind letter.
" Your appointment has not, I assure you, been regarded
by me with any other feeling than that of satisfaction, and
if I can be of any use to you at any time in connection with
it, pray command me."
Mr. Raikes's acceptance of office, of course, vacated
his seat ; but on August 13 he was again elected
without opposition — for the third time within ten
months. On taking up his new duties Mr. Raikes resigned
several positions which he had held up to that time.
Amongst them was the chair of the Mersey Tunnel
Company, which at that time seemed likely to develop
into a highly prosperous concern. The railway had
been opened to the public on February i, 1886, and
at the half-yearly meeting, held on the 26th of the
same month, Mr. Raikes was able to inform the share
holders that in the brief space of time which had
elapsed the line had been utilized by over half a
million passengers. The tunnel has never proved
a commercial success, possibly in consequence of the
jealousy of some of the great Railway Companies,
but to begin with It was regarded as a most attractive
novelty, as many of the public entertained the wildest

252 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [x886.
Ideas on the subject of the method by which the
transit was accomplished. At the meeting In question
the Chairman gave an amusing example of the popular
ignorance on this point. Lifts were used to convey
passengers from the stations to the open air, and he
mentioned that —
" the other day a passenger came down to the underground
station at Liverpool, on the arrival platform, and seeing the
lift just going up jumped into it, and when at the top he was
much surprised to find he was still at Liverpool, and not at
Birkenhead, as he expected."
Although not greatly enamoured of his new work,
Mr. Raikes entered upon it with the firm intention
of devoting himself to the improvement of the service
and the interests of the public at large ; and through
out his career at the Post Office he kept those objects
steadily before him.
It did not take him long to learn the official duties
of his position, and then, with that infinite patience
which was one of his chief characteristics, he set
himself down to master the inner workings of the
great department over which he was called upon to
preside. His power of rapidly yet thoroughly com
prehending a strange subject, of stripping it of
unnecessary complications, and working through the
technicalities which so often conceal the true object
aimed at from the untrained eye, stood him in good
stead here ; and his ready appreciation of the value
of obscure points which, Isolated, seemed to be neg
ligible quantities, but in combination tended to

1886.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES, 253
consolidate and strengthen the particular line of policy
which the Department thought fit to pursue, quite
early in his career compelled the, at first unwilling,
admiration of the highly trained officials with whom
he was associated.
I propose to deal hereafter with the details of his
career at the Post Office, and the difficulties which
he encountered within and without. It is unnecessary,
therefore, before quoting a portion of the speech
delivered by Sir Arthur Blackwood at the dinner
held in celebration of the Jubilee of Penny Postage in
January, 1890, to say more than that his testimony as
to Mr. Raikes's gifts Is of special value in view of the
fact that previous to Its delivery relations between the
Postmaster-General and the Chief Secretary had more
than once been strained almost to breaking-point.
The passage of the speech to which I venture to refer,
runs as follows : —
" It is a happy coincidence that the Post Office, which is
nothing if not a literary department, should have at its head
the representative of one of the most famous seats of learning
and letters in the world ; and not less fortunate are we in
having as the Minister responsible to the country for our
service one who, by his tact and courtesy, no less than his
ability, is so successful in his Parliamentary conduct of the
business of the Post Office.
" It has been my lot to communicate instruction — or,
perhaps, I ought to say, lest I unduly magnify my office,
to supply information — to several Postmasters-General, and,
without any reflection on his predecessors, two of whom we
are proud to have with us this evening, I may say that I have
never met with any one who more rapidly or more completely

254 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1886.
mastered the complicated details of our very intricate system.
There is not one of those details with which the present
Postmaster-General is not conversant, and I may add — what
is perhaps of greater importance — there is not one of the
100,000 people over whom he presides whose interests he
is not anxious to promote whenever he can legitimately do so,
and for whose welfare he is not solicitous."
The outside world have but a limited conception of
the authority concentrated in the hands of the per
manent officials of the various departments of the State.
These are the real power behind the throne, and with
them It generally rests to make or mar the reputations
of the administrators who loom large in the public eye.
The ordinary Parliamentarian without special
training, when confronted with a man like the late
Sir Arthur Blackwood, for instance, at least his equal
in ability, and ten times his superior in knowledge, has
little chance of obtaining his own way unless it happens
to coincide with the policy of his preceptor.
Some ministers remain in Ignorance of this fact
throughout their term ; others are content to acquiesce
in a state of things which is not without its advantages.
The members of these two classes are generally
known as " safe " men. Others, again, endeavour
spasmodically to assert their authority, but their want
of knowledge, as a rule, stands in their way, and after
one or two unpleasant experiences their views are
imperceptibly directed into the desired channel. This
class resemble the child who, permitted to hold the
loose end of the reins, oblivious of the firm hand
which grasps them a little lower down, imagines that

1886.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 255
he Is guiding the chariot, and revels in his own
dexterity. " Able " Is here the proper word to apply.
But the man who is anxious to make a name for
himself, and clever enough to originate a plan or to
grasp the possibilities of any suggested to him, is,
perhaps, the easiest of all for the official class to deal
with. At his instance some scheme which will appeal
to the people at large is formulated. He throws him
self into it heart and soul, fights for it in Parliament,
devises improvements in it, devotes his whole time to
it. |n the office he is of little account, for he rarely
Interferes with its policy ; with the public he is, of
course, a favourite, and, perhaps rightly, gains credit
as a brilliant and far-seeing administrator.
Truly they are a wonderful power in the land, these
great permanent officials ! Practically they govern
the country, for they seldom deviate from their course
unless they find in their temporary Chief a will-power
which raises him far above the average, combined with
a knowledge which rivals their own, or, in default of
this, that rare genius which alone can dispense with
all ordinary qualifications.
It follows that, real genius apart, even those
politicians whose talents are of a high order will find
It easier (and in the end, perhaps, more profitable)
to shine with reflected lustre than to dominate their
own offices. For the accomplishment of this latter
feat, strength of character alone is not always sufficient.
The man who relies solely upon it. Is almost certain to
get into difficulties. To It must be added a marked

256 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1886.
capacity for, and a dogged perseverance in, assimilating
theory and detail alike, which will, in time, enable the
student to meet his preceptor on fairly equal terms.
Then, if the first trial of strength results in his favour,
he may, perhaps, carry the day.
But the fight will be a bitter one, and the fruits of
victory, perhaps, unsatisfying.

1 886.] HENRY CECIL. RAIKES. 257

CHAPTER XXII.
When Mr. Raikes entered upon his duties as Post
master-General in 1886, he found himself, at the
outset, confronted by a question of no ordinary
difficulty. Partly In consequence of Parliamentary agitation,
and partly because It was thought advisable to try the
effect of competition, it had been decided to terminate
the contract under which the American Mails had, up
to that time, been conveyed ; and when Mr. Raikes
came into office he found that notice to this effect had
been given shortly before.
The companies concerned were the Cunard, the
White Star Line, and the Inman ; and under the old
contract they conveyed the mails three times a week,
at the rate of 45'. per pound for letters, and /i^d, per
pound for newspapers.
The day fixed for the reception of new tenders was
October i, and the terms suggested were that the Post
Office should be at liberty to select the fastest ships
sailing from any port, and to make payment at the rate
of 35. per pound for letters, and 3(/. per pound for
newspapers. The Secretary of the Post Office, Mr. Blackwood,
took a somewhat pessimistic view of the situation.
17

258 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1886.
He felt little doubt that the Cunard and White Star
Line held the key of the position — the Inman, it may
be mentioned, was expected to drop out altogether
— and he plainly foresaw the outbursts of frenzied
patriotism which would hail the employment of the
North German Lloyds, the only formidable competitor,
and the consequent transference of a portion of the
service from Queenstown to Southampton.
The Cunard and White Star were also so strongly
of opinion that they could dictate their own terms that,
instead of attempting even to meet the Post Office
half-way, they calmly tendered at the old rates for a
bi-weekly service only.
To have accepted this offer would have been
obviously a retrograde step ; on the other hand, to
have refused it outright, and to have broken off
relations, would have placed the Post Office in a
serious difficulty ; for without the co-operation of
the two companies mentioned it would have been
impossible to organize an effective service at short
notice. The negotiations were, therefore, kept alive,
and after a time the Cunard and White Star reduced
their terms for letters to 3^-. dd., whilst adhering to
their offer of a bi-weekly service on Wednesdays and
Saturdays. On November i Mr. Blackwood wrote, in rather
peremptory terms, to inform Mr. Raikes that the
Treasury " will only waste time by telling us to try
and get better terms. Of that there is no prospect.
It must be either yes or no."

i886.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 259
This letter throws a valuable sidelight upon the
Secretary's general attitude at that time, and makes it
fairly evident that he was In the habit of assuming that
In important questions the decision rested with him
rather than with the Postmaster-General.
The latter, however, showed no disposition to
submit to dictation, and, being in entire accord with
the views of the Treasury, insisted that not only must
the tri-weekly service be maintained, but that the
companies must accept a reduction In rates. In this
he v/as supported by the Cabinet, who decided that a
three-day service was a sine qua non.
The Postmaster-General thereupon inquired
whether the companies would arrange for service
on Thursdays and Saturdays, leaving Tuesdays to
be filled up in any manner the Department thought
fit. The managers, fearing an Infringement of their
monopoly, declined to entertain this Idea, and vouch
safed no direct reply to a further suggestion that they
should carry full mail on Thursday and part mail on
Saturday in conjunction with other companies, but,
instead, tendered for a three-day service — Tuesday to
Boston, Thursday and Saturday to New York ; all
vessels to touch at Queenstown.
Mr. Raikes, however, having carried forbearance
to an extreme limit, had by this time arranged with
the North German Lloyds to carry Tuesday's mails,
and as the two great companies entirely refused to act
with any other, negotiations came abruptly to a close,
and it was announced that henceforth their ships

26o THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1886.
would not touch at Queenstown on the outward
voyage. On this the storm burst in full fury. Mr. Raikes
was inundated with resolutions passed by various
public bodies in Ireland, Liverpool, and elsewhere,
and letters without number. The papers, too, joined
in the assault, and, to use an expressive colloquialism,
" waved the flag" energetically.
Besides the attacks of opponents, the indignation of
a section of the public, and the lukewarmness of his
chief official adviser, Mr. Raikes had the remonstrances
of his friends to reckon with.
On the 29th, after matters had reached a crisis.
Sir G. Baden-Powell wrote to complain that —
" politically large numbers of our supporters are very vexed
to find her Majesty's mails entrusted to a foreign company,
hampered by none of the restrictions our Legislature places
on English built and owned vessels."
Other M.P.s urged that the action taken would
lose seats at Liverpool ; and even Lord Salisbury
remarked in a letter, "I am not very fond of your
mail contract."
Such expressions of opinion naturally carried more
weight than the excited abuse of interested parties or
of political opponents, and might well have caused a
weaker man to waver.
But Mr. Raikes entertained no thoughts of sur
render ; his preparations were all made, and he stood
quietly on the defensive, awaiting the moment to
strike. He was well backed up by Mr. Jackson, the

1 886.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 26 1
Financial Secretary to the Treasury, and some others
of his colleagues. A provisional arrangement for
three months with the North German Lloyds (whose
ships, It may be mentioned, were for the most part
built in England and manned by Englishmen), the
Inman, and others, averted any fear of an actual
deadlock, and made it evident that the Postmaster-
General was in deadly earnest in his effort to break
down the monopoly enjoyed by the Cunard and
White Star.
Mr. Jackson dealt with the matter at Leeds on
November 27, and really put the case In a nutshell : —
" The Cunard, therefore, said in fact, ' Unless we have a
complete and absolute monopoly of the whole of the mails
from this country to America we will carry none of them.
We will give you no help in any respect' . . . This matter
had now been settled for three months,* and if at tbe end of
that time the astute men who were at the head of this com
bination succeeded in inducing the public to support them in
getting a complete monopoly and ^^2 5,000 into the bargain,
then they would have been very clever, and the public would
have no reason to complain."
The sum of ;^2 5,000 per annum, it may be noted,
represented the difference between the terms demanded
by the companies and those offered by the Post Office.
The Postmaster-General, irrespective of contract,
had the power to despatch certain classes of letters by
any ship he might select ; and it was by the exer
cise of this right that matters were finally brought to
a head. * By the provisional arrangement referred to above.

262 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1886.
The companies, who had miscalculated Mr.
Raikes's powers of resistance, and had evidently
imagined that he would be unable to withstand the
pressure brought to bear, grew perhaps somewhat
impatient. At any rate, the Cunard, having publicly
announced that they would collect consignees' letters
themselves, proceeded to do so in defiance of the law.
Further than this, when the Post Office made a
formal tender of mails consisting of consignees' and
other letters for conveyance by the Umbria, the general
superintendent of the company, not content with a
protest, refused to allow them to be placed on board.
This proved to be a false step on the company's part,
and enabled the Postmaster-General to assume the
offensive. He promptly carried the matter to the
Courts, and asked for an injunction to restrain the
Cunard from committing breaches of the law. This
the company were unable to resist, and intimated
through their counsel. Sir Charles Russell, that they
would receive mails as usual until the motion came on
for argument a few days later.
As the conflict approached Its final stage, the out
cry in the Press redoubled, and caused serious alarm
in the breasts of various leading members of the
Government. The companies, who at first had little
doubt of their capacity to crush a too officious minister,
were now fighting desperately for their monopoly,
which they could not but feel was slipping from their
grasp. With admirable intelligence they availed
themselves to the full of the patriotic spirit of their

i886.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 263
countrymen, and to the ordinary observer it looked as
though they had behind them the full force of popular
opinion. They succeeded, even, in making some im
pression on Lord Salisbury, who, on December 4, in
a letter on the subject of the provisional contract, did
not hesitate to say —
" I should have been disposed to recommend the other
course, mainly on the ground of the unpopularity of employing
a foreign line."
The words "foreign line" made a splendid cry.
Raised first of all by the people directly Interested, It
was promptly taken up by those who hoped to weaken
the Government by striking at one of its members.
In their wake followed a large section of the ever-
easlly-stirred public, who In their ill-informed patriotism
shouted themselves hoarse In support of those whose
main object, to put It quite frankly, was to drive as
hard a bargain as possible for their own benefit at the
expense of their admirers.
The Admiralty had taken a keen interest in the
struggle from the first, and presently they stepped
forward with a proposal which has since borne valu
able fruit. It had occurred to them that when fresh
tenders were invited at the termination of the tem
porary contract, they might be afforded the opportunity
of carrying out a scheme for securing the services of
the fastest Atlantic boats as cruisers in war-time, if
matters could be put in train at this juncture.
Accordingly, after consultation with Lord Salisbury,
Lord George Hamilton invited Mr. Raikes to preside

264 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1886.
over a small committee, consisting of Messrs. Jackson
and Forwood, in order that the question might be
considered. From this point matters went more smoothly.
The recalcitrant companies had by this time been
driven to realize that the Postmaster-General had
proved too strong for them. In spite of public and
private pressure, he had broken up their monopoly,
which even his own advisers had deemed impregnable ;
and It remained for them, therefore, either to accept
the situation, tempered by the proposals of the
Admiralty, or to cut themselves off entirely from
all prospective advantages.
It Is hardly surprising that they should have de
cided not to throw away the substance for the shadow.
The Government, nevertheless, it seems, were nervous
up to the last moment, and must have felt considerably
relieved when the matter was finally settled.
On February 7, 1887, Mr. Raikes made the
following statement in the House of Commons in
reply to a question put by Mr. Gourley : — -
"I am glad to be able to inform the hon. member that
I have concluded arrangements with two British companies,
the Cunard and the Oceanic (White Star) Companies, for the
conveyance of mails via Queenstown to New York by their
best ships throughout the year, in winter as well as summer.
The price to be paid for letters is 35-. per pound, and for
newspapers 31/. per pound, as compared with 4^. per pound
for letters and \d. per pound for newspapers under the old
contract. The despatch will take place every Wednesday
and Saturday night, and in addition to these two regular

i886.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 265
despatches, the Post Office will send mails by other fast
steamers either from Queenstown or Southampton. As the
names of the ships sailing are not commonly known to
the public, it has been arranged that letters can be marked
Inman or Germanic when intended for those steamers. The
plan will practically give four mails a week from this country
to America — Tuesday, Wednesday, Thursday, and Saturday
— besides the occasional chance of sending by such fast
steamers as the Alaska, the Arizona, and the City of Rome, in
the case of specially superscribed letters ; and I think this
will satisfy all reasonable requirements."
The completeness of his victory was emphasized
by the following note In the Pall Mall Gazette : —
"Tbe English Post Office has now almost reached the
standard of the New York Post Office in the despatch of
mails by every fast and sufficiently equipped line of steamers,
and the day of monopoly has gone by. From the first we
have maintained that Mr. Raikes's course was the right and
proper one, and this excellent result shows conclusively how
right he was. The public inconvenience has been slight and
temporary; the public gain will be enormous and permanent."
The same paper paid a proper tribute to the
Admiralty, which, it remarked, had acted In the
cruiser question " with equal intelligence and despatch.
But," the article continues, " If Mr. Raikes had not
proved ' cussed ' about the mail contracts they would
probably not have had the opportunity."
Thus auspiciously ended Mr. Raikes's first great
struggle on behalf of the public. From first to last
he neither lost confidence nor threw away a chance.
It seemed impossible to ruffle his composure, and
even when he was taunted with being the cause of

266 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1886.
Mr. Goschen's want of success at Liverpool in
January, 1887, he wrote, at length, more in sorrow
than in anger at the stupidity of his accusers —
"As for the often-told tale of Mr. Goschen's defeat at
Liverpool, it is sufficient to point out that at the very
moment when the policy of the Post Office was supposed to
be most unpopular in Liverpool, Mr. Goschen succeeded in
considerably increasing the Conservative poll in the most
commercial part of the town, and in reducing the majority,
which had exceeded one hundred a few months before against
an exceptionally strong Conservative candidate, to seven."
The exigencies of the political situation in 1886
kept members in London till late in September. An
extract from a letter, written by Mr. Raikes on the
1 6th of that month, evidently when he was in a
despondent mood, shows how sorely he chafed at his
forced detention : —
" Here I have been protracting a miserable existence
between an office which I like perhaps less every day and a
House of Commons which I have come cordially to detest.
However, as I am too busy every night to listen to the
debaters, I have at least the negative satisfaction of not
being actively bored by the orators, although it is dismal
enough to linger here till 3 or 4 a.m. to answer to the
division bell about every half-hour.
" My real grievance, however, is not against the political
penal servitude, which I suppose I deserve, but to think that
it is robbing me of the last month — never to be recovered,
never to return — of the sweet unsophisticated innocence of my
dearest and youngest playfellows. Of course, they must go
to be made rough and hard like the young cubs with whom
they will have to struggle through life— I know that ; but this
makes it all the bitterer to lose the last days of them as they
have been and still are."

1886.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 267
He succeeded, however, in reaching home In time
to celebrate his silver wedding on September 26. A
day or two later, accompanied by Mrs. Raikes and
two of his daughters, he started for a tour in the
West of England, over the same ground which he had
traversed during his honeymoon twenty-five years
before. The little party were joined at intervals by
Mr. Raikes's old school and college friend. Dr. E. C.
Clark, and seem, in spite of unfavourable weather, to
have enjoyed their expedition thoroughly. Their
general proceedings are summed up as follows in a
letter from Mr. Raikes to his son Henry, dated
October 1 1 : —
" We have been having a very cheery time, one day
chiefly differing from another (i) in tbe comparative sub
limity of the scenery ; (2) in the quantity of rain absorbed
by our persons and habiliments ; and (3) by the weight and
dimensions of the Devonshire cream absorbed respectively by
the members of our party, of whom L— — is, I think, first,
though I confess to being a pretty good second."
The reaction in Mr. Raikes's spirits appears to
have been complete, and he returned to his work in a
thoroughly invigorated condition, as the managers of
the great steamship lines shortly discovered, to their
cost. He addressed several political meetings in
November, and at one of them, Neath, he gave
utterance to a public confession of faith in Sir Michael
Hicks- Beach, for whose rugged honesty and force of
character he had the greatest admiration. He did
not anticipate that Lord Randolph's reign would be

268 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1886.
a long one, and with some confidence used to predict
that his successor would be Sir Michael. But for
the latter's weak state of health it is extremely
probable that this prophecy would have been fulfilled.
Holding such views as these, one can hardly be
surprised that when Lord Randolph Churchill sud
denly threw up the leadership of the House, just
before Christmas, Mr. Raikes should have strongly
urged the then Irish Secretary not to stand aside
again. Lord Randolph's resignation will ever be memor
able, apart from the circumstances which impelled
him to send it in, for its suddenness, and for the mode
in which he thought fit to make it known.
As a rule, the papers did not reach Llwynegrin
till nearly lunch-time ; but it happened that on the
morning of the 23rd Mr. Raikes walked down to the
little town of Mold. He was not long left In ignor
ance of what had occurred, for a worthy tradesman
dashed at him with his newly arrived copy of the
Times, breathless with anxiety to learn whether the
news were true. There seemed to be little room for
doubt, and it was not long before Mr. Raikes had left
for the scene of action, London. To him, apart from
the general question, this derangement of the Govern
ment meant a great deal. He had gently sounded
Lord Salisbury when Mr. Arthur Balfour was raised
to Cabinet rank in November, and had had no reason
to be dissatisfied with the reply he then received.
Under the special circumstances of the case he could

'886.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 269
hardly regard himself as having been passed over.
But now the scope of possibilities was much wider.
There must, perforce, be a reconstruction of the
Cabinet, and he was largely justified in supposing that
if any vacancies occurred one of them would fall to his
share. It may be permissible at this point to glance
briefly at the reasons which influenced Lord Randolph
Churchill in arriving at his decision. These are more
or less common property, but the following letter from
Sir Alfred Slade, written on December 23, 1886, will
be read with interest : —
" Lord R.'s resignation has taken almost every one by
surprise ; he only decided on it yesterday. The final dispute
was about Army and Navy, and it came to this, either
G. Hamilton, C Beresford, and, I believe. Smith, would have
gone, or Lord R. must give way. In a fit of petulance
he resigned. His reasons were given at length in a letter
to Lord Salisbury, which will, I suppose, be read in the
House. '' Blackburne has resigned. I hear it is offered to Mac-
naughten ; if he does not take it I think Matthews will. You
are talked of as going into the Cabinet. Gorst thinks you
will be Home Secretary if Matthews goes.
" The Anti-Randolphites are exuberant. The London
penny Press is very angry at the Times getting the sole infor
mation. I am told that some of his colleagues in the Cabinet
did not know it until they read the Times.
" Altogether, the way it has been done, and the reasons,
viz. Army and Navy, will not increase his popularity. I
should like to hear your views.
" I have had a long talk with a man whom R. consulted,
and who tried to dissuade him. It almost looks like a case
of Quem Deus vult, etc."

270 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1886.
If anything, the Unionist party was a gainer by
the substitution of Mr, Goschen at the Exchequer;
while in Mr. Smith it found a leader who, at any rate,
was never a source of anxiety. The latter gentleman,
though he hardly pretended to be a statesman, and
entirely lacked the brilliancy of his predecessor, to a
large extent made up for his want of great qualities
by his sound common sense. That he was often over
cautious cannot be doubted, but he never led the
party into difficulties, and was careful, where possible,
to avoid giving offence. In this particular he differed
widely from Lord Randolph, whose quickness of
temper frequently led him to speak unadvisedly, or, at
any rate, sharply, with his tongue. This feature of the
latter's disposition is well illustrated by an amusing in
cident which occurred during his brief tenure of office.
One day in the lobby, a member, whom we
will call H., was holding forth upon "Randolph's"
manasrement of business. " He doesn't understand
us," H. asserted ; " he's going all wrong, and ought to
be told." " Tell him yourself," suggested a friend.
Mr. H. was a little taken aback on receiving this
direct challenge, but presently, pulling himself together,
he accepted it, and went off to seek an interview.
This in due course was granted, and Mr. H., who Is
by no means devoid of assurance, expounded his
grievances at length. His leader meanwhile sat play
ing with his moustache, but when the flow of words
had ended he looked up blandly and inquired, " Is
that all?" "Yes," replied Mr. H., "I think so."

i886.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 271
"Then," said Lord Randolph, "let me ask you a
question. Are you the leader of the Conservative
party or am I ? " For a moment he paused for a reply
which came not, and then rising to his feet with a
sudden outburst of fury, he shouted, "Go to h  , sir!"
This terminated the Interview.
The Government took no immediate action upon
Lord Randolph's resignation, although active negotia
tions were at once set on foot. To some of its
members the time seemed ripe for the formation of a
" Hartlngton combination," and this idea was strongly
favoured by Sir Michael Hicks-Beach, amongst others.
He wrote at some length to Mr. Raikes to explain
his view of the situation, but his letter, although of
much interest, is so essentially of a private nature that
I do not feel justified in reproducing any part of it.
But although, for reasons which he gave, the Irish
Secretary declined to put himself forward for the
leadership of the House, Mr. Raikes did not give
up the hope that his scruples might be overcome, and
was not backward in urging other influential members
of the party to throw their weight into the scale. Sir
Michael's determination, however, was not, it seems,
to be shaken, and his partisans had their trouble for
their pains.
It soon became evident that as few changes as
possible were to be made. It was at first supposed
that Mr. Matthews would be unlikely to retain his
post after the disappearance of his leader, and would
probably exchange the political arena for a seat on

2 72 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1886.
the Bench. Mr. Raikes undoubtedly shared in this
belief, but any hopes he may have nourished were
speedily dashed by a letter from Lord Halsbury, who
informed him that the Home Secretary had no idea
of leaving the Cabinet.
The arrangements eventually made must be ad
mitted to have worked passably in practice, but they
gave little satisfaction to the Postmaster- General. He
was fully conscious of Mr. Goschen's abilities, but he
disliked at the time, and never succeeded in reconciling
himself to Mr. Smith's appointment as leader of the
House. So far as he personally was concerned, the
crisis had been fraught with disappointment ; for his
period of probation, in place of being brought to a
close, was, it seemed. In a fair way of being indefinitely
extended.

HENRY CECIL RAIKES, 273

CHAPTER XXIII.
It has been mentioned already that it did not take
Mr. Raikes very long to discover that the scope of
his authority In the Post Office was very strictly
limited. As a matter of fact, the internal policy of
the department was guided entirely by the permanent
officials, of whom Mr. Blackwood, himself something
of an autocrat, was the head ; and this gentleman
made it plain from the first that he was indisposed to
brook the slightest interference with his sway. The
official spiriting was accomplished, as a rule, with due
consideration for the nominal chief's feelings, but his
impotence, though concealed from him as far as
possible, was none the less real on that account.
It was impossible for a man of Mr. Raikes's
character and disposition to tolerate such a position
for one moment longer than he could help. To begin
with, he made one or two tentative efforts to assert
himself, only to find the ground cut away from under
his feet. But for some months he may be said to
have contented himself with feeling his way, for he
had no desire to try a fall before he had mastered, at
any rate, the routine management of the machine
entrusted to him. He was well aware that a trial of
18

2 74 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1887.
Strength at too early a stage would have left him at
the mercy of his opponent, whether he were successful
in the first instance or not. Nevertheless, he did not
for one moment falter in his purpose, and by the time
he had disposed of the American Mail business (in
which he had been granted practically a free hand),
he felt prepared to take advantage of any opportunity
which might offer itself As matters turned out, he
had not long to wait.
In February, 1887, It became necessary to fill
up a vacancy among the first-class clerks, and the
Secretary recommended that the gentleman who stood
fourth in the second-class should be promoted over
the heads of his three senior colleagues. On making
inquiry, it was admitted on all hands that the first of
these did not possess the qualifications required in the
first-class, but the Postmaster-General was informed
that the second was a competent and deserving officer.
He thereupon determined to exercise the powers
vested In him. He declined point-blank to promote
a junior over the head of a qualified senior, and,
passing by the nomination of the Secretary, raised
the gentleman who stood second in the class to the
class above.
It was subsequently stated that the clerk promoted
was a relation of Mr. Raikes's. Such was not the
case. As a matter of fact, although Mr.  was
distantly connected by marriage with Mrs. Raikes,
the Postmaster-General had never heard of him before
this time, and had no acquaintance with any member

188/.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 275
of his family. Apart from any question of morality,
it Is ridiculous to suppose that a man of Mr. Raikes's
experience In affairs would, even had he been personally
interested in the officer's fortunes, which he was not,
deliberately have placed himself in an untenable position
by promoting an Incapable person. Indeed, I will go
further, and venture to assert that the fortuitous circum
stance of distant connection would rather have told
against any individual, as to whose qualifications Mr.
Raikes entertained a doubt, than in his favour. In
this particular Instance the Postmaster-General was
guided in the action he took by his determination not
to suffer what seemed to him an act of injustice to
be perpetrated. This sudden assertion of authority naturally brought
forth a protest from Mr. Blackwood, who indignantly
Insisted that promotion into the first class was " by
merit ; " that in the opinion of himself, " the permanent
head of the service," and the other secretaries, his
nominee was best qualified for promotion ; and that
Mr. Raikes could not know as much about the merits
of the second-class clerks as he did. One phrase in
his somewhat lengthy letter afterwards became of im
portance in view of the Press attacks upon the Post
master-General. It ran —
"The promotion of an officer in such circumstances"
(i.e. against the wish of the Secretary) " cannot fail to expose
a Postmaster-General to most unfavourable criticism."
The office positively seethed with excitement when
it became known that the Postmaster-General had put

276 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1887.
his foot down, had disregarded a recommendation of the
Secretary's, and had refused to reconsider his decision.
In the Secretary's department, especially, there
was much heart-searching. Who was this Parlia
mentary official that he should decline to be bound by
tradition, and venture to show that he had a will of
his own ? Mr. Blackwood must be supported, and
the new-comer taught who was really supreme at St.
Martin's-le-Grand. It would seem that the Press was
the first ally enlisted, for after an article had appeared
in the Daily News of February 26, the cry was taken
up in a number of other journals. Many of these
indulged In the wildest language and the most shame
ful calumnies ; while a political aspect was given to
the matter by the promulgation of charges which, in
addition to being utterly untrue, had no relation to the
point actually In dispute.
Mr. Raikes, as usual, took matters quietly. He
was well aware that his attempt to curb the power of
the permanent officials would meet with a sturdy
resistance, and, though he had hardly anticipated the
dead-set which was made at him by the papers, he was
not to be turned from his purpose by their frantic
efforts. His mental attitude is plainly indicated in a
letter to his mother, dated February 27, in which he
remarked —
" All my department is in mutiny because I choose not
to be a mere cypher, and act upon my own opinion when I
have one. I hope, however, if all is well, to teach them that
they have got a master at last."

'•1 HENRY CECIL RAIKES.

277

On March i the Pall Mall Gazette published a
violent article against the Postmaster-General, and
the same evening Mr. T. Blake and Mr. Conybeare
put questions raising similar points to the Postmaster-
General in the House of Commons, and thus uninten
tionally afforded him an opportunity of exposing the
absurdity of the allegations.
Although it was clearly demonstrated, time and
again, that the only thing that could be urged against
Mr. Raikes was that in the exercise of his undoubted
prerogative he had refused to promote a nominee of
the Secretary's over the head of a qualified senior, the
hubbub in the Press grew worse and worse. The Pall
Mall Gazette * continued to print paragraph after para
graph of the most insulting and misleading nature ;
and other journals, which It is unnecessary to specify
at this distance of time, indulged in similar vilification.
Belief in the honesty and accuracy of our Press Is
widespread, and it is easy to see that the constant
repetition of statements which can only be described
as grotesque falsehoods must by degrees have created
a very unfavourable impression on the public in
general. The infection even spread to some of the
better-class journals, and it was presently freely
rumoured that Lord Salisbury himself was likely to
take action.
It can be urged on behalf of Mr. Blackwood that
in the heat of a struggle it is not always easy to
repudiate useful allies (even though their services be
* Then under Mr. Stead's management.

278 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1887.
unsought) upon the ground that they have committed
excesses which one's calmer judgment would condemn.
Nevertheless, It is strange that a man of his perception
and knowledge of the world should not have realized
that his seeming acquiescence in the discreditable
manoeuvres of his supporters, coupled with his close
connection with one of the least scrupulous of them,
and his prophetic Intimation a few days earlier, would
in turn lay him open to obvious and severe reproach.
The explanation, possibly. Is to be found in the fact
that able, high-minded, and experienced though he
was, there was blended with his more practical charac
teristics a vein of simplicity. This latter quality added
greatly to his natural charm, but It had on occasion,
as in this instance, the dlsadvantagfe of renderins: him
oblivious of the possibility of an unfavourable inter
pretation being placed upon his actions, however
strongly circumstances might seem to warrant it.
Meanwhile, it had come to the Postmaster-General's
knowledge that an address of sympathy, signed by a
number of officials, had been offered to Mr. Blackwood,
and had been accepted by him. This, in itself, con
stituted a grave breach of discipline, and Mr. Raikes
had no alternative but to ask for a copy of the
document, which was forthwith furnished to him.
Under the circumstances of the case hewas inclined to
pass the matter over as lightly as possible, as he had
no desire to rekindle the embers of a controversy
in which, by Mr. Blackwood's submission, he had
gained all that he had striven for. But the affair had

1887.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 279
somehow got to the ears of an enterprising member,
who, on March 7 — the very day on which Mr. Raikes
had received the Secretary's submission — asked the
following question in the House of Commons : —
" Whether it was a fact that the Secretary to the Post
Office was presented with and received an address of
sympathy from certain officials in the General Post Office in
connection with a difference of opinion between him and the
Postmaster-General, and whether tbis did not constitute a
serious breach of discipline ? "
To this Mr. Raikes, evidently with a desire to
minimize the importance of the matter as far as
possible, replied — ¦
" The Secretary has at my request communicated to me
the address to which the question refers, and though I cannot
regard the proceeding as regular, I am inclined to attach to it
rather an officious than an official character. I should be
sorry to consider the matter as one of sufficient importance
to warrant disciplinary notice. If I have to take official
cognizance of it I should consult the head of the Government
before determining upon my course of action."
The First Lord ofthe Treasury entertained a more
serious view of the question than the Postmaster-
General. He considered that It affected the discipline
of the whole of the Civil Service, and consequently
took steps which resulted in the following letter being
written :— "March 9, 1887.
" Dear Mr. Raikes,
" As I learn that you are not coming to the Post
Office to-day, I write to say that, at the request of the First
Lord ofthe Treasury, conveyed to me through the Chancellor

28o THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1887.
of the Exchequer, I beg leave to withdraw the minute, sub
mitting to you the communication made to me by the officers
of my ofiice, relative to the recent promotions.
" Yours truly,
" S. A. Blackwood."
The struggle for supremacy within the Post Office
was over. Outside, the agitation was continued in the
Press with diminishing fervour for a short time ; but
when Mr. Raikes got his supplementary estimates
through without being seriously attacked, and with
little difficulty, it became obvious to all save the most
prejudiced that there could in reality be little to urge
ao-ainst him.
In the course of the year — the year of the Queen's
Jubilee — It was decided that certain honours should be
distributed among civil servants of the higher grades.
Mr. Blackwood was one of those singled out for
promotion, and It was proposed, subject to the ap
proval of the Postmaster-General, to raise him to the
rank of K.C.B. As a necessary preliminary to any
such step being taken, the papers were laid before Mr.
Raikes for his assent. This he gave as a matter of
course. A few days later he received a visit from
Mr. Blackwood, who in a somewhat agitated manner
thanked him for his action in the matter. Mr. Raikes,
who was genuinely surprised and touched, hastened
to explain that, in view of Mr. Blackwood's long
and distinguished career in the Civil Service, it had
never occurred to him that he would be justified in
putting any obstacle in the way of his promotion, even

1887.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 28 1
had he desired to do so. " I thought," replied Mr.
Blackwood, nearly breaking down, "that in con
sequence of what has recently passed between us you
would have felt justified In acting in a different way."
Mr. Raikes's answer was to the effect that, although
there had been a difference of opinion between them,
that did not in any way detract from the value of Mr.
Blackwood's services to the country, and that he him
self would never dream of letting personal considera
tions influence his decision in a matter of this kind.
This story was told to the present writer by Mr.
Raikes himself, and when he had finished his narrative
he added, after a slight pause, half sadly, half humor
ously, "It Is curious what narrow views really good
men like Blackwood seem to have about ordinary
affairs. From his standpoint I am a mere worldling, and
he cannot understand why I should refrain from taking
a petty revenge upon him, when opportunity offers, in
return for the trouble he has caused me at the office."
There can, however, be little doubt that this episode
drew the two men more closely together, and led to
a better mutual understanding. During the remainder
of Mr. Raikes's term of office differences arose now
and again (as was Inevitable) between himself and
the Secretary, but they never reached a really serious
point. And, more than this, in times of difficulty, as,
for instance, in the great strike which occurred a few
years later, Mr. Raikes was destined to learn with
what loyalty and devotion the Secretary could support
a chief for whom he had both liking and respect.

282 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [ig

CHAPTER XXIV.
The year 1887 opened sadly in the political world.
The death of Lord Iddesleigh on January 12, two days
after his retirement from the Foreign Office on the
reconstruction of the Cabinet, aroused a feeling of
sorrow which was well-nigh universal.
Endowed with great natural ability, refined,
courteous, highly trained, as he was. Sir Stafford
Northcote (as It seems more natural to call him)
lacked something of those sturdier characteristics
which are called for in a leader of the House of
Commons, whether In Office or in Opposition. In
truth, by nature and disposition, he was a Statesman
rather than a Parliamentarian. But the very qualities
which told against him as a chief endeared him to
members at large — to his own followers and opponents
alike. And I think that none loved him (and I use
the word advisedly) more dearly than those who were
at times tempted to rebel when he appeared to push
conciliation to the verge of weakness. Amongst these
must be numbered Mr. Raikes : and yet, in spite of
occasional outbursts of impatience, none were more
quick than he to recognize at Its full value the tender
sensitiveness which shrank from Inflicting pain, or

1887.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 283
pressing too hard upon a demoralized foe ; the gentle
courtesy, which so oft succeeded in smoothing the
plumage of ruffled self-esteem, and rendered all inter
course with its possessor a pleasure and a privilege ;
and the lofty rectitude which disdained to stoop to
the exercise of even legitimate Parliamentary tactics,
or to seize the opportunities which chance might
throw in his way. Truly, it may be said that by the
death of Lord Iddesleigh, England lost one of the
noblest of her sons.
* » * * » »
The Session of 1887 was. In the main, devoted to
Ireland, and no time could be found for the introduc
tion of the promised Tithe Bill, a measure in which
Mr. Raikes took the deepest Interest. The question
of Procedure was, however, once more to the fore,
and on February 2 Mr. Smith, in his capacity lof leader
of the House, wrote to Mr. Raikes as follows : —
" My dear Raikes,
" Will you be kind enough to be ready to take an
active part in the discussion on Procedure .'' It is essentially
your own subject, and your authority will be recognized by
the House. I hope you were consulted before the Govern
ment adopted the proposals which are now on the table, but
whether that is so or not, I rely with great confidence on your
valuable assistance. " Believe me, yours very sincerely,
" W. H. Smith."
Mr. Smith, it would appear, had an inkling that
Lord Randolph Churchill, his predecessor, had not

284 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1887.
taken the ex-Chairman of Committees into his con
fidence, and wished to make it plain that he had
had no hand in making the arrangements In the first
instance. Mr. Raikes, as It happened, had keenly
felt the slight, and was not much flattered at being
called upon at the last moment. His leader's homely
attempt at consolation in the next letter, dated
February 4, is from one point of view rather amusing: —
"My dear Raikes,
" Randolph had charge of the Procedure Resolutions,
and we assumed that he had consulted all the authorities on
the subject. It is, however, no use crying over spilt milk,
and we must deal with the situation as it exists ; but if you
will come and see me here or in my room at the House
I shall be very glad to talk to you on the subject.
" Meanwhile, I have requested that a memorandum which
has been voluntarily drawn up by Palgrave shall be sent to
you. " Yours very truly,
" W. H. Smith."
Mr. Raikes's real interest In the question, and the
knowledge that the Government regarded his active
support as of great Importance, speedily dispelled his
momentary feeling of pique, and he lent willing and
valuable assistance in the subsequent proceedings.
His work during the early part of the year appears
to have left him small leisure for letter-writing, but
in spite of the harassing nature of his duties he seems
to have kept In fair spirits. On February 27, in a
letter to his mother, he wrote with the delight of
battle still fresh upon him —

1887.J HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 285
" I am in political hot water again, and rather enjoy it, as
the routine work of my office is a weariness of the fiesh. Last
Monday I think I may claim to have fairly demolished Sir
W. V. Harcourt, and to-morrow he is going to lead the assault
against me, though I think he has a very poor case indeed."
It Is worth noting that the previous day had wit
nessed the outbreak of hostilities In reference to the
promotion In the Post Office already referred to, both
In the Press and In Parliament.
In a letter to his mother, dated April 2, Mr. Raikes
gives an interesting account of the first use of the
Closure against Mr. Gladstone, in whose fertile brain
this method of restraining exuberant oratory had
originated. He wrote —
" The scene of last night is so fresh in my mind that I
can hardly think of anything else, and, indeed, if I were to
live another fifty years its recollection would, I think, still
stir a sort of nervous vibration of the strange passion and
excitement of that historic occasion. The Gladstonian party
now stand so frankly committed to revolutionary proceedings
as well as principles, that it is indeed a comfort to think that
the new era has shown them to be so decidedly in a minority.
For if Mr. Gladstone were ever again in power at the head of
the faction he now leads, it is pretty clear that no tradition or
consideration would be allowed to stay his reckless career.
When he walked out of the House last night at the head of
his myrmidons, after his own Speaker had applied his own
device of Closure to his obstructive proceedings, I felt it
really painful to see such a miserable conclusion of so striking
a history. He tried to preserve his own dignity, but he
looked to me rather like Mr. Pecksniff leaving a meeting
where he had been shown to be a defaulter. And the enthu
siastic acclamations of his Irish allies supplied the only note
of ignominy which be had not created for himself.

286 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1887.
" On Monday we are to relapse into prose and the Post
Office Estimates, which I shall be glad to get through if I
can ; and on Wednesday I am to get my consolation for all
the work and worry of the last ten weeks in welcoming my
little sons home, if all is well. ... I am moderately well, I
am thankful to say, though wearily tired."
The Colonial Conference on postal matters held its
first meeting early in April, and considered, amongst
other things, the question of the Australian mails, and
Mr, Henniker Heaton's Imperial Penny Postage
scheme, a rechauffi of certain suggestions laid before
the Post Office about forty years before. His proposal
was not received with much favour by the delegates,
and though the gradual improvement of economic
conditions has brought it at length within the range of
practical politics, some of the difficulties in the way
at that time were clearly set out in a letter of Mr.
Blackwood's, dated March 17, 1887. The Secretary
pointed out that, apart from the question of costs and
subsidies, and merely taking Into consideration our
treaty obligations, the introduction of a penny post
from England to the colonies would have curious
results, especially if the colonies, as they then did,
declined to countenance a penny post to England.
" To create," he wrote, " a system under which the cost of
a letter in the United Kingdom would be \d. ; the cost between
Dover and Calais, a distance of twenty-one miles, 2\d. ; the
cost between England and Australia, ten or twelve thousand
miles, id. ; the cost between England and Canada,* 2\d. ; and
* Canada, like ourselves, and unlike the majority of the other
colonies, belonged to the Postal Union.

1887.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 287
the cost from Australia to England from \d. to (jd. ; — would
be to establish a number of anomalies more provoking than
those which you are anxious to remove."
I may remark, in order to avoid misconception,
that Mr. Raikes and his advisers, while they did not
dispute that some such arrangement might become
feasible at a later date,* held that under then exist
ing conditions the project was absolutely barred on
economic grounds. Its supporters, on the other hand,
practically argued that if it were introduced economic
conditions would adjust themselves to the altered
circumstances. With June came the celebration of the Jubilee of
her Majesty's accession to the throne. Mr. Raikes,
as a Minister, had the privilege ofa seat in the Abbey,
and on June 24 recorded his impressions of the cere
mony in a letter to his mother : —
" The scene in the Abbey was, I think, more thrilling and
impressive than any I could have imagined. As the dear old
Queen stood, so simple and yet so majestic, facing the altar
before the chair in which she was crowned half a century back,
she shaded her eyes for a moment with her hand, and one
felt for that moment what an intense and complex crowd of
recollections and associations must have thronged through
her mind. But the Majesty of England bore herself very
nobly in the face of the great traditions of our earlier kings ;
and in the passionate tenderness with which she turned after
* The soundness of the views held by the Post Office in 1887 is con
firmed by the fact that only after the lapse of eleven years has it become
possible (July, 1898) to introduce a limited system of Imperial Penny
Postage, in consequence of some of the colonies withdrawing their
previous objections. Its extension, like its establishment, will, no doubt,
be governed mainly by economic considerations.

288 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1887.
the service to embrace all her descendants she stirred a
sympathy in all that vast assembly which brought the tears
into many eyes."
We may pass lightly over the general work of the
Postal Department, as Mr. Raikes himself gave a
general summary of the results obtained in a speech
delivered later in the year ; but it is worth mentioning
that as far back as 1887 the Postmaster-General
strongly advocated a reform which has only recently
come into operation. This was that re-directed letters
should be allowed to pass free of charge ; but the
proposal was negatived by the Treasury on the
ground of possible expense, although the Post Office
expected to effect an actual saving by its introduction.
In August the Postmaster-General introduced an
amended Post Office Savings Bank Bill with a view
to extending the facilities for thrift afforded by his
department. This was duly carried, in spite of strong
opposition on the part of the Banking interest.
The Opposition, who had not been slow to discover
certain weak points on the Treasury Bench, amused
themselves by prolonging the Session far Into the
autumn, and on August 3 Mr. Raikes wrote despair
ingly— " This wretched Session looks like lagging along for
another three weeks, so that the summer will be over before
I get home, and we really have nothing to show for it. It is
rather maddening to be shut out from the councils of the
party, and to see them so hopelessly misdirected."
His estimate, however, proved to be under the

I887.J HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 289
mark, and September found him still in London.
The autumn campaign In the country set In early,
and before the month was over Mr. Raikes had
commenced what proved to be a long series of public
engagements. The first meeting he addressed was held at Kirkin
tilloch, under the presidency of Sir A. Orr-Ewing,
M.P. In October he spoke at Machynlleth, and
incidentally referred to the progress made in his own
department during the year he had been in office —
" In that time it has been my good fortune to quicken the
mail to India and China by something like a day, and at the
same time to diminish the expense of sending it by no less
than ;^ 1 07,000 a year. When I came into office there were
three mails a week to the United States ; the public has now
the opportunity of sending its letters four or even five times
a week ; and there, again, we have saved ;£'20,ooo a year.
It has also been my good fortune to re-establish, in the face
of much opposition, the Pattern Post for the benefit of
traders, because it was believed that the foreign manufac
turer was gaining considerable advantage from the cheap
rate of postage for patterns sent from abroad ; and I have
also the good fortune to carry out what has been hang
ing fire for three or four years, the Parcel Post with the
Republic of France. I make no boast about these things,
but I wish to show that, although Ministers may not
have been successful in carrying such great and sensational
measures as some would demand, we have not been idle in our
attention to the interests committed to our charge."
On October 19 Mr. Raikes hurried to Margate,
at considerable personal inconvenience, in order to
take his old friend's. Colonel King Harman, place at a
meeting which the latter was too unwell to attend.
19

296 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1887.
Colonel King Harman's name reminds me of one or two
anecdotes which Mr. Raikes used to tell of him with
considerable gusto. It so happened that each of them
sent a son to Charterhouse at the same time, and
on their return from launching their boys on their
public school career, they foregathered in the train.
Mr. Raikes indulged in some mild chaff at his friend's
expense on discovering that his son had taken a
higher place In the school than his rival ; but the
Irishman, not a whit put out, replied, " I've not seen
your boy, but I'll back mine to beat him with the
gloves or without. And what's more, for his age, my
lad is as good a rifle-shot as there Is in Ireland."
" I thought it prudent," Mr. Raikes subsequently
remarked, when retailing the circumstance to his son,
" to say no more, on your account." Both the King
Harmans, father and son, have, alas! passed over to
the great majority.
Another anecdote had reference to one of the
gallant colonel's early Irish election experiences.
Party feeling ran high on the occasion, and one
evening Colonel King Harman was stabbed in the
back as he was ascending the steps leading to his
hotel. As soon as the news became known, a wave
of sympathy spread over the constituency, and the
election seemed as good as won. But matters took
an unfavourable turn a few days later, when It was
announced not only that the wound was not of a
serious nature, but that the assailant had been
captured, and was to be prosecuted. In fact, the

i887.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES, 29!
revulsion of feeling was so great that it was dangerous
for any member of the King Harman party to show
himself in the streets.
By the time the candidate had recovered suffi
ciently to give evidence, the polling day was close at
hand, and his agent had given up all hope. On the
morning of the trial streets and court-house alike
were thronged, and muttered curses greeted the
prosecutor as he stepped jauntily into the box. His
narrative was listened to with breathless Interest, and
when, at the close of his evidence, he was asked if he
could Identify the prisoner, every head in the court
was craned forward. The witness's answer came out
quite pat. " No," he said, " I cannot. You see, I had
my back turned when the blow was struck."
All along, as is not uncommon in Ireland, the
question of identification had been a difficulty. This
declaration practically settled the matter ; the case was
dismissed, and the gallant colonel's return to his
hotel was veritably a triumphant procession. Once
more had popular feeling turned : " Sure he wouldn't
see a dacent bhoy murthered," was the cry ; and on
the day of the election Colonel King Harman was
head of the poll.
In October Mr. Beresford Hope (Mr. Raikes's
colleague in the representation of Cambridge Univer
sity) died, and his place was taken In November by
the amiable and talented Professor Stokes. The
latter, however, in spite of his extraordinary gifts,
failed to make any figure In the House of Commons,

292 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1887.
in which he never succeeded in making himself at
home. Towards the end of the month rumours of Minis
terial changes filled the air, and Mr. Raikes once
again urged Sir M. Hicks-Beach to enter the arena
as an active combatant if his health would allow him
to. As matters turned out, the reports were devoid
of foundation, and probably owed their origin to the
fact that Mr. Smith had not done quite so well as was
expected by his friends in the leadership of the House.
Scant leisure fell to Mr. Raikes's lot during the
remainder of the year. The officials at the Post Office
had learnt to take him at his word, and no step was
decided on unless he had had a full opportunity
of going into its merits. Few differences of opinion
arose now or henceforward between himself and his
subordinates, and he might well have contented him
self with accepting their conclusions in ninety-nine
cases out of a hundred, had he not set before himself
a very high standard as to the amount of attention to
detail required from the responsible head of the office,
and adhered to it on principle. In addition to the
ordinary routine, which invariably occupied his atten
tion for several hours in each day, he had at this
period under consideration, amongst other things (I
have taken the time more or less at random), the ever-
present question of Sunday delivery ; the proposed
arrangement for taking over the submarine cable from
France ; the Metropolitan District Mail-cart Service ;
the proposed service to Cyprus ; the Australasian

i887.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 293
mail contract (in regard to which fresh difficulties had
arisen) ; and a difference of opinion over the mail
contract for India and China between the Post Office
and the P. and O. In addition to these matters, there
were symptoms of discontent amongst the telegraphists
and the auxiliary postmen. Into all these, and many
other questions of less importance, the Postmaster-
General went minutely and laboriously. Indeed, so
great was his press of official work that by degrees
he began to regard the performance of a long railway
journey, and the delivery of a political speech at its
end, as a species of relaxation.
It can hardly be a matter for surprise that his
health should have suffered, but he could not be per
suaded to spare himself in any degree. In s]Dlte of the
remonstrances of his medical man. In a letter to his
mother, on November 27, he said —
" I am getting as much rest as circumstances allow, as
Dr. Latham advised me to take a complete holiday for a
month or six weeks, which is, of course, impossible for a poor
P.M.G. "But I am going northward to make two speeches, at
Ulverston and Whitehaven, on December 5, 6, and must run
up to town for three nights before Christmas."
Still, wherever he went the relentless "pouches,"
laden with official papers, were bound to follow him.
He wound up his public engagements for the
year by addressing a meeting in support of Mr.
Yerburgh at Chester, where he met with a most
enthusiastic reception at the hands of his old con
stituents.

294 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [i5

CHAPTER XXV.
Mr. Raikes devoted the Christmas recess of 1887-88
to formulating certain proposals for shortening the
sittings of Parliament, and dealing with other points of
procedure. He duly submitted his conclusions to the
Speaker, and, after receiving a warm letter of thanks
from this authority, placed himself in communication
with Mr. Smith.
About a month later Mr. Smith forwarded a copy
of the new rules, and on February 17 wrote again to
say that It was proposed to form a joint committee of
the two Houses to examine the question of Private
Bill business, and if possible to prepare a scheme
which might be accepted both by the Lords and by
the Commons. He further requested Mr. Raikes to
confer with Mr. Palgrave, who had been asked to draw
up the form of motion and reference.
Although the Postmaster-General sought and
found relaxation in the discussion of his pet subject.
Procedure, he was in 1888, as in the previous year,
mainly occupied with the affairs of his own department.
He addressed the Wolverhampton Chamber of
Commerce in January, and dealt exhaustively with
postal matters. He was able to make various addi
tions to his Machynlleth speech of a nature gratifying

1 888.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 295
to the taxpayer, and after recapitulating the saving
of ;^i07,ooo a year, which had been effected in the
India and China Mail Service, the reduction in the
pattern post, which was estimated to have created a
new traffic of nearly two millions, the Increased profit
on the parcel post caused by the introduction of
coaches, and the saving of ^3000 per annum In the
Controller's department, he foreshadowed the change
about to come Into operation In the transmission of the
Australian mails. He hoped by this arrangement to
lower the cost by from ^4000 to ^6000 a year, and at
the same time to lessen the rate of postage. Further
than this, he had the pleasure of informing a deputation
that the price of postcards was likely to be reduced.
In making this last announcement, he probably had
in view the possibility that Messrs. De La Rue's
contract, under which postcards were supplied, would
be considerably amended before the year was out.
In the matter of this particular contract, certain
information had been supplied to the Postmaster-
General by a gentleman whose authority was indis
putable ; and on examination of the arrangements
entered into between Messrs. De La Rue and the
Inland Revenue In 1880, Mr. Raikes came to the
conclusion that if the matter were properly handled a
very large annual saving would be effected.
The question was a rather thorny one to deal with.
The Inland Revenue were naturally as unwilling to
concede that they had made an extremely bad bargain
as Messrs. De La Rue were to admit that they were

296 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1888.
making an enormous profit out of their contract.
Neither party desired an investigation, and Mr.
Raikes was left to fight his own hand. But so
confident was he in the accuracy of his information,
and so determined to force the matter to an issue,
that on February 23 we find him approaching the
Chancellor of the Exchequer In the following terms : —
" House of Commons,
" February 23, 1888.
" My dear Chancellor of the Exchequer,
" Some days ago I mentioned to you my intention
to write to you on the subject of the existing arrangements
for the production of Postage and Revenue Stamps and of
other Stamped Postal Stationery.
"These arrangements have been since the year 1880
transferred from the control of the Post Office (as far as
postal materials are concerned), to tbe Inland Revenue, the
Post Office being in return saddled with the charge of the
sums paid to Postmasters for Inland Revenue work.
"Before 1880, as far as I can ascertain, both these
departments made their own arrangements for the produc
tion of their own stamps. As far as I can learn, the
manufacture of the purely Revenue Stamps costs only a few
hundreds of pounds annually, while that of the Postal and
Revenue Stamps and stamped matter costs about ;^i40,ooo.
" Of this amount only about ;^SOOO or i^6ooo is estimated
to be the share of the Inland Revenue Department proper.
" It seems to me that the department which uses about 95
per cent, of the stamps should be charged with the arrange
ments for producing them ; and at the same time the sums
paid to Postmasters for services to the Inland Revenue should
be re-transferred to the votes for that department, though it
would still be convenient that they should be paid through
the Postmaster-General.

l888.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 297
" I have reason to believe that the present contract made by
the Inland Revenue in 1880 with Messrs. De La Rue, is very
largely in excess of the amount which would adequately
remunerate a contractor, and I am inclined to believe tbat
if this work is again entrusted to my department I can effect
a very considerable saving of public money.
" May I, then, ask you to communicate to the Board of
Inland Revenue the gist of this letter ? And if you will ask
them to favour you with their views thereon, you will, I
dare say, put me in possession of any report which they may
make to you on the subject.
" They must be in a position to put before you the details
of this expenditure under the contracts made by them, and
you will, I am sure, be interested in ascertaining how such
expenditure can be economized. "Yours very truly,
"Henry Cecil Raikes."
In consequence of this letter, when t'ne Select
Committee on Revenue Departments Estimates was
appointed, it was empowered to go thoroughly into
the question. In the result, their report entirely bore
out Mr. Raikes's contention as to the excessive margin
of profit for the contractors.
This report was a triumph all along the line
for the Postmaster-General. Messrs. De La Rue
attempted to carry matters off with a high hand,
and the Inland Revenue, in the person of Sir
Algernon West, showed no Inclination to let judgment
go by default. Nevertheless, facts proved too strong
for them, and the Committee had no hesitation in
adopting Mr. Raikes's view that the administration
should be transferred from the Inland Revenue to the

298 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [l888.
Post Office, as beneficial to the public service. This
was, of course, a sore blow to the Inland Revenue
authorities, who were, however, driven to admit that
there was no " official " objection. The implied censure
was all the harder to bear as, had matters been allowed
to remain in statu quo for another three years, their
department would have been able to claim the credit
for the large reductions which must inevitably have
resulted when the time for rearranging the contracts
eventually arrived. Thanks to the vigour with which
the Postmaster-General had acted upon the information
supplied to him, the honour justly fell to the share of
his own office.
It is unnecessary to refer in detail to the figures
submitted to the Committee, but It is nevertheless
worth noting how tightly the Post Office was bound
under the Inland Revenue contract in the matter of
postcards, on which Mr. Purcell estimated that Messrs.
De La Rue made a profit of 55 per cent.
So far as these articles were concerned, the Post
Office had to content Itself with a bare profit on the
material supplied to the public. This amounted,
apparently, to ^21,000 per annum, and was not, it
seems, sufficient to cover the cost of porterage. The
public continually demanded that the price of post
cards should be reduced, at any rate, to that charged
by stationers, in ignorance of the fact (not that that,
perhaps, made much difference) that under the ex
isting contract a reduction of only one halfpenny a
dozen, which would not have brought it to the desired

i888.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 299
level, would have swept away all and more than all
the profit made by the department on material. The
result of so small a chansfe even as this would have
been that the Post Office would have made a loss
both on material and on porterage. In other words,
they would have paid more to Messrs. De La Rue
than they received from the public, and would, in
addition, have been saddled with the expense of
porterage. On the other articles included in the contract it
was demonstrated that there was also a very large
margin of profit for the contractors.
The case for the Post Office was so effectually
established that Messrs. De La Rue offered to cancel
the contract then running, and to enter into a new one
at the end of the year, on which a saving of ^26,000
would be effected. This enabled Mr. Raikes, later
on, to announce a substantial reduction In the price of
postcards as from July i, 1889. The scale determined
on was, ten thick cards for dd, instead of twelve for
Zd,, and ten thin cards for ^\d, instead of twelve for ']d.
Needless to say, this concession failed to satisfy those
who were unacquainted with the inner history of the
case — that Is to say, the public at large ; indeed, Mr.
Raikes's efforts on this occasion met with but scanty
recognition, In spite of the importance of the reform
he had been instrumental In obtaining. So far as he
himself was concerned, he gave the whole of the credit
for what must be regarded as a great achievement
to Mr. Purcell, who was subsequently knighted ; but

300 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1888.
that very able gentleman would, I am sure, be the first
to admit that unless Mr. Raikes had thrown his whole
heart into the work the inquiry might never have
been held, or carried through successfully.
Apart from the proceedings before the Select
Committee, Mr. Raikes's Parliamentary labours were
of an uneventful nature during the Session of 1888.
He took no very prominent part in the consideration
of Mr. Ritchie's Local Government Bill, except in
so far as it affected Cambridge University, and his
attention was chiefly confined to the congenial subject
of Private Bill legislation which had been referred to a
committee, of which he had been appointed a member,
as proposed by Mr. Smith.
No difficulty arose in the Post Office Estimates
Debate, in which Mr. Raikes had a comparatively
easy task. The proceedings, it is true, were enlivened
by assertions on the part of Nationalist members that
their letters were tampered with in the post, but they
readily accepted the Postmaster-General's assurance
that nothing of the sort was done by his authority
or with his concurrence.
Curiously enough, although during his tenure of
the Chair Mr. Raikes was often brought into sharp
contact with the Irishmen, his relations with them
were, on the whole, of an amicable nature ; and on
this occasion their speeches were couched rather in
terms of friendly remonstrance than of indignant
protest. A pleasant feature of the year 1888 was the offer

i888.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 30 1
to Mr. Raikes of an honorary degree at the hands of
his old University.
An unusually distinguished company assembled at
the Senate House on June 9. Included in the ranks
of those whom Cambridge University had decided
to honour were the late Prince Albert Victor, the
Marquess of Salisbury, Lord Roseberry, Lord Sel-
borne. Lord Randolph Churchill, Mr. Balfour, Mr.
Goschen, and other men of light and leading.
The Public Orator, who had an arduous task on
this occasion, presented Mr. Raikes to his Grace the
Chancellor in the following words : —
" Academiae nostrse consuetudini antique consentaneum
est illos e regni totius senatoribus quos senatus noster suis
delegit suffragiis, tempore idoneo doctoris titulo honoris causa
ornare. Inter tot viros primarios conspicitur bodie senator
ille noster qui in senatus Britannici institutis usu et experientia
jampridem probatus est, quique senatores ipsos, quibus in
rogationibus examinandis et corrigendis prseerat, totiens
monebat, ut ordinis illius amplissimi dignitatem conservarent.
Ergo vir in legibus nostris rite constituendis tanta cum
gravitate tam diu versatus juris doctor merito nominatur,
nisi forte, ut est et litteris excultus, et Musis (nisi fallor)
deditus, et litteris nostris prope omnibus hue illuc etiam e
Collegio in Collegium transmittendis propositus, litterarum
doctor mavult vocari. Sed nomen utrumque libentius accipit,
jure optimo doctor creatur.
" Duco ad vos Henricum Cecilium Raikes."
The speaker, it will be noticed, rested Mr. Raikes's
claim to the title of Doctor of Laws upon his subject's
wide acquaintance with Parliamentary procedure and
practice. In dealing with the second half of the title,

302 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1888.
he had little difficulty in contriving a play upon the
word "letters," with which the name of the Postmaster-
General, in virtue of his office, must ever be closely
associated. His allusion to Mr. Raikes's poetical
leanings was more strictly to the point, but came as
a genuine surprise to most of the latter's friends, few
of whom were aware that he had ever penned a line
of verse. The Postmaster- General addressed a number of
political meetings In the course of the year, but none
of them were of first-rate importance.
On September 15 he spoke at a meeting at
Hawkstone, and handled the so-called patriot Irish
leaders in no very gentle fashion. A few days later
he received a threatening letter of rather a serious
character, but I imagine that he did not attach much
importance to It, as he shortly afterwards left for
Ireland on a visit to Barons Court, Humewood, and
other places.
In October, in company with Mr. Ashmead Bartlett
(as he then was), and Lord Carmarthen, he spoke
at Machynlleth, and In November visited Bristol,
where he took the opportunity of publicly expressing
his admiration for Sir Michael Hicks-Beach. An
address of welcome was presented to the Postmaster-
General by the members of the Salisbury Club, of
which Sir Michael was President, and In the course of
his reply Mr. Raikes said —
" They had, perhaps, in their president the finest example
of an English statesman of the highest school who was to

1 888.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 303
be found at present in the ranks of politics. It was an ad
ditional pleasure to him to be one of his colleagues, because
he thought, not merely by the admirable work which he had
done, not merely by the unquestionable capacity he possessed,
but by the lofty example and dignity of character he showed.
Sir Michael Hicks-Beach had done more than any man alive
to raise English statesmanship to a high tone."
These were no empty words, for the Postmaster-
General was by nature neither a hero-worshipper nor
prone to flattery.
Taken as a whole, the year 1888 was one upon
which Mr. Raikes could look back with satisfaction.
Unmarked, as It had been, by any very striking Incident
as far as he personally was concerned, there had been
a pleasing absence of alarums and excursions such as
had distinguished the one preceding It. A cordial
understanding had been established between the
Postmaster-General and his immediate subordinates,
and no serious departmental question of any sort had
arisen. Added to this, a number of useful reforms
had been carried out or put on foot. In addition to
those to which allusion has already been made, atten
tion may be called to the new Savings Bank regulations
which came into operation in September, and to the
negotiations entered Into with the German, French,
Dutch, and Belgian Governments in respect of taking
over the business of the Submarine Telegraph Com
pany, whose concessions expired In January, 1889.
The task of reconciling the various Interests in
volved was one of much dehcacy and difficulty, but at
length a solution was arrived at which provided for

304 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [i888.
the direct transmission of telegrams between England
and the other countries concerned, and admitted of
a reduction in the charges to three of the latter, viz.
France, Germany, and Holland. The credit for this
achievement was mainly due to the exertions of Mr.
C. H. B. Patey, C.B., Third Secretary of the Post
Office, an officer for whom Mr. Raikes had the
greatest respect, combined with strong personal liking.
The change came into operation at the close of the
financial year, viz. on March 31, 1889, but Mr. Patey
did not live to see the actual fulfilment of his work,
for he died a few days after " bringing to a successful
issue the difficult negotiations connected with the
purchase of the submarine cables." These words,
together with the brief but eloquent testimony to the
worth of the deceased official, " The Civil Service has
lost In him one of its most able and zealous officers,"
were, I am informed by one of Mr. Raikes's private
secretaries, added with the Postmaster-General's own
hand to the official Post Office Report for 1888.

HENRY CECIL RAIKES.

305

CHAPTER XXVI.
Early in 1889 Mr. Raikes was enabled to snatch a few
days of comparative rest on the Riviera. He was
accompanied by his second son, and in the latter's
cheerful society and under the Influence ofa change of
scene, his health and spirits alike improved.
On February 3 he wrote to his mother from
Hyeres —
" T. and I left London on Thursday, got to Paris to dine
and sleep, strolled about the next day, and went to lunch with
Lord and Lady Lytton at the Embassy, who were very kind
and charming. He then and there publicly declared that he
wrote those lines in Lticilla, ' Obedience is greater than free
dom,' etc, which tbe Misses W— — cannot find.
" Thence we travelled on Friday evening by the Rapide,
and really slept fairly considering we were seven in the car
riage, and it was awfully hot, until the sun rose brilliantly a
little before Avignon, and we found ourselves at once in
the Southern land. T. is enchanted, and I am still young
enough to enjoy it immensely. ' The ampler other, the
diviner air,' seems to clear and raise one's spirits as in the
olden days."
Nice, Cannes, and Monaco in turn were visited,
and the travellers revelled in the glorious sunshine ;
but at Milan they were plunged once more into the
20

306 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1889.
depths of winter. Writing thence, on February 15, to
his second daughter. Amy, Mr. Raikes said —
" Yesterday T. and I trudged ankle-deep through snow
to see the glorious Certosa at Pavia, far the richest and most
sumptuous shrine of Christendom. Inside, indeed, it was a
vision of brilliant altars blazing with coloured marbles and
jewels, marvellously inlaid ; inlaid woods even more won
derful in the choir ; chapel on chapel crusted with exquisite
sculpture and adorned with priceless pictures ; columns of
every marble ; candelabra of wonderful bronze ; even the por
ticoes decorated with terra-cotta designs only less beautifiil
than the bas-reliefs inside ; but in the cloisters the snow lay
deep, and over all the flat fields and fens outside brooded
the grey fog we know so well at home."
At Monaco Mr. Raikes beguiled his leisure by
writing the following poem, which was subsequently
published in 'the National Review, together with his
Latin version, which latter is to be found in a volume
of selected verse * brought out a few years ago : —
"'HPAKAHS MONOIK02.
" The well-known peninsular promontory on the Riviera, which, with
its adjacent dependency of Monte Carlo, constitutes the tiny principality
of Monaco, is said to derive its name from a temple of Hercules Moncecus
(the Solitary Dweller), built many centuries before the Christian Era by
the early Greek colonists of the Ligurian coast.
1.
" God of the lonely house, whose temple hoar
Frowned o'er the waves from this sea-circled height,
How wise were they who, on this rock-bound shore.
Reared here their altar to Resistless Might ;
For sure no God-like Presence saving thine
Had seemed meet Guardian for so stern a Shrine !
* " Poems and Occasional Pieces," by Henry Cecil Raikes. (Bentley.)

HENRY CECIL RAIKES, 307

II.
" Gone are the days when on the blue expanse
Where sky meets sea in sweet confusion blent,
Th' adventurous Greek would stay his prow's advance
To seek thy favour ere he westward went ;
Grim Minister of Fate's behests wert thou,
Yet scarce so grim as those who reign here novv.

III.
" For where the Gods have been the Harpies crowd ;
Rings on the altar from stretched hands the gold ;
Peal through the Halls the strains of music loud.
While human victims perish as of old ;
But foul the hands that give and that receive.
And gain the only God they all believe.

IV.
" Oh, that thy club and lion's-skin again
Were seen descending from the mountain's side !
So should this idle throng who play with pain.
Fly from the face of Labour deified.
And the fell Hydra that usurps thy seat
Lie crushed once more 'neath thy victorious feet."
When, a few lines back, I spoke of the Postmaster-
General beguiling his leisure, I used the expression in
a comparative sense. Wherever he went, his work
followed him ; indeed, as Sir A. Blackwood remarked
at the departmental dinner in 1890 —
"The Postmaster-General can never have a day's leave;
others may have their month or fortnight, but the Postmaster-
General never rests. He is the official Flying Dutchman of
modern times, for the wheel of the Post Office never stops.
Once or twice, indeed, overburdened, he has endeavoured to
flee, not leaving his address behind; but the Post Ofiice, which
is never at fault, tracked him to his hiding-place wherever he
was, on the shores of the Riviera or in the fastnesses of

3o8 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1889.
Wales, and delivered to him with unfailing regularity his
daily official papers."
An interesting feature of this year, and one which
engrossed a large share of Mr. Raikes's attention, was
her Majesty's visit to Wales in August.
The formal announcement was made towards the
end of April, and on May 6 Mr. Raikes received a
letter from Sir Theodore Martin, which concluded in
these words : —
" I am delighted to see with what enthusiasm the announce
ment has been taken. Meanwhile, if you can keep the busy-
bodies from fussing, and perhaps frightening the Queen by
asking too much, I am sure that you will do so."
This was no easy task, but the Postmaster-General
coped with it successfully, and from this time on he
was consulted at every point of the arrangements.
In the end, his knowledge of the people and of the
locality, and his business-like grasp of detail, proved of
so much value, that he was paid the high compliment
of being offered the post of Minister in attendance on
the Queen during her visit. So far as I am aware,
this honour had not been bestowed previously upon
any minister who was not a member of the Cabinet.
As the summer advanced, excitement rose to a
high pitch in North Wales ; and, with hardly an ex
ception, the inhabitants, whatever their religious or
political views, united in preparing a fitting welcome
for their Sovereign.
That her Majesty appreciated both the country
and her reception by its inhabitants may be gathered

1889.J HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 309
from the fact that, when bidding farewell to Mr. Raikes
at the conclusion of her stay, she was pleased to say
that the scenery surrounding Pale * was brighter
than that In Scotland at Balmoral, and that she had
greatly enjoyed her visit.
In the course ofthe Session of 1889 the Postmaster-
General made several important contributions to
debate. The most noteworthy of these were his
speech at the close of the Second Reading of the
Tithe Bill (eventually withdrawn), in which he wound
up the debate from the Government point of view ;
his carefully studied oration on University representa
tion ; his speech in the Criminal Code debate ; and
his brilliant defence of the Church in Wales on Mr.
Dillwyn's motion In favour of Disestablishment, which
was described in print at the time as "the finest
speech delivered during the discussion." Its closing
sentence might, perhaps, be remembered with advan
tage even in the present day. It ran —
" The religious future of this country depends not on the
antagonism between the two bodies" (Churchmen and Non
conformists), " and the fostering of unfriendly rivalry between
them, but rather upon the recognition of the fact that a man
may be a very good Nonconformist and yet no enemy to the
Church, and that a good Churchman may do honour to the
character and spirit of Nonconformity, the one recognizing
the services that the other has done in the past, and that other
realizing the services that the former may do in the future."
Mr. Raikes's Intervention in the Criminal Code
* The seat of Mr. Henry Robertson, which had been selected as the
Queen's headquarters.

310 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1889.
debate was prompted mainly by his desire to enter a
protest against the system of dealing with offences
committed by servants of the Post-Office in their
official capacity In a spirit of uniform severity, which
was followed by some of the judges. He took as his
text a particular instance, in which, unless my memory
misleads me, the late Lord Coleridge was concerned,
and said inter alia —
" I am rather inclined to question the propriety of a judge
fortifying his own decision in a particular case by referring to
the supposed view of the Postmaster-General ; and I think I
was, in the circumstances, justified in addressing a letter to
the learned judge to assure him that he was misinformed as
to the views of the Post Office, and that, so far from believing
that a uniform sentence of five years was a protection to the
public and the Post Office, I believed, on the other hand, that,
by the disinclination which it produced upon the minds of
jurors to convict, such a sentence was most detrimental to the
interests of the public, and subjected employh of the Post
Office to the most serious temptation. Since that time I am
glad to say that the judges have exercised a much more
general discretion in the sentences they have passed."
This question of sentences may seem a small
matter to the general public ; but I think it is worth
putting on record that Mr. Raikes, against whom it
was at times urged that when he erred it was on
the side of severity, was instrumental, quietly and
unostentatiously, as was his wont, in breaking up a
cruel system of punishment.
The Postmaster-General's appearances on public
platforms were not very numerous during 1889, and
were made chiefly in connection with Church matters.

1889.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 3II
The first meeting attended by him, on January 8,
was of no great importance, but nevertheless presents
some curious features. The spread of the principles
Inculcated by the Primrose League had been very
rapid in Flintshire during the year 1888, largely in
consequence of the efforts of Mr. Raikes's eldest
daughter, and habitations had been formed In different
parts of the county, amongst others at Hawarden.
The members at this latter place organized a concert
by way of an opening celebration, and invited the
Postmaster-General to attend and deliver an address.
This he promised to do, and the preparations were far
advanced when an unexpected difficulty arose. The
only available place in the village for the entertain
ment was the school, and in due course application
was made to the vicar, the Rev. Stephen Gladstone,
for the use of It. This was met with a polntblank
refusal, for which the vicar took the responsibility on
the ground that " to open the schools for a political
concert would not only be an innovation, but a de
parture from the spirit of the purposes for which the
schools were built and are maintained." No doubt
Mr. Stephen Gladstone was acting strictly within his
rights ; but It must be borne In mind that, as a general
rule, the school was available for entertainments, and
that throughout the county either political party
could obtain the various village schools for their
own purposes on payment of a small fee. Had there
been any other suitable building at hand the refusal
would have counted for little, but its sting lay in the

312 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1889.
fact that there was not, and that, as it seemed, the
concert would have to be abandoned. Remonstrances
proved unavailing, but the Primrose Leaguers, deter
mined not to be crushed at the outset, put their hands
into their pockets, and, at an expense of about £101,
cleaned and repaired a dilapidated old iron-foundry.
There, eventually, the concert was held. The room
was filled to overflowing, and an allusion by Mr.
Raikes to the difficulties they had encountered in carry
ing out their programme, was greeted in a way which
plainly indicated the view of the question entertained
by a large section of the inhabitants of Hawarden.
A harsh construction was naturally placed on
Mr. Stephen Gladstone's action, but personally I do
not for one moment wish to suggest that he was
guided by any other than the highest motives. Never
theless, the incident is instructive, in view of the outcry
raised in the Radical Press whenever the use of a
school is refused to members of their own party, be
the motives of the managers what they may.
The first meeting addressed by Mr. Raikes In
the autumn was the St. Asaph Diocesan Conference
held at Rhyl, where he extended a warm welcome
to the newly appointed Bishop of the Diocese, Dr.
Edwards. He said —
"Just at this moment, when the Church in Wales has
been going through one of the most critical seasons of her
long experience, it was a great thing that the diocese should
suddenly find itself reinforced by the spirit and strength which
spoke to them like a trumpet-call in the inaugural address of

1889.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 313
their president. Most cordially did he echo the words of
Mr. Stanley Leighton, that with such a leader the Churchmen
of that diocese had little to fear."
That this forecast was not a mistaken one subse
quent events have amply proved. At the present
moment the position of the Church in Wales Is
stronger than it has been for many years. Many
have laboured freely in the cause, but the Bishop of
St. Asaph stands head and shoulders above all others.
I must not here dilate upon the qualities which have
made him a tower of strength, and I will merely say
that,'apart from his administrative abilities, which alone
are sufficient to have brought him into prominence,
he possesses the rare gift of being able to rouse in
the hearts of others that spirit of pure enthusiasm,
free from the slightest taint of self-seeking, which
animates his own breast.
Amongst other engagements, Mr. Raikes visited
Cardiff at the end of September, and addressed the
Church Congress on the subject of " The Establish
ment in relation to {a) Religious Equality, {b) Spiritual
Independence." He also delivered a speech to the
members of the local Conservative Club. On October
15 he was the principal speaker at a crowded and
enthusiastic Church Defence meeting at Birmingham ;
and his address, which was highly appreciated, was
subsequently reproduced In pamphlet form.
The Postmaster-General probably found relief at
this time In concentrating his attention, even though
it were but for a few hours, upon a subject which

314 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1889.
always had the effect of taking him out of himself.
When he made his appearance upon the platform at
Birmingham, to all appearances entirely engrossed in
the matter in hand, his auditors would have been
surprised to learn that for some days he had been the
victim of an inward struggle, which had culminated in
the resolve to sever himself from the Government.
The actual determining cause was the inclusion of
Mr. Chaplin in the Cabinet on his appointment as
Minister of Agriculture. This, Mr. Raikes, not with
out reason, looked upon as a breach of faith as far
as he himself was concerned ; and he hesitated only
to send in his resignation because It was supposed
that Mr. Matthews was not unlikely to accept the Irish
Lordship of Appeal rendered vacant by the death
of Lord Fitzgerald. In this event he would be within
measurable distance of obtaining the chief object of his
ambition, the position of Home Secretary ; and until
this matter was decided he felt that any overt act on
his part would be premature. He, nevertheless, gave
a clear intimation of his Intentions to several of those
In the Premier's confidence, and as affairs turned out
he would undoubtedly have tendered his resignation
had it not been for the strong personal influence
exercised over him by Sir Michael Hicks-Beach.
The latter wrote, on October 19 —
"My DEAR Raikes,
"Your letter has been forwarded to me here"
(Hereford), " and I have written to Salisbury in support of
your claims for some recognition of your work ; but not for

1889.], HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 315
the recognition you wish for, because I think you are wrong
in supposing that Matthews could be appointed to Lord
Fitzgerald's vacancy. My own impression is that an Irish
judge or barrister must succeed him ; and if so, of course,
there would be no opening of the kind you anticipate.
Failing such opening, or some general reconstruction (of which
I see no prospect at present, much as I should like it), I
really do not see what it would be possible for Salisbury to
do for you just now. I can quite understand your feeling
about being passed over ; but in Chaplin's case I do not see
how Salisbury could have helped it. Every one expected
that he (Chaplin) would be President of the Board of Agri
culture ; and it would have undone any good that may have
been done by the Act among agriculturists to have left the
first President out of the Cabinet. You have been passed
over, so to say, by the office, rather than its particular
occupant ; and therefore I hope, even if nothing can be done,
you will not find it necessary, when our fortunes are rather
low, to take the course you suggest.
" Believe me,
" Yours very truly,
" M. E. Hicks-Beach."
The " recognition " alluded to was not long delayed,
for the newly constituted Chairmanship of Customs
was informally offered to Mr. Raikes shortly after
wards. For this post he had not the least desire, but
the suggestion turned his thoughts into a new channel.
It had become tolerably obvious that those who had
for some time past asserted that the Home Secretary
was anxious to be relieved of his office were labouring
under a delusion ; and as far as that quarter was
concerned, Mr. Raikes was unwillingly driven to the
conclusion that the gate was firmly closed to his

3l6 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1889.
ambition. Under the circumstances he thought it
might be worth while to raise once more the question
of the Speakership. His position as a Minister of
the Crown would have rendered him ineligible for the
post in the event of a vacancy, but he proposed to
get over the difficulty by the following ingenious ex
pedient, viz. that Mr. Courtney should be offered the
Chairmanship of Customs, and if he accepted It, that
Mr. Raikes himself should be transferred to his old
post of Chairman of Committee thereby vacated, with
the understanding that when the Speakership fell
vacant he should be the Government candidate for
the position.
The proposed arrangement did not, however,
advance beyond the theoretical stage, and, so far as
Mr. Raikes was concerned, negotiations were brought
to an abrupt close in November by the arrival of the
news of the somewhat sudden death, at Hyeres, of his
mother, to whom he was devotedly attached. At once
his personal aims and ambitions sank into nothingness,
and, almost heart-broken, he hurried away to the South
of France. The relation between mother and son had
been one of unbroken tenderness from the earliest days.
Of necessity they were much apart, but rarely a week
passed without an interchange of letters between the
two. Their mutual understanding and sympathy were
perfect, and to the end each gave to the other that
full and inner confidence, the outcome of the closest of
all earthly ties. In view of the influence upon the
character and career of Mr. Raikes exercised by his

1 889.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 317
mother. It will not, I hope, be out of place to introduce
here a brief sketch of her life, which appeared in the
Manchester Courier of December 4, 1889. It runs —
" By the death of Mrs. Raikes, of St. Martin's, Chester, the
venerable mother of the Postmaster-General, which took place
some days since at the Villa Farn^s6, Hyeres, we lose yet
another, and, perhaps, one of the last links which connect our
time with the literary epoch of the pre- Victorian era. The
youngest and favourite daughter of Archdeacon Wrangham
(himself the most graceful scholar of his University, and the
intimate friend and associate of all the principal celebrities of
the literary world whicb then existed in this country), the
deceased lady enjoyed almost unique advantages in sharing
the society and imbibing the spirit of the great poets and
critics of that day. As a ' wee lassie ' she had sat on Sir
Walter Scott's knee, at Abbotsford, to listen to the romantic
lore of the Border. She had revelled in the affectionate chaff
with which Sydney Smith loved to rally her father on those
wonderful conversational powers, which were at once the
delight and envy of his Whig compeers. As a young girl
she was free of Miss Mitford's study, and had heard from her
lips most of those charming anecdotes of Our Village long
before they appeared in print. She had breakfasted with
Rogers, she had corresponded with Felicia Hemans, she had
read Heber's poems in the proof-sheets, and probably profited
by his kindly advice and correction of her own girlish essays
and verse ; and it is not to be wondered at that a literary taste
so happily inherited and so richly cultivated should have made
her for more than sixty years the ornament and the delight of
the circle to which she belonged."
At the time of his journey South, Mr. Raikes was
suffering from intermittent pains In the head, and
weakness of sight, and he therefore lingered beside
the " tideless wave " for about a fortnight, in the hope

0

1 8 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [i8

of recuperating his health and spirits. In this he was
to some extent successful, and in a letter, written on
his birthday, November 25, from Beaulieu, to his son
Henry, he said —
" I am feeling much better for the change, and hope to
progress, in spite of the fogs of London and mists of Wales,
which seem all the more terrible from the standpoint of this
serene salubrious sunlight. I have hit on the idea that I have
been suffering from suppressed gout in the head, which seems
to explain much of my physical discomforts, so I think I shall
see Morgan before calling in Critchett."
It is almost pitiful, in the light of later events, to
note how determined the writer was not to admit even
to himself the possibility that his physical condition
might. In reality, be the result of circumstances over
which he had a measure of control.
Another loss, by death, which Mr. Raikes felt very
keenly was that of Dr. Kennedy, which had occurred
earlier in the year. From his school-days his old
head-master had been his firm friend, and, when
occasion arose, his vigorous supporter. Stern in
demeanour and outspoken in his wrath as he was,
there was, nevertheless, something very lovable about
the " Doctor." Beneath his grim exterior lay a very
tender heart. Of his constancy In friendship I have
already spoken ; of his culture and breadth of scholar
ship, which have gained him world-wide renown, there
Is no need to speak. Amongst the letters treasured
by Mr. Raikes was one written at this time by Miss
Kennedy. In it she said —

1889.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 319
" Amongst the numbers of letters which come to us, there
is a peculiar comfort in those pf our dear father's old pupils.
" I think he knew, as he could not help doing, how much
he was loved by them ; but he thought too little of himself to
realize how deep and far-reaching had been his influence for
good. " We do, indeed, know how you loved him, and I am sure
you know how heartily he returned your feeling."
Much against his will, the Postmaster-General
was once again drawn into collision with Sir Arthur
Blackwood, In December of this year. The Secretary
to the Post Office was, as Is well known, deeply
Interested in philanthropic work ; and he had, it
seems, promised to preside at an anti-Roman Catholic
meeting, to be held at Exeter Hall, in connection with
certain legal proceedings, in which Dr. Barnardo had
become Involved.
Mr. Arthur O'Connor, M.P., drew Mr. Raikes's
attention to the matter, and in a very temperate letter
pointed out that, having regard to the course which
the High Court of Justice had taken In the particular
case ; to the circumstance that the affair had excited a
great deal of very warm feeling in the country ; to the
fact that a large number of Roman Catholics were
employed in the Department, who legitimately looked
for due advancement and fair treatment under Sir A.
Blackwood, and could not regard with Indifference a
public manifestation of anti-Catholic feeling on his
part ; and to the directions which had so often been
enforced in respect of the public action of Civil
Servants, — It was most undesirable that the Secretary

320 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1889.
to the Post Office should take part in the contemplated
demonstration. Mr. Raikes could not question the cogency of the
arguments put forward, but he was, nevertheless, very
loth to interfere. After full consideration, he deter
mined that in the best interests of the Service it was
his duty to do so. Accordingly, he wrote the following
carefully worded letter to the Secretary : —
" I think I ought to let you see the enclosed letter from
Mr. Arthur O'Connor, M.P., which is couched, you will admit,
in not unbecoming language. You may easily suppose that I
should be most reluctant at any time to interfere with the free
exercise of your discretion in a public matter. But I must
confess that it does appear to me undesirable that those
who hold the highest places in the Civil Service should, by
participation in public controversies of a burning description,
lay themselves open in any way to imputations of religious
or political partisanship. And I feel sure that the last thing
you would wish would be to cause any embarrassment to me
or to the Department in meeting such an attack as is
suggested, in the House of Commons or the Press.
" It will, therefore, be a great relief to my mind if I hear
you so far agree with me as to have relinquished your
intention to take part in the meeting advertised.
" Yours very truly,
" Henry Cecil Raikes."
The letter was a very difficult one to write, and it
is evident that Sir A. Blackwood fully appreciated not
only the spirit which dictated It, but the form in which
it was couched.
It is unnecessary to reproduce the whole of the

1889.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES, 32 1
Secretary's very long and earnest reply ; but, briefly
summed up, it was to the effect that the writer identified
himself entirely with Dr. Barnardo, of whose institution
he was a vice-president. The last few sentences are
sufficiently indicative of Its general tenor —
" I can only say that with me it is a case of conscience
Men may call me a bigot if they like. I must be true to my
convictions, though I deeply lament the necessity and the
circumstances which force me to take the stand I do. It is a
cause of grief and pain to me to be ' a man of strife ' when
every natural feeling prompts me differently.
" I hope you will believe me when I say that it is with the
deepest regret that I feel unable now to withdraw from the
post I have been announced by the whole Press to take
to-morrow. To do so would be to inflict far more serious
damage upon Dr. Barnardo's homes than if I had never
consented. " I sincerely trust that no embarrassment will accrue to
you as P.M.-Genb If it unfortunately does, I must ask you
to let me bear all the consequences by making whatever
statement or taking whatever step you think right.
" I repeat, it causes me sincere pain to write this after your
most kind letter. " Yours very truly,
" S. A. Blackwood."
Although Mr. Raikes was disappointed at the
rejection of his advice — and, perhaps, rather more than
disappointed — he could not help admiring Sir A.
Blackwood's determination to do what he considered
right at all hazards.
Both Postmaster-General and Secretary were, of
course, aware that the suggestion made by the former
was, in view of their relative positions, in reality a
21

32 2 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1889.
delicately veiled command ; and, further, that had
Mr. Raikes chosen to communicate to the Govern
ment the fact that a recommendation of his had been
ignored in a matter so closely connected with the
internal discipline of his department, the results, so far
as his subordinate was concerned, might have been
serious indeed. The Postmaster-General, however,
took no further action in the matter, and when, in the
following Session, Mr. Arthur O'Connor moved to
reduce his salary as a protest against Sir A. Black
wood's action, he made no allusion to the correspond
ence which had taken place, and, far from sheltering
himself behind it, boldly met the attack by explaining
that the Secretary had occupied the Chair on the
occasion referred to simply with a desire to support an
old friend, and that he neither attacked the judges nor
used any expressions offensive to Roman Catholics.
He added that he was, therefore, not prepared to
censure Sir A. Blackwood for exercising his civil
rights in attending the meeting. Mr. Raikes's loyalty
to his colleague was characteristic of his disposition,
which always prompted him to make the cause of any
official in his department who was attacked from
outside, his own, when he could justly do so. On this
occasion, as he had made up his mind to treat the
Secretary's refusal to bow to his wishes merely as a
misunderstanding, and to refrain from any allusion to
it, his task was rendered comparatively easy by the
studiously moderate tone of Sir A. Blackwood's
speech, which in itself went far to disarm criticism.

x889.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 323
Of postal affairs in general little need be said.
During the second half of the financial year there was a
very large increase In the number of stout post-cards
issued, which proved that the reduction in price was
appreciated by the public ; In London, in the course of
the year, the outward and inward mail service was
improved ; a further reduction in cost of the mail to
the East was effected ; the Foreign and Colonial parcel
post was largely extended ; telegraphic money orders
were introduced as an experiment ; over five hundred
new post offices were opened ; and the work of the
Savings Bank branch considerably increased. Gene
rally speaking, there was a steady advance all along
the line. During 1889 faint murmurs indicative of
the storm destined to break over the Post Office In the
following year were heard from time to time, and some
activity was displayed by the then newly formed Post
men's Union. As early as September, Mr. Raikes
caused inquiries to be addressed to the various offices,
and though the authorities did not apprehend any
actual outburst, they were, nevertheless, on the alert,
The points which really called for consideration were
the position of the unestablisbed men, and the initial
wages of the established men. As regards the former,
Mr. Raikes was strongly in favour of raising their
wages after four years' service by one shilling a week ;
and in the case of the latter he recommended that
their Initial stipend should be increased from \ds, to
i8.f. a week. Had these concessions been made at
the time, in all probability the back of the agitation

324 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1889.
would have been broken ; but, unfortunately, the
Treasury proved obdurate, and matters were perforce
allowed to drift.
It is, perhaps, worth recording that In November
of this year Mr. Raikes was invited to accept the
Readership, of the Middle Temple (of which Inn he
was a Bencher), and that he readily assented to the
proposal.

HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 325

CHAPTER XXVII.
The Jubilee of Penny Postage was celebrated with
due form and ceremony in 1890. The first function, a
departmental dinner, was held on January 15, and was
largely attended. The Postmaster-General occupied
the Chair, and was supported by all the principal
officials. Lord Playfair and Mr. Shaw-Lefevre, two of
his predecessors in office. Sir John Tllley, Mr. Pearson
Hill, son of Sir Rowland Hill, and many ex-officials.
On May 16 a conversazione, arranged in co-opera
tion by the Lord Mayor and Corporation and the Post
Office, was held at the Guildhall, and was honoured by
the presence of the Prince of Wales, the Duke of
Teck, and other distinguished persons. There was
an extensive exhibition of postal appliances, which
enabled the guests to trace the general development
of the system which plays so large a part in our
scheme of life. It was possible to compare a working
post office of the day with a facsimile of one of its
predecessors of a hundred years before ; models of
travelling post offices, mail steamers, and other inte
resting features met the eye at every turn ; while, in
addition to a large collection of pictures, there were on
view books, stamps, letters, State papers, and other

326 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1890.
curiosities, each and all of which illustrated some
particular phase of Post Office history. The speeches,
which were few in number, and, as befitted the occa
sion, couched in a happy vein, were contributed by
the Postmaster-General, the Lord Mayor, Sir Henry
Isaacs, and the ex-Lord Mayor, Sir James Whitehead.
The exhibition was thrown open to the public on
May 17 and 19, and proved very popular. An
enormous business was done in the sale of Jubilee
post-cards, ordinary post-cards (of which over 20,000
were disposed of), and stamps. The main object of
the buyers was, of course, to get their letters or cards
stamped with the official Guildhall stamp as a memento
of the occasion. In all, letters to the number of
190,000 were stamped, sorted, and despatched from
the postal sorting-office in the three days. Of these,
40,000 were actually written and posted in the Guild
hall itself The proceedings in connection with the
civic festivities were, it Is perhaps hardly necessary to
state, brought to a conclusion by a banquet, which was
held at the Albion Tavern, under the presidency of Sir
James Whitehead, Bart.
The actual official celebration of the Penny Post
Jubilee was held at the South Kensington Museum on
July 2, and was attended by some 4000 persons. It
was hoped that her Majesty might be able to be
present, but this was found to be impracticable, and
Royalty was represented by the Duke and Duchess of
Edinburgh. The Postmaster-General arranged that,
as far as possible, the day should be kept as a holiday,

1890.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 327
In order to enable provincial officers to participate in
the celebration in the metropolis. Many men travelled
up from great distances, and in a large number of
country districts local functions in harmony with the
proceedings in London were held. At 6 p.m.
the Duchess of Edinburgh turned a key, by means
of which act on her part a message was despatched
from the Museum to the provincial offices inviting
the men there assembled to join in simultaneous
cheers for the Queen. The signal met with a hearty
response, save In a few districts where the men, by a
curious perversion of reasoning, had determined to
reply with groans, in order to draw attention to the
fact that certain grievances, then under consideration
at headquarters, had not been redressed.
The whole of the profits and subscriptions, amount
ing in the aggregate to the sum of ^22,000, were
handed over to the Rowland Hill Memorial and Benefit
Fund established in the Interests of distressed postal
servants. The credit for the satisfactory financial result
attained was largely due to the efforts of Sir James
Whitehead, Bart., and Mr. Baines, C.B. Of the many
speeches delivered in connection with the celebration I
propose only to draw attention to two. The first of
these is Mr. Raikes's address at the departmental
dinner In January, which presents several features of
unusual Interest, and the second. Sir Arthur Black
wood's graceful contribution on the same occasion, a
portion of which has been already quoted In a pre
vious chapter. Mr. Raikes naturally dwelt upon the

328 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1890.
transformation effected by the adoption of Rowland
Hill's scheme, which he described as "one of the
greatest peaceful revolutions of the century."
To it he directly attributed the enormous develop
ment of the postal system, on which he enlarged in
the following striking passage : —
" Talk of armies ! Why, the number of officers I have
just mentioned to you, and of whom I may say I am for the
time being the Commander-in-Chief, are more numerous than
any regular forces which the Secretary of State for War can
show within the compass of her Majesty's dominions. The
fleets over which the Postmaster-General exercises control
are faster, better found, and more efficient than any which
obey the bidding of the First Lord of the Admiralty. Talk
of the Foreign Office ! or the Colonial Office ! Why, half of
the work of those departments is what we make for them, and
in which we have to assist them.
" I believe, in fact, that the growth from this grain of
mustard seed, this little penny post which was invented by
the Worcestershire schoolmaster, has been such that we are
approaching a period, if we have not reached it, when the
Post Office will be regarded with eyes of envy and suspicion
by every other department in the State."
Such sentiments as these naturally met with a
rapturous reception from those assembled. The vast
growth of the Post Office was, it is true, to them
something of a commonplace, but it presented to
them all the features of a novelty when pressed upon
their attention not merely in the ordinary form of
figures and statistics, but in the picturesque garb in
which the Postmaster-General arrayed it by means of
the simple and direct method of comparison.

1890.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 329
And the great results achieved were due to the
initiative of one man ! That was the keynote through
out. Subdued at first, enthusiasm spread and grew; as
the moments sped the guests unreservedly abandoned
themselves to its influence ; and when the Postmaster-
General resumed his seat, and, at the bidding of
Sir Arthur Blackwood, who It had been arranged
originally should speak next, Mr. Pearson Hill rose
in his place, in an instant of time fifty years were
bridged over, and by a common impulse, in their
heartfelt welcome to the son, all present joined in
paying meet tribute to the father In whose honour
they were assembled.
Mr. Raikes returned to Wales after the banquet,
and delivered a lecture on Church History at Mold ;
but the spirit of unrest which was at this time pre
vailing throughout the Service soon rendered his
presence necessary in London. The sorters were
earnestly pressing their claims for an improved scale
of pay ; mutterings of discontent were to be heard
from the Savings Bank Department ; the telegraphists
were giving evidence of their dissatisfaction with the
existing state of things ; while last, and by no means
least, the postmen were actively preparing for a trial
of strength. Trouble arose in the first instance at Cardiff. In
itself the matter was comparatively trivial, as only
eight men were concerned. An inexcusable blunder
on the part of a subordinate official placed the depart
ment in a very awkward position ; the advocacy of

330 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1890.
Sir Edward Reed, M.P. for Cardiff, and the action of a
section of the Press brought the affair into prominence ;
and finally the general feeling of discontent which per
meated the Service gave a fictitious importance to the
agitation, and tended to obscure the real issue.
The dispute centred on the removal of eight tele
graphists from Cardiff to other offices. The men's case
was that on January 25 eight of the clerks at the head
of the second class list were informed by the district
surveyor that they were to be promoted, subject to
one condition : " Unless they could prove that not
one of them had written the articles * which had been
published in the newspapers, his instructions were to
confer the appointments upon clerks not at Cardiff,
and to compel the eight ' suspects ' to take places at
the bottom of the second class in the offices of
other towns." The men protested their innocence,
and then, to quote from a letter dated February 8,
1890, and addressed by Sir Edward Reed to the
Postmaster-General —
" They were then — some of them, at least — told that if fault
less themselves, they must be aware which of their colleagues
were in fault, and were ordered to say who they were. This
they were unable to do. They were then allowed a short
time (I believe two days) in which they should either declare
orfindout which of their colleagues had committed the alleged
fault. At the expiration of this time they were still unable to
give the information. They were then peremptorily ordered
to leave the town in a few hours, and to join the staff in other
places, and this they have had to do."
* Certain articles and letters published in the Western Mail.

1890.J HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 33 1
As stated, the case appeared one of peculiar hard
ship. In effect, the men declined to play the part of
spies, and for that reason were not only deprived of
promotion, but were torn from home and friends.
Needless to say, the hearts of their fellows went out
to them. Indignation meetings were held, resolutions
of sympathy passed, and the Postmaster-General
roundly abused.
As a matter of fact, eight men were transferred,
but only three of them were drawn from the eight
who, under a misconception, were questioned by the
surveyor in reference to articles in the Press. These
three were not transferred in consequence of anything
that passed on that occasion, but were, together with
five other clerks, removed to different offices for
reasons which are set out In Mr. Raikes's reply to
Sir Edward Reed's communication.
"General Post Office, London, February 11, 1890.
" Sir, " I have to thank you for your letter of the Sth inst.
relating to the Cardiff Telegraph Office, and I can see how
the misapprehension arose which has somewhat complicated
the matter to which you refer. In order to enable you fully
to comprehend the case, I must tell you that many months
ago I had settled to make considerable changes in the
personnel of the staff at Cardiff as soon as the opportunity
presented itself. The result of my inquiries was to convince
me that the discipline at Cardiff was very lax. The secrecy
of private telegrams had been violated, an offence which is in
direct contravention of an Act of Parliament, and one which
most seriously affects the public. Another breach of discipline
came under my notice when I visited Cardiff in the autumn,

332 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1890.
and the close association of the telegraph office with the
Press was such as to shake confidence in the maintenance of
that privacy which the public is entitled to demand. I was
obliged to consider at one time the expediency of removing
more than one officer from the public service altogether, and
I only justified the lenient course which I adopted on the
ground that too great a laxity of discipline had been per
mitted to prevail. It was under these circumstances that I
decided to move to other offices, without loss of pay, and at
the expense of the department, three officers whom I was
unable to promote, and five other juniors who had failed to
win the confidence of their official superiors.
" It has been brought to my knowledge that, owing to
some misinterpretation of my instructions, the eight senior
telegraphists on * the first class were charged with communi
cating with the Press ; but this was not my intention, as is
evident from the fact that I promoted five of them immediately.
" My intention was to remove from Cardiff the eight
officers in whom I had the least confidence, and I hoped that
the opportunity it thus afforded them of recovering it in new
scenes of work would not be thrown away. None have
suffered a diminution of pay, inasmuch as I should not have
promoted any of them, even if they had not been transferred.
" I hold, and hold most strongly, that it is my duty, as
head of the department, to reserve to myself full liberty to
transfer an officer from one office to another when circum
stances require it. I regret that such transfers involve
domestic inconveniences, but I cannot allow domestic con
venience to frustrate changes which are required in the
interests of the Service.
" You will, I am sure, be glad to hear that, so anxious has
been my desire to mitigate as far as I could any domestic
discomfort, I have given to the three senior officers such
leave of absence from their new posts as may enable them to
effect their transfer with the least possible inconvenience.
* Apparently the sentence should read, " on the list for promotion to
the first class."

1890.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 333
" The future of the officers transferred is in their own
hands, and, as I said before, nothing will give me greater
pleasure than to receive, as occasion offers, such favourable
reports of their conduct as may justify their promotion.
" I am, sir,
" Your obedient servant,
" Henry Cecil Raikes."
This letter makes it tolerably evident that in place
of being hardly dealt with, the eight men who were
actually transferred were treated with greater leniency
than they had any right to expect, and also that Sir
E. Reed had not been informed of the actual facts
when he took up the case. The circumstance that
eight men were interviewed by the surveyor and
questioned (not threatened, as incorrectly stated), and
that eight men were transferred, no doubt tended to
create confusion In the mind of the public ; and It
would seem that undue advantage was taken of this
mistake by those who thought it to their interest to
foster the agitation.
The incident afforded Mr. Raikes an opportunity
of making in public a characteristic declaration. In
reply to the toast of " Her Majesty's Ministers " at a
city dinner on February 12, he said in the course of
his speech —
"What he wished to say that night, and he thought it
would be echoed by every man of business, was that if a
person was to be in the position of a Minister of the Crown
charged with great duties and with the administration of great
interests, he must have the confidence of the country to enable
him to administer his department as he thought best. De
partments were not to be administered by excited meetings

334 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1890.
of insubordinate officials ; they were not to be regulated by
the enthusiasm of philanthropic and speculative editors ; they
were not to be administered, even, if he might say so with
great respect, by so large a body as the House of Commons.
A Minister — if he was to be a Minister — must be a Minister.
He must be allowed to exercise his discretion and judgment
as he believed to be best in the service of the State so long as
he remained Minister, and when they thought he was not fit
to remain, the sooner they got rid of him the better."
A restless feeling was manifested generally during
the early part of 1890. As will be recollected, it in
fected the police, and to some extent the soldiers, and
for a time threatened to play havoc In the ranks of
the less highly disciplined postal servants.
The Postmaster-General was confronted with dis
affection in three different quarters, viz. among the
telegraphists, the sorters, and the unestablisbed post
men. The first and second of these bodies, though
very much in earnest and trembling on the verge of
actual revolt, proceeded, in the main, upon recognized
lines. The authorities, by the exercise of tact and
patience, were enabled to keep them in hand, and
eventually succeeded in satisfying them that their
legitimate grievances would meet with full considera
tion. Had the Postmaster- General and his advisers
made one false step, or shown any sign of wavering,
these two classes would probably have mutinied, and
have made common cause with the postmen, with whom
they were naturally to a large extent in sympathy. This
danger was averted by the tactful policy pursued by the
Postmaster-General, who aimed throughout at keeping

1890.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES, 335
the issues raised by the various bodies separate, and
at dealing with them separately. It may be said that,
as far as he personally was concerned, he was always
anxious to improve the condition of his men, and had
he been free to deal with the revenues of the Post
Office, his reign would in all probability have been
marked by larger reforms than those which from time
to time, and under pressure, were obtained from the
Treasury. When satisfied that a real grievance
existed, he was untiring in his efforts to get it re
dressed ; but, even in the event of failure, he never
wavered in his loyalty to his colleagues who held the
purse-strings, or allowed his subordinates to suspect
where the real difficulty so often lay. But in one
thing he was inflexible. Every demand for reform
must be placed before him in a legitimate way. He
would never consent to his hand being forced, and
when irregular pressure was threatened he would
decline to stir one step in the desired direction until
submission had been made on the part of the
offenders and discipline restored.
The telegraphists, by pursuing a legitimate course,
enabled him to take prompt action. The provincial
petition was received by the Postmaster-General on
February 28, and on March 4 he took steps to arrange
for a strong Departmental Committee to consider the
general condition of the telegraph service. He in
formed the House of this when Lord Compton brought
forward a motion affirming that the position of the
telegraphists was unsatisfactory, on April 15. The

336 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1890.
petition of the London men had not been received,
but he had granted their request that he should re
ceive a deputation.
Although attempts were made to import the vexed
question of the right of public meeting into the pro
ceedings, and a good deal of high-sounding talk was
indulged in by the more impatient members of the
telegraphic body, the majority were convinced that a
genuine effort was being made to redress their griev
ances, and determined to await the decision of the
committee. The deliberations of this latter body were,
however, so long protracted that in the course of the
summer renewed signs of Impatience made themselves
felt, and during the first week of July the men gave
evidence of their dissatisfaction by determining not to
work overtime after July 12. They were prudent
enough, however, not to carry this resolution into
effect; and on July 15 the recommendations of the
Departmental Committee were made public. The
Times of July 17, thus sums them up —
" As a result of the labours of the Committee of Inquiry,
an improved scale of pay for sorting and telegraph clerks in
the provinces, and for telegraphists employed in London has
been recommended to and sanctioned by the Treasury, to
take effect from Friday last. The announcement of this
measure would probably have been made earlier had not the
telegraphists of the London Central Office lately shown signs
of insubordination, which culminated in an announcement of
refusal to work overtime at the existing rates after the
1 2th inst. . . . The measure now introduced . . . will cost
the country not less than .^200,000 per annum. ... In
addition to this, further advantages have been accorded to

1890.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 337
the staff throughout the country in the matter of overtime,
Sunday work, Bank Holiday work, and sick leave. This
measure practically meets very largely all the more im
portant demands of the staff, and, to say the very least,
places them in a very favourable position with regard to out
side service of a similar character."
Even Earl Compton had to confess In his speech
on the Telegraph Vote that, " considering the great
difficulties In regard to the financial part of the subject,
the right hon. gentleman's scheme was much better
than he, for one, had expected it to be." He, never
theless, moved to reduce the Postmaster-General's
salary by ;^i50, as a protest against the regulation
forbidding the operatives to hold meetings unless an
official reporter were present. In face of Mr. Raikes's
reply, the House declined to treat the matter seriously,
and the motion, which failed to find a seconder, was
withdrawn. The telegraphists were, on the whole,
well satisfied, and gave no further cause for anxiety ;
Indeed, in view of Mr. Raikes's readiness from the
first to give careful consideration to all legitimate
grievances, the agitation might possibly not have
advanced so far as it actually did had it not been
fostered by the "well-meant endeavours of philan
thropic politicians."
The strike amongst the postmen was a much more
serious matter. Discontent had shown itself in their
ranks in the previous year, and the representations
made to Mr. Raikes had convinced him that the men
had cause for complaint in several respects. As
already mentioned, he called the attention of the
22

338 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1890.
Treasury to the matter, but the sum involved by his
recommendations appeared so large that they took
time for consideration. Meanwhile, the men regarded
the situation with growing impatience. A union was
formed, and large numbers of members were enrolled ;
meetings were held at which inflammatory speeches
were delivered, and the aid of professional agitators
was invoked.
It would seem that the Treasury, in i8go, came to
the conclusion that Mr. Raikes's suggestions were fair
and reasonable ; but, meanwhile, insubordination had
reached such a pitch that it was impossible for the
Postmaster-General to make any concessions until
discipline had been restored. To have done so would
have appeared an act of weakness, and the Postmen's
Union would naturally have thought that their recourse
to lUegfitlmate methods had forced their Chief's hand.
To have yielded under such circumstances would have
been to strike a fatal blow at the discipline of the
entire Service, and would have placed the whole
department at the mercy of the representative of the
Trades' Unions. A trial of strength was inevitable,
and the Postmaster-General set himself to face It with
his usual coolness and determination. His efforts
were directed, in the first place, to keeping the Issues
raised by the telegraphists, sorters, and postmen, re
spectively, distinct, and thus preventing them from
making common cause. This was a task of consider
able difficulty, but it was, nevertheless, successfully
accomplished.

1890.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES, 339
In the year 1866 a regulation had been passed
which prohibited meetings of postal servants to dis
cuss official questions outside the Post Office. This
rule was systematically disregarded by the Postmen's
Union, and their action placed the authorities in some
thing of a difficulty. The officials were not blind to
the fact that the regulation was opposed to the spirit
of the day, and that if they took their stand upon It
the sympathies of the public would be entirely with
the men. At the same time, if they were tacitly to
allow it to fall into abeyance, they would be putting
a premium on insubordination, and encouraging re
sistance to the rules as a whole. It seemed to them,
therefore, to be the wisest course to take the bull by
the horns, and to rescind the regulation ; and accord
ingly it was announced in the Post Office Circular of
April 19, that in future the employes might hold
public meetings outside the Post Office building for
the discussion of official questions, subject to three
conditions : —
" I. That ample notice be given to the local Post Office
authority that such a meeting will be held, and where it is
proposed to hold it.
"' 2. That the meeting will be confined to Post Office
servants, and to those Post Office servants only who are directly
interested in the matter or matters to be discussed.
"3. That an official shorthand writer be present if
required by the authorities."
If left to themselves the men would probably have
acquiesced in the new regulation, which not only
afforded full opportunity for the discussion of all

340 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1890.
legitimate grievances, but also enabled the authorities
to keep in touch with their aspirations. Their pro
fessional leaders would, however, have none of it.
They realized that Condition 2 was aimed directly
at them, and if agreed to would deprive them of their
position and authority. They therefore insisted that
nothing less than full rights of public meeting and
combination would meet the wants of the case. In
order to emphasize their views, they arranged to hold
a large public meeting on Clerkenwell Green early in
June, in defiance of the new regulations. On being
informed of this, Mr. Raikes issued a special warning,
in which he pointed out to the men the consequences
which must ensue if they persisted In disregarding
the rules. The meeting was, nevertheless, held and
largely attended. Upon this the Postmaster-General
put his foot firmly down, and suspended a certain
number of men and reduced the pay of others.
A certain Mr. Mahon, who had been one of the
organizers of the dock strike, had been selected to
lead the postmen's agitation, and throughout he en
deavoured to make himself the mouthpiece of their
demands. The Postmaster-General, on his part, from
the first declined to have any dealings with this gentle
man, although he had expressed his readiness to
consider any complaint made by the men themselves
at any time ; and It was therefore essential, from the
professional agitator's point of view, to provoke a
crisis as soon as he felt strong enough to do so,
lest he should come to be regarded merely as an

1890.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 34 1
encumbrance by those whose cause he professed to
champion. Mr. Mahon opened the trenches on June 23 by
writing a letter to the Postmaster-General, in which
he Informed him that the postmen who had attended
the Clerkenwell meeting would apologize for their
conduct on the following conditions : (i) That the
circular limiting the right of meeting should be with
drawn ; (2) That all the persons reduced or suspended
for attending the meeting on May 16 (? June) should
be reinstated In their former positions after making
their apologies ; (3) That the Postmaster-General
should obtain the sanction of the Lords of the
Treasury to immediately increase the maximum wage
paid to postmen, including unestablisbed men, twenty-
one years of age last birthday, who had been two or
more years in the Service, making It 2\s. a week in
London and 215-. in the country; and (4) That the
permanently employed auxiliary staff should be added
to the establishment.
The letter concluded with the request that the
writer should be the means through which com
munications between the postmen who were members
of the Union and the Postmaster-General should
pass. Mr. Raikes, in reply, declined to recognize Mr.
Mahon as the postmen's representative, or to hold any
communication with him on official matters.
Mr. Mahon then declared that by his attitude the
Postmaster-General was begging the question ; but

342 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1890.
this suggestion was successful only in drawing a
second formal letter of acknowledgment, in which the
writer repeated that Mr. Raikes was willing to receive
any representation from the postmen forwarded in the
regular way, "or if he sees reason to believe that
their views can be better explained orally than in
writing, to grant an Interview to a deputation from
their body, but that between the postmen and himself
Mr. Raikes cannot allow any other intervention."
Baffled in this direction, Mr. Mahon devoted himself
to the task of widening the breach between the
postmen and their Chief, and in particular impressed
upon the former the necessity of declining to concur
in the new regulation which governed the right of
meeting. With a view to stimulating the men into
greater activity, a meeting was held in Hyde Park, on
Sunday, June 19, under professional guidance, at which
the official note-taker, who attended under orders, was
roughly handled, and a number of disorderly scenes
took place. In consequence of this some thirteen
men were suspended. The prompt action of the
authorities had but little effect, and a few days later
Mr. Mahon boldly threw off the mask, and informed
the public through the medium of the St. James s
Gazette, of July i, that, "the present struggle between
the Postmen's Union and the Postmaster-General is
entirely over the question of the right of meeting and
combination." It must be admitted that the strike leader had
shown some dexterity in persuading the men to adopt

1890.] HENRY CECIL RAlKES. %\%
this platform. He Insisted, and the soundness of his
argument cannot be gainsaid, that If the postmen were
to succeed by agitation in winning the rights of meeting
and combination they would be masters of the situation,
and, so far as wages and hours were concerned, would
be able practically to dictate their own terms to the
Postmaster-General. The course adopted had this further advantage,
viz. that a broad issue was raised which affected
the whole of the Civil Service. The men in other
branches undoubtedly sympathized with the postmen,
but, knowing that their own class grievances were in a
fair way to be settled, they were naturally unwilling
to jeopardize their positions by assisting to enforce
demands in which they were not directly interested.
Mr. Mahon was keenly alive to the importance of
Inducing them to abandon their attitude of passive
sympathy, and to take an active part in the struggle.
He was well aware that the men generally were
restless and discontented, and fondly hoped that by
pushing to the front a question in which all ranks
were, at any rate academically, interested, he would
persuade a large number of them to make common
cause with the members ofthe Postmen's Union.
The tactful action of the authorities to a large
extent frustrated the effects of this move, but, thanks
in some measure to the assistance of a section of the
Press, the agitation continued to make headway. As
usual, certain journals made a dead-set at the Post
master-General, and did their best to foment disorder

344

THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1890.

and ill-feeling. In this latter object they were
tolerably successful, for their entire ignorance of the
merits of the dispute (or their wilful blindness to
them) specially qualified them to give the worst
possible advice to the postmen, and to buoy the
disaffected up with predictions of certain victory and
assurances of public sympathy.
By July 7 Mr. Mahon fancied that he was strong
enoup-h to issue an ultimatum to the Postmaster-
General, which was despatched by messenger at 3 p.m.
It ran —
" Sir, " I am directed by the Executive of the Postmen's
Union to request that you will state finally by 8 p.m. to-day
whether you will comply with the following demands : —
" I. That all departmental limitations of the right of
meeting be cancelled.
"2. That all men reduced or suspended for attending
meetings be reinstated in their former position, and the
monies lost by them through stoppage, reduction, or forfeiture
of wages or loss of stripes be at once refunded.
" 3. That in matters affecting the conditions of work and
rate of pay the department recognize the Postmen's Union.
"If these requests are complied with you may rely upon
the cordial co-operation of the Union in allaying the friction
and ill-feeling which now exists.
" The Executive trust that your answer will be delivered to
me at this address at the time specified ; and in order to avoid
misunderstanding I am directed to state that your failure to
do so will be taken to imply a refusal.
"Your obedient servant,
"J. L. Mahon."
The cool insolence of this communication argued a

1890.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 345
degree of confidence on the part of the writer which
was hardly justified by the circumstances of the case.
Needless to say, no reply was made by the Postmaster-
General. On the evening of the same day a mass meeting
was held at Holborn Town Hall under the auspices of
Mr. Cunninghame Graham and Mr. Conybeare, but
no definite line of action was decided upon, in
consequence of a false rumour that the suspended
men had been reinstated, and that the wages they
had forfeited were to be paid to them.
So far, I have said little in regard to the steps
taken by the authorities. They were fully alive to the
gravity of the situation, and, under the direct guidance
of Mr. Raikes and Sir A. Blackwood, every possible
preparation was made for the struggle for supremacy,
which it was felt was unlikely to be long deferred.
They anticipated that hostilities would break out on
July 8, but the early part of the day passed off quietly.
Mr. Toombs summed up the situation in the following
report sent to the Postmaster-General in the course of
the morning —
" I am pleased to be able to inform you that there was
no strike amongst the postmen. At one o'clock this morning
we received a confidential communication as to the decision
come to at the meeting" (Holborn), "the purport of which has
been reported in the morning papers. It is not, however,
there stated what was actually the case, viz. that the men
separated upon the understanding that if additional hands
appeared for duty at any offices in the morning, the Union
men were not only to turn out themselves, but to turn the

346 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1890.
new men out also. Mr. Mahon and Mr. Donald were to.
make a tour of the offices at 5 a.m. and organize a turn-out.
" At some ofthe larger offices extra men were in attendance,
and the postmasters, who were on duty all night, exercised
their discretion as to bringing them forward to the sorting
offices or not. In one or two cases the Union men protested
against the presence of the new men, but did not go beyond
that . . . We deemed it advisable to call in the postmen who
were off duty in order that we might see how far disloyalty
extended. With very few exceptions all the men duly
attended." Although the Service generally was In a state of
ferment, the day passed off without actual rebellion.
Disturbances, nevertheless, broke out at headquarters
upon the discovery that extra hands were being
employed, and were receiving instruction in the duties
which would fall to their lot in the event of a strike.
Several turbulent scenes took place, and the Controller,
in order to put an end to them, thought it advisable to
withdraw the new men for the time being.
The postal authorities spent the day in perfecting
their arrangements. Strong bodies of relief men were
placed In readiness at points where their services were
likely to be required, and the assistance of the police
was requisitioned, in order to afford protection to the
non-unionists, and to maintain order.
On the morning of Wednesday the 9th matters
took a serious turn. The scene of action In the first
instance was the Parcel Post Depot at Mount Pleasant,
Clerkenwell, where the unionists fell upon the relief
men, and after a sharp fight succeeded In turning them

iSgo.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 347
out of the office. At the General Post Office the
first delivery was delayed for an hour, owing to the
discovery that a number of relief men were present,
under the protection of the police, and guarded by
barricades. But after they had sent a telegram to
Mr. Raikes, In which they stated their Intention not
to go on with their work until the relief men were
dismissed, the letter-carriers were persuaded, pending
a reply, to proceed with their duties. On returning
from their rounds they held a meeting, as a result of
which work was resumed in a perfunctory manner,
most of the deliveries being several hours late. In
the course of the day the demand for the dismissal of
the relief men was reiterated, and several deputations
waited upon the Controller, but on this occasion with
out success.
Mr. Raikes, who had taken up his quarters close
at hand, spent an anxious day, for he had the interests
of his men very closely at heart. The results of
defeat must, he knew, prove disastrous to many of
them ; and almost up to the last he hoped that the
unflinching front shown by the authorities would, when
the pinch came, induce them to break away from their
professional adviser, who, as they afterwards realized,
was but using them as tools with a view to extending
the power and influence of the Trades Union organiza
tions, of which he was the agent.
Surrender on the part of the postal authorities
was, of course, out of the question. The issue raised
affected the rights of the whole community, and it

348 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1890.
was impossible for the Postmaster-General to give
way without betraying his trust. No fair parallel can
be drawn between postal servants and men in the
service of a private employer. The latter admittedly
have the rio;ht to combine in order to secure a due
return for their labour. But the servants of the State
are a class apart. They enjoy many privileges un
attainable by the ordinary workman ; when they enter
upon their work they understand that their services
are accepted only upon certain definite terms and
conditions ; and in the event of hardship arising from
any unexpected cause they have their proper remedy.
Under these circumstances Mr. Raikes held firmly
to the view that to grant a concession which would
enable them to repudiate the terms under which they
had entered the Service, would, apart from the question
of loss of prestige, be a fatal error looked at from the
public point of view. For there could be little doubt
that if the service of the State were rendered liable to
be disturbed at will by combination of its servants, who,
by reason of the nature of their employment, could
enforce their demands by bringing the whole of the
business of the country to a standstill, very grave
difficulties would have to be faced in the future.
By July 9 it had become obvious that there must
be a trial of strength. The authorities were prepared
at all points, and Mr. Raikes, after consultation with
Sir A. Blackwood, determined that the sooner matters
were brought to a head the better. Delays are pro
verbially dangerous. At any moment the letter-

1890.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 349
carriers might be reinforced by the other classes
who were trembling on the brink, and the scope of
the movement thus largely increased. It was decided,
therefore, to intimate plainly that the Department had
no intention of giving way, and was prepared to take
steps to enforce its authority. This intimation, it was
thought, would either have the effect of bringing the
men to their senses, or would precipitate the crisis.
That same evening the malcontents met in order
to decide upon their course of action. Some thousands
of postmen and others assembled on Clerkenwell Green
at ten o'clock, and Inflammatory speeches were de
livered by their professional leaders. Mr. Mahon
displayed more than usual lack of judgment, for,
apparently under the impression that the victory was
won, he frankly threw off the last remnant of disguise,
and informed his audience that the contest was not a
fight between Mr. Raikes and the postmen, but an
important part of the labour programme. Many of
his hearers, no doubt, turned this statement over in
their minds during the next few hours, but for the
moment most of them were carried away by excite
ment, and greeted with enthusiasm the announcement
that they were not to take out the letters the following
morning until they got word from him that Mr. Raikes
had dispensed with the services of the relief men.
He added that no violence was to be used to the
" blacklegs," but if they would not go out the strikers
should " pick them up."
It will be observed from this statement that the

350 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1890.
men's leader had once more shifted his ground, and
that the actual issue on which the battle was fought
was Mr. Raikes's refusal to dispense with the services
of non-unionists at the demand of the agitators.
Mr. Mahon, who probably did not realize that he
had had his hand forced, could not fail to perceive
that so long as the Postmaster-General was in a
position to replace the strikers by other competent
men, the movement must prove a fiasco. It was
equally obvious that if the agitators could succeed in
frightening away the relief men he would hold the
key of the situation, and would be in a position to
disorganize the Service thoroughly if his demands
were not complied with. It must be assumed that
Mr. Mahon did not appreciate the completeness of
the arrangements made by the authorities. He was
evidently under the impression that by adopting the
policy forced upon him, he would be able to strike a
telling blow, which would rally to his standard the
disaffected of all ranks, and bring the Postmaster-
General to his knees. At the moment the signal was
given, although a considerable number of men were
hesitating on the brink, those actually Involved in
the movement were comparatively few, and were
mainly drawn from one class of letter-carriers, and
the parcel-post men. It was essential, therefore,
from the strikers' point of view, to gain the upper
hand at the outset, in order to give confidence to
their fellows. Their chances were, however, early
jeopardized by the bad generalship of their leader.

1890.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 35 1
The leading postal officials spent the night of
Wednesday the 9th in perfecting their arrangements,
and on the morning of the loth they abandoned their
waiting policy and took decisive action. It was
determined. In order to emphasize the attitude of the
Department, that Sir Arthur Blackwood should strike
the first blow in person. The Secretary, accordingly,
presented himself at the Parcel Depot at Mount
Pleasant at 3 a.m. on the Thursday morning, and
then and there, as the men came in to work, dismissed
without ceremony nearly one hundred of those who
had taken part in the disturbance of the previous day.
This act, it may be assumed, was no Isolated measure,
but was carried into effect with a set object in view.
It was anticipated that the postmen generally
would be largely influenced by the example set by
the men at the Central Office ; and the leading officials
were agreed that If these latter could be kept in hand,
the chief source of danger would be removed. The
Postmaster-General had laid his plans accordingly, and,
while Mr. Mahon expended his energies in outlying
districts, brought the strongest possible pressure to
bear at head-quarters.
The men made their appearance at the Central Office
at the usual time on Thursday, and we may easily
picture the scene. Some wear an air of stern deter
mination, others seem dejected and uncertain. Most
of them, undoubtedly, intend to be guided by circum
stances ; even the more ardent are waiting the
inspiration of the moment. But all, disaffected and

352 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1890.
loyal alike, are animated by a feeling of nervous
excitement, and look for some sudden and startling
development. The merest trifle may cause an
explosion. As they near the entrance the men glance fur
tively at one another. Their pulses quicken as the
great moment approaches. One or two of the younger
men endeavour to express unconcern by whistling ;
but the effort is hardly a success — the notes gradually
die away. Very few, it seems, can even find voice to
pass a morning greeting to a comrade.
Suddenly the silence is broken by a faint murmur.
The foremost men pause, and cluster round a notice
posted where all may see. It records In grave official
language the measures taken at Mount Pleasant a few
hours before, and concludes In the following words : —
" Similar suspension or dismissal will follow in the case of
men at other offices who, either by refusal to obey orders, or
the molestation of those employed under direction of the
Postmaster-General, impede public service."
Again the men exchange significant glances. Then
they slowly pass within. As they enter they note, on
the one hand, relief men ready, if need be, to take their
places ; on the other, a detachment of City Pohce,
evidently prepared for strong measures at the first
hint of disorder. For a moment they hesitate, and
that moment must have been a trying one for the little
knot of officials gathered at one end of the chamber.
But the pause for reflection is of short duration. One
by one the men make their way to their places, and

1890.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 353
enter quietly upon their usual tasks. Soon all are busy.
Sir Arthur Blackwood, we may be sure, drew a deep
breath of relief. The men themselves, perhaps, hardly
realized it, but the crisis was over.
Attempts to carry out Mr. Mahon's programme
were made In a number of the London districts, but
they were mostly of a half-hearted nature. The moral
effect ofthe victory at headquarters was, as anticipated
by the authorities, far-reaching, and practically broke
the back of the agitation. For instance, in the
northern and south-eastern districts the men, who had
at first declined to make a move, gave way promptly
when they learnt that work was proceeding steadily In
the City ; while at other centres no trouble of any sort
was experienced.
Outbreaks, nevertheless, took place in various
quarters. At Holloway a number of men refused to
go out with their bags, and were. In consequence,
suspended ; while at FInsbury Park insubordination
reached such a pitch that the police had to be called
in. Matters were at their worst in the Eastern Dis
trict ; the service there was practically disorganized,
and sixty-three men were suspended.
In all, up to 6 a.m. about two hundred men were
suspended or dismissed, and In the course of the day
this number was considerably increased.
About 6.30 a.m. some three hundred strikers visited
the General Post Office, and tried, without result, to
bring the men out. They were more successful in
other quarters, and the evening muster on Clerkenwell 23

354 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1890.
Green was very largely attended. Their advantage,
however, was more apparent than real, for, though
many of the younger men were, in the excitement of
the moment, delighted to join In the parades, and to
have their ears tickled by professional orators, few,
with the exception of those already suspended, were
prepared to face the active displeasure of the Depart
ment. Mr. Mahon, nevertheless, addressed the meeting In
his usual confident style, and announced that on the
following day the whole of the Metropolitan postmen
would be asked to come out on strike, and to remain
out " until Mr. Raikes knuckled under." By way of
encouragement, he added that his procession, in the
course of its march, had brought out over a thousand
men, and he concluded by exhorting all postmen to
obey the forthcoming summons, which would bring
matters to a crisis by paralyzing the trade and com
merce of the country. But the appeal fell on deaf
ears. Mr. Mahon had, as usual, miscalculated his
powers ; and, in place of a general turn-out, Friday,
July II, witnessed what was practically the uncondi
tional surrender of the men. They had lost all
confidence in their leader, who, they felt, had not only
misled them, but had proved himself Incapable to
boot. By the end of the day the agitation was well in
hand, in spite of the final frantic efforts of a small
minority, who succeeded for a brief space in im
peding public service to some extent by means of
open violence. To cope with this state of things the

1890.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 355
services of the police were called into requisition, and
by Saturday, except in the neighbourhood of the
docks, where the roughs made common cause with
the strikers, the service had resumed its normal
aspect. That the movement had orained little real hold
upon the men is indicated by the promptitude with
which large numbers of them seceded from the Post
men's Union without any compulsion having been put
upon them by the authorities. For instance, on the
Friday eighty-three out of ninety-four postmen at
Whitechapel followed this course and apologized ;
while at Poplar the next day the men held a meeting,
at which they denounced Mr. Mahon as an enemy to
the force, and tore up their Union tickets. These
were typical cases, and, indeed, throughout the Friday
and Saturday applications for pardon and reinstatement
poured in in a constant stream.
A glance at the figures tells the same tale. In all,
435 men were suspended, 172 belonging to the estab
lished class, and 263 to the unestablisbed. Many more
took part in the processions and attended the meetings,
but it would seem that out of the 10,000 men whom
Mr. Mahon boasted he had at his beck and call, only
a small proportion were prepared to run any real risk.
The majority. It is true, were more or less discontented ;
and had the Postmaster-General shown the slightest
sign of wavering, or had the strike been organized by
a man of ability, the consequences might undoubtedly
have been very serious.

356 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1890.
I have already Indicated the lines of the policy
inaugurated by the Postmaster-General and ably
carried out by Sir A. Blackwood. These two gentle
men worked together throughout In perfect harmony.
They kept in touch with every phase of the movement,
and whenever danger threatened took steps to nip It
in the bud before it could assume alarming proportions.
They had not much respect for Mr. Mahon as an
opponent. He repeatedly showed himself Incapable
of contending on even terms with the men he had set
himself to humble, and would snatch with ludicrous
avidity at any lure offered to him. It was, neverthe
less, necessary to keep a watchful eye upon him, for
at any moment he might have blundered upon an
opportunity which he would never have found of set
purpose, or a chance spark might have caused a
conflaeration of which he could not have failed to take
advantage. It may be mentioned, In passing, that the Govern
ment were prepared for the worst, and at an early
stage took certain military precautions In anticipation
of an open and turbulent outbreak. Thanks, however,
to Mr. Raikes and his advisers, it did not become
necessary to have recourse to extreme measures.
When order was restored, the Postmaster-General
found himself confronted with the difficult and delicate
task of deciding upon the degree of punishment to be
meted out to the mutineers. He was strongly urged
by a number of well-meaning people to reinstate the
men en bloc, and had he listened to this advice he

1890.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 357
would, no doubt, have gained greatly In popularity
with the force, and have insured himself against any
further trouble during the remainder of his term of
office. But such considerations, it need hardly be
said, had no weight with him. Personally, he was
inclined to the side of mercy, but he fully realized that
it was necessary to make an example, for he felt very
strongly that the retention In the Service of men who
had taken the principal part in defying the regulations,
and had led others to forsake the path of duty, would
serve as a standing menace to the authorities in the
event of difficulties arising in the future.
The debate on the Post Office Vote, on July 23,
afforded Mr. Raikes an opportunity of indicating the
course he intended to pursue. He said that —
" With regard to the reinstatement of the dismissed men,
he should only be too glad, if he found it compatible with the
public interest, to reinstate as many of them as he could, but
the public service must, of course, be the first consideration,
together with the question of maintaining the discipline of the
Service. All he could say for the present was that every
application for reinstatement would be carefully considered
by himself after the reports from the district postmasters had
been received."
The following day he received a deputation of
metropolitan postmen, and in the course of the
interview he informed them that he would most
carefully investigate all the extenuating circumstances
which could be alleged on behalf of each individual
who had misconducted himself, and gave evidence of
the real sympathy he had with his men by adding

358 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1890.
that he felt as much as any of them for the families of
the men who had committed these unfortunate acts,
and, indeed, for many of the younger men, who had,
no doubt, acted, not on their own judgment, but under
pressure, and, he believed, in many cases coercion and
even intimidation.
Although a few Irresponsible politicians continued
to denounce Mr. Raikes as a tyrant and oppressor,
they obtained but little countenance, either in the
Service or in the House of Commons. In proof of
this It may be mentioned that the Telegraph Vote
was passed on August i without a division. This
result was peculiarly gratifying to Mr. Raikes, who
found his reward, such as it was, for his untiring
labours in the practically unanimous endorsement of
his policy by both sides of the House.
The continual strain had produced its inevitable
effect before the end of July, and for a week or more
Mr. Raikes struggled on with his work, although
warned that he was on the verge of a complete break
down. His medical adviser Insisted on the imperative
necessity of immediate change and rest, but, in defiance
of his commands, Mr. Raikes declined to quit his post
until he had disposed of the Parliamentary business
connected with his Department. Then, and not till
then, did he leave England for a few days' relaxation
at Royat, in company with his second son. But, ill
and weary as he was, he could not reconcile himself to
the idea of abstaining from work until he had fulfilled
his pledge of going Into each individual case of the

1890.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES, 359
dismissed or suspended postmen. He took with him
a mass of papers, and devoted what should have been
a time of rest to toiling conscientiously through them.
He briefly alluded to the matter in a letter to his
second daughter, in which he said —
" Yesterday you would have been amused by the arrival
of an enoi-mous bouquet, addressed to M. la Ministre des
Postes, from the Prefet of the Puy de Dome !
" So T  has had to write a French reply of a compli
mentary character. But his writing — it is more execrable
than ever ! But I have not time, nor indeed energy, to write
all my own letters. Pouches have taken to coming with
distressing regularity, and I have been days going through
all the cases of the peccant postmen."
Appeals on behalf of the men reached him from
many quarters, and to all he extended the same
unvarying courtesy and consideration. On August
10 he wrote as follows to Mr. W. S. Caine, who was
Interesting himself in the matter : —
" Grand Hotel de Lyon, Royat-les-Bains,
" Puy de Dome, France, August 10.
"Dear Mr. Caine,
" I must write, although you do not ask for a reply,
to acknowledge your letter of August 8.
" You represent, I have no doubt, a feeling entertained by
many, and which, you may be sure, I share in no small degree
myself, that it would be a most agreeable exercise of authority
to condone in as many cases as possible the recent acts of
insubordination which have been committed by London
postmen. " I sympathize as much as you can with men who, after
many years of good service, have in a moment of excitement
forfeited their employment and thrown away the fruits of

360 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1890.
industry for themselves and their families ; but it would be a
cruel kindness — at least, as far as regards future members of
the Postal Service — if they should be led to beHeve that such
excesses as have recently threatened to interrupt all the
business of the country can be followed by the reinstatement
of the offenders as if nothing had occurred. The offenders
might, and probably would, avoid any repetition of their
offence ; but their reinstatement would, in itself, encourage
others to imitate it hereafter, with possibly even more serious
consequences. " I have devoted most careful consideration to all the
appeals made on behalf of these men, and I have been glad
to attach as much weight as possible to any extenuating
circumstances that seem to take any particular case out of
the ordinary category, and I hope to be able to reinstate
nearly fifty, to whom my decision will be communicated in a
day or two. These are almost without exception young men,
who appear to have been coerced. " Yours very truly,
"Henry Cecil Raikes.
" I quite think the men should have the benefit of their
good P. 0. characters in applying for other situations."
The correspondence was subsequently published,
and on August 14 the Globe commented upon it as
follows : —
" Very extraordinary ideas of discipline and its maintenance
would appear to prevail in some quarters, and the inconvenience
suffered by the men in consequence of loss of work which they
refused to do has been advanced as a reason for re-admitting
the elements of insubordination. Mr. W. S. Caine, who is a
member of the Postmen's Employment and Relief Committee,
has written to Mr. Raikes to suggest the reinstatement of as
large a number as possible of the dismissed postmen, and Mr.
Raikes's reply will commend itself to any reasonable person

1890.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES, 36 1
as a most moderate and just statement of the case as it must
be regarded from the standpoint of the responsible head of
the Post Office."
Mr. PIckersgill, M.P., however, took a different
view of the case, and some time later, at a meeting at
Victoria Park, accused Mr. Raikes of not having
carried out his promise that the cases of the men
dismissed should be gone into individually. This
charge of breach of faith was brought to Mr. Raikes's
notice by Mr. Sebag Montefiore (then Conservative
candidate for South-West Bethnal Green), and drew
from him the following response : —
" BaUikinrain Castle, Balfron, N.B., October 2.
"Dear Mr. Montefiore,
" I found your letter here last night, or it should
have been sooner answered. I have not previously seen any
report of tbe speech attributed to Mr. Pickersgill, and can
only, in common charity, assume that he has been misreported.
Any such statement as that alleged to have been made by
him is simply untrue, and, moreover, relates to a matter as to
which he had no opportunity of ascertaining the truth.
"What I engaged to do was personally to investigate
each individual case of the postmen who had forfeited their
situation by deserting their duty at the time of the strike.
And although I was at the time disabled by rather serious
illness, and strictly enjoined to abstain altogether from official
work, I devoted the whole of one week to a most careful
investigation and comparison of all the appeals, letters, sug
gestions, and reports bearing upon each particular man's case,
with the earnest desire of finding grounds which might in any
individual instance warrant a mitigation of the punishment
which all the men had been warned must follow such an
offence.

362 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1890.
" I should, indeed, have been glad, if I had been able, with
a due regard to the future efficiency of the public service, to
condone in a greater number of cases the misconduct with
which I was obliged to deal. But I cannot accuse myself of
any lack of sympathy with the men, or any want of con
sideration for any extenuating circumstances which could be
discovered by the most minute examination of the facts.
" You are quite at liberty to publish this letter.
" Yours very faithfully,
" Henry Cecil Raikes."
On seeing this letter in print, Mr. Pickersgill pub
lished a lengthy reply, and concluded by observing
that, for the rest, he left it to the public to judge upon
which side the untruth lay. I imagine that such
portion of it as took any interest in the matter had
little difficulty in deciding that the Postmaster-General
had strictly kept his promise.

1890.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES, 363

CHAPTER XXVIII.
In England the Postmaster-General occupies a curious
position. Within certain limits his authority is
supreme ; without them — and the transition is very
abrupt — it dwindles to nothing. This the community,
as a whole, fail to realize. It does not occur to them
that the ostensible head of the Postal Service, In his
degree, occupies much the same position as the master
of a school controlled by trustees.
But the fact remains that, though In many matters
of grave Import the will of the Postmaster-General Is
law, he may not on his own responsibility carry out
one single reform which entails increased outlay.
Though the advantages of a proposed scheme may
be great, and the cost small; though the Service, from
the Chief himself and his professional advisers to
the humble letter-carriers, may be unanimous in their
approval ; though the public may cry out for its
adoption ; — yet without the sanction of the Treasury
nothing can be done. And the giving or withholding
of that sanction does not depend upon what the Post
Office itself can afford to expend, but is governed
almost entirely by general financial considerations.
The Post Office is one of the few departments
of the State which is worked at a profit, and the

364 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1890.
Chancellor of the Exchequer, in his capacity of
trustee for the nation, is naturally anxious that that
profit shall be as large as possible. He guards it
jealously, and, as it is his duty to do under the present
system, subjects any scheme which may tend even
temporarily to diminish Its volume to the severest
scrutiny. With him lies the power of adoption or
veto. The casual observer knows nothing of this.
The Treasury does its work, so to speak, under cover ;
while the Postmaster-General stands out in the open,
a target for the arrows of the dissatisfied.
The system, doubtless, acts as a safeguard against
possible extravagance, but it has its weak points.
What, for Instance, can be more absurd, or, from
another point of view, more painful, than that a man
who has done more to further some particular scheme
of reform than any one else in the world, should be
gibbeted throughout the country as its benighted
opponent, merely because a superior power in the
background has, for reasons of its own, declined to
accept his recommendations ?
It may be suggested that in such an event the
remedy lies in the assailed Minister's hands. But
such Is not the case. It Is not permissible, as a
general rule, for any Minister to excuse himself to the
public on the grounds that his wishes have been over
ridden by his colleagues. His duty is to identify
himself with the policy of the Government, to defend
It, If necessary, and, so far as regards his own depart
ment, to accept the whole responsibility for any line

1890.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 365
of action decided upon. It is, of course, open to him
to resign, but, unless some question of principle is
involved, a loyal and conscientious man would hesitate
long before adopting a course which would tend to
weaken the position of those with whom he had
associated himself.
Mr. Raikes, for his own part, was careful to pre
serve a studiously correct attitude throughout the long
series of attacks made upon his administration. But
some of those whose experience enabled them to
gauge the position of affairs began at length to
resent the persistent and unjust calumnies levelled at
the Postmaster-General, and to urge him to take steps
to clear away the misconceptions of which he was the
victim. To advice of this kind he turned a deaf ear,
although his position was growing day by day more
intolerable ; and he must, therefore, I think, have
been rather surprised when, on March 14, 1890, Mr.
Goschen wrote him a letter In which the following
passages occurred : —
" Responsibility thrown by one department on another
only damages the Government as a whole, and does not
benefit the department specially attacked. I quite recognize
your difficulties with your immense staff. Sometimes it
would seem as if a part of your staff believes that the
Postmaster sympathizes with them, but that the Treasury
frustrates his benevolent intentions. I think such an impres
sion will only increase your difficulties as well as ours.
" The agitation now going on can only be successfully
dealt with if we loyally work together. I shall do my best
to prevent mischief, and to relieve you of difficulties, but there

366 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1890.
ought to be a desire both on the part of the Post Office and the
Treasury to face the difficulties together''
With the principle embodied in this letter Mr.
Raikes entirely concurred, although in plain English
It meant that the brunt of the battle and all the odium
Incurred were to be borne by himself. So far as he
was concerned, the admonition was unnecessary, for
he was fully prepared to fight what was in reality the
Government's battle to the best of his abihty, and In
the event of failure to bear the whole responsibility.
It is true that in moments of despondency the idea
of resignation more than once occurred to him. But
the strongest arguments against taking this course
were furnished him by those who, in urging its
adoption, pointed out that if he were to resign upon
the grounds that the Government would not accept the
reforms he considered necessary, he would not only
gain widespread popularity, but would strike a severe
blow at those who had passed his proposals by. These
suggestions settled the matter for the time. To take
any step from which, even Incidentally, he would derive
benefit at his party's expense was, of course, entirely
out of the question.
Before passing on from the financial relations
between the Post Office and the Treasury, I may be
permitted to quote from a letter which will serve as a
practical illustration of the relative positions of the two
departments. The question of re-directing letters without charge
to the sender had been brought before the Treasury, I

1890.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES, 367
believe, more than once, and in the course of this
year (1890) the Postmaster-General again called atten
tion to the matter. In reply, the Chancellor of the
Exchequer wrote, on July 17 —
" My dear Raikes,
" I have had some further information from the Post
Office about the cost of re-directed letters. I am bound to
say that I cannot agree with the conclusion that anything like
the sum of  would be saved by the abolition of the charge.
The loss would, I think, on the only information supplied, be
very much greater. I had hoped I might have met you
half-way, but I gather, from what Mr. Hunter has written to
Sir B. Welby, that that would not answer your purpose.
Under the circumstances, looking to the numerous additions
to the cost of the Post Office Service to which we have
assented, and to important augmentations of wages and
salaries still before us, I really do not feel justified in sacri
ficing a considerable item of revenue for the sake of removing
what is really a very small grievance.
" I am sure you have no reason to complain of any
illiberality on my part. I have done my best to smooth your
very thorny path."
Mr. Raikes, however, continued to urge the point,
and was eventually successful, though he did not live
to see the reform carried out.
In Parliament Mr. Raikes was entirely successful
in repelling the numerous attacks made upon his
administration throughout the Session of 1890 ; but he
was prevented by the complications of his own work
from taking so active a part as usual In the ordinary
business of the House. He, nevertheless, devoted a
great deal of time and attention to the Tithe Bill, in

368 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1890.
which he had a special interest, and delivered several
weighty speeches on the subject. The history of the
measure dated back to 1886, in the summer of which
year the anti-tithe agitation In Wales reached a
climax. At that time Mr. Raikes was in constant
communication with the leading clergy in the Princi
pality, who urged him to use all his influence to
induce the Government to bring in a measure making
the landlord responsible for payment instead of the
tenant. This, they felt, was the one method by which
a state of things which was daily growing more intoler
able could be terminated.
It was not found possible to move in the matter
during 1886, but Mr. Raikes did his best to persuade
the Government to take it in hand.
In spite of many difficulties, sufficient progress was
made to enable the Government to announce their
Intention of dealing with the matter the following
year. Mr. Raikes took an active part in the prepara
tion of the measure, and the tithe owners at last began
to hope that they were nearing the end of their diffi
culties. But as the Session of 1887 wore on, hope
gave way to despondency, as it became increasingly
apparent that the Government would not have
sufficient time at their disposal to pass their Bill into
law. Many of Mr. Raikes's correspondents could not
bring themselves to believe that the cherished measure
was doomed to extinction, and up to the last bom
barded him with letters imploring him to exert all

1890.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 369
possible pressure to get it pushed forward. Others
suggested, as an alternative, a short stop-gap measure.
But of all the suggestions made at the time, perhaps
the most ingenious was contained in a letter written by
Sir Francis Jeune (then Mr. Jeune, Q.C.) : —
" I have always thought," he wrote, " that the solution of
the tithe difficulty would be found in giving a right of action
of debt for the tithe. In local tithe Acts, before the Tithe
Commutation of 1836, such an action against the owner was
often given.
"But sect. 67 of the Act of 1836 (6 & 7 W. IV. 71)
contains the words, ' Provided that nothing herein contained
shall be taken to render any person whomsoever personally
liable to the payment of any such rent-charge.' Accordingly
the Courts held that there could be no personal liability of
the owner.
" I believe, therefore, that all that need be done is to repeal
that proviso. But if perfect clearness is needed, it would be
necessary only to provide that, notwithstanding anything in
the Act of ''^6 contained, the tithe rent-charge shall be
recoverable against the owner or occupier."
Nevertheless, in spite of the efforts of its pro
moters, no advance was made towards a settlement of
the question before Parliament rose, although the
measure passed through all its stages in the House of
Lords. In 1888 the Government were unable to afford the
time necessary for the passage of the Bill.
The main object of the 1889 Bill was to substitute
the County Court for Distress as an instrument of
recovery from the occupier. The Bill was introduced
by the Home Secretary; but the Government got into
24

370 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1890.
a difficulty over their own amendments in the Com
mittee stage, and the Speaker ruled that the proposal
to transfer liability from the occupier to the owner
(which was effected by the amendments in question)
practically transformed the Bill into a new measure,
and that It would be contrary to Parliamentary pro
cedure to go on with it. Mr. Smith thereupon, on
August 16, withdrew the measure upon the under
standing that a Bill amended in the same sense would
be Introduced in the following Session.
At the beginning of the year 1889 Mr. Raikes had
submitted to his leaders the rough draft of a Tithe
Redemption Bill, the object of which was —
"to frame a method for extinguishing Tithe Rent Charge
by machinery, in most parts borrowed from Mr. Gladstone's
Irish Church and Land Acts, or rather Lord Ashbourne's
adaptation of the latter, and from the Public Loans Act,
1875, and the Drainage Acts of the earlier part of the Queen's
reign." It was objected that much opposition would be
roused by the proposal to utilize the national credit
for the benefit of tithe payers and owners, and. In
view of the fact that the Government proposed to deal
with both Recovery and Redemption of Tithe in their
own Bill, Mr. Raikes did not urge the matter further.
As a matter of fact, the Government Bill was presented
to the House shorn of its Redemption clauses. In the
measure first introduced in 1890 they were again
Included, but they were once more dropped when the
Second Bill of that year (which eventually passed into

1890.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 371
law in 1891) was brought forward In the Autumn
Session. Throughout the dreary struggle, which was
protracted over five years, Mr. Raikes never once
relaxed his efforts, and to him a considerable share
of the credit of carrying the measure through is un
doubtedly due. He was an admitted authority upon
the question at issue, and was frequently called upon
to reply on behalf of the Government to the attacks
levelled at them. In the course of the debate on the
Second Reading of the first Tithe Bill of 1890 he
made a very effective rejoinder to the late Sir G.
Osborne Morgan and Sir William Harcourt. He
did not, however, make use of an amusing parallel
which evidently suggested Itself to him while the
former was speaking. I have not a copy of Sir G.
Osborne Morgan's speech before me, but the pro
babilities are that, as his general custom was when he
was engaged in an attack upon the Church, he took
occasion to emphasize the fact that he was a Church
man himself. At any rate, on a half-sheet of paper
used by Mr. Raikes for the purpose of jotting down
the points made by his adversaries in the course of
the debate, I find the following entry : " Osborne
Morgan, Churchman ! Gargoyle, external ornament of
Church." When the Bill was reintroduced In the
Autumn Session, Mr. Raikes, In the course of the
Second Reading, was put up to reply on behalf
of the Government, and in his speech he dealt as
follows with the contention that Tithe is national
property : —

¦T^']2 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1890.
" I demur to this being considered national property. On
the contrary, every one who examines the history of tithe
foundation will find it was given specially and entirely for
religious use. It was given to the parish in each case. It
has never been national property; it has always been parochial
property. It has never been given to the State, and it never
formed any part of the property of the State. I must apologize
for stating these self-evident truths ; but so much sophistry
has been employed during the Debate that it is necessary to
clear the air by downright assertion, which I challenge any
body to controvert."
He concluded his remarks by contrasting the
policy of the Anti-Tithe League with Mr. Osborne
Morgan's assertion that his only desire was to divert
the tithe to some other purpose. It had been stated
In the course of the debate that only " a few ignorant
people " had ever thought that they could get out of
the payment of tithe altogether. Mr. Raikes was
well aware that such was not the case, and that the
agitation against the Church in Wales gained much
of its strength from the widespread belief that dis
establishment spelt the abolition of tithe. So firmly
rooted is this Idea, that even the introduction of
Mr. Asqulth's celebrated measure failed to dispel it.
And, speaking from personal experience, I may add
that, in Wales, those who believe that Disestablish
ment would make an end of tithe, though undoubtedly
ignorant, are by no means few In numbers.
Mr. Raikes did his share of platform work during
the spring of 1890, and amongst other places delivered
speeches at Bristol, Nuneaton, and Ipswich. His

1890.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 373
address at Bristol was devoted mainly to the findings
of the Parnell Commission. He ridiculed the sugges
tion that because the Times had failed to establish
direct complicity with murder in respect of one person
against whom the charge was made, that therefore
the whole Irish party was whitewashed. But he
reserved the hottest vials of his wrath for those
members of the Liberal party " who had been the
abettors of treason and crime in the persons of their
alhes." " They might," he said, " be quite satisfied that when the
facts ascertained, set down, and judged by the Royal Com
mission, were in the hands of all Englishmen there would
spring up in the country a feeling, not of dislike, not of
distrust, not even of contempt, but a feeling of loathing, of
detestation, and of horror for those ex-Ministers of the Crown
and their political associates who had touched the unclean
thing, and who with all the advantages of their English
training, with all their proficiency in the ordinary moral code,
had ventured to make themselves the apologists, and even
the panegyrists of crime and treason."
This fine piece of invective called forth a chorus
of bitter disapprobation from the Radical Press, but
Mr. Raikes pursued his way unmoved, and in subse
quent speeches abated not a jot of his condemnation.
Curiously enough, as it would seem at first sight, he
reg-arded the conduct of the Irishmen themselves as
being in its degree much less culpable than that of
their English associates. His reason, no doubt, was
that the former were fighting their own battle In their
own way, and according to their own code, while

374 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1890.
the latter tacitly acquiesced in methods which should
have been repugnant to them in order to lay their
allies under an obligation with a view merely to
political advantage. He drew a sharp distinction
between the two parties, so much so that I remember
his remarking about this time that events had tended,
in a certain degree, to raise his opinion of Mr. Parnell,
who could no longer be regarded as an agitator, but
stood forth as a revolutionist, fully conscious of the
fact that revolutions were not to be made with rose-
water. Perhaps the most Interesting speech (from a bio
graphical point of view) made by Mr. Raikes in 1890
was one delivered by him at the Bolton Church
Institute on November 7. The address, which was
of a non-political character, is an admirable illustration
of his views on the subject of self-culture. A brief
quotation from it will give a clearer insight Into the
principles which guided his own researches than any
explanation which I could offer —
" Knowledge," he said, " might help to make them more
successful in life. It might help to make them richer, or
more respected, or more honoured than their neighbours ; but
that was not the real secret of the value of knowledge. The
value of knowledge was its own value. If they did not grasp
the fact that there was a happiness in knowing things, if they
simply looked upon knowledge as the means to an end, they
laboured under a false impression, for knowledge was an end
in itself. It was a thing within the reach of everybody
according to their capacities, and every man and every woman
who had grasped this fact, and strove to increase their store

i8go.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES, 375
of knowledge from the (? point of) view he had given, had a
higher ideal of humanity than those who acquired much more
information to be devoted to their own purposes and ends.
If they loved knowledge as the means of self-advancement
merely, they might get the advancement, but they would
not get the real happiness of knowledge ; but if they loved
knowledge because they wished to know, they provided for
themselves a companion who would never desert them, and a
friend who would never fail."
The strike at the Post Office has already been
dealt with in detail, and I do not propose to refer to It
further than to say that on Its termination Mr. Raikes,
who never overlooked a service, approached Lord
Salisbury with a view to obtaining some recognition
for the officials who by their unceasing vigilance and
loyalty had enabled their Chief to weather the storm ;
and he had the gratification of finding that the
Government were largely prepared to endorse his
views in the matter.
In this connection it may be permissible to digress
for one moment in order to draw attention to the
inconsistency of the views held by a number of the
public prints In respect of Mr. Raikes's actual position
In the Post Office. Some of them declared, in season
and out of season, that the Postmaster-General was at
constant variance with his officials ; while others as
confidently asserted that he was entirely in the hands
of the "old gang." Both were equally wide of the
mark. Undoubtedly there was some friction at first ;
but when Mr. Raikes had once succeeded in estab
lishing his authority (and on this he never relaxed

376 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF H890.
his grasp), pleasant relations with the staff soon
sprang up.
He was not long in gaining the confidence and
esteem of his subordinates, many of whom regarded
him in the light of a personal friend. Touching proof
is given of this by an invitation which Mr. Raikes
unexpectedly received in July. It came from the
members of the Jubilee Committee, who proposed to
wind up their labours in connection with the com
memoration, by a small dinner. The letter was written
by Mr. F. E. Baines, and this circumstance, in
consequence of certain matters which it is unnecessary
to refer to, gave it a special interest from Mr. Raikes's
point of view. Its concluding sentences ran — •
" We are thinking, however, of a little more than our own
pleasure, in the prospect of seeing you amongst us as a guest.
We should like to give a token, the only one in our power
that would not be ostentatious, that your officers are ready to
rally around you in a crisis which is perhaps practically over,
but, it may be, not actually past.
"This will be no formal dinner, like the Departmental
dinner in the spring, but just an informal one in which a
dozen or two officers ask their Chief to take a country drive
with them, eat a chop and drink a glass of wine."
During Mr. Raikes's absence abroad his Parlia
mentary duties were undertaken by Sir Herbert
Maxwell, and the Postmaster-General must have felt
a twinge of envy when his understudy wrote on
August 18, "Your rephes to questions have been a
light and agreeable task, with one exception."
Mr. Raikes did not derive much benefit from his

1890.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 2)77
Stay at Royat, and In the course of the autumn he
resolved to try the effects of the more bracing
atmosphere of Scotland.
On November 20 he laid the foundation-stone
of the new General Post Office, North, and he took
the opportunity of tracing the development of his
department from 1869, when work was commenced
upon the western portion of the buildings, to 1889,
in a speech in which he declared that —
" he did not suppose that there was any other institution that
ever existed which could point to such a record of universal
progress in every branch."
Perhaps the most noticeable postal reform accom
plished during the year 1890, was the reduction of
postage to and from India and the Colonies to 2jd.
The difficulty In the way of the authorities was to
persuade the Colonies to bear their share in the
further loss entailed by the change, which was
certain to continue for some years. Their assent
was, however, received towards the end of May, 1890,
and the new scale came into force on January i, 1891.
The spirit of unrest which pervaded the postal
service throughout 1890 added largely to the labours
of the higher officials. As we have seen, the only
class that really got out of hand were the unestablisbed
postmen in London, but for a time the conduct of the
telegraphists and the Savings Bank clerks gave cause
for anxiety. The Treasury adopted a very firm atti
tude on the overtime question, which constituted the

378 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1890.
chief grievance of the last-named, and the Postmaster-
General had great difficulty in keeping under the
smouldering indignation which was destined to burst
Into a flame the following year. Serious trouble was
threatened by the sorters in the spring, and that there
was no outbreak was, it seems, largely due to Mr.
Raikes's personal influence.
The sorters' agitation, which dated back to April,
1889, was under the guidance of Mr. Clery, himself an
ex-Post Office servant, and was conducted to a large
extent upon legitimate lines. With Mr. Raikes's
permission the men held meetings from time to time
to discuss their position, and eventually they arrived
at the conclusion that the " Fawcett Scheme," by which
it was regulated, wanted both adding to and revising.
A monster petition, signed by all the sorters, was
presented, and a little later Mr. Raikes consented to
receive a deputation. His decision was highly ap
preciated, for, to quote the words of one of those
who attended on that occasion —
" Mr. Raikes made a more personal concession in consent
ing to receive a deputation on an early date in connection
with the Fawcett Scheme dispute. It was the first time that
a Postmaster-General had ever consented to personally discuss
matters with the rank and file, and it showed the impartial
and painstaking character of the man, and that he had no
desire to shirk an issue, but was disposed to meet it
courageously and fairly.
'¦ The early date was soon fixed, and the deputation went
over to the General Post Office, West, fully expecting to meet
an official of austere aspect, with a tendency to pull them
up severely, and to read them draconic lectures on the folly

1890.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES, 379
of complaining, or the impropriety of having grievances
generally. To their surprise they met an official who
possessed a kindly eye, a pleasant smile, and who displayed
a courteous bearing towards them, which made them feel at
ease at once."
Mr. Raikes, however, was unable to agree with
the deputation's reading of the Scheme, although he
admitted that from their standpoint their contention
was a just one.
In February, 1890, a mass meeting was held, by
permission. In order to inaugurate the new Fawcett
Association, and in March the Postmaster-General
intimated that he had appointed a committee to assist
him in determining the correct interpretation of the
Fawcett Scheme. The Committee's report was un
favourable to the men, much to their disappointment ;
but they nevertheless kept their heads, for, in the
words of the writer from whom I have already
quoted —
" Evidences had not been wanting that Mr. Raikes had
long been disposed, whether the Fawcett Scheme contention
failed or not, to use his best efforts to do what he could to
improve the prospects and position of the sorting force.
Chief among these evidences was the remark he made to their
deputation that ' he should like to be able to do something
for them which would be a souvenir of his term of office,' and
his appointment of the Departmental Committee almost
concurrently with the appointment of the other committee to
decide upon the Fawcett Scheme."
A second deputation waited upon the Postmaster-
General later in the year, and in his reply he said that —

380 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1890.
" They had urged their case with great reason and
moderation, and he would give every consideration to the
matters laid before him, and give his answer on as early a
date as possible."
From this we may infer that negotiations with the
Treasury had reached an advanced stage.
Our writer continues —
" A few days before this interview took place, Mr. Raikes
had caused to be issued the papers granting full pay during
sickness to the whole of the London Postal Service. The
great value of this it is hardly necessary to emphasize. It is
almost equivalent to free membership of a friendly society,
and no one who has a properly balanced moral disposition,
and who has the misfortune to be sick in future, will forget
when he gets his full pay during his time of necessary
absence that Mr. Raikes gave it him as a portion of that
' souvenir of his term of office.'
"On November 11, 1890, after many weeks' weary wait
ing, came the much-talked-of and long-expected Raikes
Scheme." It is unnecessary here to enter into particulars, but
it was admitted on all hands that " this revision con
ferred great and Increasing benefits upon the great
majority of the sorting force."
After Mr. Raikes's death Mr. Clery referred to
the scheme in the Post, the organ of the Fawcett
Association, and paid generous tribute to Its founder.
He mentioned that many of his oldest friends were
doubtful as to the probability of obtaining any con
cession from Mr. Raikes, but that he himself never
wavered In his belief, although he could Sfive no tan-
gible reason for the faith that was in him. In the

1890.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES, 38 1
article in question he explains the impulse that guided
him. in the following words : —
" I knew the man ! If you say the answer is not sufficient
— that on such a foundation one should not seek to rear the
edifice I ventured to picture — I can only reply that you did
not know him, and that I did. ... In the light of their
experience of Mr. Raikes I feel sure that those who then
mistrusted our policy of looking to him for help will acknow
ledge that we were right. But this is so obviously due, that I
venture to claim something more, and that is trustfulness in
the future. Believe me, there is no greater wrong than to
level mere suspicion at proved integrity."
I have given prominence to this particular dispute,
not merely because Mr. Raikes's method of handling
the question was in its way a triumph of diplomacy,
nor because he succeeded in the end in conferring
substantial benefits upon the Service. My object has
been rather to put on record the testimony to his
worth borne by men who in the first instance looked
upon him as their natural enemy, and with whom he,
on more than one occasion, was brought into abrupt
collision. The kindness and generous sympathy of
the sorters when Mr. Raikes was taken from us, will
ever be held in grateful memory by the members of
his family.

382 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [i£

CHAPTER XXIX.
The year 1891 opened inauspiclously with an outbreak
amongst the Savings Bank Clerks. Their grievance
was that, though working overtime was nominally a
matter of choice. It was In reality compulsory. Dis
content had been simmering for some time, but, as
already mentioned, the Treasury were averse to
changing the system ; and, though steps had been
taken to reduce the amount of overtime by increasing
the staff, matters came to a crisis on February 2,
when some two hundred and fifty clerks declined to
continue overtime work when requested to do so.
The malcontents were promptly suspended, but it
would seem that Mr. Raikes did not regard the
ebullition very seriously, for after they had expressed
contrition he reinstated the whole of them.
It was, on the face of it, absurd that overtime
(which, by the way, was paid for at the rate of time
and a quarter), though nominally voluntary, should be
actually compulsory ; but, on the other hand, it must be
borne In mind that in a department like the Savings
Bank the work fluctuates very much, and It is im
possible to avoid recourse to overtime at certain

1891.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES, 383
seasons unless a much larger number of clerks are
kept than are required for ordinary occasions.
It was, however, found possible to abolish the
compulsory system, and on April 4 a new arrange
ment was made, under which clerks who were willing
to work overtime In case of necessity were Invited to
give in their names. A considerable number did so,
and the difficulty thus came to an end.* This was the
last internal trouble with which Mr. Raikes had to
contend as Postmaster-General ; but the year was not
destined to pass without a furious attack on his office
from outside. The circumstances which led up to it
may briefly be summed up as follows : — •
In 1887 a Joint-stock Company called the Boy
Messengers, Limited, was registered. Its object was
to supply special messengers for the purpose of carrymg
letters and parcels, running errands, etc. Ostensibly
it was a philanthropic rather than a commercial concern,
its intention being to provide employment for London
boys, and to improve their character and position by
subjecting them to discipline and supervision. As
soon as it was brought to the Postmaster-General's
notice that the Company was engaged in the carriage
of letters, he warned the directors that they were
committing a breach of the law, but he refrained from
actively asserting his rights in consequence of Its
benevolent aims and the restricted sphere of its
operations. These latter were gradually extended,
and early in 1890 the Company submitted to the
* It should be added that the staff was also slightly increased.

384 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1891.
Postmaster-General a draft bill which it was proposed
to introduce with the objects of (i) Legalizing the
delivery of letters ; (2) Authorizing the establishment
of the electric call system.
The propositions cut direct at the heart of the
Post Office monopoly, and Mr. Raikes, as in duty
bound by his official position, announced that he could
not countenance legislation in this direction.
The company realized that they could not lawfully
establish the electric call system without a licence, and
for the time being refrained from carrying out that
part of their programme. But this branch of the
business was presently undertaken by another enter
prising concern which came into existence on June 30,
1890, under the title of the District Messenger Co.
This company duly applied for a licence under the
Telegraph Acts, and the Postmaster-General agreed
to grant it on condition that the applicants would
refrain from the delivery of letters. This they under
took to do, but It was discovered before the licence
was granted that they had broken their promise, and
negotiations thereupon broke down.
Under the circumstances of the case, Mr. Raikes
determined to appoint a Departmental Committee to
consider the position of the Post Office, and the
possibility of coming to some arrangement with the
companies. The Committee decided in December,
1890, that no arrangement was feasible; that the
companies should be compelled to refrain from in
fringing the exclusive privileges entrusted to the

1891.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 385
Postmaster-General, and that the Post Office should
supply a service of special messengers. Arrangements
for the proposed service were thereupon put in hand,
and on March 11, 1891, the necessary Treasury
sanction was obtained. The companies were then
informed that they must desist from breaking the
law, under pain of legal proceedings. The District
Messenger Co. practically admitted that they had no
case in law, and contented themselves with a passive
resistance. In effect their answer was that they could
not afford to stop unless compelled to do so. The
Boy Messengers Co. took higher ground, and, oblivious
of their own proposal to bring in a Bill to legalize their
operations, contended that even under the existing
law they did not Infringe the Post Office monopoly.
Nevertheless, when It became apparent that the Post
master-General was In earnest, the two companies
endeavoured to come to an understanding with him
in order to avoid probable disagreeable eventualities.
But they had waited till too late, for the Postmaster-
General, in view of their long-continued attitude of
defiance, felt that the matter could only be set at rest
by the authoritative decision of a court of law. When
that had been done, it would be time enough to talk of
terms. On March 26 informations were filed by the
Attorney-General on behalf of the Crown (who
waived all penalties), asking for a declaration that
the companies' method of carrying letters was illegal ;
that they might be restrained by injunction ; and that
25

386 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1891.
they might be ordered to pay over to the Accountant-
General and Receiver of the Post Office all moneys
received from the public.
From this point the District Messenger Co. may
be left out of account for all practical purposes, for
the struggle had in reality resolved itself into a trial
of strength between the Postmaster-General and the
Boy Messengers Co. The latter had at its head men
of some influence and ability, and they could not make
up their minds to surrender what promised to become
a highly profitable business without resistance. They
were wise enough not to rely exclusively upon their
legal defence, and took steps to put pressure upon
not only the Postmaster-General, but the Government
as a whole. The Press interested itself warmly in
the matter, and the public followed suit. " The con
venience of the public " proved a splendid rallying
cry. The directors of the Messenger Co. were lauded
to the skies as the champions of public rights against
the tyranny and greed of the Post Office. The fact
that they had a direct pecuniary interest in the success
of their company, and were in reality struggling for a
slice of the Post Office revenue, was quite lost sight
of On the other hand, no censure was too severe for
the Postmaster-General. The legal action, which in
virtue of his office he was bound to take, was de
nounced as the grossest tyranny; his offer to take
over the boys (In whose interest the Boy Messengers
Co. was supposed to have, been founded) was treated
as a mere subterfuge, resorted to in order to secure

1891.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 3^7
the services of those whom others had trained ; while
the possible injury to the revenues of the country was
entirely ignored.
In spite of the attacks levelled at him in the
Press and in Parliament, Mr. Raikes pursued his
course with his wonted calm. It was his duty to
bring his opponents to their knees, and this he was
determined to do. The supremacy of the Post Office
once vindicated, he would have granted such terms
as might have been approved of by the Government.
But, while he retained his self-possession, the pressure
brought to bear in other quarters was gradually taking
effect. On March 21 Mr. Smith wrote —
"My dear Raikes,
" We are being attacked on all sides by the friends
of the Boy Messengers Companies, and it is necessary we
should have a conference on the subject on Monday.
" Cameron has a notice on the paper, and he will get a
good deal of support on our side of the House.
" It is necessary, therefore, we should be agreed on our
policy. I will ask Goschen and Jackson to come to my room
after questions on Monday if you will be ready.
" Can you send me a paper in advance, setting out the
Post Office case .? " Yours very truly,
"W. H. Smith."
The following day he wrote again to say that
Mr. Goschen was inclined to come to terms with the
companies; while on the 25th he announced that the
Cabinet had decided —

J

88 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1891.

" Whether the law is declared to be on your side or not, to
come to terms with the companies, which will allow of the
continuance of their business, while the postal revenue, as
such, will be protected."
That the Government were bent on propitiation
was evident from this letter ; but Mr. Raikes was not
prepared by it for the next communication, from which
he learned that they had practically decided to make
peace without going into action at all. This informa
tion was conveyed to him In a letter from Mr.
Smith, dated March 27, which contained the following
paragraph : —
" Will you allow me to suggest to you to consider whether
it might not be advisable to come to terms with the Mes
senger Companies before the law is declared — if it is to be
declared .-"'
At first Mr. Raikes could hardly believe his eyes ;
but it soon dawned upon him that the Government
proposed to yield to the pressure put upon them.
Needless to say, he demurred strongly to this course
being adopted. He argued, with perfect truth, that at
the time when his leaders decided upon a change of
front, the extreme violence of the storm had passed
away ; there was no fear of a Parliamentary catastrophe,
for the House of Commons was not sitting ; while the
day of trial was near at hand. It was also obvious
that If the companies were to receive their licences in
any event, it could make little difference to them, as far
as their business was concerned, whether they received
them without the legal question being decided or after

i89i.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 389
it had been decided. But to give way before the trial
would make a great difference, in his opinion, both to
the Government and to himself, and would diminish
their prestige considerably without in any way adding
to their popularity. It would also lend some colour to
the contention of the Boy Messengers Co. that they
were within their rights in acting as they had done.
But the Government had at last made up their
minds, and Mr. Raikes was informed that a settlement
must be arranged. This was no very difficult matter,
for ever since the law had been set In motion the
companies had been anxious to come to terms.
Under the arrangement arrived at, the companies
submitted to an injunction restraining them from
infringing the exclusive rights of the Postmaster-
General, and In return were permitted to carry on
their business upon certain agreed conditions.
Had Mr. Raikes been permitted to pursue his own
policy, it is probable that, as far as the business of the
companies was concerned, the results would have been
identical. In other respects there would have been a differ
ence. In the first place, the question as to the legality
of the carriage of letters by outside agencies would
have been definitely decided. If judgment had been
given in favour of the Crown, the matter would have
been set at rest ; if In favour of the companies, a
weak spot in the armoury ofthe Post Office calling for
legislative interference would have been discovered.
If there is anything In the contention of the Boy

390 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1891.
Messengers Co., this important question Is still an
open one.
In the second place, the Government and the Post
Office would not have suffered a moral defeat at the
hands of the companies, which, when all is said and
done, were merely commercial concerns carrying on
business at the expense of the taxpayer for the benefit
of their own shareholders.
In the third place, the Government would not
have placed themselves in an invidious position by
their apparent readiness to yield to popular clamour at
the expense of, and contrary to the opinion of, the
Minister on whom the responsibility really rested.
Mr. Raikes had to face a good deal of criticism on
the messenger question in the House of Commons,
and matters culminated on the night of March 23,
when the attack was led by Mr. Cameron. The
Postmaster-General sturdily held his own, and the
excitement aroused to some extent subsided when the
House had heard his explanations.
About this time Punch published a rather bitter
set of verses, entitled the " G.P.O. Cuckoo," but a
few days later Mr. Raikes received the following note,
which may, perhaps, be taken as a tacit admission that
judgment had been passed rather hastily : —
"Whitethorn, Hythe, Kent, March 31, 1891.
" Dear Mr. Raikes,
" You will find in ' Toby's Diary ' in the forthcoming
number of Punch a slight variation on the monotonous note
about tbe Postmaster-General.

i89i.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES, 39 1
" It seems very hard, but I suppose the wind of newspaper
criticism is tempered to the unshorn and philosophical mind.
" Yours faithfully,
" Henry W. Lucy."
The " slight variation " appeared In the number
dated April 4, and was couched as follows :—
" Essence of Parliament.
" (Extracted from the diary of Toby, M.P.)
"House of Commons, Monday, March 23. — Easter holidays
begin to-morrow ; to-night last rally round Raikes ; Post
master harried from both sides of House ; the contumacious
Cobb begins it ; comments on Coroner's conduct beginning
to pall on accustomed appetite ; references to delicate
investigation in judicial circles falling fiat, so turns upon
Postmaster-General. Wants to know about the Boy Mes
sengers ? Pack in full cry ; Raikes pelted with newspapers,
assailed with over-weighted letters ; late at night Cameron
comes up quite fresh, desiring to ' call attention to the
position taken up by the Postmaster-General with regard to
the Electric Call and Boy Messenger System,' just as if he
had at that moment made the discovery.
" In course of lecture Cameron produces sort of pocket-
pistol ; explains it's the thing you work the electric call with.
. . . For a while Raikes had peace ; quite forgotten whilst
House, falling into Gane's attitude, listened to Cameron's
fairy tale.
" ' It's only postponed, Toby,' he said wearily, Cameron
(having accidentally touched the wrong button) being
promptly carried off to bed in the middle of a sentence ;
' they'll be at me again to-morrow, and will begin once more,
like giants refreshed, when they come back from the holidays.
It's an old story ; the House of Commons must always have
its whipping-boy. Don't know whether you've sat long
enough for Barks to remember Ayrton } A dead-set was

392 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1891.
made against him, and he was not only driven out of office,
but forth from public life. It's generally the Home Secretary
who is fastened on. There was Walpole chronically reduced
to tears. Bruce was chivied by the cabmen, and had his hat
blocked by the publicans. The blameless Harcourt didn't go
scot free whilst he was at the Home Office. Matthews has
had a long run with the hounds after him. Now they've
turned aside from him, and are yelping after me. It's very
well for Matthews, but a little worrying for me. As Har
court once admitted of himself, I'm almost human. I try
to do my duty, and protect the interests of the Department
committed to my cbarge. They come in touch with all
classes, and naturally there is friction. Just now the howling
is persistent, and, I fancy, organized. Perhaps it'll fall away
by-and-by. In the meanwhile it is rather wearing, so piti
lessly monotonous. As you said the other day, a new
constitutional maxim has been established. Once Old
Morality used to write in his copy-book, " The Queen can do
No Wrong." Now he may add this other : " The Postmaster-
General does Nothing Right." ' "
This Imaginary conversation is couched in too
despondent a vein to be really characteristic of Mr.
Raikes. Nevertheless, It presents several points of
interest. I will only refer to one of them, to wit, the
suggestion that, "Just now the howling is persistent,
and, I fancy, organized." This idea was, at the time,
rife in the minds of many unprejudiced observers, and
was not without foundation.
A curious example of the way, in which agitations
are set on foot or kept up was actually brought to
Mr. Raikes's notice on an occasion which I will not
particularize. A gentleman connected with the Press,
who apparently took some interest in the question at

i89i.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES, 393
issue, addressed himself directly to the Postmaster-
General for information, and In the course of
conversation stated that it had been proposed to him
that he should take a line antagonistic to Mr. Raikes
in the paper he controlled, and that If he did so he
would receive an order for a very large number of
copies. The English Press is happily above suspicion as a
whole, and In nine cases out of ten the would-be
"nobbier " would meet with a disconcerting reception ;
but the fact remains (if we believe the story above
narrated, and it is difficult to see what object its
narrator could have had in Inventing It) that certain
of Mr. Raikes's opponents found it worth while to
make efforts in the direction indicated. Supposing
them to be successful in only one or two instances,
their object would be largely attained. If a campaign
is set on foot, in even one or two papers, which arouses
interest in the mind of the public, it Is, as a rule, quickly
taken up In perfectly good faith by competitors, and
soon spreads in an ever-widening circle.
I do not definitely assert that Mr. Raikes was ever
the victim of a purely manufactured agitation, but I
know that both he and others whose opinions are
deserving of respect were Inclined to believe that
some of the attacks to which he was subjected were
not entirely spontaneous. Their extreme bitterness,
and the constant harping on the personal note, apart
from other evidence, point strongly to this supposition
being correct.

394 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1891.
The attack upon the Postmaster-General In Parlia
ment was renewed upon somewhat broader lines on
April 17, when Earl Compton moved for a Select
Committee to Inquire into the administration of the
Post Office, and called attention to the widespread
discontent which he alleged pervaded the postal
service generally. In taking this course, he un
wittingly did Mr. Raikes a service. The Standard
described the encounter as follows : —
" Mr. Raikes's reply to his critics was even a more brilliant
affair than the collision between the Irish factions. Earl
Compton, it must be owned, had placed himself at the mercy
of the Minister whose Department was the object of his wild
assault. We are by no means uncompromising admirers of
the way things are done at St. Martins-le-Grand. But to
impeach the whole system as faulty, and to propose a
sweeping and searching inquiry into every detail of its
working, was the worst way in the world to obtain a hearing
for any reasonable grievance. Never was so comprehensive a
charge supported by so meagre an array of instances. To
justify the demand for a Select Committee to inquire into the
administration of the Post Office, a serious foundation ought
to have been laid. But both the proposer of the motion and
those who supported it appear to have thought it sufficient to
rake together the poorest assortment of scandalous odds and
ends. Had Mr. Raikes been wrong in his attitude to the
Boy Messenger Companies his conduct might have been
explicitly challenged. If any specific grievance that called
for remedy had remained unredressed there would have been
some sense in procuring the judgment of the House on it.
But to eke out a wholesale accusation with timid references
to this or that complaint of a particular class of employes, and
a general statement tbat discontent was rife, and that protests
were smothered by Departmental superiors, was to court

I89I-] HENRY CECIL RAIKES, 395
defeat. The accusers of the Post Office have certainly made
nothing by their headlong vagueness, for the House refused
by one hundred and sixty-three votes to ninety-three to grant
the inquiry suggested. The Debate, nevertheless, gave the
Postmaster-General an opportunity of making some announce
ments which the country will welcome. A permanent addition
has been made to the number of the employes in the Savings
Bank Department, and thus the grievance of overtime, which
was the only solid asset in Earl Compton's budget, has been
definitely removed. It is good news, also, to hear that steps
have been taken to render promotion regular and equable ;
and the hope may well be entertained that the discontent
which has given outside agitators a text, and has been
clutched at by politicians who trade in popularity, will soon
be a thing of the past. Mr. Raikes, indeed, with the faith
which is eminently proper in a Parliamentary Chief, holds
that never was there a time when the servants of the Post
Office were so well satisfied with their position. The wish
may possibly be father to the thought ; but where a kindly
disposition exists in high places, good intentions can always
convert themselves into pleasant realities."
The members for the University were not often
troubled with letters of remonstrance from their con
stituents, but one or two of the latter thought fit to
express their dissatisfaction with their attitude on the
Opium Question. On the other hand, letters of en
couragement and sympathy were frequently received
by Mr. Raikes. I venture to quote a few lines from
one written by Dr. Perowne about this time : —
" I have been often tempted to write to you during the
late fierce assault on your position as head of a great depart
ment ofthe public service, to assure you of my entire sympathy
with you, both in your firm resistance to interested assailants
and in the annoyance which it must have caused you.

396 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1891.
" To one who is outside the cyclone it seems strange that
the crew and passengers should do all in their power to
embarrass the captain and officers of the vessel at a time
when the management requires a cool head and undisturbed
attention ; and I often wish that the people could be taught
the duty of submitting their own judgment to that of the
skilled and responsible officers of the Government."
Expressions of confidence such as this always
touched Mr. Raikes deeply, and at times afforded
very real comfort.
Mr. Alfred Austin, in a letter written on May 9,
some time after the final struggle was over, took a
cheery, if somewhat material, view of the situation.
After expressing regret at having missed "meeting
you at the place you have sung of in a living and a
dead language," * he goes on to say —
" I have observed with no little pleasure that the Post
Office has raised no little Olympic dust of late. I hope it
will help to carry the Charioteer to the legitimate goal of his
ambition." I don't think I have mentioned before that Mr.
Raikes always looked upon Mr. Austin as Lord
Tennyson's legitimate successor when the time should
come ; although he confessed that he preferred the
present Laureate's prose to his poetry. It should be
added, lest this should sound like faint praise, that he
considered his friend's prose to be of the very highest
quality. After the signal defeat of Lord Compton and his
allies the Post Office enjoyed a period of comparative
* Monaco.

1891J HENRY CECIL RAIKES. ' 397
quietude. Mr. Raikes's labours in connection with
the Office were, however, by no means at an end.
He had in hand a number of important reforms, to
which it will presently be necessary to refer briefly, as
they mark the last act in the drama ushered in by the
strike. Meanwhile we may take a glance at other
events which helped to make the last few months of
Mr. Raikes's life not the least busy of its periods.
His appearances on public platforms were not
very numerous, but he delivered speeches at Lymm,
Chirk, Mold, and Cambridge, amongst other places.
The meeting at Lymm was of special interest to the
Postmaster-General, as it was held in support of the
candidature of Mr. Coningsby Disraeli. It gave Mr.
Raikes much pleasure to be able to lend a hand to
the nephew of his old Chief at the outset of his
political career, and this was not diminished by the
fact that he had been on terms of Intimacy with Mr.
Disraeli's family for many years. The other meetings
do not call for any particular notice.
Few things ever gave Mr. Raikes more pleasure
than the offer ofthe post of Chancellor of the Diocese
of St. Asaph, which was made by the Bishop early in
the year. Nowadays the position is not one of great
dignity or importance. But though he could ill afford
to curtail his scanty leisure by adding to his duties
even to the small extent entailed by the acceptance of
such a post, Mr. Raikes gladly availed himself of the
opportunity of reviving in his family the title so long
and honourably borne by his grandfather, who had

398 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1891.
been Chancellor of the Diocese of Chester in years
gone by.
The Bishop was aware that Mr. Raikes was well
qualified to undertake the duties of the position, but
it came as rather a surprise both to him and the
Registrar when they discovered that the new Chan
cellor possessed a remarkable amount of technical
knowledge. That such was the case, was made
manifest on the first occasion he was called upon to
exercise his functions. The explanation is a very
simple one. Mr. Raikes's characteristic thoroughness
led him, as soon as the appointment was offered him,
to procure the various works which dealt with the
branch of the law he was expected to administer, and
his powers of rapid assimilation enabled him to master
their contents in a comparatively brief period of time.
It has already been mentioned that the Tithe Bill
was passed Into law In the course of this Session.
Considerable progress had been made with it during
the Autumn Session of 1890, but all concerned must
have drawn a deep breath of relief when their labours
came to an end. During the Committee stage Sir
Michael Hicks-Beach, who was in charge of the
measure, displayed great skill and tact on more than
one occasion. One particular instance of "manage
ment" delighted Mr. Raikes, and he referred to it
more than once In my hearing. It was proposed by
the Bill that the powers then possessed by a County
Court official should be extended to a new officer to be
appointed under the Act. A Welsh member moved

1 89 1.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES, 399
the addition of the words " no greater and no less "
after the word " powers." Sir Michael suggested that
the proposed sentence was merely surplusage, but
certain members declined to take this view, and there
seemed every prospect of an animated debate, when
the Minister once more Interposed with the remark
that the words were harmless, though unnecessary, and
that he would accept them In preference to having the
time of the House wasted over such a trifling matter.
Instantly half a dozen members sprang to their feet.
" Stay," resumed the President of the Board of Trade.
" It must be understood that I only accept the amend
ment on the understanding that there is no further
debate on the subject.'' Simultaneously the gallant
six subsided, and a ripple of laughter travelled round
the House.
The opponents of the Establishment mustered in
full force on February 20, when Mr. Pritchard Morgan
brought forward his annual motion in favour of dis
establishing the Church in Wales. His proposition
was to the effect that the continuance of the Estab
lished Church in Wales was an anomaly and an
injustice which ought no longer to exist. Mr.
Gladstone lent his weighty support to this contention,
and Mr. Raikes was put up to lead the opposition by
the Government. His speech, as he himself admitted,
was of a controversial nature, and his method of
dealing with the "national feehng," upon which Mr.
Gladstone's argument was based, made the Welsh
members very indignant. He argued that—

400

THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1891.

" There was nothing in the history of the Welsh people
wbich entitled tbem to attribute the word ' national ' to those
feelings which were racial, perhaps, and characteristic, but
were not national because there was no such thing as a
Welsh nation. Hon. gentlemen who disputed that should
apply to their leader for information on the secular history
of tbeir country. Anciently there were three principalities
within the limits of what was now called the Principality of
Wales — the principality which owed its origin and estabHsh
ment to the fact that Wales passed under the English sceptre.
Therefore he contended tbat to call the Welsh people a
nation was grossly to exaggerate and wholly to misrepresent
the facts of the case."
His concluding remarks, addressed rather to the
main body of Liberals than to the Welsh section, con
stitute a grave warning —
" He had to thank the House for having listened so con
siderately to a speech which in its main features had been
controversial ; but he was quite sure that whatever might be
the attitude of hon. gentlemen opposite with regard to this
question, if they thought they were going to improve the
position of this country or of their own party by pandering
to this pseudo-national chimera, which was constantly being
put forward as a stalking-horse for electioneering purposes,
they would find they had created for themselves a new diffi
culty nearer home than Ireland, which would again perplex
and hamper their legislative efforts, if they ever again had a
majority in that House. As the country was told that the
first result of their return was to be a Parliament in whicii
Ireland stopped the way, so probably their next Parliament
would be one in which Wales stopped the way ; and when
they had come to the separation of Wales on the same lines
as the separation of Ireland was now proposed, the country
would again have legislation proposed, not on grounds of
principle, not with any regard to constitutional principle or

1891.] HENRY CECIL RAIKES.

401

national unity, but based upon the narrower and baser
foundation of sectional hatred and local jealousy — a policy
which would well deserve the ruin it would bring upon those
who made themselves responsible for it."
The debate furnished one amusing Incident. At
its close blank dismay fell upon the late Sir G. O.
Morgan and the late Mr. Byron Reed. Each of these
gentlemen had waited for the other to speak, with the
express intention of following and demolishing his
opponent. When Mr. Dillwyn demanded the closure
at midnight, both were shut out, and two speeches
remained unspoken.
The influenza claimed many victims during 1891,
but Mr. Raikes did not fall a prey to Its ravages, as
many of his fellow-members did. In a letter written
to his second daughter on May 14 he alludes to the
departure of Mr. Smith to his yacht, to the difficulty
Mr. Goschen found In handling the Irish members,
and to the consequent prospect of long sittings, and
goes on to say —
" So my plans are hopelessly vague, and we do not know
when we can get away, and when we must come back. I
will telegraph to-morrow if I can get away, 'out rather fancy
it will not be before the Irish mail, in which case I must sleep
at Chester, and come out by the ten train in the morning.
Such is life 1 But it is a comfort to have got you all away
from the London influenza, and not to bave succumbed to it
one's self. A Liberal Unionist member said to me just now,
' So long as Goschen and Balfour and you are here, it is the
survival of the fittest ' — such a pretty compliment ! "
When the Postmaster-General had finally disposed
of the attacks on his administration, he busied himself
26

402 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1891.
in forwarding the various schemes of reform which had
taxed his energies for some time previously. He was
successful in steering the Post Office Acts Amendment
Bill through Parliament, although it would seem from
a letter of Mr. Labouchere's, In which he mentioned
that, " Cameron had intended to object to the Second
Reading, and all the men round me wanted to object
in order to go to bed," that it was threatened (not,
perhaps, by any very substantial danger) at one
portion of Its career. It reached its Third Reading
on July 2, and, in a letter written that day to his
son Thomas, Mr. Raikes alluded briefly to certain
symptoms which, in the light of later events, may be
regarded as the beginning of the end. He wrote —
" Since you went away I have been having very bad head
aches, which at times almost unfit me for work. But I must
get my Post Office- Reform Bill through the House to-night.
I am inclined to think that I have taken too much quinine in
order to keep off the influenza, as I am very deaf when my
head aches. . . . We are getting on so fast with the Education
Bill that we quite hope now to get away by August i."
On July 14 he wrote again, in better spirits
apparently. After describing his introduction to the
German Emperor (who, he said, "is very affable, and
speaks English very well"), at Hatfield House, he
added —
" I am better myself, and have pretty well lost my head
aches, about which I was rather uneasy, as I have never
suffered from them before. But we are looking forward to
our holidays very much, as you are, though we cannot yet
find out where to go to for the seaside."

I89I-] HENRY CECIL RAIKES. 403
Mr. Raikes made his last statement of importance
in the House on July 17. On that day. In reply to a
question put by Mr. Cross, he gave an outline of the
reforms he had decided to adopt, with a view to
improving the conditions of service amongst the
postmen.* He was seldom moved to enthusiasm by
the work of his department, but on this occasion he
did not endeavour to conceal the pleasure he felt in
being able to bestow real and substantial benefits
upon his men.
The concessions to the postmen were hailed with
approbation on all sides. The Press was almost
unanimous in its approval, and though Mr. Raikes
did not, as a rule, concern himself very deeply with
newspaper comments, he was, nevertheless, on this
occasion highly gratified to find that his efforts on
behalf of the postmen were appreciated at their true

* The main features of the scheme, so far as the postmen were con
cerned, were these : The two classes in London were amalgamated into
one, in order to enable the men, without waiting for vacancies in the
higher class, to progress without interruption from the minimum to the
maximum of their scales. The scale of pay in the suburban divisions
was at its maximum raised by two shillings a week. To the auxiliary
postmen an increased rate of pay by the hour, and extra leave were
granted. In the country, as in London, the two classes were done away
with, and the scales at their maximum raised by two shillings and in
some cases n-iore. In all cases extra pay was allowed for Sunday work,
and each hour was reckoned as an hour and a quarter. The result of
these arrangements was that the men were paid better for six days' work
than they had previously been paid for seven, and also that if employed
on Sunday they received pay for a further additional day at a higher rate
than for ordinary days. Another alteration applicable to all postmen
was that they received an allowance for boots, which up to the time had
not been included in the uniform. The cost of these reforms araounted
to over ^100,000 per annum.

404 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF [1891.
value, and his action in respect of them largely
endorsed. The generally accepted view was well expressed
by the St, James's Gazette, which, in its issue of July
18, 1 89 1, printed a leader headed "The Right Sort
of Concession," from which the following is an
extract : —
"The Postmaster-General has, we think, done well to
make these moderate concessions in order to remove any
lingering sense of grievance. And he has also been justified
in not making them sooner. If the men are inclined to say
that what they get now is just, it would have been justly given
last year, the answer must be that any indulgence then would
have been a great deal too near the disgraceful behaviour of
those postmen who had the insolence to endeavour to coerce
London by violence. Men who had just been guilty of imitat
ing the worst methods of the worst kind of strikers were not
entitled to concessions. No doubt it was only a minority of
the postmen who were actually guilty of such misconduct.
But, apart from the consideration that the minority would
probably have been much larger if Mr. Raikes's measures
had not been so vigorous as they were, it would have been a
mischievous weakness to yield while threats were being held
out. It was also the fact that the majority of the postmen,
while remaining orderly themselves, were suspiciously tolerant
of the noisy minority until it became clear that Mr. Raikes
was not to be bullied into submission. It was, therefore,
inevitable, and also essentially just, that the whole corps
should wait a space before satisfaction was given to even
reasonable demands. Since, however, they have waited in an
orderly manner they may now justly receive what they would
probably have obtained much earlier but for the folly of the
strikers. The form which the concessions have taken is
judicious."

1 89 1 -J HENRY CECIL RAIKES,

405

When Mr. Raikes said good-bye to his friends on
August 5 few of them imagined that they would never
see him again. He had been palpably in weak health
for some months, as his unnatural pallor and languid
air testified plainly enough, but the change had been
too gradual to excite much attention. When engaged
in his public duties he displayed all his old force and
vigour up to the last, while in private, although occa
sionally seized with fits of despondency, he was, as a
rule, as ready to amuse and to be amused as ever.
After leaving London the Postmaster-General
spent a few days at Beaumaris, and then made his
way to Ruthin in order to attend the ceremony of
laying the memorial stones of the new buildings of the
Grammar School by Sir William Hart Dyke. This
was Mr. Raikes's last appearance in public, and after
he had fulfilled his allotted task of replying for the
House of Commons at the banquet, he mounted his
horse, and in company with his second daughter rode
off across the hills to Llwynegrin. A day or two
later he suffered from a recurrence of severe pains in
the head ; on the 19th he took to his bed, and almost
immediately lapsed into unconsciousness. Five days
after, on Monday, August 24, 1891, the end came, and
he passed peacefully away.
The verdict of the doctors was that death was due
to inflammation and pressure upon the brain caused
by overwork. Mr. Raikes outlived his earliest political opponent
Mr. W. H. Gladstone, by only a few weeks. How

406 THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF H, C. RAIKES. [1891.
deeply he was touched by the loss of his one-time
antagonist Is shown In the following letter : —
" St. Stephen's Club, Westminster, S.W.,
"July 8, 1 89 1.
" Dear Mrs. Gladstone,
" I trust you will not think I am intruding on your
great sorrow if I send these few lines of sincere sympathy
and condolence.
" I would hardly have ventured to do so, but that I see
some of the Flintshire Magistrates are to join to-day in the
last acts of respect and regard for your son. And I wish that
I had been able to be one of those so privileged, for assuredly
I shared very fully in those sentiments. Though we were
nearly contemporaries, there was something in his character so
gentle and unaffected that he has seemed to me through all
these long years hardly to have grown older than he was in
1865, when we fought our first Election Battle as antagonists.
And I well remember how during that passage of arms, as
throughout our many subsequent years of peaceful intercourse,
he bore himself as a type of the Christian gentleman, rare
enough at all times, and, I fear, not more common as time
advances. " Knowing how very strong is the tie which unites all your
family, I can well imagine what a bereavement is the loss of
one who never made an enemy or lost a friend. I can only
hope that the release from what might have been sad suffering
may, in some degree, reconcile you to the separation. And
the blameless life and quiet love of duty must be to you all
priceless and consoling memorials.
" I hope that Mr. Gladstone has not suffered permanently
from the shock. At least, he will know how all his
countrymen feel for him and with him.
" Believe me, dear Mrs. Gladstone,
" Very sincerely yours,
" Henry Cecil Raikes."

INDEX.

Abbot, Hon. R. C, 52, 53
Aberdeen, Lord, 205
Admiralty, the, 263-265
Affirmation Bill, 197, 198
Affleck, Lady, 21
Agricultural Holdings Act, 106
Alexandria, Bombardment of, 177
Army Bill, 81, 141
Ashbourne, Lord, 192, 193, 216,
233
Asquith, H. H., 372
Attempt to blow up Houses of
Parliament, 223
Auctioneer, eminent, 100-102
Austin, Alfred, 193, 222, 396
Austria, tour in, 109
Ayrtoun, Mr., 173, 391

B

Baden-Powell, Sir G., 260
Baggallay, Sir R., 104
Baily, Walker, 188, 219
Baines, F. E., 327, 376
Balfour, A. J., 185, 186, 194, 268,
301, 401
BaUikinrain Castle, anecdote, 103
Ballot Act, 81, 83
Bankes, J. Scott, 204
Banner, the, 195
Bar : Brief, Parliamentary, 57 ;
circuit, 41, 56, 57 ; examination,
35 ; reading, 29, 34
Barnardo, Dr., 319, 321

Bartlett, Sir E. A., 302
Bass, 29
Bass, A. See " Burton "
Bateson, Dr., 31
Beach, Sir M. Hicks-, 126, 212,216,
232, 233, 235, 267, 268, 271, 292,
302, 398, 399
Beaconsfield, Lord. See " Disraeli,"
119, 125, 128, 155, 161, 162
Beaconsfield, Lady, 139, 140
Beaulieu, 318
Beaumont, Col., 166
Beer, 230
Bencher, Middle Temple, 155
Benson, Archbishop, 241, 242
Beresford, Lord C, 269
Beresford Hope. See " Hope ''
Berlin Congress, 128
Bethell, 33
Biggar, J., 197
" 15ildad," 209
Binning, Lord, 46
Blackwood, A. See " Post Office,
Secretary "
Blake, T., 277
Blore, Professor, 18
Boundary Commission, 224
Bourdillon, Mr., 29
Bourke, Ulick, 74
Bradlaugh, C, 176, 178, 179, 197
Bramwell, Lord, 37, 38
Brand, H. B. W., 149
Bright, Jacob, 75
Bright, John, 34, 178
British Navy epigram, 120
Browning, Oscar, 19
Bruce, 392
Buckstone, J. B.. 38, 39
Bulgarian Atrocities, 123

4o8

INDEX.

Bulwer, ig
Burials Bills, 74, 81
Burton, Lord, 17, 33

Cabinet dissensions, 126
Caine, W. S., 359, 360
Callan, P., IIJ., 115
Cambridge University : Carlton
Club, 195, 221, 226, 227 ; Classi
cal Tripos, 25-28, 35 ; College
days, 14-25, 27, 28 ; honorary
degree, 301, 302 ; Public Orator,
23, 301 ; representation, 65-67,
167-171, 180-190; Review, 27,
28 ; Union, the, 17-19
Cameron, 390-392
Campbell, Lord, 33
Cannes, 305
" Canute II.," 222
Caricature, 99. See " Vanity Fair "
Carmarthen, Lord, 302
Carnarvon, Lord, 126, 219
Cecil Club, 194
Central Council of Diocesan Con
ferences. See " Church "
Central News, ll\fi>, 247
Central Office, Conservative, 158,
182-186
Chairman of Ways and Means.
See " Parliament "
Chamberlain, J., 197, 245
Charley, Sir W., 61
Charterhouse, 290
Chester, 43, 45-50, 67-71, 83, 84, 89,
105, 107, IIO, 112, 121, 136-138,
142-154, 177, 293. See " Parlia
ment "
Chester Commission, 151-154
Chester, Corrupt Practices, 1 50-1 54,
225, 226
Childers, H. C. E., 118
Chiltern Hundreds, 187
Church —
Confession, 120, 121
Congress, Cardiff, 313 ; Liver
pool, 76 ; Swansea, 142
Defence Institution, 58, 67, 79, 84,
96, 199 ; Chairman of, 58, 67
Defence Meeting, Birmingham,
313 ; Cambridge, 239

Church {continued^ —
Diocesan Conferences, Central
Council of, 163, 164, 196, 243 ;
Chairman of, 164
Diocesan Conference, Chester,
109 ; St. Asaph, 312
History lecture, Mold, 329
In Ireland, disestablishment,
68-70, 72-74. See " Gladstone,
W. E."
Laymen, House of, 164, 243
Patronage Bill, 177
Reforms, 79, 80
In Wales, 241-245, 309, 312, 313,
399-401 ; national feeling, 399,
400
Churchill, Lprd Randolph, 206-209,
211-215, 219, 227, 232, 233, 246,
249, 267-271. 283, 301
Civil Service Commission, 159
Clabon, J. M., 58
Clark, E. C, 27, 28,45,66, 267
Clark, W. G., 16
Clarke, Sir E., 247
Cleasby, Q.C, 66, 67, 189
Closure, 176, 178, 285
Cobb, H. P., 391
Cockburn, Lord, 33
Coleraine, Lord, 74
Coleridge, Lord, 82, 310
CoUins, A. J., 151
CoUins, T., 85, 86
Compensation to railway servants,
156,157
Compton, Lord, 337, 394-396
Conservative associations, 53, 59-
64 (see " Organization ") ; Metro
politan, 59, 63
Conservative Union, 60
Constitutional Club, 195
Constitutional History, viii., 8, 11
Constitutional reformer, 72
Conybeare, C. A. V., 277, 345
Corporate Property Taxation Bill,
238
Corpus, Master of, 237. See
" Perowne "
Corrupt Practices Bill, 198, 199
Corry, Montagu, 100, 155
Courthorpe, 194
Courtney, L., 114, 316
Criccieth, 200-202
Crimes Bill, 178

INDEX.

409

Criminal Code BiU, 199, 309
Criminal Law Amendment BiU, 23S
Critchett, Dr., 318
Cross, Lord, 138
Cruisers, 263
Cullen, Cardinal, 74
Cunard Co., 257-259, 261, 262,
264, 265. See "Post Office,
American mails "
Customs, Chair of, 316

D
Daily News, 91, 276
Daily Telegraph, 117-119
Deeside, viii.
Defamation of Character Bill, 219
De La Rue. See " Post Office "
Deputy Speaker, 108
Derby, Lord, 19, 21, 128
Derby, 15th Earl, 203
Derby Election, 22
Devonport Election, 53
Devonshire tour, 267
Dickens, 10
Dilke, Sir C, 224
DiUwyn, L., 243, 244, 308, 401
Dinard, 84, 85
Disraeli, B., 5, 27, 34, 53, 56, 69, 71,
9c^92, 98, 119, 125, 126, 155
Berlin Congress, 128
Death of, 161
D'Orsay picture, 100-102
Harcourt anecdote, 139, 140
Haydon reminiscences, 203, 204
Introduction to, 65
Manchester speech, 87, 88
Party discipline, 32, 33
Succeeded by Lord SaUsbury,
162
Disraeli, Coningsby, 397
Dodgson, C. L., 78
Dodson (Lord Monk Bretton), 89,
144, 146
D Orsay, 102

Eastern Question, 123-128
Ecroyd, 167
Edinburgh, Duke of, 326
Edinburgh, Duchess of, 326, 327

Education Act, 75
Egerton of Tatton, 96, 200
" Elderly gentlemen," 283
Elections. See " Parliament "
" Elijah's mantle," 208
" Eliphaz," 209
Emery, Archdeacon, 163
Endowed Schools Commission, 8:
" English Tory," an, 208, 213
Escott, T. H. S., 211
Evening Standard, 29
Everett, W., 20
Exhibition, the (1862), 35
E.Ktravaganza, 38

Fenton, 46, 52
Ferrand, 53
Finch, Charlotte, vii.
Flint Boroughs, 40
Flintshire Election (1861), 31, 32
" P'oreign Line," 263. See " Post
Office"
Forster, W. E., 75, 177
Forttiightly Review, 55, 208, 211,
213
Forwood, A. B., 264
Franchise, extension of (1868), 69
Franco-Prussian War, 78, 79
Frost, Sir T., 89

<;

" Gargoyle," 37 1
Garotting, verses on, 36, 37
Gas companies, 113
General Elections (see " Parlia
ment") ; (1885), 238-240; (i886),
246
Gentleman's Magazine, vii.
German Emperor, 402
Giffard, Hardinge, 104, 105, 143,
220, 236, 272
Gladstone, W. E., 21-23, 32, 34,
47-5 b 69,70, 73, 74, 82, 125,
126, 136-138, 177-179, 191,
204, 205, 207, 215, 221, 224,
228, 229, 232, 234, 235, 239,
240, 243-246, 285
Alexandria, bombardment of,
177, 178

4IO

INDEX.

Gladstone, W. E. {continued) — •
Bradlaugh, C, 179
Chester Election (1865), 47-51 ;
(1880), 136-138
Closure, 285
General Election (1885), 239
Homer, 21, 22
Home Rule, 243-246
Irish Church, 6g, 70, 73, 74
Mersey Tunnel, 240
O'Donnell's execution, 204, 205
Public Orator, 23
Resignation (1873), 82
Resignation (1885), 224, 228
Gladstone, Mrs., 240, 406
Gladstone, Stephen, 311, 312
Gladstone, W. H., 47, 48, 50-52,
205, 405, 406
Globe, 57, 74, 360, 361
Gloucester Journal, vii.
Glynne, Sir S., 47
Gordon, General, 212, 223
Gorst, Sir J., 61, 63, 83, 158, 167,
180, 187, 209, 247, 269
Goschen, G. J., 266, 270, 272, 301,
365-367, 387, 401
Grace, W. G., 131, 132
Graham, Cunningham, 345
Grant, Sir F., 22
Graves, 35
Gray, Albert, 245
Greening, T., 34
Grosvenor, Earl, 46, 52, 70
Grosvenor, Hon. Norman, 89, 144
Gurney, R., 74-76

H

Hall, A. W., 157
Halsbury, Lord, 272. See " Giffard "
Hamilton, Lord G.,224,233, 263,269
Hanbury, R. W., 187
Harcourt, Sir W., 89, 90, 117, 139,
140, 204, 211, 285, 371,392
Hartington combination, 271
Harvey, 61
Hawarden, 204, 311, 312
Haydon, W. F., 203, 204
Heaton, Henniker, 286
Heber, 317
Hemans, Felicia, 317
Hertzlet, Sir E., 200

HiU, Pearson, 325, 329
Hill, Rowland, 327-329
Hill, Staveley, 75, 143
Hoare, Henry, 58
Hoare, Mr., 70
Holker, Sir J., 104, 169
Holmes, A., 10-14, 65, 66, 100
Holmesdale, Lord, 62
Home Office, 232, 246, 247, 269, 272
Home Rule Bill, 244-246
Homer, Gladstone's, 21
Hope, Beresford, 66, 189, 239, 291
Hornet, 129
House of Lords and Reform, 217-
221
Hudson Bay Co., 159
Hugessen, KnatchbuU, 117
Humberstone, Major, 43, 46
Hunstanton, 120
Hunt, Ward, 106
Hy&res, 305, 316, 317

I
Ibbetson, Sir H. S., 118
Iddesleigh, Lord, 282, 283. See
" Northcote "
Illness, 358, 402, 405
Imperial Review, 55, 56
Industrial enterprises, 159, 160
Influenza, 401
Inland Revenue. See " Post
Office "
Inman Co., 257-259, 261, 265
Ireland, redistribution of seats, 72 ;
visit to, 302
Irish Church disestablishment, 68-
70, 72-74
Irish Members, relations with, 300 ;
understanding (1886), 236
Irish Obstructionists, 90, 114-118,
141
Irish University BiU (1873), 82
Isaac, Major, 165
Isaacs, Sir H., 326
Italian lakes, 43

J
Jackson, W. L., 260, 261, 264, 387
James, Sir H., 226
Jayne, Dr., 242

INDEX.

411

Jebb, Professor, 35
Jenkinson, Sir G., 131
Jeune, Sir F., 369
" Job and his Comforters," 208-21 1
"Joseph and his Brethren," 213-
215
Jubilee of Penny Postage, 253, 254.
See "Post Office"
Judicature BiU (1873), 82

K
Keith Falconer, Col., 250
Kennedy, Dr., 8-14, 16, 19, 26, 318,
319
King Harman, Col., 289-291

Labouchere. 21
Ladies' Gallery, 118
Lampeter, 242
Last appearance in public, 405
Lawley, Beilby, 138, 144, 147
Lawrence, A. T., 151
Lawson, Sir W., io6, 197
Lee, Dr. Alfred, 58, 84, 199, 200, 202
Lefevre, Shaw-, 325
Leighton, Stanley, 113, 163, 195
Lewes, 54, 64
Lewis Carroll, 78
Lewis, Sir G. C. and Lady, 22
Liberationists, 84
Literary tastes, 131
Livingstone, Dr., 20
Llwynegrin, viii., 200, 204, 217, 405
Local Government BiU (1888), 300
Lockwood, F., 151
Lowther, James, 127, 128, 130
Luckie, H., 55, 56
Lucy, H. W., 391
Lush, Mr. Justice, 150
Lyndhurst, Lord, 100, 102
Lytton, Lord, 194, 305
M
Macaulay, Lord, 18, 22, 23
Macaulay, K., 22
Mackeson, C, 195
Malgarini, 146, 147
Manchester, 53, 60, (>j, 87, 88

Manchester Courier, 3 1 7
Manisty, Mr. Justice, 150
Manners, Lord J., 250, 251
Marriage, 33
Married Women's Property Bill,
74-76
Martin, Sir T., 308
Matthews, H., 246, 247, 249, 269,
271, 272, 392
MaxweU, Sir H., 216, 376
Medical officers, 75
Mee, Miss, vii., 64
Meetings —
Bolton, 374, 375
Bristol, 302, 372, 373
Bury, 195
Cambridge, 397. See " Cam
bridge University "
Cardiff, 313
Chester. See " Chester "
Chirk, 397
Hawarden, 311, 312
Hawkstone, 302
Ipswich, 372
Kirkintilloch, 289
Liverpool, 113,178, 179
Lymm, 397
Machynlleth, 289, 302
Manchester, 60, 67
Margate, 289
Millom, 206
Mold, 174,397
Neath, 217, 267
Newport, 200
Nostell Priory, 219
Nuneaton, 372
Oswestry, 113
Rhyl, 136
Salford, 162, 163
Taunton, 217
Ulverston, 293
Whitehaven, 293
Wrexham, 226
" Member's Plate," 1 10. See " Turf
Reform "
Merchant Shipping BiU, 106
Merewether, Serjeant, 57
Merivale, 22
Mersey Tunnel, 165, 167, 240, 251,
252
Miall, 84
Middle Temple, 29, 155, 324. See
" Bar "

412

INDEX.

Milan, 305, 306
" Milch cow," 151, 153
MiU, Stuart, 50
MiUer, A. E., 235, 236
MiUer, A. K., 168
Mitford, Miss, 317
Monaco, 305-307
" Monk, the," 23
Monk-Bretton. See " Dodson "
Montefiore, Sebag, 361, 362
More, Jasper, 36
Morgan, Dr., 318
Morgan, Sir G. O., 81, 371, 401
Morgan, Pritchard, 399
Morning Herald, 29
Morning Post, 174, 175
Mortlock, 227
Mowbray, Sir J., 142
N
Napoleon III., 38
National Church, igg
National Review, 55, 194, 202, 222
National Union of Conservative
and Constitutional Associations,
61-64, 86, 96, 109, 158, 174
Naval and Military Vote (1878),
126, 127
Nevill, Lord (Abergavenny), 32,
40, 53, 54, 59
Neville, Hon. and Rev. L., 187, 195
" New Law of Elections," 202
Ne-w Quarterly, 203
Nice, 305
Nineteenth Century, 55, 142, 192
North German Lloyds Co., 258, 259,
261, 265. See " Post Office,
American mails "
Northcote, Sir S. N., 113, 115-117,
178, 191,206, 207, 209, 210, 215,
216, 219-221, 224, 282,283
Novel, 38
Nuremburg, 93, 94

O
Obstruction, 196-198 (see" Irish ") ;
definition of, 132, 133
Obstructionists. See " Irish "
O'Connor, Arthur, 319, 320, s^--
O'Donnell, F. H. O'C, 117

O'Donnell, execution of, 204
" Old Morality," 392
Old Salopian dinner, 159
Opium question, 395
Opposition, functions of, 191-193
Organization of Conservative party,
53, 58-64,79,157, 158, 189, 192,
193, 219. See " National Union "
Orr-Ewing, Sir A., 103, 289
" Our National Defences," 81
"Our Village," 317

Paget, A. T., 15
Pal^, 309
Palgrave, Sir R., 284, 294
Pall Mall Gazette, 265, 277
Palmer, Sir RoundeU, 65
Palmerston, Lord, 21, 23, 34
Park, W. P., 169, 181
Parliament —
Autumn campaign (1883), 202
Blue Riband of, 65, 180
Cambridge University, elected
(1882), 189 ; unopposed return
(1885), 239 ; ditto (1886), 246 ;
ditto (1886), 251
Chairman of Ways and Means, 6,
7, 90-92,97, 114, 129,148,149,
316
Chester, defeat (1865), 45-50;
elected (1868), 67-71 ; ditto
(1874), 83, 84, 89 ; defeat (1880),
143-154
Deputy Speaker, 108. See
" Chairman," supra
Devonport defeat (i866), 53
First speech, 73
General Election (1885), 238-
240 ; (1886), 246
Last statement in, 403, 404
Postmaster-General, 249
Preston, elected (1882), 189
Private Bill Legislation, 300
Privy Councillor, 155
Procedure, 283, 284, 294
Reforms, 132, 133
Sitting extraordinary, 115-120
Parliamentary agents, 107
ParneU, C. S., 117-119, 132, 197,374
Parnell Commission, 373

INDEX.

41.

Pellegrini, 99
Perowne E. H., 65,66, 194, 237,
395, 396
Petition, Chester, 150, 151
Phcenix Park murders, 177
PickersgiU, E. H., 361, 362
Pitt, 51
Playfair, Lord, 325
PUmsoU, S., 106
PluraUties BiU, 238
Porte de Venasque, 133-135
Post Office (1886-1891), 6, 7—
American mails contract, 257-
266, 289
Australian mails, 286, 292, 295
Auxiliary postmen, 293, 334, 377.
See " Strike," i}ifra
Blackwood, Sir A. See " Secre
tary," infra
Boy Messengers, Ltd. —
Action by Post Office, 385, 386
Attack in House, 390-392, 394,
395
" Convenience of public," 386
Departmental Committee, 384
Electric Call System, 384
Government alarmed, 387-389
Inception, 383
Licence, 384
Proposed Bill, 384
Settlement, 389, 390
Special messengers, 385
Clery, 378-381
Colonial Conference, 2S6
Controller's department, 295
De La Rue, Messrs., 295-299
Demand for inquiry, 394, 395
Disaffection in Service, 334-362.
See " Strike," i}ifra
Discontent of employes, 293
District Messenger Co., 384-386.
See " Boy Messengers," supra
Duty of Minister, speech, 333
fawcett Association, 379, 380
Fawcett Scheme, 378-380
Foreign and Colonial Parcel
Post, 323
Imperial Penny Postage, 286, 287
Indian and Colonial postage re
duction, 377
Indications of storm, 323
Inland Revenue, 295-299
Irish grievance, 300

Post Office {continued) —
Mail-cart Service, 292, 295
MaUs to the East, 289, 293, 295,
323
New buildings, 377
Officials permanent, 254-256,
273-281 (see " Secretary,"
infra) ¦ relations, 375, 376 ;
understanding, 292, 293
Parcel Post with France, 289
Patey, C. H. B., 304
Pattern Post, 289, 295
Penny Postage Jubilee (1890),
325 ; departmental dinner,
307, 325, 327, 328 ; financial
result, 327 ; Guildhall conver
sazione, 325, 326 ; official cele
bration, 326, 327 ; speeches,
328, 329
Post, the, 378-381
Postcards, 295-299, 323
Postmaster- General, appointment
of, 247-251
Postmen's Union, 323, 33S-342,
355
Pouches, 293
Promotion in, 274-281
Raikes Scheme, 380
Redirection of letters, 288, 366,
367
Rowland Hill Memorial Fund, 327
Savings Bank, 288, 303, 323, 329,
377, 395 ; outbreak, 382, 383 ;
overtime, 377-383
Schemes of reform, 402-404
Secretary, 253, 254, 257-259,286,
287, 307, 308, 319-322, 327
329, 345, 348, 351-353, 356
address of sympathy, 279
Exeter Hall meeting, 319-322
trial of strength, 273-281
Select Committee Revenue Esti
mates, 297
Sentences on employes, 310
Service to Cyprus, 292
Sorters, 329, 334, 378-381
Stamps, 296-299
Strike, the, 337-362
Authorities, action by, 351 ;
policy of, 356 ; preparations
of, 345, 346
Breach of faith suggested, 361,
362

414

INDEX.

Post Office {continued) —
Strike, the —
Central Office, coUapse of men,
352
ClerkenweU Green meetmgs,
340, 349
Declaration of war, 349, 350
Government precautions, 356
Holborn meeting, 345
Hyde Park meeting, 342
Insubordination at minor
offices, 353
Mahon, 340-356
Outbreak at Mount Pleasant,
346, 347
Press attacks, 343, 344
Recognition for officials, 375
Reinstatement question, 357-
362
Relief men, 346
Right of meeting, 339
Secessions from Union, 355
Struggle at head-auarters, 351
Surrender, general, 354
Suspensions, 355
Trial of strength, 348-353
Submarine Telegraph Co., 292,
303, 304 .
Sunday delivery, 292
Telegraph votes, 337, 358
Telegraphic money orders, 323
Telegraphists, 293, 334-337, 377
Treasury, relations with, 258,
324, 338, 363, 367, 377, 380
Trouble at Cardiff, 329-334
Unrest in Service, 329, 377
Vote (1890), 357
Power, O'Connor, 118
Press, 29, 76 ; agitations, 343, 344,
392, 393 ; introduction to, 30 ;
work, 55, 56
Preston, 167, 169-175, 179-187.
See " Parliament "
Preston Guild Merchant, 179, 180
Primrose League, 311, 312
Prince of Wales, 30, 31, 166, 167,
326
Princess of Wales, 166, 167
Prince Albert Victor, 301
Prisons BiU (1876), 106, 107
Punch, 390-392 ; poem on garot
ting, 37, 38
Purcell, Sir T., 299

Q
Queen, the, 155, 231, 235, 245
JubUee of Accession, 287, 288
Minister in attendance, 308, 309
visit to Wales, 308, 309

R
Raikes, A. S., 133
Raikes, A. T., 36, 78, 311
Raikes, A. W., 12 1
Raikes, C. B., 267
Raikes, Chancellor, v., vii., viii.,
397
Raikes, F. E., 78
Raikes, F. W., 8
Raikes, G., viii.
Raikes, Henry, v., viii., 22, 31, 41
Raikes, H. S'-J. D., 41, 92, 93,
227
Raikes, L. C, 316, 317
Raikes, Richard, Canon, vii., 64
Raikes, Richard (Governor of the
Bank), vii.
Raikes, Robert (Mayor of Glou
cester), vii.
Raikes, Robert (founder of Sunday
schools), vii., 51, 159
Raikes, Thomas, of Hull, vi.
Raikes, Thomas (Governor of the
Bank), vii.
Raikes, Thomas (diarist), vii.
Raikes, T. A., 108
Railway Commission, 235, 236
Railway servants, compensation
to, 156, 157
Ravenna, 94, 95
Redesdale, Lord, 107, 108
Redistribution Bill, 217-221, 224,
225, 229, 238 ; unauthorized publi
cation of, 220
Redistribution, Ireland, 72
Reed, Byron, 401
Reed, Sir E., 330-333
Reform BiU (1868), 54, 69 ; (1884),
215-221
Refusal of office (1885), 236, 237
Resignation of Randolph Churchill,
268-272
Resignation of W. E. Gladstone
(1873), 82

INDEX.

415

Riding tours, 200, 201
Roby, 26
Rogers, 317
Rome, 4r, 42
Roper, C. B. Trevor, 24, 33
Roper, Trevor, 40
Rosebery, Lord, 301
Rothschild, 38
Round-robin, 249
Roupell, 35
Royat, 358, 359
Russell, G. W. E., 216
Russell, Lord J., 197
Ruthin, 405
Rutland, Duke of, 187, 250,
See " Manners "
Rylands, Peter, 140, 141

251.

Salford, 53, 162, 163
Salisbury, Lord, 128, 129, 161-163,
174, 178, 189, 190, 212, 215, 218,
219, 224, 226, 230, 232-236, 247,
247-249, 260, 263, 268, 269, 277,
301
SaUsbury, Mr., 70, 71, 151-153
Salisbury Club, 302
Sandys, Col., 145, 147
Saturday Review, 34
Scott, Sir W., 317
Sedgewick, L., 62
Selborne, Lord, 301
Self-culture, 374
Shaftesbury, Lord, 21, 159
Shilleto, 16, 21
Shrewsbury school, 8-14, 27, 98, 99
Simpson, 173
Sinkat, 207
Slade, Sir A., 250, 269
Smith, Abel, 108
Smith, Sydney, 317
Smith, W. H., 118, 120, 182-186,
269, 270, 272, 283, 284, 292, 370,
387, 388, 401
Smythe, Dr., 54
Soudan, 206
Soughton, 204
South Africa Bill, 1 14-119
Speakership, 149, 150, 237, 316
Spofforth, 40, 56, 57, 61, 66, 72
St. Asaph, Bishop of, 312, 313;

Chancellor of, 397, 398 ; Diocesan
Conference, 312, 313
St. James's Gazette, 342, 404
St. Stephen's Club, 62, 98
Standard, 29, 32, 81, 114, 126, 148,
394, 395
Stanhope, Hon. E., 177, 194, 216
Stokes, Sir G. G., 291
Strutt, Hon. J. W., 66
Stuart, Professor, 65, 188, 189
Sumner, Archbishop, v.
Sunday School Centenary, 158.
See " Raikes, Robert "
" Survival of the fittest," 401

Taxation of Costs Bill, 142
Taylor, Tom, 38
"Teasles," 106
Teck, Duke of, 326
Tennyson, 35, 396
Thackeray, 10
Thomson, Archbishop, 36
Threatening letter, 302
Tilley, Sir J., 325
Times, 91, 219, 268, 269, 337, 373
Tithe, 283, 309, 367-372, 398, 399
(see " Church, Wales ") ; Anti-
tithe League, 372
"Toby, M.P.,"39i
TomUnson, W. E. M., 171-173, 187
Transvaal, cession of, 178
Trench, Dean, 20, 35
Trent affair, 34
Trevelyan, Sir C, 18
Trevelyan, Sir G., 18, 19
Trevelyan, Lady, 22
Trinity College, Cambridge, 14-25
(see " Cambridge University ") ;
scholarship, 22, 24
Tudor, 98
Tuffley estate, 64
Turf reform, no, 1 11
" Tutissimus Ibis," 233

U
Union, Cambridge, President of, 17,
Union, Conservative, 60

4i6

INDEX.

University. See " Cambridge
University "
University Representation Bill, 309
University Tests Abolition Bill, 73

Vanity Fair, gg, 100, 222
Velocipede, 17, 18
Venice, 42, 43

\\'

Walpole, S. H., 16, 167-171, 180-
182, 186, 392
War, Franco- Prussian, 78, 79
Warhke feeUng (1878), 127
Watkin, Sir E., 157
Watton House, 108
Watts, 173
Westbury, Lord, 33
Western Mail, 380
Westminster, Duke of, 46, 144.
See " Grosvenor, Earl "
WheweU, Dr., 21
" White Brandy," 87, 88
Whitehead, Sir ]., 326, 327

White Star Line, 257-259, 261, 264,
265. See " Post Office, American
Mails "
Whittington, Dick, 122
Whittington, WiUiam, 122
Wilberforce, 51
Winn, Rowland, 206
Wolff, Sir H. D., 76, 77, 108, 109,
209
Wolverhampton Chamber of Com
merce, 294
Wood, J. C, 17
World, 149
Wrangham, Archdeacon, v., 317
Wrangham, Digby S., 874
Wynn, Sir Watkin (late), 148, 226
Wynn, Dowager Lady, 148

Yerburgh, R. A., 293
Yorkshire Post, 29
Young, Sir Charles, 17

" Zophar,'' 209, 210

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