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MEMOIRS

DUKE OE MARLBOROUGH,
WITH
HIS ORIGINAL CORRESPONDENCE :
COLLECTED FROM THE FAMILY RECORDS AT BLENHEIM,
AND OTHER AUTHENTIC SOURCES.

WILLIAM COXE, M.A. F.R.S. P.S.A.
ARCHDEACON OF WILTS.
A NEW EDITION, REVISED
BY JOHN" WADE,
Author of " British History Chronologically Arranged."

LONDON:
HENRY G. BOHN, YORK STREET, COVENT GARDEN.
1847. ..

London :
Spotttswoode and Shaw,
New-street-Square.

ADVERTISEMENT

THE PEESENT EDITION.

The "Memoirs" now republished comprise the history of
one of the greatest of England's captains.
Marlborough, however, was not only a warrior of the
highest class ; he was a very eminent statesman, an accom
plished courtier, and, above all his contemporaries, a success
ful and adroit diplomatist. Nature had made him for great
affairs : to govern men, win their esteem, and sway their
councils. His character had only one drawback ; it was too
concentrated in purpose, too exclusively intent on his own
individual amplification by access of power, wealth, fame, and
high connexions ; but, contrary to what is usually observed
in the self-engrossed, he was capable of a noble friendship"1,
and of a constancy of domestic affection, almost unparalleled,
towards onef whose wayward spirit often disturbed, and
ultimately shipwrecked, his career of grandeur.
The times in which the great Marlborough lived and acted
a leading part were the most trying in our national progress.
It was not a routine age, but a revolutionary era. Public
men were placed in irksome dilemmas ; dynasties had been
changed, or were in transition ; absolute and constitutional
rule were at issue ; Protestantism and Popery in conflict ; and
the great families of the realm had to make a painful election
between the interests of the commonweal and hereditary
rights, coupled with long-cherished personal ties and ancient
associations. Amidst such perplexities of choice it was diffi-
* To Prince Eugene and Lord Godolphin.
f Sarah, Duchess of Marlborough.
A 2

IV ADVERTISEMENT
cult to escape error and misdirection. The old landmarks
had been swept away ; and, in the general flood, statesmen
had little that was fixed, tried, and accredited, to guide them.
To these distractions the Duke of Marlborough, under the
influence of circumstances for which he was not wholly ac
countable, was more exposed than any of his contemporaries.
By paternal example he was a Tory ; the claims of gratitude
and personal connexion bound him to King James ; while
religious convictions made him a firm member of the Church
of England. The last determined his defection from his first
royal patron, and his adherence to the Prince of Orange : the
former was the source of his alleged duplicity and vacilla
tion. Whether he was selfish and treacherous in his prefer
ences the reader is left to form his own opinion. In text or
editorial elucidations, the requisite evidence has been col
lected and faithfully submitted.
But it is less the political than the military history of the
Duke of Marlborough that forms the lustrous portion of his
annals. His administrative abilities were vast, and what he
did in a civil capacity is both important and interesting ; but
it is as a general that the British hero stands proudly pre
eminent. He may have erred in his personal predilections, or
in the intrigues of politicians ; but as the leader of armies
he made no mistakes. There he was unrivalled : always self-
possessed, without weakness or oversight ; indefatigable in
effort, unerring in conception, prompt, resistless, and inexor
able in execution.
For proof of Marlborough's extraordinary genius in war,
it is only necessary to study his brilliant campaign in
Germany in 1704. History hardly offers a parallel to it in
originality of design, vigour and success in execution ; unless
it be Napoleon's first triumphant campaign in Italy : thati
indeed, was a wonderful exhibition of skill and heroism, and
displayed that rare union of civil and military science by which
a great kingdom is suddenly overrun and organised. Marl-

TO THE PEESENT EDITION. V
borough's career would not have suffered in comparison,
had he been left to the bent of his own daring and energetic
combinations, unfettered by confederate councils, and the
military usages of his time, that would only allow a country
to be conquered by instalments.
It is not, however, our purpose to detain the reader with
a general comment either on the exploits or diversified
capabilities of Marlborough. All that is needful has been
amply done by the biographer. Mr. Coxe is a clear,
faithful, and pains-taking narrator ; and in descriptive
details of battles and military transactions he is particularly
full, lucid, and illustrative : occasionally the reader may think
he has been too lavish in the introduction of elucidatory
correspondence ; but the portion he has used forms only a
selection from the immense mass of the Blenheim papers that
was placed at his disposal.* During the influential and
busy period of the Duke's career, he was a kind of universal
letter-writer ; and there was hardly an individual of note in
Europe, with whom he was not in active epistolary commu
nication. He had the eyes of Argus, and no movement in
the field, in council, or in cabinet, however minute or im
portant, escaped his ever-watchful vision. Full justice to
his subject, in consequence, imposed on the Archdeacon the
duty of giving considerable scope to this division of his
labours ; and though it has added to the bulk of his volumes,
it has tended both to augment and diversify the topics of
interest, as well as to give a more complete portraiture of the
character and position of Marlborough. It must not be
* The publication of the correspondence in smaller type will enable
the more cursory reader to pass it over, if he feel oppressed or too much
delayed by Mr. Coxe's difiuseness of epistolary and documentary ampli
fications. But it is rarely without interest of some kind, tending either
to elucidate the subject of the " Memoirs," the public transactions of his
time, or the characters of his contemporaries ; and to have omitted it
would have been an infringement of the Publisher's compact with the
Public. a 3

VI ADVERTISEMENT.
forgotten that he was the great moving figure of his age,
and, like Buonaparte, for a time entirely filled the European
eye, not only as the generalissimo and leading statesman of
the Grand Alliance, but as the virtual prime-minister of
England, pending the brief but eventful and stirring period
of Queen Anne's reign.
Although Mr. Coxe must needs have laboured under
an embarrassment of riches, there has been a great acces
sion of new materials since his time ; and our own task
of revision, beyond the correction of a few careless expres
sions, has mainly consisted in supplying omissions and eluci
dations from more recent sources of information. Besides
the general histories of Hallam, Lord John Russell, and Lord '
Mahon, together with the voluminous remains of Horace
Walpole, several works have lately appeared, especially de
voted to the Duke of Marlborough, or his hardly less cele
brated duchess.*
We have looked into all these ; but though some of them
claim to be original discoveries in the forgotten archives of
Woodstock, we are convinced, from a careful collation, that £
they had not escaped the industry of Archdeacon Coxe, and
of his chief assistant, the Rev. George May.
Nevertheless, we have, from these and other sources,
gleaned some additional illustrations of public characters and
events, that will help to render more accurate and complete
the picture of the martial age in which the great general
flourished. J. ~VV.
* The Letters and Dispatches of John Churchill, First Duke of Marl
borough, from 1702 to 1712. Edited by the late Sir George Murray. 5
vols. 8vo.
Memoirs of Sarah, Duchess of Marlborough, and of the Court of
Queen Anne. By Mrs. A. T. Thomson. .2 vols. Svo.
Private Correspondence of Sarah, Duchess of Marlborough, illustrative
of the Court and Times of Queen Anne. 2 vols. 8vo.
A series of articles, vigorously written, have also appeared in Black
wood's Magazine, ascribed to Professor Alison.

AUTHOR'S PREFACE.

It is a singular fact, that no authentic Life of John Duke of Marlborough
has been given to the public, especially when we reflect on the abundance-
of original and interesting documents preserved in the family records.
Sarah Duchess of Marlborough, indeed, collected and compiled nu
merous materials for the Life of her illustrious husband, and consigned
the task to Messrs. Glover and Mallet, who were then conspicuous in the
literary world. She intrusted to their care her valuable papers, and as—
signed by will the sum of one thousand pounds, to the author or authors
of a History of the Duke of Marlborough, but clogged the bequest with
a condition, that the work should be approved by her executors, and
even added the whimsical injunction, that it should not contain a single
line of verse.
Glover declined the undertaking, and Mallet never commenced the
work. On his death, therefore, the papers, which had been intrusted to
him, were restored to the family, and being, with others of no less value,
deposited at Blenheim, were regularly arranged by order of the late-
duke. Although accident and caprice prevented the great actions of the-
Duke of Marlborough from being displayed in their proper light, he
could not pass uncelebrated, either by his own or by subsequent ages.
We have, accordingly, many narratives of his life, printed in the various;
languages of Europe, and differing in merit and authenticity.
The earliest of these productions is a biographical sketch, concluding-
with 1713, the year in which it was printed, and is accompanied with a
Life of Prince Eugene. It is anonymous, but is dedicated to his son-
in-law, the duke of Montague, and exhibits evident proofs that the
author had served under the command of Marlborough, and shared his-
confidence. The next is that of Lediard, in three volumes octavo, printed in 1736".
The writer was patronised by the duke, attended him during his journey
into Saxony, and appears'|to have beenja diligent observer. This work,
which is principally compiled from Gazettes and other periodical publi
cations, is minute in military details, and as authentic as the means of the
author permitted. But although Lediard has introduced a few original
letters, he was unable*to obtain access to more private documents; and
therefore, is frequently mistaken in tracing the motives of action, even.
in the field, and still more in developing the secrets of the cabinet.
A 4

Vlll AUTHORS PREFACE.
In 1738, a Life of the Duke of Marlborough, in the Dutch language,
was given to the public, by Abraham de Vryer, which was principally
drawn from Lediard, with some additions from the Dutch and French
writers. It forms four volumes small octavo.
In 1742 appeared, in two volumes duodecimo, " The History of John
Duke of Marlborough, and of Francis Eugene, Prince of Savoy,"
written with perspicuity and spirit, but containing few material facts,
which had escaped the researches of preceding biographers.
Another Life, in one volume, was published by a German writer,
which is only a brief compilation from the foregoing works.
We have, lastly, to mention a recent publication, which made a consi
derable sensation in France and England, because it was written by order
of Bonaparte, and was supposed to contain several notes from his own
pen. It is intituled " Histoire de Jean Churchill, Due de Marlborough,"
and printed at the Imprimerie Imperiale, in 1805.
This history is composed in a pleasing, lively, and perspicuous style,
and the military operations are detailed with distinctness and precision. -ij
The author has drawn the substance of his narrative from Lediard. He;;
has certainly spared no pains in consulting and comparing the writers of
all countries, though he is not more fortunate than Lediard in tracing!
the motives of action, or in developing the intrigues of the cabinet; andu
for the same reason, namely, that he had access to no unpublished docu- t
ments. He was fully sensible of this deficiency, and acknowledged it .<
with laudable candour, when, in presenting a copy of his work to the '
late duke of Mailborough, he solicited information from the family
papers. *
Another work, intimately connected with the subject of these memoirs,
must be particularly noticed : —
" The Conduct of the Duchess of Marlborough ;" written by Hooke, ,
the historian, under her inspection, from her own draughts and commu
nications, and published in 1742, when she had attained the advanced age
of eighty-two. This work embraces the period, from her first introduc
tion at court, to the year 1710, and contains a curious, though* often a
partial detail, of the state of the court and parties, as well as of her long
and intimate connexion with her roval mistress.
A counter publication soon afterwards appeared, which was ascribed
to Ralph, a violent Tory writer, under the title of " The other Side
of the Question." But notwithstanding the acrimony with which he
controverts the statements of the duchess, and the partiality with which
* The writer of the work was M. Bladgett, interpreter for the marine
and colonies, who was assisted in the composition, though he conceals
the fact, by the Abbe Dutems, who died in 1 811. In Madgett's letter of
application to the Duke of Marlborough, he states that the history of
his " illustrious ancestor" had been undertaken " by the express order of
the Emperor Napoleon, a warm admirer of that gr*at man ; " and who
was much surprised at the studied neglect with which " the hero of
Blenheim had been hitherto treated by the French historians."  Ed.

AUTHOR S PREFACE. IX
" The Conduct" is written, it has formed a text-book for subsequent
historians. Several works on the military operations of our distinguished com
mander have at different times been given to the public. Among them
the most remarkable are, " Dumont's Military History of Eugene and
Marlborough," with plans of battles and sieges ; and " Brodrick's History
of the late War in the Netherlands. " Also, the " Conduct of the Duke
of Marlborough in the present War;" published in 1712, originally
written in our own language, and translated into French. Nor should 1
omit to notice a regular, though meagre Journal of his Campaigns, com
piled by Serjeant Milner, who served in the confederate army ; and
which, though minute and explicit, with regard to the marches and mili
tary movements, exhibits no higher information than might have been
expected from the rank of the writer.
Another work of superior merit contains much military intelligence
on the operations of Marlborough. It was published in 1747, from the
posthumous papers of Brigadier -general Kane, an experienced tactician,
and an eye-witness ; and has furnished much interesting matter on many
transactions, particularly on the battle of Ramilies and the siege of
Bouehain.* While employed in writing my historical works, I not only sought in
vain for an authentic account of the Duke of Marlborough, but I la
mented, as an Englishman, that no biographical monument had been
raised to the memory of so great a general and statesman ; and that his
reputation had been left to the malice of party writers, and to the misre
presentations of ignorant or prejudiced historians. Under this impres
sion, an accidental conversation with Lord Charles Spencer led me to
apply to the late Duke of Marlborough, for permission to examine the
documents at Blenheim, some of which I had formerly seen, while
attached to the family. The application was received with kindness and
complacency ; and a nearer view of this rich collection strengthened my
wish to become the biographer of his distinguished ancestor.
Three successive visits to Blenheim enabled me to examine and me
thodise the numerous materials for a history, which may be considered
as truly national. How far. I have succeeded in rendering justice to the
subject, must be left to the candid and unbiassed decision of the public.
I shall, therefore, without farther apology, describe the plan of the
work, and specify the principal authorities on which it is founded.
My object was, not merely to exhibit the Duke of Marlborough as a
general, but also as a statesman and negotiator. It was no less my wish
to delineate his character as a man, and to exhibit those qualities of his
* The title of this rare and curious work, for which I am indebted to
the kindness of Lieutenant-colonel Rooke, is, " Campaigns of King
William and the Duke of Marlborough ; with Remarks on the Strata
gems by which each battle was lost or won, from 1689 to 1712. Also, a
New System of Military Discipline for Foot in Action ; with the most
essential Exercise for Cavalry. By the late Brigadier-general Richard
Kane, governor of Minorca."

x author's preface.
mind and heart, which have either been misrepresented, or passed with
out notice.
In fulfilling my task I have endeavoured to avoid an error, too com
mon with biographers, who often hold forth the subject of their memoirs
as a perfect being, like a hero of romance, without frailty or blemish.
On the contrary, I have not hesitated to notice those failings, with which
the virtues and talents of the Duke of Marlborough were blended. In
particular, I have not attempted to conceal or palliate his clandestine
correspondence with his former sovereign and benefactor. This inter
course, although misrepresented and exaggerated in the garbled pages of
Macpherson and Dalrymple, is an historical fact, too well authenticated,
to be either controverted or denied. I have, however, scrutinised his
views and motives, and I trust have shown that he never entertained a
serious wish for the restoration of James II., or the Pretender; but that,
in common with many other persons, of all ranks and conditions, he was
merely anxious to secure a pardon, in case of a counter revolution.
In fact, it is no more than justice to the memory of this great man to
declare, that amidst the papers in the archives of Blenheim, which have
been submitted to my inspection, without reserve or limitation, not a
single hint occurs of any correspondence witli the exiled family. Even
in the numerous letters to Lord Godolphin and the duchess, which are
written in the full confidence of friendship and affection, and portray
every feeling of his mind, not the most distant allusion can be traced,;,
which malice itself could construe into an evidence of infidelity towards
his sovereign and country.
This fact is a decisive proof that his overtures to the exiled family
were never serious. Had he fostered a sincere, though latent attach
ment to the Stuart race, it must have displayed itself, either directly or
indirectly, in his long and intimate correspondence with his friend and
colleague Lord Treasurer Godolphin. On the contrary, we observe a
perpetual anxiety for the maintenance of the Protestant succession, a'
steady attachment to the glory and welfare of England, and an undimin
ished zeal for the humiliation of the French monarch, on whom the de
throned family placed their sole hopes of restoration.
In the materials to which I have had recourse, I may deem myself
particularly fortunate. Nothing, perhaps, shows the character of an in
dividual, and his true motives of action, more than his confidential
letters, which were neither expected nor intended to meet the public eye.
Of this kind is the greater part of the duke's correspondence, consisting
principally of his private communications with the duchess and the trea
surer. To assimilate, therefore, these memoirs, as nearly as possible,
with that species of biography which is at once the most interesting and
instructive, I have endeavoured to render him his own historian, by
adopting, on every important occasion, his unaffected and expressive
language, and blending his correspondence with the narrative.
The papers preserved at Blenheim form the foundation of the work,
and consist of so great a mass of materials, that it would require a
volume merely to enumerate the titles. I shall, therefore, specify only
the most remarkable.

AUTHOR S PREFACE. XI
1. The letters of the Duke of Marlborough, written in his own hand,
to his duchess and to Lord Godolphin. This correspondence, for value,
interest, and extent, is almost unparalleled ; and it seems scarcely credible,
that a general charged with such a variety of occupations, political and
military, should have found leisure to give so minute and frequent a de
tail of his sentiments, plans, operations, and arrangements. The series
commences with the year 1701, when he accompanied King William to
Holland, and ends in 1711.
2. The official, and other letters of a confidential kind, to different
persons, both at home and abroad.
3. His letters to foreign sovereigns and ministers.
4. His correspondence with the queen, which contains the most valu
able information on the secrets of the cabinet, and throws a new light on
their respective characters. It chiefly consists of copies and draughts, in
his own hand, or in that of the duchess.
5. The letters of the prime minister, Lord Treasurer Godolphin,
written also in his own hand, and equal in point of number and interest
to those of his coadjutor.
6. Numerous letters from the different sovereigns of Europe, and
their chief ministers, both of an official and private nature. Among these
we may particularly point out to notice, those of the emperors Leopold,
Joseph, and Charles, the king of Prussia, the duke of Savoy, the
electoral family of Hanover, Prince Eugene, and the imperial, Prussian,
Swedish, and Dutch ministers.
7. The diplomatic correspondence of Marlborough with the British
ambassadors and agents in the different courts of Europe, containing an
ample and original detail of public negotiations and private transactions.
8. Plans, projects, journals, and narratives relating to military affairs,
too numerous to particularise. To those from which information has
been drawn, a reference is usually given in the work.
9. The papers of the duchess are last specified, as deserving particular
attention. Of her letters to the duke, Lord Godolphin, and other friends,
only a few have been preserved, because she appears to have rigorously
exacted their destruction ; but we are enabled to trace the subjects and
tone of her correspondence from the replies of the duke and the treasurer.
She has, however, made amends for the loss of her own letters, by nu
merous narratives, remarks, and deductions, on many of the transactions
in which she or her husband were interested. These compositions,
although tinctured with her prejudices and passions, yet contain informa
tion which we might elsewhere seek in vain. Many were written for
her own vindication, and are condensed in the Justification of her Con
duct, which she published towards the close of her life, and many for the
information of her particular friends. Many, also, owe their existence
to her solicitude for the fame of her husband, and were evidently intended
for the use and information of the author to whom she consigned the task
of writing his life. Besides these, there are two narratives on the do
mestic transactions of the family, which incidentally furnish several
anecdotes relative to the Duke of Marlborough.
Her confidential correspondence with her royal mistress forms a valu-

xil AUTHORS PREFACE.
able portion of her papers. The letters of the queen appear to have been
preserved with peculiar care, and though the originals of the duchess are
chiefly destroyed or lost, she made copies of many, which relate to the
most intimate period of their intercourse. This correspondence has
enabled us to trace the rise, progress, and decline of that singular favour,
which she so long enjoyed. Although imperfect, it has also afforded the
means of detecting many inaccurate, partial, and garbled accounts, in her
own vindication, as well as in our national historians, both contemporary
and subsequent.
10. The letters of Lord Godolphin to the duchess, though compara
tively few, are yet highly valuable, as proving the influence which she
exercised over his mind, and the share she took in the political transactions
of the day.
The archives of Blenheim contain the collections of Charles earl of
Sunderland, in whose posterity the title of Marlborough now remains.
Their value may be estimated from the important part which he acted in
the political drama, and his intimate connexion with the family of the
duke. Other documents, which we have not room to specify, will be
occasionally referred to in the course of the work.
Amidst this vast mass of materials it was not possible to interweave
even the greater part of the letters and papers which I found interesting.
It was necessary to set some bounds to selection ; and I have therefore
confined myself to those which exhibit some peculiar characteristic, or
were necessary to elucidate the narrative. For the same reason I have
inserted only a few extracts from those letters of the duke which have
been already published by the duchess, Dalrymple, Macpherson, Lediard,
and others.
I have now to fulfil the grateful task of acknowledging my obligations
to those who have kindly promoted and facilitated my labours. In this
enumeration I must again testify my gratitude to the late Duke of
Marlborough, for the liberal manner in which his grace committed the
family records to my use, without the slightest control or reserve. I
have likewise to acknowledge a similar obligation to the present duke,
for continuing this indulgence, and for the interest which his grace has
been pleased to manifest in my undertaking. To Lord Churchill, for his
unremitting attentions during my stay at Blenheim, for his zeal in pro
moting my researches, as well as for the communication of several papers,
written by Sarah Duchess of Marlborough, which were consigned to
him by his mother the late duchess. Among these I may particularly
mention a manuscript volume in folio, written by a gentleman of the
name of St. Priest, under the inspection of the duchess, while she re
mained abroad. It is an early draught of the work, afterwards published
under the name of "The Conduct." To the honourable George Agar
Ellis, for his aid on many occasions, in illustrating the history of the
hero from whom he is descended. To Earl Spencer, for some interesting
communications relative to his noble family. To her grace the duchess
of Buccleugh, for granting access to the Shrewsbury Papers, containing
many valuable documents, which either directly or indirectly throw a
light on the subject of this work. Besides a few original letters from

AUTHOR S PREFACE. Xlll
the Duke of Marlborough, they consist of the interesting correspondence
of the duke of Shrewsbury with King William, Robert earl of Sunder
land, Lord Somers, and the Whig leaders, and comprise a series of letters
from Mr. Secretary Vernon to his patron, the duke of Shrewsbury, be
tween 1696 and 1706.
Having testified my obligations to the immediate descendants of John
Duke of Marlborough, I cannot in sufficient terms acknowledge the con
descension of their imperial highnesses the archdukes John and Louis.
In their passage through Salisbury they honoured me with a visit, as the
historian of the House of Austria ; and not only testified the interest
which they took in all my works, but offered me their powerful aid, in
procuring transcripts of such documents as might be found in the archives
of Vienna, or in other collections abroad. They graciously fulfilled their
promise, by forwarding to me copies of numerous letters written by the
Duke of Marlborough, to the emperors Leopold, Joseph, and Charles, as
well as to Prince Eugene and to Counts Zinzendorf and Wratislaw. These
communications have essentially elucidated and enriched my narrative.
To Lord Viscount Sidmouth, secretary of state for the home department,
I have to express my thanks for granting me access to the valuable cor
respondence in the State Paper Office. From this collection I have
drawn much information, particularly from the volumes containing the
official correspondence of the Duke of Marlborough with the secretaries
of state, and the despatches from the British ambassadors and envoys, in
foreign courts, to their own government. I have thus been enabled to
supply occasional chasms in the correspondence of the duke, and to ex
plain many public transactions, which could have been elucidated from
no other source. — ¦
Also, to the late Right Honourable John Hiley Addington, under
secretary of state for the home department, for his obliging interposition,
and for repeated proofs of friendship, on this and many other occasions.
I have again the satisfaction of repeating my obligations to my noble
friend the Earl of Hardwicke, for the use of his valuable collection ; and
particularly for several letters from Mr. Secretary Harley, and the inte
resting diary of Lord Chancellor Cowper. To the Duke of Somerset, for
some letters of Captain Bonnel, who served several campaigns under the
Duke of Marlborough, and has given -a. specific account of the march
through Germany, as well as some interesting facts relative to the battle
of Oudenard. To Lord Dynevor, for favouring me with the inspection
of the papers left by his lordship's ancestor, Adam de Cardonel, Esq.,
the confidential secretary to the Duke of Marlborough. As the duke
was not in the habit of writing French, though he spoke it fluently, this
intelligent gentleman was intrusted with the principal management of
the foreign correspondence, under the direction of his grace. He also
prepared many of the English despatches, and frequently wrote the rough
draughts of others, which the duke had not leisure to compose : he was,
besides, the channel of the most secret communications. Hence this
collection contains numerous and interesting materials, which it is need
less to particularise, because reference is made to such as have been
consulted in the narrative.

XIV AUTHOR'S PREFACE.
I am indebted to the late Louis Montolieu, Esq., for the voluntary
transmission of two journals, kept by his grandfather, Louis Baron de
Montolieu, and his great uncle, the Baron de Montolieu St. Hippolite,
who were both generals in the service of the duke of Savoy, and enjoyed
his confidence. These documents have supplied me with some curious
anecdotes relative to the campaigns in Italy, and the relief of Turin; as
well as an interesting narrative from Count Maffei to the duke of Savoy,
describing the battle of Oudenard.
To Hans Sloane, Esq., for obtaining the use of the papers and docu
ments left by Lord Cadogan, quarter-master-general of the army, the
favourite and confidant of Marlborough, who figured in all his campaigns,
and was justly famous for activity and professional skill.
To the Rev. George May, chaplain to the late Duke of Marlborough,
for selecting the papers from the archives at Blenheim, and for his con
tinued and zealous aid, during the progress of the work.
To Sir George Nayler, York Herald, for his valuable assistance in
tracing the genealogy of the Churchills ; and for much information
respecting the armorial bearings of the family, as well as for the copies
of the three patents, which are printed in the Appendix.
To Charles Bowles, Esq., of Shaftesbury, for his laborious researches
and valuable aid in tracing the genealogy of the Churchill family.
To the Bavarian minister at the British court, M. de Pfeffel, for ob
taining considerable information on the subject of the principality of
Mindelheim, and particularly for his interposition with the Count de
Montgelas, principal minister of the king of Bavaria, who gave orders
for various communications from the royal archives, in the heraldic and
geographical departments.
To convey a just idea of military operations requires an acquaintance
both with the practice and theory of war ; and I should have scarcely
ventured to enter minutely into a subject foreign to my profession, with
out the co-operation of an able officer- The acknowledgments due to
such an assistant, I have to offer to Major Smith, late of the quarter
master-general's department, author of " The History of the Seven Years'
War," and translator of the " Secret Stratagetical Instructions " of
Frederick II.
To this intelligent officer I am indebted for much general information
on subjects connected with his profession, and particularly for the com
munication of his elaborate memorials on the signal victories of Blenheim,
Ramilies, Oudenard, and Malplaquet, from which I have principally
drawn my descriptions. To his invaluable assistance I also owe the
masterly accounts of the movements previous to the battle of Malplaquet,
and of the military operations in the celebrated campaign of 1711.
As the plans of the battles and military movements were chiefly con
structed under his inspection, I may, without incurring the imputation
of vanity, venture to flatter myself that they will be found no way inferior
to any thing of the kind yet given to the public. Professional men will
best estimate their accuracy, and those who have no insight into military
affairs need only compare them with the plans hitherto published to
appreciate their value.

AUTHOR S PREFACE. XV
To Major Freeth, of the quarter-master-general's department, I am
indebted for much useful assistance on military subjects, and for the plan
of the operations on the Danube, during the splendid campaign of 1704,
as well as for that of the attack on the French lines in 1705.
In enumerating a list of those who have contributed their aid it would
be injustice not to repeat my grateful acknowledgments to Mr. Hatcher,
my late secretary, now postmaster of Salisbury, for his able and inde
fatigable assistance in preparing these memoirs for the press.
I shall close this preface with a few explanatory remarks. Many of
the letters are without date, and others are distinguished only by the
name of the month or day of the week. The greater part of the corre
spondence between the duke, the duchess, and Lord Godolphin, is also
mingled with ciphers, to which there is no key ; and the ciphers were
evidently changed several times. In all these cases I have endeavoured
to ascertain the dates and names, and have generally succeeded. With
regard to the ciphers, whenever I could appropriate them with certainty,
I have omitted the figures; and where I was doubtful, I have either
annexed the cipher to my explanation, or left it unexplained.
In regard to the dates, the difference between the old and new style
has occasioned some perplexity. All the letters from the queen, Godol
phin, and the duchess, are in the old style, to which I have occasionally
added the new ; but the two styles being frequently intermingled in those
of the duke, I marked the new style, wherever I could ascertain that the
old was used.
I deem it necessary to apprise the reader, that the principal part of the
correspondence is taken from the records at Blenheim, to which specific
references are omitted, as superfluous; but the papers from other collec
tions are, in most instances, indicated. All the letters from foreign
sovereigns and ministers are translated from the originals, which are
chiefly written in the French language.
It may, perhaps, appear unnecessary to apologise for the adoption of
the modern orthography, in the correspondence which is interwoven with
the narrative. The Duke of Marlborough lived in an age when little
attention was paid to the minor departments of grammar ; and he, like
his friend Eugene, wrote with the carelessness of a soldier, not with the
precision of a man of letters. To have given literal transcripts of his
epistles would have afforded little gratification to those who look rather
to things than to words, and who are more anxious to be acquainted with
his thoughts than with his orthography. Besides, in point of taste, it
would be useless to urge how much the pages of an historical narrative
would have been disfigured by variations in spelling, arising from haste
and inattention, from the careless habit of the times, or from long resi
dence abroad. This innovation is, however, merely literal; for the
language of the letters, in all cases, is scrupulously preserved.

CONTENTS

THE FIEST VOLUME.

Chap. I. — Birth and Education of Marlborough. His Court Life. Cam
paigns with the French Army. Marriage with Miss Sarah Jennings.
Mission to the Prince of Orange - Page 1
II  .Churchill travels with the Duke of York. Employed on Political
Missions. Birth of his eldest Daughter. Created Lord Churchill.
Rise of his Wife's Favour with the Princess Anne - 11
III. — Accession of James. Embassy to Paris. Expedition against, the
Duke of Monmouth. Battle of Sedgemoor. Alarmed at the King's
Attempts to introduce Popery. Correspondence with the Prince of
Orange. His Conduct during and after the Revolution - 16
IV. — Marlborough obtains the Confidence of the King. Expedition to
Ireland. Commencement of his clandestine Intercourse with the
exiled Monarch. His Campaign in the Netherlands - -25
V  Court Dissensions. Marlborough's Remonstrances against the King's
partiality towards his Dutch Adherents. Dismissed from all his
Employments. Cabal against him by the Eail of Portland and the
Villiers family. Marlborough arrested on a charge of High Treason,
and committed to the Tower. His intercourse with the exiled Family.
Struck from the List of Privy Counsellors - - - 33
VI.— Marlborough offers his Services to King William. Death of Queen
Mary, and Reconciliation of the King with the Princess of Denmark.
Discloses the intended Enterprise against Brest. Sir John Fenwick's
unfounded Charges. Marlborough made Governor to the Duke of
Gloucester. Restored to his military Hank and Employments. Sup
ports Bishop Burnet against the Attacks of the Tories. Death of the
Duke of Gloucester - 40
VII. — Marriages of Marlborough's two Daughters. Characters of his
Friends, Lords Godolphin and Sunderland - - - 50
VIII. — Resumption of the Irish Grants. Dismission of tlie Whigs, and
Formation of a Tory Ministry. Character and Principles of Harley.
Death of Charles II. of Spain. Appeal of the King to Parliament
against the Usurpation of the Spanish Monarchy by France. Clamours
of the Nation against the Parliament. Marlborough appointed Com
mander-in-chief in the Netherlands, and Plenipotentiary - -55
IX. — Marlborough accompanies King William to Holland. Formation
of the Grand Alliance against France. Anxiety of Marlborough to
VOI.. I. a

XV111 CONTENTS.
avert the Fall of the Tory Ministry. Death of James II., and acknow
ledgment of his Son as King of England by Louis XIV. Changes in
Administration. Death of King William. His dying Recommenda
tion of Marlborough to his Successor - - Page 66
X. — Accession of Anne. Favours conferred on the Marlborbughs-Ajodol-
phin at the head of the Treasury. Mission of Marlborough to the
Hague. Bickerings of the Queen and the Countess of Marlborough.
Embarrassments of Marlborough and Godolphin in consequence 76
XI  Return of Marlborough to the Hague. Appointed Generalissimo.
Situation of the Armies. Attempt of the French to surprise Nimeguen.
Marlborough repairs to the Army. Delays arising from the Timidity
of the Dutch Government, and hesitation of their Generals. Passage
of the Waal. Camp at Over- Asselt - - 84
XII. — Marlborough crosses the Meuse and advances to Hamont. Move
ments of the two Armies. Dutch Deputies oppose the Wishes of
Marlborough to attack the Enemy. Indignation and Disappointment
of the Army. Capture of Venloo, Ruremond, and Stevenswaert.
Reduction of Liege. Winter Quarters - - - 91
XIII  Passage of Marlborough down the Meuse. Captured by a French
Party. Arrival at the Hague. Unfortunate Expedition to Cadiz 98
XIV. — Return of Marlborough to England. The Queen confers on him
a Dukedom, with a Pension of 5000/. a Year from the Post-office,
Proposal to unite this Grant with the Title rejected by the Commons.
Marlborough supports the Grant of a Settlement to the Prince of
Denmark. Supports the Bill against occasional Conformity 101
X V. — Death of the Marquis of Blandford. Marriages of his two younger
Daughters .... . 105
XVI. — Accession of Portugal to the Confederacy. Extensive Flans of
the French Court. Arrival of Marlborough at the Hague. Surrender
of Bonn - 112
XVII. — Grand Plan for the Attack of Antwerp. Foiled by the Mis
conduct of the Dutch Generals. Return of Marlborough to the
Meuse -- - ---118
XVIII. — Political Feuds in the English Cabinet. Struggles between
the Whigs and Tories. Attempt of the Duchess to form a Coalition
between her Husband and the Whigs. Party Contentions in Scot
land - 128
XI X — Reduction of Huy. New Proposal of Marlborough to force the
French Lines. Capture of Limburg and Guelder. Plan of the French
for the Invasion of Austria. Defection of the Duke of Savoy from
the French to the Allies. The Archduke Charles proclaimed" King
of Spain at Vienna. His Interview with Marlborough at Dusseldorf.
Arrives at the Hague. Lands in England. Receives the new King
of Spain. His parliamentary Conduct on the Revival of the Bill
against occasional Conformity - _ 137
XX  Melancholy Situation of Affairs abroad. Plans of the French and
Bavarians. Intended Invasion of Austria. Grand Desi<m of Marl
borough to lead an Army into the Empire. Secrecy and Address
displayed in its Execution. His Mission to Holland, and Negotiations

CONTENTS. XIX
with the States. Return to England. Arrangements for the Removal
of Nottingham, and for the Appointment of Harley and St. John to
the Offices of Secretary of State and Secretary at War - Page 146
XXI. — Arrangements of Marlborough for the Campaign. Returns to
the Continent. Difficulties in obtaining Aid from the States. Com
mences his March towards the Danube. Gradual Development of
his Plans. Arrival at Mentz. March of French Reinforcements into
Bavaria. Negligence of the Margrave of Baden in permitting their
Junction with the Elector - - - - 153
XXII  Marlborough reaches the Neckar. Direction of his March to
wards the Danube. Counter Movements of the Enemy. Interviews
of Marlborough with Prince Eugene and the Margrave of Baden.
Disposition of the Command, and Plan of Operations. Eugene heads
the Army on the Rhine, and the Margrave shares the Command with
Marlborough. Failure of the Dutch Generals in their attempt to
force the French Lines. The Emperor offers to Marlborough a Prin
cipality of the Empire. Junction of the Armies under Marlborough
and the Margrave. Their arrival and commencement of Operations
on the Danube - - 160
XXIII. — Victory of the Schellenberg ¦ -169
XXIV. — Gallo- Bavarians commence their Retreat to Augsburg. Allies
occupy Donawert. Pass the Danube, and capture Rain, Aicha, and
Friedburgh. Negotiation with the Elector of Bavaria. His Country
given up to Military Execution. A Principality of the Empire again
offered to Marlborough - 178
XXV. — Advance of Tallard from the Rhine, and Junction with the
Elector of Bavaria. Arrival of Eugene in the Plain of Blenheim.
Critical Situation of the Confederates. Skilful Manoeuvres of Marl
borough to unite the two Armies. Investment of Ingoldstadt by the
Margrave. Movement of the Gallo- Bavarians to the left Bank of the
Danube. Communications of Eugene and Marlborough. Passage
of the Danube by Marlborough, and Junction of their Forces on the
Kessel. Position of the French at Hochstadt. Preparations and
Movements of the Confederates for an Engagement. Description of
the Valley of the Danube, the Scene of the approaching Conflict 183
XXVI. — Battle of Blenheim - - - 191
XXVII. — The two Commanders enter Hochstadt, visit Marshal Tal
lard, and divide the Prisoners. Happy Effects of the Union between
Eugene and Marlborough. Losses of the two Armies. Lawingen
and Dillengen secured. Advance to Steinheim. Negotiation with
the Electress of Bavaria - - - - 210
XXVIII. — Confederate armies march towards the Rhine. Pass the
Rhine, the Queich, and the Lauter. Motives for the Siege of Landau.
Marlborough receives a new offer of the Principality from the Em
peror ------- 218
XXIX. — Indisposition of Marlborough. Expedition to the Moselle.
Capture of Treves. Siege of Traeibach. Correspondence on this
Enterprise. Return to the Camp before Landau - - 224
XXX  Effects of the Battle of Blenheim in England and abroad. Let-
a2

XX CONTENTS.
ters of fhe Queen and Mrs. Burnett. Violence of the disaffected.
Attempts of the Tories to decry the Successes of Marlborough.
Letters to his Duchess on the State of Parties - - Page 231
XXXI. — Treaty with the Electress of Bavaria. Attempts to mediate
an Accommodation between the Court of Vienna and the Insurgents
in Hungary. State of the War in Portugal, and Arrangements made
by Marlborough. Journey to Berlin. Visits Hanover. Returns to
the Hague - - 238
XXXII. — Bill against occasional Conformity. Marlborough arrives
in England. Accumulated Honours and Rewards. The Queen
confers on him the Manor of Woodstock, and orders the Palace of
Blenheim to be built for his Residence - - 246
XXXIII. — Unpopularity of the Tories. State of Parties. Charac
ters of the Whig Junta. Political System of Marlborough and Godol
phin. Disgrace of Buckingham. Admission of Whigs into the Offices
of Government. Sunderland's Appointment as Ambassador to Vienna.
Embarrassments of Marlborough from political Feuds 253
XXXIV., — Marlborough arrives at the Hague. Difficulty in obtain
ing the Consent of the Dutch to his Plan of Operations. Court of
Vienna and the Margrave of Baden. Death of the Emperor Leopold
and Accession of Joseph. Interview of Marlborough with the Mar
grave at Rastadt. March of the Troops to the Moselle 265
XXXV. — Marlborough joins his army near Treves. Reparations and
Plans of France. Villars appointed to the Command of the Army on
the Moselle. His defensive Position on the Heights of Sirk. Move
ments of Villeroy against Overkirk. Capture of Huy and Investment
of Liege. Equivocal Conduct of Prince Louis. Want of Horses
and Requisites for the Siege of Saar Louis. Scarcity of Provisions
and Forage. Rapid Return of Marlborough to the Meuse. Recovers
Huy, and compels the French to retire behind the Lines 273
XXXVI. — Marlborough forces the French Lines of Brabant, and
defeats the Enemy. Obtains Possession of Tirlemont, Diest, and
Aerschot. Drives the Enemy beyond the Dyle. and advances to the
Suburbs of Louvain. Obstacles to his further Progress, and unjust
Censures on his Conduct. Foiled in his Attempt to pass the Dyle
by the Opposition of the Dutch Deputies - - 288
XXXVII. — Attempt of Marlborough to force the Dyle counteracted
by the Dutch. New Design to march round the Sources of the Dyle,
and force the Position of the Enemy on the Ische. Again thwarted
by his factious Opponents. Malicious Opposition of Slangenberg and
his Adherents. Retreat to Lower Wavre - 298
XXXVIII. — Letter of Marlborough to the States against the Conduct
of the Deputies and Generals. Sensation in England and Holland.
Marlborough's Chagrin at Misrepresentations in the Gazette. Capture
of Leuwe and Rasure of the Lines. Indisposition and Recovery of
Marlborough. New Arrangements relative to the Dismission of
Slangenberg. Overtures from France to the Dutch - - 312
XXXIX  Demolition of the French Lines. Establishment of the
Army in the Camp of Herenthals. State of the War in Portuoal

CONTENTS. X33
and Spain. Capture of Barcelona. Acknowledgment of Charles in
Valencia and Catalonia. Distressed Situation of the Duke of Savoy.
Solicitations of the Imperial Court for Succours. Marlborough urged
to repair to Vienna. Correspondence with the British Cabinet and
Negotiations with the Dutch - - Page 326
XL. — Struggle for the Transfer of the Great Seal. Increasing Strength
of the Whigs in the new Elections. Appeal of the Queen to Marl
borough. Cowper appointed Lord Keeper. Meeting of Parliament.
Choice of a Whig Speaker. Speech from the Throne. Party Bicker
ings .... . 345
XL1  Journey of Marlborough to Vienna. Interview with the Mar
grave of Baden at Frankfort, and with the Elector Palatine at Berns-
berg. Flattering Reception at Vienna. The Emperor creates him a
Prince of the Empire. Letter from Prince Eugene on the State of
Affairs. Pretensions of the King of Prussia. Success of his Nego
tiations. Journey to Berlin. Pacifies the Feuds between the King
of Prussia and the Emperor. Visit to Hanover. Conciliates the
Electoral Family. Arrival at the Hague. Complaints from Eugene
and Wratislaw. Accomplishes the necessary Arrangements for the
vigorous Prosecution of the War - 354
XLII. — Marlborough and Godolphin censured by the Tories for their
Coalition with the Whigs. Clamours on the Danger of the Church.
Libellous Publications. Marlborough arrives in England. Recon
ciliation of Harley and the Whig Leaders. Anecdote from Lord
Cowper's Diary - - 376
XLIII  The Lordship of Mindelheim erected into a Principality, and
conferred on Marlborough. Historical Account of the Territory.
Ceremonies of Investiture, Homage, and Introduction to the Diet.
Description of the Principality - 379
XLIV. — Arrival of Marlborough at the Hague. Gloomy State of
Foreign Affairs. His Design of leading an Army into Italy. Project
for a Descent on the Western Coast of France. Difficulty of obtain
ing Troops for the Expedition. Negotiations with Prussia, Denmark,
and Hanover. Success of the French on the Upper Rhine. Project
for the Surprise of Namur. Opening of the Campaign. Offensive
Movement of the Enemy, and Countermovement of the Allies 393
XLV. — Battle of Ramilies. Advance of the Confederates. Congratu
latory Letters from St. John and Prior. Rejoicings for the Victroy
in England ... - 407
XL VI. — Surrender of Brussels, Ghent, and the principal Towns of
Brabant. News of the Relief of Barcelona, and disastrous Retreat of
Philip into France. Congratulatory Letter from Marlborough to
Lord Peterborough. Surrender of Antwerp. Journey of .Marl
borough to the Hague. Capture of Ostend - - 422
XL VII. — Jarring Interests of the Dutch and the House of Austria.
Offer of the Government to Marlborough by the Emperor and King
Charles. Obliged to decline it, from the Opposition of the Dutch.
Ulterior Difficulties and Correspondence - - 435
XLVIII  Sieges of Blenin, Dendermond, and Ath. Correspondence

XX11 CONTENTS.
of Marlborough during these Operations. Prevented by the Dutch
from closing the Campaign with the Capture of Mons. Visits Brus.
sels. Distributes the Troops into Winter Quarters. Repairs to the
Hague - - - - Page 449
XLIX.— Disastrous Commencement of the Campaign in Italy. Danger
of the Duke of Savoy. Siege of Turin. Junction of Eugene with the
Duke of Savoy. Defeat of the French and Relief of Turin. Impoli
tic and selfish Views of the Imperial Court. Letters from Lord Go
dolphin. Recovery of the Milanese, and Blockade of the French
Troops in Lombardy. Inactivity of the Campaign on the Upper
Rhine. Complaints and Recriminations of the Imperial Ministers and
the Margrave of Baden. Events of the Campaign in Spain. March
of the Anglo- Portuguese to Madrid. Disputes between Charles and
Lord Peterborough. The Gallo- Spaniards recover from their Dis
aster, and straiten the Allies. Arrival of Charles in the allied Camp
in Guadalaxara. Contentions among the Generals. Departure of
Lord Peterborough. Retreat of the Allies into Valencia. Complaints
against Lord Peterborough. Disappointments of Marlborough. Cor
respondence. Arrival of Lord Rivers with Reinforcements. His
Intrigues against the other Generals. Expedition of Charles to Cata
lonia ------ 458
L. — Anxiety of Marlborough and Godolphin to obtain the Guarantee of
the Protestant Succession from Foreign Powers. Negotiations on the
Subject with the Dutch. Difficulties relative to the Dutch Barrier.
Correspondence. Effects of the exorbitant Demands advanced by the
States. Dissatisfaction of the House of Austria. Private Overtures
made by France to the Republic. Rejected. New Proposal for a
Negotiation through the Elector of Bavaria. Conduct of Marlbo
rough. Decision of England and Holland to decline the proffered
Negotiation. Reply to the Elector. Public Communication to the
Ministers of the Allies. Attempts of Marlborough to allay the Dis
putes between the Emperor and the Dutch ... 478

Additional Notes and Illustrations by the Editor - 498

MEMOIRS

JOHN DUKE OF MARLBOROUGH.

Chap. I. — Education and Makriage. — ,1650-1678.
John Churchill, Duke of Marlborough, was the second
son of Winston Churchill, the representative of a family of
note, long settled in Devonshire, which had suffered on the
royalist side in the war of Charles I. with his parliament.
He was born at Ashe, the seat of his maternal grandfather,
Sir John Drake, on the 24th of June, 1650.
Winston, the eldest son, dying in infancy, John became
heir to the family name and declining fortunes. Of the
education of a person afterwards so illustrious, we only
know that he was brought up under the care of his father,
who was himself a man of letters, and author of a political
history of England, entitled Divi Britannici. He was also
instructed in the rudiments of knowledge by a neighbouring
clergyman of great learning and piety ; and from him, doubt
less, imbibed that deep sense of religion, and zealous attach
ment to the Church of England, which were never obliterated
amidst the dissipation of a court, the cares of political busi
ness, or the din of arms.
Soon after the Kestoration, when his father was established
at court, we find him in the metropolis, and placed in the
school of St. Paul's.* He did not, however, remain a sufficient
* This fact is thrice mentioned in the Life of Dean Collet, the founder
of the school, by Dr. Knight, prebendary of Ely, who was himself a
VOL. I. B

2 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. I.
time to reap the advantages afforded by this foundation ; for
he was removed to the theatre of active life, at a period
when the ordinary course of liberal education is scarcely
more than half completed.
The interest of Sir Winston Churchill enabled him to secure
establishments for his rising family. Arabella, his only
daughter, was introduced at court, soon after the Eestoration,
as maid of honour to the first duchess of York ; and John
was appointed page of honour to the duke.
The example and military spirit of the father was not
without effect on the son. At an early period he manifested
a decided inclination for the profession of arms, which did
not escape the notice of the duke of York, in the frequent
reviews of the two regiments of foot guards, which he was
accustomed to exercise. On one of these occasions, being
asked by his royal patron what profession he preferred, and
in what manner he should provide for him, he threw himself
on his knees, and warmly petitioned that he might be ap
pointed to a pair of colours in one of those fine regiments
whose discipline he had admired. The request was graciously
received ; and the enterprising youth gratified with the pair
of colours so earnestly desired.
Many idle stories have been detailed by the memoir writers,
scholar, and published his work soon after the death of the duke. The
following anecdote connected with the education of this great man ap
pears somewhat questionable. He is supposed to have imbibed his pas.
sion for a military life from the perusal of Vegetius de re Militari, which
was then in the school library. The anecdote was thus recorded by the
Rev. G. North, rector of Colyton, in his copy of Vegetius, p. 483, pre
sented to the Bodleian Library, by the late Mr. Gough ; communicated
by the head librarian, the Rev. Mr. Bandinel.
" From this very book, John Churchill, scholar of this school, after
wards the celebrated Duke of Marlborough, first learnt the elements of
the art of war, as was told to me, George North, on St. Paul's Day,
1724-25, by an old clergyman, who said he was a contemporary scholar,
was then well acquainted with him, and frequently saw him read it.
This I testify to be true. G. North."
It is not very probable that a boy should have read so difficult a bock
as Vegetius, at so early an age, particularly as we can trace no indication
that he possessed such an intimate acquaintance with the Latin tongue,
as the study of this author must have required. The restless curiosity
of youth might however have prompted him to look into this book, which
contains amusing prints, not unlikely to have attracted his attention.

1650-1678.] serves in Holland. 3
or rather the novelists of later times, respecting his early
rise. The origin of his fortune has been ascribed wholly to
the influence of his sister, Arabella, afterwards mistress to
the duke of York. But although it would be absurd to
assert that he derived no advantage from the favour which
she subsequently enjoyed, we may justly conclude that she
did not contribute to his first promotion. He received his
commission at the age of sixteen, before she had attracted the
notice of the duke ; and the personal qualifications, and
bravery which he soon afterwards displayed at Tangier,
together with the services of his father, render it scarcely
necessary to seek any other cause for his rapid advance
ment than his ardour for a military life, his martial ap
pearance, and rising merits.
The retailers of anecdotes have also sought romantic causes
for his first military expedition. Some assert that his
comely person attracted the notice of the duchess of York ;
others, that he captivated the duchess of Cleveland, the king's
mistress ; and that the jealousy of one of the royal brothers
was the cause of his temporary banishment to Tangier, then
a dependency of the British crown, and besieged by the
Moors. The absurdity of this tale is sufficiently proved by
the shortness of his absence, and his recall by the duke of
York himself. Indeed, it was perfectly natural that a high-
spirited youth, full of enthusiasm for his profession, should
resign the pleasures of a court, to acquire renown on the
only theatre which was then open to British valour. His
conduct proved that he was actuated by a native spirit of
enterprise. He eagerly engaged in the frequent sallies and
skirmishes which occurred during the course of the siege ;
and in this desultory warfare gave the first indications of
his active and daring character.
Returning to England from Tangier, he resumed his at
tendance on the duke of York, from whom, as well as from
the king, he received daily proofs of favour. In 1672,
when England united with Erance against Holland, he ac
companied the detachment of 6000 men, which was sent
abroad under the duke of Monmouth ; and shortly after his
arrival on the Continent, was appointed captain of gren
adiers in the duke's regiment.. This service was particularly
calculated to call forth and improve his military talents.
B 2

4 LIFE OP MARLBOROUGH. [CH. L
The French army, though nominally under the command of
Louis XIV., was directed by the two greatest generals of
the age, Marshal Turenne and the Prince of Conde. With
a boldness and rapidity till then almost unknown, they re
duced, in the space of a few months, the fortresses on the
Rhine to its separation from the Meuse, overran the province
of Utrecht, and. advanced to the vicinity of Amsterdam. In
these operations Captain Churchill not only signalised him
self in the regular course of military duty, but volunteered
his service on every occasion of difficulty and danger. At
the siege of Nimeguen he attracted the discerning eye of
Turenne, who from that period spoke of him by the familiar
title of his handsome Englishman, and shortly afterwards
put his spirit to the test. A lieutenant-colonel having scan
dalously abandoned, without resistance, a station which he
was enjoined to defend to the last extremity, Turenne ex
claimed, " I will bet a supper and a dozen of claret, that my
handsome Englishman will recover the post, with half the
number of men that the officer commanded who has lost it!"
The wager was instantly accepted, and the event justified the
•confidence of the general ; for Captain Churchill, after a
short but desperate struggle, expelled the enemy, and main
tained the post.
In the ensuing year, he signalised himself at the siege of
Maestricht. A lodgment having been made in the half-
moon, he accompanied the storming party, which was led by
the duke of Monmouth, and at the head of his own company
planted the banner of France on the rampart. Before morn
ing, however, the enemy sprang a mine, and rushing forward
at the moment of the explosion, recovered the work. But the
duke of Monmouth, with a party of only twelve, among
whom was Captain Churchill, traversed the ditch, penetrated
through a postern inttfthe half-moon, and being seconded by
the bravest of their soldiers, regained the lodgment. The
captain was slightly wounded in the action.
For this service he received the thanks of Louis XIV. at
the head of the army, and a strong recommendation to the
notice of his own sovereign. The duke of Monmouth also gene
rously conceded to him the whole honour of the exploit; and on
presenting him to Charles H., after a warm eulogium on his

1650-1678.] his court life. 5
conduct and courage, added, " To the bravery of this gallant
officer I owe my life."
The interest taken in his behalf was proved by his rapid
advancement. Amidst the vacillations of Charles between
the French and Dutch, he still continued to serve in the
English forces left at the disposition of France ; and on the
3d of April, 1 674, was appointed by Louis colonel of the
English regiment, which was vacant by the resignation of
Lord Peterborough. In this rank he appears to have served
during the German campaign of Turenne, and to have been
present at the battle of Sinzheim, when the imperialists were
worsted, and their defeat was followed by the memorable
devastation of the Palatinate. There is little doubt also
that he assisted in some of the military operations between
1675 and 1677, after the death of his patron Turenne. In
these active campaigns, so intelligent an officer caught the
spirit of his great commanders, matured and exercised his
talents, and laid the foundation of that consummate skill
which rendered him the wonder of his contemporaries, and
the admiration of succeeding ages.
During this interval Colonel Churchill occasionally ex
changed his military labours for attendance on his royal
patron, the duke of York, who, in 1673, had appointed him
gentleman of his bed-chamber, and afterwards raised him to
the post of master of the robes.
So handsome and accomplished an officer could not fail to
be entangled in the gallantries of a dissipated court. But we
spare the reader the detail of these irregularities, which are
doubtless exaggerated by the licentious pens of that and sub
sequent times. We shall barely advert to an anecdote which
has obtained credit relative to a connexion with the duchess
of Cleveland, whom he is accused of treating afterwards
with the basest ingratitude. The falsity of this tale will be
sufficiently shown by the observation that it is originally
drawn from so impure and questionable a source as the New
Atalantis.* Admitting, however, that Colonel Churchill
* Mrs. Manley, from whom the scandal-mongers of the time drew
their information, was one of the most abandoned women of her age,
She wrote the New Atalantis under the auspices of the Tories, and in her
licentious romances laboured to vilify the characters of those who were
politically adverse to her protectors. Among these she has singled out
e 3

6 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. I.
might have experienced the liberality of the duchess, we need
not seek for the cause in an intercourse of gallantry, since
he had a strong claim to her protection from affinity, being
nearly related to her on the side of his mother, who was her
cousin. Whatever may have been the conduct of Colonel Churchill
during the fervour of youth, and amidst the temptations of a
dissolute court, his irregularities soon yielded to the influence
of a purer passion, which recalled him from licentious con
nexions, and gave a colour to his future life : we allude to his
courtship and marriage with Miss Sarah Jennings, daughter
of Richard Jennings, Esq., of Sandridge, near St. Alban's, a
gentleman of an ancient and distinguished lineage.
The family of Jennings, like that of Churchill, was de
voted to the royal cause, and consequently enjoyed consider
able favour at court after the Restoration ; for we find two
daughters of Mr. Jennings at an early period filling honour
able situations in the royal household. Frances, the eldest,
one of the most lovely women of the age, was placed about
the person of the duchess of York. She espoused Sir
George Hamilton, grandson of James second earl of Aber-
corn, a marechal de camp in the French service.* Sarah,
the younger sister, was also introduced into the court of the
duchess of York, at the early age of twelve. She grew up
under the protection of her royal patroness, and became the
companion of the Princess Anne. Though not so trans-
cendently lovely as her sister, her animated countenance and
commanding figure attracted numerous admirers ; and even
in the dawn of beauty she received advantageous offers of
marriage from different persons of consideration, among
the Duke of Marlborough, whom she designates under the name of
Count Fortunatus ; and makes him an agent in the most improbable and
romantic adventures. This woman was imprisoned for some of her lam
poons ; but Swift, in the true spirit of party, did not blush to recommend
her for a remuneration as having suffered in the Tory cause. She was
also employed by that party in writing the Examiner, after Swift had
relinquished it, and he allows that he supplied her with some of his
venom to asperse Marlborough, and other eminent statesmen.
* For a particular account of this lady, see the entertaining memoirs
of the Count Grammont, written by her brother-in-law, Anthony, Count
Hamilton. [These "charming" memoirs, as the Edinburgh Review
once termed them, have been reprinted as an extra volume of Bonn's
Standard Library.] — Ed.

1650-1678.] his courtship. 7
whom we may reckon the earl of Lindsay, afterwards
marquis of Ancaster. In the midst of a licentious court,
she maintained an unspotted reputation, and was as much
respected for her prudence and propriety of conduct, as she
was admired for the charms of her person and the vivacity
of her conversation. Of this young lady Colonel Churchill
became enamoured when she had scarcely completed her
sixteenth year ; and his person, politeness, and amenity of
manners, joined with his reputation for bravery, made an
early and deep impression on her heart.
Nothing is perhaps more trivial than the general corre
spondence of lovers. Still however the minutest feelings of
a great mind are not without interest, and it gratifies our
natural curiosity to trace the sentiments of extraordinary
characters in those situations into which they fall in common
with the generality of mankind. The letters of the colonel
and his future consort display the peculiar features of their
respective characters ; and show the origin and growth of
that deep and ardent attachment to which he owed a higher
degree both of happiness and disquietude than usually
accompanies the nuptial union. His notes in particular
breathe a romantic tenderness ancLieen sensibility, which
appear foreign to the general sedateness of his character.
Indeed this correspondence fully exemplifies the eulogium
afterwards paid to him by King William, that to the coolest
head he united the warmest heart. The letters of the lady
evince, on the other hand, the vivacity and petulance of her
temper ; and display that alternate haughtiness and courtesy
which gave her so powerful a command over the passions of
those to whom she was attached.
The courtship passed through the usual forms of coyness
and ardour, professions on the part of the lover, and reserve
on the part of the lady ; and was attended with numberless
complaints and apologies, bickerings and reconciliations.
Several obstacles also gave strength to their mutual passion,
as well as retarded their union. The first difficulty arose
from the want of a competent establishment. Colonel
Churchill could not expect any fortune from his father, who
had several children, and was embarrassed in circumstances;
and his own actual income consisted in places and emolu
ments at court, with an annuity of 5001. which he had pur-
B 4

8 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. I.
chased from Lord Halifax in 1674.* The family property of
the lady was more ample than that of her lover, but was
considerably encumbered, by the provision made for the esta
blishment of her grandfather's numerous issue. f Her portion
therefore at this period was small ; and it was not till some
time after the marriage that it was augmented, by the death
of her brothers without issue. Some pecuniary arrange
ment appears to have been proposed in their favour by the
duchess of York, but at first it was rejected by the lady, in
a fit of spleen and dissatisfaction.
The next obstacle was derived from the opposition of Sir
Winston and Lady Churchill, who were anxious to unite
their son with a lady of considerable fortune, though less
favoured with the gifts of nature than Miss Jennings. The
report of this alliance being circulated, awakened her alarm
and resentment, and she not only reproached him with selfish
ness and infidelity, but with affected disinterestedness urged
him to renounce an attachment which militated against his
worldly prospects. At the same time she declared that, to
escape from his further importunities, she would accompany
* Among the Blenheim papers is the original agreement, dated in
1674, stating that Colonel Churchill had purchased from Lord Halifax
an annuity of 500Z. per annum, for the sum of 4500/.
[Archdeacon Coxe has rather slurred over this period of the duke's his
tory. According to Lord Chesterfield, the gratuity Colonel Churchill
received from the duchess of Cleveland, and which he so providently in
vested, was the foundation of his fortune ; it certainly encouraged him to
marry, and live virtuously afterwards. Touching on this pecuniary obliga
tion to his patroness his lordship remarks, " He had most undoubtedly'
good plain understanding, with sound judgment. But these alone would
probably have raised him but something higher than they found him, which
was page to King James II. 's queen. Then the graces protected and
promoted him ; for while he was an ensign in the guards, the duchess
of Cleveland, then favourite mistress of the king, struck by these very
graces, gave him 5000Z., with which he immediately bought an annuity of
5001. a year of my grandfather, Halifax, which was the foundation of
7iis subsequent fortune." ( Chesterfield's Letters, vol. i. p. 1S6.)
The purchase of the Hfe annuity gave rise to the satirical remark of
Swift, " that the same grain of caution which disposes a man to till his
coffers, will teach him how to preserve them at all events ; and I dare
hold a wager that the Duke of Marlborough, in all his campaigns, was
never known to lose his baggage."] — Ed.
¦f He had twenty-four children  Ed.

1650-1678.] HIS MARRIAGE. 9
her sister, the countess of Hamilton, on an intended journey
to Paris. This reproach drew from the lover a warm remon
strance against her injustice and cruelty, and a pathetic
appeal to her affection, which was not made in vain. The
reconciliation was soon followed by their marriage, but at
what precise time it took place we have not been able to
ascertain, though it must have been in the beginning of
1678.* The ceremony was privately performed in the pre
sence of the duchess of York, who honoured the bride with
gifts of considerable value, and was not declared for some
months. From the time of his marriage, till 1683, Colonel
Churchill had no settled home, but submitted to frequent
separations from his beloved wife. Being attached to the
service of the duke of York, he was hurried from place to
place ; sometimes despatched on missions of importance
abroad, and sometimes following the emigrations of his royal
patron during his banishment from court.
Soon after his marriage, Colonel Churchill obtained a
regiment of foot ; his commission bears date February 17.
1677-78. This appointment was the prelude to a mission of
peculiar delicacy. Charles and his brother being incensed
against the king of France for refusing to increase the
pensions by which he had purchased their connivance at his
ambitious designs, affected a disposition to renew the triple
alliance. Charles appealed to the parliament, made military
preparations, and opened a communication with the Prince-
of Orange, who had recently espoused his niece the Princess
Mary. Colonel Churchill was the agent selected on this
" The biographers of the duke, as well as historians in general, place
his marriage as late as 1681, which cannot be correct, because Henrietta,
the eldest daughter, was bom July 20. 1681, which is proved by the
entry of her baptism, in the register of St. Martin's in the Fields, com
municated by the vicar, archdeacon Pott, as well as by an entry of the
duchess in the family Bible, now in possession of Earl Spencer.
[It may be doubted whether the exact date of the marriage was known
to any body, even to the bride herself. Secret the nuptials certainly
were; and a letter from Colonel Churchill, dated Brussels, April 12.
1678, is directed to " Miss Jennings ; " this epistle was carefully pre
served by the present, or future, Mrs. Churchill, who left in her own
handwriting these words, on the back : " I believe I was married when
this letter was writ ; but it was not known to any but the duchess " (of
York.)— Ed.

10 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. I.
occasion to concert measures with the prince ; and is men
tioned in the letters of the duke of York as possessing the
full confidence both of his brother and himself.*
A letter from the colonel to his lady ascertains the period
of this mission, which has hitherto escaped the notice of his
biographers. " Brussels, April 12.
" I writ to you from Antwerp, which I hope you have received before
now ; for I would be glad you should hear from me by every post, I
met with some difficulties in my business with the Prince of Orange, so
that I was forced to write to England, which will cause me to be two or
three days longer abroad than I should have been. But because I would
lose no time, I despatch all other things in the mean time, for I do with
all my heart and soul long to be with you, you being dearer to me than
my own life. On Sunday morning I shall leave this place, so that on
Monday at night I shall be at Breda, where the Prince and Princess of
Orange are ; and from thence you shall be sure to hear from me again,
Till when, my soul's soul, farewell."
On his return, the colonel found the English government
actively employed in carrying his arrangements into effect^
and was selected as one of the officers destined for this
service. He spent part of the summer at Mintern with his
parents, who were now reconciled to his lady. But, towards
the beginning of August, he was suddenly summoned to join
the expedition which was then ready to depart for the Con
tinent. He quitted with regret the society of his beloved
wife and family, and repairing to London, received from
the duke of York the notice of his destination.
The forces being despatched from England, the allied
armies prepared to act against the French. The duke of
Monmouth, as British commander-in-chief, joined the Prince
of Orange with a considerable reinforcement ; while a large
body of troops, under the earl of Ossory, acted with the
Spanish army. Lord Feversham, with the remainder, was
on the point of his departure, and Colonel Churchill was
among the officers who embarked in this division, in virtue
of a warrant from the duke of Monmouth, authorising him,
as eldest brigadier of foot, to command a brigade in Flan
ders, consisting of two battalions of guards, one Dutch regi-
* Letters from the Duke of York to the Prince of Orange, April 2.
and 7. 1678. — Dalrymple, vol. i. p. 208. 8vo.

1674-1684.] CONNEXIONS WITH THE DUKE OF YORK. 11
ment, and the regiments of the prince and Colonel Legge.
In his passage, being driven into Margate by contrary winds,
he wrote to his wife at Mintern, announcing that he should
not be called into the field, and predicting a speedy accommo
dation. This prediction was verified, for he had scarcely
reached the Continent, before he heard that the Prince of
Orange had signed a treaty with the French, which was the
prelude to a general peace. The English troops were re
called, and the colonel hastened to England to rejoin the
society in which all his affections were centered.

Chap. LT. — Connexions with the Duke of York. —
1674-1684.
We must refer the reader to the histories of the times, for
an account of the religious and party feuds which agitated
the parliament and nation during the remaining part of the
reign of Charles, together with the attempts made, either
to exclude the duke of York from the throne, as a Papist,
or to limit his authority, in case of his accession Nor shall
we enter into the shameless cabals of the king, the duke of
York, and many of the party in opposition with Louis XIV.
Colonel Churchill took no public share in the struggle of
parties ; and it is probable that he did not accept a seat
in the House of Commons, from a consciousness that the
frankness of his temper would involve him in political
broils. Yet, as he confided in the solemn promises of the
duke of York not to interfere in the national religion,
gratitude as well as interest prompted him to consider the
conduct of the party in opposition as unjust, and unconstitu
tional. To a confidential friend, who has given the earliest
account of his life, he observed, " Though I have an aversion
to Popery, yet I am no less averse to persecution for con
science sake. I deem it the highest act of injustice to set
any one aside from his inheritance, upon bare suppositions
of intentional evils, when nothing that is actual appears to
preclude him from the exercise of his just rights." But,
although such were his sentiments, he was too firmly de-

12 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. H.
voted to the Church of England to suffer his attachment and
gratitude to outweigh the obligations of duty and conscience;
and he continued to profess the Protestant religion, at a time
when a real or pretended conversion was construed into an
act of merit, by the prince on whom he depended.
His attachment to his religion did not, however, diminish
the confidence reposed in him by his royal patron; for,
in the continual negotiations of James with his brother
and the king of France, we find him frequently charged
with the most secret commissions. When the duke of York
was compelled to quit England, in March 1679, he attended
him to the Hague and to "Brussels, and was accompanied by
his wife, who then filled a place in the household of the
duchess. James being soon afterwards summoned to England, by a
secret order from the king, who was seriously indisposed,
was accompanied in his journey by the colonel. On their
arrival at Windsor, they found the king recovered, but the
presence of the duke of York produced a favourable effect ;
and though he could not obtain permission to remain at
court, he was allowed to transfer his residence to Scotland.
During the short interval of this visit, the colonel was
despatched to Paris, to accelerate a treaty between Charles
and Louis. He was charged with a letter of recommendation
from James, who designates him as the master of his ward
robe, to whom entire credit might be given. He returned
with the duke to Brussels ; and when James established his
residence in Scotland, he was, as on other occasions, his
constant attendant. During the journey, as well as after his
arrival at Edinburgh, on December 4. 1679, we find a few
affectionate letters addressed to his wife, whom he had left
in London.
James was too deeply interested in the succession to the
Crown to remain tranquil in Scotland; for in February,
1680, he returned to the capital. After a residence of a
few months, during which the colonel was again employed
in some honourable missions, he was driven back into
Scotland by the efforts of the popular party ; Churchill was
again his attendant, and enjoyed the happiness of his wife's
society, who was in the suite of the duchess of York.
In January, 1681, he was despatched by James to London..

1674-1684.] BIRTH OF A DAUGHTER. 13
The first object of this mission was, to press the king not to
assemble the parliament, which, in the agitated state of the
public mind, the duke was apprehensive might propose
measures calculated for his exclusion from the throne, or at
least might establish such restrictions, as would greatly limit
his power, in case of his accession. The second object was
to dissuade the king from forming such alliances with Spain
and Holland, as would involve him in a war with France,
and consequently, in the language of James, " render him a
slave to his parliament." To this was added a third, namely,
a direct alliance with France, which he was charged to
represent as the only expedient for the support of the king,
and the preservation of the prerogative, without which the
country must again fall under the government of a common
wealth. The last point was to solicit permission for the
duke to return, at least for a limited period; or, if this could
not be effected, to obtain for him additional powers, and the
command of the forces in Scotland.
The extreme delicacy of this commission is proved by the
strict injunction given to Colonel Churchill not to communi
cate it to the ministers, especially to Lord Halifax. By
additional directions he was enjoined to press the king to
the adoption of resolute counsels, which, as James con
tended, the experience of the preceding year had proved to
be safest.
Arriving at court, Colonel Churchill found the king too
much alarmed to embrace the violent counsels of his brother;
yet the dexterous negotiator acquired a new title to the
confidence of his patron by the extreme address with which
he executed his commission, and the impression which his
representations made on the mind of the king. On his
return he gave James a satisfactory account of the state of
parties, and of the ministry ; and prevailed on him not to
re-appear at court, during the bustle of the new elections,
lest his presence should awaken suspicion, and exasperate
his enemies.
In the course of the year his lady was delivered in London
of her first daughter, Henrietta, on the 19th of July, 1681.
Several of his letters prove that the pleasing hopes of a
parent beguiled the pain of his frequent absences. A single

14 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. H.
extract will prove that the professions of the husband were
scarcely less ardent than those of the lover : —
" Jan. 3. 1679  I writ to you last night by the express, and since
that I have no good news to send you. The yachts are not yet come,
nor do we know when they will, for the wind is directly against them, so
that you may believe that I am not in a very good humour, since I desire
nothing so much as being with you. The only comfort I had here was
hearing from you, and now if we should be stopped by contrary winds,
and not hear from you, you may guess with what satisfaction I shall then
pass my time ; therefore as you love me, you will pray for fair winds, so
that we may not stay here, nor be long at sea. I hope all the red spots
of our child will be gone, against I see her, and her nose strait, so that I
may fancy it to be like the mother ; for as she has your coloured hair,
I would have her be like you in all things else. Till next post day
farewell. By that time I hope we shall hear of the yachts, for till I do
I shall have no kind of patience."
We shall here insert another letter, though written after
the birth of Anne, his second daughter, because it exhibits
a picture equally pleasing, of parental and conjugal af
fection : —
" Tunbridge. — . You cannot imagine how I am pleased with the
children ; for they having nobody but their maid, they are so fond of
me, that when I am at home they will be always with me, kissing and
hugging me. Their heats are quite gone, so that against you come
borne they will be in beauty. If there be room I will come on Monday,
so that you need not write on Sunday. Miss is pulling me by the arm,
that she may write to her dear mamma ; so that I shall say no more,
only beg that you will love me always as well as I love you, and then
we cannot but be happy."
To gratify the playful importunities of the child, he con
cludes the letter with a postscript in her name : —
" I kiss your hands, my dear mamma  Harriet."
_ When the popular party, and those called the exclu-
sionists were defeated, and Charles had attained the power
of giving his brother a permanent establishment at court,
Colonel Churchill accompanied his patron on his triumphant
return, in 1682. He also attended him on board the
Gloucester yacht, when that ship was wrecked near the
Lemon and Ore in Yarmouth roads, and so many persons of
consideration perished. The colonel was one among the for
tunate few who escaped, being invited by James himself to
take his place in the boat, which put off to shore, as soon as
the loss of the vessel was found to be inevitable.

1674-1684.] THE PRINCESS ANNE. 15
On this return of prosperity, James did not suffer the ser
vices of his faithful attendant to pass unrewarded. He was
soon created Baron Churchill of Aymouth, in Scotland, and
in 1683 was appointed colonel of the royal regiment of
horse-guards, then about to be raised. It was at this period
the intention of Lord Churchill that his wife should with
draw from the court ; but the marriage of the Princess Anne
afforded an opportunity of placing her in a post, which was
no less honourable than gratifying to her feelings, that of
lady of her royal highness's bed-chamber.
When Miss Jennings was first introduced into the house
hold of the duchess of York, she was noticed by the Princess
Anne, then about three years younger than herself. An
affectionate disposition on the part of the princess, and on
that of her youthful associate the most captivating vivacity,
soon rendered them inseparable companions. Habitual in
tercourse ripened their mutual partiality into the most
tender friendship, and at this early period we trace the rise
of that romantic affection which long reigned between them.
To her friend and confidant the princess recurred in all the
momentous, as well as in the trifling incidents of her life ;
and at the time when the zeal of James for Popery spread
the utmost alarm throughout the nation, the princess drew
from the counsel and encouragement of her friend additional
motives of attachment to that system of worship in which
she was educated, and which she considered as endangered
by the avowed principles of her father. The princess pressed
the appointment of her favourite with affectionate zeal, and an
nounced it to her in a letter full of satisfaction and tenderness.
In this situation, and amidst the momentous incidents which
marked the period, their intimacy gained new strength, until
it rose to a degree of confidence and affection seldom wit
nessed. One of the many letters, written at this time, will
show the style they reciprocally adopted, and the anxiety of
the princess to set aside the restraints of high rank and
etiquette : —
" Winchester, Sept. 20. — I writ to you last Wednesday from on board
the yacht, and left my letter on Thursday morning at Portsmouth, to go
by the post, to be as good as my word in writing to my dear Lady
Churchill by the first opportunity. I was in so great haste when I
writ, that I fear what I said was nonsense, but I hope you have so much
kindness for me as to forgive it * * *

16 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH.'ITf,
" If you will not let me have the satisfaction of hearing from you again
before I see you, let me beg of you not to call me your highness at every
word, but to be as free with me as one friend ought to be with another;
and you can never give me any greater proof of your friendship than in
telling me your mind freely in all things, which I do beg you to do;
and if ever it were in my power to serve you, nobody would be more
ready than myself. I am all impatient for Wednesday, till when
farewell." This correspondence became daily more confidential, till
at length, to set aside the restraints of rank and custom, the
princess offered her friend the choice of two feigned names,
under which she proposed to continue their intercourse : —
"I," says the duchess, "chose the name of Freeman, as
more conformable to the frankness of my disposition, and
the princess adopted that of Morley." Their style soon ac-
sumed the tone which this expedient was calculated to give ;
and their letters displayed a degree of familiarity and ten
derness which seldom exists, even between equals in the
higher ranks of society.

Chap. IH. — Abdication of King James. — 1684-1688.
From the marriage of the Princess Anne till the death of
Charles II., Lord Churchill does not appear on the theatre of
public affairs. The accession of James, by whose favour he
had been so long distinguished, naturally opened to his view
the prospect of higher honours and a more exalted fortune.
Indeed, the first act of the new sovereign was to charge his
tried and confidential servant with a mission to Paris, for
the purpose of notifying his accession, and gratefully ac
knowledging the largesses which he had recently received
from the French monarch.
Hitherto Lord Churchill had regarded with indulgence
the failings of a prince, to whom he was bound by so many
ties of respect and gratitude. But he was not so far biassed
by gratitude or ambition as to forget his duty to his religion
and country; and in a conversation with Lord Galway,
during his embassy at Paris, he observed, "If the king
should attempt to change our religion and constitution, I will

1684-1688.] battle of sedgemoor. 17
instantly quit his service." Like many others, however, he
at first gave credit to the solemn declarations of James, and
waited with patience, though not without apprehension, to
discover whether the conduct of the monarch would accord
with his professions.
Lord Churchill attended at the coronation of James ; and
on the 14th of May he was raised to the English peerage, by
the title of Baron Churchill, of Sandridge, in the county of
Hertford. Soon afterwards, the invasion of the duke of Monmouth
gave him an opportunity to signalise both his loyalty and
military talents. He was appointed to command the forces
then assembled at Salisbury, consisting of six troops of
horse and nine companies of foot ; and to this charge was
added the rank of brigadier. With this small corps he per
formed essential service by his vigilance and activity ; he
kept his troops in continual motion, scouring the' country,
collecting intelligence, and dispersing the scattered bands of
the rebels, though superior in number. These frequent and
well-timed expeditions spread dismay among the disaffected,
awed the secret partisans of Monmouth, and repressed that
zeal for his cause which was manifested by the lower classes
in Somersetshire. During this short struggle he was pro
moted to the rank of major-general, by a commission dated
July 1. 1685.
While Lord Churchill was at Chard, at the head of his
own corps and the regiment of Dorsetshire militia, he re
ceived a summons from the duke of Monmouth, claiming his
allegiance as king of England, and enjoining him to desist
from hostilities. Lord Churchill dismissed the trumpeter,
and sent the letter to James as a ridiculous bravado. The
only answer which he gave was, to continue his exertions in
harassing the rebels; and it is generally allowed that his
skill and activity compelled Monmouth to concentrate his
forces, and precipitate an engagement.
In the battle of Sedgemoor, which decided the fate of
Monmouth, the vigilance of Lord Churchill prevented the
mischiefs which were likely to result from the negligence of
the commander-in-chief, Lord Feversham. He not only
saved the royal army from a surprise, on the eve of that me-
YOL. I. C

18 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. m.
morable engagement, but, by his courage and decision, greatly
contributed to the success of the day. For his services in
this battle he was appointed colonel of the third troop of
horse-guards. From the time of this expedition we find no particular
mention of Lord Churchill, till the closing scene of James's
reign ; a remarkable circumstance, when we consider the
favour and confidence he had hitherto enjoyed. Possibly the
discordance of his principles, political and religious, with
those of the sovereign, may have produced some coolness ;
and, at all events, he continued to profess his attachment to
the Protestant church, at a time when James did not dis
dain to employ both persuasion and influence to make con
verts among those who were more immediately attached to
his person. Whatever was the cause, Lord Churchill was
not raised to any office of state ; and the short reign of James
offered nt> farther scope to military talents. Indeed, when
we consider the bigoted and arbitrary character of the mo
narch, we ought rather to wonder that Churchill escaped
disgrace, than that he was not distinguished by any accession
of honour.
In proportion as the arbitrary designs of James were de
veloped, we find his confidential adherents, and even the
members of his own family, expressing their alarm at the
consequences of his fanatic zeal for the Roman Catholic reli
gion. A letter from the Princess Anne to Lady Churchill
shows the impression made by the introduction of four
Popish peers, lords Powis, Arundel, Bellasis, and Dover, into
the privy council, in 1686. " I was very much surprised
when I heard of the four new privy counsellors, and am very
sorry for it ; for it will give great countenance to those sort
of people, and methinks it has a very dismal prospect
Whatever changes there are in the world, I hope you will
never forsake me, and I shall be happy."
When such were the feelings of a daughter, we cannot be
surprised to find Lord Churchill adhering to the resolution
which he had announced to Lord Galway. The arbitrary
declaration of indulgence seems at length to have awakened
his alarm for the civil and religious liberties of his country;
and the proceedings in favour of the Papists, which imme
diately followed, gave additional strength to his apprehen-

1684-1688.] remonstrates with king james. 19
sions. He was therefore among the first who made overtures
to the Prince of Orange : he conveyed assurances of his
attachment to the Protestant cause, through Dykvelt, the
agent of the prince, and Mr. Russel and Mr. Sidney, the two
great movers of the subsequent revolution. At the same
time he announced, in a letter to the Prince of Orange, the
determination of the Princess Anne rather to abandon her
misguided father than to sacrifice her religion, a resolution
to which his exhortations, as well as those of his lady, had
essentially contributed.
" May 17. 1 687. — The princess of Denmark having ordered me to
discourse with Monsieur Dykvelt, and to let him know her resolutions,
so that he might let your highness and the princess her sister know that
she was resolved, by the assistance of God, to suffer all extremities, even
to death itself, rather than be brought to change her religion, I thought
it my duty to your highness and the princess royal, by this opportunity
of Monsieur Dykvelt, to give you assurances under my own hand, that
my places and the king's favour I set at nought, in comparison of being
true to my religion. In all things but this the king may command me ;
and I call God to witness, that even with joy I should expose my life for
his service, so sensible am I of his favours. I know the troubling you,
sir, with thus much of myself, I being of so little use to your highness,
is very impertinent, but I think it may be a great ease to your highness
and the princess to be satisfied that the princess of Denmark is safe in
the trusting of me; I being resolved, although I cannot live the life of a
saint, if there be ever occasion for it, to show the resolution of a martyr.
. — I am, with all respect, sir," &c.
Lord Churchill, however, was not among the number of
those who dissembled their real sentiments, or flattered the
bigotry and infatuation of the king. On the contrary, to
the last moment, he laboured to rouse the inconsiderate mo
narch to a sense of his danger before it was too late, and
seized every opportunity to remonstrate, in strong though
respectful terms, against his attacks on the religious esta
blishment, and the arbitrary system of government which
he was endeavouring to introduce.
Lord Churchill waited on the king, in the progress which
he made during the summer of 1687, with the view of re
conciling the people to the recent innovations. At Win
chester James touched in the cathedral several persons for
the king's evil, and two Roman Catholic priests officiated as
chaplains. After the ceremony Lord Churchill attended his
c 2

20 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. DX
majesty to the deanery, and being alone with him in the
garden, before dinner, the king said, "Well, Churchill,
what do my subjects say about this ceremony of touching in
the church?" "Truly," replied Lord Churchill, " they do
not approve it ; and it is the general opinion that your ma
jesty is paving the way for the introduction of Popery."
" How ! " exclaimed the king. " Have I not given my royal
word, and will they not believe their king ? I have given
liberty of conscience to others ; I was always of opinion that
toleration was necessary for all Christian people ; and most
certainly I will not be abridged of that liberty myself, nor
suffer those of my own religion to be prevented from pay
ing their devotions to God in their own way." His ma
jesty having uttered these words with great warmth, Lord
Churchill ventured to observe, "What I spoke, sir, pro
ceeded partly from my zeal for your majesty's service, which
I prefer above all things next to that of God ; and I humbly
beseech your majesty to believe that no subject in the three
kingdoms will venture farther than I will to purchase your
favour and good liking. But as I have been bred a Protest
ant, and intend to live and die in that communion, as above
nine parts in ten of the whole people are of that persuasion,
and I fear (which I say from excess of duty) from the genius
of the English, and their natural aversion to the Roman
Catholic worship, some consequences, which I dare not so
much as name, and which I cannot contemplate without
horror  " " I tell you, Churchill," said the king, inter
rupting him, " I will exercise my own religion in such a
manner as I shall think fitting ; I will show favour to my
Catholic subjects, and be a common father to all my Pro
testants of what religion soever ; but I am to remember that
I am a king, and to be obeyed by them. As for the conse
quences, I shall leave them to Providence, and make use of
the power God has put into my hands, to prevent any thing
that shall be injurious to my honour, or derogatory to the
duty that is owing to me."
At the conclusion of these words the king abruptly broke
off the conversation, and returned to the deanery. During
the dinner his manner proved how much he resented this
freedom, for he principally addressed himself to the dean,

1684-1688.] REASONS FOR deserting the king. 21
who stood behind his chair, and discoursed the whole time
on passive obedience.
The communication which Lord Churchill had already
opened with the Prince of Orange was doubtless maintained
during the winter of 1687, when the violent acts of the
king against the Protestant establishment excited daily new
sentiments of alarm and indignation. At the moment when
the prince was preparing that expedition, which was to de
liver the country from Popery and arbitrary power, we find
Lord Churchill conveying to him the most positive declara
tions of his zeal and attachment.
" August 4. 1 688  Mr. Sidney will let you know how I intend to
behave myself: I think it is what I owe to God and my country. My
honour I take leave to put into your highness's hands, in which I think
it safe. If you think there is any thing else that I ought to do, you
have but to command me ; I shall pay an entire obedience to it, being
resolved to die in that religion that it has pleased God to give you both
the will and power to protect. I am, with all respect, sir," &c.
This letter, with the foregoing messages and confidential
communications, coming from a nobleman so closely attached
to James, both by gratitude and interest, and so beloved by
the army, must have greatly strengthened the resolution of
the Prince of Orange, for it proved that the misguided zeal
of the monarch had even alienated his devoted adherents.
The events of the Revolution are too well known to need
recapitulation. It will be sufficient to observe, that after the
landing of William, James did not withdraw his confidence
from Lord Churchill, but intrusted him with the command
of a brigade in the army, which he himself led as far as
Salisbury, to repel the invasion, and even raised him to the
rank of lieutenant-general. Some suspicion, however, seems
to have been conceived against him ; for Lord Feversham
advised the king to arrest him, as an officer whose defection
might produce the most alarming impression. James, from
fear, policy, or affection, refused to listen to the proposal;
but it could not be concealed from the person whom it so
nearly regarded, and on the ensuing day Lord Churchill,
went over to the prince with the duke of Grafton, Colonel
Berkley, and other officers of his own regiment.
If we review the preceding conduct and declarations of
Lord Churchill, we shall need no argument to be convinced
c s

22 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. DX
that a sense of patriotism and religion outweighed in his
mind the obligations of gratitude and interest ; and that he
chose the party which he embraced, from a conviction that
no other alternative remained to save the constitution and
church establishment, and that the only design of William
was, to fulfil his declaration of restraining the arbitrary
spirit of Jarnes^ and restoring the parliament to its functions
and authority. In departing from Salisbury, he left a letter
to the king, explaining and vindicating his conduct.
" Sir, — Since men are seldom suspected of sincerity, when they act
contrary to their interests; and though my dutiful behaviour to your
majesty in the worst of times (for which I acknowledge my poor services
much overpaid) may not be sufficient to incline you to a charitable inter
pretation of my actions ; yet I hope the great advantage I enjoy under
your majesty, which I can never expect in any other change of govern
ment, may reasonably convince your majesty and the world that I am
actuated by a higher principle, when I offer that violence to my inclina
tion and interest, as to desert your majesty at a time when your affairs
seem to challenge the strictest obedience from all your subjects, much
more from one who lies under the greatest obligations to your majesty.
This, sir, could proceed from nothing but the inviolable dictates of ray
conscience, and a necessary concern for my religion (which no good man
can oppose), and with which I am instructed nothing can come in com
petition. Heaven knows with what partiality my dutiful opinion of your
majesty has hitherto represented those unhappy designs, which incon
siderate and self-interested men have framed against your majesty's true
interest and the Protestant religion ; but as I can no longer join with
such to give a pretence by conquest to bring them to effect, so I will
always, with the hazard of my life and fortune (so much your majesty's
due) endeavour to preserve your royal person and lawful rights, with aU
the tender concern and dutiful respect that becomes," &c.
In great revolutions it is common to find the most upright
characters maligned, and the purest principles misrepre
sented. From this fate Lord Churchill did not escape ; for
he has been accused of a design to seize or assassinate the
king at the time of his departure. Such tales may find a
momentary credit when the passions of men are heated ; but
at present to mention is to refute it.
_ After retiring from the army of James, his lordship took
his route towards the west, and joining the Prince of Orange
at Axminster, was received with distinguished marks of at
tention and regard. His departure was the signal for a more
general defection, not only of those who were openly hostile

1684-1688.] THE THRONE DECLARED ABDICATED. 23
to James, but even of those who were connected with him
by blood. Prince George of Denmark quitted the king at
Andover, and repaired to Sherborn, whither the prince had
advanced. At nearly the same time, the Princess Anne
secretly withdrew from the palace at midnight, in company
with Lady Churchill and Mrs. Berkley, and repaired to the
lodgings of the bishop of London, with whom her withdrawal
was concerted. Then, directing her course to Northampton,
she was escorted by a party of horse to Oxford, where she
was met by the prince her husband, with a body of troops
from the army of the Prince of Orange.
On the approach of William to the capital, and the flight
of James to Feversham, Lord Churchill was sent forward to
reassemble his own troop of horse-guards, and to bring over.
the soldiers quartered in and about the metropolis. He
executed his commission with equal prudence and activity ;
and carried back so favourable a report concerning the dis
positions of the people and army, as induced the prince to
hasten to the capital.
After the departure of James, Lord Churchill assisted in
the convention parliament. He was also one of the peers
who associated in support of the prince's declaration, and in
defence of his person. But when the design was disclosed
of placing the prince on the throne, either alone, or in con
junction with his consort, Lord Churchill was among the
peers who voted for a regency. At length, however, when
the struggle of contending parties rose to such a height as to
portend a counter-revolution, and there appeared no alterna
tive but to recall James, or confer the crown on William ;
his lordship, from motives of delicacy, absented himself from
the House of Peers during the discussion which terminated
in the memorable vote declaring the vacancy of the throne.
His absence, with that of some other peers, who likewise ad
hered to the rule of hereditary descent, contributed to the
decision of this important question, by a majority of seven
voices. The vacancy being thus legally declared, Lord
Churchill took an active part in the subsequent arrangements.
In conjunction with his lady, he persuaded the Princess
Anne to postpone her own succession to the throne, and to
consent to that of the Prince and Princess of Orange, and thus
c 4

24 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. m,
removed one great obstacle to the settlement of the nation.
The change of government was announced on the 6th of
February, and William and Mary declared king and queen.
The administration was solely vested in the king ; while the
princess of Denmark and her heirs were declared next in the
succession, in preference to the issue of William by any
future marriage.
On the 14th of February Lord Churchill was sworn a
member of the privy council, and made a lord of the bed
chamber ; and two days before the coronation was raised to
the dignity of Earl of Marlborough.
As his paternal seat at Mintern was assigned to his brother
Charles, he fixed his principal residence at Sandridge, near
St. Albans, a manor belonging to the family of his wife.
This estate, by the death of Richard Jennings, Esq., had de
volved on his three sisters and coheiresses, Frances, Sarah,
and Barbara. As Lady Marlborough was partial to her
birthplace, her husband gratified her by purchasing the
share of the two other sisters, and soon after built a mansion
on the spot, which was called Holywell House. This resi
dence and property gave him an interest in the borough of
St. Albans, for which place, by his influence with James H.,
he obtained a new charter of incorporation. He was chosen
the first high steward under the new charter ; a post which
had always been filled by persons of distinction.
The mansion of Holywell is described by local writers as a
building of great magnificence ; and was the favourite resi
dence both of Lord Marlborough and his lady, till the con
struction of Blenheim gave him a new interest in a place
which presented the most striking monuments both of his
own and the national glory.*
* Although Mr. Coxe distinctly implies in the preceding paragraph
that Sandridge was the birthplace of the future duchess, later inquiries
throw some doubt on the correctness of this statement. It would appear
from Mrs. Thomson's researches (Memoirs of Sarah Duchess of Marl
borough) that the parish registers make no mention of that fact, nor
indeed is the birth of any of the Jennings' family found in them ; nor are
there in the church, as it now stands, any monuments inscribed with that
name. Sandridge is a straggling, and by no means picturesque, village
in the vicinity of St. Albans, and the real birthplace is said to have been
at Holywell, a suburb of St. Albans, and in a small house near the site
of the spacious mansion afterwards erected there by her husband, the first

1688-1690.] GRANT TO THE PRINCESS ANNE. 25

Chap. TV — Wavering Conduct of Marlborough 
1688-1690.
After the conclusion of the arrangements arising out of the
Revolution, Marlborough appears to have taken little share
in public business, except in the settlement of a revenue on
the Princess Anne. The princess having announced her"
acquiescence in the new order of succession, expected that a
permanent and independent revenue would have been secured
to her for life, as the king had been allowed no less a sum
than 600,000?. a year for the civil list. Instead, however, of
gratifying her expectations, he even showed some reluctance
to continue the allowance of 30,000?. a year, which she had
enjoyed under her father. She was highly incensed at this
disappointment, and testified her resolution to appeal to par
liament ; while the king and queen were no less offended
by her wish to acquire an independent establishment. The
Duke of Marlborough. The house has been since pulled down, and its
site was lately occupied by a summer-house between what is called Holy-
well-street and Sopwell-lane, in St. Albans, and within the space after
wards occupied by the pleasure-grounds of the great liouse at Holywell.
It is a traditional fact corroborated by the testimony of the Rev. Henry
Nicholson, rector of the Abbey of St. Albans, whose^redecessor had a
relative who distinctly recollected that it used to be the boast of her aunt,
an old lady of eighty, not long since deceased, that she had herself been
removed, when ill of the small-pox, to the very room in the house where
the renowned Sarah Jennings first saw the light.
Whether this tradition is more trustworthy than the intimation of the
text we shall not decide ; but it is a curious biographical incident that a
particle of doubt should exist either about the birthplace or deathplace
of so celebrated an historical personage, comparatively so recently deceased.
Yet such is the case. Neither the place where the first duchess of Marl
borough was born nor where she died is beyond dispute. The present
descendants appear to have no certain knowledge where the duchess died,
but conjecture it to have been at Holywell. This is certainly erroneous,
her death taking place in London, October 18th, 1744, at Marlborough
House, or, as her early and till recently her only biographer expresses it,
" at her house at the Friery, St. James's." Friery Passage was formerly
close to Marlborough House.
The estate and mansion at Holywell, being left at the disposal of the
Duchess of Marlborough, were by her bequeathed to her grandson John,
second son of Charles earl of Sunderland. From him it descended to
his sod, the first Earl Spencer. — En.

26 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. IT.
subject occasioned the most indecorous altercations between
the two royal sisters, and became the source of the subsequent
quarrel which divided the royal family. Irritated by these
disputes, Anne pursued her purpose with redoubled zeal, and
her cause was earnestly promoted by the Earl and Countess of
Marlborough. Her pretensions were warmly supported by
the Tories and disaffected, while the king wouldrely only on
his own personal friends and the zealous Whigs. A con
siderable majority of the parliament was therefore enlisted
on the side of the princess, and her claims became generally
popular among the great body of the nation.
In this state of the public mind, her friends in the House
of Commons proposed to grant her an independent revenue
of 70,000?. a year. To prevent the decision of the question,
the king adjourned the parliament. But the princess was of
too tenacious a character to relinquish her object, particularly
as her party was increased by many who were alienated by
the reserve of the king. In this crisis lures and threats
were alternately held forth to the Countess of Marlborough,
with the hope of inducing the princess to desist through her
influence. The countess continued firm, and the question
was revived in the House of Commons soon after the com
mencement of the session. The court now found that oppor
sition was fruitless. With the consent of both parties the
debate was adjourned ; and, in the interval, a compromise
was effected, by which an annual allowance of 50,000?. was
settled in parliament as the civil list of the princess.
The success of this measure being principally ascribed by
Anne to the exertions of the Earl and Countess of Marl
borough, contributed still more to endear them to her, while
it rendered them in an equal degree obnoxious to the king
and queen. Anne was not tardy in testifying her gratitude
for so acceptable a service ; and, in an affectionate letter,
offered her favourite an additional salary of 1000?. a year.
The countess at first declined the generous proposal from
motives of delicacy, but her scruples were overruled by the
representations of Lord Godolphin.
Though dissatisfied with Marlborough's conduct respecting
the settlement of the princess, William was unwilling to lose
the services of so able an officer. As his presence was
deemed necessary in England for the regulation of public

1688-1690.] employed bt king william. 27
business, Marlborough was intrusted with the command of
the British forces acting against the French in the Nether
lands. On the 27th of May he landed at Rotterdam, and,
repairing to Maestricht, joined the confederate army, then
commanded by the prince of Waldeck. Being inferior to
the enemy, they were reduced to act on the defensive. But
Marlborough soon found an opportunity to signalise his
courage and skill. The hostile armies being separated only
by the petty town of Walcourt, the French commander,
Marshal d'Humieres, formed the design of surprising his an
tagonists by an unexpected attack. Fortunately the post of
Walcourt was confided to Marlborough, with a force com
posed of British and foreign troops. He not only checked
the advance of the enemy till the commander-in-chief could
move with the main army, but by a vigorous and well-
directed attack on the flank, discomfited the assailants, and
forced them to retreat with a serious loss. To this action
the army owed their safety ; and the prince of Waldeck did
ample justice to the skill and promptitude of his younger
associate, by declaring that he had manifested greater mili
tary talents in a single battle than generals of longer
experience had shown in many years.*
Returning to England at the close of the campaign, Marl
borough was received with a degree of cordiality which was
seldom shown by so reserved a monarch as William. It
seemed natural to expect that he would have been again em
ployed on the theatre where he had acquitted himself with
.such unqualified approbation ; but from some cause, which
we are unable to trace, he was not sent to the Continent the
ensuing campaign. It is, indeed, surmised, and with great
probability, that William pressed Marlborough to accompany
* In several letters, which are still extant, the king testified his satis
faction at the conduct of Marlborough. They also proved that he
performed this exploit, not with troops in high spirit and order, but ill-
disciplined, defective in zeal, and labouring under the usual maladies
attendant on a long campaign. On the combat of Walcourt, in particu
lar, the king observes : " I am very happy that my troops behaved so
well in the affair of Walcourt. It is to you that this advantage is prin
cipally owing. You will please accordingly to accept my thanks, and
rest assured that your conduct will induce me to confer on you still
farther marks of my esteem and friendship, on which you may always
rely."

28 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. IV.
him to Ireland, whither he was called to contend for the
crown with the abdicated monarch himself; but that the
earl frankly declined acting against his former sovereign
and benefactor. Indeed this supposition is not improbable
from his subsequent conduct; for, after the defeat at the
Boyne had compelled James to retire to France, he volun
tarily tendered his services to reduce Cork and Kinsale, at
the time when the presence of William was become necessary
in England.
Notwithstanding the obvious necessity of such a vigorous
prosecution of the war, before the rebels could again obtain
succours from France, it was warmly opposed by several of
the ministers in England. Of these the most vehement was
the marquis of Caermarthen, who endeavoured to alarm the
queen with the prospect of an invasion, at the moment when
so large a force as was required for this enterprise should be
drawn out of the kingdom. A reference was made to William,
who was still in Ireland ; and the timid counsels of the
minister being overruled, Marlborough, with a body of
5000 men, embarked at Portsmouth for the scene of action.
The departure of the king at this juncture created general
exultation among the partisans of James in Ireland. They
flattered themselves that it would enable them to regain the
advantage they had lost ; but their hopes were damped by
the sudden appearance of Marlborough. They were still
farther discouraged by the desertion of the duke de Lauzun,
with the French auxiliaries, who, being panic-struck at the
arrival of the reinforcement, abandoned Galway and returned
to France.
Marlborough landed near Cork on the 21st of September,
and united with the German and Danish troops, whom King
William had left under the command of the duke of Wirtem-
berg. At this moment he experienced those vexatious
squabbles, which often arise when high birth and military
talents are brought into competition. But by the interposi
tion of Brigadier La Mellonerie, a French refugee, a compro
mise was effected, and the two generals agreed to exercise
the command alternately. The first day Marlborough gave
Wirtemberg as the word ; and the compliment was returned
by his colleague. The vigour and enterprising spirit of the
British general excited equal surprise and satisfaction. Dor-

1688-1690.] COMMANDS IN IRELAND. 29
ing his short stay in Ireland, which did not exceed thirty-
seven days, he reduced Cork and Kinsale, straitened the
communications of the insurgents with France, and confined
them to the province of Ulster, where they could not subsist
without the utmost difficulty.
After this short but brilliant expedition, Marlborough
returned with his prisoners to England, in the latter end of
October. He was welcomed with the most flattering recep
tion by the king, who said of him, " I know no man who has
served so few campaigns equally fit for command." The
English nation also, long accustomed to see the execution of
the most important enterprises confided to foreigners, exulted
to find that a native officer had gained more advantages in a
single month than many of the foreign generals in several
campaigns. As the services of Marlborough were still deemed neces
sary in Ireland, he made but a short stay in England.
Having reported the state of affairs, he immediately returned,
and resumed his command. Till the close of the year he
kept the greater part of the island in perfect tranquillity ;
and conciliated the affections of the inhabitants by his mode
ration, as well as by the rigid discipline which he established
in the army. He checked the incursions of the rebels, who
still remained in arms, and secured the advantage he had
gained, by constructing forts in several of the provinces.
Having thus restored order, he was summoned to England,
preparatory to his nomination to a new command on the
Continent. The estimation in which he was now held by his
sovereign is proved from a confidential correspondence, in
which it appears that he was employed to soothe his friend
Godolphin, who threatened to relinquish the management of
the treasury. In this negotiation he at length succeeded, no
less to his own gratification than to that of the king.
Nothing perhaps can be more singular, if there be any
thing singular in times of revolution, than to find two noble
men who had so essentially contributed to the stability of
William's throne, as Marlborough and Godolphin, at this
very period engaged in a clandestine correspondence with
the exiled monarch. But such is the inconsistency of human
nature ; and such is the fact which has been disclosed by the
publication of papers from the pens of James and his confi-

30 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. IV,
dential adherents. This conduct, which it is impossible to
justify, yet admits of some palliation, if we consider the cir
cumstances of the times, and the influence of example. The
minds of men were not yet become fixed, nor their affections
attached to a government of recent origin, founded on prin
ciples which were far from being generally acknowledged.
Besides, among the higher orders there were few who did
not deem their services undervalued, their zeal ill rewarded,
their hopes disappointed, or their pretensions overlooked;
while among the great mass of the people, a vast number
either became indifferent to the advantages attending the
change of government, or were no less dissatisfied with the
reigning sovereign than they had been with. his predecessor.
Hence we find an intercourse with the exiled family main
tained by persons of all ranks and parties, not excepting
even some of the active partisans of the Revolution.
In treachery so extensive, which is the prevailing vice of
a revolutionary period, it is matter rather of regret than of
surprise to find Marlborough implicated. For this conduct
various causes may be assigned. Deeply indebted to the
favour of James, it was not till after an anxious struggle
between duty and gratitude, that he resolved to abandon his
benefactor. The preceding pages will show his feelings at
that interesting crisis ; and prove that he was not actuated
by personal interest or ambition. Though dissatisfied with
the arrangements introduced at the Revolution, he yet ac
quiesced in the change when accomplished ; and by accept
ing honours and employments under the new sovereign, he
gave an unqualified assent to the established government.
Soon afterwards, however, he, as well as many others of all
denominations, was alienated by the endeavours of the king
to break down the barriers devised for the security of the
national church, and to facilitate the admission of dissenters
into the offices of government ; a measure scarcely less ob
noxious to the Tories than the introduction of Catholics to
the Whigs. He was also offended by the cold and repulsive
deportment of William towards those who had assisted in
the Revolution, and the imprudent preference which he uni
formly displayed towards his foreign favourites. But the
motive which seems more particularly to have actuated
Marlborough, as well as many of those who entered into

1688-1690.] HIS CORRESPONDENCE WITH JAMES H. 31
communications with the court of St. Germains, was, the
apprehension that a change of public sentiment might even-*
tually restore King James to the throne of his ancestors.
Under the apparent influence of these considerations,
Marlborough listened to the overtures of the exiled monarch
as early as the commencement of 1691, and through Colonel
Sackville and Mr. Bulkeley, two of the Jacobite agents, he
testified in the most unqualified terms his contrition for his
past conduct, and anxiety to make amends for his defection.
From this period both he and his friend Godolphin occasion
ally maintained a clandestine intercourse with the court of
St. Germains, and even made many communications on the
state of public affairs and domestic transactions. On this
intercourse we do not mean to throw the slightest doubt.
Still, however, we can admit as the genuine language of
Marlborough, only the few letters which he wrote to James,
and which are either preserved or specifically mentioned, in
the biographical narrative of that monarch ; for the reports
of spies naturally assume the tincture of their character and
views ; and such agents are invariably led to exaggeration,
either to give interest to their intelligence, or to magnify
their zeal and services. In fact, we have the candid avowal
of James himself, that Marlborough, when pressed to fulfil
the promises he was said to have made, constantly evaded
compliance. We must therefore draw the obvious conclusion,
not only that the Jacobite agents deceived their employer,
but that these professions and communications were merely
illusory, and intended to secure an indemnity in case of a
counter-revolution. This inference has been so clearly drawn
by the monarch himself, that we cannot better express our
opinion than in the words of his biographer. After advert
ing to the very communication in question, he observes :
" Nevertheless the king found no effects from these mighty
promises, for his majesty insisting upon his offer of bringing
over the English troops in Flanders, as the greatest service
he could do him, he excused himself under 'pretence that
there was some mistake in the message ; that it would ruin
all to make the troops come over by parcels ; that his busi
ness was to gain an absolute power over them, then to do all
the business at once."
Having related the mode in which Marlborough obtained

32 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. TV.
a promise of pardon for himself, his lady, Lord Godolphin,
and others, he adds : " So that, in fine, they were to be par
doned and in security, in case the king returned, and yet to
suffer nothing in the interim, nor to give any other proofs of
their sincerity, than bare words and empty promises, which,
under pretence of being suspected, or doing greater service
afterwards, there was never found a suitable time to put the
least of them in execution. However, the king thought fit
to bear with this sort of double dealing," &c*
This intercourse was either not suspected, or not re
garded ; for the success of Marlborough in Ireland was the
prelude to his establishment in an honourable and confiden
tial post under William himself. In May, 1691, he accom
panied the king to the Continent ; and was employed in
accelerating the military preparations, and assembling the
troops for the ensuing campaign. On this occasion he ex
perienced that jealous opposition from the States General
and their officers, which afterwards defeated his more im
portant undertakings. Among other suggestions he strongly
recommended measures for the security of Mons, the barrier
of Flanders ; but his advice was rejected, and the place was
lost. During this campaign his merit attracted particular
notice; and induced discerning judges to prognosticate his
future celebrity. Among others, the prince of Vaudemont,
being asked by the king to give his opinion on the characters
of the English generals, replied, "Kirk has fire, Laneir
thought, Mackay skill, and Colchester bravery ; but there is
something inexpressible in the Earl of Marlborough. All
their virtues seem to be united in his single person. I have
lost," he emphatically added, " my wonted skill in physiog
nomy, if any subject of your majesty can ever attain such a
height of military glory, as that to which this combination
of sublime perfections must raise him." William acknow
ledged the propriety of the observation by replying, with a
smile, " Cousin, you haye done your part in answering my
question ; and I believe the Earl of Marlborough will do his
to verify your prediction."
At the conclusion of the campaign Marlborough returned
to England, apparently high in the confidence and esteem of
the sovereign, for he was one of the generals appointed to
* See Appendix, note A.

1692.] COURT DISSENSIONS. 33
serve the ensuing year. Indeed, the manifest preference
which he enjoyed, excited the envy of many among the mi
nisters. We find the marquis of Caermarthen, in particular,
designating him, even to the queen, as the "general of
favour," and interfering so invidiously in military business
as to draw from Marlborough an indignant appeal to the
king. The countenance of the monarch, however, supported
him amidst these petty vexations ; and the year closed with
the same flattering prospects which had marked its com
mencement.

Chap. V. — Cabals against the Duke. — 1692.
Notwithstanding this apparent favour, Marlborough soon
felt the natural effects of his delicate connexion with the
actual possessor, and the presumptive heiress to the crown.
We have already traced the commencement of the conten
tions between the king and the Princess Anne, which succes
sive incidents continued to increase. Among other causes of
dissatisfaction, she was offended at the rejection of an offer
made by the prince her. husband, to serve on board of the
fleet, and still more by the mode in which it was conveyed.
Such bickerings could not have failed to recoil on Marlbo
rough and his countess, even had he not rendered himself
particularly obnoxious by his indiscreet remonstrances
against the king's bounty to his foreign adherents, and by
his contemptuous treatment of the earl of Portland, whom he
publicly stigmatised as a wooden fellow.* The odium which
he thus incurred was manifested by the refusal of the king to
confer on him the order of the Garter, though it was earnestly
solicited both by the prince and princess of Denmark.
Such mutual irritation could not long continue without
producing an open rupture. Accordingly, on the evening
of January 9th, 1692, an indecorous altercation took place
* In one of Lord Godolphin's letters to Marlborough, he designates
Portland as " him whom you used to call ' un homme de hois.' " The
duchess also, in one of her narratives, says, her husband used to call the
earl of Portland " a wooden fellow."
VOL. I. D

34 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. V.
between the two royal sisters, and the queen did not hesitate
to threaten the princess with a reduction of her revenue to
one half of the actual amount. Whether Marlborough and
his lady were implicated in this uncourtly scene is uncertain;
but he felt the first public effect of the royal displeasure.
On the ensuing morning, after fulfilling his usual duties as
lord of the bed-chamber, he received an order from the king,
through Lord Nottingham, secretary of state, announcing his
dismission from all his offices, both civil and military, and
prohibiting his appearance at court.
This affront towards a faithful servant rankled in the mind
of the princess, and a gloomy reserve prevailed in the royal
family, which portended a new commotion. At this moment,
also, the enemies whom Marlborough had provoked by his
remonstrances and sarcasms, omitted no effort to widen the
breach. A powerful cabal was formed by the earl of Port
land and the family of Villiers*, whose intrigues were ren
dered more dangerous by their intimate access to the king.
To this cabal belonged Lady Fitzharding, a sister of the
countess of Portland, who availed herself of her situation in
the household of the princess, and the confidence of Lady
Marlborough, to act as a spy on the conduct of the princess
and her favourite ; and to report, in aggravated terms, the
indecorous and insulting language which they habitually
used in speaking of the king.y
* Edward Villiers, afterwards successively created Baron Villiers, and
earl of Jersey, was in high favour with King William, to whom his sister
Elizabeth was mistress, and at the same time his lady enjoyed the con
fidence of Queen Mary. Viscountess Fitzharding was his third sister;
and the fourth was married to the earl of Portland. During the whole
reign of William this family exercised prodigious influence ; a circum
stance which was the more extraordinary because he himself was con-!
sidered as a Jacobite, and his wife was a bigoted Catholic.
f In the indorsement of a letter from Lady Fitzharding, the duchess
admits the indiscretion of her language, and says, it was reported to the
king and queen. In similar indorsements to letters from Mrs. Elizabeth
Villiers, afterwards Lady Orkney, she states, that this lady overheard
much of this imprudent language, and that she was in the cabal against
the Earl of Marlborough. In fact, when we find, even in the letters of the
princess, such epithets applied to William as " the monster," " Caliban,"
and " the Dutch abortion," we cannot suppose that the style of her favour
ite was more decorous, or their ordinary conversation more "-uarded.
These offensive terms the duchess has carefully expunged from all the

1692.] DISGRACED AT COURT. 35
Early in January an anonymous letter was conveyed to
the princess, indicating this cabal, and announcing that the
disgrace of Marlborough would not terminate with his dis
mission ; but that, on the prorogation of parliament, he
would be imprisoned. This correspondent also stated that the
tears which she had been seen to shed since the disgrace of
Marlborough had provoked the king and queen, and that the
meeting which he held with Godolphin and Russel on the
evening of his dismission had excited great jealousy at
court. It concluded with apprising the princess that she
would be compelled to dismiss Lady Marlborough.
This informant was not widely mistaken. The countess,
who had absented herself from court since the disgrace of
her lord, was at length persuaded by her friends to attend
the princess at the levee of the queen, on the 4th of Feb
ruary. Such an imprudent step, which was far from being;
prompted by motives of respect, was considered as a preme
ditated insult. On the ensuing morning a harsh letter was-
conveyed from the queen, commanding the princess to dis
miss Lady Marlborough without delay. Instead, however,.
of complying, she still farther provoked the queen by a jus
tification of her favourite, and an order was transmitted by
the lord chamberlain, enjoining the countess to remove from
the palace of Whitehall. The order was the prelude to an
utter breach. Anne, disdaining to remain in a place from
whence her friend and confidante was excluded, quitted her
own apartments, and, after a temporary stay at Sion Hill,
the seat of the duke of Somerset, established her residence at
Berkley House.
Common resentment and common mortification gave new
strength to the romantic affection which subsisted between
the princess and her favourite. To an offer made by the
countess, of withdrawing from her service, Anne replied
with the most tender expostulations, asseverating that she
was not the cause of the rupture which had occurred. In one
of her notes she observes, "I really long to know how my
dear Mrs. Freeman got home ; and now I have this opportu
nity of writing, she must give me leave to tell her, if she
should ever be so cruel to leave her faithful Mrs. Morley, she
letters of the princess, which she has printed in her " Conduct." and has
even erased them in the originals. v 2

36 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH.' [CH. V.
will rob her of the joy of her life ; for if that day should
come, I should never enjoy another happy minute ; and I
swear to you I would shut myself up and never see a
creature." Before the surprise occasioned by the preceding incidents
had subsided, Marlborough was suddenly arrested on the 5th
of May, on a charge of high treason. Warrants were like
wise issued against the earls of Huntingdon and Scarsdale,
and Dr. Spratt, bishop of Rochester. Several other persons
were also taken into custody, particularly Lord Middleton,
the Lords Griffin and Dunmore, Sir John Fenwick, and
Colonels Slingsby and Sackville, all of whom were known
partisans of the Stuart family.
The moment of these arrests was a crisis of peculiar dan
ger and alarm ; for a French fleet was on the point of sailing,
to convey the dethroned monarch with a large body of troops
to the British shores. The avowed Jacobites were conse
quently seized by way of precaution, and not on any specific
charge. With regard to the Earls of Marlborough and
Scarsdale and the bishop of Rochester the case was different,
though the time and mode of their detention seemed to in
volve them in the designs which popular opinion ascribed to
the rest. In fact, they were arrested in consequence of an
atrocious scheme formed by one Robert Young, then impri
soned in Newgate for the nonpayment of a fine. This
wretch, who was expert in counterfeiting hands, drew up an
engagement in favour of James II., to which he annexed the
signatures of the Earls of Marlborough and Scarsdale, the
bishop of Rochester, Lord Cornbury, and Sir Basil Fire-
brass. To give additional colour to his scheme, he also
forged several letters from Marlborough. By the agency of
Stephen Blackhead, a confederate equally infamous, he found
means to secrete, the fictitious document in the palace belong
ing to the bishop of Rochester, at Bromley, in Kent. On
the information of Young the palace was searched, and the
paper being found, measures were immediately adopted to
secure the supposed delinquents.
As peers could not be arrested except on an affidavit,
Young made the customary deposition for drawing up the
several warrants. When that against Marlborough was pre
sented to the cabinet council for approbation, three of the

•1692.] PRISONER IN THE TOWER. 37
members,, the earls of Devonshire and Bradford, and Lord
Montagu, appear to have been struck by the infamous cha
racter of the accuser ; and, instead of affixing their signa
tures, contemptuously handed it to those sitting next. It
was, however, sanctioned by the majority, and was carried
into execution.
In the language of conscious innocence, Marlborough made
an immediate appeal to those members of the administration
in whose integrity he confided. To the earl of Devonshire,
lord high steward, he wrote : — "I am so confident of my
innocence, and so convinced, if there be any such letter, that
it must appear to be forged and made use of only to keep me
in prison, that I cannot doubt but your lordship will be so kind
as to let me find your protection against such a proceeding,
which will be a reproach to the government, as well as an
injury to yours," &c.
He made a similar appeal to the marquis of Caermarthen,
president of the council, whose j udgment, he was convinced,
would not be biassed by the remembrance of their former
contentions. " Having been informed that it is now publicly discoursed
in Westminster Hall to-day, that a letter under my hand was
to be produced to the grand jury, to induce them to find a.
bill against me, I beg leave to assure your lordship, upon my
honour and credit, that, if any such letter be pretended, it
must and will, upon examination, appear so plainly to have
been forged, that as it can be of no credit or advantage to
the government, so I doubt not but your lordship's justice
will be ready to protect me from so injurious a proceeding,
who am," &c.
The arrest of Marlborough, though not unforeseen, struck
a panic into the court of Berkley House. We find a letter
of condolence, written by the princess to her favourite, as
soon as the news had transpired :
" I hear Lord Marlborough is sent to the Tower ; and though I am
certain they have nothing against him, and expected by your letter it
would be so, yet I was struck when I was told it ; for methinks it is a
dismal thing to have one's friends sent to that place. I have a thousand
melancholy thoughts, and cannot help fearing they should hinder you
from coming to me ; though how they can do that, without making you
a prisoner, I cannot imagine. I am just told by pretty good hands, that
as soon as the wind turns westerly there will be a guard set upon the
D 3

38 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH, [CH. V,
prince and me. If you hear there is any such thing designed, and that
'tis easy to you, pray let me see you before the wind changes ; for after
wards one does not know whether they will let one have opportunities
of speaking to one another. But let them do what they please, nothing
shall ever vex me, so I can have the satisfaction of seeing dear Mrs. Free
man ; and I swear I would live on bread and water, between four walls,
with her, without repining ; for as long as you continue kind nothing
can ever be a real mortification to your faithful Mrs. Morley', who
wishes she may never enjoy a moment's happiness, in this world or the
next, if ever she proves false to you."
Whether the hint which the princess conveys, of a design
to place her and her consort under restraint, was an effect
of mere rumour ; or whether William was unwilling to
hazard so decisive a measure, we cannot ascertain. But the
princess suffered no other mortification than the imprison
ment of her zealous adherent, and the loss of the honour
attached to her high station.
In endeavouring to trace the causes of this mysterious
transaction, we must distinguish between the disgrace and
arrest, and the subsequent detention of Marlborough. Some
who were well acquainted with his early history, especially
the duchess, ascribe his disgrace to the zeal he displayed
in promoting the grant of a permanent revenue to the prin
cess of Denmark. Others have imputed his mortifications
to the jealousy which his popularity and military talents
raised in the mind of William ; to an accusation that he at
tempted to sow divisions in the army; and to his disclosure
of a design formed for the surprise of Dunkirk. Finally,
the cause has been sought in the bickerings between the
two courts, and the imprudent remonstrances which Marl
borough presumed to make against the partiality of the
king towards his Dutch adherents, and his reserve towards
the English.
Of all these different conjectures, the last alone is suffi
cient to account for the dismission of Marlborough : for the
magnanimous character of William exempts him from the
slightest imputation of personal jealousy; the charge of
* The origin of this nomenclature has been already explained, (at
page 16.) as a suggestion of the kind-hearted princess, who thought
by these familiar names to bring all parties into a more free and unre
served communion. Lord Godolphin, who formed another confidential
member of the circle, was termed Mr. Montgomery. — Ed.

1692.] CAUSES OF HIS IMPRISONMENT. 39
endeavouring to sow divisions in the army was a mere vague
rumour of the day ; the design against Dunkirk did not take
place till the ensuing August ; and the earl was confidentially
employed by the king, more than two years after the dis
cussion relative to the revenue of the princess.
For Marlborough's subsequent detention, we must seek
another cause, namely, his clandestine intercourse with the
exiled family. We have already adverted to the commence
ment of that intercourse : and whether the motive which
induced him to listen to the overtures of the Stuart agents,
arose from disgust with William, or the fear of a counter
revolution, we cannot doubt that it must have operated with
double force, during the course of the preceding winter,
when he was personally implicated in the dispute between
the princess and the king ; and when a powerful expedition
was preparing in the French ports, to restore the exiled
monarch. So general was the panic felt on this occasion,
that even the princess of Denmark herself made overtures
to her father, towards the close of 1691. Such a corre
spondence could not have entirely escaped the vigilance of
William ; and he might naturally have ascribed the overture
of the princess to the advice of Marlborough and his countess,
who possessed her full confidence. But whatever were his
suspicions, the evidence on which they were founded was
too slender to justify severer measures ; for otherwise the
powerful cabal, whom Marlborough had so grievously of
fended, would scarcely have failed to push their vengeance
farther than mere detention.
The atrocious forgery of Young was detected the instant
he was confronted with the bishop of Rochester. Accord
ingly the prelate, and all those implicated in the same charge,
except Marlborough, were released without delay. Even the
arrested Jacobites were liberated, when the defeat of the
French fleet off La Hogue had dissipated the alarm of in
vasion. But although the guilt of Young and his associate
was legally substantiated*, and although they suffered a
» The duchess asserts that when Young was about to suffer death, for
another crime, he confessed with great contrition that he had obtained
the Earl of Marlborough's seal and signature by writing to him under the
name of a country gentleman, requesting the character of a domestic who
had lived in his service. Marlborough acknowledged, when the forged
« 4

1,40 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. VI.
severe punishment for their offence, Marlborough was de
tained in custody till the last day of the term. He was then
admitted to bail in the court of King's Bench, on the surety
of the earl of Shrewsbury, the marquis of Halifax, the
earl of Carbury, and Mr. Boyle.
Still, however, some suspicion was entertained of his
fidelity, or his enemies did not deem him sufficiently morti
fied ; for on the 23d of June his own name, and those of his
two sureties, the marquis of Halifax and the earl of Shrews
bury were erased from the list of privy counsellors. Such
severe measures created much dissatisfaction. Admiral Rus-
sel in particular, who had acquired additional consideration
from his recent victory off La Hogue, strongly remonstrated
with the king on the harshness shown towards a nobleman
who had contributed to place the crown on his head.
At the commencement of Michaelmas term, Marlborough,
with his sureties, applied to be discharged from their re-
, cognisance. Their demand being rejected, they, on the
. meeting of Parliament, appealed to the House of Peers, as
well against his detention without any specific charge, as
against the subsequent refusal to release his bail. The
appeal was warmly supported by Shrewsbury, who repre
sented Marlborough as ungratefully and unjustly treated ;
and the question gave rise to several vehement debates. At
length the king terminated the discussion by discharging the
. recognisance, and the House of Peers vindicated their pri-
; vileges, by a declaration against such arrests and detention
of their members in future. The ministers were exonerated
by a bill of indemnity.

Chap. VI. — Marlborough's Restoration to Power. —
1692-1697.
After his liberation, the Earl of Marlborough was estranged
from the court. His income being reduced by the loss of his
lucrative employments, he alternately resided at his mansion
papers were shown him, that the hand-writing was so exactly imitated as
to have deceived even himself, had he not been conscious that he'had
never signed such instrument.

1692-1697.] DEATH OF QUEEN mart. 41
of Sandridge, and in the apartments which his lady occupied
at Berkley House. The Princess Anne, indeed, considered
him as the victim of her cause, and proposed to create in her
household a new place in his favour, with a salary of 1000/.
a year ; but the offer was declined.
Soon after this period, attempts were made to soothe the
resentment of the king. The duke of Shrewsbury, who
had recently been appointed secretary of state, and placed
at the head of a new administration, availed himself of the
complaints, arising from the ill success of the war on the
Continent, to recommend Marlborough to notice. But to
his urgent representations in Marlborough's favour, William
coldly replied, " I do not think it for the good of my service
to intrust the command of my troops to him."
Towards the close of the year, a melancholy event oc
curred, which produced a change in the situation of the
royal family. This was, the death of Queen Mary, which
happened on the 28th of December, 1694. Since the un
fortunate rupture, which followed the disgrace of Marl
borough, various attempts had been made to mediate a re
conciliation between the queen and princess, but without
effect ; because the offended dignity of Mary vanquished her
affection as a sister, and in her last moments her disorder
was too malignant, and her dissolution too sudden for her to
receive the overtures made by the princess.
The death of the queen placed William in a new and cri
tical situation. Many had begun to suggest doubts of his
right to the crown, and some even argued, that as the par
liament had been summoned in the joint names of the king
and queen, it was dissolved by the death of either. Had
the princess abetted these objections, she might doubtless
have created much confusion in the state, and formed a
party dangerous to the authority of the king. But instead
of testifying the slightest wish to question his right, she
made an affectionate appeal to his feelings, in a letter of con
dolence, expressing extreme concern at having incurred the
displeasure of the deceased queen, and declaring her readiness
to wait on him, and give proofs of respect for his person,
and zeal for his interest.
At the moment when this spontaneous overture had pro
duced its effect, Lord Somers, who had long regretted the

42 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. VI.
feuds in the royal family, repaired to the palace of Ken
sington. He found the king sitting at the end of his closet,
in an agony of grief, more acute than seemed consonant to
his phlegmatic temper. Absorbed in reflection, William
took no notice of the intrusion, till Somers himself broke
silence, by proposing to terminate the unhappy difference
with the princess. The king replied, " My lord, do what
you will ; I can think of no business ! " To a repetition of
the proposal, the same answer was returned. By the
agency of Somers an interview was accordingly arranged, in
which the king received the princess with cordiality, and in
formed her that the palace of St. James's should be appro
priated for her future residence.
During the interval between the liberation of Marl
borough and the death of Queen Mary, we find him, in
conjunction with Godolphin, and many others, continuing a
clandestine intercourse with the exiled family. On the 2d
of May, 1 694, only a few days before he offered his services
to King William through Lord Shrewsbury, he communicated
to James, by Colonel Sackville, intelligence of an expedition,
then fitted out, for the purpose of destroying the fleet in
Brest harbour. Godolphin, though a minister, is even said
to have made the same disclosure on the preceding day. We
are far from attempting to palliate this act of infidelity; yet
from the time and circumstances of the communication, we
are inclined to regard it in no other light than as one of the
various expedients adopted by Marlborough and others, to
regain the good will of their former sovereign, that their
demerits might be overlooked in the event of a restoration.
This inference may fairly be drawn from all the circum
stances attending the expedition. The communication is
said to have been made by Godolphin on the first of May;
and on the second by Marlborough, through Colonel Sack
ville. This was only the day before the English fleet put to
sea. Allowing for the time requisite to convey the infor
mation to St. Germains, it evidently could not have been the
cause that the Brest fleet escaped, and joined that of Toulon ;
for it had sailed even before Admiral Russel reached Ports
mouth to assume the command. As little could it have been
the cause of the ultimate failure ; for the magnitude and
nature of the preparations must have indicated to the enemy

1692-1697.] HIS CORRESPONDENCE WITH JAMES. 43
the object of attack, long before such information coulcl reach
the French court. In fact, some letters which passed be
tween Admiral Russel and Shrewsbury, prove that they
considered the expedition as hopeless so early as the begin
ning of May. They concur in ascribing the failure to the
delays which arose, and the inadequacy of the land force
employed, and they admit that these delays gave the enemy
ample time to mature all his measures of defence.
But whatever were the real motives of Marlborough, in
this and similar communications to the exiled monarch, his
intercourse with the Stuart agents could not be concealed ;
and a proof of the danger to which he exposed himself, was
afforded in the case of Sir John Fenwick.*
* Fenwick was one of the most notorious Jacobites, and deeply impli
cated in the plot to assassinate King William. Being arrested in his
attempt to escape, his guilt was proved by an intercepted letter, which
he had addressed to his wife. After strongly denying the charges against
him, in his examination before the lords justices, he was confounded by
the production of this letter, and ofFered to purchase his pardon by an
ample disclosure, provided he was excused from appearing as an evidence.
His request being denied, he threw himself on the royal mercy.
To prove his contrition, he delivered to the duke of Devonshire, lord
high steward, who, by the king's order, visited him in the Tower, a
written confession, containing vague accounts of the plots and projects of
the Jacobites, and obscure allusions to certain persons, who were stated
to be intrusted with the management of King James's affairs in England.
Being required to specify these persons, he delivered other papers, in
which he named the duke of Shrewsbury, the Earls of Marlborough and
Bath, Lord Godolphin, Admiral Russel, and others of less note. He also
indicated the services which they were respectively to perform ; stating
in particular that King James deemed himself secure of the army by
means of Lord Marlborough. He added, that Shrewsbury, Marlborough,
and Russel had accepted pardons from their former sovereign.
As these accusations were too ill defined, and ill supported, to obtain
credit, Fenwick was ordered for trial. But from the absence of the duke
of Devonshire, in the country, and the expectation of the king's return
from the Continent, the prosecution was deferred. The delay afforded
his friends an opportunity of tampering with Goodman, a principal wit
ness against him, who was bribed to escape beyond sea. Captain Porter,
the second witness, affected to listen to similar proposals ; but betrayed
the attempt to government, and contrived that his conversation with Lady
Mary Fenwick should be overheard, and the fact substantiated. Still,
however, as Porter alone remained, Fenwick hoped to escape, because
the law of treason requires the crime to be proved by two competent
witnesses. The accusations against persons so high in rank and confidence pro-

44 LITE OF MAELBOEOTJGH. ' [CH. VI.
We have no document to prove the feelings of Marl
borough during this investigation, except a single letter to
duced a great sensation. Godolphin, who was naturally timid, caught
the alarm, and withdrew from office1; and Shrewsbury was unable to
appear in his own vindication, being detained in the country by the con
sequences of a fall from his horse. The resignation of one of these noble
men, and the absence of the other, gave rise to such injurious surmises
that it was deemed proper to bring the matter before the cognisance of
parliament. Accordingly, on the 6th November, soon after the opening of the
session, Admiral Russel, with the king's consent, submitted the papers
and proceedings relative to Sir John Fenwick to the House of Commons.
The prisoner was then brought to the bar, and publicly questioned on
the charges which he had advanced against each individual. Colonel
Godfrey, the brother-in-law of Marlborough, in particular, required him
to declare whether since the beginning of the war the earl had held with
him any communication whatever ; what was the service on the perform
ance of which King James promised a pardon : and lastly, whether he
could prove, by any testimony beside his own, that the accused peer had
sent Lloyd, one of the principal agents, to France. To these and other
queries relating to the persons implicated, Fenwick declined replying,
under the plea that his answers might criminate himself. In consequence
of this evasion he was ordered to withdraw. Russel then vindicated
himself in an animated speech, and was followed by several other mem
bers who were interested to justify their own conduct or that of their
friends. The question was finally put to the vote, and the charges
declared false and scandalous, without a division.
As the want of witnesses prevented a regular process in the ordinary
courts of justice, a bill of attainder against Fenwick, for his design on the
life of the king, was immediately brought into the House of Commons.
Yet although little doubt was entertained of his guilt, such a measure
was regarded as a dangerous precedent. After several warm discussions,
in which it was evidently made a party question, it passed on the 25th of
November by a majority of only twenty-three voices.
On the 1st of December the bill was transmitted to the Lords. After
the papers of accusation, examined by the Commons, had been read,
Marlborough rose and addressed the house : "I do not wonder," he
1 It is singular that the resignation or rather dismission, of Lord Go
dolphin, from the office of first commissioner of the treasury, in October,
1696, is scarcely noticed by historians. Ralph mentions him as not being
one of the lords justices in 1697, without appearing to be aware of his
, resignation. The fact is, that he was alarmed at Fenwick's accusation ;
and the distinction made by the king between Shrewsbury and Russel,
. and the Tories. As he was obnoxious to Sunderland, that artful states
man availed himself of these circumstances, and persuaded him to offer
-his resignation, which was accepted by the king. — Shrewsbury Papers.

1692-1697.] accused by fenwick. 45
the duke of Shrewsbury, in which he appears to regard it
as rather affecting that nobleman than himself.
observed, " to find a man in danger willing to throw his guilt upon
others. I feel great satisfaction in being named in such good company ;
but I assure your lordships, on my word and honour, that since the go
vernment of the present king I have never held any conversation with Sir
John Fenwick, on any account whatsoever." Lords Godolphin and Bath
vindicated themselves in a similar manner. The question was then taken
into consideration; and, in a house unusually full, the peers accused
were declared to have given a satisfactory justification, and the charges
of Fenwick were stigmatised as calumnious.1
In the House of Peers the bill of attainder was less treated as a party
question than in the House of Commons ; but it encountered still stronger
opposition on the same grounds. Not only the adherents of the exiled
family, and the high Tories, but even some of the warmest friends of go
vernment argued against it, particularly the duke of Devonshire, lord high
steward, Lord Pembroke, privy seal, the duke of Leeds, lord president,
and even Sunderland, confidential adviser of the king.8 After a tedious
investigation, and several debates of peculiar vehemence, it passed by a
majority of only seven. A protest was entered against it, by no fewer
than forty-one peers, among whom was the earl of Bath, though himself
one of the accused.
In the course of the discussion, a new disclosure awakened equal dis
gust, astonishment, and horror. The wife of Sir John Fenwick delivered
to the house a paper of instructions, which had been sent to her husband,
through the duchess of Norfolk, by Lord Monmouth, afterwards earl of
Peterborough, containing explicit directions to the criminal how to con
duct his defence, so as to implicate those against whom he had advanced
his charges. Godolphin was to be accused of corresponding with the
exiled queen, and lords Portland and Romney were to be questioned
relative to intercepted letters from him, which had been shown to the
king. In regard to the duke of Shrewsbury, an appeal was to be made
to the king himself, for the secret movements of his resignation in 1692,
and his subsequent transactions. Marlborough was to be questioned on
the causes of his dismission, and the events which ensued. Admiral
Russel was to be required to declare whether he had not seen David
Lloyd, an agent of James, both in London and at Cadiz, and what had
passed between them. Other hints were suggested, which it is needless
to recapitulate. It appeared, also, that, on the refusal of Fenwick to
1 It is remarkable that no trace of Marlborough's speech appears in
any printed account. It is given from a letter of Lord Wharton to the
duke of Shrewsbury, dated December 1. 1696. — Shrewsbury Papers.
2 There is reason to believe that the king himself was against the
bill of attainder. The prince of Denmark voted for it ; but in a letter
from Lord Somers to the duke of Shrewsbury, Dec. 24. 1696, it is said
that he came late, and was brought with difficulty, and that the difficulty
did not proceed from himself.

46 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [cH. VI.
" Wednesday night. — Although I have not troubled your grace with
my letters, I have not been wanting in inquiring constantly how you did.
frame his defence according to these directions, Monmouth did not scruple
to speak and vote for the bill of attainder. This conduct induced the
friends of Fenwick to make the disclosure.
Monmouth was immediately dismissed from all his places, and sent to
the Tower. He was, however, screened from farther humiliation, by the
interest of the king, through the agency of Bishop Burnet. It is also
surmised that he was secretly remunerated by the government for the
loss he incurred in consequence of his dismission. Whether this indul
gence was owing to the service he had rendered at the Revolution, or to
the dread which was entertained of his enterprising spirit, must be left
among those mysterious questions which cannot be solved.1
Fenwick was executed, in virtue of the bill of attainder. On the scaf
fold he presented a paper, avowing the principles for which he suffered,
repeating all his former accusations, and declaring that he drew the in
formation he had given to the duke of Devonshire from letters and mes
sages which had been transmitted to France. He stated also, that, on
repeating this information, the duke had assured him the king was
acquainted with the facts long before.8
On reviewing the circumstances of this mysterious transaction we find
nothing more specific charged on Marlborough than was charged on
Shrewsbury and Russel ; and that even these charges were not avowed
by their accuser, when he was solemnly required to substantiate and con
firm his assertions. We find, also, on comparing Femvick's statements
1 From the correspondence of Vernon with Shrewsbury, Nov. 30.
1696, it appears that some intimation was given of these insidious instruc
tions early in November. The fact was mentioned to Marlborough, who
instantly designated Monmouth as the author, adding, they could be
framed only by " the worst of men." Yet it is remarkable that this
eccentric peer afterwards conciliated the confidence of Marlborough and
his lady, and was regarded by both with an unusual degree of favour;
and finally that he again betrayed their confidence, and became the most
bitter and persevering enemy of Marlborough.
2 The biographer of James II. corroborates the remark of the duke
of Devonshire, that King William was acquainted witli the correspond
ence carried on with the Stuart agents. " The Prince of Orange looking
never the worse upon my Lord Godolphin1 and Admiral Russel, was an
argument he had been no stranger to their practices, but it was a check,
however, upon others, who perhaps meant better ; of which number, whe
ther my Lord Churchill was to be counted or no, is still a mystery, and
the veil is like to remain upon it." Vol. i. p. 55S.
This is another proof of Macpherson's infidelity, as he has suppressed
this clause in his extracts relative to the same transaction, p. 257.

1 The words in italics inserted afterwards.

1692-1697.] RESTORED TO FAVOUR. 47
I did, about a fortnight ago, write a letter, to acquaint you with what I
had observed of some people, in hopes Mr. Arden would have called upon
me, as he promised ; but I did not care to send it by the post, and so it
was burnt. We had yesterday Sir John Fenwick at the house, and I
think it all went as you could wish. I do not send you the particulars,
knowing you must have it more exactly from others; but I should be
wanting if I did not let you know that Lord Rochester has behaved him
self on all this occasion like a friend. In a conversation he had with me,
he expressed himself as a real servant of yours ; and I think it would
not be amiss if you took notice of it to him. If you think me capable
of any commands, I shall endeavour to approve myself, what I am with
much truth," &c.
Notwithstanding the strength of the prejudices which the
ting fostered against Marlborough, he had been frequently
heard to express his concern that he could not employ a
nobleman who was equally distinguished for political and
military talents, and who appeared never to discover a dif
ficulty, while other generals seemed to find every thing pro
posed to them impracticable. At length the merit of Marl
borough, and the necessities of the times, outweighed all
objections. William seems to have discovered that the extensive corre
spondence which in the preceding period of his reign had
been maintained with the exiled family, arose, in most in
stances, rather from fear, selfishness, or gratitude, than from
" disaffection ; and that in proportion as his throne became
more stable, his subjects appeared less hesitating in their
allegiance. Hence at different times, he employed many of
those whom he knew to have been implicated in such an
with the Stuart Papers, published by Macpherson, and the Life of
James II., edited by Clarke, that Marlborough was fully justified in his
declaration, that he had held no communication whatever with Fenwick
after the commencement of the war. It is, however, remaikable, that
not only the accusations of Fenwick, but also the suggestions of Lord
Monmouth, were grounded on the information which was conveyed to
the court of St. Germains by the Stuart agents and spies. We may
therefore conclude, that the substance was furnished by the loquacity of
these agents ; that in the moment of alarm these hints were thrown out
by the criminal, with a view to avert or suspend his fate, by operating on
the fears of those who had reason to dread farther disclosures ; and that
when put to the test he was either unable to substantiate them, for want
of evidence, or was unwilling to injure the cause for which he suffered,
by revealing the sources of his information.

48 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. VI.
intercourse, and found no cause to repent of his confidence.
It was probably from the same motive that he at length con
signed to Marlborough an employment of the highest trust.
As it was now deemed proper to form a separate esta
blishment for the young duke of Gloucester, presumptive
heir to the throne, the princess, his mother, was anxious that
the charge of his person should be confided to a nobleman so
high in her esteem, and so accomplished, as the Earl of
Marlborough. Her inclinations were perfectly in unison
with the public voice. But the king was at first averse
to the appointment, and at one time purposed to fill the
offices in the new establishment, without consulting her
wishes. With a view of excluding Marlborough, he offered
the post of governor to the duke of Shrewsbury, who, from
ill health was then soliciting permission to relinquish the
fatiguing office of secretary of state. The duke declining
the appointment, William remained in suspense, from dislike
of Marlborough, and the difficulty of selecting a person who,
with equal merit, was less obnoxious. At length his repug
nance was overcome by the representations of Lord Sunder
land, the suggestions of the new favourite, Lord Albemarle,
who had recently supplanted Portland, the recommendation
of the Tories, who were rising in influence, and the dread of
being obliged to consign the prince to a nobleman of so
froward a temper as Lord Rochester, whose cause was
espoused by the violent members of his party. Having
taken his resolution, he conferred the office on Marlborough
in the most gracious manner ; and delivered the young
prince into his care with a compliment of unusual warmth :
" Teach him," he said, " to be like yourself, and he will not
want accomplishments."
The coadjutor of Marlborough in the office of preceptor
was the celebrated Dr. Burnet, bishop of Salisbury, whose
learning, frankness, and integrity, entitled him to the confix
dence of the king. The governor and preceptor indeed
differed widely in political principles, for the bishop was
distinguished by his attachment to the Whig cause ; but this
diversity of sentiment created no discordance in the fulfil
ment of their important duties. Their esteem and respect
were mutual, and their public connexion became the foun
dation of a friendship, which lasted through life.

1692-1697.] PRECEPTOR TO DUKE OF GLOUCESTER. 49
After making so great a sacrifice in the choice of a
governor, William became less scrupulous in inferior regu
lations. Except the nomination of Burnet, as the preceptor,
against the wish of the princess, who disliked his political
principles, the king seems to have left to her, or rather to
Marlborough, the selection of the different attendants who
were placed about the person of his nephew.
The very evening of his appointment, Marlborough was
restored to his place in the privy council, and to his military
rank and employments. In the course of the two succeeding
years he was also named one of the lords justices, who were
intrusted with the government during the absence of the
king. The appointment of Bishop Burnet gave great offence to
the violent Tories, and they were little more satisfied with
that of Marlborough, in whose post they were anxious to
place the earl of Rochester, uncle of the young prince.
Accordingly a motion was made in parliament, for an address
to remove Bishop Burnet, in consequence of the censure
passed by the House of Commons on his Country and Pas
toral Letter, which had been ordered to be burnt by the
common executioner. This invidious attack was, however,
repelled by a great majority. Marlborough supported his
colleague with all his interest, having even prevailed on his
brother, George Churchill, who was a zealous Tory, to absent
himself from the house on the day the motion was decided.
Considering the known bias of the princess, and the diversity
of their political sentiments, this conduct reflects honour on
his candour and impartiality.
Trained up under a governor so accomplished, and under
so learned and skilful a preceptor, the young prince rapidly
improved in personal and mental acquirements ; and gave
the most promising indications of virtues and qualities,
which were likely to adorn a crown. But like the Marcellus
of Rome, he was shown to an anxious country, only to be
admired and regretted. In the dawn of youth, amidst the
vows and prayers of his destined subjects, he was hurried to
a premature grave.
Lord and Lady Marlborough were at Althorpe when he
was first seized ; but the progress of the fatal disorder was
so rapid, that the afflicted governor arrived at Windsor only
VOL. I. E

¦ 50 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. VII.
in time to receive the dying breath of his royal charge, who
expired on the 30th of July, 1700, aged eleven years and
five days.*

Chap. vTI  Characters of Godolphin and Sunderland.
1698-1700.
At this period the family of Marlborough consisted of one
son, John, Marquis of Blandford, and four daughters, Hen
rietta, Anne, Elizabeth, and Mary. The two eldest daugh
ters, Henrietta and Anne, being now marriageable, their
beauty and accomplishments attracted many admirers of rank
and fortune. But in the choice of an alliance, the parents
did not lay the slightest restraint on the inclinations of their
children ; and preferred to every other advantage the ties of
friendship, and the characters of the individuals to whom
they confided their beloved pledges.
From an early period of the reign of Charles II. an inti
mate connexion had subsisted between Marlborough and
Godolphin, which took its rise from their intercourse in
public employments, and was afterwards cemented by simi
larity in political principles, both being Tories and high
churchmen, but without the rancour and prejudice which
marked the distinctions of party. Their union was ren
dered more cordial by the diversity of their talents and pur
suits, Marlborough being attached to the profession of arms,
and Godolphin to finance, of which he was a perfect master.
In the Revolution, which was the test of so many public and
private connexions, Godolphin acted a less prominent part
than his noble friend. He did not forsake the interest of
James, till the misguided monarch became wanting to him
self ; and he made a vigorous opposition to the breach of
the hereditary succession, occasioned by the elevation of
• Marlborough announced this melancholy event to the king; and
the answer, though brief, does honour to the feelings of the monarch :
" Loo, 1th Oct. 1700. — I do not think it necessary to employ many
words in expressing my surprise and grief at the death of the duke of
Gloucester. It is so great a loss to me, as well as to all England, that
it pierces my heart with affliction."

1698-1700.] MARRIAGES OP HIS DAUGHTERS. 51
William to the throne. Still, however, he was continued in
the commission of the treasury by the new monarch, who
entertained a high opinion of his abilities and integrity.
He held his situation at the head of the board, from 1690
to 1696 ; and resigned, as we have already observed, in con
sequence of the accusations of Sir John Fenwick. He re
mained out of office during the administration in which the
Whigs were predominant.
No public change produced the slightest diminution in the
cordial friendship which had long subsisted between the two-
statesmen ; and amidst the various revolutions of fortune
and trying incidents which afterwards befel them, their in
tercourse was invariably marked with the same esteem and
confidence. Their connexion was consolidated by the re
spectful attachment of Godolphin to the Countess of Marl
borough ; of whose character and talents he appears to have-
entertained the highest admiration, and to whose opinions^.
and even caprice, he paid unlimited deference.*
The intercourse of the parents produced an intimacy
between their children ; and all parties witnessed with sinr
gular pleasure a growing attachment between Francis the
only son of Lord Godolphin, and Lady Henrietta ChurchilL
Meeting with the full approbation of the parents, it soon
terminated in a matrimonial union, which took place in 1698,
when the young lady had attained her eighteenth year. The
Princess Anne interested herself warmly in the match, and
offered in the most delicate terms to endow the bride with a
marriage portion of 10,000Z. The Countess of Marlborough
would not, however, accept more than 5000J., though the
establishment of the young couple was ill-adapted to their
rank ; for Godolphin in the management of the finances had
added to the wealth of his country without increasing his
own ; and the fortune of Marlborough was not yet suffi
ciently ample to furnish a liberal portion to each of his fouf
daughters. He added, however, 5000£. to the generous gift
of the princess.
Of all their children, Lady Anne, the second daughter,
was perhaps the most endeared to them, by personal and
mental accomplishments, as well as by uncommon sweetness
of disposition, and a maturity of judgment above her years.
* See Appendix, note B.
E 2

52 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. TO.
For the establishment of this darling child, the anxious
parents felt peculiar solicitude ; and in the choice of an
alliance they were guided by the same sentiments of private
friendship which they had consulted in the marriage of her
sister. Among the most intimate of Marlborough's early friends
was Robert earl of Sunderland, who bore so important, but
so mysterious a part in the Revolution. It would be foreign
to the present purpose to scrutinise the actions of Sunder
land, or attempt to vindicate his political character from the
accusations with which it has been loaded. It is sufficient
to state that he has encountered deeper obloquy than he de
served ; and that the charge urged against him of instigating
King James to violent measures, in order to accelerate his
ruin, is without foundation. In fact, the moderation of his
principles was one of the qualities which most strongly re
commended him to the friendship of Marlborough. They
were both of the party which was attached to the interest of
the queen, in opposition to Hugh Peters, the king's favourite
Jesuit, and they both hoped that means might be devised to
restrain the imprudence of James ; or in case of his death,
that what they deemed a constitutional government, might
be established under the regency of the queen.
After the Revolution, the good offices of Marlborough
were effectually exerted in favour of Sunderland, then in
exile and distress. He not only obtained his restoration to
his country, but strongly recommended him to the friendship
of the new king. Sunderland on his part was not unmind
ful of the obligation ; and when Marlborough was involved
in disgrace, repaid his kindness by soothing the resentment
of William, and promoting his appointment as governor to
the young duke of Gloucester.
Besides the intimacy which subsisted between the two
¦noblemen, an attachment of the most romantic kind arose
between the two countesses. Their letters breathe the same
warmth of affection as those which passed between the
princess and Lady Marlborough ; and we find the former
tenderly expressing her jealousy at the attentions which
Lady Sunderland received from her favourite.* Besides
• « I cannot help," observed the princess in one of her letters to her
favourite, " envying Lady Sunderland to-day, that she should have the

1698-1700.] lord spencer. 53
the regard arising from this attachment, the privileges of
a god-daughter gave the young lady an additional title to
the affection of a friend so intimately connected with her
mother. Lord Spencer, the only son of Lord Sunderland, having
recently lost his wife, Lady Arabella Cavendish, daughter of
the duke of Newcastle, his anxious parents within a few
months proposed to unite him with Lady Anne Churchill,
first through the agency of Lord Godolphin, and his sister
Mrs. Boscawen, and subsequently by a direct application.
In one of the letters written during this negotiation, Lord
Sunderland artfully observes : " If I see him so settled, I
shall desire nothing more in this world but to die in peace,
if it please God. I must add this, that if he can be thus
happy, he will be governed in every thing public and private
by Lord Marlborough. I have particularly talked to him
of that, and he is sensible how advantageous it will be to
him to be so. I need not, I am sure, desire, that all this
may be a secret to everybody but Lady Marlborough."
The proposal was not, however, received with equal warmth
by the parents of the young lady. Lord Spencer in person
was highly favoured by nature, and no less liberally gifted
with intellectual endowments, which he had improved by
assiduous study. He was remarkable for a sedateness above
his years ; but in him a bold and impetuous spirit was con
cealed under a cold and reserved exterior. Imbued with
that ardent love of liberty, which the youthful mind gene
rally draws from the writers of Greece and Rome, and
educated amidst the effervescence which produced the Revo
lution, he was a zealous champion of the Whig doctrines, in
their most enlarged sense. Associating with the remnant of
republicans who had survived the Commonwealth, he caught
their spirit. He was an animated speaker ; and in the
warmth of debate, disdained to spare the prejudices or fail
ings even of those with whom he was most intimately con
nected. His political idol was Lord Somers, though he
wanted both the prudence and temper of so distinguished a
leader.satisfaction of seeing you before me ; for I am sure she cannot love you
half so well as I do, though 1 know she has the art of saying a great
deal."

5.4 \ LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. LCH- Ym-
The deportment of the young nobleman- in private life
was ill calculated to win the esteem of those who could not
regard with indulgence the defects of his public character.
Abhorring the very shadow of adulation, he carried his
freedom of speech to a degree of bluntness which was often
offensive. At this period the loss of a beloved wife threw a,
gloom over his mind, and gave the appearance of additional
harshness to his manners and temper.
A man of so unaccommodating a disposition was not likely
to conciliate the favour of the Countess of Marlborough,
who was accustomed to adulation and fond of flattery. As
little did his political principles accord with those of her
lord, who was averse to party violence, and particularly-
hostile to those republican notions, which were fashionable-
among the ardent Whigs of the day. We are not therefore
surprised to find the parents of the young lady receiving the
proposal of a match with coldness, and starting numerous
objections, notwithstanding the friendship which subsisted
between the two families. Lord and Lady Sunderland, how
ever, persisted in their solicitations, and extenuated the fail
ings of their son with all the partiality of parental affection.-
By degrees these instances produced an impression. Lady
Marlborough, being less hostilejo Whig principles than her.
husband, overlooked the political violence of her future son-
in-law; but her maternal feelings suggested another diffi
culty. Judging from the natural reserve of Lord Spencer,,
and the additional gloom with which he was now depressed,!
§he deemed him averse to a new marriage, and withheld her
approbation, from a fear lest her beloved child should be
made the sacrifice of a match without affection.
At length the charms and accomplishments of Lady Anne
dissipated the grief of the young widower ; and he felt the
passion which her youth, beauty, and merit could not fail
to inspire. The impression sunk deep in a reserved but
ardent mind ; and he testified no less anxiety for the alliance
than his parents. The intelligence of this conquest was
exultingly communicated by his mother to Lady Marl
borough, and accompanied with the most pressing entreaties
to hasten an union, which she hoped would equally ensure
the felicity of both parties.
By the zealous interposition of Lady Marlborough, th$

.1698-1701.] DEBATES ON THE ARMY AND NAVY. 55
objections of her husband were gradually removed. But he
did not give his consent without strong forebodings that his
intended son-in-law would not long maintain the promised
change in his political habits and principles ; and his fears
were fully realised ; for it soon appeared that the father had
overrated his son's docility, when he engaged that he should
" be guided in every thing public and private by the Earl of
Marlborough." At length this negotiation, which had lasted a year and a
half, was brought to a happy conclusion ; and the ceremony
took place at St. Alban's, in January 1699-1700. The
princess of Denmark gave the same sum to Lady Anne as
she had already bestowed on her sister, and the father
equalised their portions, by adding another 5000/.

Chap. VIII. — Changes of Ministry.— 1698-1701.
After his restoration to favour, Marlborough had a difficult
part to act. A series of parliamentary questions arose, in.
the highest degree delicate, which left him no alternative
but to desert his party, or offend the king. These questions
principally related to the reduction of the army and navy,
after the peace of Ryswick ; the dismission of the Dutch
guards ; the liquidation of a debt, contracted with the prince
of Denmark ; and the resumption of the forfeited lands in
Ireland, which William had profusely distributed among his
favourites. With regard to the celebrated discussion relative to the
reduction of the army and navy, we cannot ascertain in what
degree Marlborough abetted the views of his party. Indeed
there is reason to infer, that as he considered the peace of
Ryswick in the light of a mere temporary, accommodation,
h$ must have approved the wish of the king to maintain the
CQuntry in a respectable state of defence, at a time when the
French monarch was augmenting, instead of reducing, both
his military and naval establishment.
-We are convinced also that he disapproved the personal
insult offered to William, by the compulsory dismission of
E 4

56 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. VIH.
his Dutch guards : for he was one of the few confidential
persons to whom the king, in the anguish of his heart, im
parted the design of renouncing a throne, which had exposed
him to accumulated mortifications ; and of withdrawing from
a country, where his patriotic designs were thwarted by
party violence.
The question in which Marlborough was particularly in
terested, was that on the liquidation of the debt due to the
prince of Denmark.
For the purpose of accelerating an accommodation be
tween Sweden and Denmark, during the late war, the king
had persuaded Prince George to surrender tlie isle of Yam-
meren, and the bailiwicks of Transbottel and Steinholst, on
which he held a mortgage amounting to 85,000/. sterling, to
the duke of Holstein. In return the king charged himself
with the mortgage, and, till it was liquidated, engaged to pay
the interest of six per cent. The prince being anxious for
the repayment of the money, the king, in compliance with
his repeated solicitations, at length imparted the matter to
parliament, in his speech of November, 1699, when he re
commended the discharge of the public debt. It was ac
cordingly taken into consideration, and made the theme for
reflections in the highest degree offensive to the king. In
January, 1700, a supply was voted for the purpose; but
clogged with the condition that the money should be vested
in the purchase of lands, which were to be settled on the
prince and princess, and their issue, in conformity with their
marriage contract. Other objections were afterwards ad
vanced -, but the money was finally repaid, because the most
violent of the opposition were desirous to gratify the prince
at the expense of the king. The zeal which Marlborough
and his lady had manifested in the promotion of this object,
was gratefully acknowledged by the princess in a letter of
thanks, written in the warmest style of regard, and ascribing
the success of the measure solely to their interference.
Although Marlborough had not entered into the factious
discussions which arose from this question, the king was too
jealous of the slightest interference in behalf of the prince,
¦to regard his conduct without dissatisfaction. The im
pression was, however, only transient ; for Vernon, in a letter
to the duke of Shrewsbury, written in the same month, ob*

1698-1701.] RESUMPTION OF IRISH GRANTS. 57
serves, " I think the cloud which has been hanging over my
Lord Marlborough is clearing up." *
Except the dismission of the Dutch guards, no parlia
mentary interference more deeply affected William than the
resumption of the Irish grants. It created an almost un
precedented degree of ferment both in the parliament and
nation. After long and acrimonious debates, a bill passed
the Commons for resuming these grants, and appropriating
the money arising from the sale of the property to the pay
ment of the army. The execution of the act was intrusted
to thirteen commissioners, who were armed with almost in
quisitorial powers ; and to extort the assent of the Peers, it
was tacked to the land tax bill, as one of the sources of
revenue. To prevent it from passing, the king's friends in the House
of Peers proposed various amendments, which, as it was
identified with a money bill, would naturally be rejected by
the Commons. This expedient was, however, highly resented
by the lower house. The most violent resolutions were
proposed, reflecting on the king and his foreign adherents ;
and every artifice was employed to excite the public alarm
and indignation. Motions were even prepared for the banish
ment of the earls of Portland and Albemarle, as well as of
all other foreigners in offices of honour or trust, except the
prince of Denmark. Several conferences between the two
houses only served to widen the breach, and to provoke
new animosity. At the instances of his friends and ad
herents, the king himself prevailed on the Lords to recede
from their amendments ; but he was finally compelled to
give a hasty assent to the bill, and prorogue the parliament,
in order to avoid the mortification of receiving an address
from the Commons, which had passed by acclamation, re
quiring the removal of all foreigners from the privy council.
Marlborough strongly disapproved the Irish grants, and
therefore opposed the amendments ; but observing that the
violence of his own party threatened the very existence of
the government, he retired from the house, that he might
not be obliged to vote when the question was put, for adopt-
ins the bill without alteration. Notwithstanding this con-
* Vernon to the duke of Shrewsbury, January, 1 700.

58 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. VTH.
sistent and honourable conduct, he experienced tbe usual
fate of such as attempt to steer between opposite extremes.
The feelings of the king were too much wounded to regard
with indulgence any one who had favoured the obnoxious
bill ; while the victorious party stigmatised all who had not
fully entered into their measures as enemies to the country. *
The displeasure of the king was, however, speedily dis
sipated ; and he appears to have rendered justice to the con
sistency of Marlborough, who had checked the violence of
his party, without deserting his principles. William showed
him new proofs of cordiality, by consulting him on the change
which he meditated in the administration, as well as by em
ploying him as the agent of a confidential communication
with Lord Sunderland, on the actual state of affairs ; and he
was selected as one of the lords justices, to conduct the
government during the king's absence abroad. In fact,'
Marlborough took so active a share in political transactions,
that he incurred the jealousy of the Whigs ; for in a letter to
the duke of Shrewsbury we find him complaining of the ill
humour manifested by the Lord Chancellor Somers, and
attempting to justify himself against the peevish imputation
of Lord Orford, that he was absolutely governed by Lord
Sunderland. '. Amidst the mortifications which William had undergone5
in the preceding session, it is no wonder that he adopted the.
resolution of dismissing the Whigs, who were either unable1
or unwilling to support his government. Indeed, a political;
dissolution had gradually taken place in the Whig part of the:
ministry. Since the affair of Fenwick, the duke- of Shrews
bury had not only withdrawn from active business, but had'
so repeatedly solicited permission to resign, that William at
length granted his request. The place' of secretary of state,
vacant by his resignation, was transferred to the earl of
Jersey. The Whigs successively withdrew from their situa
tions. Orford retired in disgust in June, 1699 ; and Mon-!
* Accordingly we find Marlborough complaining of his unpleasant1
situation, in a letter written soon afterwards to his friend the duke of
Shrewsbury : — " May 11.1 700. — The king's coldness tp me still .con
tinues ; so that I should have been glad to have had your friendly ad
vice ; for to have friends and acquaintance unreasonably jealous, and the
king at the same time angry, is what I know not how to bear, nor do I
know how to behave myself." — Shrewsbury Papers.

1698-1 701. J MR. HARLEY. 59"
tagu quitted the treasury in November, with the promise of
being called to the peerage. Somers'was indignant at the
timidity of his colleagues, and persisted in retaining the seals,
till he received his formal dismission in May, 1700.
During these transactions the king had entered into a
secret negotiation with Lord Rochester, for the appointment
of a Tory cabinet. Rochester was to be considered as the
principal minister, with the lucrative post of lord-lieu
tenant of Ireland, though without' the obligation of a con
tinued residence. Sir Nathan Wright received the seals, as
lord keeper ; Lord Jersey was removed to the office of lord
chamberlain, in the room of Shrewsbury ; and, still more to
gratify the Tories, the vacant secretaryship was given to Sir
Charles Hedges. The treasury, was offered to Lord GodoIJ
phin, which he at first refused, but through the persuasion
of the king, accepted. Of the few persons in office, who were
not identified with the Tory party, was Mr. Smith, chancellor
of the exchequer, whose political heresy was overlooked in
favour of his talents and integrity ; and Vernon, secretary of
state, who was personally acceptable to the king, and was
too moderate and circumspect to excite the jealousy of
either party.
Having thus remodelled the ministry, the king summoned
a new parliament. The struggle in the elections was exJ
tremely violent ; but the death of the duke of Gloucester,'
and the perfidious conduct of the French king, in usurping
the Spanish monarchy, created such an alarm in the nation,'
that the number of Jacobite members was much diminished/
and the preponderance thrown on the side of the Tories.1
Parliament assembled on the 17th of -February; and the'
Tory candidate, Mr. Robert Harley, was chosen by a large
majority, as the new speaker. He was the intimate friend
of Marlborough, and as he afterwards bore so conspicuous a
part in public affairs, we shall introduce a few remarks on;
his character and connexions.
Mr. Harley had imbibed from his father the Whig doc
trines ; and as he had been brought up in the principles of
the low church, he was even suspected of a tendency to
puritanism. At all events, his family adhered to the pres-
byterian form of worship, and he himself appears to have
maintained an intimate connexion with the dissenters.

60 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. fCH. VHT.
Being a decided enemy to Popery, he took so prominent a
part in the Revolution, that he was selected by the gentry of
Worcestershire to convey a tender of their services to the
Prince of Orange. He was brought into Parliament after
the accession of King William, and speedily became an
active and useful member. He not only distinguished him
self by his skill in finance, but in 1694 he was chosen to
prepare the act which formed the groundwork of the cele
brated triennial bill. Abrfiit this time he changed his political
tenets, and ranged himself with the Tories, though his prin
ciples were always regarded as moderate, and he maintained
his connexion with many of different sentiments. His
talents for business, conciliating manners, and dexterity in
debate, gave him at an early period considerable influence
in the House of Commons. A distant relationship with the
Countess of Marlborough first introduced him to the notice
of her husband. A conformity in political sentiments gave
rise to a more intimate acquaintance, which was gradually
matured into the highest degree of cordiality and friendship.
From the interest which Marlborough afterwards took in
the advancement of Harley, there is little doubt that he
zealously promoted his views, and gave essential aid in his
elevation to the speaker's chair. In transferring the powers
of government to the Tories, the king appears to have widely
miscalculated the strength of party prejudice. Relying,
however, on the support of his new ministry, he had em
ployed the interval since the dissolution in arranging
measures calculated to secure domestic tranquillity, and to
maintain the independence of Europe against the usurpa
tions of Louis XIV.
The declining health of Charles II. of Spain, and the
prospect of a contest for the succession to the crown, had
long occupied his serious attention. He therefore concluded
the first Partition Treaty, for the eventual division of the
Spanish monarchy, by which he hoped to accommodate the
jarring pretensions of the different claimants, and prevent
the king of France from grasping the whole. This arrange
ment being frustrated by the death of the electoral prince of
Bavaria, to whom Spain and the Indies had been assigned,
he entered into a new engagement, which is called the
Second Partition Treaty. Spain, the Indies, and the Low

1698-1701.] AFFAIRS OF SPAIN. 61
Countries were to descend to the Archduke Charles, second
son of the Emperor Leopold, who deduced his pretensions
from Margaret, younger daughter of Philip IV. To meet
the claims which Louis still advanced, notwithstanding the
most solemn renunciation, the two Sicilies, with other pro
vinces, depending on an eventual convention, were to be
transferred to the dauphin, in right of his mother, Maria
Theresa, eldest daughter of Philip. This treaty, however*
satisfied neither party, and the momentous question was yet
involved in doubt and hazard.
The death of Charles, which happened on November 1.
1700, proved the futility of all attempts to settle a question,
which could be decided only by arms. The king of France
having gained a strong party in the court of Madrid, induced
the dying monarch to nominate as his universal heir, Philip,
duke of Anjou, second son of the dauphin. Despising the
restraints of treaties, he instantly accepted the bequest in
the name of his grandson, and the young prince was tran
quilly acknowledged by the whole nation, under the title of
Philip V.
William had no other alternative than an appeal to his
parliament, for aid to obviate the mischiefs which were
justly apprehended from this enormous addition to the
power of the French monarchy. His next object was, to
complete the arrangements for the succession to the British
crown ; as, by the death of the duke of Gloucester, the
continuance of a Protestant government depended on the
single life of the Princess Anne. But many among the
Tories who had strenuously opposed the breach of hereditary
succession at the Revolution, were alarmed at the recurrence
of circumstances, which rendered a similar expedient un
avoidable; and unfortunately for the views of William, this
party was now intrusted with the powers of government.
The Whigs, who were interested to consolidate the Pro
testant establishment, were divided among themselves, dis
satisfied with the king, and without that confidence and
energy which they had manifested at the Revolution.
Another series of embarrassments arose from the sentiments
and prejudices of the Princess Anne. At the Revolution she
had been induced to desert her father, by zeal for her reli
gion, by popular enthusiasm, and by the persuasion that the

62 LJPE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. VTO.
pretended prince of Wales was a supposititious child. But
pique against William, and perhaps the secret remonstrances
of her parents, produced a change in her feelings towards
her unfortunate family ; and since the death of her son, she
had regarded with more scruple the proofs of her brother's
illegitimacy. Still, however, the brilliant prospect of a
crown was not without attractions ; and she was not in
clined to forego the preference given to her by the act of
settlement, though she was far from being averse to the
eventual restoration of the Stuart line.
These feelings operating on a weak and sensitive mind, we
find her continually fluctuating between her wishes and her
fears ; her duty to her parents, and her own interest ; her re
gard for her family, and her zeal for the Protestant religion.
So far, indeed, had. she been influenced by these considera
tions, that she communicated to her father the intelligence of
her son's death ; and when the declining health of William
opened a nearer prospect of her succession, she privately soli
cited his sanction for her acceptance of the crown. She even
declared her readiness to make a restitution, whenever an
opportunity should occur.* The peremptory prohibition of
James contributed still farther to increase her perplexity and
agitate her feelings ; and she contemplated with repugnance
the entail of the crown on a collateral branch, even though
it gave additional security to her own succession.
Aware of all these obstacles, William pursued his design
with his customary policy and perseverance. He affected to
take a deep interest in the character and conduct of the young
pretender ; and permitted his own agents to circulate rumours
of a design to introduce him in the succession next to him
self. He gave countenance, at the same time, to similar re
ports, respecting the house of Hanover. He even instigated,
or suffered his friends to move a petition in Parliament, soli
citing that he would tranquillise the apprehensions of the
country, by engaging in a second marriage, which might
afford the prospect of issue. Amidst the alarm and agitation
into which Anne was thrown by these jarring rumours, she
naturally recurred to the advice of Marlborough and his
* Macpherson's History, vol. ii. p. 130  Life of James, by Clarke,
vol. ii. p. 559.

1698-1701.] TORIES IMPEACH THE WHIG LEADERS. '68
countess ; and we cannot doubt that they dissuaded her from
any opposition, which might have proved fatal to her own
claims, without benefiting her family.
The affair being thus matured, the king called the atten
tion of parliament to the entail of the crown on the Protes
tant line, and to the danger arising from the accession of a
Bourbon prince to the Spanish throne. After such a contest
as was naturally to be expected from the discordant views and
hopes of different parties, a bill was passed, entailing the
British crown on the house of Hanover, with a series of limi
tations, some of which, though just in themselves, were yet
introduced as much for the immediate purpose of mortifying
the king, as from a fear of the mischiefs which might
eventually arise from the influence of foreigners. With re
spect to the Spanish monarchy, the Tories were as little trac
table as on other occasions. The House of Commons pre
sented to the king a cold and discouraging address, merely
announcing their willingness to support him in fulfilling the
treaty of 1667 with the Dutch, by which England was limited
to a succour of 10,000 men and twenty ships of war. The
ministry, however, compelled him to acknowledge Philip, in
order to prevent a specific application for that purpose, which
was threatened by some of the violent leaders in the House
of Commons. Amidst these contradictions and discourage
ments, William had only the faint consolation of receiving a
more spirited address from the Peers.
On this occasion we cannot trace the conduct of Marlbo
rough ; though it is scarcely possible to suppose that he ap
proved the impolitic prejudices of his party, convinced as he
was of the danger to which the civilised world was exposed
from the preponderance of France. We are, however, con
cerned to find him soon afterwards yielding to the baneful
spirit of party, and concurring in the efforts of the Tories to
throw odium on the king and ex-ministers, for their conduct
in negotiating the last Treaty of Partition.
After the death of the king of Spain, this unfortunate
treaty became public, and excited a general ferment of dis
content. An impeachment was instituted by the Tory lead
ers against Portland, Orford, Halifax and Somers, as ad
visers of so dishonourable an engagement ; though, with a
shameful partiality, no complaint was adduced against Lord

64 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. VDJ.
Jersey, by whom it was arranged, in the quality of ambassa
dor, or against Vernon, through whose hands it had passed as
secretary of state ; nor did the accusers turn their view to
the conduct of the preceding parliament, which by an impo
litic economy had reduced the king to submit to so humili--
ating a treaty.
In this crisis, the Peers proved themselves the champions
of the constitution, and the friends of justice, by acquitting
the persecuted ex-ministers in the most solemn and satisfac
tory manner. This verdict raised the indignation of the
Tories in the commons. They were seconded by their
friends in the upper house ; and we regret to find the name
of Marlborough in the protests, some of which were so vio
lent, as to be expunged from the journals. It is difficult to
assign a motive for a conduct so contrary to his usual mode
ration, and to his friendship for some of the persecuted lords.
The unjustifiable and flagrant proceedings of the Com
mons awakened the resentment of the nation. Petitions of
the most threatening nature were voted against them, in dif
ferent parts of the kingdom : they were accused of corruption
by French gold, and assailed in various publications, which
daily issued from the press. At length the Tories discovered
that they had carried their hostilities beyond the bounds of
prudence. They shrunk from the imputation of connivance
at the usurpations of France, and heard, with shame and mor
tification, the urgent appeals for succour, which were made
by the emperor and the Dutch. To compensate for their
past misconduct, or at least to gain popularity, they closed
this stormy session by voting liberal supplies to the king,
against the contingencies which might occur ; and conveyed
the most solemn assurances of support, in all such alliances
as he should think proper to conclude, 1'or maintaining the
peace of Europe and reducing the exorbitant power of France,
To these laudable resolutions Marlborough contributed with
all his influence.
On the 24th of June, William prorogued the parliament,
and prepared for his journey to the Continent. Before his
departure he was importuned by the Tories to dismiss the
small remnant of Whigs, who yet were permitted to fill sub
ordinate offices in the government ; but he eluded the de
mand, and left the administration as it was then constituted.

1698-1701.] GENERAL IN THE NETHERLANDS. 65
Although the king had shown great attention to Marl
borough, and invariably testified the estimation in which he
held his talents and services ; yet he never entirely divested
himself of that jealousy which sovereigns usually feel
against the adherents of those who are destined to succeed
them. At this period, however, he overlooked all inferior
considerations, and placed Marlborough in a post of the
highest consequence, next to his own person. His motives
for this choice were laudably disinterested and patriotic.
Sensible of his own approaching dissolution, foreseeing the
inevitable necessity of a continental war, and anxious for the
maintenance of that system, which it had been the labour
and boast of his life to uphold, he was desirous that the
political and military powers should be transferred to one,
who, with abilities equal to the emergency, might possess
the confidence of the country, and the good will of his suc
cessor. In no one were these requisites united except in
Marlborough. Accordingly William selected him to com
mand the forces in the Netherlands, and to negotiate the
treaties, which were to be formed with foreign powers, for
the renewal of the grand alliance. This choice, as judicious
in itself as it was honourable to his feelings, was almost his
last act before he quitted England, to organise the most for
midable confederacy which had yet been marshalled against
France. Marlborough accompanied the king abroad, but saw with
regret his rising displeasure against the Tories, though it was
the natural consequence of their hostility towards his person,
and factious opposition to his measures. He hoped, however,
that the party with which he had identified himself had
made? reparation by their zeal in voting the supplies. He
trusted, also, that the absence of the king from England
would allow the feelings of resentment and mortification to
subside. A change which had taken place among the Dutch
adherents of William inspired him with additional confi
dence. The earl of Portland, his own personal enemy, who
had been chiefly exposed to the attacks of the Tories, was
now supplanted by Keppel, a young nobleman of good family,
who from the post of private secretary was rapidly promoted
to high honours, created earl of Albemarle, and distinguished
with the Garter. This nobleman had manifested towards
VOL. I. F

66 LD?E OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. E5.
Marlborough great respect and confidence, professed a fa
vourable disposition towards the Tories, and promised to
communicate such information as might enable him to ascer
tain the real sentiments of his royal master.

Chap. IX. —Death of King William.— 1701, J702.
Marlborough embarked with the king at Margate, on the
1st of July, and reached the Hague on the 3rd, prepared to
fulfil his instructions.
He commenced his negotiations under inauspicious cir
cumstances. Louis had no sooner accepted the will of
Charles II., than he carried into execution the measures
which had been previously matured, for securing tranquil
possession of the Spanish throne. He directed his first
attention to the Netherlands, whence he most dreaded an
attack. He gained the elector of Bavaria, to whom the
government had been confided by the deceased monarch,
and not only secured the frontier fortresses, but detained
15,000 Dutch troops, who, in virtue of a convention with
Spain, formed the garrisons of the barrier towns. The loss
of so large a body, consisting of the flower of the army, and
the sudden advance of a French force towards the frontier,
intimidated the Dutch ; and to obtain the liberation of their
captive troops, they acknowledged Philip king of Spain.
Their example induced the Tory ministry to extort a similar
recognition from William.
At the same time, Louis affected great anxiety to dissipate
the alarms conceived both in England and Holland, by the
transfer of Spain to a Bourbon prince, and despatched
d'Avaux to the Hague to open a negotiation. On the
arrival of Marlborough, the discussion was pending, and no
expedient was neglected to alarm or lure the States. Indeed
pensionary Heinsius himself, though zealously attached to
William, was persuaded that an arrangement might yet be
effected, and expressed his hopes that Louis would give satis
faction to the emperor rather than incur the risk of a war.
To prevent the invasion of Spain on the only accessible
quarter, Louis had formed a treaty of alliance with Portugal.

1701, 1702.] MADE CHIEF NEGOTIATOR. 67
He obtained also the recognition of Philip, in the Milanese
and the two Sicilies. By a treaty with the duke of Savoy,
he secured an entry into Italy; while the occupation of
Mantua and the neighbouring fortresses, with the consent of
the respective sovereigns, not only opened the principal pas
sages into Lombardy, but afforded the means for a direct
attack against the Austrian dominions.
Germany was at this time agitated by civil and religious
feuds, which facilitated the intrigues of the French monarch,
and many of the princes openly embraced his cause. The
Emperor Leopold was the only sovereign from whom the
slightest opposition to the encroachments of France could be
expected ; but he was embarrassed by the disorder of his
finances, by a rising rebellion in Hungary, which was
fomented by French intrigues, and by the prospect of new
aggressions from the Turks. Yet, amidst these dangers and
difficulties, he stood in the breach, with a spirit worthy of
his magnanimous ancestry. He was indeed secretly insti
gated by William to maintain the interests of his house, and
urged to make an immediate effort in Italy, with the hope
that a momentary success would rouse the European states
in defence of their independence. Accordingly Leopold
publicly protested against the usurpation of the Spanish
throne, and despatched an army across the Trentine Alps,
under the command of Prince Eugene, with the design of
making a prompt and effectual impression in a quarter where
the nature of the country circumscribed the enemy in their
means of defence. Already had the hero of Zenta displayed
his characteristic spirit of enterprise by scaling the natural
barriers of Italy, and establishing his army on the border of
Lombardy ; and all Europe waited, in anxious suspense, the
result of the approaching conflict.
Hitherto William had himself directed his political, as
well as military system. But on this occasion he confided
the negotiations, arising from such new and critical circum
stances, to Marlborough, being fully convinced of his judg
ment and abilities, and conscious of his influence over the
English ministry. Negotiations were not confined to the
states of Germany, but extended to those of Denmark,
Sweden, and Muscovy, whose mutual jealousies might have
raised obstacles to this extensive system of confederation.
F 2

68 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. IX;
In the arrangement of a plan, which embraced the varied
interests of the greater part of Europe, Marlborough had to
bring to unison the wishes of his own sovereign, the selfish
timidity and political prejudices of the British ministry, the
commercial cupidity of the Dutch, the captious and grasping
spirit of the German states, and, above all, the lofty pre
tensions of the emperor, who strenuously asserted the rights
of his family to the whole Spanish monarchy. In this delicate
task his abilities were eminently conspicuous, and his con
summate address was displayed in soothing mutual jealousies,
and reconciling discordant views.
Among the negotiations committed to his management,
one of the most difficult was that with Sweden. Charles XH.
had excited general admiration, by heroism almost romantic,
as well as by a series of enterprises distinguished no less
for boldness of design than for promptitude and vigour of
execution. Having humbled the Danes and Poles, he was
engaged in wreaking his vengeance on the czar, Peter, whom
he had recently defeated at Narva, with a great disparity of
force. It was an object of high importance to conciliate a
monarch who held the balance of the North ; for besides an
auxiliary force, which he was entitled to claim from England,
in virtue of existing treaties, he might, by again embroiling
himself with Denmark, have frustrated the engagement lately
formed for drawing subsidiary troops from that kingdom,
and its dependent duchy of Holstein. This object, however,
was not of easy attainment. Although Charles was inclined
to the alliance with England, and jealous of French prepon
derance, Louis spared no flattery to captivate his lofty spirit,
and gratify his love of applause. He had applied with still
more success to his venal ministry ; and remittances to a
vast amount, which were traced from Paris to Stockholm,
proved that the French court would neglect neither bribes
nor intrigues to secure the alliance of Sweden.
The knowledge of these circumstances prompted Marlbo-'
rough to overstep his usual caution in hastening the arrange
ment. He pressed the English ministry to fulfil their
promise of furnishing a considerable quantity of cloth and
saltpetre, for the use of the Swedish army, and importuned
Godolphin to obviate the difficulties which arose in the course
of the negotiation. To counteract the influence of French

1701, 1702.] HIS NEGOTIATIONS. 69
gold, he lavished presents on the Swedish ministry, and had
the satisfaction to succeed in obtaining their support. At
length he even ventured to conclude a highly favourable
convention, without submitting it to the previous approbation
of the lords' justices, from a conviction that the urgency of
the case would justify a deviation from the regular forms
of office.*
The object of this convention was twofold : the first to
prevent Sweden from joining France, the second to bind
Charles not to insist on the succours, in men and ships,
stipulated by treaty. These objects were both attained, and
England was exempted from the claim of succour, by paying
200,000 crowns, as an equivalent, and by becoming respon
sible for 300,000 more, which were to be advanced by the
Dutch on the customs of Riga. Commissioners also were to
be appointed to devise in what manner the confederates might
best assist each other, should the contest with Russia continue,
or should a war break out with Denmark. In a word, this
was a tacit engagement, not only to obtain troops from
Denmark and Holstein, but eventually from Russia, and even
from Sweden itself. f
The negotiations with Frederick, king of Prussia, presented
difficulties of another kind. The great objects of this sove
reign were, to recruit his finances by a subsidiary treaty,
and still more, to obtain the confirmation of the regal title,
which he had recently assumed, and which many prudential
reasons induced the emperor to delay.
These points he pressed with the utmost warmth and per
tinacity, well aware that the allies were desirous of concili
ating his friendship, no less from his influence as the first
Protestant prince of the empire, than from his matrimonial
connexion with the house of Hanover. Marlborough, how
ever, was too sensible of the timidity or caution of his friends ,
in the ministry, to implicate the government in a subsidiary
treaty, without the consent of parliament ; and therefore he
found means to retard any definitive arrangement, yet without
giving umbrage to a prince whose co-operation was deemed
so necessary. Although an agreement was drawn out for
* Letter from Marlborough to Godolphin, Sept. 23. 1701.
T Letter to Lord Godolphin. f 3

70 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. IX.
an auxiliary force of 5000 men, in the first instance, and
eventually for 20,000 more, the treaty was not brought to a
formal conclusion, till after the return of Marlborough to
England* and it had received the sanction of parliament.
The extravagant pretensions of the imperial court clogged
the fundamental negotiation of the two maritime powers.
Marlborough experienced no trifling difficulty in reconciling
these lofty claims with the timid caution of the Dutch, and
the commercial jealousy of the English. One of his letters
to Godolphin, dated July 22. displays his embarrassments on
a point so important to the whole confederacy, as well as the
firmness and discretion which he displayed on this delicate
occasion. Relating the first of his conferences with the imperial
envoys and the pensionary, he observes : —
" A great deal of time was spent in the emperor's ministers complain
ing of the Treaty of Partition, and when we came to the business for
which we met, they would have the foundation of the treaty to be for
lessening the power of France, and assisting the emperor in his just
rights to the monarchy of Spain. But the pensionary would not con
sent to any thing further, than that the emperor ought to be satisfied with
having Flanders, which would be a security to the Dutch, and Milan,
as a fief of the empire. After four hours' wrangling, the two envoys
went away ; and then I endeavoured to let the pensionary see that no
treaty of this kind would be acceptable in England, if there were not
care taken of the Mediterranean and the West Indies. When I gave
the king an account, he was of my mind, so that the pensionary has pro
mised to use his endeavours with the town of Amsterdam ; for they are
unwilling to consent to any thing more than Flanders and Milan."
A negotiation commenced by the contracting parties on
principles so discordant, promised no speedy issue ; and the
difficulty was increased by the necessity of consulting the
lords justices in England. The zeal and address of Marlbor
rough, however, triumphed over these obstacles, and by a
letter dated in the commencement of September, we find
the treaty reduced in form, and transmitted to Lord Godol
phin for his approbation. Some trifling alterations were
made at the suggestion of all parties, and it was finally signed
on the 7th of September, for the sanction of parliament.
The maritime powers pledged themselves to obtain satis
faction for the emperor's claims on the Spanish succession,
* Correspondence of Marlborough with Lord Godolphin.

1701-1702.] DOMESTIC POLITICS. 71
and should their negotiations prove fruitless in two months,
the contracting parties agreed to assist each other with their
whole force. Considering the possession of the Netherlands
of the utmost consequence, the confederates were to employ
their efforts in recovering those provinces as a barrier to
Holland ; and similar exertions were to be made for securing
Milan to the house of Austria, together with Naples and
Sicily. In the arrangement of the alliance with the emperor,
Marlborough encountered considerable embarrassments with
regard to the specification of what was called the denombre-
ment, or relative proportion of troops to be supplied by each
of the contracting parties. Ultimately it was settled by a
separate convention, fixing 90,000 men for the quota of the
emperor, 10,000 for that of the Dutch, leaving that of Eng
land, which was privately settled at 40,000 men, to be finally
fixed by parliament.
Collaterally with these negotiations the attention of
Marlborough was occupied by domestic politics, and the in
trigues for a change of administration. When William in
trusted the management of affairs to the Tories, he hoped that
the change would give stability to his government. But the
event did not accord with his expectations. He indeed
gained his object in securing the establishment of the Pro
testant succession ; yet in every other view he was grievously
disappointed. The Whigs, though hated in power, became
the favourites of the nation, when in disgrace ; while the
Tories, by indulging their party vengeance, excited general
disgust, and no less offended the people than the king. As
they were adverse to the very principles on which his govern
ment was founded, their opposition to his measures was re
garded as the effect of antipathy to his person ; nor was their
conduct in foreign affairs calculated to redeem the errors and
selfishness of their domestic policy : they displayed the most
degrading servility towards France, as well as a lukewarm-
ness, equally culpable, to the honour and permanent interests
of their own country.
The king felt the irksomeness of his situation : but dis
couraged by repeated disappointments, he sunk into a state
of irresolution. He found it impossible to conduct the govern
ment with a Tory ministry; yet he knew not how to regain
F 4

72 LITE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. IX.
the confidence of the Whigs ; and even if he recalled them to
office, he was apprehensive that they would again prove
themselves too weak to maintain the authority of the crown.
Thus situated, he regarded the period of the Tory adminis
tration as the most perplexing of his whole life, and anxiously
watched the current of popular opinion to liberate himself
from their control. Such was the temper in which he took
his departure for Holland. During his stay abroad, his im
patience and anxiety hourly increased; and he frequently
recurred to the advice of his confidential counsellor, Sunder
land, who inflamed his resentment against the Tories, and
strenuously recommended a reconciliation with the Whigs.
Marlborough was too zealously attached to his friends and
party, to witness without interest the struggles which
agitated the mind of his royal master. His correspondence
strongly depicts his own feelings as well as the embarrass
ment and smothered indignation of the king. He was not
unacquainted with the influence and suggestions of Sunder
land ; and notwithstanding their former friendship and re
cent family connexion, he indignantly dwells on his private
machinations, and more than once refers to his name with
expressions of abhorrence. He seems, however, to have
confided in the friendship of the earl of Albemarle, who
affected great zeal for the Tory cause, and promised to apprise
him of the sentiments of the king ; and to the latest moment
he flattered himself that the resentment of the monarch would
subside, or that the Tories would regain his confidence.
At this period Godolphin also caught the alarm, and
announced his resolution to retire from office. Marlborough,
however, earnestly deprecated this precipitate measure. In
several letters he urges his friend to regulate his conduct by
the advice of Lord Rochester, and the other chiefs of the
party, and above all to wait his own return, hinting that he
himself would follow the example, if the king should persist
in the line of policy which he had apparently adopted.
The tone of Marlborough's correspondence at this crisis
shows that he entertained little hope of any change favour
able to the Tory cause. The antigallican party in Holland,
which was extremely powerful, importuned the king to dis
solve the parliament, and choose a ministry inclined to act
vigorously against France; and their representations were

1701, 1702.] DEATH OF JAMES n. 73
warmly seconded by pensionary Heinsius, who possessed the
full confidence of the monarch. Several persons of consider
ation in England repaired to Holland for the same purpose.
Among these we find the earl of Carlisle, the accredited
agent of the Whigs, who was strongly recommended by Lord
Sunderland, and hoped to supplant Godolphin at the trea
sury board. The king was thus beset by the enemies of the
Tories, while his habitual reserve rendered him inaccessible
to those of opposite sentiments. A temporary indisposition
contributed to increase his seclusion, and gave ample scope
to the representations of those who were labouring for a
change. Marlborough himself, though attached to his party, was
perfectly conscious of their demerits, and anxiously endea
voured to instil into them such maxims of policy as would
gratify the king, and promote the public cause. In several
of his letters he expresses his conviction, that, if they did not
support the system of continental connexions, and oppose a
vigorous resistance to the power of France, they would not
only be accessary to their own disgrace, but to the ruin of
their country. These well-timed remonstrances produced
little effect, and he had the mortification to observe the alien
ation of the king hourly increase.
In the midst of this political struggle, James II. died on the
16th of September, and the acknowledgment of his son as
king by Louis roused general resentment in England. Ad
dresses poured in from all quarters expressing the warmest
attachment to the established government, as well as equal
indignation at the unexampled perfidy and unwarrantable
ambition of the French court. In consequence of this change
in the public sentiment, the irresolution of William was
changed into confidence, and he took the resolution of recur
ring to the Whigs, in whom alone he could confide. He acted
with his characteristic reserve, not undeceiving Marlborough
in the hope that his friends might yet continue in office ;
and, on the point of departure, gave him strict orders to re
main in Holland, as well to evade his remonstrances, as to
spare him the mortification of witnessing the intended change.
Finally, he contrived to postpone his own journey, first under
the plea of sickness, and afterwards of unfavourable winds,
till he saw that the public opinion in England had taken a

74 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. IX.
decided turn. Having thus wrought upon the expectations
of Marlborough and his friends, he suddenly embarked, and
appeared in England before the least notice had transpired of
his voyage.
In the interval, Marlborough remained in the most anxious
suspense. His letters show that pretence after pretence was
employed to detain him on the Continent ; and that he watched
the arrival of each successive post to confirm his hopes, or
realise his fears. Having matured the negotiations with
which he was charged, he obtained the long wished-for per
mission to return ; but at the very moment of his embarka
tion, he was thunderstruck by the receipt of a letter from the
secretary of state, announcing the dissolution of parliament,
and the retirement of his friend Godolphin from office.
Without a moment's delay he quitted the Hague, and on his
arrival in England found his own party held in general
detestation, for the mortifications they had heaped on the
king ; and the dishonour which they had brought upon the
nation, by their timidity in foreign transactions, and violence
in domestic policy. Nor were the circumstances of their
disgrace calculated to alleviate his chagrin at the failure of
his endeavours to rouse them to a more efficient discharge of
their public duty. The king issued a proclamation for a new
parliament, but, still doubtful whether the Whigs could combat
that influence, which the landed property of the Tories en
abled them to exercise in elections, he delayed the intended
change of administration. This indecision operated to the
disadvantage of the Whigs, by enabling the ministers to
employ the interest of the crown in support of their own
party. Accordingly, the Whigs were not found to have
gained in the new parliament that complete preponderance
which was consonant to the wishes of the king and the state
of public feeling. On the usual trial of strength in the choice
of a speaker, Harley was re-elected by a majority of fourteen,
in opposition to Sir Thomas Lyttleton, who was supported
by the Whigs.
The speech from the throne, which was the composition of
Somers, contained an animated appeal to the spirit and honour
of the nation. The affront offered to the British crown, by
the acknowledgment of the pretended prince of Wales, was
described in terms of dignified resentment, and the parliament

1701, 1702.] HXNESS OF THE KTNG. 75
was urged to adopt the most effectual means for securing the
Protestant succession, and frustrating the hopes of those who
meditated the overthrow of the established government.
The manly eloquence of this speech excited a transport of
enthusiasm. The peers announced their concurrence by a
loyal address, which was laid on the table for signature, that
it might appear no less the act of each individual than the
determination of the whole body. It was signed by seventy
peers, including those of every distinction and party. In
the House of Commons, also, the moderate Tories vied with
the Whigs in testifying their zeal and patriotism.
The concern of Marlborough for the resignation of Godol
phin and the dissolution of the parliament, was considerably
tempered by the countenance shown to that moderate class
of Tories with whom he was identified, and particularly by
the distinction conferred on his confidential friend Harley.
The treaties which he had concluded were received with the
most unqualified approbation, and liberal supplies voted for
the prosecution of the war. Convinced that no system of policy
could be stable, while the domestic establishment remained in
uncertainty, the parliament passed several bills for securing
the Protestant succession. An act of attainder against the
pretended prince of Wales and the queen dowager was
followed by another, for 'the security of his majesty's person
and the succession to the crown in the Protestant line.
This act also contained a clause enjoining all persons to ab
jure the pretended Prince of Wales ; and a second making
it equally criminal to imagine or compass the death of the
princess of Denmark, as that of the king's eldest son and
heir. Strenuous opposition was made to these measures by
the high Tories, at the head of whom was Nottingham ; but
their efforts only served to show their general unpopularity.
The bill of abjuration was the last public act of our great
deliverer. His health had been so long declining, and his
infirmities were much increased by anxiety of mind, arising
from the recent feuds at home and embarrassments abroad,
that, during the preceding summer, he had repeatedly prog
nosticated to his friends his approaching dissolution. His
death was accelerated by an accidental fall from his horse,
while hunting in the park at Hampton Court. Supported
by the energy of his mind, his constitution struggled for

76 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. X.
several weeks against the progress of decay, and his dissolu
tion was suspended by Providence, until he had completed
the great edifice of civil and religious liberty. When the
bill of abjuration was presented for his signature, his hand
was too feeble to perform its office, and he stamped his name
to this national legacy a few hours before he breathed his
last. He expired on the Sth of March, 1702, in the fifty-
second year of his age, and the fourteenth of his reign.
The zeal which Marlborough had manifested in promoting
the grand designs of William, joined with the fullest convic
tion of his great talents as a general and statesman, oblite
rated the royal prejudices against his person, and the doubts
entertained of his fidelity. Considering him as the most
proper agent to consolidate the Protestant succession, and
carry into effect the extensive system which had been formed
for the preservation of civil and religious liberty, the last
advice of William to his successor was, a strong recommend
ation of Marlborough, as the most proper person in her
dominions to lead her armies and direct her counsels.
Indeed the subsequent conduct of Marlborough verified the
profound judgment of the dying monarch. Whatever may
have been his errors in the preceding period of doubt and
infidelity ; whatever intercourse he had hitherto maintained
with his former sovereign and benefactor, or which he after
wards held with the Stuart family, he religiously fulfilled
the great trust reposed in him by his sovereign and his
country, and, more than any individual, contributed to con
solidate the great work of the Revolution, to baffle the hopes
and machinations of the Stuarts and their adherents, and to
smite that great colossus of power, which, threatened the
destruction of civil and religious liberty, and on which they
placed their hopes of effecting a counter-revolution.

Chap. X. — Accession of Anne. — 1702.
On the death of William, the crown devolved on Anne, in
conformity with the order of succession established at the
Revolution. At the time of the queen's accession, the doubts
which she had formerly entertained were suppressed by the

1702.] PROMOTED BY ANNE. 77
change of circumstances, or the brilliant prospect which
opened to her view. The recent death of her father relieved
her from the scruples which she had felt at his exclusion,
and the disputed legitimacy of her brother induced her to
acquiesce in the arrangements of the legislature ; for even if
he was not supposititious, she persuaded herself that he was
disqualified by his religious principles, and considered her
assumption of the crown as necessary to secure the existence
of the established church.*
The first exercise of her power was the nomination of the
prince, her husband, to the offices of generalissimo of the
forces, and lord high admiral. Being regarded only as a
subject, he still continued to occupy a seat in the house of
peers, in the quality of duke of Cumberland.
The distinguished merits of the Earl of Marlborough, his
former zeal and services, his disgrace on her account, and her
own romantic affection to his countess, were powerful recom
mendations to her favour and confidence. Accordingly, the
honours which his talents had extorted from William were
but the prelude to higher distinctions and employments.
Three days after her accession he was nominated knight of
the Garter. On the ensuing day he was appointed captain-
general of the English forces, at home and abroad, and soon
afterwards master of the ordnance. His countess was also
made groom of the stole and mistress of the robes, and in
trusted with the management of the privy purse.
To the countess the queen also gave an additional and
delicate proof of her regard. Recollecting that in their ex
cursions through Windsor Park she had repeatedly admired
the situation of the great lodge, the queen seized the earliest
opportunity of offering her the rangership, to which that
lodge was attached. In one of her familiar notes, after
alluding to Lord Portland, who had been ranger under the
late king, she added, " Mentioning this worthy person puts
* The duchess observes : — " When I saw she had such a partiality to
those that I knew to be Jacobites, I asked her one day whether she had
a mind to give up her crown ; for if it had been her conscience not to
wear it, I do solemnly protest I would not have disturbed her, or strug
gled as I did. But she told me she was not sure the prince of Wales
was her brother ; and that it was not practicable for him to come here,
without ruin to the religion and country." — Narrative upon Mrs.
Morley's coming to the crown. St. Alban's, Oct. 29. 1709.

78 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH.X.
me in mind to ask dear Mrs. Freeman a question which I
would have done some time ago ; and that is, if you would
have the lodge for your life, because the warrant must be
made accordingly ; and any thing that is of so much satisfac
tion as this poor place seems to be to you, I would'give dear
Mrs. Freeman for all her days, which I pray God may be as
many and as truly happy as this world can make you." *
The countess gratefully accepted this offer, embellished the
lodge at a great expense, and it became her favourite resi
dence. Similar proofs of favour flowed on those who were con
nected with Marlborough and his lady by blood or friend
ship. Lady Harriet Godolphin and Lady Spencer, their two
daughters, were nominated ladies of the bedchamber. The
Sunderland family also felt the beneficial effects of their
powerful interest. At the particular intercession of the
countess, Robert, earl of Sunderland, obtained the renewal
of the annual pension of 2000/. which had been granted him
by the late king, together with the payment of the arrears
since its suspension. The exertion of the same interest,
together with Marlborough's, obtained for Lord Godolphin
the title and privileges of lord high treasurer. The prin
ciples of Marlborough and Godolphin indirectly influenced
the character of the administration formed under their
auspices. As they were both moderate Tories, and as the
Whig partialities of the countess were either not yet de
veloped, or not allowed to operate, the queen was left to
consult her own private inclinations and private antipathies
in the choice of a ministry, from which the Whigs were
mostly excluded. Even the privy council was purged of
the obnoxious party ; for the names of the distinguished
Whig leaders, Halifax, Somers, and Orford, found no place
in the list announced by the new sovereign. Not satisfied
with monopolising the higher posts of the state and the law,
the Tories were anxious to exclude their political antagonists
even from the subordinate office of justice of the peace. . In
this view, however, they were thwarted by the moderate
counsels of Marlborough and Godolphin, who- would not
suffer them to indulge their party antipathies to the full
extent. * The queen to Lady Marlborough, May 19. 1702.

1702.] POWER OF FRANCE. 79
As Anne was deeply imbued with the prejudices of the
Tories against foreign connexions, and as the natural timidity
of her sex inclined her to peace, nothing but the dangers
which encompassed her throne could have urged her to
adopt the same vigorous policy and the same hostility
against France which had marked the reign of her prede
cessor. Indeed, her situation admitted neither deliberation
nor delay. The power of Louis, which had been rapidly
augmented by a long and successful career of violence and
craft, had now attained its utmost height. The occupation
of the towns and countries on the Upper Rhine opened the
way for the invasion of Southern Germany ; while the vast
preponderance which he had acquired by placing his grand
son on the Spanish throne, with the possession of the Nether
lands, the Milanese, and other dependencies, rendered him
the arbiter of Europe. With such a formidable power to
contend against, the Dutch, who yet trembled at the recol
lection of the recent invasion, and who had purchased the
liberation of their captive troops by acknowledging Philip,
had no hope of preserving their independence but by the
succour and support of England. The emperor, notwith
standing the temporary success of his arms in Italy, was
embarrassed by the rising rebellion in Hungary ; and found
himself engaged in a contest, manifestly unequal, and ap
parently hopeless, unless he was aided by the maritime
powers. The duke of Savoy, hemmed in by the territories
of the Bourbon princes, was reduced to a state of vassalage
under France, and could entertain no hope of deliverance,
unless Austria was enabled to extend its acquisitions in
Italy. Such being the circumstances of those powers, whose
position or military force might enable them to make head
against the aggressions of France, there seemed little prospect
that the states of the Continent would succeed in repelling the
common danger. It was obvious that if Louis could even
for a short period attach the Dutch to his interest, or render
them passive, and paralyse Austria, he would profit by his
vast resources and commanding attitude, to restore the de
pendent family of Stuart to the British throne, and thus
secure the only country which could arrest his career of
ambition. Indeed, he had given an early proof that such

80 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. X.
was his intention, by declining to acknowledge the title of
the queen.
The death of William consequently spread the utmost
consternation among all the continental powers, particularly
among the Dutch, who were alternately cajoled and threatened
by France, in order to detach them from the grand alliance,
and break the only link which connected England with
the Continent. Their suspense and alarm were, however,
speedily dissipated. Anne had scarcely ascended the throne,
before she despatched a letter to the States, through her
envoy Mr. Stanhope, announcing her intention to maintain
the alliances concluded by the late monarch. This letter
was immediately circulated through the provinces, and re
ceived with general exultation. To give additional force to
this declaration, the Earl of Marlborough was deputed to
Holland, as ambassador extraordinary. He reached the
Hague on the 28th of March, and his presence called forth
a new transport of joy. He consoled the States for the loss
of their beloved chief, assured them of a vigorous support
on the part of the British government, and obtained in
return a promise of their most zealous exertions. He
agreed with the heads of the republic and the imperial
minister, that war should be declared on- the same day at
London, the Hague, and Vienna. A plan of operations was
also arranged under his direction ; and the campaign was
even opened, during his stay, by the siege of Kayserswerth,
a strong fortress on the Lower Rhine, in the electorate of
Cologne, which had been occupied by a French garrison in
the preceding year.
Finally, to secure that unity of action, which cannot be
obtained under divided authority, he endeavoured to persuade
the States to confer on the prince of Denmark the chief
command of their forces, a post which was coveted by the
king of Prussia, the elector of Hanover, the duke of Zell,
and the Archduke Charles. The Dutch, however, declined
this proposal, not only because they placed no confidence in
the military talents of the prince, but because they feared he
would resist the control of the field deputies, whom they
sent to the army, to inspect and regulate the conduct of
their generals. No instances were spared to overcome their
objections. The queen, anxious to gratify the prince, made

1702.] WAR DECLARED AGAINST FRANCE. 81
the most urgent representations, through the channel of the
Dutch ambassador ; and Marlborough was even authorised
to announce that, unless the prince was appointed to the
command, she would not issue the declaration of war against
France. Nothing, however, could vanquish the firmness of
the Dutch government ; and Marlborough left this question
in suspense, hoping that in his absence some expedient
might be found to obviate the difficulty.
After remaining a few days at the Hague, he returned to
England, to take a share in the great struggle of parties,
which was expected to arise on the question of peace or war.
He reached London on the 26th of March. Parliament was
already assembled, and the requisite measures were promptly
adopted, for supporting the Protestant succession, and prose
cuting the war. The oath of abjuration was taken by the
members of both houses, and the name of the Princess Sophia
was introduced in the public prayers for the royal family, as
next in succession to the throne. Within a few days the
conventions which Marlborough had concluded at the Hague,
for the supply of auxiliary troops, and the operations of the
campaign, were sanctioned ~ by parliament; and on the 4th
of May, in conformity with the promise to the States and
Austria, a declaration of hostilities was issued against France
and Spain.
At this period may be noticed the commencement of a
domestic annoyance, which Marlborough experienced from
the captious temper and political bias of his consort. With
a native frankness of character, and a spirit too domineering
to consult the opinions even of those she loved and esteemed,
the countess had imbibed an early partiality to the Whig
party and principles, which was strengthened by the marriage
of her daughter with lord Spencer. Before the accession of
Anne, no incident had occurred to create a collision of senti
ment between the princess and her favourite, notwithstanding
their discordance on political questions ; or rather their
common antipathy to William absorbed every other consi
deration. But immediately after that event a change occurred;
and in the petty bickerings which arose*, Marlborough and
* Swift observes, that the alienation of the queen from the duchess ot
Marlborough commenced at her accession. This opinion, which is cor-
VOL. I. G

82 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. X.
Godolphin were often involved, either because they supported
the opinions of their royal mistress, or endeavoured to
restrain the antipathies and partialities of the countess.
Another source of domestic embarrassment was derived from
the conduct and principles of his brother George Churchill.
Availing himself of his influence with the prince of Denmark,
he arrogated a degree of superiority at the naval board, to
which he was not entitled ; and in particular endeavoured to
obtain precedence over his colleague Sir David Mitchell.
He was compelled to recede, by the remonstrances of his
brother ; but his high Tory partialities afterwards proved a
perpetual source of contention.
Military operations having already commenced on the
Dutch frontier, Marlborough, accompanied by his countess,
departed on the 12th of May to Margate, where a vessel was
waiting to convey him to the opposite shore. Contrary winds
detained him for a few days, but in this short time his
countess received several letters from the queen, describing
the petty incidents which occurred at court.
A letter from the countess to Lord Godolphin, written
during this temporary absence, will show the tone which she
had already begun to assume in political transactions, her
inveterate hostility to the Tories, and the opposition which
she made, as well to the queen's partialities, as to the
arrangements of her husband and the treasurer.
" Margate, Tuesday, the 29th of May.
" Since you have been so kind as to write so long a letter for my satis
faction, I hope it will hold out to read my answer, though I know my
opinion is very insignificant upon most occasions, In the first place, I
will begin without any compliment, and say that if any thing could give
me a worse thought of the meetings of those gentlemen (the Tories) than
I had before, it would be their desire to turn any man out of an employ.
ment to put in my lord Sandwich. This looks to me as if every thing
were to be governed by faction and nonsense ; and 'tis no matter what
look things have in the world, or what men are made use of, if they are
but such creatures as will, right or wrong, be at the disposal of two or
three arbitrary men that are at the head of them. How long they will
be able to support that way of government I can't tell ; but if they are
strong enough to go on with it, I am apt to think it will not end in
hardships only to the lords lieutenants of England.

rect, he evidently formed from the information, of Mrs. Masham and Mr.
Harley.

1702.] LETTER TO HIS WIFE. 83
" My Lord Lexington having a mind to quit his employment, shows
he thinks it is better for him to depend upon the Whig party, considering
his behaviour to the queen and prince formerly ; for I am sure self-
interest is his first consideration, and I do not think him very wrong in
that choice. At least if I had any power to dispose of places, the first
rule should be to have those that were proper for the business ; the next
those that had deserved upon any occasion ; and whenever there was
room without hurting the public, I think one would with pleasure give
employments to those that were in so unhappy a condition as to want
them. Whether any of these reasons will serve for my Lord Weymouth
I am in some doubt ; but I am sure he is one that will make a noise,
and give dissatisfaction to many that I believe wish well, and could be
useful to the government.
" But that which is the greatest trouble to me is yet to answer, that
is, what you say concerning the dispute between my brother George and
Sir David Mitchell, whom I do not know, but I think I have heard a
great character of him ; and I have no sort of patience to think that a
brother of Lord Marlborough should put the least difficulty or stop to
any thing that is for the queen's service and the good of the country, for
any senseless pretension or interest of his own, which, without knowing
any thing of the particulars, I am inclined to believe he has no just right
to, and certainly he should not make use of the queen's favour but to
serve her in the first place."
The impatience of Marlborough to depart for the scene of
action was finally gratified ; the wind, which had for several
days been contrary, changing to a favourable quarter. At
this moment, the prospect of a long separation from the
tenderest connexions, and the anxieties attending his im
portant commission, threw a gloom over his mind, and lie
saw the signal for departure with the keenest anguish. No
lover ever quitted an adored mistress with more poignant
sorrow, than he felt on taking leave of his countess. His
agitation overcame him, and he hurried on board to hide the
agony of his mind, and indulge his grief. A hasty note,
which he wrote to her on this occasion, presents an interest
ing picture of his affection.
" May 1 5-26. — "It is impossible to express with what a heavy heart
I parted with you when I was by the water's side. I could have given
my life to have come back, though I knew my own weakness so much
that I durst not, for I knew I should have exposed myself to the com
pany. I did for a great while, with a perspective glass, look upon the
cliffs, in hopes I might have had one sight of you. We are now out of
sight of Margate, and I have neither soul nor spirits, but I do at this
minute suffer so much that nothing but being with you can recompense
it. If you will be sensible of what I now feel, you will endeavour ever
g 2

84' LIFE OP MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XI.
to be easy to me, and then I shall be most happy ; for it is you only
that can give me true content. I pray God to make you and yours
happy ; and if I could contribute any thing to it with the utmost hazard
of my life, I should be glad to do it."

•Chap. XI. — Commencement of the War of Succession.
1702.
Arrived at the Hague, Marlborough again laboured to
obtain the nomination of the prince of Denmark to the chief
command. But fortunately for the honour of England and
the welfare of Europe, his instances were fruitless ; and as
the preliminary arrangements for the campaign were all
matured, he acquiesced in the exclusion of the prince. Other
obstacles, however, arose from the pretensions of the prince
of Nassau Saarbruck and the earl of Athlone : the first a
prince of the empire ; the last a general of great experience
and high reputation, and, as a native of Holland, warmly
supported by such of his countrymen as were jealous of
foreign influence, or averse to the extensive system of ope
ration proposed by Marlborough. At length these obstacles
were overcome by the patriotic exertions of pensionary
Heinsius and the party attached to England. The prince
and Athlone generously withdrew their pretensions, and
Marlborough was raised to the important office, with a salary
of 10,0002. a year.
Although his efforts in favour of the prince of Denmark
were as sincere as they were fruitless, the prince, who was
anxious to signalise himself in a military capacity, was highly
¦chagrined at his exclusion, and suspected that his pretensions-
had not been supported with sufficient zeal and perseverance.
His displeasure was inflamed by the malicious insinuations of
Plessen, the Danish envoy, who possessed a great share of
his confidence. Hence we observe several passages in the
-correspondence of Marlborough, indicating the vexation he
underwent from this cause, and the difficulty he experienced
in allaying the ill-founded suspicions and pacifying the dis
appointed ambition of the prince.

1702.] preparations for war. 85*
After a short stay at the Hague, he hastened to Nimeguen
to assume the command and give vigour to the military sys
tem. Meanwhile negotiations had been continued in Ger
many, and many of the States were drawn into a cordial
support of the grand alliance. The emperor gained Frederic,
elector of Brandenburg, by acknowledging him as king of
Prussia ; and the queen, at the suggestion of Marlborough,
still farther gratified a prince, whose ruling passion was
vanity, by promising to grant him the ceremonial enjoyed by
other crowned heads. The members of the house of Brunswick
Luneburg were lured by the prospect of succeeding to the
British throne. Ten thousand of their troops were in march
for the scene of action, even before the subsidiary convention
which Marlborough had concluded was formally signed.
They even compelled the neighbouring princes of Saxe-Gotha
and Wolfenbuttel to renounce their connexion with the king
of France, and to withhold a levy of 12,000 men who had
been raised for his service. The minor princes and states
were borne away by the example of the greater ; even the
electors of Cologne and Bavaria, the devoted partisans of
France, testified their intention to observe a neutrality. On
the same day, therefore, in which the emperor denounced
hostilities against the Bourbon princes, as sovereign of
Austria, the German diet issued a similar declaration, and
engaged to supply the usual contingents of troops.
The plan of operations was formed according to the pro
portions of force which were to be respectively furnished by
the different members of the alliance. A German army
under Louis, margrave of Baden, was to be collected on the
Upper Rhine. A second body, composed of Prussians,
Palatines, and Dutch, and amounting to 25,000 men, under
the prince of Saarbruck, was occupied in besieging Kaysers-
werth. The principal army had also assembled in the vicinity
of Cleves, under the command of Athlone, to cover that part
of the frontier which stretches from the Rhine to the Meuse,
and to favour the operations of the prince of Saarbruck. A
fourth body of 10,000 men, under the command of Cohorn,
the celebrated engineer, was also collected near the mouth of
the Scheldt, to secure that quarter, and threaten the district
of Bruges.
The preparations and movements of the enemy indicated

86 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XI.
the most vigorous operations on the side of Holland. On one
hand, a force under Count de la Motte and the Marquis of
Bedmar, who commanded in the name of Philip, covered the
western frontier of the Netherlands against the aggressions
of Cohorn. On the other, Marshal Tallard was detached
from the Upper Rhine, with a corps of observation, amount
ing to 13,000 men, to interrupt the siege of Kayserswerth.
But the principal and most numerous army was assembled
on the Meuse, and possessed essential advantages by the
occupation of the fortresses in the bishopric of Liege. The
duke of Burgundy, assisted by Marshal Boufflers, was ap
pointed to the command.
As it was evident that the presence of a French prince would
be signalised by some decisive exploit, the earl of Athlone
had thrown a garrison of 12,000 men into Maestricht, and
taken post at Cranenburg, in the vicinity of Cleves ; while
the enemy advanced to Xanten, where the duke of Burgundy
joined them in the beginning of May. While Marlborough
was employed in settling with the ministers of the States the
plan of the campaign, the French made an effort, which
threatened to frustrate his grand designs, and confine his
operations to the defence of the Dutch frontier. The army
of the duke of Burgundy being joined by that of Tallard,
suddenly pushed towards the Waal, with the view of surpris
ing Nimeguen, which was without a garrison, and even
without a single cannon mounted on the ramparts. The
place was saved by the vigorous resistance of the burghers
and the rapid march of Athlone, who entered at the very
moment when the enemy had advanced within gunshot of
the works. The joy which this deliverance awakened in the
Dutch was succeeded by equal consternation at the danger
they had escaped and the peril which still threatened their
frontier. Marlborough, therefore, found it no easy task to
vanquish the reluctance of the government to undertake
offensive operations, which might expose them to new
hazards. He laboured, however, to digest a plan which
might at once calm their fears and further his own views for
a distant and efficient effort. Three proposals were sub
mitted to the consideration of the States. One, to attack the
army of the duke of Burgundy in a position which it had
l-ecently occupied between Goch and Genep, on the right

1702.] THWARTED IN HIS PLANS. 87
bank of the Meuse. The second, after leaving a corps at
Nimeguen, sufficient for the protection of the frontier, to ad
vance up the Rhine, with the view of interrupting the com
munications of the enemy and laying the foundation of an
offensive system by the reduction of Rheinberg. The third,
which appears to have been suggested by Marlborough him
self, was to leave a corps of observation at Nimeguen, to cross
the Meuse, and, by an offensive movement towards Brabant,
to divert the whole force and attention of the enemy to the
Spanish Netherlands. No resolution was to be taken on
these different plans till Marlborough had assumed the com
mand, and the strength of the respective armies could be
ascertained. Having matured his arrangements, he quitted the Hague
on the 2d of July, and repaired to the army, which, since the
recent enterprise of Boufflers, had been posted along the
Waal, between Nimeguen and Fort Schenk.
The acquiescence of Athlone and the prince of Saarbruck,
in his appointment to the supreme command, was far from
obviating all the difficulties incident to his situation. Instead
of the advantages which king William derived from his
exalted rank and authority as stadtholder, Marlborough, as a
subject, was exposed to rivalry, and reduced to depend on
his own personal interest. His means of directing or influ
encing the factions in the Dutch republic, depended chiefly
on the credit of Heinsius* and the other partisans of the war,
who themselves shrunk from responsibility. At the army he
was subjected to the control of the field deputies, who, though
vested with great powers, were yet ignorant of military
affairs ; and, consequently, were either led by the opinions
of their own generals, or wasted the most decisive moments
in fruitless deliberation, and in soliciting instructions from
the Hague. Among the generals he found also more rivals
than coadjutors. By them he was often thwarted from
personal jealousy or prejudice; and at the time when
vigour and promptitude were necessary, he found them as
timid and indecisive as the deputies. From Athlone, in par-
* The pensionary of Holland and intimate friend and confidant of the
late King William III. He was grandson of the accomplished Daniel
Heinsius, and son of the excellent Latin poet, Nicholas Heinsius, (Marl
borough's Despatches, vol. v. p. 617.) — Ed.

88 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XI.
ticular, he experienced constant opposition, though cloaked
with the affectation of deference. Indeed, it would have
been difficult to unite two commanders more discordant in
character: Marlborough, active, enterprising, and decisive;
Athlone, naturally cold and circumspect, and rendered still
more unaccommodating and captious by the effects of age
and jealousy. From these observations it will be easy to
conceive the embarrassments which the generalissimo was
destined to encounter, the mortifications he endured, the ob
structions against which he sometimes struggled in vain, and
the frequent and favourable opportunities of which he was
unable to profit.
Kayserswerth having surrendered on the 15th of June,
Marlborough drew to the Waal the 8000 German auxiliaries
employed in the siege, summoned the English from Breda,
collected reinforcements from other quarters, and in the
course of a few days was at the head of 60,000 men. It was
now necessary to decide on the plan of operations; and
Marlborough was extremely anxious to cross the Meuse and
make his intended movement towards Brabant. He had
even fixed on the Sth of July as the day of the passage ; but
he was unable to obtain the concurrence of the Dutch
generals, or indeed to extort from them an unanimous reso
lution on any of the proposed plans. He was, therefor*,
obliged to hold a council of war, in order to examine the
three projects of operation. The proposed attack of the
French army was immediately rejected on account of their
strong position. The operation on the Rhine was referred
to the decision of the States ; and on the irruption into
Brabant no reolsution was taken. A new council was there
fore assembled by Athlone in the afternoon, for the purpose
of obtaining the opinions of such generals as had been absent
in the morning. The question being put, whether a corps of
twenty-four battalions and as many squadrons, to be left on
the Waal, under the command of the baron de Heyden, was
sufficient for the protection of the frontier, the majority
decided in the affirmative, a few expressing their apprehen
sions, and one declining to give an opinion, as unacquainted
with the country. This diversity of sentiment induced
Athlone to appeal to the government for instructions, while
Marlborough despatched Gueldermassen to the Hague, to

1702.] COMMENCES THE CAMPAIGN. 89
press the adoption of one of the two plans which had not
been absolutely rejected. From his correspondence we find
that he remained several days in this irksome uncertainty,
and thus irretrievably lost a portion of valuable time.
While Marlborough was combating the timid objections of
the Dutch government and the scruples of their generals, he
was involved in one of the difficulties which are incident to
a command over troops of different nations. At the moment
when he had extorted the sanction of the States, the Hano
verian general arrived at the camp to announce that his men
could not march without the orders of Bothmar, the minister
at the Hague. This unexpected suspense was peculiarly
mortifying ; for without them the army was too weak to make
the intended movement. Marlborough accordingly sum
moned Bothmar to the camp, and at length obtained his con
sent for the junction of the Hanoverian forces. A similar
difficulty arose with regard to the Prussians ; hut Marlbo
rough satisfied the king, by renewing the engagement that
the queen should allow him the ceremonial usually enjoyed
by crowned heads.
After a delay of fourteen days, he obtained permission to
make a movement in advance ; and the army accordingly
traversed the Waal, on the 7th of July, and encamped on the
Mookerheyde, the headquarters being established, at Duc-
kenburg. Three bridges were the same day thrown over the
Meuse below Grave, and the commander crossed the river to
reconnoitre the ground beyond. In a letter to Godolphin,
dated Duckenburg, July 13th, he says : —
" I am ashamed to write from this camp, for we ought to have marched
from hence three or four days ago ; but the. fears the Dutch have for
Nimeguen and the Rhine created such difficulties when we were to
take a resolution, that we were forced to send to the Hague, and the
States would not come to any resolution, but have made it more difficult,
by leaving it to the general officers, at the same time recommending, in
the first place, the safety of the Rhine and Nimeguen. However, we
came last night to a resolution of marching to-morrow, and passing the
Meuse a little below Grave. Accordingly we have this day made three
bridges over the said river. The intention is, that we should keep our
selves masters of those bridges, and that as soon as the battering pieces
can be got to Nimeguen, which we hope may be in eight days, then to
pass the Meuse, and march to the siege of Rheinberg. The reason of
our passing the Meuse to-morrow is, in hopes it may in some degree
alarm the French, and hinder us from eating up that part of the country,

90 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XI.
which must be our subsistence during the siege. It is hoped this might
be a secret, but I am afraid they have too good intelligence, and then
they may act so as that we may he obliged to take new measures. If
the fear of Nimeguen and the Rhine had not hindered us from marching
into Brabant, they must then have had the disadvantage of governing
themselves by our motions, whereas we are now obliged to mind them.
" I am obliged to you for the compliment you make me for the station
I am now in. It would have been a great deal more agreeable to me, if
it could have been without disputes, and a little less trouble ; but patience
will overcome all things."
Having surveyed the ground Marlborough returned to the
camp, and on the 16th the army was posted between Homen
and Wichem, with the Meuse in the rear, and the headquar
ters at Over-Asselt, within two leagues of the enemy, who
still retained their position at Goch and Genep. Here he
remained several days, as we find from his correspondence.
To his countess he writes, July 17th : —
" We have now very hot weather, which I hope will ripen the fruit at
St. Alban's. When you are there, pray think how happy I should be
walking alone with you. No ambition can make me amends for being
from you. If it were not impertinent, I should desire you in every
letter to give my humble duty to the queen, for I do serve her with all
my heart and soul. I am on horseback or answering letters all day
long ; for besides the business of the army, I have letters from the
Hague, and all places where her majesty has any ministers. So that if it
were not for my zeal for her service, I should certainly desert, for you
know of all things I do not love writing."
To Lord Godolphin, July 20th : —
"I am afraid of giving you any trouble, knowing you have but little
time to yourself. However, I cannot forbear sending you a copy of a
letter I received last night from Gueldermassen, who went to the Hague
to hasten every thing for the siege of Rheinberg, which by his letter I
am afraid will not be made. And should we follow what he thinks to
be best, I think the French may have it in their power to beat us. But
to comply as far as I can, I have this night proposed to them the leaving
twenty squadrons of horse, and eighteen battalions of foot, to entrench
themselves before Nimeguen, and to pass the Meuse with the rest of the
army, or to march with the whole towards Cleves, in order to get between
Venloo and the French, if possible, so as to be able to attack them. The
fear the States have of Nimeguen and the passage of the Rhine hinders
the advantage of having the superiority."

1702.] HIS ACTIVE MEASURES. 91

Chap. XII. — Capture of Venloo  1702.
At length Marlborough soothed the fears of the Dutch go
vernment, and obtained full powers to execute his own plan.
To the Dutch deputies who attended him on a reconnoitring
party, he pointed out the camp of the enemy, and exultingly
exclaimed, " I shall soon deliver you from these troublesome
neighbours ! " Accordingly the confederate army crossed
the Meuse on the 26th of July, and encamped with the right
at Uden and the left at Zeeland. On the 27th they again
advanced, establishing their right near Nunen and their left
at Leyshout ; the 28th they were posted between Geldorp
and Mierle, and on the 30th approached Hamont.
These decisive operations, as Marlborough had predicted,
drew the French from their position. On the first intelli
gence that he had crossed the Meuse, they suddenly de
camped in the evening, traversed the river in several columns
at Venloo and Ruremond, and hastened by forced marches in
the direction of Peer and Bray.
Apprised of these movements, Marlborough announced to
Godolphin his design of crossing the line of their march, and
endeavouring to place himself between them and the Demer.
He expressed also the fullest persuasion that he should draw
them entirely from the Meuse, and not only be enabled to
besiege Venloo, but to subsist in their territory during the
remainder of the campaign. He adds, " Our marches have
already had the desired effect, which was, their repassing
the Meuse, which had we done sooner, would have been
much better. If they would venture any thing this summer,
it ought to be this day ; for our march is upon an open heath,
and we are weaker by sixteen regiments of foot than we
shall be three days hence. I am just getting on horseback
to begin the march. My letter is dated from the place where
we are to camp this night. The French are nearer to it
than we, but I do not think they will venture. But by this
march they must own that we do not avoid meeting them."
At Hamont Marlborough was joined by three English
regiments of dragoons, with the train of artillery and two
battalions of Swiss. On the 31st a new reinforcement of
nine battalions and six squadrons arrived from Nimeguen,

92 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XH.
being part of the corps left under General Heukelom for the
defence of the frontier. The same day Marlborough ex
tended his right to St. Hubert's Lill, where he established his
¦headquarters. He had scarcely entered his new position
before reports arrived that the enemy were again in motion.
With his characteristic vigilance he instantly mounted his
horse, and spent twelve hours in reconnoitring the ground
and obtaining intelligence of their march. While he re
mained in this position, the castle of Gravenbrock, which
was held by a small French garrison, was compelled to sur
render by a detachment under Lord Cutts.
On the 2d of August Marlborough again prolonged his
march by bringing his left to St. Hubert's Lill, and stretch
ing his right to Little Bruegel, where he established his head
quarters. At the same time the enemy continued their hasty
progress, and took post between Peer and Bray. As Marl
borough calculated that they would direct their march
through Sonhoven to Beringhen, he proposed to attack them,
either in their passage over the heaths beyond Bray or in
their camp at Sonhoven, which was so ill chosen as to render
defeat inevitable. But according to the information of Ber
wick, who was present, they were saved by the timidity of
the Dutch deputies* who refused their assent. Thus fa
voured, the French succeeded in reaching Beringhen unmo
lested, on the 5th of August, and the same day the confede
rate army established itself in the rear of Peer, with the
right on the Dommel and the left at Erlicum.
Marlborough had thus compelled the enemy to abandon
the course of the Meuse, and leave him at liberty to prose
cute his designs against the fortresses on that river. While
preparations were making for the siege of Venloo, he em
ployed detachments to destroy the fortifications of Peer and
Bray, which lay in the line of his communications. Here he
was joined by ten battalions and several squadrons, with a
small train of artillery, from Maestricht, the garrison of
which was disengaged by his advance.
With a view to ulterior operations, he prepared to pass the
Dommel ; but the French commanders, for the purpose of
threatening his communications, broke up from Beringhen
on the 9th, and marching by Moll and Bergueick to Ry-
thoven, detached Berwick on the 12th to Eyndhoven, to cut

1702.] COMMENCES AN ATTACK. 93
off a valuable convoy which had been long expected from
Bois le Due. This movement obliged Marlborough to make
a retrograde march on the 12th to Everbeek, from whence
he detached a strong corps, under Count Tilly, for the pro
tection of the convoy. Here he remained several days in
great anxiety, and his letters are filled with complaints of the
want of concert among his subordinate officers, the obstacles
raised to his designs, and the tardiness of the preparations
for the siege of Venloo. As the movement of the enemy had
prevented the attack on Weert, a second detachment was
now charged with its reduction, and a body of ten battalions
and seven squadrons was sent to commence operations against
Venloo. Arrangements were also made to draw the supply
of bread for the army from Maestricht.
At length the convoy, which had engrossed the attention
of both armies, arrived from Bois le Due. It traversed the
heath near Geldorp, within sight of the French detachment ;
and, although the necessary precautions appear to have been
neglected by the officers to whose care it was committed, the
French commander was deterred by the main army from
making any attempt to interrupt its march. It therefore
proceeded behind the line of the Aa, halted on the 19th at
Leen, or Linden, and on the 20th reached the camp in safety.
As the preparations for the siege of Venloo were not yet
matured, Marlborough resolved to march towards Diest, with
the view of interrupting the convoys of the enemy, or com
pelling them to withdraw from the district of Bois le Due.
He therefore advanced on the 22d to Great Bruegel, and the
following day established his camp with the right in front of
Helchteren and the left of Honthalen. This movement
alarmed the French commanders ; but they appear to have
been unacquainted with his precise line of march, for he had
scarcely taken up his ground before their army was descried
emerging from the defiles before Hochtel. The disorder
visible among their columns, particularly on the left, which
was entangled amidst ponds and marshes, afforded the oppor
tunity so long desired by Marlborough of risking an engage
ment. He instantly put his own troops in motion, and gave
orders for the rest of the army to advance, and about three in
the afternoon approached so near the enemy, that a cannon
ade was opened, on both sides. But he was again disap-

94 , LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XII.
pointed, his orders being so slowly and reluctantly obeyed,
that evening prevented an attack. On the ensuing day the
two armies still continued in presence ; but in the night the
French silently decamped. On the 28th they fell back to
Moll and Balen, and on the 29th to Beverloo ; and thus
effected their retreat with no other detriment than a few
casualties during the cannonade and a trifling loss by an
attack on their rear guard. In relating this incident to Go
dolphin, Marlborough expresses the utmost chagrin and dis
appointment. " Helchteren, Aug. 16-27. 1702.
" The inclosed letter to the States will let you see the account I have
given of the two days being in presence of the enemy. I have but too
much reason to complain, that the ten thousand men upon our right did
not march as soon as I sent the orders, which if they had, I believe we
should have had a very easy victory, for their whole left was in disorder.
However, I have thought it much for her majesty's service to take no
notice of it, as you see by my letter to the States. But my Lord Rivers,
and almost all the general officers of the right were with me when I sent
the orders, so that notwithstanding the care I take to hinder it, they do
talk. I could not believe the French were so strong as we now know
they are ; for my lord Carr, one of my aides-de-camp, was taken, so that
he marched with them the day they retreated, and the duke of Berwick
showed him the whole army. He counted 72 battalions and 109 squad
rons, but he says that our battalions are much stronger than theirs.
" Venloo will be invested to-morrow, and I have pressed the pensioner
that if we have good success there, the States might give such timely
order for the stores, that we might have it in our power to attack
Ruremond, if the season be favourable.
" I am in so ill humour that I will not trouble you, nor dare I trust
myself to write more ; but believe this truth, that I honour and love
you, my lady Marlborough, and my children, and would die for the
queen." The disappointment which Marlborough so deeply la
mented created considerable uneasiness. The troops having
discovered that the marshes between the two armies were
passable, expressed their dissatisfaction that the advice of
the commander had not been adopted, and loudly clamoured
against the conduct of the deputies ; and it was not without
difficulty that Marlborough restrained this spirit of dis
content, which spread even to the officers. He did not, how
ever, himself escape the censure of those who were ignorant,
or affected to be ignorant of the restrictions under which he
laboured. The discontented party in England complained

1702.] VENLOO INVESTED. 95
that the enemy had been suffered to escape, and now first
raised the malicious clamour, which was afterwards propa
gated with such effect, that he was seeking to prolong the
war for the gratification of his own personal interest. He
bore these aspersions with patience, and from delicacy
towards the States refrained from any public vindication of
his conduct.
On the 29th of August, Marlborough decamped from
Helchteren, crossed the heath of Donderslag, and took up a
new position with his right at Asch, and his left at Gurk, to
cover the intended sieges, and facihtate the passage of sup
plies from Maestricht. Venloo was first invested on the 5th
of September, but he could not overcome the dilatory and
negligent spirit of the Dutch government in providing the
means of attack. He had also the additional mortification of
being embarrassed by contentions which arose between
Cohorn, the celebrated engineer, and some of the Dutch
generals. Though unable to prevent the reduction of the
fortresses, Boufflers made a movement, in hopes of some
favourable opportunity to obstruct the confederates in their
operations. On the 10th of September he marched to Berin
ghen, passed the Demer on the ensuing day, and on the 13th
established his camp between Tongres and Borchloen, fixing
his headquarters at Bedoe. As the rapid advance of Marl
borough appeared to threaten the fortresses on the Rhine,
Tallard was detached with seventeen battalions and twenty-
five squadrons, to favour the retreat of the elector of Cologne
from Bonn, and throw a garrison into the place. He also
forced the city of Cologne to conclude a treaty of neutrality,
and directing his march towards the Moselle, took measures
for the security of Luxemburg, Treves, and Traerbach.
Meanwhile the requisite preparations being matured, the
investment of Venloo was completed ; thirty-two battalions,
and thirty-six squadrons were detached for the siege, under
the command of the prince of Nassau Saarbruck ; and on
the 7th of September the attacks were opened on both sides
of the Meuse, under the direction of Cohorn. To cover the
operation, as well as to facilitate the passage of the convoys,
and to draw forage from Spanish Guelderland, Marlborough
on the thirteenth took up a new position, with his right at
Sutendal, and his left at Lonaken. *

96 LIPE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. Xn.
The trenches having been rapidly pushed forward, the
first attack was directed on the 18th of September against-
Fort St. Michael, which was connected with the place by a
bridge of boats across the Meuse, and formed its principal
defence. The assault of this work was intrusted to a de
tachment under Lord Cutts, consisted principally of English
troops, and was executed with unusual spirit and success.
The commander led his men to the attack, accompanied by
Lord Lome, Mr. Dalrymple, Sir Richard Temple, and other
distinguished volunteers. Mingling with the troops, they
stormed the covert way, and carried the ravelin sword in
hand, notwithstanding the explosion of a mine. The Earl
of Huntingdon, unable, from a weak state of health, to make
the same exertions as his gallant comrades, gave money to
the soldiers to assist him in scaling the breastwork. Encou
raged by their success, the victorious assailants forced their
way over a bridge, connecting the ravelin with the interior
works, and carried the fort itself by storm. Of the garrison
two hundred were made prisoners, and the remainder,
amounting to six hundred, were either killed in the conflict,
or drowned in attempting to cross the Meuse.
The attack against the town was prosecuted with addi
tional vigour and effect. Batteries were raised in the
captured fort, and on the 23d of September, a tremendous
fire of artillery was opened on the defences of the place.
Before mid-day, an accessible breach being effected, the
garrison were discouraged, and the burghers clamoured for
a surrender. At this moment the news of the reduction of
Landau reached the camp, and was announced by a volley of
artillery. The first salute being considered by the enemy as
the signal of assault, a flag of truce was instantly displayed,
but remained unnoticed by the besiegers, whose attention
was occupied with their own rejoicings. On the second dis
charge, the fears of the besieged being increased, white flags
were hoisted on every part of the works. The signal was at
length acknowledged, a capitulation arranged, and before the
close of the day, the garrison quitting the breach with the
honours of war, were conducted to Antwerp.
Stimulated to greater exertion by the capture of Venloo,
and the unexpected declaration of Bavaria in favour of the
Bourbon, the British ccTmmander ordered the troops who

1702.] SUCCESSES OF HIS CAMPAIGN. 97
had reduced the place to advance up the Meuse, and on the
29th of September, Stevenswaert and Ruremond, two for
tresses between Venloo and Maestricht, were at once invested.
The same difficulties and delays occurred as in the preceding
siege ; but the energy of Marlborough was not to be checked
by the negligence of the Dutch officers, the misgivings of
Athlone, or the scruples of Cohorn, which last Guelder-
massen justly termed " the general of difficulties."
Stevenswaert, being provided with a garrison of only four
hundred men, made a weak defence, and was surrendered
after a siege of five days. The resistance of Ruremond was
scarcely more obstinate. The attacks were opened on the
2d of October, by the Prussians on one side of the river, and
the English on the other. The batteries began to play on
the 6th, the besieged beat a parley the same afternoon, and
on the ensuing day the garrison capitulated, and were con
ducted to Louvain.
In the midst of these operations the army of the empire,
under the command of Joseph, the young king of the
Romans, had resumed the offensive ; and after an arduous
struggle, on the 1 1th of September reduced Landau, which
was regarded as an outwork of Alsace. This loss obliged
the French still farther to reduce their army in the Nether
lands, and encouraged Marlborough to prosecute his success.
He extorted the consent of the States to attempt the reduc
tion of Liege, which commanded the navigation of the Meuse
above Maestricht. This enterprise he executed with his
usual diligence. Apprised that Boufflers had examined the
defences of the place, and was preparing to post himself
under the walls, he suddenly broke up his camp, and marched
with such celerity as to anticipate the enemy on the very
ground which they intended to occupy. So secret and well
combined was this movement, that the French commander
approached within cannon-shot of the confederates, before he
was conscious of his danger. His defeat would have been
inevitable, had not the caution of the Dutch deputies saved
him. Taking advantage of the night, he, on the thirteenth,
made a precipitate retreat to Orp-le-petit, and placed his
camp between Lannuye and Landen. The city having
opened its gates on the approach of the confederate army,
preparations were instantly made to reduce the citadel, into
VOL. I. H

98 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XHI. .
which the French garrison had retired. On the 20th of
October the batteries were opened, and on the twenty-third
a breach was effected, and the approaches were sufficiently
advanced for an attack on the covert way. It was promptly
made, and the governor was taken in the breach by an
English lieutenant, which shows that the queen's subjects
were the first to enter. Preparations were next made to
attack the Chartreuse, a detached work on the opposite bank
of the Meuse. But the garrison, being too much discou
raged by the fate of their companions in the citadel to abide
the consequences of an assault, surrendered on the first fire
from the batteries.
On this event the French retiring within their lines took
up a position behind the Mehaigne, between Boneffe and
the Josse. But as the season was too far advanced for
further operations, after the fatigues of the campaign, Marl
borough distributed his troops into winter quarters, and pre
pared to return to England.

Chap. XIII. — Capture of Marlborough. — 1702.
While the British people were anxiously expecting the
close of the campaign, they were on the point of losing the
great commander who had raised their hopes and spread the
glory of their arms. On the 3d of November he quitted
Maestricht for the Hague, and with the Dutch deputies de
scended the Meuse in a boat, accompanied by a guard of
twenty-five men. At Ruremond he was joined on the follow
ing day by Cohorn, in a larger boat with sixty men, and an
additional escort of fifty troopers attended them along the
banks of the river. Such a force seemed fully sufficient
to protect them against any enterprise from the French
posts and garrisons in the vicinity ; but in the night the
horsemen lost their way, the larger boat outsailed the other,
and Marlborough was left with only his slender guard of
twenty-five men.
In this situation the boat was surprised by a French partisan
from Guelder, who, with thirty-five men, was lurking among

1702.] SUPPOSED TO BE TAKEN PRISONER. 99
the reeds and sedge. They suddenly seized the tow-rope,
poured a volley into the boat, and rushing on board, over
powered the guard. The Dutch deputies were furnished
with French passes, but Marlborough had thought it de
grading to solicit such a safeguard. The coolness and pre
sence of mind, which never deserted him in the field, were,
however, no less conspicuous in this inglorious yet imminent
peril. One of his attendants* who had fortunately preserved
a French pass granted to his brother, General Churchill,
when obliged to quit the army from ill health, slipped it
unperceived into his hand. Though aware that the date
had expired, and that the most trifling scrutiny would detect
the deception, he presented it to his captors with undisturbed
confidence. His unruffled deportment, the darkness of the
night, and the confusion of the moment, prevented a disco
very. The adventurers, after pillaging the vessel, and
extorting the customary presents, retained the escort as
prisoners, and suffered Marlborough and his fellow travellers
to proceed.
In an instant the disastrous tidings were spread that the
general had fallen into the hands of the enemy ; and the
governor of Venloo led his garrison to Guelder, whither he
supposed the illustrious captive had been conveyed, deter
mined to effect his rescue, or perish in the attempt. At the
Hague also the intelligence excited the utmost consternation.
The States, which were then assembled, passed a vote by
acclamation, enjoining all their troops to march without
delay, and constrain the garrison of Guelder to release their
prisoner. In the midst of the confusion and alarm, Marlborough
himself appeared at the Hague. The transport of joy which
burst forth on his arrival, proved the deep and general
interest felt for his safety. The sedate and deliberate cha
racter of the natives was lost in the enthusiasm of exultation.
* Marlborough himself has enabled us to trace the name and circum
stances of his attendant. In a letter to the duchess, dated Oct. 3. 1704,
he observes, " Stephen Gell, whom you mention, is son to a man who
was with me when I was taken. He was so far instrumental, as to give
me a pass out of his pocket which I knew nothing of. The pass being
for my brother, I passed for him. He has cost me 501. a year ever
since." h 2

100 LIFE OP MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XDX
Surrounded by enraptured crowds, and overwhelmed by
tumultuous proofs of popular applause, Marlborough with
difficulty reached the hotel destined for his reception accom
panied by a cavalcade less pompous indeed, but far more
gratifying than any which perhaps had ever graced the
triumph of a Roman general to the Capitol.
In closing our narrative of the campaign, we cannot neg
lect to render justice to the candour and liberality of Athlone.
The veteran general, instead of indulging that jealousy,
which too often rankles in less noble minds, seized an early
opportunity to acknowledge his own errors, and applaud the
merits of his illustrious colleague. " The success of this
campaign," he said, " is solely due to this incomparable chief,
since I confess that I, serving as second in command, opposed
in all circumstances his opinion and proposals." No pane
gyric can equal this candid avowal. It is alike honourable
to the general by whom it was made, and to him whom no
obstructions could divert from the accomplishment of his
beneficial designs.
¦ A plan for the reduction of Cadiz had been formed by
William, and the scheme was approved, and promoted by
Marlborough among his friends in the ministry; but the
enterprise failed from mismanagement, and the Spanish
people, whom it was the interest of the allies to conciliate,
were rendered inveterately hostile against the English and
Dutch, by the excesses of the troops. After the ill success
of this attempt, the commanders of the expedition were
induced to undertake an attack against Vigo, where a rich
flota from America had taken refuge. By accident, rather
than skill, they succeeded in forcing their way into the har
bour. But the plunder did not answer their expectations, or
compensate for the charges of the armament ; for the flota
was destroyed in the conflict, and the principal part of the
cargoes either sunk, or conveyed into the interior.
This partial success, therefore, did not weaken the sense
of shame for the disgrace before Cadiz. The duke of Ormond
and Sir George Rooke, commanders of the army and fleet,
accused each other for their failure, and the animosity of
both parties proved their resolution to make the conduct and
result of the expedition a subject of parliamentary inquiry.
Marlborough was aware that such an investigation could

1702.] GRATITUDE OF HIS COUNTRY. 101
neither remedy the past, nor produce advantage for the
future ; while he was conscious that it would give rise to
party feuds, which could not fail to prove highly detrimental
to the common cause in general, and to England in particular.
He therefore laboured to soothe the irritation of the re
spective chiefs, who appear to have been swayed by the
prudent admonitions of Marlborough. They desisted from
their mutual accusations ; and the public, overlooking their
failure at Cadiz, acknowledged their unexpected success at
Vigo, with higher applause than it deserved.

Chap. XIV. — Returns to England  1702.
Before the return of Marlborough to England, the queen
had summoned a new parliament. The Tories, by the in
fluence of the crown and their own exertions, secured a conr
siderable majority ; Harley was re-chosen speaker without
opposition, and the decisions of contested elections unequi
vocally manifested their ascendency. It was natural that a
parliament so constituted should not be sparing in its praise
of a general, who had hitherto distinguished himself by at
tachment to Tory principles. Yet the intrinsic value of his
exploits was not so much regarded, as the contrast they pre
sented to the less fortunate operations of King William. In
the address of the Commons this sentiment was shown by the
expression, " The wonderful success of your majesty's arms,
under the conduct of the Earl of Marlborough, has signally
retrieved the ancient honour of this nation." The Whigs'
made a vigorous effort to change this invidious term ; but
after a warm debate, they lost their amendment by a majo
rity of a hundred voices. The public joy was testified by a
thanksgiving at St. Paul's, which was attended by the queen
and both houses of parliament.
It has been generally imagined that the ducal title, with
which Marlborough was soon afterwards honoured, was ob
tained solely by the influence of his countess ; it was, however,
on the contrary, the spontaneous act of the queen, suggested
by the warmest sentiments of friendship and gratitude. Lady
H 3

102 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XTV:
Marlborough wrote in earnest terms to her husband, urging
him to decline this accession of honour ; and although it ap
pears that he was not averse to so distinguished a mark of
favour, her remonstrances at least suspended his decision.
" Hague, Nov. 4. — You know," he observes, " I am very ill at com
pliments, but I have a heart full of gratitude : therefore pray say all ypu
can to the queen for her extraordinary goodness to me. As you have let me
have your thoughts as to the dukedom, you shall have mine in short, since
I shall have the happiness of being with you so soon, when I may advise
with you more at large on this matter. But be assured that I shall have
a mind to nothing, but as it may be easy to you. I do agree with you
that we ought not to wish for a greater title, till we have a better estate.
Your other objection is also very just, that this promotion might bring
great solicitations upon the queen, which I am sure I would not give
occasion for. The queen's goodness in being desirous to establish my
family, answers the first, since that may be done this winter ; for I agree
with you, that it should be done before the title."
The solicitations of the queen, and the importunities of
Lord Godolphin, as well as the representations of Pensionary
Heinsius, at length vanquished the reluctance of the countess.
The earl was accordingly created Marquis of Blandford and
Duke of Marlborough, by letters patent, dated December 14.
1702. The queen, fully sensible that his property was in
sufficient to maintain so high a dignity, sent a message to
the House of Commons, stating that she had created him a
duke, and conferred on him 5000Z. per annum out of the
post-office for her own life. She concluded with requesting
the house to devise a proper mode for settling this grant on
himself and his successors in the title. Contrary to her ex
pectation, the proposal occasioned violent debates ; and in
vidious insinuations were thrown out that Marlborough was
endeavouring to monopolise the royal favour. Sir Christo
pher Musgrave, in particular, said, he did not wish to de
tract from the duke's eminent services, but he must insist
that they had been well rewarded. He concluded with ex
patiating on the profitable employments which he and his
family enjoyed. In consequence of the spirit manifested by
the Commons, the duke solicited the queen to recall her mes
sage, lest he should be the cause of obstruction to the public
service. She accordingly communicated his request to the
house, and withdrew her application ; but the predominant
party did not omit to make a strong remonstrance against

1702.] GRANT TO PRINCE OF DENMARK. 103
the proposed grant, fraught with the most acrimonious re
flections on the memory of King William, and on his profu
sion towards his foreign favourites. This disappointment
only rendered the queen more anxious to display her grati
tude and esteem. The very day in which the remonstrance
of the Commons was presented, she imparted to the duchess
her design of adding 2000?. a year out of the privy purse, to
the grant of the 5000Z. already made during her own life, from
the revenue of the post-office. Notwithstanding the earnest
solicitations of the queen, this liberal offer was respectfully
but firmly declined. *
From gratitude for the kindness of the queen, Marlbo
rough and his friends zealously exerted themselves in par
liament, to promote a measure in which she was personally
interested. The first wish of Anne on her accession was, to
associate her husband in the regal dignity ; but her design
being overruled, as unconstitutional, she became more anxious
to secure to him a permanent revenue. The proposal was
communicated to parliament by a message, requesting the
settlement of a farther provision on the prince of Denmark,
in case of his survival. Mr. Howe, member for Gloucester
shire, a zealous Tory, moved, on the 21st of November, for
a grant of 100,000Z. yearly. As the Tories, who formed the
majority, were decidedly favourable to this measure, no op
position was made to the grant itself; but objections were
urged against a clause annexed to the bill, intended to con
tinue to the prince the offices already conferred on him
during the life of the queen, by exempting him from the
effect of that clause in the act of settlement, by which
foreigners were forbidden to hold offices of state, on the ac
cession of the Hanover line.'
After a trifling debate the bill passed the Commons, but
in the House of Lords encountered the most violent op
position. The friends of the queen strenuously exerted
themselves, though they did not prevail without extreme
difficulty, and by a majority of only one voice. The grati-
* This disinterestedness would be entitled to high applause, if the
duchess had consistently maintained the same spirit ; but in a subse
quent part of these memoirs (ch. 98.), we shall find that on her disgrace
she claimed and received the whole pension for the preceding nine years.
H 4

104 LIFE OP MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XTV.
tude of the queen for the exertions of Marlborough appears
in one of her letters to the duchess.
"I am sure the prince's bill passing after so much struggle, is wholly
owing to the pains you and Mr. Freeman have taken, and I ought to say
a great deal to both of you in return, but neither words nor actions can
ever express the true sense Mr. Morley and I have of your sincere kind
ness on this and all other occasions ; and therefore I will not say any
more on this subject, but that to my last moment, your dear unfortunate
faithful Morley will be most passionately and tenderly yours."
The Duke and Duchess of Marlborough were deeply cha
grined to find among the most zealous opponents of this
measure their son-in-law, Lord Sunderland, who had recently
taken his seat in the House of Peers, on the death of his
father. He not only spoke against the grant, but signed the
protests. The impetuous spirit of the duchess was peculiarly
irritated by this mark of disrespect. In her zeal for the
gratification of the queen, she forgot her attachment to Whig
principles, and it was not without the utmost difficulty that
her amiable daughter, Lady Sunderland, effected a reconci
liation. This incident was among the earliest of that series
of mortifications which Marlborough experienced from the
party spirit of his son-in-law, and may be considered as one
of the causes of the rooted antipathy which the queen fos-.
tered against Lord Sunderland.
During this session of parliament, Marlborough took an
active share in promoting a bill, which in appearance was
calculated to add to the security of the national church, but
in reality to increase the strength of the Tories, by depriving
the Whig party of the support drawn from the moderate,
dissenters. Since the passing of the corporation and test
acts, the antipathy against the dissenters had gradually,
diminished. In consequence of the zeal which they had
manifested at the Revolution, and the countenance they.
had received from William, many of the less rigid had ob
tained admission into corporations and offices under govern*-
ment, by receiving the communion, though without con
forming regularly to the worship of the church of England.
They naturally joined the Whigs, and were zealous sup
porters of the war, which they deemed necessary to consoli
date the Revolution, and secure both civil and religious
liberty, Hence they became obnoxious to the Tory or high

1702.] PREPARATIONS RENEWED. 105
church party. Accordingly, soon after the accession of
Anne, the adherents of the court evinced a strong inclination
to revive the penal statutes against occasional conformity ;
and Marlborough interested himself so warmly in the mea
sure, that the author of a violent pamphlet, entitled " The
Case of Toleration Recognised," which was intended to pre
pare the public mind, dedicated it to him, as a person of
unsuspected zeal for the principles of the high church.
At this period the partisans of the high church, deeming
themselves sufficiently powerful to execute their design, a
bill was introduced into the House of Commons for the pur
pose of preventing occasional conformity. It passed the
commons by a large majority ; but although supported in the
upper house by the whole interest of the court and ministry,
it was attacked with unusual vigour and perseverance. Even
the bench of bishops treated it as a mere party measure, and
several either spoke or voted against it. Many amendments
were proposed, and some of the clauses were carried only by
a single voice, though the queen so far interested herself in
the measure as to induce her husband himself, an occasional
conformist, to give it his personal support. Amended or
modified in many essential points, the bill was returned to
the Commons. But after a long conference between the two
houses, it was finally lost, by the refusal of the Commons to
agree in the alterations made by the Lords.*

Chap. XV. — Death op the Marquess d!^B«^HB0f«>.
1702.
Notwithstanding the mortifications which Marlborough
had endured from his Tory friends, he was gratified by their
promptitude in granting the supplies, both for the army and
navy, as well as the subsidies for the pay of the foreign aux
iliaries. The parliament also voted a supply for an aug
mentation of 10,000 additional troops, under the condition
that the States-general should prohibit all commerce and cor
respondence with France and Spain. The States were thus
* Burnet, — Tjndal, vol, xv. p. 452.

106 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XV.
compelled to relinquish an intercourse against which Marl
borough had remonstrated in vain ; and the king of France
was deprived of the facility, which he had hitherto enjoyed,
of remitting money to the elector of Bavaria and the Italian
army, as well as his subjects of the profitable commerce
which they carried on under the protection of the Dutch flag.
While Marlborough was actively employed in maturing
the military preparations, he was visited by a domestic ca
lamity of the severest kind, the death of his only son, the
marquis of Blandford. His wife had borne him two sons,
John and Charles, and four daughters. The daughters all
survived ; but the second son, Charles, died at an early age.
The elder, a promising youth, still remained, and had now
reached his seventeenth year. He was amiable in disposi
tion, and united a solid understanding and lively parts with
the most captivating mildness and docility.
After receiving a careful education at Eton, where he dis
tinguished himself by his classical attainments, he was des
tined to fill the place of master of the horse to the young
duke of Gloucester, that he might grow up in intimacy with
the future sovereign. But on the death of the prince he was
sent to King's College in the university of Cambridge, and
placed under the tuition of Mr. Hare, afterwards well known
as chaplain to the duke, and bishop of Chichester. Not
withstanding his high birth, splendid prospects, and courtly
education, he set an example of affability, regularity, and
steadiness, above his years ; and in one of his letters to
Lord Godolphin, he expresses the warmest approbation both
of the studies and discipline of the place. He was regular
also in the performance of his religious duties, and a punc
tual attendant at the administration of the holy sacrament.
The turn of his character was displayed by the choice of his
associates. His steady, affectionate, and studious disposition,
led him to form an intimate friendship with Horace, after
wards Lord Walpole, who was then a fellow of the same col
lege, and who not only spoke of his qualities as singularly
excellent and amiable, but at later times never mentioned
his name without expressions of regret.
In this early period of his life, the fame of his illustrious
father inspired the young nobleman with a strong passion
for a military life, and in the midst of the campaign in 1702

1703.] • DEATH OF HIS SON. 107
we find him earnestly soliciting permission to serve in the
Netherlands. Marlborough was too much gratified with this
indication of youthful spirit to reject his request ; but on re
ferring the proposal to the decision of his lady, the anxious
mother shrunk from the prospect of the danger and hardship
to which her darling son must necessarily be exposed in a
military life. The youth, however, was not discouraged by
this repulse, for he persisted in his resolution to enter the
army, and promised to procure for his friend, Horace Wal
pole, a commission in the cavalry, that they might both serve
together. On this promising youth the fond father placed his hopes
of transmitting his name and honours to posterity, and the
mother loved him with the enthusiastic warmth of her tem
per. Among the Blenheim Papers are several letters, which
exhibit striking proofs of their parental solicitude. Two let
ters from Marlborough to the duchess display his bitter grief
on this afflicting occasion.
" Thursday, 9 in the morning. — I have this minute received Mr.
Godolphin's letter, and have sent to Mr. Horto's, and do hope for what
is desired, which this messenger will bring. I hope Dr. Haines and
Dr. Coladon got to you early this morning. I am so troubled at the
sad condition this poor child seems to be in, that I know not what I do.
I pray God to give you some comfort in this great affliction. If you
think any thing under heaven can be done, pray let me know it, or if you
think my coming can be of the least use, let me know it. I beg I may
hear as often as possible, for I have no thought but what is at Cambridge.
Medicines are sent by the doctors. I shall be impatient to the last degree
till I hear from you."
" Thursday night. — I writ to you this morning, and was in hopes I
should have heard again before this time, for I hope the doctors were with
you early this morning. If we must be so unhappy as to lose this poor
child, I pray God to enable us both to behave ourselves with that resig
nation which we ought to do. If this uneasiness which I now lie under
should last long, I think I could not live. For God's sake, if there be
any hope of recovery let me know it."
The disorder, which was an attack of small-pox of the
most malignant kind, rapidly increasing, the disconsolate
father hurried to Cambridge, within a few hours after he
had written this letter, and arrived only in time to close the
eyes of his beloved son, who died on the morning of Satur
day, the 20th of February. His remains were interred in
the chapel of King's College, where a monument is dedicated
to his memory, with an appropriate inscription, expressive

108 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XV.
of his amiable qualities, both of person and mind, and the
inconsolable affliction of his parents.
No youth ever sunk into the grave amidst a more general
expression of regret, or in circumstances more afflicting to
his family. From the numerous letters of condolence which
testify the sympathy of the queen and the sorrow of friends
and connexions, we select the most interesting.
The Queen to the Duchess of Marlborough.
" St. James's. — It would have been a great satisfaction to your poor
unfortunate faithful Morley, if you would have given me leave to come
to St. Alban's, for the unfortunate ought to come to the unfortunate.
But since you will not have me, I must content myself as well as I can,
till I have the happiness of seeing you here. I know nothing worth
writing ; but if I did, I should not trouble you with it, being sure no'
sort of news can be agreeable to your dear "heavy heart. God Almighty
bless and comfort my dear Mrs. Freeman, and be assured, I will live and
die sincerely yours." Mrs. Burnet to the Duchess of Marlborough.
" Feb. 26. — Since from the first moment's fear of your present afflic
tion, I have borne a very .painful and sensible share in it, forgive me if I
err in presuming too much on the liberties you have formerly allowed
me. I can say nothing to lessen the misfortune. It was as great as it'
could well be, because the person was as excellent, and perhaps has there
fore got an early dismission from the certain infelicities and almost
unavoidable irregularities of a long life. Why should we wish those we
love to be long tossed in storms, and in danger of an eternal shipwreck,
rather than that they should make a short, secure and pleasant voyage to
an everlasting state of joy and satisfaction, where they want us not, and
gain an advantage, though we suffer by a short absence ? I know your
grace wants not the feeble helps I am capable to bring, yet permit me to
recommend one very reasonable reflection, and to beg you to recall it
often, which is the many, very many blessings you have still remaining.
To be yet one of the most fortunate persons in the world, is a subject fof
great thankfulness to God, though you were once possessed of a greater
degree of happiness. To have not only the favour, but so far as the dis
tance permits, the friendship of a most excellent queen ; a husband you
love, and worthy of it ; children so remarkably good and amiable, and
whose alliances and posterity give such just hopes of all that is desirable
for the future, are such uncommon bounties of Providence, that great as
your loss is, it will be a degree of ingratitude to God to let your thoughts
so dwell on that, as not to take satisfaction in the large portion of bless
ings you still enjoy. I am persuaded you know how much submission
to God is a duty, as well as the proper use of all afflictions. I have
therefore only presumed to remind you of your remaining mercies,-
having generally observed that persons under present griefs are apt to
slight and overlook their present advantages, which they would have
found full satisfaction in, had they never possessed what they lament

1703.] his will. 109
when withdrawn. May God support you under this great trial, and
preserve you from all future causes of sorrow, bless the remains of your
gracious family, and give the duke the best success, and a safe and
glorious return 1 This is the hope and constant prayer of your grace's," &c.
Lord Peterborough to the Duke of Marlborough.
" One cannot judge, my lord, what time is necessary to moderate so
just a grief, or when one may venture to trouble your grace upon this
occasion, but certainly interruption is necessary to melancholy thoughts ;
and that affliction which cannot be overcome, must be diverted by the
necessity of affairs, or some other objects. Being alone, and not admit
ting friends, must necessarily increase and feed that affliction, which you
are obliged to struggle with, since the misfortune is irreparable.
" I know not whether it be a mitigation that every body bears a share
in your loss, and that the concern is universal. It shows the value of
what you no more enjoy ; but such is the state of human affairs, that
what we possessed with much satisfaction, we are always in danger of
losing with the greatest extremity of regret.
" I heartily wish your grace may find ease in this affliction. Give me
leave to say you must seek it, and what satisfaction this world can afford
on other occasions." Lady Sunderland to the Duke of Marlborough.
" The share I have myself in this sad affliction makes it impossible
for me to have a thought of comfort, which is the reason I do not trouble
my dear mamma; and indeed the feeling I have for the dearest father
and mother that ever was, is inexpressible. I am sure if wishing my life
might be a ransom for your never having trouble would hinder it, my
dear dear papa and mamma would never feel any. If you think I should
not be a trouble to mamma, I should be glad to go down to her ; though
it will be a melancholy comfort, it will still be one to me, that am, with
all passionate tenderness and duty, yours, A. S.
" Lord Sunderland does not write, because he thinks it would be only
troublesome, but wishes at any rate he could give you ease in this afflic
tion, in which he has a great share."
The death of so promising a youth was not merely a sub
ject of sorrow to the friends and connexions of the family,
but became the theme of public condolence, and awakened
the genius of the contemporary poets. Among others, Con-
greve exercised his muse, in a pastoral called the " Tears of
Amaryllis for Amyntas," which was presented to the Duchess
of Marlborough by his patron Lord Halifax. A few days
after Marlborough made a new disposition of his property,
which was very considerable. He left his wife sole execu
trix, with all his plate, jewels, and furniture, and an addi
tional jointure of 20001. a year, and the estate of St. Alban's,
with the manor of Sandridge, which belonged to her family,

HO LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XV.
to descend to one of her children or grand-children. Should
he, to use his own expression, be blessed with a son, he left
him the bulk of his fortune; but if not, he entreated the
queen to create his son-in-law, Mr. Godolphin, earl of
Marlborough, on the condition that he assumed the name
and arms of Churchill. To him and to his heirs male by
Lady Harriet, he bequeathed the greater part of his pro
perty, with remainder in tail male, to the second son of his
second daughter by Lord Sunderland, and to the second son
of his third daughter, Elizabeth, by the earl of Bridgewater,
and finally to the second son of his fourth daughter, Mary,
should she marry. He made some additions to the respec
tive portions of his daughters, and assigned jointures to his
daughters and grand-daughters, in failure of male issue to
himself, or other contingencies which were specified.
The death of the marquess of Blandford suspended the
duke's journey ; but after the first paroxysm of grief had
subsided, the important occupations in which he was en
gaged contributed to divert, though they could not soothe
the agony of his mind. In the beginning of March he de
parted for the Continent, where his presence was anxiously
expected, with a heavy heart, though with undiminished
zeal for the public service.
During the progress of the campaign, the tender recollec
tion of his lost son frequently intruded itself on his mind,
and the feelings of a father continually break forth in his
correspondence. In several of his letters he expresses the
warmest exultation at the prospect of male issue. " I have
just now," he writes, " received your letters of the 6th.
What you say to me of yourself gave me so much joy, that if
any company had been by, when I read your letter, they must
have observed a great alteration in me." The uncertain
state of the duchess's health, however, frustrated these ex
pectations, and drew from him the tenderest expressions of
sympathy and concern.
" Val notre Dame. — I am so very uneasy since I received yours of the
23d of the last month, that I shall have no rest till I hear again from
you, for your health is much dearer to me than my own. It is impos
sible for me to express what I feel, having seen by my lord treasurer of
the same post, that he thought you very far from being well. For God's
sake let me know exactly how you are ; and if you think my being with
you can do you any good, you shall quickly see you are much dearer to

1703.] MARRIAGE OF HIS THIRD DAUGHTER. Ill
me than fame, or whatever the world can say ; for, should you do other
wise than well, I were the unhappiest man living."
" Op-heeren, August 2. — I have received yours of the 23d, which has
given me, as you may easily believe, a good deal of trouble. I beg you
will be so kind and just to me, as to believe the truth of my heart, that
my greatest concern is for that of your own dear health. It was a great
pleasure to me when I thought that we should be blessed with more
children ; but as all my happiness centers in living quietly with you, I
do conjure you, by all the kindness I have for you, which is as much as
ever man had for woman, that you will take the best advice you can for
your health, and then follow exactly what shall be prescribed for you,
and I do hope you will be so good as to let me have an exact account of
it, and what the physicians' opinions are. If I were with you I would
endeavour to persuade you to think as little as is possible of worldly
business, and to be very regular in your diet, which I should hope
would set you right in a very little time, for you have naturally a very
good constitution. You and I have great reason to bless God for all we
have, so that we must not repine at his taking our poor child from us,
but bless and praise him for what his goodness leaves us ; and I do
beseech him, with all my heart and soul, that he would comfort and
strengthen both you and me, not only to bear this, but any other correc
tion that he shall think fit to lay on us. The use I think we should
make of this his correction is, that our chiefest time should be spent in
reconciling ourselves to him, and having in our minds always that we
may not have long to live in this world. I do not mean by this that we
should live retired from the world ; for I am persuaded that, by living
in the world, oue may do much more good than by being out of it, but
at the same time to live so as that one should cheerfully die when it
shall be his pleasure to call for us. I am very sensible of my own frail
ties ; but if I can be ever so happy as to be always with you, and that
you comfort and assist me in these my thoughts, I am then persuaded I
should be as happy and contented as it is possible to be in this world ; for
I know we should both agree, next to our duty to God, to do what we
ought for the queen's service."
Not long before the period of this domestic calamity, he
had united his third daughter, Lady Elizabeth, then in her
seventeenth year, with Scroop Egerton, earl of Bridgewater.
This alliance gave the queen an opportunity of testifying
her regard to the family ; and in a letter to the duchess, she
offers to confer on the bride a portion of 10,000/.
" Friday morning. — My Lord Bridgewater being in haste to be mar
ried, I cannot any longer delay telling my dear Mrs. Freeman what I
have intended a great while, that I hope she will now give me leave to do
what I had a mind to do when dear Lady Harriet was married ; and let
me speak to lord treasurer about it, when I see him, that your poor unfor
tunate faithful Morley may not be any occasion of delay to other people's
happiness."

112 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XVI.
The only daughter remaining unmarried was Lady Mary,
who had now reached her sixteenth year. She was exqui
sitely beautiful, lively in temper, and no less amiable in
mind than elegant in person. She enjoyed, in a peculiar
degree, the affection of her parents, to whom she was doubly
endeared by their recent loss, and is frequently mentioned
by the duke in his letters, in the warmest terms of parental
tenderness. Already she had attracted many admirers,
among the rest, the Earl of Huntingdon and Lord Tully-
bardine, son of the Earl of Cromartie ; but their suit was
fruitless. Her hand was also sought by the eccentric Earl
of Peterborough, for his son Lord Mordaunt ; but the duke
objected to the licentious character and irregular habits of the
young nobleman. Shortly after a similar proposal was made by
the family of Montagu, in favour of Viscount Mounthermer,
son of Ralph, Earl of Montagu. But although this con
nexion was not disapproved, yet, from the youth of the
parties, and the hesitation of the lady herself, the match did
not take place till the ensuing year. The queen endowed
the bride with the same portion as her sister Elizabeth, and
soon after the father was created Duke of Montagu, by the
interest of Marlborough, and the son obtained the reversion of
the place of great master of the wardrobe, held by his father.

Chap. XVI. — Opening of the Campaign. — 1703.
Bepore we commence the narrative of this campaign, it will
be proper to advert to some events, which affected the in
terests and influenced the conduct of the allies.
The king of Portugal, after acknowledging Philip as king
of Spain, had seized the first opportunity to resume his natural
connexions, and secretly concluded a treaty with England,
which was the groundwork of a general alliance with the con
federate powers. He recognised the rights of the archduke
Charles to the Spanish throne, and not only agreed to receive
a combined army of English and Dutch, to support his preten
sions, but concluded a subsidiary treaty, for bringing into
the field 28,000 Portuguese. This alliance opened the most

1703.] HIS ACTIVE EXERTIONS. 113
vulnerable part of the frontier to an attack by land ; and
afforded the means of weakening the efforts of France in
other quarters, by drawing off a considerable portion of her
troops to maintain the contest for the Spanish crown on
Spanish ground. This valuable acquisition to the con
federacy, however, increased the difficulties and labours of
Marlborough, by whom the military arrangements were
principally directed, and who was charged with the vexatious
office of obtaining troops from the Dutch, the emperor, and
the German states, at the time when his own plans occupied
so much of his attention, and the operations in the Nether
lands required so great a proportion of force. It proved
also the source of other embarrassments, because it furnished
the discontented of both parties in England with new argu
ments for a defensive system in the Netherlands, and for a
vigorous effort in the country which was the primary object
of the war. Nor were the subordinate arrangements less
perplexing ; for he was exposed to endless importunities in
the choice of generals and officers, and was perpetually
harassed by the captious spirit of the Portuguese court.
His correspondence during the whole campaign shows the
extreme attention which he paid to the transactions with
Portugal, the efforts he made to give energy to this distant
branch of the war, and the odium he encountered in settling
the appointment of officers. After long importunities from
Lord Rivers and other claimants, the command of the British
troops, at his recommendation, was conferred on the duke
of Schomberg, whose military talents, knowledge of lan
guages, and conciliating temper seemed to fit him for the
office. Marlborough consented also to furnish a considerable
detachment from the army in the Netherlands, to complete
the expedition which was destined to act in Portugal.
Another event, of some moment to the allies, was an in
surrection of the Protestants in the Cevennes, who were
driven to desperation by the intolerance of the French go
vernment. The importance of this commotion, in a moun
tainous country, bordering on the frontier of Catalonia, and
where regular troops could scarcely act, was duly appre
ciated, and Marlborough took an active share in devising
means to foment and support the insurrection. He expe-
YOL. I. I

114 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XVI.
rienced, however, much opposition from Nottingham and the
other partisans of passive obedience, who expatiated on the
injustice and impolicy of assisting rebel subjects against
their legitimate sovereign. This opposition was overruled
by the more liberal part of the cabinet, and not only were
supplies of arms and' ammunition forwarded by a combined
fleet, which was despatched to the Mediterranean, but mea
sures were adopted for establishing a direct communication
with these persecuted people, whose example appeared
likely to spread, and whose efforts diverted a considerable
body of the enemy's troops from the principal theatre of
action. The grand operations of the war now claim attention. We
have already observed, that the elector of Bavaria had declared
in favour of France, and by surprising Ulm, had opened a com
munication with the armies on the Upper Rhine. To favour
his efforts, Marshal Villars, on the 14th of October, defeated
the margrave of Baden at Friedlingen, and cleared the pas
sages leading to the Black Forest ; while, on the other hand,
Tallard extended his force along the Rhine and Moselle,
and in the course of a few days reduced Treves and Traer-
bach. The German troops were thus not only precluded
from profiting by the reduction of Landau, but being cir
cumscribed on both flanks, took up an exposed and danger
ous position, behind the lines of Stolhoffen.
In Italy, the campaign of 1702 had also closed to the dis
advantage of the allies. Eugene, after failing in an attempt
to surprise Cremona, the headquarters of the French army,
had blockaded Mantua. But at this moment the duke of
Savoy, who had incurred the suspicion of the French
monarch, was superseded in the supreme command by the
duke of Vendome. The new general changed the character
of the war. On the 26th of July he defeated a detachment
of Austrians at Santa Vittoria, and foiled the efforts of
Eugene to establish himself south of the Po. The dubious
battle of Luzzara terminated to the disadvantage of the
Austrians ; for it led to the loss of Luzzara and Guastalla,
and rendered the situation of Eugene scarcely less critical
than that of the Margrave of Baden. Besides the difficulty
and uncertainty of his communication with the Austrian ter
ritories, he was confined between the Secchia and the Fo, a

1703.] MEASURES OF THE ENEMY. 115
narrow and broken tract of country, which was nearly ex
hausted by the preceding operations.
In 1703 the war accordingly assumed a new aspect and
direction. The French monarch formed the design of re
pairing his losses in the preceding year, by offensive opera
tions of the most vigorous kind in all quarters. Marshal
Villeroy, who commanded in Flanders, was to open the
campaign early in the spring by reducing the places on the
Meuse, and again threatening the Dutch frontier. While
the attention of the maritime powers was engaged by this
aggression, a great and decisive effort was to be made against
the emperor. As the Bourbon troops on one hand com
manded the greater part of Italy, and on the other were sup
ported by the co-operation of the electors of Cologne and
Bavaria in the very heart of the empire, it was intended to
penetrate from the Upper Rhine, through the defiles of the
Black Forest, and to join the Bavarians ; while the united
forces of France and Savoy opened a way through the
mountains of the Tyrol. These combined forces, thus col
lected between the Inn and the Danube, were to direct their
march to Vienna, and being supported by the Hungarian
insurgents, to obliterate by a single effort the glory of the
Austrian name.
In pursuance of this great design, Villars drew the army
of the Upper Rhine from their cantonments in winter, passed
under the cannon of Friburg, broke up the quarters of the
Germans, and on the 9th of March reduced Kehl, after a
siege of thirteen days. Having secured this important pas
sage, he returned across the Rhine to recruit and refresh his
troops. On the approach of spring, the French in this
quarter were divided into two bodies ; one under Tallard
threatened the lines of Stolhoffen, and kept the prince of
Baden in check ; while the other was led by Villars through
the Black Forest, and descended into the plains of Bavaria.
At the same time the elector defeated and drove the Austrian
troops beyond the Inn and the Danube, reduced Neuburg
and Ratisbon, and then drawing towards the mountains,
which border bis country on the west, effected on the 12th
of May, a junction with Villars, at Dutlingen.
The enterprise against Austria was to be seconded by
efforts no less bold and vigorous on the side of the Nether-
1 2

116 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XVI.
lands. Trusting in the usual dilatoriness of the Dutch, and
calculating on the tardiness which generally marks the
operations of an army collected from different countries,
Villeroy had matured the requisite preparations, and hoped
to reduce Liege before the allies could take the field.. The
recovery of the other fortresses on the Meuse was consi
dered as the natural result of this primary advantage, and
before the close of the campaign it was confidently expected
that the commander, who in the preceding had compelled a
French army to retrace its steps, would find his efforts
limited to the protection of the Dutch frontier.
At the moment when the operations on the Upper Rhine
announced the developement of this vast design, Marl
borough departed from England and reached the Hague on
the 17th of March. The death of the prince of Saarbruck
and of the earl of Athlone, relieved him from the conten
tions of two rivals ; but other competitors arose, though of
inferior rank and influence. These were Overkirk, Opdam,
and Slangenberg. In the first, age had tempered, but not
extinguished the fire of youth ; the second was distinguished
neither by talents nor activity ; and the third was brave and
skilful, but of so captious and overbearing a spirit, that he
remained unemployed during the latter part of William's
reign. We may therefore ascribe the appointment of Over
kirk as chief in command of the Dutch troops to the in
fluence of Marlborough, who considered him not only as the
most able, but as the most tractable coadjutor. To prevent
the effects of rivalry, Slangenberg was to be left on the side
of the Scheld, Opdam to be employed in the siege of Bonn,
and Overkirk to act with the main army.
This necessary arrangement being accomplished, Marl
borough visited the troops quartered in the different places
of Dutch Brabant, to examine their condition, and accelerate
their equipment. Returning to the Hague, he exerted him
self in maturing the ulterior preparations, and successfully
concluded a negotiation for retaining the Prussian auxiliaries
in the service. By his advice Rheinberg had been reduced
by the Prussians during the winter, and the capture of this
fortress was followed by the blockade of Guelder, the only
place still held by the enemy in Spanish Guelderland.
His arrival at the Hague infused activity into the Dutch

1703.] CAPTURE OF BONN. 117
government. He had formed an extensive plan for the in
vasion of French Flanders and Brabant ; but in this, as in
other designs, his genius was shackled by the timidity of
the States. To soothe their alarms he reluctantly consented
to open the campaign with the siege of Bonn. Having
completed his arrangements he repaired to Nimeguen, to
concert with Cohorn the plan and preparations for the in
tended siege. Then passing by Venloo, Ruremond, and
Maestricht, to ascertain the state of the places on the Meuse,
he inspected Liege, and held a conferenco with the imperial
minister, Count Sinzindorf, on the affairs of Germany.
Crossing the country to Cologne, he was bitterly disappointed
at the backwardness of the preparations for the reduction of
Bonn, and no less chagrined at the proposal of Cohorn to
defer it till the close of the year.
Notwithstanding the obstructions with which he had to
struggle. Marlborough drew his troops from their quarters
with his usual diligence ; and, to the surprise of the enemy,
before the 2d of April, he assembled an army, not only of
sufficient force to protect Liege, but also to execute the in
tended enterprise on Bonn. Having consigned to Overkirk
the command of a corps of observation distributed along the
Meuse, between Liege and Maestricht, he proceeded towards
Bonn, with a force of 40 battalions and 60 squadrons, and a
train of 100 pieces of artillery. He himself arranged the
quarters of the troops ; and to accelerate the reduction of
the place by a vigorous effort, formed the plan of three dif
ferent attacks. The first, under Cohorn, was to be directed
against the fort on the other side of the Rhine, and the
second and third against the city and outworks, under the
hereditary prince of Hesse Cassel and General Fagel. The
preparations were so rapidly matured, that the trenches were
opened on the 3rd of May.
Meanwhile the French, unwilling to remain on the defen
sive, resorted to the usual expedients for obstructing the
operations of the siege. They assembled their troops in the
utmost haste, and advanced against the army of Overkirk.
But they were not sufficiently prompt to effect their pur
pose; for the approaches against Bonn were pushed with
such rapidity, that the fort was taken on the 9th. The
capture of this important work hastened the reduction of
i 3

118 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. |_CH. XVJt
the place. Although the Marquis d'Allegre, who was in
trusted with the defence, made as vigorous a resistance as
his means permitted, he was reduced to propose a capitular
tion on the 15th of May.
"I have this minute," writes the duke to Godolphin;
" signed the capitulation of Bonn ; and I think if we had
not been so uneasy as we are at what is doing on the Meuse,
we might in four or five days more have made this garrison
prisoners of war ; but as it is, we have only stopped a Ger
man regiment and two independent companies. I stay this
afternoon to give such orders as are absolutely necessary,
and hope to be early on Friday with the army on the Meuse.
The garrison here is to march out on the same day, so that
I shall not see them. Having been a good deal disturbed
these two last nights, my head aches very much, so that you
will excuse me if I say no more, but refer you to the capi
tulation sent to Mr. Secretary."

Chap. XVII. — Progress of the Campaign. — 1703.
Leaving a detachment to take possession of Bonn, Marl
borough hastened to the succour of Overkirk, threatened by
a superior force. On the 17th of May he effected the junc
tion, and established his headquarters at Hoechst, a monas
tery in the vicinity of Maestricht. He now resumed with
redoubled zeal the plan he had formed, before he was com
pelled to undertake the siege of Bonn, which was, by a
well-combined and rapid movement, to transfer the war into
the heart of Brabant and West Flanders. Indeed, before
the termination of the siege, the Dutch generals, Cohorn,
Spaar, and Opdam, had been despatched to assume the com
mand in the district of Bergen-op-Zoom, and accelerate the
necessary preparations. Collaterally with this design a
scheme was formed in England, and approved by the general,
to alarm the French coast by a descent near Dieppe ; for
which purpose troops were collected at Portsmouth, and
were to be joined by a reinforcement from Holland.
This was what the duke called the great design. Mean-

,1703.] PROGRESS OP THE CAMPAIGN. 119
while, he endeavoured to engross the attention of the French
commanders, and by offensive movements to prevent them
from detaching succours to the intended point of attack.
After reviewing and organising the army, which amounted
to 59 battalions, and 129 squadrons, he broke up his camp,
traversed the Taar under the walls of Maestricht, and
directing his march towards the heights of Hautain, which
stretch between that river and the Meuse, he nearly sur
prised a considerable part of the enemy's army, who were
foraging on the spot. His unexpected approach alarmed
the French. Leaving two battalions to destroy the gates
and works of Tongres, they made so precipitate a retreat,
that when the confederates reached the camp of Thys, they
had already gained an advance of two leagues.
His laudable zeal was not, however, seconded by those
with whom he was obliged to act. Instead of fulfilling his
orders for the invasion of West Flanders, Cohorn, to whom
the superintendence of the previous arrangements was con
signed, obtained the consent of the States to employ the
troops on that frontier in making an irruption into the
country of the Waes, where he hoped to levy large contri
butions. Marlborough, whose plan had embraced the reduc
tion of Antwerp and Ostend, saw with regret that all his
views would be frustrated, if this imprudent change was
suffered to take effect.
" Camp of Thys, May 20 — 31. I am afraid the diversion M. Cohorn
is gone to make in Flanders, will not oblige them to make any great
detachment ; for his design is not on Ostend, as I desired, but to force
their lines, by which he will settle a good deal of contribution, which
these people like but too well, for it is certain if they had taken Ostend
it would have been of great use to the common cause, and tbey might
easily afterwards have settled the contributions ; so that, had I been at
the Hague, I am very confident they would have preferred the taking of
Ostend before that of forcing the lines.
" It is no wonder that Cohorn is for forcing the lines, for as he is
governor of West Flanders he has the tenths of all the contributions.
He is also afraid that if we should besiege Huy, the French would take
that opportunity of sending so many men as would hinder him from
executing his design, so that he has begged of me to undertake nothing,
but keeping as near to the French army as is possible till his expedition
is over. After which we are to endeavour to take post, so as that we maj
have it in our power to make the siege of Antwerp.
" At this time the strength of the French army is 118 squadrons and
I 4

120 LIFE OP MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XTTI.
61 battalions ; ours consists of 125 squadrons and 59 battalions : but our
battalions are stronger than theirs, so that I think we have a good deal
the superiority, which is very plainly the opinion of the French, since
they always decamp when we come near them."
On the Upper Rhine, affairs were not in a more encou
raging posture, as from the success of the French and Ba
varians, the most pressing demands for succours were made
both in England and Holland. Marlborough himself was
too well acquainted with the inefficiency of the German
troops, and the tardiness of German generals, to acquiesce
in this application. He strongly remonstrated against any
reduction of his own army, which he observed " would only
answer the purpose of bringing things here into the same
condition as they are there :" and he insisted with great
warmth on the impolicy of granting any farther reinforcement
than 20 battalions and eight squadrons, which had been al
ready detached for that quarter.
¦ Notwithstanding these discouragements he did not relax
in his design ; but directing his views to Antwerp and
Ostend, he communicated new instructions to Cohorn.
Meanwhile the preparations for the grand attack had been
matured, the troops which were to co-operate being collected
at their respective posts. Besides the lines already described
as extending from Antwerp south-eastward to the Mehaigne,
the French had formed another series of fortifications on the
verge of the frontier, stretching from Antwerp towards
Ostend, and passing to the south of Hulst. To maintain
these defences they had established two flying camps, one
under the marquis of Bedmar near Antwerp, the other
under the count de la Motte, in the vicinity of Bruges.
According to the plan of attack, Spaar advanced into the
district of Hulst, to occupy the attention of the enemy in
that quarter, and hold la Motte in check. Cohorn was es
tablished near Stabroek, east of the Scheld, to maintain a
communication on one hand with Spaar, and on the other to
support a body of tropps collected under Opdam at Bergen-
op-Zoom, who were suddenly to advance and surprise
Antwerp, or at least to take up a position within the line by
which it _ was covered. Marlborough himself was to harass
and detain the main army, and having gained the advance
by a rapid movement, to enter the lines between Lierre and

1703.] PROGRESS OP THE CAMPAIGN. 121
Antwerp. He would thus have effected a junction with the
Dutch, interposed his army between the different bodies of
the enemy, and after the reduction of Antwerp would have
crowned the enterprise by an attack on Ostend.
As he had announced in his letter from Hanef, he broke
up his camp during the night of the 26th, passed the Yaar,
near the castle of Oleye, and advanced to Opheer. This
movement, which was no less rapid than secret, threw the
enemy into the utmost consternation. In momentary ex
pectation of an attack, they remained the whole night under
arms, and having ascertained the direction of Marlborough's
march, they drew in the utmost haste to the strong ground
near Landen. On the 28th the confederates proceeded to
Borchloen, and on the 29th to Hasselt ; the enemy at the
same time moving by Landen to Diest.
Meanwhile the troops destined to co-operate in the design
against Antwerp hurried prematurely into action, contrary
to their express orders, and the views of the generalissimo.
In the afternoon of the 26th the troops of Cohorn traversed
the Scheld to Liefkenshoek, and on the ensuing morning he
and Spaar made a combined attack on the enemy's lines.
Spaar penetrated to the village of Stecken and Steenbroek,
though with considerable loss ; and Cohorn, forcing the
works at the point of Callo, reduced the fort of St. Antony.
The same evening Opdam broke up from Bergen-op-Zoom,
and on the 29th took up his position at the village of Ekeren,
a little to the north of Antwerp.
As the most sanguine hopes had been excited by the ex
tensive preparations for this enterprise, the petty successes
of Spaar and Cohorn raised a general exultation in Holland ;
and the public eagerly expected that the next messenger
would announce the fall of Antwerp. But the event proved
that the most profound and accurate combinations are easily
frustrated by the slightest want of concert in the subordinate
agents ; the enemy being too well supplied with intelligence
to be ignorant of the force and movements of the Dutch.
Perceiving that the ill-judged irruptions of Cohorn and
Spaar had broke the connexion between the different bodies,
they seized the opportunity to form an enterprise against
that of Opdam, which was left without support, and executed
it with equal skill and promptitude. Bedmar, instead of

122 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. |_CH: XVH.
suffering himself to be diverted by incursions which he was
aware could produce no permanent effect, maintained his
position, while Boufflers was detached on the 29th from the
camp at Diest, with a force of 20,000 men, principally
cavalry, and marched in all haste to Antwerp.
In the interim Marlborough redoubled his exertions to
gain the advance on the enemy. To accelerate his march, he
had detached his artillery and baggage from Tongres through
Borchloen with orders to rejoin him at Beringhen, and
traversing the Hersch and the Demer over several bridges,
he encamped on the 30th, between Beringhen and Coursel.
Here he halted on the 1st of July, and his correspondence
attests his anxiety and exertions.
Writing to the duchess during this pause, he observes ;. —
" Sunday, June 20 — July 1. I have been in so perpetual a hurry,
having marched five days together, and sometimes not coming into the
camp till eleven or twelve at night, that I .have not been able to answer
so particularly your two last letters, as I shall always be desirous of doing.
We have been obliged for many reasons to rest this day. However, it
gives me very little rest, being obliged to have the general officers with
me for regulating the next three days' march, so that I am obliged to
take this time of writing, although I have several officers in my room
talking about me ; but as I love you above my life, so my greatest plea
sure is writing to you, or hearing from you."
As the enemy broke up to follow their detachments)
he again marched on the 2d of July, and encamped between
Moll and Balen. In the course of these movements he was
apprised of the irruptions of Cohorn and Spaar, and the
advance of Opdam to Ekeren. Chagrined at such imprudent
attempts, and alarmed for the safety of Opdam, he sent him
pressing orders to exert the utmost vigilance, and take up
a more secure post till he could be sustained by the main
army. From the camp of Moll and Balen, he writes to
Godolphin : ¦ —
July 2. 1703. — You will find by my last and this, that we have been
in continual motion, the duke of Villeroy having marched with his whole
army towards Brabant, so that we are obliged to do the same. He
being within his lines, has no want of forage, but our march being over
the heaths we have not that plenty. Nor do I believe that when we
shall come near the lines that go from Antwerp to Lierre we shall find
forage for any long continuance.
" I am afraid the lucre of having a little contribution from the Pa'is de
Waes has spoiled the whole design ; for I am very sure if we do not

1703.] OPDAM SURPRISED. 123
force the lines, which I am afraid will be pretty difficult, since all the
French army will be there to defend it. * However, this must be done,
or the siege of Antwerp will be no more thought on * * * If M.
Opdam be not upon his guard, he may be beat before we can help him,
which will always be the consequence when troops are divided, so as that
the enemy can post themselves between them. But we have given him
such timely notice, that if he has not taken a safe camp he will be very
much to blame. The French are very cautious, and the Dutch will
venture nothing ; so that, unless it happens by chance, I think there will
be no battle.
" * * Since I sealed my letter, we have a report come from Breda
that Opdam is beaten. I pray God it be not so, for he is very capable
of having it happen to him."
His worst apprehensions were confirmed. Boufflers
reached Antwerp on the 30th, and immediately united
with Bedmar. Their combined forces filed through the
northern gates of the city, and advancing with equal silence
and celerity towards Ekeren, they detached a corps to
seize Stabroek, the post which Cohorn had imprudently
quitted, and cut off the road to Lillo. Although the preced
ing day Opdam had received warning from Marlborough,
and was apprised by his own spies, that a considerable de
tachment was on its march from the French army, he con
tented himself with sending his baggage to Bergen-op-Zoom,
and preparing for the removal of his camp. He supinely
remained till it was too late to obviate the effects of his
negligence. Being apprised that the enemies were advancing
in force, he mounted his horse, accompanied by a few atten
dants, and rode towards a cloud of dust, which was raised by
the movement of the hostile columns. Discovering his
danger, he endeavoured to regain his camp ; but finding all
the avenues occupied, he left his troops to their fate, and
after wandering the whole day through remote and solitary
paths, reached Breda, conveying the disastrous intelligence
that his whole force was cut off, and that he himself and his
companions had escaped only by accident.
The utmost panic was excited at the Hague by the news
of this great and unexpected disaster, and an extraordinary
meeting of the States was held at midnight, to deliberate on
means for securing Bergen-op-Zoom, and the other places on
the frontier. But before the deputies charged with this com
mission could reach their place of destination, intelligence
arrived that after the disgraceful flight of Opdam general
* Something is omitted in the original.

124 LIFE OP MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XVn.
Slangenberg had assumed the command ; and, by availing
himself of the dikes and natural defences of the country, had
repulsed the enemy, and effected his retreat to Lillo, with a
loss comparatively trifling.
This untoward accident frustrated the whole design, and
the only plausible accusation which has ever been advanced
against the well-grounded fame of Marlborough has been made
on this occasion. Not only his enemies, but even his friends
considered his line of operation too extensive, and that he
ought either to have succoured Opdam, or to have attacked
that part of the enemy's army to which he was opposed,
while weakened by so considerable a detachment. It would
appear, however, that the duke's plan of attack was formed
with his characteristic ability and judgment ; but the other
generals acted in direct contradiction to his orders, and after
their imprudence had disconcerted the design, Opdam him
self neglected the most urgent injunctions to provide for his
own safety till the main army could advance to give him
support. Marlborough was not discouraged by these disappoint
ments, but resumed with new zeal his design of attacking
the French lines and reducing Antwerp. With this view he
moved his camp to Thielen on the 5th of July. From thence,
accompanied by his principal officers, he repaired to Breda,
to concert arrangements with the deputies of the States, and
then proceeded to Bergen-op-Zoom, to hold a conference
with Cohorn, who was indisposed. Here it was settled that
an attack should be made on the bines, and a hundred pieces
of artillery were to be furnished from the neighbouring
fortresses of Holland. Meanwhile three engineers in dis
guise were to reconnoitre the state of the enemy's works, and
procure information for making the proper dispositions.
Notwithstanding this arrangement, he anticipated new
objections ; for the deputies and generals belonging to the
army which had failed, thought the enterprise too hazardous,
and expatiated on the superior force of the enemy. To
obviate the effects of these representations with the States,
Marlborough wrote to his friend, the pensionary, indicating
the intended plan of attack, and urging such arguments as
were calculated to show the probability of complete success.
He observed : —
" I cannot but be of opinion, if we will venture, now that our armies

1703.] HEARTBURNINGS OF THE GENERALS. 125
are so near as to be able to help each other, we should not fail of succeed
ing. My thoughts on this matter are that Baron Spaar should post him
self so in Flanders as might be most advantageous for the carrying on
this great design, and that Monsieur Cohorn, with such troops as can be
spared from thence, should join the army at Lillo, and then both armies
should approach each other, so as we might take just measures for the
attacking the lines at the same time. If you have a mind to have Ant
werp, and a speedy end of the war, you must venture something for it.
I have not consulted the generals, so that you must consider this as my
single opinion ; but if this should be approved by others, and be thought
fit to be put in execution, you must then act as the French do, by draw
ing out of your garrisons all the battalions that are possible ; for those
that can make the greatest fire will carry this matter. And I think all
officers will agree with me, that if they opiniatre the defence of the lines
between Antwerp and Lierre, and we should force them, they having a
river behind them, it will be next to impossible for them to get off. On
the other side, if they should take the resolution not to defend the lines,
then the siege may be made with all the ease imaginable. Upon the
whole matter, I take the good or bad success of this campaign depends
upon the resolution that shall now be taken.
" We have resolved to stay in this camp two or three days, till mea
sures can be taken, so that we may do our best to hinder the enemy from
seeing our design till we are ready to act. I cannot end this letter with
out assuring you that I verily believe when(the French shall see you are
positively resolved to attack the lines they will not dare to defend them ;
for, should they be forced between Antwerp and Lierre, their army must
be lost ; and how fatal that must be to France you can best judge. I
am confident if you miss this occasion you will repent it when it is too
late."* New obstructions, however, resulted from the recent fai
lure. A vehement dispute arose among the Dutch generals,
who strove to throw on each other the blame of their ill suc
cess. Opdam laboured to extenuate his own culpable negligence
and want of spirit ; while Slangenberg, proud of his gallantry
and good fortune, redoubled his invectives against all who
had incurred his envy ; and even presumed to accuse Marl
borough of having exposed the Dutch troops to defeat, from
the mean and selfish motive of jealousy. A quarrel equally
violent arose also between Slangenberg and Cohorn, while
employed in arrangements for the march of the troops from
Lillo. Cohorn, in a fit of resentment, again quitted the
army, arid the command devolved on Slangenberg.
At this period Marlborough returned to his army, to
watch the motions of Villeroy, who, being joined by Boufflers
* Camp at Thielen, July 4—15. 1703.

126 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XVH.
and a reinforcement under Bedmar, had quitted his lines,
and advanced to Sandhofen. To maintain the communica
tion with the forces about Lillo, which was in some degree
affected by this movement, the British commander, on the
7th, transferred his camp to Vorstelar; and the French,
drawing still nearer to Antwerp, established themselves in
the strong position of St. Job.
While Marlborough was labouring to soothe the resent
ment of Cohorn, new difficulties arose in another quarter ;
for instead of the encouragement and support which he ex
pected from the pensionary, he received from him a letter,
testifying his fears respecting the intended attack on the
lines, and his unwillingness to incur the responsibility
attached to the attempt. On this epistle Marlborough ob
serves, " The factions are so great in Holland that the pen
sionary dares not take any thing upon himself, so that I fear
at last things will go wrong for want of a government."
He was too tenacious of his purpose to yield either to the
alarms of his friends, or the contentions and jealousies of
those on whom he was obliged to depend. By importunity,
he at length extorted the consent of the Dutch government
for the two armies to unite, and attack the enemy in the
position of St. Job. With this view he moved on the 22d
of July from Vorstelar to Brecht.
On the 23d of July at three in the morning, he advanced
at the head of the cavalry, and reached the great heath of
Antwerp, where signals were made for the junction of
Slangenberg with the troops from Lillo. But at this mo
ment a heavy smoke rising from the camp of the enemy,
announced their retreat behind their lines. At ten, Slan
genberg appeared, and Marlborough riding forward with an
escort of six squadrons, held a conference with him, to
settle the disposition of the forces. The junction being
effected, the two armies encamped, that of Marlborough be
tween Campthout and Westdown, and that of Slangenberg at
Capelle. As the enemy had declined a battle in the open ground,
it was now necessary to adopt a resolution for an attack on
their lines. For this purpose a council of war was held at
Campthout, the headquarters: all the former objections and
difficulties were revived and again discussed ; and after a

1703.] PROGRESS OP HOSTILITIES. 127
warm debate of five hours, no conclusion was adopted. " I
was forced to end it," says the commander, " by desiring
that each of them would put their opinions in writing,
against nine to-morrow morning. I see enough, I think, to
be sure the lines will not be attacked, and that we shall
return to the Meuse. I intend to go out to-morrow morn
ing, with a body of horse, in hopes to get near enough to
view the lines."
The result of all these deliberations and delays, when it
was necessary to act, will be naturally anticipated. The timid
and cautious spirits, who had terrified themselves with
imaginary difficulties, were not tempted to encounter real
obstacles, even by the prospect of decisive success. We
describe the event of all these movements and deliberations,
in his own words : —
" On Friday I went with 4000 horse to see the lines. They let us
come so near, that we beat their out-guard home to their barrier, which
gave us an opportunity of seeing the lines ; which had a fosse of twenty-
seven feet broad before them, and the water in it nine feet deep ; so that
it is resolved that the army return to the Meuse, and in the first place
take Huy. Upon the whole matter, if we cannot bring the French to a
battle we shall not do any thing worth being commended. My letter of
the 8th, which began with Sir, and was directed by Cardonnel, was in
tended for you, but was writ by candle light, as this is ; and my eyes are
so bad that I do not see what I do, so that I hope you will excuse me,
that I do not answer all in your two letters of the 9th and 13th. We
shall begin to march from hence on Thursday."
Marlborough now measured back his steps to the Meuse,
to effect the reduction of Huy, which, though small, was
considered as a post of some importance, because it covered
Liege, opened the navigation of the Meuse, and facilitated
an attack on Namur. He returned nearly in the same direc
tion as he had advanced, bewailing at every halt the disap
pointments which he had undergone, and forming new hopes
of more decisive operations.
From Honthalen he wrote, July 26. to Godolphin : —
" I am but too much of your mind, that the going back to the Meuse
is, as the French expression is, a pis aller. But as Cohorn has managed
his business for these last six weeks, we had nothing else to do. I know
that Huy will make very little noise in the world : however, if we will
make the war in this country, it is very convenient for us to have that
place. Our superiority is not so great, but that the French may reason
ably expect to make us uneasy, when we shall be obliged to divide our

128 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XVIH.
forces, as we must do when we make tbe siege. If they give occasion, I
hope we shall venture, by which God may give us more success in three
or four hours' time than we dare promise ourselves.
" That of Antwerp and Ostend have succeeded so ill, that I am afraid
of promising, even for Huy ; but I shall let you know my thoughts for
the remaining part of the campaign, and desire you will let me have your
opinion how far I ought to endeavour the executing it ; for what I would
do cannot be compassed without continuing the campaign as long as
ever the season will permit, we have already lost so much time."
He then states his design, after the reduction of Huy, to
force the enemy's lines, or pass the Mehaigne. If they
should still decline a battle, he purposed to besiege Limburg,
and finally to march with a sufficient number of men for the
capture of Treves and Traerbach, preparatory to a campaign
on the Moselle, which he designed to commence with the
attack of Thionville. Pursuing his march towards the
Meuse, Marlborough, on the 15th of August, took up his
camp at Val-notre-Dame, while the enemy moving in a
parallel direction behind their lines, established themselves
in the position of Wasseige.

Chap. XVIII. — Party Struggles  1703.
While the British commander was agitated by the contend
ing factions in Holland and the endless jealousies of the
Dutch generals, which, to use his own expression, " made his
life a burden," his attention was no less distracted with the
feuds in the cabinet of England, and the violence of the two
hostile parties who divided the parliament and nation, and
vied in their censure of his conduct and principles.
We have already shown that Marlborough and Godolphin,
both from habit and principle, had hitherto identified them
selves with the Tories, and had not cordially favoured the
Whigs, notwithstanding the support given to the vigorous
prosecution of the war. The two friends had indeed mani
fested a wish to act independently of all party connexions,
and to intrust the offices of government to moderate, upright,
and able men of both denominations ; yet in every part of
their conduct we trace a bias towards those with whom they

1703.J PARTY DISSENSIONS. 129
had so long been connected. To this tendency, as well as to
the inclinations of the queen, we may attribute the formation
of the ministry on a Tory basis, with the intermixture of a
few Whigs, the least distinguished for party zeal and in
fluence. The majority of the Tories on their admission to power had
warmly professed their attachment to the system of foreign
policy adopted by Marlborough, and in particular had pledged
themselves to support his vigorous efforts for the diminution
of the French power. Their party principles, however, soon
regained the ascendency ; and if they did not openly
oppose, they secretly thwarted, or, at least, coldly supported
his views. Even in the late session some of their zealous
leaders began to manifest so refractory a spirit, that it was
found impossible to carry on the public business without
some alteration of the ministry.
During the preceding winter Marlborough and Godolphin
had deliberated on the most advisable mode of effecting this
change. Their principal object was to obtain the dismission
of the earl of Rochester, the great leader of the Tories, and
the most strenuous opponent of offensive operations, who had
assumed a tone of superiority over the other ministers, and
attempted to supplant Godolphin at the head of the treasury.
The plan which they devised to liberate themselves from so
troublesome a colleague was carried into execution soon after
Marlborough returned to the army.
As the near relationship of Rochester to the queen did not
permit them to insist on his dismission, they procured an
order for him to repair to his government in Ireland. If he
complied, his absence would naturally lessen his means of
annoyance ; if he disobeyed, they expected that the wounded
pride of the queen would prompt her to remove him from
his office.
The plan succeeded according to their wishes. Rochester
at first haughtily refused to quit the political theatre of
London, where he was so prominent a figure ; and the order
being peremptorily repeated, he resigned in disgust. The
government of Ireland was conferred on the duke of Ormond,
who to the advantage of high birth united great popularity,
who was acceptable to the queen, and had gained the esteem
of his Tory friends by compromising the dispute with Sir
VOL. I. K

130 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XVHI.
George Rooke, on the failure of Cadiz. From this moment
Rochester became the leader of the discontented Tories and
the principal mover of opposition, though several of his ad
herents still retained their places, with a view more effec
tually to embroil the measures of government.
Notwithstanding the disgrace of Rochester, a similar spirit
was manifested by the earl of Nottingham, secretary of state.
He was a nobleman of high honour and unimpeached in
tegrity, as well as of great diligence and capacity, but deeply
imbued with Tory principles, both in religion and politics.
He was at the same time aspiring, presumptuous, and over
bearing. Conscious of his influence with the queen and his
political credit, he hoped to become the leader of the admi
nistration, and secretly laboured for the removal of Godol
phin. Though connected with Marlborough by the habits of
long intimacy, Nottingham was no less hostile than Roches
ter to his grand system of foreign policy, and deprecated with
equal zeal the connexions which were formed on the Conti
nent, as well as the vigorous efforts to which those con
nexions gave rise. Hence, though he held the office of
secretary of state, he became the head of an opposition in the
ministry. His zeal was stimulated by Rochester, whose
natural impetuosity of temper was heightened by a sense of
mortified pride, and he found warm adherents in the duke of
Buckingham and the earl of Jersey, who were actuated by
congenial principles. The views of Nottingham were also
warmly seconded by a strong phalanx in the house of com
mons, at the head of which were his friend and dependent,
Secretary Hedges and Sir Edward Seymour, comptroller of
the household, member for Somersetshire ; a gentleman who,
from family interest and landed property, as well as party
zeal and vehemence in debate, had acquired an extraordinary
share of influence.
A schism was thus imperceptibly formed in the adminis
tration. Clashing interests and discordant views embar
rassed the measures of government; Marlborough became
the object of invidious reflection or open censure, and a crisis
was evidently approaching which must terminate in the ex
clusion or preponderance of Nottingham and his partisans.
Indeed, at an early period in the spring, his conduct had

1703.] PARTY DISSENSIONS. 131
given such dissatisfaction that Marlborough, in a letter to
Godolphin, strongly urges the necessity of his removal.
" If," he observes, " Lord Nottingham continues being so
impertinent as to join with Sir Edward Seymour and others
to obstruct business, I think it were much better to be plain
with him than to suffer him to go on in that way ; for by
that he will be much abler to do mischief than if he were
out ; and I am very much mistaken if he will care to part
with this place."
Other perplexities, however, arose from this unfortunate
feud ; Marlborough more deeply felt the defection of his
former friends and associates, because it exposed him to the
alternative, which he never contemplated without regret, of
being thrown into the power of the opposite party. Nor
were his apprehensions unfounded ; for the Whigs, deeming
the opportunity too favourable to be neglected, assailed him
with importunities, and strongly resented the unwillingness
which he manifested to admit more of them into power.
Some even adopted the language of their political opponents,
clamoured for a defensive system in the Netherlands, and
accused him of purposely prolonging the war for the sake of
his own advantage. He thus became the common mark for
the obloquy of both parties ; and while his measures were
arraigned, and his exploits decried by the Tories, his name
was associated with that of Harley in the Whig satires and
lampoons of the day.
Even at the army he was not beyond the sphere of conten
tion. Godolphin, his constant correspondent, incessantly ex
patiated on the divisions in the cabinet and the clamours of
party, and overwhelmed his friend with complaints on his
own irksome situation and his unpleasant intercourse with
the queen, who assailed him with reproaches whenever he
presumed to convey the slightest hint on the necessity of
conciliating the Whigs. Wearied with censure and contra
diction, he at length repeatedly declared his resolution of
retiring from a situation in which he could not obtain the
support, or even indulgence of either party.
Amidst such contentions it was impossible for the duchess to
remain indifferent. She not only renewed her efforts to
engage her husband in a more cordial union with the Whigs,
K 2

132 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XVHI.
but importuned the queen with her censure of one party and
praise of the other, and thus involved him in a new series of
embarrassments. Availing herself of the peevish complaints
which he incessantly made against the Tories, she revived
the unpleasant discussion which had already arisen on this
subject with the queen, by communicating extracts of his
letters, accompanied with remarks of the most acrimonious
kind. One letter in particular, in which he had announced
his wish to resign, was made the subject of such a comment
ary, and accompanied with the hint of a similar resolution
by Lord Godolphin and herself. The effect which these
appeals produced on the queen appears from one of her
answers to the duchess.
" Windsor, Saturday. — The thoughts that both my dear Mrs. Freeman
and Mr. Freeman seem to have of retiring give me no small uneasiness,
and therefore I must say something on that subject. It is no wonder at
all that people in your posts should be weary of the world, who are so
continually troubled with all the hurry and impertinences of it ; but give
me leave to say you should a little consider your faithful friends and poor'
country, which must be ruined if ever you put your melancholy thoughts
in execution. As for your poor unfortunate faithful Morley, she could
not bear it ; for if ever you should forsake me, I would have nothing
more to do with the world, but make another abdication ; for what is a
crown when the support of it is gone ? I never will forsake your dear
self, Mr. Freeman, nor Mr. Montgomery *, but always be your constant
and faithful friend; and we four must never part till death mows us
down with his impartial hand."
The affectionate language of this letter produced very
different effects on the minds of the duke and duchess. He
expressed a grateful sense of the queen's goodness, and testi
fied his resolution to encounter the vexations of public life as
long as she deemed his services necessary. At the same
time, in his correspondence with the duchess, he renewed his
declaration that he would never submit to the entanglements
of either party.
" Camp at Hanefjune 3 — 14. By my last I had not time to give
any answer to your two letters of the 23d and 25th of this last month.
There is nothing more certain than what you say, that either of the
parties would be tyrants if they were let alone ; and I am afraid it is as

* The familiar appellation, as before noticed, given to Godolphin in
their private correspondence.

1703.] PARTY DISSENSIONS. 133
true that it will be very hard for the queen to prevent it. I think
nothing should be omitted to do justice, and then God's will be done.
What you say of Lord Nottingham concerning the park is very scandalous,
but very natural to that person. I wish with all my heart the queen
were rid of him, so that she had a good man in his place, which I am
afraid is pretty difficult.
" We are bound not to wish for any body's death, but if 14 (Sir
Edward Seymour) should die, I am convinced it would be no great loss
to the queen nor the nation ; and you may be sure the visit intended by
19 Lord Rochester) and his friend could be for no other end than to
flatter 14 (Sir Edward Seymour) to do such mischief as they dare not
openly own."
The sanguine temper of the duchess was much affected by
this mark of the queen's affection, and she flattered herself
that little exertion was now wanting to gain a complete vic
tory over the political prejudices of her royal mistress. She
therefore teased the queen with her eulogies of the Whigs
and her censures of the Tories, whom she involved in one
common accusation of Jacobitism. Deeming also the bias of
her husband towards his former friends much lessened by
their petulant opposition, she again urged him to coalesce
with the Whigs, who alone concurred in his views, and to
discard an ungrateful faction, equally enemies to his glory,
and to his great designs for the good of his country.
She even pointed out seven of the Tory chiefs, whose con
tinuance in office she declared incompatible with the public
welfare.* * Six of the seven persons here designated were the earls of Notting
ham (42) and Jersey (15), Sir Charles Hedges (10), Sir Edward Sey
mour (14), the duke of Buckingham, and Sir Natham Wright, the lord
keeper. [The necessity of using figures and other ciphers, as in this instance,
in the epistolary communications of public characters, shows to what a
detestable height had been carried the strife and jealousies of the political
factions. Next to a man's private thoughts, his private letters ought to
be held sacred from violation ; the precincts of the General Post Office
ought to be hermetically sealed against every intruder, beyond the official
agency indispensable to the management of its business, and it evinced' a
good spirit in the House of Commons two or three sessions past, when
it manifested a disposition to limit, if not entirely withdraw, from the
home-secretary his privilege of opening letters in the service of the
state. Under Queen Anne, the practice of rifling individual correspond
ence appears to have been an outrage of ordinary occurrence, and what a
k 3

134 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XVHI.
Her attempts were, however, far from producing the ex
pected effect. From the queen, though offended with the
Tories, it drew a justification of their loyalty and a recrimina
tion of the Whigs, whom she charged with holding tenets no
less dangerous to the monarchy than to the church. The
duke also combated her arguments with his usual tenderness,
but testified a decided resolution not to abandon the inde
pendent principle on which he had hitherto acted. In a
letter to the duchess from the camp of Hanef, June 10th,
he dwells with peculiar emphasis on this determination.
" I did yesterday receive yours of the 3d, and do agree with you that
the seven persons you mention in that letter do not do the queen that
service they ought to do ; but I can't but be of the opinion, that if they
were out of their places, they would be more capable of doing her hurt.
Some of them might, in my opinion, be removed, as 15 (Lord Jersey)
and 42 (Lord Nottingham) ; but who is there fit for their places? I do
protest before God I know of none. I am of your mind, that if the
queen spoke to Lord Rochester in the manner you mention in your letter,
I believe it would make him very cautious ; not that I think it would
make him honest, but he would be afraid. The conversation that was
between Lord Rochester and the speaker is no doubt the language that he
entertains the whole party with ; and if they can once be strong enough
to declare which way the war shall be managed, they may ruin England
and Holland at their pleasure, and I am afraid may do it in such a
manner as may not at first be unpopular ; so that the people may be
undone before they can see it. I can't say a word for the excusing the
Dutch for the backwardness of their sea preparations this year ; but if
that, or any thing else, should produce a coldness between England and
Holland, France would then gain their point, which I hope in God I
shall never live to see ; for our poor country would then be the miser-
ablest part of all Christendom j for we should not only lose our liberty,
but our religion also must be forced, and those gentlemen that would be
helping to this, would then be as miserable as others ; for the French,
when they are the masters, make no distinctions. I could say a great
deal upon this subject, but I dare not, for fear of accidents. In short, I
think the two parties are so angry, that, to ruin each other, they will make
no scruple of venturing the whole."

shameful state of espionage and corruption does this imply in the servants
and others connected with the Post Office, who could thus become
accessory to such a scandalous betrayal of their public duties ! Mr. Coxe
has rendered a useful service, as he promised in his preface, by giving,
when able to do so, the real name or expression, in lieu of troubling his
readers with unintelligible symbols.  Ed. ]

1703.] PARTY DISSENSIONS. 135
The officious zeal of the duchess was not, however, discou
raged by this repulse. She renewed her importunities with
her husband, offered her mediation with the Whigs, and urged
that their petulance would easily be restrained by popular
representations. But Marlborough disdained an appeal
which he knew would be construed into an application for
support, and followed by counter demands. In reply, he
testified his concern with unusual feeling, renewed his former
declarations with greater warmth, and concluded with expa
tiating on the fatal consequences which must result from the
factious attempts of both parties to thwart and frustrate his
military designs.
" Alderbeesten, Sept. 30. 1703. I see by this last letter, that you have
mistaken my meaning in some of my letters ; for though I may have
complained of some you call your friends, yet it never entered into my
thoughts that they should be spoke to in order to have a better thought
of me ; for I know they would be as unreasonable as the others in their
expectations, if I should seek their friendship : for aU parties are alike.
And as I have taken my resolution of never doing any hardship to any
man whatsoever, I shall by it have a quiet in my own mind ; not valuing
nor desiring to be a favourite to either of them. For, in the humour I
am now in, and that I hope in God I shall ever be of, I think both
parties unreasonable and unjust. I am very sensible of several errors I
have committed; but I must not endeavour to mend them by running
into greater : so that I shall make complaints to neither, but endeavour to
recommend myself to the world by my sincere intentions of governing all
my actions by what I shall think is for the interest of my queen and
country. I hope in God this will agree with what you desire, and then
I can have no uneasiness."
In addition to the information conveyed by Godolphin and
the duchess, Marlborough received private intelligence from
Harley, whose sentiments were congenial to his own. Equally
trusted by the moderate Whigs and Tories, he was enabled to
develope their views and wishes. He communicated to the
duke the result of his conversations with Nottingham on one
side, and with some of the Whigs on the other. He stated
their respective complaints to turn principally on the misma
nagement of the fleet and on the impolicy of an offensive war
in Flanders, and conveyed an intimation which equally
marks the spleen and resentment of both, namely, that they
concurred in accusing Marlborough and Godolphin of foster
ing designs hostile to the interests of the house of Hanover.
To the opinion of Harley, which bore the appearance of can-
K 4

136 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XVIII.
dour and impartiality, Marlborough paid the utmost defer
ence, and by his representations was encouraged to persist
in the resolution of yielding to the Whigs as little as to the
Tories. The intelligence, however, made a deep impression ; for in
sending the letter of Harley to the duchess, he observes,
" If both parties agree that the war must not be offensive in
this country, I am very much afraid the Dutch will not think
themselves very safe in our friendship. However, I cannot
but be much concerned ; for if this country is ruined, we
are undone, and then 10 (Sir Charles Hedges) and his friends
may succeed, which otherwise is next to impossible. There
are a thousand reasons for preserving our friendship with
the Dutch ; for as we save them, so they must preserve us
from the arbitrary power of 19 and 1, which must be entirely
governed by 3 (Lord Rochester).* " May God preserve me
and my dearest love from seeing this come to pass ! f but if-
we should quarrel with 24 (the Dutch) I fear it might
happen." The party feuds which agitated the British parliament and
nation spread with a still more detrimental effect into Scot
land. Soon after the accession of Anne, overtures had been
made for an union between the two kingdoms, and commis
sioners had been finally named to carry the design into exe
cution. But an arrangement which was so likely to produce
domestic tranquillity and public benefit was violently opposed
by the Jacobites and many of the discontented, because Tories,
it tended to weaken the interest of the Stuart family ; and
their opposition was fomented by the declamations of the
same party in the English parliament. Among the
various expedients to which the enemies of the Revolutions,
resorted for the purpose of embroiling the two kingdoms,.
was the proposal of a bill in the legislature of Scotland,,
which, under the title of the Act of Security, was calculated
to abridge the established prerogatives of the crown, to limit
the choice of a successor, and to throw a vast additional
* These ciphers cannot all be discovered, but they evidently convey
the meaning that the ascendency of the violent Tories would lead to
the restoration of the Pretender, and consequently to a dependence on
France. t The lines in italics are scratched out with the pen.

1703.] MILITARY OPERATIONS. 137
power into the hands of the parliament. The discussions
which took place on this act were marked by the utmost
virulence ; and when the royal assent was withheld by the
queen's commissioner, the commotion almost rose to open
rebellion. An act for settling the succession in the House of
Hanover was rejected with contempt, and some of the more
violent even threatened to move for committing the earl of
Marchmont, who had proposed it, to the castle. The insti
gators of these feuds appeared resolved to extort the assent
of the crown to the act of security, by withholding the sup
plies, and the commissioner with difficulty succeeded in paci
fying them, by relinquishing the right of the crown to make
peace or war, and promising that they should resume the
question in the ensuing session.
These feuds contributed to aggravate the embarrassments
which the treasurer and Marlborough encountered from the
machinations of contending parties in England ; and their
correspondence is filled not only with complaints of the
difficulties which consequently occurred in the manage
ment of domestic affairs, but of the injurious effects which
resulted to the confederacy abroad, and particularly of the
alarm, jealousy, and lukewarmness which were produced in
Holland.

Chap. XIX. — Military Operations. — The Ddke
returns to England. — 1703.
After this detail of the political feuds in which Marlbo
rough was involved during the labours of an arduous
campaign, we resume the narrative of military operations.
On the failure of his brilliant designs to accelerate the
termination of the war, nothing remained but the compara
tively inglorious task of reducing the petty garrisons which
clogged the navigation of the Meuse. Accordingly Huy was
invested on the 16th of August, and the trenches opened the
ensuing night. In a few days, the forts surrounding the
place were reduced ; and batteries being raised against the

138 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XIX.
castle, the governor was constrained to surrender, on condi
tion that the garrison should be exchanged.
After the capture of Huy, some hesitation prevailed in
regard to ulterior operations. In a grand counsel of war
held at the confederate camp of Val notre Dame, the com
mander-in-chief resumed his plan, and urged the pohcy
of profiting by the superiority of the allies, to force the.
weakest part of the French lines, consisting of an accessible
space of ground, two leagues and a half in extent, between
the source of the Mehaigne and the Meuse. His opinion was
warmly supported by the English generals, and those com
manding the auxiliary troops of Denmark, Luneburg and
Hesse. But he was again opposed by the Dutch deputies
and generals, who expatiated on the risk and danger of an
enterprise, which they termed dubious and desperate; as
well as on the little advantage which could be derived even
from success; they contended that the enemy would still
find ample resources for defence in the nature of the ground,
particularly by occupying the strong position of Ramilies.*
Finally, they dwelt with peculiar emphasis on the utility
which would arise from the possession of Limburg. In this
conflict of opinions, an appeal was made to the States ; but
their decision only produced new deliberations, which ended
in the usual result.
These vexations were only a portion of what Marlborough
had to endure at this period. Writing to Godolphin he says,
" My eyes are so extremely sore with the dust and the want
of rest for these two days, that it is a very great trouble to
me to write." In another letter he adds, " I am going to
the siege of Limburg ; so that I believe I shall be a fortnight
from this army, in which time I hope to recover my health ;
for the unreasonable opposition I have met with has so
heated my blood, that I am almost mad with the head-ache."
Notwithstanding a series of heavy rains which deluged the
ground, the army was set in motion on the 5th of September,
and on the 10th, Limburg was invested. The trenches were
opened with all diligence, the batteries began to play on the
25th, and a wide breach being soon effected, on the 27th,
the governor, with a garrison of 1400 men, surrendered at
discretion. With this success the active operations of the
* The very position on which the French were defeated in 1706.

1703.] POLICY OF THE duke of savoy. 139
year were closed. Guelder, which had sustained a blockade
since the spring, speedily followed the example of Limburg.
Thus the campaign, though less brilliant than Marlborough
had expected from the spirit and condition of his army, and
the grand designs which he had formed, was not without
advantage; for the territories of Cologne and Liege were
secured ; and by the reduction of all Spanish Guelderland,
the States were relieved from that dread of invasion which
had so long held them in suspense. By these acquisitions
the way was prepared for more important and extensive
enterprises. By the correspondence, it appears that Marlborough was
impatient to hasten from this scene of mortification and chi
canery, that he might divert his chagrin in the society of his
family and friends, and assist at the opening of the parlia
ment, which was summoned to meet on the 4th of November.
But a new and unexpected change of affairs rendered his
presence still necessary on the continent.
The grand plan of the French to unite their Italian and
German armies, and penetrate into the Austrian dominions,
was obstructed by the disputes between Villars and the
elector of Bavaria, the patriotic resistance of the Tyrolese,
and finally frustrated by the sudden defection of the duke of
Savoy. Victor Amadeus had apparently embraced the Bourbon
cause with zeal and sincerity, and had been rewarded for his
attachment by the marriage of his daughters, one with the
duke of Burgundy, presumptive heir to the French crown,
and the other with the duke of Anjou, the successful pre
tender to that of Spain. He was, however, too sagacious a
statesman not to perceive, that in contributing to the ruin of
Austria, he was facilitating his own reduction to a state of
dependence on France.
Urged by this motive, and stimulated by the hope of
selling his assistance to advantage, he made several overtures
to the court of Vienna as early as the month of May. To
facilitate the negotiation, Count Auersperg was deputed on
the part of the emperor, and reached Turin on the 14th of
July. A treaty was commenced the same day with the duke
in person, the secret being confided only to the marquis
de Prie, his first minister. To evade the suspicious eyes of

140 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XLX.
the French party, the imperial agent was clandestinely con
veyed to Castiglio, a royal seat about two leagues from Turin,
where the duke occasionally visited him under the pretence
of hunting. But the difficulty of reconciling the jarring
pretensions of the two parties ; the demand made by the
duke, of a guaranty from the maritime powers ; and, above
all, his dread of France, kept the arrangement in suspense,
though such hopes were entertained of its conclusion, that
Mr. Hill, a confidential agent of Marlborough, was appointed
envoy to Turin, on the part of England, and reached the
frontier of Italy as early as August. With a mixture of
mystery and duplicity, the duke of Savoy declined receiving
the English envoy, and remanded the imperial agent to
the capital, where he was lodged, to use his own expres
sion, like a political hermit, in an apartment of the palace.
The difficulties and objections successively advanced by the
duke irritated the emperor ; and to secure a Proteus, who
assumed every shape to elude his grasp, a hint of the nego
tiation was suffered to transpire through the German papers.
Still, however, Count Auersperg was allowed to remain ;'
for the duke of Savoy was unwilling to relinquish the nego
tiation, though his fears were awakened by the reverses
which attended the imperial cause, and the inefficiency of
the Italian army, to which he could alone look for support.
The courts of England and Holland at length interfered to
bring the discussion to a successful issue : and Marlborough,
in particular, endeavoured to hasten an arrangement, which
appeared likely to produce such advantage to the cause of
the allies. But Victor Amadeus yet fluctuated between hope
and fear, and might perhaps have delayed his final resolution
till it was too late to be effectual, had not the French court
precipitated his defection by an impolitic act of severity.
Acquainted with the secret intrigue, no less by the artful
disclosure of the court of Vienna, than by the discoveries of
their own agents, they hoped to terrify the wily prince by a
decisive blow. Vendome, who was then advanced to the
borders of the Tyrol, arrested and disarmed 5000 Piemontese,
who formed part of his army. This unexpected and public'
affront roused the indignation of a prince who prided himself
on his cunning ; and on this occasion his promptitude was
Strongly contrasted with his former indecision. The news

1703.] CHANGE OF PLANS OP THE ALLIES. 141
reached him on the 3d of October, and the following day,
indignantly throwing off the mask, he rejected the offer of
the Milanese, in exchange for Savoy and Nice, which was
made through the channel of the French commander, acceded
to the grand alliance, and concluded subsidiary treaties with
the Maritime Powers. In return for his co-operation he was
to be assisted by the emperor with a force of 20,000 men, to
enjoy the supreme command in Italy, and to receive, in
addition to that part of the Montferrat, which belonged to
the house of Mantua, Alessandria, Valenza, and Lumellina,
with the Val de Sesia, and other districts. These terms were
guaranteed by the Maritime Powers, who agreed to aid him
with a monthly subsidy of 80,000 crowns.
In consequence of this change in Italy, the grand attack
on Austria was suspended. The elector of Bavaria, after
again defeating general Stirum at Hochstedt, employed him
self in reducing the frontier fortresses, in order to resume
the design with more certain effect in the ensuing year. The
military movements on the Upper Rhine were influenced by
the same cause. After Villars had penetrated into Bavaria,
the army of Tallard was reinforced, and the duke of Bur
gundy nominated to the command. In September he reduced
Old Brisach, and closed the campaign with the recovery of
Landau, which secured the communication with the forces
collected beyond the Black Forest.
The revolution in Italy, and the accession of Portugal to
the grand alliance having opened new scenes of action, an
important change took place in the system of the allies. In
consequence of the discontent which was manifested towards
the Bourbon government in many parts of Spain, Leopold
hesitated no longer in announcing a-nd enforcing the rights of
his family. To obviate the objection against uniting under
one head the extensive dominions of Charles V., he and his
son Joseph solemnly relinquished their claims on the Spanish
succession, in favour of his second son the Archduke Charles.
The young prince was accordingly proclaimed king of Spain
at Vienna, and formally acknowledged by -all the allied
powers. He was treated at the , imperial court with the
formalities of a crowned head, and exercised his authority
by creating several grandees of Spain. On the 19th of Sep
tember he quitted Vienna, and traversed Germany in his

142 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XIX.
way to England, where he was to join the armament pre
pared to realise his pretensions.
Marlborough was employed in arranging the winter
quarters of his troops, when Charles arrived at Dusseldorf
on the 16th of October. He therefore hastened to pay his
respects, and convey to the young monarch the congratula
tions of the queen. Reaching Dusseldorf the same evening,
he was admitted to a private audience, and treated with
marks of the highest gratitude and regard. He concluded
his address with observing, " I have just had the honour of
putting your majesty in possession of Limburg." The king
replied, " I hope to be yet more indebted to your valour for
the reduction of other places to my obedience." An animated
conversation ensued, and Charles finally taking from his side
-a sword richly set with diamonds, said, " I am not ashamed to
own that I am a poor prince, having no other inheritance than
my cloak and my sword, My sword may be serviceable to
your grace, and I hope you will not esteem it the less because
I have worn it a day. I hoped to present it to you at the
head of that gallant army with which you have performed
such great actions." The duke respectfully kissed the hilt,
and rejoined, "It acquires an additional value in my eyes,
because your majesty has condescended to wear it; for it
will always remind me of your just right to the Spanish
crown, and of my obligation to hazard my life and all that is
dear to me, in rendering you the greatest prince of Christen
dom." As the duke had settled the disposition of winter quarters,
and left the command of the troops to his brother General
Churchill, he accompanied Charles to the Hague. Arriving
on the 2d of November, he shared the honours which were
paid to the young monarch, and was welcomed by every
class with respect and applause. During his short stay he
presented letters of congratulation from the queen ; and in his
audience of leave received from the king his portrait richly
set in diamonds, accompanied with the most flattering ex
pressions of kindness and regard.
These honours and distinctions were, however, far from
being without alloy. The weakness and inconsistency of the
Dutch government, which had shackled his enterprising
spirit, proved the source of new mortifications. Opdam,

1703.] LANDS IN ENGLAND. 143
instead of being punished for his negligence, was, by private
influence, reinstated in his command, and again sent to serve
with the army, which had suffered by his misconduct. Slan
genberg also renewed his clamours with redoubled violence,
and found a party ready to second his cause, and re-echo his
complaints. The multiplied embarrassments which Marlborough had
encountered in the course of the campaign, the malicious
imputations with which he was assailed in Holland, the
increasing violence of both parties in England, and the pros
pect of still greater contentions, seem at length to have
exhausted his patience. At this moment he had the addi
tional mortification to find his army diminished by a draught
of 2000 men for the war in Portugal, which was ordered
without his knowledge at the instigation of Nottingham.
This measure drew on him a strong remonstrance from the
Dutch government, who considered such a breach of treaties
as preparatory to a larger draught, if not the adoption of a
defensive system in the Netherlands. The incident made a
deep impression on his mind, from the mischiefs it was cal
culated to produce. In a letter to Godolphin he observes,
" I cannot but say that the Dutch argue very justly. If the
queen can without their consent take these men, she may by
the same reason recall the rest ; and by the same reasoning
they are at liberty to reduce as many as they please of their
army." In the midst of this perplexity he found, to his surprise
and vexation, that his friend Godolphin was alarmed by the
incessant clamours against the system of war in the Nether
lands, and became an advocate for defensive operations. These
multiplied causes of disgust, confirmed him in a resolution,
which he had before announced, of retiring from the command.
Quitting Holland, he landed in England on the 10th of No
vember. He had scarcely time to receive the welcome of
his family, before he was despatched to Portsmouth to com
pliment the king of. Spain, and conduct him to Windsor,
where he was to be introduced to the queen. Two days only
were dedicated to courtly ceremonies, during which Marlbo
rough had twice the honour to receive the future monarch
as his guest, and the entertainment was graced with the
presence of his royal mistress. On these occasions Charles

144 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XIX.
treated the duchess with the same distinctions which he had
already shown to her husband. When she offered him the
basin and ewer, he took it from her hand and held it for the
queen. On returning it to the duchess, he presented her
with a ring of great value, which he had worn on his own
finger. Having concluded these formalities, Charles returned
to Portsmouth, accompanied by the duke of Somerset, and
without delay embarked on board the Royal Catherine,
which was to convey him to Lisbon.
Marlborough had scarcely reached England before the
discontented Tories resorted to one of the usual machinations
of party, which was calculated to sow dissension in the court
and shackle the operations of government. This was the
revival of the bill against occasional conformity. As the
queen was known to be zealously inclined to the measure,
and as both Marlborough and Godolphin had hitherto given
it their strenuous support, their enemies naturally concluded
that they could not oppose it without sacrificing their own
principles, or offending their royal mistress ; nor permit it to
pass without depriving themselves of the aid which they
drew from the Whigs and moderate dissenters. Another
mischief which this measure was likely to produce, had also
probably not escaped the penetration of the movers ; for as
the Whig zeal of the duchess was well known, a discussion,
which must infallibly excite all the acrimony of party, could
scarcely take place without creating irritation between her
and the queen.
The situation and influence of the Tories enabled them to
revive this obnoxious act with peculiar effect. By the con
nivance of Nottingham, it was announced in the Gazette
without the knowledge of Godolphin. Under this apparent
sanction of the government, it was received in the House of
Commons at the motion of Mr. Bromley. Being zealously
supported, not only by the Tories, but by the Non-jurors and
Jacobites, it was carried by a large majority, and transmitted
to the Lords.
The correspondence which occurred while the bill was
pending, sufficiently shows the delicate predicament in which
Marlborough and the treasurer were placed. Although the
queen had been induced in her speech at the opening of
parliament, to deprecate discussions which were likely to

1703.] OCCASIONAL CONFORMITY BILL. 145
excite divisions and animosity, she was not the less favour
ably disposed towards a measure which appeared to give
additional strength and security to the church. The duchess
tried to combat the secret inclinations of the queen, and did
not spare the feelings of her husband, but importuned him
to make an open and direct opposition to a bill which would
weaken the interest of the party on whom the perverseness
of the Tories had compelled him to rely. He was himself
fully sensible of the injurious consequences which it would
produce; yet he too highly respected the prejudices of his
sovereign, and was too anxious to preserve his own con
sistency, to follow her advice. He adopted, however, the
most prudent resolution which circumstances would permit,
and thus apprised her of his design : —
" I do own a great deal of what you say is right ; but I can by no
means allow that all the Tory party are for King James, and conse
quently against the queen, but the contrary ; I think it is in her power
to make use of almost all, but some of the heads, to the true interests of
England, which I take to be the Protestant succession, to the supporting
of which, by the help of Almighty God, I will venture my last drop of
blood. As you are the only body that could have given me happiness,
I am the more concerned we should differ so much in opinion. But as I
. am firmly resolved never to assist any Jacobite whatsoever, or any Tory
that is for persecution, I must be careful not to do the thing in the world
which my Lord Rochester would most desire to have me do, which is to
give my vote against this bill : but I do most solemnly promise that I will
speak to nobody living to be for it ; and to show you that I would do any
thing that were not a ruin to the queen, and an absolute destruction to
myself to make you easy, at this time by what has been told me, the bill
will certainly be thrown out, unless my lord treasurer and I will both
speak to people and speak in the House, which I do assure you for myself
I will not do."
In consequence of the lukewarmness manifested by the two
ministers, and the example of the prince of Denmark, to
whom the queen gave leave to absent himself from the House
rather than vote for a measure to which he was opposed,
the party against the bill in the House of Peers exerted
themselves with a decisive effect. The attack was commenced
by Dr. Burnet, bishop of Salisbury, in an able speech, and
he was zealously seconded by the Whig chiefs. After a
long and warm debate, it was lost by a majority of only
twelve voices. Twenty-three peers of the Tory party signed
a protest, and among them we find the names of Marlborough
VOL. i. L

146 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XX.
and Godolphin, who evidently made this sacrifice of their
feelings for the sake of preserving their consistency, and
conciliating their former friends. They did not, however,
gain their object ; for in the pamphlets of the day we find
them accused of duplicity, and charged with defeating the
measure by their lukewarmness and indirect solicitations.

Chap. XX. — Grand Plan of the Campaign, 1704.
In the preceding chapter we have seen that Marlborough
quitted the Continent with a determination to withdraw from
the command ; but on a calm and dispassionate consideration,
the temporary ebullitions of spleen and vexation gave way to
nobler sentiments ; and the full conviction that his own pre
sence and exertions could alone obviate the dangers which
threatened the civilised world, induced him to sacrifice all
personal feelings to the public cause.
Marlborough saw the year close with the most gloomy
aspect. The change, occasioned by the accession of Portugal
and Savoy, had suspended, not averted, the peril. The
French monarch looked eagerly forward to the return of the
season, in the full confidence that a single campaign would
reduce the emperor to submission, and break the bonds of
that confederacy which had presumed to set bounds to his
domination. In Hungary the insurrection assumed strength
and consistency. Prince Ragotski, the leader of the mal
contents, was joined by several powerful magnates, forced
the imperial general, Sehlick, to retire to Presburg, and
pouring his desultory hordes beyond the Mark, levied con
tributions in Moravia and Silesia, and spread alarm to the
very gates of Vienna. By the possession of Landau and
Brisach, the French had opened a passage over the Rhine,
and secured the means of pushing an army through the
Black Forest into the heart of the empire. The elector of
Bavaria was master of Ratisbon, Kempten, Kaufleuren, and
Gravenbach, which commanded the country between the
Hier and the Inn ; and of Augsburg, which afforded a

1704.] difficulties of the allies. 147
passage over the Leek. He also occupied Ulm with a strong
garrison, took Passau and Lintz, the keys of Upper Austria,
and was prevented from reducing Nordlingen and Nurem
berg, only by the advance of winter. He thus held the course
of the Danube from its source to the frontier of Austria,
established a communication with the French armies on the
Rhine, and the rebels in Hungary, and by these advantages,
joined to his central position, was enabled to awe the princes
of the empire, and to penetrate almost without obstruction
to the walls of Vienna. With an army of 45,000 men, he
fixed his quarters in the vicinity of Ulm ; from whence he
could readily effect a junction with the French reinforcement,
which early in the spring was to penetrate through the
rugged country bordering the sources of the Danube.
The French court had exerted their customary activity
in collecting means for the accomplishment of this decisive
enterprise. Besides the army in the Netherlands under
Villeroy, Tallard with 45,000 men was posted on the Upper
Rhine, in a situation which enabled him at once to menace
the circles of Swabia, Franconia, and the Rhine, and open a
passage into Bavaria. The Tyrol was exposed to the aggres
sions of the Italian army ; and the most vigorous efforts were
made to terminate the contest with the duke of Savoy, and
clear the whole country between the frontier of Dauphine
and the Trentine Alps.
On the eve of so awful a crisis, the defensive system of
Germany was in the most deplorable state. Every exertion
had been made to raise levies, and prepare Vienna for a
siege ; but with an impoverished country and an exhausted
treasury every exertion was fruitless. Means and time were
equally wanting to collect an army for the security of the
Austrian frontier ; while the force which could be opposed
to the elector of Bavaria scarcely amounted to 20,000 men ;
and the army of the empire, which, under the command of
the Margrave of Baden, was employed to guard the lines of
Stolhoffen, was equally incompetent to maintain so important
a barrier of the empire. The avenues of the Black Forest
were principally confided to militia and peasantry, supported
by a few regulars under General Stirum. A small body of
Dutch troops, amounting only to twelve battalions, was
quartered at Rothweil, to cover Wirtemburg, and a few
L 2

148 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XX.
Hessians and Prussians were posted on the borders of the
Rhine below Philipsburg.
Scarcely any hope remained of opposing the designs of
France and Bavaria, and the fate of Europe appeared to
depend on the first movement of their combined forces.
Indeed we may with confidence assert, that if our great com
mander had executed his resolution of retiring from his irk
some situation, the subversion of public and private liberty
was inevitable.
Marlborough had duly appreciated the peril of the time,
and before the close of the preceding campaign, had entered
into a secret correspondence with Eugene, for the purpose of
devising a remedy. He considered this as a crisis, which
equally baffled the combinations of regular warfare, and the
calculations of ordinary prudence ; he was convinced that
nothing but an effort bordering on rashness could save the
emperor, and with him the members of the grand alliance,
from inevitable ruin. Sensible that all which is dear to man
was at stake, he not only vanquished his own irritated feel
ings, but infused a bolder spirit into the timid mind of
Godolphin, and awakened the Whigs to the dangerous con
sequences of their impolitic clamours for a defensive system.
Having thus weakened the vexatious opposition with which
he had been so long harassed, he formed the bold design of
trusting the protection of Holland and Flanders to the Dutch
army, and leaving in his rear the numerous fortresses and
forces of the enemy, to hasten with all the disposable troops
he could collect, to the quarter where the most pressing
dangers were hourly accumulating.
In executing this extensive plan he had difficulties of no
ordinary magnitude to encounter. He had not only to baffle
the penetration of a vigilant enemy, who by a vigorous effort
might have arrested his course, but to extort the consent of
a divided cabinet to an enterprise of imminent peril and
indefinite extent. He had also to vanquish the opposition
of the Dutch, and persuade them to confide in their own
resources ; while so large a part of the army, which had
hitherto formed their protection, was detached on a perilous,
a distant, and perhaps a fatal expedition.
His plan, however, was matured and carried into effect
with astonishing celerity, address, and secrecy. Having

1704.] attempts to rouse the confederacy. 149
completed his arrangements with Eugene, he persuaded
Godolphin to forward his views without disclosing their
whole extent, and trusted to the chance of events for the
sanction of the queen, and the acquiescence of the cabinet.
The primary object was, to obtain from parliament the aids
which would enable him to profit by the recent changes in
Italy and Portugal, and above all to procure an augmentation
of forces sufficient for the relief of Austria and the empire.
In this object, by his own exertions and those of his friends,
he fully succeeded. The Commons, in compliance with the
recommendation of the queen, not only granted subsidies to
carry the alliances with Portugal and Savoy into effect, but
also consented to an augmentation of 10,000 men in the
Netherlands, thus raising the force under the immediate
command of Marlborough to 50,000. Adequate supplies
were furnished for equipment, and to accelerate recruiting,
the magistrates were armed with unusual powers.
It was next necessary to give a similar impulse to the
most sluggish member of the confederacy. Accordingly, at
the instigation of Pensionary Hiensius, Marlborough was
invited to Holland in the name of the States, that they might
have the advantage of his advice in deliberating on the
means of averting the dangers which threatened the common
cause. He therefore quitted England on the 15th January,
in a season of such intense cold and tempestuous weather,
that his yacht was the first vessel, which for six weeks had
ventured to navigate the German sea. He landed at Rot
terdam on the evening of the 18th, and profiting by the
earliest tide, reached the Hague the ensuing day. To the
pensionary he perhaps made the same communication as to
Godolphin ; but to the States he suggested a plan equally
calculated to conceal and promote his design, by proposing
to open a campaign on the Moselle, with the British troops,
and part of the foreign auxiliaries ; while General Overkirk,
with the Dutch and the remainder of the auxiliaries, main
tained a defensive system in the Netherlands. He did not
at first succeed in obtaining their sanction, even to this
modified proposal, but he was ably seconded by the pen
sionary, who promised to employ his own influence and that
of his confidential friends in procuring the concurrence of
the government, as soon as the intended plan should be
i. 3

150 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XX.
developed. At the same time Marlborough induced the
States to grant a subsidy of 200,000 crowns for enabling the
margrave of Baden to keep the field, and a similar supply
to the circle of Suabia, which was about to become the
scene of hostilities. He induced them also to take into
their pay 4000 Wirtemburg troops, in the place of those
who had been detached for the service of Portugal. Sensible
also of the critical situation to which the duke of Savoy was
reduced, he obtained a promise for the payment of the
arrears due under the subsidiary treaty, and conveyed to
him the assurance of so early and vigorous a campaign in
Germany, as should prevent the French from increasing
their forces in Italy.
Similar encouragement was held forth to the Elector Pa
latine, who claimed large arrears from the Dutch ; and no
expedient was neglected to satisfy the punctilious and grasp
ing spirit of the king of Prussia, who seized every opportu
nity to enhance the price of his assistance. Marlborough
warmly commended the zeal which his majesty had displayed
for the common cause, flattered him with the title of deliverer
of the empire, obtained an increase of his troops, and adroitly
engaged him in a negotiation to detach the elector of Bavaria.
He even affected to make a confidential communication of
his designs, by specifying the intended disposition of the
forces on the Moselle and the Meuse, and indicating the
mode and time of operation.
Marlborough next hastened his return to England, where
his presence was necessary to give motion to the whole ma
chine of state. Arriving at Rotterdam on the 22d of Feb
ruary, he embarked early the next morning with the first
tide. But before he descended to the Brill, the yacht ran
aground, and was left by the ebb. Being, however, unwill
ing to lose the favourable wind, he leaped into the first boat
which appeared, and made to the Brill. He there re-em
barked in the Dolphin, and after lying to at the mouth of the
Meuse, to observe the transports, which were setting sail
from Helvoet with the troops for Portugal, he continued his
course to the English shore, landed at Gravesend about
eight in the evening, and reached London early in the morn
ing. He immediately waited on the queen, to communicate
his arrangements. He not only obtained her approbation,

1704.] CHANGES IN THE CABINET. 151
but persuaded her to remit, without delay, 100,000 crowns,
as the proportion of England to the circle of Suabia, and
from the privy purse to advance the amount of the contingent
which he had promised the margrave of Baden, and which
was not comprised in the provisions of parliament.
His attention was also directed to the domestic arrange
ments which the state of affairs required. It was not merely
necessary to collect the means of action, but also to obviate
the embarrassments which could not fail to arise, from the
divided state of the cabinet, and the opposition of the high
Tories. Although Nottingham and his adherents did not
openlyjoin Rochester in his violent measures, and although
they suffered the supplies to pass, they yet manifested their
hostility by thwarting the bill for recruiting the army, and
announced their dissatisfaction by a vehement protest. In
consequence of this proceeding, and the refractory spirit they
had shown in the preceding year, a resolution was taken to
remove the obnoxious secretary and some of his immediate
dependants. By adroit management Nottingham was got
out, and replaced in his office of secretary by Mr. Harley, the
speaker. The duke was influenced in this promotion by a
knowledge of Harley's financial talents, by the confidence
derived from long habits of intimacy, and similarity of poli
tical principle ; and, finally, by a sense of gratitude for dis
closing the secret cabals of Nottingham. Another motive
for his introduction to so important an office, was derived
from numerous adherents in the House of Commons, who
professed to act on the principles of moderation and inde
pendence, as well as to regard no other object than the public
service ; and who from patriotism, pique, or love of change,
withdrew from the two great contending parties. Such in
deed was the address of Harley in making proselytes, that
although he was himself connected with the dissenters, yet
he acquired the confidence of churchmen; and frequently
united at his hospitable board the ministers and members of
both persuasions. Though a man so industrious in acquiring
influence could not regard the honours of office with an in
different eye, he at first declined the offer of the secretary
ship, declaring that he was unwilling to fill a place, to the
duties of which he had not been accustomed. With difficulty
he even accepted a situation in the privy council. After
L 4

152 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XX.
some hesitation, either real or affected, he yielded to the im
portunities of Marlborough and Godolphin, and the solicita
tions of the queen ; and on the 18th of May, his promotion
was announced in the " Gazette." *
During this negotiation the other vacant places were filled.
The earl of Kent, who ranked as a moderate Whig, was ap
pointed lord chamberlain; and Sir Thomas Mansell, an
ardent Tory, as well as the friend of the speaker was made
comptroller of the household. Another promotion which
took place at the same time was, the transfer of the secretary
ship of war from Blathwayte to Henry St. John. This
youthful statesman, who now commenced his public career,
was the friend of Harley, and by him appears to have been
introduced to the notice of the duke. His splendid and pre
mature talents soon strengthened the impression made by his
captivating amenity of manners, and he rapidly ingratiated
himself with his noble patron, by an affectation of the most
zealous attachment. Marlborough took the warmest interest
in his promotion, and recommended him to Godolphin as one
on whose integrity he might securely rely. "I am very
glad," he says, " you are so well pleased with Mr. St. John's
diligence, and I am very confident he will never deceive
you." Many of the zealous Whigs were highly offended at these
appointments, which they regarded as a slight to their party ;
and their complaints were imparted to Marlborough by his
son-in-law, Lord Sunderland. But he had still more vehe
ment expostulations to encounter from his duchess. She
depicted the attachment and zeal professed by Harley, as
mere artifices to clothe his consummate subtlety ; and her
keen sagacity equally discovered the insatiable ambition and
party zeal, which in St. John were cloaked with the appear
ance of unaffected candour, and careless vivacity. She con
jured her husband to moderate his confidence towards two
persons, whom she regarded as doubtful friends, if not dan
gerous enemies. Marlborough, however, neglected these
warnings, from the honourable motive of regarding merit and
abilities in the choice of his confidants, and from a native
* Godolphin's private letters to the duchess. — Marlborough's private
correspondence. — Conduct, p. 144  Other side of the question, p.
215.

1704.] OPENING OF THE GRAND CAMPAIGN. 153
magnanimity of character, above suspicion. He thus uncon
sciously prepared the^way for his subsequent mortification
and final disgrace.

Chap. XXI. — Opening op the Grand Campaign, 1704.
During his short stay in England, Marlborough exerted
himself in despatching the recruits and reinforcements to the
Continent, and maturing the military arrangements. Con
scious how much his future success depended on secrecy, he
professed in England, as in Holland, his design of acting on
the Moselle ; and even to the queen and Lord Godolphin,
he appears to have made only a partial disclosure of his
views. Through the agency of Prince Eugene, with whom he had
secretly arranged the whole plan of the campaign, he induced
the emperor to write a confidential letter to the queen,
claiming assistance proportionate to the magnitude of his
danger ; and on the 2d of April the imperial minister pri
vately made a similar appeal in the name of his master. On
this ground Marlborough procured a general instruction
from the cabinet, empowering him to repair to Holland, and
concert with the States such measures as should be deemed
proper for relieving the emperor, and reducing the elector of
Bavaria. On the 19th of April he embarked at Harwich with his
brother, General Churchill, the earl of Orkney, and other
officers; landed at Maeslandsluys, and reached the Hague
on the 21st. His first care was to combat the constitutional
tardiness of the margrave of Baden. He affected to adopt a
plan, which that prince had furnished for a campaign on the
Moselle, communicated the arrangements which were then
pending with the States, and urged the necessity of an early
and vigorous effort against the elector of Bavaria, because
he should himself be obliged to return to the Netherlands
towards the end of July. The next object was, to complete
the dispositions which he had left unfinished in his recent

154 LIFE OP MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXI.
visit to the Hague. Still, however, he found extreme diffi
culty in prompting a timid and commercial people, whose
whole views were confined to temporary safety, to engage
even in the modified plan which he had hitherto suggested
for an expedition to the Moselle. After passing several
days in combating the alarms of some, and the factious oppo
sition of others, he resolved to extort that aid from their
fears which he could not obtain from their public spirit,
by declaring his intention to lead the English troops
alone to the Moselle. The event answered his expec
tations. His declaration silenced the clamours of faction,
and operated on the fears of the timid ; and in a formal con
ference with the States-general, on the 4th of May, he ob
tained powers which he deemed sufficient for the accom
plishment of his design. At the same time he had success
fully negotiated with the court of Prussia, and procured the
necessary facilities for transporting his magazines to Cob-
lentz. With that indefatigable activity of mind, which can
pursue the most extensive combinations without neglecting
subordinate details, he superintended in person the collection
and embarkation of these necessary requisites. He saw also
there inforcements which had recently arrived from England
commence their march for the general rendezvous, under the
command of his brother, General Churchill.
Thus did this able negotiator and profound statesman, as
well as great commander, wield all the jarring interests of a
heterogeneous confederacy : thus did he turn even the alarms
of the timid, the clamours of the factious, and the views of
the interested, to the accomplishment of the boldest and most
adventurous project, which in modern times had ever been
conceived by a general who was responsible for his actions,
and limited in his authority. He had departed from Eng
land under the pressure of domestic chagrin, derived from
some petty bickerings with the duchess. At this period a
reconciliation not only seems to have taken place, but in the
warmth of returning tenderness, she even testified a wish to
accompany him during the campaign, and to soothe his anxi
ety by her presence. His reply shows how intimately the
affections of the man were, in his bosom, blended with the
virtues of the hero.
" Hague, April 24.-May 5  Your dear letter of the 15th came to me

1704.] . QUITS THE HAGUE. 155
but this minute. My lord treasurer's letter in which it was inclosed, by
some mistake was sent to Amsterdam. I would not for any thing in my
power it had been lost ; for it is so very kind, that I would in return
lose a thousand lives if I had them to make you happy. Before I sat
down to write this letter, I took yours that you wrote at Harwich out of
my strong box and have burnt it ; and if you will give me leave it will
be a great pleasure to me to have it in my power to read this dear dear
letter often, and that it may be found in my strong box when I am dead.
I do this minute love you better than ever I did before. This letter of
yours has made me so happy, that I do from my soul wish we could re
tire and not be blamed. What you propose as to coming over, I should
be extremely pleased with ; for your letter has so transported me, that I
think you would be happier in being here than where you are ; although
I should not be able to see you often. But you will see by my last
letter, as well as this, that what you desire is impossible ; for I am going
up into Germany, where it would be impossible for you to follow me ;
but love me as you now do, and no hurt can come to me. You have by
this kindness preserved my quiet, and I believe my life ; for till I had
this letter, I have been very indifferent of what should become of myself.
I have pressed this business of carrying an army into Germany, in order
to leave a good name behind me, wishing for nothing else but good suc
cess. I shall now add, that of having a long life, that I may be happy
with you."
To prevent the restraints derived from the presence of the
field deputies, Marlborough had confined his demand of re
inforcements to the auxiliaries in the pay of the States. To
obviate also the obstructions which might arise from the
pretensions of foreign officers, he obtained for his brother
the rank of -general, with the command of the British in
fantry ; and Overkirk, who had been involved in some dis
pute with General Churchill, relative to precedence, was
left with the Dutch troops, and the remainder of the auxili
aries, to guard the frontier, and secure the conquests of the
former campaign.
Having completed all his preparations, he quitted the
Hague in the evening of the 5 th of May, and proceeded in a
yacht to Utrecht. In his progress to the army, he spent a
social day at Vorst, the seat of the earl of Albemarle. Here
we find that while the fate of Europe hung onNhis projected
expedition, the internal politics of England did not the less
occupy his attention. We observe also that" the spleen, and
querulousness which had hitherto marked his correspondence,
began to give way to elevated hopes and renewed con
fidence. He quitted this hospitable mansion at break of day,

156 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXI.
on the 7th of May, and hastening his journey by Ruremondj
reached Maestricht on the 10th. Here he continued till the
14th, actively employed in assembling and organising the
army, superintending the formation of magazines, and press
ing the march of the troops to the place of rendezvous. The
labours of a single day will suffice to show his activity, both
of body and mind. At Ruremond he inspected the construc
tion of a bridge for the passage of the troops over the Meuse ;
in the morning he reviewed the first line of his army, and
the second in the afternoon ; in the intervals he not only
gave the necessary orders for the troop3 under his imme
diate command, but despatched instructions directing the
generals posted at Mentz, Rothweil, and the distant parts of
Germany, to hold themselves in readiness for taking the
field. Having set the different columns in motion, and left a
garrison of six regiments of British infantry and four
squadrons of cavalry to secure Maestricht, Marlborough de
parted on the 16th, and on the 18th reached Bedburg,
which had been fixed as the place of rendezvous. Here he
found the army assembled under General Churchill, amount
ing to fifty-one battalions and ninety-two squadrons, in
cluding 16,000 English. To these were to be united, in the
course of the march, the troops of Prussia, Luneburg, and
Hesse, quartered on the Rhine, and the eleven Dutch bat
talions stationed at Rothweil.*
On the 19th he commenced that celebrated expedition,
which was pregnant with such stupendous events. Encamps
ing on the 20th at Kerpen, he received an express from
Overkirk, pressing him to halt, because Villeroy, with thirty-
six battalions and forty-five squadrons, had quitted the line ;
crossed the Meuse on the preceding day at Namur, and
threatened Huy. At the same moment letters arrived from
* In addition to the letters of the duke, and the printed authorities,
we have been aided in describing the operations of this campaign by a
very interesting journal, kept by the duke's chaplain, Mr. Hare, after
wards bishop of Chichester. This journal was compiled from personal
observations and official documents, and submitted to the inspection of
the duke himself, as we learn from a letter written towards the close of
the campaign by his secretary, Mr. Cardonel, to secretary Harley, which
is preserved in the State Paper Office.

1704.] CONTINUES HIS FAMOUS EXPEDITION. 157
the margrave of Baden and Count Wratislaw, stating that
Tallard had made a movement, as if intending ^o cross the
Rhine, and urging him to hasten his march towards the lines
of Stolhoffen. Marlborough was not diverted by these ap
plications from the prosecution of his grand design. Con
scious that the army of Villeroy would be too much reduced
to undertake offensive operations, by the detachments which
had already been made towards the Rhine, and those which
must follow his own march, he halted only a day to quiet the
alarms of Overkirk. To satisfy also the margrave, he
ordered the troops of Hompesch and Bulow to draw towards
Philipsburg, though with private injunctions not to proceed
beyond a certain distance. He even exacted a promise to
the same effect from Count Wratislaw, who at this juncture
arrived at the camp to attend him during the whole cam
paign. On the following day he reached Kalsecken, and began
to develop a part of his plan. He wrote to the States- ex
pressing his conviction that no danger was to be appre
hended on the side of the Netherlands, while his own march
so strongly engaged the attention of the enemy. Drawing
an argument from the strength of Villeroy, and. the proba
bility of his advance to the Moselle, he also pressed for
further reinforcements, to save his own army from being
overwhelmed by superior numbers, and represented that
Overkirk could readily supply the deficiency by drafts from
the neighbouring garrisons. The troops having proceeded
in their march through Merkheim to Sinzig, where they
arrived on the 23d, Marlborough departed to inspect the
fortifications of Bonn, as if he designed to establish a place
of arms for a campaign on the Moselle. Here he received
intelligence that Tallard had passed the Rhine near Brisach
on the 12th of May, and after pushing a reinforcement of
10,000 men with a considerable supply of ammunition and
stores, through the defiles near Frey burg, to join the elector
of Bavaria, had resumed his former position in the vicinity
of Strasburg. He was apprised also that Villeroy, with the
best of his troops, was hastening towards the Moselle.
This intelligence induced Marlborough to renew his ap
peal to the States for succour, and to accelerate his march
to the Danube. On the 25th he advanced with the cavalry,

158 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXI.
in the direction of Coblentz, leaving his brother to follow
with the infantry and artillery. In his letters we trace the
promptitude of his intelligence and the rapidity and combi
nation of his movements. We find him also confidently anti
cipating success, and testifying the utmost satisfaction", in
having already suspended the advance of the elector of
Bavaria to Vienna.
At Coblentz his army traversed the Moselle and the
Rhine on the 26th of May, while he paid a visit to the
elector of Treves at Ehrenbreitstein. Here, as elsewhere,
he was received with respect and admiration ; every class,
from the subject to the sovereign, vied in expressions of
gratitude and joy, and his march resembled rather a triumphal
procession, than the movement of an army to the conflict.
From Coblentz he sent his baggage and artillery up the
Rhine to Mentz, and again led the advance with his cavalry.
His arrangements were equally adapted to gain time and
spare his troops. He moved at the first dawn of the morn
ing, and reached his intended camp before the heat became
oppressive, so that the men were as much refreshed by a rest
of several hours as by the halt of a day.
From Broubach on the 27th of May he acquainted the
king of Prussia with his progress, announced the junction
of the French reinforcement with the elector of Bavaria, and
earnestly requested a further aid of Prussian troops, to
whose bravery he paid a distinguished compliment. He had
here the satisfaction of receiving the warmest testimony of
gratitude from the imperial court, and of finding that his
appeal to the States was zealously seconded by the Dutch
generals. Reaching Cassel, a suburb of Mentz, on the 29th, he
halted a day to refresh the cavalry, who were much fatigued
by their constant march. In this interval, he was hospitably
received at Mentz by the elector, in whose presence the
troops were reviewed. The elector was particularly struck
with their cleanly and neat appearance, and alluding to an
entertainment which was to be given to the officers, ob
served, " these gentlemen seem to be all dressed for the
ball." Before he marched, Marlborough received information
that the States had consented to reinforce his army with

1704.] ATTACK ON THE ELECTOR FRUSTRATED. 159
twenty squadrons and eight battalions of Danish auxiliaries.
But his satisfaction at this news was counterbalanced by in
telligence, that the margrave of Baden had not only suffered
the French succours to join the elector of Bavaria without
obstruction, but had also neglected a favourable opportunity
of defeating the enemy even after the junction.
The elector and Marsin had broken up from their camp at
Ulm with 35,000 men, and on the 17th of May drew towards
the head of the Danube to receive the expected succours.
On their approach, General Thungen, who commanded the
German troops between the Danube and the Lake of Con
stance, withdrew towards Rothweil, where he was joined by
the Dutch and a body of Wirtemburg cavalry. On the 14th
he was reinforced by the margrave of Bareith and General
Stirum, with 14,000 men, from the circle of Franconia.
These generals being thus at the head of 30,000 men, pro
posed to attack the elector, who was then posted behind
Villingen, and would doubtless have prevented the junction
of the reinforcements which were then filing through the
defiles to the east of Freyburg. At this moment, however,
their design was suspended by an order from the margrave
of Baden, enjoining them to wait his arrival. Apprised of
the enemy's motions, he quitted the lines of Stolhoffen on
the 17th, and hastening to the camp at Rothweil, was followed
by seven regiments of infantry and one of cavalry. The
junction being effected, he on the evening of the 19th
approached the electoral camp at Villingen. Unfortunately,
the time which had been lost in waiting his arrival, had
enabled the French reinforcements to accomplish their
passage ; and on the 20th the enemy, hastily decamping,
withdrew through Huffingen towards Engen.
The enemy being burdened with a long line of carriages,
an active general might yet have remedied the mischief of the
delay, by seizing the pass of Stochach, which would have
cut off their retreat ; and as they were totally in want of
bread, would have left them no resource except to surrender
at discretion. The margrave, indeed, wanted not skill and
vigilance to perceive, but activity to seize the advantage.
He crossed the Danube at Dutlingen, and advanced to Lep-
tingen at the same time that the enemy reached Engen, yet
in this situation he suffered them to anticipate him at the

160 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXH.
pass of Stochach, and after a brisk cannonade they filed off
without obstruction to Saulgen. Having thus permitted his
prey to escape, the margrave fell back to Mosskirk, and on
the 28th of May took up his position at Rietlingen. *
While he remained at Mentz, Marlborough acquainted
the landgrave of Hesse with his intention of proceeding
farther into Germany to the relief of the emperor, and pur-
suaded that prince to send the artillery which he had pro
vided for the expected operations on the Moselle to Man-
heim, that it might be ready for the siege of Landau, or any
other enterprise of advantage to the common cause. He
also summoned the prince of Hesse, Bulow, and Hompesch
to Mentz, to receive the necessary directions for the junction
of the forces under their command with the main army. He
took measures also for the regular payment of his troops.
" I send to-morrow to Francfort," he writes to Godolphin,
" to see if I can take up a month's pay for the English, and
shall draw the bills on Mr. Sweet ; for notwithstanding the
continual marching, the men are extremely pleased with this
expedition, so that I am sure you will take all the care pos
sible that they may not want."

Chap. XXH. — Commencement of Operations, 1704.
The next point to which Marlborough directed his march
was Ladenburg, where he had previously ordered bridges! to
be constructed for the passage of the Neckar. Here he
arrived on the 3d of June. Notwithstanding all the cares
which weighed on his mind, and the pomp with which he was
surrounded, his thoughts still dwelt on the endearments of
home and the society of his family and friends. The duchess
having earnestly repeated her request to join him, he re
plied : —
" Weinheim, May 22.-June 2.— I take it extreme kindly that you per
sist in desiring to come to me ; but I am sure when you consider that
three days hence will be a month that the troops have been in a continual
* Hare's Journal. — Memoires de Tallard, passim.

1704.] HIS PROFOUND STRATEGY. 161
march to get hither ; and we shall be a fortnight longer before we shall
be able to get to the Danube, so that you could hardly get to me and
back again to Holland, before it would be time to return into England.
Besides, my dear soul, how could I be at any ease ? for if we should not
have good success, I could not put you into any place where you would
bo safe.
" I am now in a house of the elector palatine, that has a prospect over
the finest country that is possible to be seen. I see out of my chamber
window the Rhine and the Neekar, and his two principal towns of Man-
heim and Heidelberg ; but would be much better pleased with the
prospect of St. Alban's, which is not very famous for seeing far. "
To Godolphin he briefly communicates his situation and
ulterior views ; in a letter also written from Ladendurg on
the 4th of June : —
" The cannon and infantry being six days' march behind me, and the
troops of Luueburg, Holland, and Hesse being in several quarters, I
shall halt here to-morrow, to give the necessary orders, and then shall
advance towards the Danube, with what troops I have here, leaving the
English and cannon to be brought up by my brother, and the Danes by
the duke of Wirtemberg. I hope in eight days to meet with Prince
Louis and Prince Eugene. I am afraid the first will not go to the
Rhine, he being, as I am told, desirous to stay on the Danube. When
I see them, you shall be sure to know what we have concerted .
Hitherto his progress had held all Europe in awful anxiety,
and had not only suspended the movements of the elector of
Bavaria, but had perplexed and confounded the French com
manders. As his arrival at Coblentz had spread apprehen
sion of an attack by the Moselle, so his advance to Mentz
had seemed to threaten Alsace. His subsequent progress
afforded no precise indication of his design ; while the con
struction of a bridge over the Rhine at Philipsburg, and the
advance of the Hessian artillery to Manheim, seemed pre
paratory to the siege of Landau. Villeroy, who had followed
him from the Meuse, drew an additional reinforcement from
Flanders ; while Tallard descended to the Lauter, that they
might readily unite their forces to protect Alsace, or create
a diversion by an offensive movement into the empire. Their
penetration was however baffled, and Tallard, hitherto fertile
in projects, was bewildered amidst doubt, difficulty, and con
jecture. With such skill and science had this enterprise been con
certed, that at the very moment when it assumed a specific
direction, the enemy was no longer enabled to render it abor-
VOL. i. m

162 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXII.
tive. As the march was now to be bent towards the Danube,
notice was given for the Prussians, Palatines, and Hessians,
who were stationed on the Rhine, to order their march so as
to join the main body in its progress. At the same time
directions were sent to accelerate the advance of the Danish
auxiliaries, who were marching from the Netherlands.
After traversing the Neekar, Marlborough again moved
on the 6th of June, and passing through Wisloch, encamped
on the 7th at Erpingen, having been joined in the route by
several bodies of auxiliaries. At this, as at other periods,
he was particularly solicitous to spare the people whom he
came to defend. Contrary to the custom of the French and
Germans, who subsisted their armies at the expense of the
country, he took effectual care that the troops should be
regularly paid, and enjoined the treasurer to secure a
month's subsistence, and establish ample credit in advance.
Similar orders were forwarded to the Danes, who were more
likely to commit excesses than the forces under his own im
mediate inspection. By these precautions he conciliated the
inhabitants, and obtained a more regular supply of provisions
than could have been extorted by any measure of severity;
Sensible also how deeply the soldier feels the attention and
sympathy of his general, he wrote to his brother, who had
then reached Heidelberg, expressing his concern for the
sufferings which the infantry had undergone ; and directing
the commanding officers of each regiment to make an early
provision of shoes and other necessaries, which could not be
readily obtained in a hostile country.
With that consummate vigilance which is equally attentive
to every point within the sphere of action, he omitted no
precaution to baffle the efforts which the French commanders
might be prompted to make on the disclosure of his real de
sign. To Godolphin he writes : —
" May 28.-June 8. — Having received intelligence yesterday that in
three or four days the duke of Villeroy, with his army, would join that
of the marshal de Tallard about Landau, in order to force the passage of
the Rhine, I prevailed with Count Wratislaw to make all the haste he
could to Prince Louis of Baden's army, where he will be this night, that
he might make him sensible of the great consequence it is to hinder the
French from passing that river, while we are acting against the elector
of Bavaria. I have also desired him to press, and not to be refused, that
either Prince Louis or Prince Eugene go immediately to the Rhine. I

1704.] FIRST MEETS PRINCE EUGENE. 163
am in hopes to know to-morrow what resolution they have taken. If I
could decide it by my wishes, Prince Eugene should stay on the Danube,
although Prince Louis has assured me, by the count de Frise, that he
will not make the least motion with his army but as we shall concert.
At this time it is agreed that Prince Louis shall act on the Iller, and I
on the Danube. If the marshal de Villeroy can be kept on the other
side of the Rhine, we must be contented to suffer him to do what he
pleases there, whilst we are acting in Bavaria. If we can hinder the
junction of more troops to the elector, I hope six weeks after we begin
may be sufficient for the reducing of him, or the entire ruining of his
country. It will be the 10th of June our style, before the English foot
and cannon can join me on the Danube; and if the cannon, which
Prince Louis has promised, can be ready, which I much doubt, I shall
in two days after the junction march directly to Donawerth. If I can
take that place I shall there settle a magazine for the army, at the
same time that the other army is to force their passage over the Iller,
which Prince Louis thinks himself sure of, that river having several
fords." On the 8th Marlborough moved to Gross Gartach, and
the 9th passing the Neekar a second time at Lauffen, ad
vanced the next day to Mondelsheim, where he had the
satisfaction to find that Prince Eugene and Count Wratis
law were on their way to visit him. Here these two great
generals met for the first time, and conceived for each other
that esteem and confidence which afterwards rendered them
partners in glory. The next day they marched to Hippaeh,
where Marlborough reviewed his cavalry, in the presence of
Eugene. The prince expressed his surprise to find the
troops in so excellent a condition, after their long and harass
ing march. •' I have heard much," he said, "of the En-
lish cavalry, and find it indeed to be the best appointed and
finest I have ever seen. Money, of which you have no want
in England, can buy clothes and. accoutrements, but nothing
can purchase the spirit which I see in the looks of your
men. It is an earnest of victory. " To so judicious a com
pliment, Marlborough made a no less flattering reply. " My
troops," he observed, " are always animated with zeal for the
common cause, but they are now inspired by your presence.
To you we owe that spirit which awakens your admiration."
In this camp they halted three days, to give time for the
infantry to approach, and settle the future operations.
The Margrave of Baden having detached 9000 Prussians,
and three regiments of cavalry, to secure the passage of the
M 2

164 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXH.
Rhine, joined them on the 13th. On his arrival he said to
Marlborough, with perhaps more courtesy than sincerity,
" I am come to meet the deliverer of the empire." Alluding
to his own recent failure, he added, " You will assist me in
vindicating my honour, which has been lowered in the pub
lic opinion." Marlborough, on his part, was not deficient
in attention to so proud and punctilious a prince : he replied,
" I am come to learn of your highness how to save the
empire. None but those who are deficient in j udgment, can
depreciate the merits of the prince of Baden, who has not
only preserved the empire, but enlarged its boundaries."
Many conferences were held by the three generals, to
settle their respective commands and future plans. In vain
Marlborough laboured, both directly and indirectly, to induce
the margrave to head the army on the Rhine, and leave
Eugene as his colleague on the Danube. The margrave, un
willing to be removed from the most brilliant scene of
operation, insisted on the privilege of choice as elder in
rank ; and it was not without the utmost difficulty, that he
consented to share the command by alternate days with the
English general. To the mortification both of Eugene and
Marlborough, this arrangement was adopted, and the com
mand on the Rhine assigned to Eugene.
The troops again moved early on the 14th, to the small
village of Ebersbach ; and the three generals, after partak
ing of an hospitable repast at Great Gartach, repaired to
their respective commands. On reaching his camp in the
evening, Marlborough found the prince of Hesse, with
generals Bulow and Hompesch, attending to apprise him
that their respective corps were in the neighbourhood, and
ready to march to the appointed rendezvous.
During the course of this arduous expedition, the failures
which occurred in distant quarters were sufficient to have
diverted a commander less decisive and persevering than
Marlborough from his purpose. Scarcely had he ceased to
regret the tardiness of the margrave of Baden, in suffering
the French reinforcements to join the elector of Bavaria,
before intelligence equally unpleasant arrived from the army
on the Meuse.
On the departure of the last detachment for Germany,
Overkirk was ambitious to signalise his command by an im-

1704.] ADVANCE UPON THE DANUBE. 165
portant enterprise. Being informed that the enemy were
moving to Tongres, he broke up from Loon, and gaining the
advance by a rapid march, effected an entrance into their
deserted lines, on the side of Mierdorp and Wasseige. The
enemy were utterly disconcerted by this unexpected move
ment ; but the same opposition which had already defeated
the laudable designs of Marlborough, proved no less fatal to
those of the Dutch commander. After losing a considerable
part of the day in fruitless deliberation, the appearance of a
small French detachment was sufficient to alarm his timid
colleagues ; and he was compelled to relinquish his advan
tage, at the very moment when his enterprise was likely to
be crowned with complete success.
However deeply Marlborough felt this disappointment, he
could not but be gratified on comparing his actual situation
with that of the preceding year, when he was shackled by
the control of Dutch deputies, and harassed by the jealousies
of Dutch generals. He, however, announced the failure in
terms of regret to secretary Harley, in a few hasty lines
dated from Ebersbach, June 15. "I send now to my lord
treasurer a relation I have received of the proceedings of
our army on the Meuse, by which you will see our friends
there have lost a very great opportunity. If they had made
a good use of it, we might have found the effects in these
parts, and every where else. They are sensible of their
error, and I hope will be the more intent to retrieve it."
Measures had been taken to form an army of 30,000 men
on the Upper Rhine ; but Marlborough was far from being
satisfied with the dispositions in that quarter ; for, by some
mismanagement of Prince Louis, the Prussians, who were to
compose part of that force, had been drawn to the Danube,
and the Suabian troops, who were destined for the Danube,
hatl been left on the Rhine. Accordingly no less than ten
days were wasted in counter-marching at a most critical
period of time.
From Ebersbach, which was his headquarters on the 14th
and 15th of June, we find an interesting letter to the duchess.
He acquaints her with the flattering marks of attention
which he had received from the emperor, and communicates
an offer, which was now first made, of investing him with a
principality of the empire. M 3

166 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXH.
"June 4 — IS. — Since my last," he observes to the duchess, "I have
had Prince Louis with me, so that we have taken the necessary measures
for our first motions. Prince Eugene was with me from Monday till
Friday, and has in his conversation a great deal of my Lord Shrewsbury,
with the advantage of seeming franker. He has been very free with me,
in giving me the character of the prince of Baden, by which I find I
must be much more on my guard than if I was to act with Prince Eu
gene. * ******
" When I had writ thus far, Count Wratisla>v came to me, having
just received an express from his master. After very great expressions
it ended in saying that his master was desirous to write to the queen,
that he might have her consent to makeme a prince of the empire, which
he would do by creating some land he has in the empire into a princi
pality, which would give me the privilege of being in the college, or diet,
with the sovereign princes of the empire. You know I am not good at
compliments ; however, I did assure him that I was very sensible of the
honour his master intended me, but in my opinion nothing of this ought
to be thought on till we saw what would be the fate of the war. He re
plied, that what already had been done, had laid obligations on his mas
ter above what he .'could express, and that if the queen would not allow
him to do this, he must appear ungrateful to the world, for he had no
thing else in his power worth giving, or my taking. What is offered
will in history for ever remain an honour to my family. But I wish my
self so well that I hope I shall never want the income of the land, which
no doubt will be but little, nor enjoy the privilege of German assemblies.
However, this is the utmost expression that they can make, and therefore
'Ought to be taken as it is meant.
" I know you wish the queen and me so well, that you would be glad
that nothing should be done that might do either of us hurt. Therefore
my opinion of this matter is, that there can be no inconvenience in allow
ing Count Wratislaw's master to write to the queen to ask her consent
for the doing this, and then to bring the letter to the cabinet council.
In the mean time I shall take care with Count Wratislaw, that no fur
ther step be made till I know the queen's pleasure, and the opinion of
lord treasurer."
He had now reached the most critical point, as well as the
most anxious period, of his long and difficult march. Before
him stretched the range of mountains skirting the country
watered by the Danube, which was intersected by the nar
row pass of Gieslingen. This defile, which extended two
miles in. length, could scarcely be traversed by a large body
of troops in less than a day, during the most favourable
season of the year. , At this moment the operation was ren
dered still more difficult by a series of heavy rains, which
had broken up the roads and swollen the rivulets into tor
rents. New cares and more extensive combinations were

1704.] ' PREPARES FOR BATTLE. 167
required on entering the real scene of action, and measures
were to be taken for securing the junction with Prince
Louis, as soon as the army should descend into the plains.
To add to the disquietude of the commander, the States-
general were alarmed by reports that Villeroy was returning
to the Netherlands, and earnestly reclaimed a part of the
auxiliary forces. News also arrived that Villeroy and Tal
lard had held a conference at Landau, on the 13th, which
seemed to portend some enterprise of moment, and that the
elector of Bavaria, after sending his baggage to Ulm, was
pushing his army across the Danube, as if meditating an
attack on Prince Louis.
But the powerful mind of Marlborough seemed to gather
strength and resources even from difficulty and peril. To tran-
quillise the States, he sent orders for the collection of a suffi
cient number of boats to facilitate the return of a large body
of troops down the Rhine. He employed the interval of his
halt in directing the formation of magazines at Heidelsheim
and Nordlingen. He also enjoined the Danish foot, who had
reached Frankfort, to direct their march towards Stolhoffen,
and place themselves at the disposition of Eugene ; and hav
ing pressed his brother, who had arrived with the infantry
at Blockingen, to hasten his progress, he prepared to lead
forward the cavalry and auxiliaries to the aid of Prince
Louis. On the 20th he received the long-expected intelligence
that the German army was on the point of advancing to
Westerstetten. The heavy baggage was instantly directed
to move, under a strong escort, that it might not embarrass
the passage of the troops. The whole army gradually tra
versed the defile without obstruction, and on the 22d the
camp was established, between Launsheim and Ursprung,
the right joining the left of prince Louis, who, in the interim,
had taken his position near Westerstetten.
The following day was spent in reviewing the troops and
forming a new line of battle. On the 24th, the confederates
advancing to Elchingen and Langenau, in the vicinity of the
Danube, the elector of Bavaria withdrew from his post at
Ulm, and retired to the strong intrenched camp between
Lawingen and Dillingen. The 25th the headquarters of
Marlborough were established at Langenau. On the 26th
M 4

168 LIFE OP MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXH.
the confederates again moved and took post between Her-
brechten and Giengen,, with the Brentz in front, two leagues
from the enemy. On the following day General Churchill
arrived with the foot and artillery, and two battalions of
Prussian infantry, who had joined him in his march. Marl
borough reviewed them as they passed to take their post in
the lines, and was highly gratified to observe that their recent
fatigues had not affected their gallant air and healthy ap
pearance. The junction of all the forces being now complete,
except that of the Danish horse, under the duke of Wirtem-
berg, the combined army amounted to 96 battalions and 202
squadrons, with a train of 48 pieces of artillery, and 24
pontoons. We here insert a letter to his wife, which not only displays
the feelings of our great commander at this trying crisis, but
indicates that ardent conjugal affection, and keen sensibility
to public censure, which pervades his correspondence. It
shows also that singular facility with which he could bend
his attention to trifles even in the midst of the most serious
occupations. " Giengen, June 18-29. — Since my last, I have had the happiness of re
ceiving yours of the 30th of the last month, and the 1 st and 2d of this.
It is not only by yours, but by others, that I find that there are several
people, who would be glad of my not having success in this undertaking.
I am very confident, without flattering myself, that it is the only thing
that was capable of saving us from ruin, so that whatever the success
may be, I shall have the inward satisfaction to know that I have done all
that was in my power, and that none can be angry with me for the under
taking, but such as wish ill to their country and their religion, and with
such I am not desirous of their friendship.
" The English foot and cannon joined me two days ago, but I do not
expect the Danish horse till six or seven days hence, till which time we
shall not be able to act against the elector of Bavaria, as I could wish.
You will easily believe that I act with all my heart and soul, since good
success will in all likelihood give me the happiness of ending my days
with you. The queen's allowing you to say something from her is very
obliging. I shall endeavour to deserve it ; for I serve her with all my
heart, and I am very confident she will always have the prayers and good
wishes of this country.
" You have forgot to order Hodges to send me a draught of a stable,
as I directed him, for the lodge ; for it ought not to be made use of till
the year after it is built ; and as I see you set your heart on that place,
I should be glad all conveniences were about it."

1704.] RESOLVES ON BATTLE. 169

Chap. XXIII. — Battle of the Schellenberg. — 1704.
The advance of the confederates towards the camp of the
enemy indicated the development of the plan to secure
Donawerth as a place of arms for the invasion of Bavaria.
The Gallo-Bavarian army occupied a formidable position
between Lawingen and Dillingen, with the Danube in the
rear, and the front strongly fortified and covered with inun
dations. To secure the passage leading through Donawerth,
the elector detached General d'Arco, with 10,000 infantry
and 2500 cavalry, to occupy the Schellenberg, a commanding
height north of the Danube. By this skilful disposition, he
hoped to cover his own dominions, and hold the confederates
in check, till he could receive the additional reinforcements
which he expected from France.
Marlborough penetrated the design, and became doubly
anxious to realise his plan. After a conference with the
margrave, he extorted his consent to advance with the army,
and resolved to profit by the alternation of the command on
the ensuing day, to attack the troops on the Schellenberg,
before they could be still farther strengthened. On the first
of July, therefore, the whole army, under the direction of the
margrave, defiled before the electoral camp, the avenues of
which were watched by General Bulow, with a body of
cavalry. Directing their march towards Donawerth, the
confederates encamped in the evening, between Amerdingen
and Onderingen, about fourteen miles from the foot of the
Schellenberg. So bold an enterprise as that which Marlborough prepared
to execute might have daunted a spirit less determined and
persevering. He had yet a long march to make, encumbered
with a heavy train of artillery, and over roads drenched by
incessant rains. With these disadvantages, he was to attack
a position of formidable strength, and defended by an ample
force. He was conscious, however, that if he failed to
accomplish his purpose, while invested with the temporary
command, the ensuing day would be wasted by his colleague
in deliberation, and that a delay of twenty-four hours would
enable the enemy to receive reinforcements and mature

170 LIFE OP MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXHI.
their measures of defence. To those who suggested their
fears or doubts, he replied, " Either the enemy will escape
or will have time to finish their works. In the latter case,
the delay of every single hour will cost the loss of a thousand
men." After another conference with the margrave, Marlborough
with his usual humanity gave orders to establish an hospital
for the wounded at Nordlingen. He also selected a detach
ment of 130 men from each battalion, amounting to 6000
foot and thirty squadrons of horse, to which were added
three regiments of imperial grenadiers, furnished by Prince
Louis. This detachment was to precede the army, and
commence the attack. Measures were also taken for opening
the roads and throwing bridges across the Wernitz, a deep
and rapid stream which flows into the Danube about a mile
from the foot of the Schellenberg.
Such being the preparatory arrangements of the evening,
the detachment moved at three in the morning on the 2d of
July, under the direction of the duke himself, and at five
was followed by the army, which filed by the left in two
columns along the main road, leading through Roerbach
towards a height between Obermorgen and Weinstein. At
the same time the baggage and artillery, in two columns,
took the route through Monachdeckingen to Harburg on the
Wernitz, where it was to wait for farther orders.
About eight the advance with the quarter-master-general
came in sight of the Schellenberg. They halted at Ober
morgen, and immediately began to mark out a camp for the
army on the left bank of the Wernitz.
At nine Marlborough himself reached the spot ; accom
panied by the officers who were to command in the attack,
he proceeded to reconnoitre the enemy's position, and being
observed, was saluted with a heavy cannonade from different
points. of their works.
The Schellenberg is a height overhanging Donawerth and
the left bank of the Danube. It rises in a gradual though
unequal ascent, which at the intended point of attack was
about a quarter of a mile. The summit forms a flat space,
half a mile wide, on which the enemy were encamped in
several lines. Their left was supported on the covert way
of Donawerth, and their order being adapted to the figure of

1704.] RECONNOITRES THE ENEMY/. 171
the ground, their right was thrown back on one of the
channels into which the Danube is divided. Along the front
was an intrenchment, which ran from the covert way of
Donawerth, was connected with an old fort on the brow of
the hill above, and embracing the summit descended on the
opposite flank to the very bank of the river. Of this work
the central part alone was in a state of defence, but the re
mainder was in a rapid progress of advancement. In front
of the position to the right and left was open ground, that on
the side of Donawerth being mostly uneven, broken by a
ravine, and washed by a rivulet, which after skirting the
foot of the hill, flows through the exterior works of Dona
werth into the Danube. Opposite the centre, the Boschberg,
a thick wood stretched from the verge of the intrenchment,
and gradually expanded itself to the border of a stream rising
above Monheim. To the west of the Schellenberg ran the
great road leading from Nordlingen, through Donawerth, to
Augsburg. The enemy had planted two batteries, one near the old
fort, the other near the point of the Boschberg. On the ap
proach of the allied detachment, their out-posts set fire to the
hamlet of Berg, situated on a gentle elevation beyond the
rivulet, and drew back towards the main body.
Marlborough attentively noted the disposition of the ene
my as well as the local peculiarities, and directing his view
across the Danube, descried a camp marked out, with tents
pitched on each wing.
It was occupied by a detachment of cavalry from the elec
toral army, and he afterwards found that the interval was
reserved for a body of foot then on their march. Their ob
ject was to support and reinforce the troops on the Schellen
berg. Having completed his survey, he returned to meet the ad
vanced detachment, which from the bad state of the roads
did not reach the Wernitz till mid-day. After a short halt,
to give rest to the troops and allow the army to . approach,
the detachment crossed the Wernitz at three, over the stone
bridge at Obermorgen. Pontoon bridges were at the same
time thrown across the stream below, and some squadrons of
cavalry were sent into the Boschberg to form fascines, for the
purpose of facilitating an entrance into the enemy's works.

172 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXIII.
In the midst of these preparations a messenger arrived
from Eugene with the news that Villeroy and Tallard were
then at Strasburg, making arrangements for detaching- a
powerful reinforcement to the elector. Incited by this in
telligence, Marlborough did not even wait for the arrival of
the imperialists, who were yet in the rear, but issued orders
for the attack. The infantry destined for the enterprise
being instantly in motion, Marlborough himself led them to
the verge of the Boschberg, ranged them in four lines, and
drew from the main body eight new battalions, who were
either to act as a reserve, or prolong the attack to the right,
if the first detachment did not embrace a sufficient extent of
the enemy's line. Eight other battalions were ordered for
ward to sustain them, and the cavalry formed two lines in
the rear. A battery was opened by the English beyond the
houses of Berg ; and soon afterwards the fire was increased
by several pieces of German artillery.
The command of the attack was consigned to the Dutch
general Goor, and the first line was led by Brigadier Fer
guson. The whole was preceded by a forlorn hope of fifty
chosen grenadiers under Lord Mordaunt, whose chivalrous
spirit panted for distinction in so perilous an encounter.
The promptitude and decision of Marlborough confounded
the Gallo-Bavarian commanders. On the first appearance
of the allies, d'Arco, and Maffei his colleague, advanced be
yond their outposts to reconnoitre ; and descrying only some
scattered parties of cavalry on the heights beyond the Wer
nitz, they at first considered them as mere detachments sent
out to explore the country. Perceiving, however, fresh
squadrons emerge from the woods, and the body increase
without advancing, they concluded that a camp was forming
on the spot, and returned to Donawerth to dine, without the
slightest prognostic of the impending attack. Scarcely had
they sat down to table, before intelligence arrived which in
dicated the approach of the allied army. The two generals
remounted their horses, and riding to the heights, were sur
prised to observe the opposite hills covered with troops, and
columns filing over the Wernitz, or ascending the foot of
the Schellenberg. Still they did not imagine that an army,
fatigued by a tedious and difficult march, would hazard an
attack towards the close of the day. Supposing that the

1704.] BATTLE OF THE SCHELLENBERG. 173
allies would spend the remainder of the evening in prepara
tion, they hastened the progress of the works, hoping in the
night to complete their defences, and draw in the expected
reinforcements. General d'Arco, however, did not contemplate his situation
with confidence or tranquillity. He surveyed the increasing
mass of the allies in anxious silence, and for a considerable
period seemed absorbed in doubt and perturbation. It is the
opinion of Maffei that he was alarmed by the imperfect state
of his intrenchments, and hesitated whether he should defend
or abandon the post committed to his care. At length the
advance and development of the allied columns, and the
thunder of the artillery, roused him from his reflections.
He ordered his troops to desist from work, and resume their
arms, and made dispositions for a vigorous resistance.
Within a few minutes the conflict began. Marlborough
at first intended to penetrate through the Boschberg, and
form a double attack against both faces of the intrenchment ;
but this design being frustrated by the thickness of the
wood, the principal effort was made on the portion stretching
from the fort to the point of the Boschberg. At six in the
evening the signal was given, and the assailants advanced
with a firm and deliberate step under a heavy fire from
every point of the enemy's works commanding the line of
their approach. When they arrived within the range of
grape, the carnage became dreadful: General Goor, and
many brave officers fell, and a momentary pause ensued.
Order was speedily restored : other leaders supplied the
places of the killed and disabled, and the assailants again
moved forward with incredible firmness. On reaching the
ravine, the foremost troops mistook it for the ditch of the in
trenchment, and threw in their fascines ; but being imable
to pass, and the fire of the enemy increasing in vivacity and
effect, they began to give way. The Gallo-Bavarians took
advantage of the confusion, rushed from their works, and
charged the broken ranks with the bayonet. They were re
pulsed principally by a battalion of English guards, who had
almost singly maintained their ground, although most of the
officers were either killed or wounded.
The assailants, however, continued to draw near the foot
of the works ; but the enemy, who had at first distributed

174 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXTH.
their force along their whole front, recalled their troops from
the right and left to the principal point of attack. By' this
combined effort their resistance was vigorous and obstinate,
and sallying forth from the trenches they more than once
became the assailants. Exhausted by repeated struggles,
and thinned by a destructive fire, the allied infantry began
once more to give way, when General Lumley, with equal
gallantry and decision, led forward the horse, closed up his
ranks to sustain the discouraged and suffering troops, and
by his example and support prevented a repulse.
However heavy the loss of the allies, the strength of the
enemy was equally shaken by this protracted conflict. The
accidental explosion of some powder which had been brought
forward for distribution, spread a sudden panic ; and though
the troops were led back to their posts, their numbers were
rapidly diminished, and their spirit sunk under an assault which
was continually renewed. At length the English and Dutch
were on the point of breaking into the intrenchment, when they
were cheered by the advance of the imperialists, led forward
by the margrave in person. These troops, passing the Wer
nitz below Berg, to prolong the attack on the right, drew
up under the walls of Donawerth, with little annoyance
from the scattered fire of two Bavarian battalions, who were
unskilfully posted on the ramparts, instead of lining the
covert way. Advancing against the unfinished portion of
the works between the fort and the town, they easily dis
persed two French battalions left on the spot. The infantry
experienced a trifling check from a charge of French
cavalry ; but the horse rushing forward repulsed the assail
ants, while the foot wheeling to the left, bore on the flank of
the troops engaged with the English and Dutch.
While the attention of the enemy was thus called to
another quarter, the final effort was made at the principal
attack. The regiment of dragoons, commanded by Lord
John Hay, dismounted to aid the infantry, but before they
could scale the intrenchment, the Gallo-Bavarians disband
ing, fled in the utmost disorder, some towards the village of
Zirichsheim, some towards the bridge on the Danube, and
others towards Donawerth.
Marlborough, who had greatly exposed his person in the
conflict, and given his orders with his usual calmness, en-

1704.] DEFEAT OF THE ENEMT. 175
tered the works at the head of the first squadrons. He re
called the foot, who were in pursuit of the fugitives, and
ordered the horse to charge and complete the victory. The
route and carnage which ensued may be more easily con
ceived than described. Many were intercepted in their way
to Donawerth, while many, hurrying to the bridge, broke it
down by their weight, and were lost in the Danube. Others,
dispersing on every side, came in as deserters to the vic
torious army. D'Arco himself escaped with difficulty, and
his son was among those who perished in the river. Of the
whole body only 3000 men rejoined the elector ; sixteen
pieces of artillery and all the tents were taken ; the equi
page and plate of the commander fell into the hands of the
victorious soldiery.
In this desperate conflict the allies had no less than 1500
killed, and 4000 wounded, and their loss was particularly
heavy in officers ; the killed amounting to eight generals,
eleven colonels, and twenty-six captains. Besides General
Goor, the Dutch general Beinheim was among the slain ;
the prince of Bevern and Count Stirum were mortally
wounded, and the margrave of Baden himself received a
contusion in his foot. Marlborough particularly regretted
the fate of Goor, who to great military talents and bravery
added equal zeal and integrity, and had rendered himself
eminently useful during the preceding operations.
Scarcely was the conflict terminated before the night set
in with a heavy rain. The duke paid particular attention to
the state of the wounded, whose sufferings were greatly
aggravated by this unfavourable change of weather. He
then left a considerable body of troops to maintain possession
of the intrenchments, and withdrawing with the remainder
to the camp on the Wernitz, took up his quarters at Ober
morgen. At the close of the engagement he despatched an official
account to Secretary Harley, and in a short letter respect
fully notified his victory to the queen.
" I most humbly presume to inform your majesty, that the success of
our first attack of the enemy has been equal to the justice of the cause
your majesty has so graciously and zealously espoused. Mr. Secretary
Harley will have the honour to lay the relation of yesterday's action
before you. To which I shall crave leave to add, that our success is in a

176 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXHI.
great measure owing to the particular blessing of God, and the unparalleled
bravery of your troops. I shall endeavour to improve the happy be
ginning to your majesty's glory, and the benefit of your allies."
But it is his private correspondence with Lord Godolphin
and the duchess, written on the day after the victory, which
best exhibits his views and feelings in the moment of vic
tory. " You will see," he writes to Godolphin, " by Mr.
Secretary Harley's letter, that in our last camp I took the
resolution of attacking the Bavarians that were posted on
the Schellenberg, which I did yesterday. It is a hill that
commands the town of Donawerth, which passage on the
Danube is what would be very advantageous to us, for I
would make the magazine for our army there. If we had
the cannon ready, we could not fail of taking it ; but our
misfortune is, that all things are wanting here ; but Prince
Louis assures me that we shall have twenty pieces of battery
here in four days, which I am afraid is impossible. Our
English foot have lost a great many, the heat of the action
being on our left. I must refer you to Mr. Secretary's letter
for such particulars as I am unable to write at this time. I
am not able to do more than to thank you for three of yours,
which I have received since my last letter, being so tired
that I can hardly hold my pen ; so that till the next post I
must take my leave."
T.0 the duchess he feelingly observes : — "I think myself
so happy in my dearest soul's love, that I know she will be
better pleased with two lines that I am well after the action
we had yesterday, than with whole volumes on another
occasion. It has pleased God, after a very obstinate de
fence, to have given us the victory, by which we have
ruined the best of the elector's foot, for there was very little
horse. My lord treasurer will let you see Mr. Secretary
Harley's letter, if you care to see what the action was. The
English foot have suffered a good deal ; but none of your
acquaintance are hurt, except Mr. Meredith and Major-
general Wood, neither in danger. Now that I have told
you the good, I must tell you the ill news, which is, that
the marshal de Villeroy has promised the elector of Bavaria
that he will send him, by way of the Black Forest, 50 bat
talions of foot, and 60 squadrons of horse, as he tells him in
his letter, the best troops of France, which would make him

1704.] MISUNDERSTANDING WITH HIS COLLEAGUE. 177
stronger than we. But I rely very much on the assurances
Prince Eugene gave me yesterday by his adjutant-general,
that he would venture the whole, rather than suffer them to
pass quietly, as the last did. Let my dear children know I
am well."
The successful result of this action contributed to aggra
vate the misunderstanding which had already arisen from
the discordant characters of the two commanders. Although
the plan had been formed by Marlborough, and although it
would never have been executed by his colleague, yet as the
margrave first entered the intrenchment, his partisans
ascribed to him the chief honour of the victory. From the
army this feud spread into Holland, where the faction which
had already laboured to depreciate the talents of Marlbo
rough, seized this plea to diminish the merit of his services,
by sfriking a medal, representing on one side the head of the
margrave, and on the other the lines of Schellenberg, with
the motto " Hoste casso, fugato, castris direptis," &c, without
any allusion to the skill and energy of the British com
mander. On the other hand, Marlborough in all his letters
speaks with dislike, if not contempt, of his colleague ; and
the official gazette only mentions him incidentally among the
superior officers who were wounded.
The dissatisfaction between the two chiefs hourly gained
strength. In many of Marlborough's letters we find heavy
accusations against the inertness of the margrave, and com
plaints that he was shackled in all his designs by the captious
and jealous spirit of his colleague. The German commander
was doubtless not wanting in recriminations ; and his adhe
rents depicted Marlborough as arrogant, suspicious, repul
sive, and as boasting that "he had marched into Germany, to
give spirit to the natives and spurs to the French."
The British general, however, was consoled for these petty
efforts of impotent malice by the general applause of the pub
lic. The terror of his arms was not merely felt in France, but
extended to those states who favoured the Bourbon cause in
Italy. In a congratulatory letter, written on this occasion, the
duke of Shrewsbury, who was then at home, observes : — •
" I will not suspend your time with politic reflections, which
you can make much better than I, but must tell you that in
this holy, ignorant city they have an idea of you as of a
VOL. I. N

178 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXIV.
Tamerlane ; and had I a picture of old Colonel Birch with his
whiskers, I could put it off for yours ; and change it for one
done by Eaphael."
At Vienna the benefit of his services was acknowledged
with transports of gratitude. The victory of Schellenberg
was hailed as the token of deliverance from the ruin which
impended over the house of Austria, Every tongue was
lavish in praising the bravery of the English troops, the ge
nerous aid of the queen, and the zeal and conduct of the
illustrious commander. " The whole court," to use the lan
guage of Mr. Stepney, " is quite changed, and the young
king of the Eomans, even on his way to chapel, broke
through the severe rules of Austrian etiquette, to testify his
exultation to the British minister."
The cold and phlegmatic Leopold, also, who had scrupled
to lay aside the formalities of state in thanking the gallant
Sobieski for the deliverance of Vienna, was roused to an un
usual transport, and wrote to the victorious chief a letter of
congratulation in his own hand, an honour rarely conferred
except on sovereign princes. After thanking him for his
care and diligence in bringing forward the succours furnished
by the queen, he continues : — " Nothing can be more glo
rious than the celerity and vigour with which, after the junc
tion of your army and mine, you forced the camp of the
enemy at Donawerth ; since my generals and ministers de
clare that the success of the enterprise, which is most accep
table and opportune to me, was chiefly owing to your counsel,
prudence, and conduct, as well as to the bravery of the troops
who fought under your command." Having declared that he
would omit no opportunity of rewarding his merits, and tes
tified his hopes of farther success, he concludes : — " This
will be an eternal trophy to your most serene queen in Upper
Germany, whither the victorious arms of the English nation
have never penetrated since the memory of man."

Chap. XXTV. — Treatment of Bavaria. — 1704.
Marlborough expected that the enemy would defend
Donawerth to the last extremity, but his apprehensions

1704.] NECBURG OCCUPIED. 179
proved groundless. For the elector, after witnessing the
defeat of his troops from the farther bank of the Lech, hastily
rejoined the army, and commenced his retreat towards
Augsburg, in which position he hoped to impede the opera
tions of the confederates, at the same time that he preserved
the communications which would enable him to receive suc
cours from France. As the possession of Donawerth was
inconsistent with this system of defence, he directed the
garrison to withdraw, after setting fire to the magazines and
bridge But they were not sufficiently prompt in the exe
cution of this order ; for the confederates entered the town
at the moment of their retreat, and extinguished the confla
gration before it had produced the intended effect.
Bridges having been prepared, the army traversed the
Danube in five columns on the 5th of July, and seized the
greater part of the pontoons belonging to the enemy, toge
ther with a considerable quantity of meal, which had been
abandoned in the confusion of the retreat. On the following
day the confederates advanced as far as Heischeim, and took
post between the Zusam and the Schmutter. At the same
time the Danish horse arriving, were incorporated in the
line of battle ; and thus the whole army, which had marched
in so many different divisions, was united without the loss of
a single corps. Preparations were made to cross the Lech,
which would bring them into the heart of the elector's
country. The marshals de Villeroy and Tallard had sepa
rated ; the latter to join the elector of Bavaria, and the
duke de Villeroy to act on the Rhine.
As the Lech was deep, broad, and rapid, and the enemy
had taken the precaution of destroying the bridges, consider
able attention was necessary to secure a passage. Colonel
Cadogan having selected a proper point near Gunderkingen,
was supported by a detachment of 4000 men and 12 pieces
of cannon, while laying the pontoons. This operation was
effected on the 7th ; and the same evening the sustaining
corps, with an additional force of 6000 men, took post on the
opposite bank. The views of the confederates being thus
developed, the Bavarian garrison of Neuburg retired to In-
goldstadt : the place was immediately occupied by a body of
horse ; and a detachment of 3000 men, which had been left
on the other side of the Danube, under the imperial general
v 2

180 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXIV.
d'Herbeville, was ordered to advance and secure so import
ant a point of communication.
As the elector, by halting at Augsburg, had now evinced
his design of sacrificing all other considerations, for the sake
of the succour expected from France, a resolution was taken
to turn the tide of war into his unfortunate country. The
confederates accordingly moved on the 8th to Gunderkingen,
and passing the Lech during the following day, encamped on
the 10th between Stauda and Mittelstetten. According to
the order of battle, their force amounted to 73 battalions and
174 squadrons.
Information of these proceedings was transmitted to Go
dolphin. " July 9. — You will see by my letter to Mr. Secretary Harley, that
the enemy has not recovered the great blow they received at the Schel
lenberg ; for their consternation is yet such, that as soon as they knew
our bridges were made over the Lech, they immediately quitted Neu-
burg, so that yesterday we sent dragoons for securing the town, till M.
d'Herbeville advances with 3000 men under his command ; for this
place is of very great consequence, since this town will make it easy for
us to have all our provisions for the subsistence of the army from the
circle of Franconia.
" Wc shall to-morrow have all the army in the elector's country, so
that if he will ever think of terms it must be now, for we shall do our
utmost to ruin his country. The only hope the enemy seem to have, is
the reinforcement the marshal de Villeroy has promised them : and that
they may gain time for the junction, they are strongly encamped at
Augsburg, by which they abandon the greatest part of the elector's
country. " We have heard nothing of Prince Eugene since the 5th, so that we
take it for granted that the marshal de Tallard has not pursued his march,
which he began the 2d of this month ; and I cannot but be of the opinion,
that if he has a true account of what has passed at the Schellenberg, he
will be desirous of having fresh orders from court before he advances
farther." Though unable to oppose, the elector endeavoured to re
tard the progress of the confederates, by throwing a garrison
of 400 men into Rain. It therefore became necessary to
reduce a place, which in their farther advance would inter
cept their line of communication. With this view the army
made a short march to Purkheim ; and the heavy artillery
being brought up, an attack was opened in form on the 13th
by the count de Frise, who had been previously detached
with a force of nine battalions and fifteen squadrons. Dur-

1704.] HIS MARCH ON MUNICH. 181
ing the halt occasioned by this operation, the most strenuous
exertions were made in collecting magazines, and establish
ing communications across the Danube and Lech. A rein
forcement of thirty squadrons was also despatched to Eugene,
with the hope of impeding the advance of the French rein
forcements. Neither labours nor anxiety could, however, divert the
cares of Marlborough from those who shared his tenderness.
From Purkheim, we find him conveying consolation to the
duchess, for the loss of their son, in a style of peculiar deli
cacy and affection.
" July 13. — Since my last I have had the happiness of yours of the-
1 3th and 1 6th of last month, and am very sorry to see that you have had
a return of the illness that I saw you have once at St. Alban's. I con
jure you not to neglect taking advice and doing what may be proper for
preventing it in future ; for if you will make me happy now, you must-
live long, and not have melancholy thoughts of what is passed ; for I do
assure you I place all my hopes in ending my days quietly with you, and
to be contented with the children that it has pleased God to continue
to us.
" My blood is so heated, that I have had for the last three days a
violent head-ache ; but not having stirred out of my chamber this day, I
find myself much easier, so that I hope to-morrow morning to be very
well. Lord Treasurer will let you know all the news that I have writ to
Mr. Secretary Harley. Pray tell my dear children, that I hope in ten
days' time to have so much leisure as to write to them. I hope in God
my next will tell you I am quite well."
The garrison of Rain having surrendered on the 16th, the
army resumed its march on the following day, encamping
with the right at Holtz, and the left at Oesterhausen. The
18th they advanced to Aicha, where after some hesitation
they were admitted by the inhabitants. On the 19th they
proceeded towards Friedberg, of which the garrison did not
venture to wait their nearer approach, retiring with great
precipitation to their camp, on the other side of the Lech,
close to Augsburg.
Rapid as these movements may appear, the progress of
the confederates was not sufficiently rapid to satisfy the
aspiring views of the British commander. With that promp
titude of decision which marked his conduct, he entertained
sanguine hopes of reducing Munich before the elector could
recover from his consternation, and with the capital to secure
h 3

182 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXIV.
the conquest of all Bavaria. But here, as elsewhere, it was
his misfortune to be restrained in his extensive designs by
the want of means ; for he was unable to obtain the artillery
and stores which had been promised by the margrave of
Baden for the siege.
The consternation which the victory of Schellenberg pro
duced in the Bavarian army was deep and universal ; but on
the elector himself, though a prince of the highest spirit and
bravery, the blow fell with accumulated effect. He lost that
gaiety and affability which had hitherto given animation to
his troops ; and in discoursing on the catastrophe, the tears
ran down his cheeks as he adverted to the fate of his favourite
regiments. In this disposition, hope was entertained that he
would submit to such terms as might save his country from
the horrors of -military execution. Accordingly a negotia
tion, which was commenced before the engagement by Marl
borough, and broken off in consequence of the exorbitant
demands made by the elector, was resumed. The consent
of the emperor was with difficulty extorted, and the necessary
powers and instructions were confided to Count Wratislaw,
while the interests of the. elector were managed by M. Rei-
chardt, one of his secretaries. During the recent movements
of the army, several communications had taken place ; and
the conditions were at length so far arranged, that the
elector promised to meet the Austrian plenipotentiary
on the 25th of July, and ratify the articles which had been
concluded by his agent. The terms were neither dishonour
able to his character, nor insulting to his feelings : he was
to obtain the restoration of his dominions, and a subsidy of
200,000 crowns, to furnish 12,000 men for the service of the
emperor. The hope of a satisfactory arrangement was, however, of
short duration. The elector, who had yielded to the first
shock, was encouraged to persevere, by the advance of the
reinforcements under Tallard. Instead, therefore, of ful
filling his promise to meet the Austrian plenipotentiary, and
conclude the treaty, he sent his secretary to the appointed
place with a message, announcing that since the French
general was approaching to his succour with an army of
35,000 men, it was neither in his power, nor consistent with
his honour, to desert an %ally who made such efforts in his

1704.] EXTRACTS FROM HIS LETTERS. 183
behalf. The confederates had now no other alternative,
than to visit the offences of the prince on his unfortunate
subjects. Numerous villages were burnt or destroyed, and
the whole country was given up to military execution, as far
as the vicinity of Munich. But although Marlborough was
thus compelled to fulfil the most unwelcome duty which can
fall to a general, his private correspondence shows that he
felt as a man, and deplored the sad necessity to which he
was reduced. In one of his letters to the duchess, he
observes : —
" July 30. — The succours which the elector expects on Sunday, have
given him so much resolution, that he has no thoughts of peace. How
ever, we are in his country, and he will find it difficult to persuade us to
quit it. We sent this morning 3000 horse to his chief city of Munich,
with orders to burn and destroy all the country about it. This is so
contrary to my nature, that nothing but absolute necessity could have
obliged me to consent to it, for these poor people suffer for .their master's
ambition. There having been no war in this country for above sixty
years, these towns and villages are so clean, that you would be pleased
with them."
In another he says, —
" You will, I hope, believe me, that my nature suffers when I see so
many fine places burnt, and that must be burnt, if the elector will
not hinder it. I shall never be easy and happy till I am quiet with
you." At this period Count Wratislaw renewed the offer of the
emperor to reward the services of Marlborough with a prin
cipality of the empire ; but he made no other answer, than
that he was very sensible of the honour the emperor intended
him, but that the queen's pleasure must govern him in this,
as in all things else. Before, however, the answer of the
queen could reach the army, Marlborough had acquired a
new and higher title to this honourable distinction.

Chap. XXV. — Passage of the Danube. — 1704.
Meanwhile the movements of the enemy created new em
barrassments, and called forth the vigilance and resources of
the British commander. Marshal Tallard, after losing five
N 4

184 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXV.
days in a fruitless attempt on Villingen, forded the Danube
at Mosskirk, and emerged into the plains between IHm,
Biberach, and Memmingen. Leaving Ulm to the north-west,
he made a rapid march through Weissenhorn towards the
Schmutter ; and at Biberbach came in communication with
the electoral army, which had continued to maintain the
position of Augsburg.
Prince Eugene, who had made a parallel march from the
Rhine with a force of 18,000 men, reached the plains of
Hochstadt about the same time that the enemy effected their
junction. The two confederate armies were thus too distant
to afford mutual assistance ; and might have been over
whelmed by superior numbers, had the enemy united and
made a rapid movement against either before they could
come in contact. Their union was, however, by no means
easy to be accomplished. If Eugene attempted to join the
confederates in Bavaria, the Gallo-Bavarians, by a retro
grade march, might have crossed the Danube, and inter
rupted the communication with Franconia and Wirtemberg^
If Marlborough and the margrave retraced their steps, to
unite with Eugene, the enemy, by traversing the Lech,
might have regained possession of Bavaria, and perhaps
have forced them to abandon all the country south of the
Danube. So critical a situation required the most accurate combi
nations, and no less decision than activity ; for at the same
time that the confederate generals were to guard against the
enterprises of an enemy occupying a central position, it was
necessary to take measures for a speedy junction of the two
armies on either bank of the Danube.
Marlborough and the margrave accordingly broke up
from Friedberg, moved by Aicha towards Neuburg, and on
the 6th of August epcamped on the Paar, near Schroben-
hausen. At this awful crisis Eugene himself repaired to the
quarters of Marlborough, to concert their future operations.
As they could not maintain their footing in Bavaria, without
the possession of Ingoldstadt, the margrave was readily
persuaded to undertake the siege of a fortress which had
hitherto never opened its gates to a conqueror. A double
object was thus gained; for besides the advantage to be de
rived from the reduction of so valuable a post, Marlborough

1704.] SIEGE OF INGOLDSTADT. 185
and Eugene would be delivered from the presence of a col
league, whose captious and unaccommodating temper was
likely to clog their movements. The 7th was spent in recon
noitring the ground between the Paar and the Lech, for a
strong defensive position, and in making arrangements with
the margrave for the intended siege. On the ensuing day
the army proceeded to Sandizel and Pottiness, from whence
they could anticipate the expected movements of the enemy,
either by advancing to Neuburg, or approaching the bridges
laid near the conflux of the Lech and the Danube. On the 9th,
the margrave, with twenty-three battalions and thirty-one
squadrons, departed for Ingoldstadt ; and reports that the
Gallo-Bavarians had united and were marching towards the
Danube, induced Marlborough to advance to Exheim. Here
Prince Eugene took his leave, to rejoin his own army ; but
scarcely had two hours elapsed, before he hurried back to ap
prise his colleague that the enemy were in full march towards
Dillingen. This movement left no doubt of their intention to
pass to the farther bank of the Danube, and overwhelm the
small force left in the plains of Hochstadt. The troops of
Eugene accordingly fell back to the Kessel, and the whole ac
tivity of Marlborough was employed to gain the other side
of the Danube before the enemy could effect their purpose.
This, however, was an arduous operation ; for, besides
the length of the march, the troops had to traverse the
Aicha, the Lech, the Danube, and the Wernitz, all of which
had been swollen by the late rains. It was, nevertheless,
effected with his usual rapidity and success. At midnight of
the 9th the duke of Wirtemberg was detached at the head of
twenty-eight squadrons,' with orders to traverse a pontoon
bridge over the Danube, at Merxheim, and join the cavalry
of Eugene. Soon afterwards General Churchill was sent
with twenty battalions, accompanied by the artillery and
baggage, to pass at the same point, and wait on the left bank
for further directions. The 10th, in the morning, Marlbo
rough broke up with the main body, and at sunset pitched
his camp between Middlestadt and Peuchingen, with Rain in
the front, and took up his quarters in the abbey of Nieder
Schonfeldt, near the bridge leading to Merxheim. To quiet
the alarms of the margrave, he promised to cover the siege
of Ingoldstadt ; and at the same time requested him to

186 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXV.
relieve a brigade posted at Neuburg, that it might rejoin the
army. While waiting for intelligence, he beguiled the anxious
hours by writing an affectionate letter to the duchess, and
imparting his situation and designs to Godolphin and Harley.
We shall not advert to the despatch addressed to the secre
tary, which has been already published, but shall introduce
his confidential communication to Godolphin.
" Nieder Schonfeldt, August 10. — By this post you will know that the
elector and the two marshals are marched with their whole army towards
Lawingen, where they intend to pass the Danube, by which they abandon
the whole country of Bavaria to Prince Louis, having left only garrisons
in Munich and Augsburg.
" I have this day ordered twenty-eight squadrons and twenty battalions
of foot to pass the Danube, for reinforcing Prince Eugene's army at
Donawerth, and have given the necessary orders that I may follow with
the whole army, as soon as 1 shall be certain that the elector and the
marshals have passed the Danube with their whole army. By this march
they intend to draw more troops from the marshal de Villeroy's army;
but we hope the situation of the country is such, that they will not be
able to hinder us from going on with the siege, though they should be
something stronger than we. When Prince Eugene and I are joined,
our army will consist of 1 60 squadrons and 65 battalions. Prince Louis
has with him, for the siege of Ingoldstadt, 31 squadrons and 24 battalions.
The French make their boasts of having a great superiority, but I am
very confident they will not venture a battle. Yet if we find a fair occa
sion we shall be glad to embrace it, being persuaded that the ill condition
of our affairs in most parts requires it. As we are now marching from
the magazines we bad at Aicha and Schrobenhausen, for our bread, I am
afraid I shall be much put to it to get bread for the first ten days, not
withstanding the 200 waggons I am obliged to keep, without which we
could not march till we had our magazines first made."
Marlborough had scarcely retired to enjoy a short interval
of rest, before an express arrived from Eugene, announcing
that the enemy had crossed the Danube, and pressing for
immediate succour. Indeed, on returning to his camp, he
found that the officers left in command had taken the alarm,
and were preparing to fall back to the Schellenberg. As he
was already joined by the duke of Wirtemberg, and as Ge
neral Churchill was in a situation to support him, he main
tained the line of the Kessel with the cavalry, while he sent
his baggage to Donawerth, and his infantry to the Schellen
berg, with orders to prepare the intrenchments for defence.
By repeated messengers he urged Marlborough to accelerate

1704.] JUNCTION WITH EUGENE. 187
his march, from a conviction that the enemy would advance
on the ensuing day, because their detachments had already
appeared near Steinheim.
The exertions of Marlborough were commensurate with
the peril of the crisis. At midnight General Churchill re
ceived orders to advance and join Eugene ; and within two
hours the main army was in motion. For the sake of expe
dition, the second line, with the rear guard, passed the
Danube over the bridge at Merxheim, while the first tra
versed the Lech, opposite Rain, and the Danube, at Dona
werth ; and at four in the afternoon the different columns
filed over the Wernitz, under the eye of the commander
himself. At six a communication was opened with Eugene,
and the junction being completed at ten*, the combined
armies encamped between Erlingshofen and Kessel-Ostheim,
with the Kessel in their front, and the Danube on the left.
The brigade of General Rowe, reinforced by a battalion of
English guards, was pushed across the rivulet, to take post
in front of Munster. At the dawn of the 12th, the generals
were gratified by the arrival of the baggage and artillery,
which had marched no less than twenty-four English miles
on the preceding day.
It was the intention of Marlborough and Eugene to ad
vance beyond the Nebel, and take up a position in the vici
nity of Hochstadt. For this purpose, during the morning of
the 12th, they proceeded at the head of the grand guards to
survey the ground in their front, and procure intelligence.
On approaching Schweningen, they observed several hostile
squadrons at a distance ; but being unable to form an accu
rate judgment of their force, they ascended the tower of
Dapf heim church, from whence they descried the quarter
masters of the Gallo-Bavarian army, marking out a camp
beyond the Nebel, between Blenheim and Lutzingen.
This discovery fulfilled the warmest wishes of the enter
prising commanders. Aware that the confusion which is
almost inseparable from the change of camps, presents the
most favourable opportunity for an attack, they determined
* This account of the movements for the junction of the two armies is
drawn from the private correspondence of Marlborough, and the printed
despatches, compared with Hare's Journal of the Campaign, Milner, and
the different biographers of Marlborough.

188 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. |_CH" Xxy-
to give battle before the enemy could strengthen themselves
in their new position. With this view they despatched 400
pioneers, to level a ravine formed beyond Dapf heim by the
Reichen, and the picket-guards were called out to protect
the work. Returning from their survey, they had scarcely
sat down to their repast, before intelligence arrived that the
squadrons seen in the morning near Schweningen were en
gaged with the pickets. The alarm was instantly spread ;
the two commanders remounted their horses, and. directed
the brigade of Rowe to file through Dapf heim, in support of
the troops attacked. Several squadrons of cavalry, and
twelve battalions of Marlborough's first line, commanded by
Lord Cutts, moved forward ; and the Prussian infantry, which
formed part of the right wing, advanced towards the scene
of conflict, along the skirt of the wooded eminences border
ing the plain. The whole of the allied cavalry were ordered
to hold themselves in readiness, and the infantry prepared
for action. But the alarm proved false ; for the enemy being
detached only for the purpose of gaining intelligence, retired
after making a few prisoners. Two brigades, under the
command of General Wilkes and Brigadier Rowe, were ac
cordingly left for the defence of the pass, and the rest of the
troops returned to camp.
Meanwhile the Gallo-Bavarians entered the position
marked out, and extended their lines along the elevated
ground, stretching from Blenheim to Lutzingen. Marshal
Tallard took up his quarters at Blenheim, Marsin at Ober-
glauh, and the elector at Lutzingen.
As the preparations of the confederate generals indicated
an approaching engagement, some officers, who were well
acquainted with the superiority of the hostile forces, and
the strength of their position, ventured to remonstrate with
Marlborough on the temerity of the attempt. He heard them
with calmness and attention ; but conscious that the enemy
would speedily fortify their position, while Villeroy advancing
into Wirtemberg, would cut off the communication with
Franconia, from whence the army drew the principal sup
plies, he answered, " I know the danger, yet a battle is
absolutely necessary, and I rely on the bravery and disci
pline of the troops, which will make amends for our disad^
vantages." In the evening orders were issued for a general

1704.] THE FIELD OF BATTLE. 189
engagement, and received by the army with an alacrity
which justified his confidence.
At this solemn crisis Marlborough felt a deep and awful
sense of his own responsibility, as well as of the impending
peril. He devoted part of the night to prayer, and towards
morning received the sacrament from the hands of his chap
lain, Mr. Hare, with marks of the warmest devotion. He
then took a short repose, and employed the remaining in
terval in concerting with Eugene the various arrangements
for a battle, which appeared to involve the fate of the
Christian world.
It is here proper to cast our view over the ground which
was to become the theatre of conflict. The valley of the
Danube, which stretches from the Kessel north-west to Dil-
ungen, is seven English miles in length, and irregular in
breadth. The widest part is from the sources to the mouth
of the Nebel, a distance of nearly three miles, the narrowest
near Dapf heim, where the wooded eminences advance within
half a mile of one branch of the Danube. On one side, the
Danube winds in a tortuous bed, 300 feet broad, in no point
fordable, and between banks either precipitous or swampy.
On the opposite side, the valley is bounded by a series of
wooded eminences, which vary its outline, by spreading into
different ramifications. From these flow numerous rivulets,
which descend into the Danube ; and the whole space is in
tersected by ravines, and dotted with towns, villages, and
dwellings. In reference to the events of this memorable day, the
whole valley may be divided into three parts. The first
from the Kessel to the Nebel, the second to the Schwanbach,
the third to Dillingen. For the features of the first and last
we shall refer to the plan, only calling the attention of the
reader to the defile of Dapfheim, where a narrow pass might
have enabled the enemy to oppose considerable obstructions .
to the advance of the allies, had they been sufficiently prompt
in seizing the advantage.
The middle portion, which was the scene of conflict,
merits a more particular description. Here the valley is
not only more capacious, but more thickly dotted with vil
lages and dwellings. Nearly in the middle runs the Nebel,
or Hasel, which derives its waters from several sources rising

190 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXV.
in the heights above Schwenenbach and Lutzingen, and
from Oberglauh flows into the Danube in a single channel.
At the mouth the breadth is no more than twelve feet. Near
the confluence is Blenheim, which is divided from the Nebel
by a narrow slip of swelling ground ; while behind the vil
lage commences a flat eminence or table land, which, ex
panding as it bends towards Oberglauh, slopes gently on the
right, and is bounded on the north-west by the range of
woody hills above Lutzingen. In the lower, or south-eastern
part of this eminence, rises a streamlet called the Meulweyer,
which, flowing through Blenheim in a double channel, is
soon lost in the Danube.
Nearly two miles above Blenheim is Oberglauh, seated' on
the acclivity, about musket shot from the Nebel, and on the
opposite side is Unterglauh, standing on the very brink of
the stream. The ground bordering the Nebel, particularly
between Oberglauh and Blenheim, is generally marshy, and
in many places impassable. Below Unterglauh the morass
expands to a considerable breadth, and nearer Blenheim is a
species of islet, formed by a channel cut into the boggy soil,
for the purpose of receiving the superfluous water from a
spring which rises near the foot of the acclivity. On the
main stream, a little above Blenheim, are two water-mills,
which were well adapted to serve as redoubts for impeding
the passage. Between Unterglauh and Blenheim, near the
point of the islet, is a stone bridge, over which runs the great
road from Donawerth to Dillingen.
Higher up, in the gorge of the mountains, about a mile to
the east of Oberglauh, is Lutzingen, bordered on the north
and east, within musket shot, by woods and ravines.
On the left of the Nebel the plain is uneven, and partly
covered with brush-wood. In the vicinity of Schwenen
bach and Berghausen the ground becomes more undulating.
Near Weilheim it rises into a gentle elevation, and consists
of arable land as far as the village of Krenheim, which bor
ders on the Danube.

1704.]

BATTLE OP BLENHEIM.

191

Chap. XXVI. — Battle of Blenheim.* — 1704.
On the memorable 13th of August, at two in the morning,
the allied generals, having detached their baggage to Reit-
lingen, broke up their camp, leaving the tents standing ;
and at three the united troops, consisting of 64 battalions
and 166 squadrons, passed the Kessel in eight columns.
The right wing was commanded by Eugene, the left by
Marlborough, and the aggregate force amounted to 52,000
men, with fifty-two pieces of artillery, and a train of pon
toons.! The army of Eugene, filing by the right, was
* In this engagement it is as difficult to discover the respective num
bers of the two armies as in most others, which in some degree arises
from the uncertain mode of computation by battalions and squadrons.
The order of battle which is preserved in the king's library states the
confederate army at 66 battalions and 166 squadrons ; but of these some
are admitted to have been absent, and others unaccounted for.
Tallard computes the army of Marlborough at 49 battalions of 500
men each, and 88 squadrons of 160 ; and that of Eugene at 18 battalions
and 78 squadrons; in all 67 battalions and 166 squadrons, or 38,000
infantry and 26,560 cavalry, a total of 64,560 men. This exaggeration
is evidently intended to extenuate his defeat.
Marlborough, in his letter to the States, computed the combined
troops at 64 battalions and 166 squadrons, of which 1500 horse were not
present at the battle, making 32,000 infantry and 18,420 cavalry, allow
ing 500 for each battalion, and 1 20 for each squadron ; to which number
we may add about 1500 men, in consequence of the superior strength of
the German squadrons. This statement justifies us in estimating the
whole confederate force at 52,000 men.
t According to Hare's Journal, the component parts of the two con
federate armies, were :
Army of Marlborough. Battalions.
British  14 
Dutch  14 
Hessian  7 

Army of Eugene.

Squadrons. Battalions.
.... 14 Danes  7 .
 18 Prussians 11 .
 7 

Hanoverian-Zell 13  25

Danes .

22

Squadrons.
,.. Prussians
... Imperial
.. Suabian
.. Franconian
.. and Wirtemberg.

48

86

18

74

This estimate agrees with the computation ofthe duke in his letter to
the States, in the number ofthe battalions; and of the squadrons herein
mentioned, some were absent.

192 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXVI.
divided into two columns of infantry and two of cavalry,
the artillery following the infantry, and the cavalry closing
the march. The army of Marlborough, filing by the left,
broke also into two columns of infantry and two of cavalry;
the cavalry being on the left, and the artillery following
the infantry. On reaching the bank of the Reichin, they
came into parallel order and halted. Here the out-posts
joined their respective corps. The two brigades of Wilkes
and Rowe, which on the preceding evening had been sta
tioned in advance, at Dapf heim, were formed into a ninth
column, and reinforced with eleven battalions from the
first line, and fifteen squadrons of cavalry. This column
was designed to cover the march of the English and Dutch
artillery along the great road, and to attack the village of
Blenheim, the possession of which would facilitate the pas
sage of the main army over the Nebel, and open the right
flank of the enemy.
The troops of Marlborough were directed to form on the
ground stretching from Welheim to Kremheim, while those
of Eugene, passing along the skirts of the hills in the rear of
Wolperstetten, Berghausen, and Schwenenbach, were to
prolong the line to the extremity of the valley, as far as
Eichberg. From these general arrangements, it appears
that the allied commanders intended to make their first ef
forts against Blenheim and Lutzingen, which covered the
flanks of the enemy. The subsequent changes arose from
the locality of the ground, and the order adopted by their
antagonists. After these preliminary dispositions the troops
resumed their march in silence. Meanwhile Marlborough
and Eugene, escorted by forty squadrons, rode forward to
observe the situation of the enemy ; they were accompanied
by the Prussian general, Natzmer, who had been made pri
soner in the battle fought here between Stirum and Villars,
in the preceding year, and was acquainted with the local
peculiarities. About six they descried the advanced posts of
the enemy, falling back on their approach, and at seven,
reaching the higher ground near Wolperstetten, they came
in full view of the hostile camp. From hence they could
trace the course of the Nebel, and learned that it might be
traversed at the houses and water-mills, near the right of
the enemy ; but that the islet, and the banks towards Ober-

1704.] CAMP OF THE ENEMY. 193
glauh, were deemed too swampy to be passable. They ob
served also, that the ground on the hither side, as far as
Unterglauh, was sufficiently high to protect the passage of
the rivulet, but that the plain beyond the farther bank, on
which the troops must form for the attack, was commanded
by the eminence occupied by the enemy. To these peculi
arities they adapted their plan.
The morning being hitherto partially hazy, the Gallo-
Bavarians did not even suspect the approach of the enemy.*
Deceived by the intelligence which they had obtained from
the prisoners taken on the preceding evening, they detached
their cavalry to forage ; and being persuaded that the allies
were falling back on Nordlingen, they considered the guard
which attended Marlborough and Eugene as a body of
cavalry pushed forward to cover this retrograde movement.
But at seven, the fog dispersing, the heads of Eugene's
columns were descried behind Berghausen, and the alarm
was instantly given. Signal guns were fired to recall the
foragers, and the advanced corps, committing Berghausen,
Schwenenbach, and Weilheim to the flames, fell back to the
main body. Confusion pervaded the lines, the artillery was
hurried forward, and the troops were observed hastening to
form at the head of the camp.
The Gallo-Bavarian army consisted of 56,000 men f, and
* If any doubt should remain, that the Gallo-Bavarian commanders
were completely surprised, it will be removed by the avowal of Tallard
himself, in a postscript to a letter, dated Camp de Leitzheim (the very
morning of the battle). " Ce 13, au point du jour les ennemis ont battu
la generale a 2 heures, a S l'assemblee. On les voit en bataille a la tete
de leur camp, et suivant les apparences ils marcheront aujourd'hui. Le
bruit du pays est qu'ils vont a Nordlingen. Si cela est, ils nous laissent
entre le Danube et eux ; et par consequent ils auront de la peine a
soutenir les etablissements qu'ils ont pris en Baviere." — Campagnes de
Tallard, t. ii. p. 140. From this letter, who could have supposed that
in a few hours his whole army would have been defeated, and himself a
prisoner ?
f Tallard admits that his own force consisted of 36 battalions and
44 squadrons, and that of Marsin of 41 battalions and 85 squadrons,
besides 5 Bavarian battalions and 23 squadrons posted on the extreme
left; in all, 82 battalions and 152 squadrons. Marlborough states them
at 82 battalions and 147 squadrons.
We have, therefore, perhaps rather under-rated the number by com-
VOL. I. O

194 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXVI.
was drawn up in front of the tents, according to the order of
encampment. The united troops of the elector and Marsin
formed on the left with the cavalry on their right ; the army
of Tallard on the right with the cavalry on the left, so that
the centre consisted of horse, and the wings of foot. This
order was adopted on the supposition that the Nebel was
impassable from Oberglauh to the mills. The lines extended
from the commencement of the acclivity behind Blenheim,
along the crest of the eminence to the rear of Oberglauh,
and from thence, crossing a branch of the Nebel, to the
woods above Lutzingen.
As every moment afforded fresh indications of the ap
proaching contest, Tallard proceeded to make ulterior ar
rangements. Hastening to Blenheim, he ordered a brigade
of dragoons, under the count de Hautefeuille to dismount,
and form between the village and the Danube, behind a bar
ricade of waggons. He then directed all the infantry of the
first line, and part of the second, to enter the village, and
placed the three brigades of Navarre, Artois, and Gueder,
with their right joining the left of the dismounted dragoons,
behind the pallisades which enclosed the gardens. The
openings between the houses and gardens were closed with
boards, carts, and gates. Behind the hedges, to the left of
the village, he posted the brigade of Zurlauben ; in the
centre, among the houses, that of Languedoc, to the right;
in the rear the royal brigade ; and behind the Meulweyer
that of Montroux, to act as a reserve. Two hundred men
were also thrown into the castle and churchyard, and small
bridges formed across the Meulweyer, to facilitate the com
munications. The mills on the Nebel and adjacent houses,
which were likely to favour the approach of an enemy, were
set on fire. A battalion of artillery was distributed on dif
ferent points ; and lieutenant-general de Clerambault was
enjoined to maintain the village to the last extremity.
Eight squadrons of gens d'armes drew up to the left of
Blenheim, and from thence the line, including the right wing
of the electoral army, amounting to about fifty squadrons,
puting the Gallo- Bavarians at 56,000 men, which gives a superiority of
4000 over the confederates. — Letters of Tallard and Marsin, already
referred to in the first note of the present chapter.

1704.] PREPARATIONS OF TnE ENEMY. 195
was prolonged to near Oberglauh. Behind this village was
the infantry of Marsin, consisting of the brigades of Cham
pagne and Bourbonnois, and the Irish brigade, in all about
thirty battalions. Beyond were more battalions extending to
the left, and covering the flank of the cavalry, who were
drawn up in front of Lutzingen. Strong pickets of infantry
occupied Oberglauh, and eighteen French and Bavarian
battalions, who had at first been posted in Lutzingen, were
drawn out to form an oblique flank among the woods, on the
extreme left of the cavalry. The second line of the united
troops, under the elector and Marsin, was formed in the
same order as the first, but in that of Tallard were stationed
three brigades of infantry in the centre of the cavalry. Be
hind was a reserve of horse, which could not find a place in
the lines. Tallard, observing the increasing mass of the
allies in the centre, sent an aide-de-camp to his colleague,
requesting that his reserve might likewise be posted behind
the centre, to resist the attack which he foresaw was medi
tated on that point ; but this proposal was declined by
Marsin, from an apprehension that his whole force would be
required to withstand the attack of Eugene.
The artillery was distributed with judgment. Four
twenty-four pounders were planted on the high ground
above Blenheim, to sweep the plain of Schweningen. Four
eight-pounders were also pointed against the columns of
Marlborough, as soon as they appeared about the high
road leading towards Unterglauh. Before the gens d'armes
was another battery of twenty-four pounders, and the
other pieces were disposed along the front of the different
brigades. Zurlauben, who commanded the right wing of
Tallard's cavalry, was directed to charge the allies whenever
a certain number should have crossed the Nebel. Tallard
rode along his lines to the left, and communicated his ar
rangements to the elector and Marsin. The three generals
then visited the other points of their position, to mature the
preparations against the attack of Eugene, whose columns
continued to stretch along the elevated ground behind Berg
hausen. About seven the troops of Marlborough reached their re
spective points of formation, and began to deploy. Officers
were detached to sound the Nebel, and indicate the spost
o 2

196 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXVI.
which were most passable ; and the different generals assem
bled round the commanders to receive their orders.
Two defects in the position of the enemy did not escape
the vigilant eyes of the confederate generals. Blenheim and
Oberglauh were too distant from each other to sweep the
intervening space with a cross fire, and the lines of cavalry
on the elevated ground were too remote from the rivulet to
obstruct the passage. Of these defects they prepared to
take advantage. While Eugene bore on the front and left
flank of the troops under the elector and Marsin, Marlbo
rough was to push his cavalry across the Nebel, under the
protection of his foot, and to charge the hostile cavalry, at
the same time that the effort was made to carry Blen
heim. With this view he ordered General Churchill to
draw up the infantry in two lines, the first of seventeen, and
the second of eleven battalions, in the direction of Weilheim,
and between them an interval was left for the two hnes of
cavalry, the first of thirty-six, and the second of thirty-five
squadrons. Novel as this disposition may appear, it was
skilfully adapted to the nature of the ground, and the situa
tion of the enemy ; for the first line of infantry, by travers
ing the Nebel, would cover the passage of the cavalry,
while the second, acting as a reserve, would support the
manoeuvre from the hither bank. The pontoons being
brought forward, the construction of five bridges was begun,
one above Unterglauh, and four between that village and
the mills, while the stone bridge, which had been damaged
by the enemy, was repaired.
As a short interval of time was yet left, each squadron of
the second line was ordered to collect twenty fascines, to fa
cilitate the passage of the fords.
During these preparations, the ninth column, destined for
the attack of Blenheim, had filed through Schweningen, and
inclining to the left, above Kremheim, drew up in four lines
of infantry and two of cavalry. The first line consisted of
Rowe's brigade, the second of Hessians, the third of Fergu
son's, and the fourth of Hanoverians. The first line, of
cavalry was formed by the dragoons of Ross, and the second
by part of Wood's brigade.
At eight a heavy cannonade was opened from every part
of the enemy's right wing. Marlborough therefore ordered

1704,1 BATTLE OF BLENHEIM. 197
Colonel Blood, who had just arrived with the artillery, to
plant counter-batteries on the most advantageous spots, par
ticularly on the high ground below Unterglauh. He himself
visited each battery as it opened, to mark the effect.
Meanwhile the imperialists had continued filing to the
right, and the presence of Eugene became necessary to direct
his attack. On taking leave of his colleague, he promised
to give notice as soon as his lines were formed, that the
battle might begin on both wings at the same instant.
While Marlborough waited for this communication, he
ordered the chaplains to perform the usual service at the
head of each regiment, and implore the favour of heaven ;
and he was observed to join with peculiar fervour in this-
solemn appeal to the giver of victory. After this act of de
votion, he showed his usual humanity in pointing out to the
surgeons the proper posts for the care of the wounded. He
then rode along the lines, and was gratified to find both
officers and men full of the most elevated hopes, and impa
tient for the signal. As he passed along the front, a ball
from one of the opposite batteries glanced under his horse,.
and covered him with earth. A momentary feeling of alarm.
for the safety of their beloved chief, thrilled in the bosoms
of all who witnessed the danger ; but he coolly continued his
survey, and finding his dispositions perfect, sat down to take
refreshment, while he waited for the reports of Eugene.
At this period the cannonade grew warm and general-
On the left the fire of the enemy was answered with spirit
and effect ; but on the right great difficulty occurred in
bringing up the artillery ; for the ground being extremely
broken, covered with brush-wood, and intersected by ravines-
and rivulets, the troops of Eugene were obliged to make a.
considerable circuit before they could gain their intended
position ; and during their formation were exposed to a long
and destructive fire. Unaware of these obstacles, and im
patient of delay, Marlborough sent repeated messengers to
learn the situation of his colleague. He was apprised that
Eugene had formed his lines with the infantry on the right
and the cavalry on the left ; but as the enemy presented a
more extensive front, he had found it necessary to fill up the
interval with the reserve. This change of disposition was
not only difficult in itself, but to the regret of Marlborough,
o 3

198^ LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXVI.
retarded the attack at the moment when the arrangements
on the left were completed, and the troops were anxiously
expecting the signal to engage.
About mid-day, an aide-de-camp arrived with the joyful
intelligence that Eugene was ready. Marlborough instantly
mounted his horse and ordered Lord Cutts to begin the attack
on Blenheim, while he led the main body towards the Nebel,
where the bridges were nearly completed.
At one the attack on Blenheim commenced. The troops
selected for this service inclined to the right, and descending
to the bank of the Nebel, took possession of the two mills
under a heavy fire of grape. Having effected their purpose,
they drew up on the farther bank, where they were covered
3>y the rising slip of ground. They then deliberately ad
vanced towards the enclosures, and at the distance of
-thirty paces received the first discharge of the enemy.
Many brave officers and soldiers fell ; but the gallant
General Rowe, who commanded the leading brigade, stuck
his sword into the pallisades before he gave the word
to fire. In a few minutes, one-third of the troops composing
the first line were either killed or wounded, and all efforts to
force their way against an enemy superior in number and
advantageously posted, were ineffectual. General Rowe
himself was mortally wounded by a musket-ball. His own
lieutenant-colonel and major were killed in attempting to
remove the body, and the line, discouraged and broken, fell
back on the Hessians, who were advancing. At this moment
three squadrons of gens d'armes charged the right flank of
the disordered troops, and seized their colours, but were
repelled by the Hessians, who, after recovering the colours,]
drove the assailants back to their line. Lord Cutts, observing'
new squadrons preparing to advance, sent an aide-de-camp
for a reinforcement of cavalry to cover his exposed flank;
and General Lumley, who commanded nearest the spot,j
detached five squadrons under Colonels Palm and Syboiirg,
across the Nebel.
Having cleared the swamp with difficulty, they had
scarcely formed, before five squadrons of gens d'armes sa
luted them with a fire of musquetoons. The allied horse
instantly charging sword in hand, drove them back through
the intervals of the brigade of Silly, which was in the second

1704.] BATTLE OF BLENHEIM. 199
line. They, however, suffered severely ; for being galled in
flank by the musketry from Blenheim, and assailed by the
brigades in front, they were repulsed in disorder, and must
have recrossed the Nebel, had not the brave Hessians a
second time repelled the French horse.
The enemy having placed four additional pieces of artil
lery upon the height near Blenheim, swept the fords of the
Nebel with grape shot. But notwithstanding this destruc
tive fire, the brigades of Ferguson and Hulsen crossed near
the lower water-mill, and advanced in front of the village.
The enemy therefore withdrew the guns within their de
fences, and met the attack with such vigour, that after three
successive repulses, the assailants halted under cover of the
rising ground.
From the border of the Nebel Marlborough anxiously
surveyed this unequal conflict. Finding that Blenheim was
occupied by a powerful body, instead of a detachment of
infantry, and observing that the enemy were drawing down
towards the Nebel, to prevent his cavalry from forming on
the farther bank, he ordered the troops of Lord Cutts to
keep up a feigned attack, by firing in platoons over the
crest of the rising ground, while he himself hastened the
dispositions for the execution of his grand design.
During this interval the passage of the Nebel was already
begun by General Churchill, who had pushed a part of the
infantry over the bridges in the vicinity of Unterglauh,
which was still in flames. As soon as they began to form on
the farther bank, the first line of cavalry broke into columns
and descended to the fords. Some threw fascines into the
stream or formed bridges with the planks of the pontoons,
while others plunged into the water, and waded through the
swamp towards the point of the islet. The enemy observed
them struggling for a passage, and removing a part of the
guns from Blenheim, enfiladed their crowded columns.
Scarcely had the confederate horse disengaged themselves,
and begun to advance their right beyond the front of the in
fantry, before they were attacked by Zurlauben with the first
line of cavalry, supported by the fire of artillery and mus
ketry from Blenheim. Exhausted by their preceding efforts,
and unable to present a connected line, they were borne
down by the weight of the charge, and several squadrons on
o 4

200 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXVI.
the left were driven to the very brink of the rivulet. Fortu
nately a part of the infantry was now sufficiently formed to
check the pursuit of the enemy by a heavy fire as soon as the
broken troops had cleared their front ; while the second line
of cavalry advancing, several squadrons wheeled on the right
of the French, and drove them behind the sources of the
Meulweyer. These were incorporated with the first line ;
five additional squadrons were instantly led up to prolong the
left ; and the whole body in compact order halted on the
hither bank of the Meulweyer, with the left flank stretching
towards the outer hedges of Blenheim. They did not, how
ever, long maintain their advantage ; for two battalions of
the royal brigade filing along the inclosures to the left of the
village, opened a galling fire on their flank. The nearest
squadrons gave way, and the hostile cavalry, except the gens
d'armes, resumed their original position.
Meanwhile the passage of the Nebel was nearly completed
in the centre. The broken squadrons again rallied, notwith
standing the concentrated fire of the enemy on the fords ;
and by the exertions of General Lumley the whole left was
drawn up beyond the Nebel.
Hompesch, with the Dutch cavalry, was likewise in line,
and the duke of Wirtemberg began to extend the Danes and ,
Hanoverians in the direction of Oberglauh. The remaining
battalions of infantry were also rapidly moving into the as
signed position.
In proportion as the lines extended, the conflict which had
commenced in the vicinity of Blenheim spread towards Ober
glauh. The Danish and Hanoverian cavalry being charged
by the right wing of Marsin, many squadrons were driven
across the Nebel ; and though they resumed the attack, yet
being out-flanked and enfiladed by the fire of the troops in
and near Oberglauh, they were again repulsed. While the
battle fluctuated on this point, the prince of Holstein Beck,
who had cannonaded the enemy from the elevation near
Weilheim, descended to the Nebel, and began to pass with
eleven battalions above Oberglauh. Scarcely, however, did
the head of this column appear beyond the rivulet before it
was charged by nine battalions, including the Irish brigade,
which particularly distinguished itself. Application was
made for support to the contiguous squadrons of imperial

1704.] BATTLE OF BLENHEIM. 201
horse, which were drawn up within musket-shot ; but the
demand being refused, the two foremost battalions were
nearly cut to pieces, and the duke of Holstein Beck himself
mortally wounded and made prisoner.
Marlborough observed the disaster, and was conscious that
not a moment was to be lost in gaining a point on which the
success of his plan depended. He galloped to the spot, led
the brigade of Bernsdorf across the rivulet below Oberglauh,
and posted them himself. He then ordered the artillery to
be brought down from Weilheim for their support, and di
rected some squadrons of Danes and Hanoverians to cover
their left. As the cavalry of Marsin evinced an intention
to charge, he led forward several squadrons of the imperial
ists, and finally compelled the enemy to retire into Ober
glauh or to fall back beyond. By this prompt and masterly
movement, he established a connection with the army of
Eugene ; for while this small body of infantry divided the
attention of the enemy and protected the left of the imperial
ists, who were forming above Oberglauh, they covered the
right of the great line of cavalry, and masked the offensive
movement which Marlborough meditated against Tallard.
It was now three in the afternoon, and Marlborough re
turned to the centre, after despatching Lord Tunbridge to
announce his success, and learn the situation of his colleague.
Having described the progress of the battle on the left,
we turn our attention to the army of Eugene. About one
the first onset commenced. The prince of Anhalt, who com
manded the infantry, prolonged his line towards the gorge of
the mountains, to take the enemy in flank, and traversed the
main stream of the Nebel. Being, however, obliged to halt
for the arrival of the artillery, his troops were exposed to the
destructive fire of a battery in front of Lutzingen. At length
a counter-oattery being placed near the verge of the wood,
the troops again moved forward in columns, filing across the
stream, and forming as they advanced. The Danes attacked
the enemy posted near the skirt of the wood, and the Prus
sians, driving back the hostile infantry, after a sanguinary
conflict carried the battery, which had spread destruction
through their ranks. At this moment the imperial horse,
breaking into columns,1 forded the stream and drove the first
line of the Bavarian cavalry through the intervals of the

202 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXVI.
second. Being, however, broken in their turn by the second,
they were pursued across the Nebel to their original position
on the border of the wood. Some of the hostile squadrons
then wheeled to the left, fell on the flank of the Prussian in
fantry, recovered the battery, and forced them to retreat.
At the distance of two hundred paces the broken infantry
made a stand, but, being assailed by increasing numbers,
were driven back with a heavy loss. The Danes, discouraged
by the fate of their companions, relinquished the ground
which they had gained, and a total rout might have ensued,
had not the prince of Anhalt rushed into the thickest of the
combat, animated the drooping spirits of the men, and drawn
them back to the point where they were covered by the
wood. Meanwhile, Eugene rallying the cavalry, led them again
to the charge. They were at first successful ; but being
unsupported by the infantry, and enfiladed both from Ober
glauh and the battery in front of Lutzingen, were a second
time broken, and fell back in disorder across the Nebel.
Fortunately the Dutch brigade of Heidenbrecht, which
formed part of Marlborough's right, had now taken a posi
tion above Oberglauh. As these troops masked the move
ments of the imperialists, Eugene, after restoring order
among his cavalry, again led them across the Nebel, and
advanced towards the enemy.
Both parties being equally exhausted, they paused before
they came in contact, at such a small distance, as enabled
every individual to mark the countenance of his opponent.
In this awful suspense, the elector was seen emulating the
conduct of Eugene, riding from rank to rank, encouraging
the brave, and rousing the timid by his voice and example.
At the same time, the prince of Anhalt, after changing the
front of the infantry, advanced obliquely, stretching the
right of his line towards the wood, to take the enemy in
flank. As soon as he had reached the proper point, the
signal for a new charge was given. But the imperial cavalry
were discouraged by the double repulse : their onset was
feeble, momentary, and indecisive ; their line was again
broken, and they fled in utter confusion a third time beyond
the Nebel. In a transport of despair, Eugene left the prince
of Hanover and the duke of Wirtemberg to rally the horse,

1704.] BATTLE OF BLENHEIM. 203
and flew to the infantry, who still maintained the attack
with incredible resolution. Stung by the prospect of defeat,
he rashly exposed his person, and was in danger of being
shot by a Bavarian dragoon, but was saved by one of his
own men, who sabred the trooper at the very moment he
was taking the fatal aim. The daring example of the chief
exciting the emulation of his troops, they at length turned
the left flank of the enemy, and after a sanguinary struggle
drove them back through the wood, and across the ravine,
beyond Lutzingen. Still, however, their situation was
perilous in the extreme. Unsupported by the horse, their
very success had placed them in a position, from which it
was difficult to retreat, and dangerous to advance, had the
enemy been enabled to resume the attack.
In the midst of this protracted contest, the battle drew to
a crisis on the left. The troops of Marlborough had finally
effected the passage of the Nebel, and at five his dispositions
were completed. The cavalry were formed in two strong
lines, fronting the enemy, and the infantry ranged in their
rear towards the left, with intervals between the battalions,
to favour the retreat of such squadrons as should experience
a repulse. In the course of the successive efforts made by
one party to maintain their ground, and by the other to
advance, Tallard had interlaced the cavalry with nine batta
lions of infantry, originally posted in the second line. This
skilful disposition being instantly perceived by the officers
commanding on the correspondent point of the allied front ;
to counteract it, three battalions of Hanoverians were brought
forward, and placed in a similar manner, supported by
several pieces of artillery. Amidst a tremendous fire of
cannon and musketry, the allies moving up the ascent
made a charge, but were unable to break the firm order of
the enemy, and fell back sixty paces, though they still main
tained themselves on the brow of the acclivity. After
another awful pause, the conflict was renewed with artillery
and small arms ; the fire of the enemy was gradually over
powered ; and their infantry, after displaying the most heroic
valour, began to shrink from the tempest of balls which ra
pidly thinned their ranks. Marlborough seized this moment
to make a new charge, and the troops pressed forward with
so much bravery and success, that the French horse were

204 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXVI.
again broken ; and the nine battalions being abandoned,
were cut to pieces or made prisoners. The consequence of
this shock was fatal, for the right wing of Marsin's cavalry
fell back to avoid a flank attack, and left an interval in the
centre of the line.
Tallard, perceiving his situation hopeless, made a desperate
effort, not for victory, but for safety. He drew up the re
mainder of his cavalry and the nearest squadrons of Marsin
behind the tents, in a single line, with their right extended
towards Blenheim, to extricate the infantry posted in the
village, and despatched an officer with orders for its imme
diate evacuation. At the same time he sent messengers to
the left, pressing his colleague either to support him with a
reinforcement, or make an offensive movement to divide the
attention of his antagonists. But the mischief was irrepar
able. The elector and Marsin were too closely pressed to
comply with his request ; and Marlborough observing the
weakness of his line, and the exposed situation of his right
flank, saw that the decisive moment of victory was arrived.
The trumpets sounded the charge, and the allied horse rushed
forward with tremendous force. The hostile cavalry did not
await the shock ; but, after a scattered volley, fled in the
utmost dismay, the left towards Hochstadt, and the right,
reduced to thirty squadrons, in the direction of Sonderheim.
Marlborough instantly detached Hompesch, with thirty
squadrons, in pursuit of the first, and himself with the rest
of the cavalry following the remainder, drove many down the
declivity near Blenheim into the Danube and the Schwan-
bach. Numbers were killed or taken in the rout, and many
perished in the attempt to swim across the Danube.
A crowd of fugitives slipped under cover of the bank and
crossed the Schwanbach, hoping to reach Hochstadt ; but
being entangled in the morass bordering the Brunnen, and
cut off from the high road by the dragoons of Bothmar, they
took refuge in a coppice. In the terror of the moment, some
forced their way through the dragoons, and others, plunging
into the Danube, perished in the sight of their terrified com
panions. Among those who escaped was the Marquis de
Hantefort. Joining the brigade of Grignan, which still re
mained in a body on the bank of the Brunnen, he advanced
against the dragoons of Bothmar, and extricated the remnant

1704.] VICTORY OF THE ALLIES. 205
of the gens d'armes, who were yet mounted. But fresh
squadrons ofthe allies advancing, the French fell back to the
height beyond Hochstadt and withdrew the wounded, who
had been carried thither in the heat of the engagement.
Still, however, Marshal Tallard and several of his prin
cipal officers, with a body of cavalry, who had followed them
in the rout, remained near Sonderheim. Cut off on one side
by the allied horse, and on the other, unwilling to encounter
almost certain death, by plunging into the Danube, they had
no alternative but to submit to the fate of war. Tallard de-
lived his sword to the aide-de-camp of the prince of Hesse,
and with him surrendered many officers of distinction. They
were immediately conducted to the victorious commander,
and received with all the attention which was due to their
character and misfortune.
During these events, Hompesch had continued to press on
the broken squadrons of the retreating enemy. They at
tempted to rally after crossing the Brunnen near Diessen-
hofen ; but on the approach of their pursuers, were seized
with a panic, and fled towards Morselingen. At the same
time two battalions of infantry, who had formed with them,
purchased their safety by yielding up their arms.
From the verge of the wood above Lutzingen, where
Eugene had halted after his last attack, he witnessed the ad
vance of his colleague, and the final charge, which ended in
the wreck of Tallard's army. Observing the right of Marsin
filing towards the rear, and the Bavarian infantry pouring
into Lutzingen, he rightly judged that his opponents were
preparing to retreat. He instantly renewed the conflict with
the infantry, though supported only by two squadrons, and
forced his way through the woods and ravines towards Lut
zingen. After an arduous struggle, his troops emerged into
the plain, and he halted for the approach of the cavalry,
who had pressed on the Bavarian horse in their retreat.
The flames, which burst forth at Oberglauh and Lutzingen,
proved that the enemy had abandoned those places, and
were hastening to withdraw from their perilous situation.
The attention of Marlborough was now turned to the
movements of the elector and Marsin. Perceiving the ad
vance of Eugene, and the conflagration of Oberglauh and
Lutzingen, he recalled the cavalry of Hompesch, and joining

206 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXVI.
them with additional squadrons, prepared to charge the
enemy, who were rapidly filing in good order along the skirt
of the wood towards Morselingen. Such an attack would
probably have terminated in the utter ruin of their whole
army ; but it was prevented by one of those accidents which
often occur in the confusion of battles. The troops of
Eugene appeared behind those of the enemy, in a situation
to bear on the flank of the victorious cavalry ; and as the
fall of night and the clouds of smoke which hung over the
field, rendered the view indistinct, they were mistaken for a
part of the electoral army. Marlborough, therefore, counter
manded the order for harassing the Gallo-Bavarians in their
retreat; and, although closely pursued by the cavalry of
Eugene, they drew up under cover of the wood between
Lutzingen and Morselingen. Having collected the remnant
of the defeated wing, they fell back on the approach of night
in the direction of Dillingen.
The fate of the day was no sooner decided, than Marlbo
rough, taking from a pocket-book a slip of paper, wrote a
hasty note to the duchess, announcing his victory.
" August 13. 1704. — I have not time to say more, but to beg you
will give my duty to the queen, and let her know her army has had a
glorious victory. M. Tallard and two other generals are in my coach,
and I am following the rest. The bearer, my aide-de-camp, Colonel
Parke, will give her an account of what has passed. I shall do it in a
day or two, by another more at large. — 'Marlborough."*
The fate of the troops posted in Blenheim still remained un
decided. They had witnessed the event of the battle, without
making any attempt to escape, because the officer despatched
* This note is preserved in the family archives at Blenheim, as one of
the most curious memorials which perhaps exists. It was written on a
slip of paper, which was evidently torn from a memorandum book, and
contains on the back a bill of tavern expenses. The book may probably
have belonged to some commissary, as there is an entry relative to bread
furnished to the troops.
Colonel Parke, the aide-de-camp who was the bearer of this intelli
gence, requested to have the queen's picture, instead of the usual gratifi
cation of 500/. ; and the request was granted. His portrait, painted by
Sir Godfrey Kneller, is still in the possession of William Dillon, Esq.,
whose late wife was great niece to Colonel Parke. He is represented
with the queen's picture in miniature pendant from his neck by a red
ribbon, the dispatch in his right hand, and the battle in the back
ground.

1704.] VICTORY OF THE ALLIES. 207
with the order had been prevented from reaching the village
by the last fatal charge. Finding themselves insulated by
the defeat of the cavalry, they used the utmost exertion to
maintain their post to the last extremity. The commander,
Monsieur de Clerambault, being lost in the Danube, they
were left without a chief, and without orders, but awaited
their destiny with a firmness which merited a better fate.
As soon as the plain was cleared, General Churchill led
his infantry towards the rear of the village, and extended
his right flank to the Danube ; while General Meredith,
with the queen's regiment, took possession of a small barrier
which had been formed to preserve a communication along
the bank with Hochstadt. These movements roused the
enemy from a state of sullen desperation. They first attempted
to escape by the rear of the village, and being repulsed,
rushed towards the road leading to Sonderheim. Here they
were again checked by the Scotch Greys, who were led for
ward to the crest of the acclivity by General Lumley. They
finally attempted to emerge by the opening towards Ober
glauh, when eight squadrons of horse, under General Ross,
compelled them again to take refuge behind the houses and
inclosures. Though encompassed by inevitable perils, they obstinately
maintained their post, and it became necessary to recur to a
general. attack on every accessible point of the village. Lord
Cutts was ordered to occupy their attention on the side of
the Nebel, while Lord Orkney, with eight battalions, attacked
the churchyard, and General Ingoldsby, with four more,
supported by the dragoons of Ross, endeavoured to penetrate
on the side of the opening towards Oberglauh. Several
batteries, planted within musket-shot, co-operated in these
attacks, and one of the howitzers set fire to several houses
and barns.
A vigorous conflict appeared likely to ensue. But on one
side the prospect of a sanguinary though successful attack,
and on the other, of a fruitless though destructive defence,
induced the contending parties to spare the effusion of blood.
A parley took place, and the French proposed a capitulation;
but General Churchill, riding forward, insisted on an uncon
ditional surrender. No resource remained : to resist was
hopeless, to escape impossible. With despair and indigna-

208 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXVI.
tion, the troops submitted to their fate, and the regiment of
Navarre, in particular, burnt their colours and buried their
arms, that such trophies might not remain to grace the tri
umph of an enemy. Twenty-four battalions and twelve
squadrons, with all their officers, surrendered themselves pri
soners of war, and thus closed the mighty struggle of this
eventful day.
The field being cleared of the enemy, and night approach
ing, the duke ordered the army to be drawn up, with the left
extending to Sonderen, the right towards Morselingen, and
the soldiers to lie all night under arms on the field of battle.
They quickly possessed themselves of the enemy's tents, with
great quantities of vegetables. Nearer the Danube lay about
a hundred oxen, which were to have been distributed to the
hostile troops. These were no unwelcome booty to the vic
torious soldiers after their long and hard service.
After this, his grace gave orders for dressing the wounded
and putting them under cover. Then he made a repartition
of the prisoners, who amounted to eleven or twelve thousand
men. The enemy had at least as many more killed and
wounded. These prisoners, with their generals, being di
vided and disarmed, were ordered to the adjacent villages,
in the rear of our army, guarded by several squadrons of
horse and dragoons.
During the whole of this tremendous conflict the Duke of
Marlborough exerted himself with his characteristic coolness,
vigilance, and energy, superintending the manoeuvres in
every part, and appearing in every point where the presence
of the general was necessary, to revive the courage, to
restore the order, or to direct the attacks of his troops. The
author of the Campaign has caught the spirit of his hero and
described the effect of his superintending direction in lan
guage equal to the subject : * —
* For the account of the battle we have consulted the private letters
of the duke, in the Blenheim Collection and State Paper Office-
Hare's Journal of the Campaign, MS  and the official documents and
correspondence in the Gazette — the History of Europe — and Lamberti
— also the different Lives of Marlborough in English, French, German,
and Dutch — as well as the Lives of Eugene and Marlborough, and the
Histoire du Prince Eugene — Dumont's Military History  Campagnes
de Tallard et de Marsin — Quincy — Milner's Journal of Marlborough's

1704.]

BATTLE OF BLENHEIM. 209

'Twas then great Marlborough's mighty soul was prov'd,
That in the shock of charging hosts unmov'd,
Amidst contusion, horror, and despair,
Examin'd all the dreadful scenes of war:
In peaceful thought the field of death survey'd,
To fainting squadrons sent the timely aid ;
Inspir'd repuls'd battalions to engage,
And taught the doubtful battle where to rage.
So when an angel by divine command,
"With rising tempests shakes a guilty land ;
Such as of late o'er pale Britannia past,
Calm and serene he drives the furious blast ;
And, pleas'd the Almighty's orders to perform,
Hides in the whirlwind, and directs the storm. Addison's Campaign.

A List of the principal Generals and Officers of the Confederate Army, who
were engaged in the Battle of Blenheim. — (From the Order of Battle.)
ARMY OF MARLBOROUGH.
His Grace the Duke of Marlborough, Captain- General of the Queen
of Great Britain's Forces, &c. &c.
Generals : —
Cavalry of the right wing; Prince Maximilian of Hanover.
Infantry; Anhalt, Dessau, and Churchill.
Cavalry of the left; Prince of Hesse.
Lieutenant Generals ;—
Cavalry of the right wing; Prince of Durlach.
Infantry; Hoorn, Ingoldsby, Lord Cutts.
Cavalry of the left; Duke of Wirtemberg, Hompesch, and Lumley.
Major Generals : —
Cavalry of the right wing; Fugger, and Natzmer.
Infantry; Fink, Holstenbeck, Withers, Herbeville, and Wilks.
Cavalry of the left ; Rantzau, NoyELLEs, Erbach, Schulembekg,
Aurochs, and Wood.
Brigadier Generals : —
Infantry ; Bif.lk, Heidenbrecht, Wulfen, Hulsen, Rowe, and
Ferguson.
Cavalry of the left wing; Rantzau, Baldwin, and Ross.
Campaigns — Boyer's History of Queen Anne — Cunningham — Tindal
— and Daniel's Histoire de France — Historical Account of some British
Regiments, published by Grose, and improved in the British Military
Library — Grimoard and Feuquieres — with the Dictionnaire des Bat-
tailles, &c.
For the plan of the battle of Blenheim, the reader is referred to the
Atlas, published separately, as an accompaniment to this edition of
Coxe's Memoirs of Marlborough. — En.
VOL. I. P

210 LITE OF MARLBOKOTJGH. [CH. XXTO,
ARMY OF PRINCE EUGENE.
Prince Eugene, Field Marshal of the Emferor.
Generals : —
Cavalry of the right wing ; his Highness the reigning Duke of
"WuR.TEM.BERG.
Cavalry of the left; Count de la Tour.
Lieutenant Generals : —
Cavalry of the right wing ; Marquis de Cuzani, and P»ince of
Bareuth.
Infantry ; Scholten, and Lord Orkney.
Cavalry of the left; Count Oost Frieze, and Bulow.
Major Generals : —
Cavalry of the right wing; Caraffa, and Bibra.
Infantry; Rantzau, St. Paul, and Luc.
Cavalry of the left; Vittingboff, Prince of Hesse Homburg,
and Villiers.
Brigadier Generals : —
Infantry ; Rebsdorff, Canitz, Bernsdorff, Steckendorff, Hul
sen, and Webb.
Cavalry of the left ; Brockdorff, Grcevendorff, and Bothmar.

Chap. XXVII. — Results op the Battle of Blenheim. —
1704.
At the conclusion of the battle, the Duke of Marlborough
took up his head-quarters in a little water-mill near Hoch-.
stadt, and snatched a short interval of repose. The garrison
of Hochstadt having surrendered, he entered that town at
the dawn, in company with his illustrious colleague, and
after visiting the stores and magazines, issued the necessary-
orders for the day.
We cannot terminate our description of this memorable
event without introducing some incidents from the Journal
of Hare, who was present on the occasion.
" Afterwards the two commanders, accompanied by counts Wratislaw
and Maffei, and several general officers, visited Marshal Tallard, at the
quarters of the prince of Hesse. In their way, they ordered all the
standards, colours, cannon, &c. taken from the enemy to be committed to
the care of Colonel Blood. Reaching the marshal's quarters, they found
him very much dejected, and wounded in one of his hands. His grace
humanely inquired how far it was in his power to make him easy under

1704. J loss of the enemy. 211
his misfortune, offering him the convenience of his quarters, and the use
of his coach. The marshal thankfully declined the offer, saying, he did!
not desire to move, till he could have his own equipage. His grace ac
cordingly despatched one of his own trumpets to the electoral army, with
a passport for bringing it to the marshal. During the interview the
marshal directed the conversation to the events of the preceding day,.
which Marlborough would fain have avoided from motives of delicacy.
He told the duke, that if his grace had deferred his visit, meaning his.
attack, a day longer, the elector and he would have waited on him first.
"The duke asking why they did it not on the 12th, when they were
expected, the marshal answered, they would have done it before, had
they not been informed that Prince Louis of Baden had joined his grace,
with his army from Ingoldstadt ; and that four prisoners, whom their
squadrons had taken that day from our army, had given the information,
and had agreed in their intelligence, though questioned separately.*
" At this interview many of the French generals crowded about his-
grace, admiring his person, as well as his tender and generous behaviour^
Each had something to say for himself, which his grace and Prince
Eugene heard with the greatest modesty and compassion. Prince
Eugene much commended the conduct of the elector of Bavaria, as well
as the behaviour of his troops, and frankly told how often and how
bravely he had been repulsed by them. When he spoke of his own,
troops, he said, ' I have not a squadron or battalion, which did not charge
four times at least.' "
After staying with the marshal above an hour, the duke
and all his company returned to the army, which he ordered;
to march beyond Hochstadt, as far as Steinheim, while he
rode over the field of battle, from the right to the left, the
dead of both armies lying stripped on the ground, and sympa
thised for the loss of so many brave companions in arms.
About noon he came to the camp, the left of which stretched
towards Lawingen, through which the remainder of the
elector's army had retreated to Borselingen, near Ulm, burn
ing the bridge to check the pursuit. As soon as his grace
reached his quarters at Steinheim, he commanded two de
tachments to take possession of Lawingen and Dillengen, and
ordered the bridges to be repaired. Here he remained to
take an account and dispose ofthe prisoners, who amounted
to 15,000 men, and 1200 officers, exclusive of generals.
We may add, that from the subsequent letters of Marl
borough, we find the total loss of the enemy to have been no-
less than 40,000 men, including deserters and those who were
* It has been supposed that these four prisoners had instructions to
suffer themselves to be taken, in order to make this report.
F 2

212 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXVII.
killed in the retreat. The loss on the side of the confederates
was also very considerable, being 4500 killed, and 7500
wounded, but few officers of note, except the prince of
Holstein-Beck and Brigadier Rowe, who were killed ; and
Lord North and Grey, and Lord Mordaunt, wounded. The
void which these casualties left in the ranks of the confede
rates was not ill supplied by the number of deserters and
prisoners who enlisted under the banners of victory. Among
these were the two German regiments of Gueder and Zur
lauben, amounting to 3000 men.
The harmony and union of the two illustrious chiefs in this
memorable engagement, were no less remarkable than advan
tageous to the common cause. Marlborough, in his private
letters, dwells with peculiar pleasure on the frankness and
liberality of Eugene, and praises his candour and conciliating
manners with no less warmth than his military talents. In
his official letter to Secretary Harley, he also bore public
testimony to his merits, by declaring, that he could not suffi
ciently praise his conduct ; and in a private letter to Lord
Godolphin he expresses the same sentiment in still stronger
terms. " If Prince Eugene," says he, " could have succeeded
equal to his great merit, we should in that day have gone a
great way in making an end of the war ; but the elector
was so posted, that it was seven o'clock at night before he
could break into his line, which gave the elector time to draw
off the greater part of his army." Eugene rendered equal
justice to the temper and talents of his colleague; and by
ascribing to him the principal share of the victory, contri
buted to exalt and diffuse his fame.
' In vain, perhaps, may we seek in the pages of military
history for a similar example of two generals, united in
opinion as in views, emulous without rivalry, equal in com
mand and in honours, yet not contending for pre-eminence.
Contemporary writers justly describe them as two bodies
animated by one soul ; and a Dutch medallist commemorated
their union with peculiar felicity of thought, by exhibiting
on one side of a medal the busts of the two heroes in profile,
and on the other the field of Blenheim, with the figure of
Fame floating in the air and sounding their praises. Above
is the motto, — " Heroum concordia victrix."

1704.] HIS LETTER TO HIS DUCHESS. 213
In the bottom of the exergue, om each side, is a Latin dis
tich, more consonant to truth than poetry, comparing them
to Castor and Pollux, the tvvo demi-gods of antiquity, who
were no less distinguished for their fraternal affection than
for their love of glory. This singular concord was equally
conspicuous amidst all the trying events of the war, and may
be reckoned as one of the principal causes which produced
such astonishing success.*
The candour and liberality of Marlborough in this instance
are more laudable, because he was highly dissatisfied with
the misconduct of the imperial cavalry, whose want of spirit
not only rendered the victory less decisive, but might have
occasioned the ruin of the whole army had not his own attack
heen eminently successful. But he carefully discriminated
between the merits of the general and the faults of the troops ;
and though he prudently refrained from giving publicly the
least hint which might have been construed into a reflection
on Eugene, or have offended the imperial court, he did not
suppress his complaints in his private correspondence. He
even avoided giving a written reply to the compliments
which he received from the Emperor and the king of the
Romans, because he would not bestow on the imperial troops
the praise which they had ill deserved.
We shall not introduce any of the official letters from the
duke, which have been already published, but shall confine
our extracts to his private correspondence in the hour of
triumph, and during his march from the field of battle to the
camp of Sefelingen, in the vicinity of Ulm, where he remained
stationary till the latter end of August.
To the Duchess.
"Aug. 14. — Before the battle was quite done yesterday, I writ to my
dearest soul to let her know that I was well, and that God had blessed her
majesty's arms with as great a victory as has ever been known ; for prisoners
I have the Marshal de Tallard, and the greatest part of his general officers,
above 8000 men, and near 1500 officers. In short, the army of M.
de Tallard, which was that which I fought with, is quite ruined ; that
ofthe elector of Bavaria and the Marshal de Marsin, which Prince Eu
gene fought against, I am afraid, has not had much loss, for I cannot find
that he has many prisoners. As soon as the elector knew that Monsieur
de Tallard was like to be beaten, he marched off, so that I came only
time enough to see him retire. As all these prisoners are taken by the
troops I command, it is in my power to send as many of them to Eng-
* See Appendix, C.
r 3

.214 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXVII.
¦land as her majesty shall think for her honour and service. My own
opinion in this matter is, that the Marshal de Tallard, and the general
officers, should be sent or brought to her majesty when I come to Eng
land ; but should all the officers be brought, it would be a very great
expense, and I think the honour is in having the marshal and such other
officers as her majesty pleases. But I shall do in this, as in all things,
that which shall be most agreeable to her. I am so very much out of
order with having been seventeen hours on horseback yesterday, and not
having been able to sleep above three hours last night, that I can write
to none of my friends. However I am so pleased with this action, that
I can't end my letter without being so vain as to tell my dearest soul,
that within the memory of man there has been no victory so great as
this ; and as I am sure you love me entirely well, you will be infinitely
pleased with what has been done, upon my account as well as the great
benefit the public will have. For had the success of Prince Eugene
been equal to his merit, we should in that day's action have made an end
of the war."
" Steinheim, August 18. — I have been so very much out of order for
these four or five days, that I have been obliged this morning to be let
blood, which I hope will set me right ; for I should be very much trou
bled not to be able to follow the blow we have given, which appears
greater every day than another, for we have now above 11,000 prisoners.
I have also this day a deputation from the town of Augsburg, to let me
.know that the French were marched out of it yesterday morning, , by
which they have abandoned the country of Bavaria, so that the orders
are already given for the putting a garrison into it. If we can be so
lucky as to force them from Ulm, where they are now altogether, we
-shall certainly then drive them to the other side of the Rhine. After
which we flatter ourselves that the world will think we have done all
sthat could have been expected from us. This day the whole army has
returned their thanks to Almighty God for the late success, and I have
done it with all my heart ; for never victory was so complete, notwith-
-standing that they were stronger than we, and very advantageously
'¦posted. But believe me, my dear soul, there was an absolute necessity
for the good of the common cause to make this venture, which God has
so blessed. I am told the elector has sent for his wife and children to
come to Ulm. If it be true, he will not then quit the French interest,
-which I had much lather he should do, if it might be upon reasonable
terms ; but the Imperialists are for his entire ruin. My dearest life, if
•we could have another such a day as Wednesday last, I should then hope
we might have such a peace as that I might enjoy the remaining part of
my life with you. The elector has this minute sent a gentleman to nie,
I think only to amuse us ; we shall see the truth in a day or two, for we
¦.march to-morrow. The blood they have taken from me has done me a
great deal of good, which is very necessary, for I have not time to lie
sick." To Lord Godolphin.
" Sefelingen, Aug. 28. — The troops under my command are advanced
three days on their march towards the Rhine, but I have been obliged to
stay here to finish, if possible, the treaty with the electress, who has

1704.] EFFECTS OF THE VICTORY. 215
assured me by letter that one of her ministers shall be here this day with
full powers. If he comes before I am obliged to seal this letter, you
shall have an account of it. By the letters we have intercepted of the
enemy's, going to Paris from their camp at Dutlingen, they all own to
have lost above 40,000 men. If we have not Ulm by treaty, we shall
leave Monsieur Thungen with the troops that should have had the siege
of Ingoldstadt. We are endeavouring all we can to get sixty pieces of
cannon for the siege of Landau, which place would be of great advantage
to our winter quarters. Although we have had a very great loss of
officers and soldiers, our army is in so good heart, and so entirely united,
that if the enemy gives us an occasion, I do not doubt but God will bless
us with a farther success."
The good effects of this victory were speedily experienced.
The first and most important was the dissipation of that
alarm which the French arms had long inspired. From the
complete development of the vast military system, which
principally owed its splendour and consistency to Louis XIV.;
his troops had suffered no considerable defeat ; and not only
regarded themselves, but had taught other countries to regard
them, as invincible. But this victory over the flower of
those armies, who had hitherto marched from conquest to
conquest, broke the charm, and transferred the wreath of
fame from the French standard to that of the allies. The
court of Versailles indeed attempted to palliate the defeat, by
ascribing it to the incapacity of the generals, and by publish
ing false and partial accounts of the battle ; but although
they found even in England factious partisans to repeat and
exaggerate their misrepresentations, the impression was deep
and permanent. In France despondency succeeded presump
tion : while the other nations of Europe reflected on their
former alarms with shame and indignation. The recollection
of the field of Blenheim depressed the courage of the French
soldiery, as much as it warmed the bosoms and roused the
zeal of the troops, who were inspired by the guidance of the
successful commanders. The name of Marlborough became
in France a watchword of fear ; and, like the appellations of
those beings whom fancy has invested with imaginary
terrors, was even employed by parents to operate on the ap
prehensions of their children.
The shock produced by so tremendous a conflict was evi
dent in all the operations of the war. Encumbered with
crowds of prisoners and wounded, and at a distance from
their supplies, the confederate generals could not pursue the
p 4

216 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXVH.
broken army under the immediate impulse of defeat, but
they omitted no exertion to render their victory effectual.
By the intervention of Count Wratislaw, the margrave of
Baden was induced to desist from the siege of Ingoldstadt,
in which he had made a considerable progress ; and leaving
a sufficient force for the blockade, he marched with the rest of
his army to concur in more important and active operations.
The day after the battle, Marlborough and Eugene made a
short march, and encamped between Wittisling and Stein
heim. Here they remained four days, to rest and refresh
the troops, and make a division of their prisoners. The Bri
tish commander generously yielded to his illustrious colleague
an equal share in all the honours of victory, and reserved no
other distinction for his sovereign than the disposal of Mar
shal Tallard and a few of the superior officers. Accordingly
on the 18th, Tallard and most of the other generals were
sent from Hochstadt towards Hanau and Frankfort, under an
escort of English horse. Of those who were taken on the
field of battle, 5678 were assigned to Marlborough and 5514
to Eugene, making a total of 11,192 men, besides the two
German regiments who enlisted in the confederate army.
On the 19th the confederates, again moving, advanced in
the direction of Ulm, where the elector had halted to collect
his scattered forces and withdraw his garrisons. Proceeding
by Gundelfingen and Languenau, they reached Sefelingen
on the 21st, finding in every village fresh indications of the
loss which the enemy had sustained by the hostilities of the
peasantry and the harassing pursuit of the light troops, as
we learn from the duke's own correspondence.
" August, 1 704. — The French own that of their whole army they have
not '250 officers but what are killed, wounded, or taken prisoners; me
reckon they could not have less than 4500 officers."
"Camp of Sefelingen, August 21  On Tuesday we marched from
Steinheim to Gundelfingen, yesterday we came to Ober-Elkingen, and
to-day advanced to this place, within an English mile of Ulm. We
heard of many French officers that had been buried in the several villages
we marched through ; and by letters from one of the burghers at Ulm,
we are told that when the enemy marched from thence they carried with
them upwards of 7000 wounded, whereof near 1000 were officers; that
they burnt many of their waggons to make use of their horses for bran
cards, for more easily conveying the wounded officers."
"August 28. — We have intercepted several letters ofthe 19th, j

1704.] DISTRESS OF THE ELECTRESS. 217
from Dutlingen to the French court, by which the enemy own to have
lost 40,000 men killed, taken prisoners, and deserted, since the battle.
At Sefelingen Marlborough remained till the latter end of
August. From fatigue and want of rest he appears to have
become unwell, but he speedily recovered. His attention was
directed to the forlorn situation of the electress of Bavaria.
He was too susceptible of domestic affections not to sympa
thise in the distress of this unfortunate princess, who, after
proceeding beyond Memmingen to console her husband by
her presence, had found the roads beset by the allied troops,
and returned in despair to Munich. He readily listened to
an overture made by her confessor, and prevailed on Eugene
and Wratislaw to offer her and her family a safe residence at
Munich, with a certain guard and regular allowance from
the revenues of her husband, on the condition of surrendering
Ulm and the other fortresses held by the Gallo-bavarian
garrisons. In his correspondence with the duchess, we discover many
gratifying proofs of the interest which he took in her fate, as
well as in that of her husband.
" Sefelingen, August 21  The poor electress has taken five of her
children with her, and is following her husband, who seems to be aban
doned to the French interest. Prince Eugene and I have offered him
by a gentleman that is not yet returned, that if he will join in the common
cause against France, he shall be put in possession of his whole country,
and receive from the queen and Holland 400,000 crowns yearly, for which
he should only furnish the allies with 8000 men ; but I take it for granted
he is determined to go for France and abandon his own country to the
rage of the Germans."
" August 25. — The elector of Bavaria has sent his wife and children
back to Munich, and this morning by a trumpet has writ to me, and in
it a letter to the electress open. It has made my heart ache, being very
sensible how cruel it is to be separated from what one loves. I have sent
it to her by a trumpet of my own, with assurances that her answer shall
be carefully delivered to the elector, for I take pleasure in being easy
when the service does not suffer by it."
" August 28. — Although the troops be marched I shall stay here a day
or two longer, to finish a treaty with the electress of Bavaria, which I
own would be a great satisfaction to me ; for when the public are served
I should be glad the family were not quite ruined."
During the halt of five days at Sefelingen, the margrave
of Baden repaired to the camp, to confer with Marlborough
and Eugene on the plan of future operations. As the elector

218 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXVHI.
and Marsin had already effected their retreat through the
passes leading from Donaschingen to Friburg, a resolution
was taken to leave the troops drawn from Ingoldstadt under
the command of General Thungen, for the reduction of Ulm;
while the remainder of the forces hastened to carry the war
into the country beyond the Rhine.

Chap. XXVIII. — Allies pass the Rhine. — 1704.
On the 28th the army broke up and marched in different
columns through the circle of Suabia, towards the general
rendezvous in the vicinity of Philipsburg. The troops of
Marlborough, divided into three columns, returned by their
former route through Launsheim, Gross Seinssen, Ebers
bach, Great Hippach, and Mondelsheim, and in six days
approached the Rhine.
After waiting three days for an answer from the electress
of Bavaria, Marlborough left Count Wratislaw to continue
the negotiation, and on the evening of August 31. rejoined
his troops at Mondelsheim. During a halt of one day he
repaired to Stutgard, at the invitation of the duke of Wir
temberg, and was received with all the honours which a
grateful people could pay to their deliverer. The next
morning he passed the Neekar at Lauffen, and on the 3rd
advanced to Eppingen.
As the views of the confederate generals were directed to
Landau, they so calculated their march as to anticipate the
enemy in the position of Spirebach. Eugene hastened to
Rastadt, to collect the forces left in the lines of Stolhoffen,
and in the beginning of September the different columns
were all concentrated in the vicinity of Philipsburg.
Having pushed forward the English and Danes to Steffeld
and Odenheim, Marlborough on the 5th repaired to Philips
burg, and went to the head-quarters of Eugene at Waghaus.
In the afternoon they passed the Rhine to survey the coun
try ; and on the next morning the palatine troops, who were
nearest at hand, were sent across by Eugene to occupy the
position of Spirebach. In the interval Marlborough returned

1704.] ADVANCE UPON LANDAU. 219
to his camp ; and being apprised that the advance of the
enemy's cavalry had appeared on the high ground near
Philipsburg, he detached the English and Danish horse to
support the palatines. On the 7th the English and Danish
foot, with the Dutch, Luneburgers, and Hessians, succes
sively filed over ; and the ensuing day the reunion of the
whole army was completed by the junction of the imperial
horse. At the same time the margrave, who had taken the
route of Aschaffenburg, arrived at the camp.
Writing to Godolphin from Spire, September 8th, Marl
borough details these operations, and declares his resolution
to give the enemy battle if they should venture to oppose his
advance : —
" Fearing the French might take this camp, we were obliged to pass
the Rhine and take it yesterday, although we had not above half our
troops with us, which made us be all the day on horseback, as also the
greatest part of this day, the French being within three leagues of us.
But this afternoon we are joined by the rest of our troops, so that we
shall march to-morrow, in hopes to pass the river Queich the next day.
If the enemy will let us pass that river, we have it in our power to be
siege Landau. I hope and think they will not defend it, though they
have drawn all their forces together, in order to hinder our passage. We
shall have 92 battalions and 181 squadrons; but above one-half of our
battalions are extremely weak, so that if we come to action I intend to
make the 14 English battalions but 7, and to do the same thing to the
Danes and Hessians, which will bring our battalions to 78."
As Villeroy, with the remains of the Gallo-bavarian army,
had established himself on the Queich, and was actively
employed in fortifying a position so advantageous for the
defence of Landau, the allied generals concluded that he had
taken the resolution of opposing their progress. They there
fore broke up on the 9th, and advanced towards the pass of
Belheim. The enemy were, however, too discouraged to
await an attack, and hastily fell back to Langencandel. The
bridges which they had partly broken down, were repaired
for the passage of the infantry, and the horse traversing the
stream by the fords, the confederates encamped the same
evening between Offenbach and Belheim, on the very ground
previously occupied by Villeroy.
Marlborough and Eugene resuming their march on the
10th, the enemy, who had lain all night under arms, with
drew in confusion behind the Lauter, and finally continued

220 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXVDX
their retreat to the Motter, where they deemed themselves
secure from aggression during the expected siege of Landau.
After halting on the 11th at Langencandel, the confederates
advanced on the 12th to the camp of Cron-Weissemburg.
In the correspondence of Marlborough we find him ex
pressing his surprise at the timidity of the French com
mander. To Godolphin he observes, in a letter from
Weissemburg, September 1 2th : — " When I writ last, I
was of opinion that M. de Villeroy would have defended the
river Queich ; but he no sooner knew of our march, than he
quitted in very great haste and marched to the camp of Lan
gencandel, which has been in all times famous for being a
strong post, it being covered with thick woods and marshy
grounds. However, upon our approach he retired, and
passed that day the Lauter, so that now we are not only mas
ters of making the siege of Landau, but also of taking what
post we please for covering it. If they had not been the
most frightened people in the world, they would never have
quitted these two posts. Prince Louis is this morning
marched to invest Landau, and Prince Eugene and your
humble servant are to cover the siege."
The splendid events of the campaign, as well as the
fatigues which the troops had undergone, induced many of
the officers to flatter themselves that the operations of the
year would have closed as soon as the enemy were expelled
from Germany. But Marlborough and Eugene were too
enterprising to confine their views to mere present advan
tages. On the contrary, contemplating the prospect of open
ing the ensuing campaign on the French territory, they not
only deemed it necessary to reduce Landau, but also to
secure the principal posts on the line of the Moselle. Such
long and strenuous exertions were, however, disapproved by
many, and even Godolphin himself remonstrated against the
continuance of the army in the field at the time when the
presence of the general was deemed necessary in England.
To his objections Marlborough thus replied : —
¦' Sept. 19. — I find by yours of the 22d it is necessary that I should
give you my reason why I was for attacking Landau ; and if it had not
been in my opinion absolutely necessary, I should have complied with the
greatest part ofthe army, who thought they had done enough in clearing
the Rhine on that side, and so were desirous we should take up our quar-

1704.] SIEGE OF LANDAU. 221
ters in Wirtemberg, and part of the Palatinate, and the imperialists in
Bavaria and Suabia. This would have rendered it very easy for the
troops, but would have been very prejudicial to the common cause ; for
we should have made it impossible for Suabia to have furnished their
quota, which is 10,000 men, which they have promised to do if they are
not charged with winter quarters. By the taking of Landau we shall
not only quarter the greatest part ofthe army on this side of the Rhine,
but we shall do that now which would have spent half our campaign the
next year. Besides, if this siege ends in any reasonable time, I hope to
take quarters at Treves, and all along the Moselle to Coblentz, which
will oblige the French to leave the greatest part of their troops on the
frontier, which will be chargeable, and a great hindrance to their recruit
ing. But hitherto every thing goes on very slowly at Landau, and
forage is so very difficult to be got for this army that I have a good deal
of spleen. However, we are assured, by this time in October we shall
be masters of the place."
Although the siege of Landau had been approved by the
imperial court ; yet either from negligence or poverty, or
both, artillery, ammunition, and money were wanting, as
well as proper officers to direct the attack. But the foresight
and activity of Marlborough supplied all deficiencies. The
artillery which he had obtained at the commencement of the
campaign from the landgrave of Hesse was brought up from
Manheim, the necessary requisites were provided, and the
margrave of Baden was enabled to open the trenches within
the space of a few days after the passage of the Rhine.
Prompt and effectual measures were adopted for the subsist
ence of the army, by throwing a garrison into Lauterburg
and bringing up one of the floating bridges from Philips
burg, to maintain a communication with the country border
ing the opposite bank of the Rhine. Care was also taken
for the security of the numerous prisoners, by detaching
General Ferguson with five English battalions to embark
with them on the Rhine at Mentz, and escort them into
Holland. At this period the confederate generals were gratified by
the news of the capture of Ulm, which surrendered on the
1 1th. Their disposable force was thus not only increased,
but the stores and artillery found in the place proved a valu
able supply for the siege of Landau.
During his march from the banks of the Danube to those
of the Rhine, Marlborough received the first indications of
the effect produced by his victory at the court of Vienna.

222 LIFE OF MARLBOROUUH. [CH. XXVIII.
Mr. Stepney having congratulated the emperor in the name
of his grace, his imperial majesty very heartily testified the
obligations of his family and the empire to the queen for her
extensive care, to the duke for his readiness and conduct,
and to the English troops for their bravery ; nor did these
expressions convey a mere diplomatic compliment. Since
the former negotiation on the subject of the principality,
Leopold had made a new application to the queen through [
his agent, Baron Hoffman, and had obtained her consent to
the grant of this distinguished honour. Without farther
delay he announced to Marlborough his elevation to the
princely dignity, in a letter full of admiration and gratitude.
" To the most illustrious Prince of Us, and the Holy Roman Empire,
John Duke of Marlborough, Sec. — I salute with pleasure your dilection by
these titles, who so justly deserve a place among the princes of the empire,
as well from your own merits as the honour of your noble family, and for
your signal services to me and my august house, and the holy Roman
empire, being desirous to give you this public monument of honour, the
greatest there is in Germany, and which is so justly conferred on you.
And to make still more public the great obligations I have to her Britan
nic majesty, for sending so great a succour so far to assist, me, and the
empire, when our affairs were in so ill a posture, by the base revolt of
Bavaria to France, and to your dilection, to whose prudence and courage,
and the bravery of the English and other troops under your command,
my own generals, as well as fame, ascribe chiefly under God, our late
successes ; I shall use my endeavours to procure your dilection a place
and vote in the diet, among the princes of the empire. These victories
are so great, especially that near Hochstadt, over the French, which no
ages can parallel, that we may not only congratulate you on having broken
the pride of France, defeated their pernicious attempts, and settled again
the affairs of Germany, or rather of all Europe, after so great a shock ;
but have hopes of seeing the full and entire liberty of Europe in a short
time happily restored from the power of France. To which end as I am
sure nothing will be wanting on the part of your dilection, nothing re
mains but to wish you farther successes, and give you fresh assurances of
my readiness to embrace any opportunity of showing you with how much
affection I am, Leopold.
" Given in my city of Vienna, 28th August, 1704."*
In consequence, however, of some objections raised by
Godolphin and Harley, and the unwillingness of Marlbo
rough himself to accept a mere empty title, the grant was
suspended at his own request. His motives for declining the
proffered honour are thus stated in his correspondence.
* Official translation from the original Latin preserved in the archives
of Blenheim.

1704.] THE KING OF THE ROMANS. 223
To the Duchess.
" Sefelingen, August 25. 1 704  I find by Mr. Secretary Harley's and
Lord Treasurer's letters that they think it might be best to keep the
emperor from doing any thing in what he proposes, till towards the end
of the campaign. I should have done my part in that, and farther, that
it might have remained as it now is, without any thing more being done
in it ; but I find by the answer of the queen, sent by M. de Hoffman to
the emperor, they think it is no more in my power to refuse. I send the
copy of it to lord treasurer, as the Count de Wratislaw has given it me.
However, I shall do what I can to have it delayed, since you think that
is best ; for I think the only consideration now is, that the emperor may
not take it ill." To Lord Godolphin.
" Weissemberg, September 22  Two days ago the Count de Wratislaw
gave me a letter from the emperor, in which he acquaints me with having
made me a prince of the empire. I am very much surprised, and so I
told him, that such a step should be taken before I had the least notice.
Besides this was not the method in which it ought to be done, for the
notice ought to be sent to the several princes of the empire ; and the lands
from whence I was to take my title to be named to them ; for that I
could not have a seat in the diet till I was master of an imperial fief in
the empire. He said it was right, and that he would write to the em
peror, and not own to any body that he has given me the letter. How
ever, I send you a copy, but desire nobody may see it but Mr. Secretary ;
for I believe the emperor must write another to me."
As the splendid victory of Blenheim produced an unusual
sentiment of joy and gratitude in the cold and phlegmatic
bosom of Leopold, we cannot wonder that it excited a trans
port of enthusiasm in his ardent and generous son, the king
of the Romans. When the English minister conveyed to
him the compliments of the duke, Joseph testified the utmost
eagerness to contract a personal acquaintance with so illus
trious a commander, and, above all, to enjoy the advantage
of his counsel and conduct during the remainder of the cam
paign. Indeed, during his progress in Bavaria, Marlborough
had received a confidential letter from one of the imperial
ministers, testifying the earnest desire of the king of the
Romans to repair to the army and serve under his auspices.
Some objections which were made to the proposal by the
margrave of Baden, were overruled, and Joseph was accele
rating the preparations for his departure, when the news of
the victory reached Vienna. The intelligence rendered him
doubly anxious to join the army; and in a letter which

224 L1EE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXIX.
reached Marlborough at Sefelingen, the young monarch noti
fied "his intention. Not satisfied, however, with the formal
language of the chancery, he added a postscript in the French
tongue in his own hand, oi which we present a translation to
the reader, as indicative of his character, and as a proof of
his gratitude to the general who had rescued his family from
ruin. " I cannot refrain from expressing my joy at the desire you testify to
see me at the head of the army, which I hope will soon be fulfilled ; and
I shall feel the more satisfaction, because I shall have the pleasure of
knowing you personally, and of showing you the estimation in which I
hold your merit."
In conformity with this resolution, Joseph arrived at the
camp before Landau on the 21st of September, and assumed
the command. The next day Marlborough paid his respects
to the young monarch, in company with Eugene and other
euperior officers, and was received with the most flattering
marks of cordiality and regard. After the interview, Joseph
accompanied the British commander to inspect the ap
proaches against the place, and on the 2d of October, he
returned his visit in great state. The army was drawn up
in two lines, and General Cadogan had the honour to con
duct his majesty to the left. Marlborough received him at
the head of Lord John Hay's regiment of dragoons, and
accompanied him along the lines, under a triple discharge of
artillery and small arms. Joseph expressed extreme satis
faction at the warlike appearance of the troops and the
regularity of their movements, honoured Marlborough with
his company at dinner, and in the evening returned to his
own quarters before Landau, where he retained the nominal
command, till the reduction of the fortress.

Chap. XXIX. — Expedition to the Moselle. — 1704.
Reflecting on the magnitude and variety of the events
which had occurred since the commencement of the cam
paign, we should naturally conclude that such stupendous
operations had been directed by a general in the possession

1704.] MARLBOROUGH FALLS ILL 225
of perfect health and spirits. It is therefore surprising to
find such activity of body and energy of mind exerted under
the pressure of indisposition. Though naturally robust,
Marlborough was subject at an early period to fits of head
ache and fever, which were rendered more frequent by the
fatigues of a military life, the labour of an extensive and
incessant correspondence, and the anxiety of a mind harassed
by the party feuds and intrigues both in England and
abroad. By a complaint of this kind he was affected soon after
his passage of the Danube, and the disorder was greatly
increased by the care and labour he underwent, before and
during the battle of Blenheim, in which he was no less than
seventeen hours on horseback. The sense of pain was for a
moment banished by the exultation of victory ; but during
his march towards the Rhine, we find in his correspondence
repeated indications of his bodily sufferings.
To Lord Godolphin.
" Camp at Steinheim, Aug. 17. 1704. — Ever since the battle I have
been so employed about our own wounded men and the prisoners, that I
have not one hour's quiet, which has so disordered me, that if I were in
London I should be in my bed in a high fever."
" August 23. — I am suffered to have so little time to myself, that I
have a continual fever on my spirits, which makes me very weak ; but
when I go from hence, I am resolved to go in my coach till I come to
the Rhine, which I do not doubt will restore me to perfect health.
Nothing but my zeal for her majesty's service could have enabled me to
have gone through the fatigues I have had for the last three months ;
and I am but too sure when I shall have the happiness of seeing you,
you will find me ten years older than when I left England. I do not
say this to complain, for I esteem myself very happy if I can make any
return for her majesty's goodness to me and mine."
Arriving thus debilitated in the low marshy country
bordering the Rhine, he was attacked with an ague, which
for several days suspended Lis attention to military duties.
Writing to Godolphin, Sept. 19., he observes: —
" T had the favour of yours of the 22d and of the 25th of last month,
when I came last Monday from Landau ; but I was so uneasy with a
cold fit of an ague, that I could neither read yours nor write to you by
the post."
The usual remedies produced the desired effect ; but left
him for some time in a state of languor and weakness,
VOL.1. Q

226 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXIX.
which discovers itself in his correspondence with the
duchess. '• October 10. — I came this afternoon from Landau, where I have been
ever since Tuesday. That siege goes on so very slowly, that I can give
no guess when it is likely to end. I am glad you have poor Lady Sun
derland with you, for I am very sure you will persuade her to take every
thing that may do her good. For thousands of reasons I wish myself
with you. Besides, I think if I were with you quietly at the lodge, I
should have more health, for I am at this time so very lean, that it is
extremely uneasy to me, so that your care must nurse me this winter, or
I shall certainly be in a consumption. I am very sorry to hear you
have so often returns of your illness, and I do with all my heart thank
you for the resolution you have taken of letting the physicians try to
cure you, which I hope-in God they will, and that you may live many
years after me, which both by my age and constitution you must do."
The duchess was alarmed at these unfavourable accounts
of his health, and urged him to withdraw from his irksome
situation. But the hope of recovery, and the consciousness
of the important consequences which depended on his exer
tions, inspired him with new energy. In his reply he ob
serves : —
" What you say of St. Alban's is what from my soul I wish, that there
or somewhere else we might end our days in quietness together ; and if
I considered only myself, I agree with you, I can never quit the world in
a better time ; but I have too many obligations to the queen to take any
resolution, but such as her service must be first considered. I hope,
however, in a little time all this business may be so well settled, as I may
be very easily spared, and then I shall retire with great satisfaction, and
with you and my children end my days most happily ; for I would not
quit the world, but be eased of business, in order to enjoy your dear
company." Indeed no bodily indisposition nor mental chagrin could
damp his zeal, or divert his attention from the public cause ;
and he had scarcely recovered his wonted health before he
prepared for fresh exertions. Wearied with the siege of
Landau, which had lasted nearly a month, and entertaining
no hope of a speedy reduction, he was unwilling to remain
inactive. While the enemy yet laboured under the effects
of their defeat, he was impatient to forward the design of
opening the next campaign on the Moselle, which was the
most vulnerable part of the French frontier. In this oper
ation he expected to reap considerable advantage from the
assistance of the duke of Lorraine, whom he represents in

1704.] MARCHES TO THE MOSELLE. 227
one of his letters as " heart and soul with the allies.'' He
hoped also that the German princes would zealously co
operate in an attack, which was intended for their speedy
deliverance from the danger of French oppression.
With anxiety and impatience he marked the preparations
of the enemy to collect a body of troops on the Moselle, by
drawing detachments both from the Netherlands and the
Upper Rhine.
Perceiving, therefore, that the siege of Landau was not
likely to be brought to a speedy conclusion, he resolved to
leave the command of the covering army to Eugene, and
secure the posts of Treves and Traerbach, which were neces
sary for his future operations, by a rapid and daring enter
prise. This scheme, however, required the same resources
and activity as he had displayed in his march through Ger
many. The country which he had to traverse was a mere
desert, wild and mountainous ; and the roads, even in the
most favourable season, scarcely practicable for baggage and
artillery. The troops, as well as the requisites for the enter
prise, were to be collected from distant quarters ; as a suffi
cient force could not be spared from the covering army ;
and the utmost celerity, combination, and secresy, were
necessary to prevent a vigilant enemy from availing them
selves of the natural obstacles which their situation pre
sented. The great commander accomplished his purpose with his
usual skill and felicity. He justly calculated that the French
would be rendered more remiss by the persuasion that he
would not venture to move before the reduction of Landau,
and that the force which he could draw from the besieging
army was inadequate to the execution of the design. He
accordingly ordered fourteen battalions, which the Dutch
had engaged to furnish from the army in the Netherlands, to
direct their march on the 14th towards Traerbach. At the
same time he obtained from the elector of Treves, the elector
palatine, and the landgrave of Hesse, the necessary supplies
of artillery and ammunition for a siege, which were to be
transported to such points as were privately indicated. On
the 13th he sent a small body of horse and foot to fortify
Homburg, a place which commanded the passes through the
woody country, north of Weissemburg. This detachment
Q 2

228 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXIX.
was followed in a few days by two others, making a total of
12,000 men, and on the 24th, Marlborough himself reached
Homburg. Accelerating his march through the woody
country towards the Moselle, he arrived on the 26th at the
camp of St. Wendel, within a short distance of Treves,
where he received information that a garrison of 300 men in
the fort of St. Martin overawed and threatened to burn the
town, which he was anxious to save. The difficulties of
this bold and perilous enterprise are best described in his
own words from a confidential letter to Lord Godolphin,
bearing date Camp at St. Wendel, October 26.*
" Since my last, I have gone through the terriblest country that can
be imagined for the march of an army with cannon. Had it rained, we
must have left our baggage and cannon behind us.
" The intelligence I have from the Saar is, that Monsieur Laumarie
expects to be joined by a detachment of 10,000 men from the army at
Haguenau. If it proves true, I shall be obliged to take a strong camp,
by which I may be able to give the necessary orders for attacking
Traerbach and to be reinforced for attempting Treves ; for the twenty-
seven battalions and forty-eight squadrons which are with me make
about 12,000 men ; and I should be very unwilling to be beaten at the
end of this campaign. However, I am advanced to this place with the
horse, in hopes to get to Treves before this detachment can join Mon
sieur Laumarie, the foot being only one day behind me. Another reason
which makes me press my march is, that if they will not venture to put
themselves between me and the town, they may have thoughts of burning
it, which I would, if possible, prevent ; for my intentions are, to leave
sixteen battalions and ten squadrons in garrison there all this winter, it
being much the best place on the Moselle for our magazines. Another
thing which gives me great trouble is, that I can get no meal to make
bread but what I brought with me ; but if I can make myself master of
Treves, I shall then want for nothing.
" If the siege of Landau had been ended, I should then have
marched with all the troops under my command ; so that I might have
been almost sure of success in this expedition. But as I have been
obliged to leave one half of the Hessians, all the Hanoverians, and the
English with Prince Eugene, I am now exposed to the enemy if they
will venture, which I hope they will not. I should not have ventured
to inarch with these troops, but I think the taking our winter quarters
on the Moselle is as necessary for the good of the common cause as any
thing that has been done this campaign ; and I am persuaded that if I
had stayed till the siege was ended, the season would have been so far ad
vanced, that it would have been impossible to attempt it. These diffi
culties make me sensible that if I did not consider the good of the whole,
* Correspondence, in the State Paper Office.

1704.] LETTERS TO THE DUCHESS. 229
before ray private concern, I ought not to be here. This might be
better said by another than myself, but it is truth ; and I am very sen
sible that if I should have ill success, the greatest part of mankind will
censure me for it. However, 1 shall have the satisfaction to know that
I have acted for the best."
Similar reflections occur in a letter of the same date to
the duchess.
" I am got thus far in my way to the Moselle, after having marched.
through very terrible mountains. Had we any rain it would have been
impossible to have got forward the cannon ; and it is certain if the enemy
are able to hinder us from taking winter quarters in this country, we
must throw our cannon into some river, for to carry them back is impos
sible. I have been so desirous to make use of this fair weather, that I
am here only with the hoise ; but as my march to-morrow will bring me
¦within eight leagues of Treves, and the enemy's troops being but five
leagues from me, I must be obliged to stay for the foot, which will join
me the next day.
" This march and my own spleen have given me occasion to think
how very unaccountable a creature man is, to be seeking for honour in
so barren a country as this, when he is very sure that the greater part of
mankind, and may justly tear, that even his best friends, would be apt to
think ill of him should he have ill success. But I am endeavouring all
I can to persuade myself that my happiness ought to depend upon my
knowledge, that I do what I think is for the best. If I can succeed in
the taking of Treves, I shall not then stay above ten days longer in this
country ; for when I shall have given the necessary orders for the siege
of Traerbach, I shall leave the execution of it to the prince of Hesse,
having promised the king ofthe Romans to be with him before the siege
of Landau is ended."
Marlborough obtained the success which he so much
merited by his vigilance, skill, and activity. We continue
to relate, in his own words, the result of these masterly
operations, in two letters to Secretary Harley, from the Camp
at St. Wendel.
" October 26. — Since my last I quitted the camp of Weissemburg on
Thursday at break of day. I am advancing with twenty-seven battalions,
forty-nine squadrons, fourteen cannon, and four howitzers, towards the
Moselle, to settle the winter quarters, and order the attack against
Traerbach. I am favoured by good weather, and not without appre
hensions that the enemy may pre-occupy Treves; but I will endeavour
to arrive there before the French detachment."
" Camp at Treves, October 29. — I thank God we have prevented
them. Last night three deputies from Treves came to the camp at Her-
menskel, six leagues off, to acquaint me that the French garrison of 300
men were still in the fort, who might insult the town on our approach,
if not prevented. Whereupon I marched before break of day this morning,
Q 3

230 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. 1_CH. XXIX.
with all the horse and four battalions ; and as soon as our vanguard ap
peared the enemy quitted the fort, and retired over the Moselle, after
throwing much provisions and ammunition into the river. An advanced
Corps took some prisoners, and prevented any mischief which they intended
to execute, had they not been surprised by the celerity of this march."
From a letter of Cardonnel we learn also that the enemy
were not inattentive to this movement, and would undoubt
edly have baffled a less active and vigilant commander.*
" October 31. — It was very lucky that my lord duke hastened his
march, for on the same day Monsieur D'Allegre came with a detachment
of horse within two leagues of Treves, having ordered a good body of
troops to follow him, but on notice of our being here, he immediately
retired." Possessed of so important a place as Treves, the duke
collected 6000 of the neighbouring peasantry to repair and
strengthen the fortifications, and posted the cavalry at Con-
saarbruck to cover the operation. Having settled the dis
tribution of winter quarters in the vicinity, he proceeded
towards Traerbach, which was occupied by a French garrison
of 600 men. Arriving at Berncastel the 3d of November,
he was joined by the twelve Dutch battalions drawn from the
Meuse. After surveying the environs of Traerbach, and
giving the necessary directions to the prince of Hesse for
the siege of the place, he returned with equal expedition to
the camp at Cron Weissemburg. Thus, in the short space
of twenty-one days, he accomplished an arduous and highly
important undertaking, the result of which may be best
described in his own simple though expressive language :
" I reckon," he writes to Godolphin, " this campaign is well
over, since the winter quarters are settled on the Moselle,
which I think will give France as much uneasiness as any
thing that has been done this summer."
In fact, the original view of Marlborough was to have be
sieged Saar Louis, which would have materially facilitated
his intended invasion of France ; but as the protracted
defence of Landau frustrated this design, he adopted the
most efficient measures to secure the alvantages he had
gained. He placed a garrison in Treves, under the com
mand of the Count de Noyalles, occupied Saarbruck, and
* These three last letters are extracted from the originals ill the State
Paper Office.

1704.] EFFECTS OF THE BATTLE OF BLENHEIM. 231
after the surrender of Traerbach, quartered a strong corps
of auxiliary troops near the confluence of the Saar and the
Moselle.

Chap. XXX  Influence in England of the Victory
of Blenheim. — 1704.
Having traced the grand events of this extraordinary cam
paign and their effects abroad, we turn our attention to the
impression which they produced in England. It would be
difficult to describe the burst of exultation which arose on
the first news of the glorious victory in the field of Blenheim.
The Queen repaired to St. Paul's in state, to offer up a solemn
thanksgiving for the success of her arms ; and every class of
her subjects seemed to vie with each other in the expression
of their homage to the Lord God of Hosts, and gratitude to
the commander who had been the instrument of the divine
blessing. Addresses and letters of congratulation flowed in
from all quarters, of which we shall select only two, one
from the queen, as indicative of her own feelings, and another
from Mrs. Burnett, wife of the bishop of Salisbury, as equally
indicative of the public sentiment.
Answer to the note announcing the victory.
The Queen to the Duchess.
" Windsor, August 21 . — Since I sent my letter away by the messenger,
I have had the happiness of receiving my dear Mrs. Freeman's, by Co
lonel Parke, with the good news of this glorious victory, which, next to
God Almighty, is wholly owing to dear Mr. Freeman, on whose safety I
congratulate you with all my soul. May the same Providence that has
hitherto preserved, still watch over, and send him well home to you. We
can never thank God Almighty enough for these great blessings, but
must make it our endeavour to deserve them ; and I hope he will conti
nue his goodness to us, in delivering us from the attempts of all our other
enemies. I have nothing to add at present, but my being sincerely," &c.
Mrs. Burnett to the Duchess.
" August 12. o. s. — Though your grace's moments are so valuable
that I should fear to trouble you with my most humble thanks, till you
had more leisure to receive such worthless tributes, yet I cannot defer
letting your grace know the joy I see in every one I meet. The common
people, who I feared were grown stupid, have and do now show greater
Q 4

232 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH, [CH. XXX.
signs of satisfaction and triumph, than I think I ever saw before on any
good success whatever ; and after the first tribute of praise to God, the
first cause of all that is good, every one studies who shall most exalt the
Duke of Marlborough's fame, by admiring the great secrecy, excellent
conduct in the design, and wonderful resolution and courage in the exe
cution. The emperor can give no title * half so glorious as such an
action. How much blood and treasure has been spent to reduce the ex
orbitant power of France, and to give a balance to Europe ; and when,
after so long a struggle, the event remained under great uncertainty, to
have the glory to break the chain, give the greatest blow to that ty
ranny that it ever had, have an emperor to owe his empire to the queen's
armies, as conducted by his grace, are splendours that outshine any re
ward they can receive.
" I do not wonder you are all joy. You have just cause for it, and to
recount every day with the utmost thankfulness the amazing blessings God
has heaped upon you. The bishop heartily prays for the continuance of
the duke's success, so that the queen may have the greatest glory that is
possible, that is, the restoring peace and liberty to Europe, and, what is
greater, the free profession of the Protestant religion, wherever it has been
persecuted or oppressed ; and that after her, her ministers, who are the
instruments, may share in the lasting blessings and glory due to such
benefactors to mankind. Sure no honest man can refuse to unite in
such noble designs. I am really giddy with joy, and, if I rave, you
must forgive me. I can lament for no private loss, since God has given
such a general mercy. In death it would be a matter of joy to me to
have lived so long as to hear it.
" The bishop said he could not sleep, his heart was so charged with
joy. He desires your grace would carefully lay up that little letter f,
as a relic that cannot be valued enough. Some wiser people than myself
think the nation is in so good a humour with this great success, and the
plentiful harvest, that better circumstances can hardly meet for a new
parliament ; and, with a little care, it may be as good a one as the de
praved manners of this nation is capable of. I pray God direct and
prosper all her majesty's counsels and resolutions in ^his, and every
thing else, and make her the universal protectress of truth and charity.
And may your grace be ever a happy favourite, happy in all your ad
vices and services, and happy in her majesty's kind approbation and
esteem ; and may every honest heart love you as well, and endeavour to
serve you as faithfully, as does your grace's most obedient," &c.
While Marlborough was thus raising the glory of his
country to a height greater than it had ever before reached,
while its victories were fixing the religion and constitution
on a firm basis, he was exposed to the petty cavils of the
discontented among both parties in England, whom he equally
offended by his desire of preserving himself in a state of in
dependence. * A lluding to the title of Prince.
t Private letter from the duke, ante, p. 206.

1704.] cavils of the factions. 233
During the march through Germany, and while the plans
of Marlborough were not yet developed, the violent Tories, as
well as the enemies to the Protestant establishment, had
openly declared that they would attack him in parliament.
They complained that the troops were led on a distant and
perilous expedition ; that the territory of the Dutch was left
exposed to the superior forces of the enemy ; and that the
general had exceeded the limits of his instructions, and the
responsibility of a subject, with a view to promote his own
private interest. Rochester and Nottingham in the Lords,
and Sir Edward Seymour in the Commons, gave the signal
to their party. Sir Edward Seymour even declared, in the
language of a sportsman, that he and his friends would
pounce upon the adventurous commander at his return, as
hounds pounce on a hare ; and threats were even thrown
out, that his rash expedition, if unsuccessful, would probably
bring his head to the block.
But when a decisive victory was gained, when the empire
and England were rescued from the impending peril, and the
glory of Marlborough shone forth with transcendant lustre,
his enemies were confounded, though not silenced. The
shame of their frustrated prophecies rankled in their memory ;
their pride was wounded by the downfal of that colossus
which had so long been the subject of their eulogy ; and they
saw that the same hand which had disproved the invincibility
of France, had sealed their own exclusion from power. In
the heartfelt agony of disappointed ambition and mortified
vanity, they had no alternative but to decry that success
which they had declared to be unattainable, and to hold forth
the yet inexhaustible resources and unconquered spirit of the
enemy. They represented the victory as an useless waste of
blood, and the first of an endless series of conflicts, with a
power which rose, like the hydra, with new vigour from every
defeat. These clamours and invectives were transmitted in
exaggerated terms by the duchess to her husband. Though
her letters are lost, some written by her correspondent, Mrs.
Burnett, still remain, which were communicated to the duke,
and furnish a new proof of the implacable spirit of party.
" August 5. — I know that the people you mention generally lessen
the victory, and, what is more strange to me, they will hardly ever believe
any news that lessens France, but swallow up any to its advantage. This

234 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH £ CH. XXX.
is true of my own knowledge, and that of some who are not of the
worst sort of Tories, but give credit to what others set about."
*' September 9. — I am very much of your grace's mind about the
lady's discovery ; for though I know these people are full of hopes on
slight grounds, and can hardly keep in what lies uppermost on their
heart, yet from many observations, I am persuaded their expectations
have not been higher of a long time, than before the late glorious vic
tory ; and, indeed, they had a great foundation from abroad, though
nothing had been designed at home. One of these said, not long ago, it
was true a great many men were killed and taken, but that to the French
king was no more than to take a bucket of water out of a river ; and they
seem so possessed with what his flatterers say of his greatness, that they
almost deem him omnipotent."
We feel regret in observing frequent proofs in the corre
spondence of Marlborough, that these bitter effusions of party
rancour made a deep impression on his sensitive mind.
To the Duchess.
" Sefelingen, August 25. — Since my last I have received four letters of
my dearest soul's, of the 16th, 21st, and 28th, for which I return her a
thousand thanks. I find by some of your's that I am very much obliged
to 22 *, and some of his friends, that take the action of Donawerth not to
be a victory. I wish that and our last battle could have been obtained
without the hazard of any but myself ; his lordship then would not have
complained ; for this last action I will be answerable his friend, the king
of France, will own the victory. It is not to be imagined with what
precipitation they have quitted this country.
" Camp at Gross- Gartach, Sept. 2. 1704  I must beg, my dearest
soul, to make my acknowledgments to the queen for her very obliging
letter, believing it much easier than to trouble her with a letter of mine.
I hope the elector of Bavaria and the remainder of the French array
(who, notwithstanding they were joined by the duke of Villeroy and his
army, did not think themselves strong enough to stay for us, but are glad
to put the Rhine between us), will be able to convince 17 that the
French think themselves beaten. I am sure we can never bless. God
enough for the success he has given us, it being much above our own
expectations. But if those sort of gentlemen think there has not been
enough done, I hope he will bless us with a farther success, which at last
must bring us to happiness in spite of them, which shall be the prayers
and endeavours of him that loves you dearly."
Alluding to the reflection mentioned in the letter of Mrs.
Burnett, he afterwards observes : —
" What 92 says of a bucket of water, if they will allow us to draw one.
or two such buckets more, I should think we might then let the river
run quietly, and not much apprehend its overflowing and destroying its
* Probably Lord Rochester.

1704.J POLITICAL FEUDS. 235
neighbours, or be much concerned whether 17 and 21 were in or out of
humour." However vexed with the machinations and malicious
clamours of the Tories, Marlborough was not less indignant
at the censures of the violent Whigs, who endeavoured to
avenge his coldness towards their party by re-echoing the
declamations of their political antagonists. His disgust was
increased by the incessant importunities of the duchess, who
exclaimed against his neglect of such meritorious supporters,
and his attachment to an ungrateful faction.
He frequently gives vent to these feelings in his corre
spondence. * * * " October 20th, 1 704. — I have just now received your's of
the 23d from the Lodge, and am a good deal concerned to find by it that
87* is still of the opinion that 16 and 86 play a game that must be fatal,
if the designs of 92 do not prove successful. I was in hopes that 86 had
done so much towards the hindering 92 succeeding, that his greatest
enemies would not deem him so weak and foolish as to think they could
ever forgive him. I do assure you as for myself, my pretending to be of
no party, is not designed to get favour, or to deceive any body, for I am
very little concerned what any party thinks of me ; I know them both so
well, that if my quiet depended upon either of them I should be most
miserable, as I find happiness is not to be had in this world, which I did
flatter myself might have been enjoyed in a retired life. I will endea
vour to leave a good name behind me in countries that have hardly any
blessing but that of not knowing the detested names of Whig and Tory."
We have already observed, that when Lord Nottingham
retired, he left a strong party of his adherents in the offices
of government, whose continuance was tolerated by the
minister, from respect to the partialities of the Queen. The
principal of these were the duke of Buckingham, privy seal,
and Sir Nathan Wright, lord keeper. These ministers
imitated the example of their disgraced leader, in caballing
against the general and treasurer, joining in the clamours of
their party, and obstructing the measures of government.
In the correspondence of the year, we find some vague hints
thrown out relative to the removal of the lord keeper ; but
the chief battery was levelled against the duke of Bucking-
* The ciphers in this and the following letters to the duchess are diffi
cult to explain ; and the difficulty is increased by several mistakes in the
originals, which were evidently written in haste. It is certain, however,
that 17 means the earl of Nottingham, and 19 and 25 the dukes of
Buckingham and Newcastle.

236 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [_CHl Xxx-
ham, whose high rank and favour with the queen rendered
him an object of more serious apprehension. The duchess
took an active share in this political feud, and not only im
portuned her husband to discard such insidious colleagues,
but vehemently reproached Lord Godolphin for his impolicy
and pusillanimity in suffering them to continue in a situation
where they could thwart his views. One of the few letters
written by this singular woman, which have escaped destruc
tion, will display the high tone she assumed in political trans
actions. Tlie Duchess to Lord Godolphin.
" I am glad you don't think me in the wrong as to what I wrote con
cerning 43 ; and I find I might have won a good wager, when I said 1 7
would keep his winter quarters in the queen's house, to cabal with all
her enemies. Indeed, it is a very certain case that these gentlemen who
have been so much favoured, will never serve the queen thoroughly,
though they will be very unwilling to part with their employments.
And why the queen should accept of such services from people that have
no reputation, Lord Marlborough and you will find it a pretty hard
thing to give a good reason, when the whole world knows that there has
not been upon the throne a person with more virtue and good qualities
for the public, nor more surely in their interest."
In this predicament Godolphin appealed to the duke for
advice and consolation. The duchess also did not omit an
opportunity of inveighing against the misconduct of a Tory ;
and, yielding to her usual bias, recommended the duke of
Newcastle, a zealous Whig, as a fit person to supply the place
of Buckingham. These applications reached Marlborough
in his toilsome march through Germany ; but he declined
interfering, on the plea that his military business required
his whole attention, and left the decision to Lord Godolphin,
who, being on the spot, was more competent to form an
accurate judgment.
So petty a cabal was forgotten amidst the grand events
which ensued ; but in his progress from Landau to Treves
he was assailed with new importunities. During his stay
before Landau, and in his march to Treves, we find him.
venting his spleen against all parties.
To the Duchess.
" Camp at St. Wendel, October 20. — That you may never feel the un
easiness I endure, and that every thing may go to your own heart's de
sire, is the earnest wishes of him that is much yours. In return I hope

1704.]

POLITICAL FEUDS. 237

I shall never be desired to recommend any body into a place of trust,
being what I have resolved positively never to do. I shall serve the
queen with all my soul, even to the hazard of a thousand lives if I had
them. But while I live I will meddle with no business but what be
longs to the army. And this I shall beg of the queen on my knees, if
there be any occasion for it ; and from henceforward shall never more
use the expression of being of no party, but shall certainly not care what
any party thinks of me, being resolved to recommend myself to the peo
ple of England, by being to the best of my understanding, in the true
interest of my country." To Lord Godolphin.
" Camp near Traerbach, Nov. 3. — If I do not succeed at Berlin, it
will not be necessary for me to stay at either of these courts above two
or three days. However, it will make my coming into England very late
this year, so that I can't forbear writing to you about 19, for I have it
from other letters as well as your's, that he is in measures with 17
(probably Nottingham) and 18*, to give all the obstruction that is in
their power to the carrying on of the public business with vigour this
sessions, on which I think not only the queen's honour, but her safety
depends ; for France is now in that condition, that if her majesty's arms
have good success this next year, she will have it in her power to make
such a peace as may make Christendom quiet as long as it may please
God to bless us with her life. I do not think that 19 has any personal
interest ; but should he be left in the employment he is now in, it would
be a great encouragement to others to do like him, which might be very
prejudicial. I write very freely to you on this occasion, knowing his
natural to be such, that his whole malice will be employed against your
self and me. I know not what her majesty's thoughts may be as to
filling of that place ; but I must put you in mind of what Mr. Guidot
has many times said to me, that 55 (the duke of Newcastle) was the
most desirous in the world of coming into her majesty's service. My
objection was, he was too much a party man ; he always replied, that he
was sure that he woul4 be every thing that the queen would have him.
If her majesty could be assured of this, and that he would live at court,
his estate is so very great that he would certainly be of use. You on
the place are much more capable of judging what is right in this matter
than I can possibly be at this distance j but I shall venture to say posi
tively, that after the success of this summer, the more her majesty takes
upon her to discountenance such as are not zealous in the common cause,
the more her glory will increase both at home and abroad. I shall be
at Landau on Thursday, from whence you shall have an account of that
siege, which has lasted much longer than it ought to have done. I am
ever yours."
But he was unable to repel their repeated instances,
and at length yielded to new solicitations, though with un
feigned reluctance. In a letter to Godolphin, from the camp
* Probably Rochester.

238 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH." XXXI.
near Traerbach, Nov. 3., he states, that as he was likely to
be detained abroad longer than he expected, he could not
avoid recommending the dismissal of the duke of Bucking
ham, and the transfer of the privy seal to the duke of New^-
castle. He also acknowledges that his former hesitation on
this point rose from his objections to Newcastle as a party
man. In a letter of the same date to the duchess, he con
fesses that he had yielded to her importunities.
" I did in a former letter tell you I did desire I might never have any
hand in recommending any body to a place of trust ; I am still of the
same opinion, and I shall take it as a great mark of your kindness your
indulging me in this. And unless you resolve not to ask me, I find I
can't keep my resolution. I have writ to my lord treasurer as you de
sired concerning 1 9 and 55. I can refuse you nothing ; and I beg you
will give me that quiet of mind, as to tell me you approve of my resolu
tion, and then I am sure I shall keep it. My troublesome journey to
Berlin will be much easier to me by your thinking I ought to do it,
because it may prove of service to the public. But I almost despair of
success, though I do serve the queen and common cause with all my
heart ; but it is you only can give me much trouble, or make me very
happy."

Chap. XXXI  Journey to Berlin. — 1704.
During his continuance before Landau, Marlborough had
the satisfaction of promoting the conclusion of the treaty
which had been pending with the electress of Bavaria since
the battle of Blenheim. By arguments and remonstrances
he conquered the repugnance of the emperor, whose inve
teracy against the Bavarian family was extreme, and who was
strongly inclined to visit on the electress and her children
the political delinquency of her husband. After an arduous
struggle between resentment on one hand, and wounded
pride on the other, the electress agreed to surrender all the
fortresses and magazines in Bavaria, to disband the army and
militia, and to restore the conquests of her husband in the
Tyrol. In return she was permitted to reside at Munich
with a guard of 400 men, and to receive an adequate revenue
for her support. The states of Bavaria were to retain their

1704.] EMBARRASSING NEGOTIATIONS. 239
privileges, but the whole country was placed under an
Austrian administration.*
From the time of his arrival on the Bhine, Marlborough,
though occupied with the military operations immediately
under his direction, anxiously looked to the more distant
scenes of the war, which, though extending to the remotest
parts of Europe, yet rested on his decision and superin
tendence. He had been long and seriously occupied in mediating a
reconciliation between the court of Vienna and the Hunga
rian insurgents, an arrangement which was rendered ex
tremely difficult by the jarring pretensions of the contending
parties. The insurgents endeavoured to extort, not only a
full confirmation of the religious liberties, but also of all the
civil rights which their ancestors had ever enjoyed ; while
the emperor was equally averse to concessions which he
deemed no less contrary to the interests of the Catholic
church, than to the prerogatives of his crown. New difficul
ties also arose from the existing circumstances. The victory
of Blenheim having removed the imminent danger which
threatened the house of Austria, the emperor felt less
anxiety for reconciliation with his contumacious subjects ;
while the Hungarians, considering the influence of Marl
borough as rendered paramount by his late success, endea
voured to avail themselves of the anxiety which he had
uniformly testified for an accommodation.
Indeed he had already employed his mediation, through
the agency of Mr. Stepney, British envoy at Vienna, but
without effect. Finding, however, that no progress could be
made by an indirect correspondence, he summoned Mr.
Stepney to the camp at Weissemburg, that he might obtain
a more accurate knowledge of the question, and accelerate an
arrangement by his personal instances with the king of the
Bomans, Prince Eugene, and the ministers who had attended
the heir apparent to the army. Eepeated conferences were
held in vain ; the affair was prolonged by continual appeals
to the court of Vienna ; and the dispute was aggravated by
new persecutions at the instigation of the Jesuits, against
which the insurgents indignantly appealed to the feelings of
Marlborough. After a long discussion, no specific arrange-
* Falkenstein, p. 813.

240 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXXI.
ment could be adjusted, and he with regret was obliged to
defer the accomplishment of this important negotiation to an
indefinite period.
He experienced great difficulty also in arranging the com
plicated affairs of Portugal ; and from his correspondence we
trace the germ of those unfortunate disputes which after
wards contributed to dissipate the well-founded hopes formed
of the war in the Peninsula.
The British fleet under the command of Sir George Rooke,
which had conveyed Charles to Lisbon, had transported also
a considerable auxiliary force of English and Dutch. The
king of Portugal had pledged himself to hold in readiness a
subsidiary army of 28,000 men, and it was proposed to open
the campaign early in May, before the Spaniards could be
prepared for defence. But these expectations were far from
being realised. A long peace had enervated the Portuguese ;
their fortresses were dilapidated, their magazines unprovided;
their troops, without pay or clothing, deserted in great num
bers ; horses were wanting for the conveyance of stores and.
baggage ; the generals were inexperienced, and the captious
spirit of Das Minas, the commander-in-chief, added continual
obstructions to all active operations. The king himself,
afflicted with a hypochondriac malady, had lost his wonted
vigour of mind and body ; the tardy forms of the govern
ment were a source of continual obstruction ; the chief
ministers were in the interest of France, and the indisposition
of the sovereign furnished continual pretexts or occasions for
delay. Under such disadvantages the projected invasion of Spain
could not be carried into effect ; but Portugal itself became
the first scene of this long and sanguinary war. An army
of 40,000 Spaniards, assisted by a body of 12,000 French,
under the command of the duke of Berwick, burst over the
frontiers early in April, captured several petty fortresses, and
reduced Castel Branco, the key of the Tagus.
In this alarming state of affairs, the disputes which arose
between Schomberg and Fagel, the English and Dutch com"
manders, increased the confusion, and a similar spirit of con
tention broke forth with the Portuguese. After a repose of
a few weeks, during the summer heats, a new arrangement
of the command was found necessary. By the advice of

1704.] THE WAR IN PORTUGAL. 241
Marlborough, the earl of Galway was chosen to supersede
Schomberg, and landed at Lisbon on the 3d of July, with a
reinforcement of 4000 men. The army being refreshed and
reorganised, Charles and the king of Portugal, who had par
tially recovered from his malady, took the field in person,
with the design of penetrating to Madrid ; but the usual
bickerings and discordance arising, they were unable to con
tend with the skill and ability of Berwick, and deemed them
selves sufficiently fortunate in delivering the country from
the insults of a hostile army.
On the eastern coast of Spain an attempt by the prince of
Hesse Darmstadt, assisted with the English fleet, to surprise
Barcelona, failed of success. A compensation was, however,
made for the disappointment by the capture of Gibraltar,
which being ill guarded, was surprised by a small body of
English sailors, as the fleet was returning to Lisbon, dis
couraged and discontented. This valuable acquisition, though
afterwards of such essential advantage in the operations of
the war, and of such permanent utility to England, was now
rather a burden than a benefit ; because the cares required
for its security divided the attention of the commanders,
diverted the fleet from other services, and weakened an army
already too reduced for a vigorous effort.
From this brief survey of the campaign, we may readily
conceive the anxiety which agitated the mind of Marlborough,
who was made arbiter and mediator of every dispute, and
the director of every operation, and whose attention was
incessantly employed in soothing the captious spirit of the
Portuguese, in modifying the contending pretensions of the
English and Dutch, and in combating the importunities of all
parties in England for appointments and commands.
Marlborough also interested himself with the greatest zeal
in the arrangement for granting relief to the duke of Savoy.
In Italy the superiority of the French forces had overborne
all opposition. Victor Amadeus, unable to withstand the
enemy in the field, had witnessed the reduction of Vercelli
and Ivrea, and the investment of Verrua, the key of his
capital ; and posting his little army at Crescentino, had con
fined his efforts to the supply of troops and provisions, in
order to protract as long as possible the crisis of his fate.
He bore his reverses with the most laudable magnanimity,
TOL. L R

242 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGn. [CH. XXXI.
and on the zeal and activity of the British commander placed
his only hopes of relief. Mr. Hill, who was an eye-witness
of his distress, spoke his sentiments in a letter to Marl
borough ; and after enumerating a long catalogue of disasters,
added, "We expect salvation from no side but from your
grace, but from thence we do expect it."
On this subject Leopold also interested himself with unusual
warmth. Anxious to expel the French from Italy, he sent a
letter to the British commander, apprising him that the Mar
quis de Prie, minister of the duke of Savoy, had solicited
assistance, and was deputed to make a similar appeal to him
and Eugene. After stating the deplorable situation of the
duke of Savoy, the emperor strongly supported his demand,
and urged that the reduction of Ivrea would involve the loss
of the capital, and leave the unfortunate prince no alterna
tive but to submit to the terms dictated by France. He
argued that the conquest of Piedmont would be followed by a
more strenuous effort in Spain, whither the enemy would
then turn their victorious arms. After stating that he would
himself have furnished the succours required, had not his
whole disposable force been employed, and Hungary in an
unsettled state, he concludes by requesting that Marlborough
would not dismiss the minister, at least without consolation ;
but that he would devise with his colleagues the means of
detaching a powerful succour. He then expatiated on the
impolicy of suffering so useful an ally to be overwhelmed j
and added, that his son and his generals were authorised to
confer on the subject with the minister of Savoy.*
Marlborough did not need such pressing instances to stimu
late his zeal. In the course of his correspondence we find
that his thoughts had been long and seriously employed in
discovering a remedy. Such a remedy was however by no
means easily devised. The auxiliary troops, in the pay of
the maritime powers, could not be drafted for a winter cam
paign into Italy, because it was expressly stipulated that they
should not serve out of Germany. It was equally imprac
ticable to make a draft from the army in the Netherlands,
and even money could elicit no farther aid from the petty
princes in Germany. As little could he rely on any assist
ance from the imperial court, notwithstanding their magnifi*
* Letter from the Emperor Leopold to the Duke of Marlborough.

1704. J LEAVES FOR BERLIN. 243
cent promises ; for he observes, in a letter to Godolphin,
" Should the emperor send into Italy all the troops he can
supply, they would not amount to more than 3000 men."
Even for so small a detachment no magazines were provided ;
and it was the observation of Eugene, that if sent, they must
perish for want of subsistence.
In this predicament, no resource was left but to apply to
the king of Prussia for a subsidiary corps of 8000 men, and
endeavour to obtain his consent by a new appeal to his
vanity. On this subject Marlborough secretly disclosed his
views to the lord treasurer, and offered, though with undis
guised reluctance, to solicit the aid in person. He found,
however, great objections to the proposal, from the anxiety of
Godolphin and the queen for his speedy return to England,
as well as from the importunities of the duchess, who dreaded
the effects of so toilsome a journey in the heart of winter,
after his late severe indisposition.* His own letters also
announce his extreme aversion to this fatiguing expedition r
but he could not withstand the instances of the emperor, the
heartfelt appeals of the duke of Savoy, the solicitations of
the king of the Romans, and above all the conviction of its-
necessity. October 3d, he observes to the duchess : —
" After I have disposed of every thing for the taking such winter
quarters as I wish to have, I shall not stay a day longer with the troops
than what is absolutely necessary ; for if the service should require my
going to Berlin, that will cost me at least a fortnight. I am very much
afraid that my going may do no good ; but if I should not go, the emperor
and the States may think the eight thousand men might have been had,
if I could have taken the pains of going : so that you see if they insist
upon it, I must undertake that trouble."
Finding the siege of Landau still prolonged beyond his
expectations, he left the command of the covering army to
Eugene, and took his departure for Berlin on the 15th of
November, with a heavy heart, and expresses his chagrin at
the prospect of his irksome journey. ." I think," says he,
"to begin my journey on Friday or Saturday next. I own
that my heart aches at the thought of it, since I shall be
forced to go above eight hundred miles before I get to the
Hague, in the very worst time of the year ; and that which
* Letters from Marlborough to Godolphin and the Duchess, in Sep
tember and October. R 2

244 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXXI.
is worst of all, with very little hopes of succeeding." During,
his journey he had the satisfaction of hearing that Landau
had surrendered. The intelligence was communicated from
the royal camp at Ibbesville, November 23d, by Joseph him
self. The notification was written, as is usual, in the diplo
matic style, and in the Latin tongue, and signed " Bcnevolus
Consanguineus Josephus." But the young monarch, instead
of confining himself to the mere form of the chancery,
added in his own hand expressions of his gratitude : — " To
you I owe the success of this enterprise. I hope it will not
be the last we shall obtain together. I shall never forget
the services which you have renderd to the common cause,
as well as to my house ; and I shall always derive great
pleasure in giving you marks of my esteem and affection."
Marlborough reached Berlin in the evening of the 22d of
November, and without a moment's delay waited on the
king and queen, who received him with great kindness, and
testified their gratitude to his sovereign. He superseded the
formalities of a punctilious court, and after two audiences of
the king, entered into the details of the negotiation with the
ministers. The greatest difficulty which he had to combat
was derived from the dread of the king lest the conflict
between Sweden and Poland would spread into his own
dominions, during the absence of his troops. The difficulty
was increased by the arrival of the grand treasurer of Poland,
who was despatched by Augustus for the purpose of forming
a common cause with Prussia against the attacks of Sweden.
This envoy even recurred to the duke for the support of the
queen and States. But Marlborough dexterously eluded the
application; and carefully abstaining from extraneous dis
cussions, he directed his whole efforts to allay the fears which
the king felt at the designs of Sweden. At length he suc
ceeded in gaining his assent, by pledging his sovereign and
the States, not only to secure the tranquillity of the Prus
sian territories during the absence of the troops, but also to
employ their concurrence in preventing the extension of the
troubles which threatened the German empire. He thus
not only obtained the auxiliary succour, but he also performed
great service to the common cause, by prevailing on the
capricious monarch to suspend his claims to the inheritance
of King William, which had already produced a serious

1704.] VISITS THE KING OP PRUSSIA. 245
misunderstanding with the Dutch. We close this subject by
the insertion of some letters to the duchess from Berlin and
Hanover. *; Nov. 23. — I writ to you from Cassel, and since have had no oppor
tunity of writing till now. The ways have been so bad I have been
obliged to be every day fourteen or fifteen hours on the road, which has
made my side very sore ; but the three or four days I shall stay here will
make me able to go on. Besides, I intend remaining two days at
Hanover, and after that shall make all the haste I can to the Hague,
when I hope to despatch every thing, so as to embark in eight days if the
wind prove fair. I have not time to open the letters that are come
from England, and must answer them by the next post. I am with heart
and soul yours."
" Nov. 25. — I am very sorry that poor Lady Sunderland's boy is not
well, for I am sensible how great a trouble such a loss would be. As to
what she writes concerning the city, I shall like whatever you and 16
shall think proper. I have been iuvited by the burgomaster of Amster
dam ; and if that town continues to be of the opinion to see me there when
I come into Holland, I intend to go for one day, as I shall do at London,
if my friends think proper, without considering what party governs ; for
by the help of God I shall endeavour to govern myself by what I think
is right, and not because it may be desired by a party ; for I am so little
fond of any party that I no ways envy what is done to 64. Were
the affairs of the queen and Europe in such a condition that one might
sleep quietly and safely in his own house, I had much rather any body
were at the head ofthe army than myself; for parties are grown so very
unreasonable that one ought not to expect any other than hardships,
though without faults, when success is not with us."
"-Nov. 27. — I have been forced to stay here three days longer than I
intended ; but at last I have finished so far that they have promised to
sign the treaty for 8000 men, for the duke of Savoy, at twelve o'clock
this day, at which time I shall have my coach ready ; but shall not be
able to get to Hanover till Monday night, and hope to finish what I have
to. do there by Wednesday night, so that I may set forward to Holland
on Thursday. 1 am very well contented at the pains I have taken in
coming hither, since it has obtained 8000 men for the speedy relief of the
duke of Savoy, this being the only prince of the empire in condition to
send any men. I hope Holland, as well as her majesty, will approve of
what I have done, it being the only thing that in probability can save
Savoy. It is not to be expressed the civilities and honours they have
done me here, the ministers assuring me that no other body could have
prevailed with the king. My next will be from Hanover, and then you
must not expect to hear from me till I come to Holland. I am with all
my heart entirely yours. My most humble duty to the queen."
At his last audience, the king of Prussia, after having
testified great satisfaction for the kind visit, and after many
warm expressions of esteem and friendship, honoured him

246 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXXII.
with presents of considerable value. In his way from Berlin
to the Hague, he made a short stay at Hanover to pay his
respects to the elector, and was received with those demon
strations of respect and esteem which were due to the
glorious commander who had secured the liberties of Ger
many. " Hanover, Dec. 2. — On my arrival here I found two of your dear
letters ; and could you know the true satisfaction I have when they are
kind, you will ever make me happy. I shall go from hence on Thursday,
so that on this day se'nnight I hope to write from the Hague, where I
will make as little stay as the business will allow of. I have so much
respect shown me here that I have hardly time to write. The king of
Prussia did me all the honour he could ; and indeed I have met with
more kindness and respect everywhere than I could have imagined.
But by my letters from England I find that zeal and success is only
capable of protecting me from the malice of villanous faction ; so that if
it were not for the great obligation I owe to the queen, nothing should
persuade me evermore to stir out of England. We have the news here
that Landau and Traerbach are taken, so that thanks be to God this
campaign is ended, to the greatest advantage for the allies that has been
for a great while. I long extremely to be with you and the children, so
that you may be sure I shall lose no time when the wind is fair."
Having attained the object for which he took this tedious
journey in so late a season, Marlborough returned to the
Hague in order to embark for England with the first fair
wind, as soon as he had arranged the measures for opening
the next campaign as early and as vigorously as possible.*

Chap. XXXII. — Marlborough arrives in England. —
1704.
During the continuance of Marlborough at the Hague, he
received many communications from his correspondents in
England, on the proceedings in parliament and the state and
temper of parties. In the speech from the throne, the queen
noticed the unanimous joy and satisfaction of all her good
subjects at the great and remarkable success with which
God had blessed her arms ; and observed, that a timely im
provement of the present advantages would enable her to
establish a lasting foundation of peace for England, and a
* See Appendix, note D.

1704.] PROCEEDINGS OF PARLIAMENT. 247
firm support for the liberty of Europe. After requiring the
necessary supplies from the Commons, and urging a speedy
despatch of business, she concluded with recommending un
animity at home as the surest means of baffling the hopes of
her enemies, who placed their principal reliance on the feuds
and divisions of her people.
Congratulatory addresses were voted by both houses,
though in a different style. The Commons, among whom the
Tory interest predominated, expressed their satisfaction at
the glorious success of her arms under the command of the
Duke of Marlborough ; but still, with a bias to their prin
ciples and party, they did not hesitate to bestow similar
praise on the indecisive engagement of Sir George Rooke
with the French fleet off Malaga, thus depreciating the great
event which had given liberty to Germany, to a level with
an action which produced neither honour nor advantage.
The Lords, on the contrary, expressed the national sentiment
by passing over in silence an engagement unworthy of public
thanks, and confining their praises to the exploits of the
illustrious commander. In a strain of spirited eulogium,
they added, " We can never enough admire your majesty's
wisdom and courage in sending that reasonable and neces
sary assistance to the empire, and we cannot too much com
mend the secrecy and bravery with which your orders were
executed."* But whatever were the feelings of party, or the prejudices
of individuals, the splendid successes of the campaign over
bore all opposition, and confounded all attempts to prevent
the vigorous prosecution of the war. The queen was re
quested by the legislature to bestow her bounty on the
soldiers and sailors who had deserved so well of their
country ; the supplies were voted without a dissenting
voice ; the ways and means were settled without difficulty ;
and the land-tax bill, which formed the principal branch,
received the royal assent on the 9th of December, only six
weeks after the commencement of the session.
But though unable to withstand the current of popular
opinion, the violent Tories seized the earliest opportunity to
thwart the measures of government, by reviving the bill
* Journals of both houses, and Chandler's Debates of Lords and
Commons. R 4

248 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXXH.
against Occasional Conformity. Notwithstanding their de
feat in the preceding year, they were too desirous of reducing
the influence of their political opponents to relinquish this
favourite scheme. By adopting such changes as were calcu
lated to obviate the former objections, they hoped to render
it more palatable ; and therefore they now again brought it
forward with some amendments in the preamble, and similar
modifications in the penalties.
But since the last struggle a considerable change had
taken place on this subject in the mind of the queen and in
the sentiments of the ministry. However inclined to. the
high-church doctrines, she was not ignorant of the selfish
and interested motives which actuated the movers of this
obnoxious law. Both Marlborough and the lord treasurer,
though imbued with the same opinions, were still more
conscious that the bill was not intended as a security to the
church, but as a covert attack against themselves and the
Whigs by whom they were supported.
Nothing, however, could restrain the animosity of the
zealous Tories ; and knowing the secret inclinations of the
queen to be at variance with her public declaration, they
persisted more strenuously in their design, the more it was
deprecated by the ministers. To give strength and con
sistency to their efforts, they formed clubs and societies, and
appeared determined to sacrifice the principles of the constb
tution and the honour of the country, rather than relinquish
their darling object. As they expected the most vigorous
opposition in the House of Lords, they resolved to make, the
grant of the supply depend on the fate of the bill.
After these preparatory measures, the act was again
brought into the House of Commons by Mr. Bromley, and
was ordered for a second reading. To vanquish the oppo*
sition of the peers, the authors of the measure proposed to
tack it to the bill for the land tax, the only branch of ;the
supply which had not been voted ; although on the credit of
that grant, Marlborough had concluded the treaty with
Prussia, for a succour of 8000 men, who were now marching
to relieve the duke of Savoy.
This unconstitutional attempt furnished still stronger
objections against the measure than even its undisguised
spirit of persecution. The moderate Tories, with Harley at

1704.] OCCASIONAL CONFORMITT BILL. 249
their head, were deeply offended by the factious conduct of
those with whom they were hitherto identified, and heartily
joined with the Whigs and court-party to thwart the obnoxi
ous act. Lord Cutts and Sir Charles Hedges, though
Tories, dwelt with peculiar energy on the discouragement
which any division between the two houses on this contested
point would spread through the whole confederacy, as well
as on the mischief which must ensue to the common cause,
if the treaty with the king of Prussia, which the Duke of
Marlborough had concluded on the faith of parliament,
should be suspended. To the honour of a large body among
the Tories, these cogent arguments outweighed the prejudices
of party. The movers of the bill were deserted by 1 20 of
their friends, and the tack was negatived by a majority of
251 against 134, among whom we distinguish Harley and his
adherents.* Although foiled in this effort, the bill without the tack
was carried through the house by the Tory interest, and
transmitted to the Lords. In the upper house it would have
been negatived almost without a division, had not the queen
herself appeared in the gallery, with the view of allaying
dissensions by her presence. The expedient, however, pro
duced a contrary effect ; for the hope of making an impres
sion on the mind of the sovereign called forth all the elo
quence of the contending parties. It was at length rejected
by a majority of twenty-one voices more than on the last
occasion. Lord Godolphin and the Duke of Marlborough,
who had just returned from abroad, gave each a silent vote
* The Duke of Marlborough was abroad when this effort was made
in the House of Commons; but we are acquainted with his sentiments
by a letter which he wrote from the Hague to Harley, to whom he prin
cipally ascribed the defeat of the bill.
" Dec. 16. — I must confess by what was sent the former post I could
not help being under some apprehensions from the proceedings of the
House of Commons, with relation to the Occasional Bill ; so that the
account you now ,send me was so much the more welcome. And when
I reflect on the dangerous consequences the obstinacy of some people
might have produced, I cannot but think this happy turn is as great a
victory with reference to England as any advantages we have had since I
saw you ; and I hope every body will do you the justice to attribute
the greatest share of it to your prudent management and zeal for the
public."

250 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXXH.
against the bill. The protest was signed only by Notting
ham, Bochester, and the most zealous Tories.*
The violence of the high Tories produced the deepesf
injury to their cause. Their defeat increased the schism in
the party, and contributed to alienate still more the treasurer
and the commander. In adverting to this subject, the lan
guage of Marlborough assumes an unwonted tone of hosti
lity, which proves his increasing aversion to a party with
whom he had once cordially acted. In a letter afterwards
addressed to Lord Godolphin, dated April 14., he observes,'
" As to what you say of the tackers, I think the answer and
method that should be taken is what is practised in all
armies, that is, if the enemy give no quarter, they should
have none given to them." Godolphin also adopted a
similar tone in his correspondence with the duchess. " Al
though," he says, "there must be no present resentment
shown, nor so much as threatened, yet I assure you, when
the session is over, I shall never think any man fit to con
tinue in his employment who gave his vote for the tack."
In the midst of this political struggle, Marlborough
arrived in England. He quitted the Hague on the 11th of
December, and embarked on board one of the royal yachts,
in company with Marshal Tallard and other prisoners of
distinction, . bringing with him the standards and other
trophies of his victory. He landed on the 14th, and the same
morning experienced a cordial reception from the queen,
to whom he paid his respects at the palace of St. James,
On the following day he took his seat in the House of Peers,
and was welcomed by the lord keeper with an address of
congratulation, and the same day a committee of the Com
mons attended him to express their thanks for his great and,
glorious services. His answers to both evinced the modes^
dignity of a great mind ; for, next to the blessing of God, he
ascribed his success to the extraordinary courage of the
officers and soldiers under his command.
Every honour and reward which could be conferred on a
subject was lavished on the able and fortunate commander.
On the 3d of January the trophies of the victory were
removed from the Tower, where they were first deposited,
* Journals ofthe Lords and Commons — Chandler's Debates — Tindal
— Oldmixon — Mrs. Burnet's Letters to the Duchess of Marlborough.

1705.] TRIUMPHANT PROCESSION. 251
to Westminster Hall. The cavalcade consisted of companies
of horse and foot guards, intermixed with persons of dis
tinction, who attended to do honour to the occasion, and was
closed by one hundred and twenty-eight pike men, each
bearing an uplifted standard. Amidst the thunder of artil
lery, and the shouts of an exulting multitude, the procession
moved through the streets of London and Westminster in
solemn pomp, and traversing the Green Park, was viewed
by the queen from one of the windows of the palace. Since
the defeat of the Spanish Armada, so triumphant a spec
tacle had never gladdened the eyes of a British public ; nor
was the effect unworthy of the occasion ; the pulse of the
nation beat high with joy, and the names of Anne and
Marlborough were mingled amidst the testimonies of tumul
tuous exultation, which burst from all ranks and orders.*
On the 6th the duke attended a grand entertainment,
which was given in Goldsmiths' Hall, by the lord mayor
and heads of the city. He was conveyed in one of the royal
carriages, and accompanied by the lord treasurer, the duke
of Somerset, master of the horse, and the prince of Hesse,
who had so well distinguished himself in the same field of
honour ; and attended by a numerous cavalcade of carriages,
filled with foreign ministers, generals, and persons of the
most exalted rank. At Temple Bar he was received in the
usual state by the city marshals ; and the multitude, who
thronged the streets, and crowded the roofs and windows of
every house, to catch a glance of their illustrious country
man, evinced the general interest taken in his success, and
the heartfelt gratitude which it awakened in every bosom.')"
The queen was eager to testify her regard to the fortunate
commander ; but recollecting the disappointment of her
proposal the preceding year, it was thought more proper,
that the usual recompence attached to great actions should
be given by the spontaneous voice of the national repre
sentatives. In her speech to parliament, she therefore
simply alluded to the late glorious victory, without even
mentioning the name of the dukej or alluding to any remu
neration. Indeed any appeal to public feeling was needless;
for the party who had so contemptuously rejected the former
* History of Europe, January 1705 — Tindal — Lediard.
\ History of Europe, for January 1705.

252 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXXH.
proposal, was silenced by the national voice. The Commons
accordingly presented an address, soliciting her majesty to
consider of proper means for perpetuating the memory of
the great services performed by the Duke of Marlborough..
Anne rejoiced that she could at length indulge the senti
ments of her gratitude towards the duke and affection
towards the duchess. On the 17th of February she informed
the house, that in conformity with their application, she
purposed to convey to the Duke of Marlborough and his
heirs the interest of the crown in the manor and honour of
Woodstock, with the hundred of Wootton, and requested
supplies for clearing off the incumbrances on that domain^
A bill for the purpose being immediately introduced, passed
both houses without opposition, and received the royal
sanction on the 14th of March. The preamble contained a
recapitulation of the unparalleled services performed by
Marlborough, not only to his own sovereign and fellow-
subjects, but to all Europe ; and that the gift itself should
remain as a perpetual memorial, it was made a condition of
the tenure, that the possessor should present to the queen
and her successors, on the anniversary of the victory, a
Standard emblazoned with three fleurs-de-lis on a field argent;
the achievement of France.
Not satisfied that the nation alone should testify its
gratitude, the queen accompanied the grant with an order to
the Board of Works to erect, at the royal expense, a splendid
palace, which, in memory of the victory, was to be called
the Castle of Blenheim. A model was immediately con
structed for the approbation of the queen, and the work was
commenced without delay, under the direction of Mr. (after
wards Sir John) Vanbrugh, who was then regarded as one of
the first architects of the age.*
* Of the affable manner and personal appearance of the duke at this
brilliant epoch of his history we have the testimony of Evelyn. In his
Diary, for February 9. 1705, he gives the following account of an acci
dental meeting he had with the great general : — "I went to wait on my
lord treasurer, where was the victorious Duke of Marlborough, who came
to me and took me by the hand with extraordinary familiarity and civility,
as formerly he used to do, without any alteration of his good nature. He
had a most rich George in a sardonyx, set with diamonds of very great
value ; for the rest very plain. I had not seen him for some years, and
believed he might have forgotten me." — Ed.

1705.] POLITICAL MOVEMENTS. 253

Chap. XXXHI. — Characters of the Whig Junta. —
1705.
The factious conduct of the high Tories in general, and par
ticularly their recent attempt to extort the acquiescence of
the peers in the bill against occasional conformity, by means
of the tack, produced an essential change in the sentiments
and political system of Marlborough and Godolphin.
Notwithstanding repeated insults and mortifications, they
had hitherto adhered to the party with whom they had been
long identified ; and even when compelled to break with the
more violent, they still preserved their connexion with the
moderate, and laboured to retain, in the offices of government,
a majority of those who professed congenial sentiments. But
they now felt from experience that nothing would conciliate
the spirit of faction ; and they saw in the example of Buck
ingham and his adherents the impossibility of continuing to
act on the same independent system. The unpopularity of
the violent Tories, who became notorious under the name of
tackers, gave an additional bias to their sentiments, and fur
nished new motives for a change of domestic policy.
During the winter, Marlborough and Godolphin had
seriously deliberated on their future conduct towards the two
contending parties, and on the measures to be pursued in the
elections for the new parliament, which, according to the
triennial act, was to meet in the ensuing April. They con
curred in a resolution to conciliate the confidence of the
moderate and liberal on both sides. Hence Marlborough
had introduced Harley and St. John into the ministry, tole
rated Secretary Hedges, and though he contributed to the
exclusion of Rochester, Nottingham, Sir E. Seymour, and
Jersey, yet he was unwilling to reduce the strength of his
own party by admitting the Whigs to a greater share of
power. But even his discerning mind was deceived in his
opinion on party politics ; or rather he miscalculated when
he supposed that the leaders of the Whigs would continue
to support the government while they were held in a stats
of proscription, and excluded from all offices of trust ; and
he as little estimated their strength and resources. For

254 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXXHI.
while the Tories were divided, the great body of the Whigs
formed a complete phalanx, impelled by the same spirit, and
directed to the same end. As the constant supporters of
the war, and increasing in consequence from its success, they
looked forward to an augmentation of their numbers in the
approaching election, and a gradual introduction of their
chiefs into power. The leaders of this body were five peers,
who are distinguished in the histories of the times by the
name of the Junta, and who were all men of superior talents,
and had performed essential services to the nation, by their
exertions in promoting the Protestant succession, and their
public services during the reign of William. These five
peers were Somers, Wharton, Halifax, Orford, and Sunder
land. In his public capacity, Lord Somers was a true patriot, if
a true patriot ever existed. Hitherto he had not swerved a
tittle from the principles of that revolution of which he was
one of the great movers, and to which he sacrificed his
private interests and that honourable ambition of which no
one is devoid. Of the real Whigs, he was the only one who
possessed the favour and affection of William, as was proved
by the extreme reluctance with which the king consented to
his removal. He highly deserved this confidence by an at
tachment to the royal person peculiarly disinterested, an
unshaken probity, and a devotion to the true principles of
the constitution. In the great struggle which agitated the
last year of William's reign, he proved his firmness and
patriotism by assisting the king with his zealous advice and
support ; though he refused to accept an ostensible office,
because he would not associate himself with the Tories who
were retained in the administration. On the accession of
Anne, the mortification of being excluded from the privy
council, and the unmerited slights which would have driven
a man of less firmness and integrity into petulant opposition,
produced no effect on his magnanimous mind ; and he gave
his zealous support to the measures which he deemed neces
sary for the welfare and independence of England. Though
constitutionally impetuous and irritable, he had so far con
quered the frailties of nature, as to master the movements of
his ardent spirit at the time that his mind was agitated with
contending passions. But while he repressed the ebullitions

1705.] LORD SOMERS. 255
of his natural temper, he retained all its warmth in his at
tachments to his friends and country ; and he commanded
the respect and esteem even of those who were most hostile
to his principles. His elocution was flowing, perspicuous,
and manly ; his reasoning close and powerful. As a lawyer,
he attentively studied the principles of the constitution ; not
with the confined views of professional research, but with the
extensive comprehension and accurate discernment of a
statesman. Nor were his acquirements confined to internal
regulations ; he was a master of foreign affairs, and pro
foundly versed in diplomatic .business, as well as in the
political interests of Europe. The respectable traits of his
character were blended and softened down with those amiable
propensities and pursuits which are calculated to adorn life
and illustrate high station. He possessed an exquisite taste
for polite literature and the fine arts ; and for his attachment
to science he was chosen president of the Royal Society. He
carried his humility and reserve almost to an extreme ; for
he was easy and flexible, and too often suffered his own better
judgment to be biassed by the violent counsels of his col
leagues, who were far his inferiors in patriotism, disin
terestedness, and information.
Somers entertained the highest respect for the great talents
and services of Marlborough, whose military plans he sup
ported with all his eloquence and interest. He rendered
justice also to the financial talents and tried integrity of
Godolphin ; but regarded his want of firmness and decision
with a feeling almost bordering on contempt. He was dis
gusted also with the domineering and captious spirit of the
duchess, and while he approved her zeal in the Whig cause,
he lamented her imprudent and intemperate conduct towards
her royal mistress, of which he foresaw the fatal effects.*
* The late Lord Eldon once remarked that he was a " Whig," upon
the model of this eminent statesman and patron of literature. In the
public history of both was this defect, that the love of power made
them too compliant to the predilections of their respective sovereigns.
However, Lord Somers was greatly superior to the favourite Lord
Chancellor of George III. in his public services, varied attainments, and
intellectual grasp. He had been the steady opponent of the mistaken
course of the Stuarts, and the chief organiser and director of the Revo
lution of 1688. Another great national measure of his time was pro
jected and mainly consummated by him, namely, the legislative union

256' LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXXHI.
Charles Montagu, Lord Halifax, being descended in a
direct line from the earl of Manchester, the distinction of
his family brought him first into notice, and he increased
this distinction by his literary talents, amiable manners, and
social qualities. With these he united an accurate knowledge
of finance, to which he directed his studies as a source of
advancement, after he had obtained a seat in the House of
Commons. To his labours the country was indebted for the
stability of paper credit, and the improvement of the coin.
Having raised himself to the office of first commissioner
of the treasury, he was exposed to the incessant hostilities of
the Tories, and persecuted by them in the House of Com
mons with unrelenting severity ; but he was the Samson of
his party, and repelled with unabated vigour the multiplied
attacks of his political adversaries. Though firm and manly
in debate, he was interested, timid, and versatile as a poli
tician ; and was not without reason accused of occasionally
sacrificing his political tenets to selfishness or fear. From
this motive he exchanged his place at the treasury board for
the lucrative and permanent office of auditor of the ex
chequer, and he accepted a peerage to escape from the per-'
petual warfare of the House of Commons. But in this hope
he was disappointed, for he was impeached as a peer ; and
though he parried the attack, he was still exposed to inces
sant warfare. In the Upper House he found a more con
genial situation, and a fitter theatre for the brilliance and
elegance of his oratory. After relinquishing a responsible-
office for the sake of tranquillity or gain, his restless spirit
was not satisfied. He was incessantly caballing with those;
who possessed the private favour of the queen ; he was
always craving for some situation which he could hold with
his post in the exchequer, and particularly anxious to obtain
a diplomatic mission abroad. He carried his importunities
to such a degree as to disgust Marlborough, who in his
private letters complains of his restless and captious temper.
This occasioned frequent bickerings, and indeed laid the
with Scotland. Somers was born in 1 652, and was the son of a re
spectable attorney of Worcester. He was never married ; but, according
to the testimony of the Duchess of Marlborough, who at a later period
had quarrelled with him, he " lived with another man's wife as publicly '
as if she had been his own." — Ed. '

1705.] LORD WHARTON. 257
foundation of a secret dislike in the mind of Halifax, which
afterwards instigated the versatile peer to injure him by in
sidious accusations at the court of Hanover. He courted
with unceasing assiduity the Duchess of Marlborough, and
regaled her with concerts and entertainments ; but although
his attentions were grateful to her vanity, and although he
at first was admitted to her confidence, he soon irritated her
jealous temper, and lost her esteem.*
Lord Wharton has shared the fate of the most illustrious
characters who have identified themselves with a particular
party. He is eulogised by the Whigs as one of the principal
instruments of the Revolution, and the paragon of political
perfection. By the Tories he is decried as a turbulent and
restless demagogue, inbuedwith republicanism and infidelity;
as hostile to the true principles of the monarchy, and no less
hostile to the established church. Descended from an illus
trious family in the north, he was eldest son and heir to
Philip Lord Wharton. He was born and bred a dissenter,
but conformed to the national worship, although he was still
friendly to his former sect, and partial to its principles. His
wife continued a rigid presbyterian, and a disciple of the
celebrated Mr. Howe, a dissenting minister, who was dis
tinguished for his eloquence, enthusiasm, and piety.
In his early career Wharton was a companion of Charles II.,
and was led by the royal example and influence to share in
the orgies of a licentious court. Still, however, his political
principles remained uncontaminated, and amidst all the
blandishments of pleasure, he evinced such a decided attach
ment to constitutional freedom, that in 1677 he was sent with
Buckingham and Shaftesbury to the Tower, for questioning
the legality of the sitting parliament. Under James n. he
* Like Lord Somers, Lord Halifax took a leading part in effecting
the union with Scotland, and was, like him, an active patron of letters.
He was the first public man to call attention to the state of the national
records- in the Tower, which were then in great disorder and visible de-'
cay ; he also interested himself in preserving the Cottonian manuscripts,
and in making them accessible to the public. He pleaded strongly for a
public library, upon the plan of that we now possess in the British
Museum. Pope has left a well-known quotation to commemorate his
grateful recollections of him as his first patron, in the translation of the
Iliad. On the accession of George I., Halifax again became a lord of
the Treasury, but died a few months after, in 1715. — Ed.
VOL. I. S

258 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXXIH.
became a still more strenuous opponent of Popery and
arbitrary power, and was one of the first gentlemen who
joined the Prince of Orange.
Next to Somers, he was the most distinguished of that
party which placed William and Mary on the throne. He
was rewarded by the new sovereign with the place of comp
troller of the household, but was never advanced to any
political office ; because William; however grateful for his,
services, and however conscious of his talents and consistency,
was yet disgusted with his overbearing temper, and offended
by his uniform antipathy to Robert earl of Sunderland,
whom he persecuted with unceasing acrimony, till he forced
him from office. Wharton was disappointed in various
attempts to obtain the seals of secretary of state ; but in
spite of repeated slights and mortifications, he still retained
his office in the household.
He was a bold, fluent, and manly debater, yet better cal
culated for the meridian of the lower, than for that of the
upper house. His eloquence was coarse and popular ; his
attacks merciless, and his wit ready and poignant, but often
degenerating into ribaldry, which induced Bolingbroke, in
language equally coarse, to call him the scavenger of his
party.* In his aversion to high-church principles, he went
beyond the free-thinkers of the age ; for he scoffed at religion
itself, and made no concealment of . his infidelity. Though
bold, ardent, and overbearing, he was skilled in the manage
ment of the passions, and calculated to shine in the tumult
of elections and popular assemblies. On such occasions he
could control or conceal his natural impetuosity, and with a
wonderful address accommodate himself to the interests,
feelings, and prejudices of those whom he wished to con>
mand. At the accession of Anne, being ejected from his office as
head of the household, and his place in the privy council, he
did not imitate the disinterestedness of Somers, but sought
to satisfy his disappointed ambition and avidity, by an oppo
sition of the most violent kind. Indeed, it is difficult to
judge to what extremities his disgust and vengeance might
have prompted him, had he not been restrained by the
advice and representations of Somers, and the more consider-
* Correspondence.

1705.] EARL OF ORFORD. 259
able members of the party. Still, however, his natural
temper continually broke forth ; and we find him depicted in
the letters of Marlborough, as well as in those from Mayn-
waring to the duchess, as insatiable in his demands, irascible
in temper, turbulent and unmanageable in his political capa
city, and even secretly caballing with the new favourites of
the queen. These defects were more dangerous, because he
possessed the confidence of the Whigs, for his strenuous
exertions in favour of the Protestant succession, and his
uniform opposition to the restoration of the Stuarts. He was
now looking forward to the rank of an earl ; but no increase
of honours could sate his avidity, and he was no less craving.
for an office of profit and dignity. Knowing the queen's
aversion to him in particular, and the reluctance of Maid-
borough and Godolphin to his promotion, he was determined
to extort by force what he could not obtain by persuasion ;
he was anxious to break through the barriers of the cabinet,
by obtruding some less obnoxious Whig into office, that he
with the other leaders might secure an opening for them
selves.* Edward Russel, earl of Orford, the brother of the celebrated
John Lord Russel, was originally groom of the chamber to
the duke of York, and in that situation seems to have formed
an early friendship with Marlborough. He owed his rise
and reputation more to the sufferings and merits of his illus
trious family, to his professional skill, and to the share he
took in the Revolution, than to his superior talents as an
orator or statesman. In private life he was irritable and
impetuous, blunt and overbearing ; in public he was inter
ested, and ambitious of distinction. Disgusted with the
king for his neglect of the Whigs, his resentment threw
him into the opposite extreme. He remonstrated with
William for his severe treatment of Marlborough, and, like
him, he entered into a correspondence with the exiled family,
which proved a source of perpetual embarrassment. Not
withstanding this secret infidelity, he exalted his character
* The character of this member of the junta calls to mind the first
Richard Brinsley Sheridan, exhibiting a singular union of cleverness and
laxity of private conduct, with great firmness and integrity in public
life. Lord Wharton died in 1715, leaving a son more remarkable than
himself for talent, eccentricity and dissipation. — Ed.
s 2

260 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXXIH.
by the victory off La Hogue ; and was justly regarded as the
person who most contributed to effect and maintain the Revo
lution. For this and subsequent services he was created
earl of Orford. As he offended and alienated all parties by
his grasping and impetuous spirit, he had been repeatedly
raised to office and as repeatedly dismissed ; but these partial.
possessions of power only contributed to increase his appetite
for rule, and to give new force to his disgust with the
government. Of all the junta, Orford was perhaps at this
time the most obnoxious to the queen ; because, in common
with her aversion to his party, she regarded with peculiar
jealousy a nobleman whose professional talents, popularity,
and personal views, rendered him the rival, and often the
jcensoi' of the prince of Denmark in the management of the
.-admiralty. Notwithstanding his friendship and connexions
-with Marlborough, his roughness and impetuosity occasionally
-.alienated a nobleman who was distinguished by contrary
..-.qualities ; and in the correspondence between the two
/ministers, he is often depicted in the same unfavourable
..colours as Halifax and Wharton.
The character of Sunderland, the youngest of the junta,
has been sufficiently delineated. We shall therefore only
observe, that he was zealously attached to Somers, whose
opinions he regarded as the dictates of an oracle.
These were the five chiefs who wielded the strength ofthe
Whig party. They were supported by the dukes of Devon
shire, Somerset, and Newcastle, in the upper house, where
they possessed a considerable majority ; and in the lower
house they found zealous advocates in Boyle, chancellor of
the exchequer, Cowper, attorney-general, Smith, whom they
afterwards raised to the office of speaker, and Walpole, who
now began his long public career.
Indignant at the political anathema under which they had
long laboured, the Whigs now began to exact that attention
ivhich they considered as due to their influence and services,
and by dexterously availing themselves of the schism which
had taken place among the Tories, and the necessity which
the ministers felt for their support, they at length forced the
general and treasurer into a change of system. Accordingly,
at the very moment when addresses were heaped on Sir
George Rooke, equalling him with the Duke of Marlborough,

1705.] STATE OF PARTIES. 261
his disfavour with the court was announced by his removal
from his post at the head of the fleet. He was succeeded by
Sir Cloudesley Shovel, a popular officer and a Whig, and Sir
John Leake, with Sir George Byng, who had both distin
guished themselves, as well in the Whig cause as by their
professional talents, were promoted to commands. Several
Whigs were introduced into the subordinate offices of govern
ment : among them we notice Mr. Walpole, who was ap
pointed one of the council to Prince George of Denmark, at
the particular recommendation of Marlborough. Soon after
wards more of the party were nominated lord-lieutenants of
counties, and others were admitted into the privy council.
But the greatest triumph was the removal of Buckingham,
which had been approved by Marlborough in the preceding
year, and had been retarded only by the resistance of the
queen. The Whigs had even extorted from the ministers a
promise of dismissing Sir Nathan Wright from the office of
lord keeper, and transferring the great seal to Mr. Cowper,
a lawyer of tried integrity, and one of the ablest champions
in the House of Commons.
Inspired with new confidence by this success, they looked
forward to the gradual introduction of their leaders into the
higher offices of government. They did not therefore fail to
take advantage of the troubled state of affairs in Scotland,
and the anxiety which Godolphin felt to effect an union of
the two countries as the only expedient which could obviate
the dangers likely to arise from the act of security. This
measure, being naturally opposed by the numerous adherents
of the exiled family, as well as by the high Tories, its accom
plishment could not be effected by the efforts of the moderate
party alone, in whom Marlborough and Godolphin had
hitherto placed their chief confidence. Godolphin therefore
had no alternative but to purchase the support of the Whigs
by yielding to their demands, or to relinquish a measure on
which the welware of the country depended. They exulted
in the critical predicament to which he was reduced, and
Wharton coarsely declared that they held the head of the
lord treasurer in a bag.*
The peer whose advancement they were most anxious to
promote was Lord Sunderland, whose connexion with Marl-
* Boyer's Reign of Queen Anne, p. 177.
s 3

262. LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXXIH.
borough they considered as a peculiar claim to favour. They
placed great reliance on the support of the duchess, whose
zeal for her son-in-law was well known. With this view
they had proposed him for the place of comptroller of the
household* in the preceding year ; and failing in their ap
plication, from the antipathy which the queen fostered
against his person, they eagerly seized the first opportunity
to bring him forward as a candidate for some other depart
ment. They soon however discovered that they had calculated
erroneously on the effect which they expected the ties of
relationship and the importunities of the duchess would
produce on the mind of Marlborough ; for he was not only
unwilling to shock the prejudices of the queen, but was fully
convinced that his son-in-law would prove an unfit member
for that moderate system of government on which he and
Godolphin were anxious to act. Hence he firmly opposed
his appointment to any high office of state, though assailed
by the reproaches of the duchess, and pressed by the impor
tunities of a party whom he was so much interested to con
ciliate. In this determination he quitted England. But soon after
his departure the death of the Emperor Leopold rendered it
necessary to depute an ambassador of rank and consequence
to Vienna, to cement the political relations of the two
Countries. The Whigs instantly redoubled their efforts to
procure an office for Sunderland, which, though no way con
nected with the home administration, they hoped to render a
preparatory step to the secretaryship of state. They were
warmly seconded by the duchess, and at length even by
Godolphin, who considered such a concession as a proper
recompence for their support ; and Marlborough was finally
obliged to yield to a claim which he could no longer combat
* Mrs. Burnet, who on this as on other occasions, was the interpreter
of their wishes, thus wrote to the duchess : — " Nov. 10  I cannot forbear
to wish Lord Sunderland was remembered, and wonder why it is thought
a. wise conduct to gain men who have been enemies to government all
along, and neglect to gain others, of ten times their sense and honesty;
and allowing them to have been a little warm, it is more pardonable in a
good cause than a bad, and when it is done for the sake of the public,
and not for private interests or resentments." '

1705.1 STATE OF PARTOES. 263
without incurring the imputation of an ill-founded and un
natural prejudice.
These feuds of the contending parties and the cabals of
their agents continued to perplex the duke in the midst of
his military operations; for to him an appeal was made,
generally and individually, from the sovereign herself to the
meanest candidate for office. The moderate Tories, through
the medium of Harley, deprecated the gradual encroachments
of the Whigs ; while the latter recriminated through the
agency of Sunderland and the duchess. Godolphin also re
curred to Marlborough for consolation and advice in his con
tentions with the rival chiefs, as well as in his frequent
struggles against.the antipathies of the sovereign. The queen
herself also resorted to him as to a servant of congenial sen
timents and approved fidelity, and solicited his interposition
to defend her prerogative and rescue her from what she
deemed personal degradation. Above all, the duchess expa
tiated on the ill-rewarded zeal and steady patriotism of the
Whigs, and lavished her sarcastic reflections on his political
infatuation and imprudent partiality to his Tory friends.
In these circumstances we find him constantly employed
in parrying the suggestions of Sunderland, soothing the com
plaints of Harley, encouraging and tranquillising Godolphin,
exhorting the queen to submit to the necessity of her affairs,
and, above all, in combating the arguments and repelling the
acrimonious taunts of the duchess.
In fact, the sarcastic reflections of his wife made a deeper
impression on his sensitive mind than all his other embar
rassments ; and in his correspondence with her we trace a
perpetual struggle between his irritability and conjugal ten
derness. Two extracts will sufficiently indicate the tone
which occasionally prevailed in their epistolary intercourse.
" Meldert, August 3. — I received yours of the 1 7th, yesterday, in which
you complain of my having writ a cold letter, which you think may be
.occasioned by one I had then received from you. It is most certain that
upon many occasions I have the spleen, and am weary of my life ; for
my friends give me much more uneasiness than my enemies, as you may
guess by a copy of a letter I have sent to my lord treasurer. But for
you, my dearest life, I love you so well, and have placed all my happi
ness in ending my days with you, that I would venture ten thousand
lives to preserve your good opinion. You sometimes use the expression
of my Tory friends. As I never will enter into party and faction, I beg
s 4

264 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [dl. XXXIII.
you will be so kind and just to me, as to believe that I will have no
friends but such as will support the queen and government. Yours of
the 13th, which had the draught of the house and gardens, I received
but this day, the French having taken the postilion, but they sent the
letters back unopened. I hope some time this summer you will go down
to Woodstock for three or four days, and that you will let me know if
Mr. Wise be still of the opinion that he shall be able to make all the
plantations this next season, which would be a great pleasure to me at
my return, if I could see the walks in the park planted."
" Corbais, August 24. — I have this day received yours of the 5th and
6th from Tunbridge, as also one from Lady Sunderland, which tells me
that you are in good health, which I am extremely glad of; for I wish
you all the happiness this world is capable of giving. I have received the
Observator, and am of your mind. When I differ from you, it is not
that I think those are in the right whom you say are always in the
wrong ; but it is that I would be glad not to enter into the unreasonable
reasoning of either party, for I have trouble enough for my little head,
in the business which of necessity I must do here. I thank you for the
piece of a letter you sent me, for I own to you that I have a very great de
sire to have that work of Woodstock finished ; and if I can be so happy as
to live some years in quietness there with my dear soul, I shall think
myself fully recompensed for all the vexations and troubles I am now
obliged to undergo. I can never regret too much the last disappoint
ment ; since I am every day more and more persuaded that we should
have had good success, which must have put a good and speedy end to this
war. I hope the Spa waters, which I intend to take the beginning of
this next month, will do my eyes good, since I am persuaded it is the
heat of my blood which has occasioned their being sore."
These letters lead us to notice an erroneous opinion which
has been sanctioned by history. It has been generally as
serted that Marlborough evinced the same weakness as Beli-
sarius, in submitting to the government of his wife. It
cannot indeed be denied that in domestic life he indulged
her caprices, and that in conferring offices of more emolument
than trust he occasionally listened to her recommendation.
But the whole series of his correspondence shows that she
possessed no influence in political affairs of importance, and
was suffered to take no share in those arrangements which
give character to the administration of government. The
Whigs, whose interest she particularly claims the merit of
promoting, were little indebted to her importunities, and
owed their introduction to power to the fears of the trea
surer, to their strength in parliament, and, above all, to the
conviction of Marlborough that the war could not be vigo
rously prosecuted without their support.

1705.] COMMENCEMENT OF THE CAMpAI^H,.* _<£&&

Chap. XXXTV. — March of the Troops' ^STTftEffllcftELLjg^
1705.
Nothing now remained to detain Marlborough in England ;
for the supplies had been granted at an early period of the
session, and the military preparations were matured. He
therefore embarked at Harwich on the 31st of March, in one
of the royal yachts, under the protection of a squadron com
manded by the Marquis of Caermarthen, and after a trouble
some and dangerous passage entered the mouth of the Meuse.
He experienced considerable difficulty in ascending the river,
several of the yachts falling among the sands. At length he
entered an open boat, and after four hours' labour against
wind and tide, he reached the Brill towards midnight. Im
patient to arrive at the Hague, he re-embarked at five in the
morning, and soon effected the passage of the Meuse. He
was, however, so fatigued by his exertions that Cardonel was
commissioned to announce his arrival to Secretary Harley,
and he wrote only a few hasty lines to the duchess*, dated
Hague, April 3-14.
" I have been so very sick at sea, that my blood is as hot as if I were
in a fever, which makes my head ache extremely, so that I beg you will
make my excuse to lord treasurer, for I can write to nobody but my
dear soul, whom I love above my life. I am now just going to bed,
although I know I cannot sleep, yet I know that it will do me good, so
that you will excuse me for saying no more till next post."
His first business was to communicate to the States the
plan for the ensuing campaign, which had been secretly con
certed with Prince Eugene at the siege of Landau and ap
proved by the cabinet in England. It was to invade France
on the side of the Moselle, which was the least defensible
part of the frontier, and to penetrate into Lorrain, the sove
reign of which duchy was, to use Marlborough's own words,
" heart and soul with the allies," and the inhabitants eager to
take arms in behalf of the house of Austria. The final ope
rations of the last campaign had been preparatory to this
object.f As Treves and Traerbach afforded secure places of
arms, the magazines were to be there collected ; and early in
the spring the combined army, amounting to no less than
* State Paper Office. f See Chapter 29.

266 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXXIV.
90,000 men, was to assemble between the Saar and the
Moselle, and to commence the siege of Saar Louis, before
the French could take the field. Marlborough, with the
native and auxiliary troops in the pay of the maritime
powers, was to penetrate along the Moselle, while the mar
grave of Baden, with an Austrian force and the contingents
of the circles, was to act on the side of the Saar and co-ope
rate in the grand attack. The imperial ministers had
solemnly engaged that their forces should be ready to take
the field early in the spring, and similar promises were made
by the German princes to furnish the requisite horses and
artillery.* From his recent success, Marlborough naturally conceived
hopes of obtaining the immediate acquiescence of the Dutch.
But he found at this time the same weakness of government,
the same discordance of views, and the same factious opposi
tion as he had before experienced from the parties in Hol
land. Although eager to repair to the theatre of action, he
was detained at the Hague in combating the timid or frivo
lous objections of the government, and his impatience breaks
forth in his correspondence.
To Lord Godolphin he observes : —
" April 21  I cannot but say that almost all their business here is in
great disorder, and their generals' desire of keeping 50 battalions and 90
squadrons on the Meuse is very unreasonable ; for if this should be com
plied with, I should have on the Moselle but 60 battalions and 79 squad
rons, to act offensively ; and at the same time they do not so much as
pretend to act otherwise than on the defensive. I am sure I shall never
consent to what they desire ; but how I shall be able to get the troops
* There appears to have been feebleness and want of enterprise in the
conception of the plan of the campaign of 1 705. If the enemy were unpre
pared, one would have thought that this was the favourable opportunityfor
the Confederates to strike a decisive blow by penetrating into the heart of
France, in lieu of wasting time in a siege till he was in a better state to
receive them. There might be the spirit of chivalry in this delay, but it
lacked the spirit of the strategy of a more recent style of warfare. lilt
deed, it is manifest from this scheme of commencing with the investment
of Saar Louis, that neither Eugene nor Marlborough, though undoubt
edly the greatest warriors modern Europe had known, had obtained a
glimpse of the art of subjugating kingdoms introduced in the French
revolutionary conflicts. Napoleon never lost time in the siege of fron
tier or intermediate places, but dashed at the capital at once ; and the
allied armies, which conquered him at Leipsic, and rescued Germany from
his grasp, followed his example. — Ed.

.1705.] DIFFICULTIES OF THE CAMPAIGN. 267
out of their country is the difficulty. I am of your opinion, that the
face of every thing is much better this year than it was at this time last
year, so that you may be sure I shall be very cautious ; but by what I
can observe, the French will endeavour, by putting themselves on the
defensive in this country and in Alsace, to make themselves able to attack
us on the Moselle. Our Scotch recruits are come, so that we want now
nothing but our two lieutenant-generals and my brother, who can have
no excuse but a convoy, so that I beg you will get the prince's council to
lose no time in letting them have ten men of war."
Harassed with this opposition, he at the same time feelingly
describes to the duchess the uneasiness of his situation : —
" I am like a sick body that turns from one part of the bed to the
other : for I would fain be gone from hence, in hopes to find more quiet
in the army. God only knows what ease I may have when I come there."
At length he announces with satisfaction the consent of the
Dutch government to his plan of operations and his departure
for the army. To the Duchess.
¦ "April 23-May 4. — Since the last post I have had two of my dear
soul's letters, which I believe is the reason that I have none by my
brother, whom I have not seen, but he came yesterday to Rotterdam, and
is to follow me to Maestricht, where I shall be on Friday, being now
going in a boat to Utrecht. These people here have at last consented to
most things I wished for. If I can have the same success with Prince
Louis, I hope, with the blessing of God, we may have a good campaign;
which you think so necessary to prevent the malice ofthe tackers."
To Lord Godolphin.
"May 4. — :I am now in a boat going for Utrecht, having at last, I
think, persuaded almost every body that it were to be wished that the
English were at this time on the Moselle. However, to please M.
Overkirk, I have consented that the English shall take their march by
Maestricht, by which we shall lose three days. I shall be at Maestricht
myself on Friday morning, which will be five days before the English
can be there ; and if that army will attempt any thing, 1 shall be very
much pleased to stay five or six days and help them with the English.
The enclosed from Prince Louis of Baden I received by estaffette yes
terday ; I send it that you may see what a miserable thing a German
army is ! By the care you took to have a convoy, my brother and all
the officers are come over."
Marlborough had still greater obstacles to surmount in
combating the tardy and interested policy of the court of
Vienna. With an aged monarch in the close of life, the
government itself was verging to decrepitude ; the business
was principally conducted by superannuated ministers, whose
sole merit was a mechanical acquaintance with the routine

268 LDJE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXXIV.
of office, and whose combined efforts and chief attention were
employed in combating the interest and counteracting the
grand schemes of Prince Eugene. Too limited in their ideas
to comprehend the military policy which he and Marlborough
adopted, their views were confined to the affairs of Hungary.
They wished to reserve the principal resources of the mo
narchy for the suppression of a rebellion which they consi
dered as affecting its very vitals ; and, consequently, not only
laboured to diminish the force required for Germany, hut
proposed to send Eugene into Italy with an army inefficient
in strength, and destitute of the means of aggression. These
weak and impolitic schemes roused the indignation of a
general who was anxious to introduce a system of action
commensurate with the public danger, and he refused to take
a share in civil or military business, unless more decisive
measures were adopted. The aged emperor was confounded
by this spirited determination ; his feeble ministers shrunk
from responsibility, and after a short but awful suspense the
counsels of Eugene prevailed. The power of directing the
political arrangements was consigned to the king of the
Romans. Some of the ministers were dismissed, or their in-.
fluence diminished, and the prince was placed at the head of
the council of war, with such powers as gave him the control
of all military operations.*
This salutary change was, however, too late to be felt at
the opening of the campaign ; and Marlborough soon expe
rienced the fatal effect of that lethargy which prevailed in
the cabinet of Vienna, as well as of the jealousy which the
princes of the empire now began to foster against the house
of Austria.
An additional cause of disquietude was derived from: a
misunderstanding between Count Wratislaw and Mr. Stepney,
which rose to so great a height, that the former withdrew
his confidential communications from the duke, whom he
suspected of betraying the secret of their private correspond
dence. Eugene, who was the friend of Wratislaw, warmly
interfered in the dispute. During the frequent conferences
at the siege of Landau, he repeatedly urged the propriety of
recalling a minister so unwelcome at the court of Vienna,
* Letters from Mr. Stepney to Secretary Harley ; State Paper Office,
February and March ; and letter from Count Wratislaw to the duke,
March 18.

1705.] MARGRAVE OF BADEN. 269
and now renewed the demand, accompanied with a formal
complaint from the emperor, against his supposed partiality
to the cause of the Hungarian insurgents. As Marlborough
placed the fullest confidence in Mr. Stepney, and as he was
at the same time desirous to conciliate Wratislaw, from
whose communications he had drawn the utmost advantage,
he laboured anxiously to soothe both parties ; and though he
could not effect a perfect reconciliation, he succeeded in
softening their mutual jealousies, and prevailed on Eugene
to withdraw his demand for the immediate recall of the ob
noxious envoy.
A more difficult task yet remained, namely to conciliate
the margrave of Baden, on whose zealous co-operation so
much depended. But the anguish of wounded pride still
rankled in the mind of this high-spirited and captious prince,
who was indignant at the superior confidence which was
placed in Eugene, and deemed his fame eclipsed by the
lustre which attended the successful career of Marlborough ; .
and who conceived that he should himself incur the blame of
failure, while his more fortunate colleague would monopolise
the honour of success.
In consequence of the unequivocal reluctance which he
manifested in forwarding the projected plan, Marlborough
sent General Dopf, an officer high in the estimation of the
States, to communicate his views, and obtain a specific pro
mise of co-operation. The margrave, however, objecting to
act with Marlborough, and proposing to head a separate
army on the Rhine, Count Lecheraine, the minister of the
elector palatine, undertook the office of mediator ; but his
mission proved equally fruitless. On this disappointment
Marlborough applied to the court of Vienna for a specific
order, requiring the margrave to co-operate in the intended
invasion of France, and at the same time brigadier Cadogan
was employed on the delicate mission. In consequence of
the inj unctions given by the imperial court, Cadogan so far
succeeded, that he brought back a promise from the mar
grave to act on the Saar or the Moselle, to bring with him
* Letter from Prince Eugene to Marlborough, January 11. 1705. —
Also, letters from Count Wratislaw to the duke, in one of which he
candidly confesses that his unusual reserve proceeded from the duke's-
partiality to the British envoy.

270 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXXIV.
17 battalions and 34 squadrons, and a proposal for an inter
view at Creutznach to settle the operations of the campaign.
Meanwhile the British commander had proceeded on his
route to Maestricht, and after assisting to organise the Dutch
army which had taken the field, he sent forward the troops
who were to act on the Moselle, and himself took the route
to Coblentz. Here he employed a short interval, in accele
rating the preparations for the intended campaign, and in
stimulating the zeal of the German princes.
While he was magnificently entertained by the elector of
Cologne, at Ehrenbreitstein, Baron Forstner, counsellor of
state to the margrave of Baden, arrived to announce that in
consequence of inflammation, derived from the wound in his
leg, which he had received at the battle of Schellenberg, his
master could not attend the promised interview. He was at
the same time charged with heavy complaints on the imper
fect state of the military preparations, and the delay of the
succours from Vienna.
The duke was too well acquainted with the temper of the
margrave to mistake the nature of this message, and testifies
his disappointment with a heavy heart to the duchess and
Godolphin, in his correspondence from Coblentz, dated May
6-17. " My dearest soul, till I come to live with you I shall have nothing
but vexation ; for at my coming here, I received a letter from Prince
Louis that he is not well, so that he is afraid he shall not be able to meet
me so soon as the 20th, and that it will be impossible for his troops to
march so soon as he had promised me. This and other things make me
wish myself a much privater man than I am, so that I might depend
upon myself, without being plagued with other people's humours. I
have neither time nor words to express how tenderly I love you."
" I have but just time," he says to Lord Godolphin, " to acknowledge
the favour of yours of the 27th of the last month, and to return ydU
thanks for your friendly and kind expression for the forwarding the
building of Woodstock ; for I own my heart is very much set upon the
ending my days quietly in that place. I was to have met Prince Louis
the 20th, at Creutznach, but at my arrival here, I received a letter to let
me know he was not very well, and to beg that I would not come to
Creutznach till I heard from him, which makes me very uneasy ; for I
intended to have been at Treves by the 24th at farthest. I shall stay
here till the 19th, in hopes by that time to hear from Prince Louis,
who I am afraid is angry at some orders he has received from Vienna.
If there be no other way of speaking with him, I shall be necessitated

1705.] DEATH OF LEOPOLD. 271
to go to his house at Rastadt ; for let it cost me what pains it will, he
must be put in humour if possible."
In this perplexity he received intelligence from Vienna of
the death of Leopold, on the 5th of May, which was an
nounced to him by Joseph, his son and successor. After
mentioning his concern at the loss of his father, he alludes to
his great esteem for the merits, and his affection for the
person of Marlborough ; and in the anxiety which he testi
fied to give his deliverer a proof of his gratitude, he adds,
" whatever your excellency has lost by his death, you will
find fully compensated by me, for you have a double title to
my regard ; first, from your services ; and secondly, I suc
ceed by hereditary right to his throne and his regard for
you." To this letter, written in the language and style of the
chancery, a flattering postscript in the French tongue was
added by the emperor, in his own hand : — "If my affairs
permitted me, I would do myself the pleasure of joining you
at the army, to testify in person the sentiments of my esteem
and friendship. I have, nevertheless, ordered the prince of
Baden to act in concert with you on the Moselle, and I wish
you a campaign as glorious as that of last year. Moreover I
recommend to you my interests and those of the king of
Spain, my brother, not doubting but you will always show
that zeal for the welfare of my house, which you have
hitherto displayed."*
The death of the emperor appeared likely to relieve the
duke from much difficulty in his transactions with the court
of Vienna. The change from an aged, phlegmatic, and formal
emperor, to a young and high-spirited prince, who had ap
preciated the merits of the duke at the siege of Landau, was
naturally felt in every department of the state. The super
annuated and formal ministers of the deceased monarch lost
their influence, and the interest of Prince Eugene became
predominant. The hopes which Marlborough drew from this change
were, however, damped by the lukewarmness of the German
princes, and by the froward spirit of his intended colleague
the margrave. On visiting him he received, indeed, the
* Original letter of the Emperor Joseph, dated Vienna, 9th May;
1705 and signed Josephus. Letter also from Prince Eugene.

272 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXXIV.
duke with outward marks of esteem and respect, and with all
the honours due to his rank and celebrity. At the same
time his behaviour proved that the complaint of his indispo
sition was much exaggerated ; for the inflammation of his
wound did not prevent him from attending his guest in a
survey of the new palace and gardens, which he was prepar
ing for his future residence, and he was gratified with the
praises which Marlborough did not fail to bestow on the
architecture of the building, and the disposition of the
grounds. In a private conference, which they held to settle
their military arrangements, the margrave promised the
British commander to join him on the Saar, with the whole
of his disposable force, and to begin his march without
delay. But in a letter to Godolphin, Marlborough augured
ill of the result, from his repeated and heavy complaints of
the deficiency of his army, and the anxiety which he mani
fested to devise pretexts for delay.
Rastadt, May 1 1-22  The prince of Baden not being well has given
me the trouble of coming to this place. I am very much disappointed
by the very little number of troops they can from hence send to the
Moselle. All that Prince Louis will promise is 20 battalions and 40
squadrons. But even of those I must expect for some time only 12
battalions and 28 squadrons, which are to be at Treves by the 10th of
the next month. This is so great a disappointment, that I have writ
very pressingly to the emperor upon it. I think the less noise this makes
is best, for it would too much encourage the French. When I come to
Treves, where I shall be in four days, you shall know what posture we
shall be in there. Having been on horseback all day, I am so tired that
I can say no more. By the inclosed letter from the emperor, I hope he
intends me more troops. You will be pleased to give the letter to Lady
Marlborough to keep for me."
Marlborough had also the mortification to learn that the
Austrian regiments were incomplete, because the most effi
cient corps had been despatched to Italy or Hungary, and
those destined to act on the Moselle wanted more than one-
third of their complement, though represented as complete
on the musters. Having, however, made the best arrange
ments which circumstances would permit, and extorted from
the margrave a new promise to begin his march on the 27th,
he made an excursion to examine the lines of Stolhoffen. On
* Letter from Cardonel to Mr. Secretary Harley, May 22  State
Paper Office.

1705.] ARRIVAL AT TREVES. 273
•his return he took his departure from Rastadt, and hastened
to meet his troops, who were on their march to Treves.
These forces encountered in their progress unusual hard
ships. An eye-witness observes : " After we had quitted
Juliers, you never saw so wretched a country. The soil
barren, mountainous, fruitful in nothing but iron, and the
air strangely cold, as if it had been in the midst of winter.
The towns have all the marks of poverty that French oppres
sion or government can give ; and to make the little accom
modation an army could meet with in so wretched a country
still less, there was not a soul to be seen in the villages, the
peasants flying as we came, either into places of defence or
to the woods, and conveying what they could, of the little
they had, along with them ; which left us in want of every
thing, and made both officers and soldiers pass their time ill
enough. I will only add, that the Scots think an army in
their highlands could shift better." *

Chap. XXXV. — Investment of Liege. — 1705.
After the unsatisfactory interview with the margrave,
Marlborough repaired to Treves, where he expected to
receive intelligence of the artillery, draught horses, and part
of the contingents, which were to be furnished by the Ger
man states. He arrived on the 26th, at the moment when
his troops were filing into their destined camp near Triers-
weiler. He found the auxiliaries who had wintered on the
Moselle posted in the vicinity of Consaarbruck ; and after
spending two days in reviewing the different corps, he
ordered the troops who had marched from the Netherlands
to advance to Igel. His army was there collected in two
divisions, which were separated by the Moselle.
To his chagrin and mortification, however, even the limited
hopes which he had conceived of the co-operation of the
German princes and states were totally frustrated. Not a
single draught horse appeared; and instead of an army
amounting at least to 80,000 men, he could scarcely muster
* Hare's MS. Account of the Campaign in a series of Letters.
VOL. I. T

274 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXXV.
30,000, and these only British troops, or subsidiaries in the
pay of the maritime powers. As the season was extremely
backward, and the scanty resources of the country had been
exhausted by the enemy, he caused an accurate scrutiny to
be made into the state of the magazines; but to his addi
tional mortification, the superintendant, instead of rendering
an account, fled to the enemy, and he discovered that not
half the quantity of the expected supplies had been collected.
His letters written during this period of suspense and
anxiety need no comment. To Lord Godolphin.
" Tuesday, May 16-27. 1705. — At my arrival here yesterday, I had
the favour of two of yours. I am to be on horseback all this day, so
that I shall not be able to answer by this post the particulars of yours,
believing you will be more desirous to know the posture our army is in.
I gave you an account from Manheim, that the army of Prince Louis
was in so miserable a condition that he could not spare more troops to
act on the Moselle than 12 battalions and 28 squadrons at this time, and
that they could not march till the 28th, so that they cannot join me
until the 10th or 12th of next month. The troops of Prussia cannot be
here much sooner, and the 7000 Palatines in the English and Dutch pay
are to be here by the 6th. By all this you will see we want a third of
our foot, and almost half our horse, which makes it impossible for me as
yet to march. However, for want of forage and provisions, I shall be
necessitated to march before all these troops can join me, so that I have
sent orders to the several commanders to hasten their march all that is
possible. " The unreasonable heats of the parties make me pity you with all
my heart ; but you must, as I do, in spite of all the vexations we meet,
serve her majesty, and when this war is well ended, we then may think
of enjoying some quiet. In all conditions I shall be ever most sincerely
yours," &c.
" Treves, May 22.-June 2. 1705  The detachment that is on its march
from Alsace will make the Marshal de Villars have a great many more
battalions and squadrons than I shall have. However, I do not appre
hend his venturing a battle ; but it will put him in a condition to act in
such a manner as may make us want all sorts of provisions, which we
ought to be more afraid of than fighting ; for our men are in great heart,
so that with the blessing of God we might expect good success. We
have another contre-temps, for upon my giving orders to Vanderkaa, who
is marched with the English from Holland, to take care of all that con
cerns Machado, to inform himself of the strength of our magazines for
bread and forage, one sentry, who has had the care of it all this winter,
instead of giving him an account, is run away last Sunday, and we fear
he is gone to the enemy. But I am but too sure that there is not near
half the quantity in the stores that should have been, so that we ate

.1705.] SUCCESS OF THE FRENCH. 275
much more afraid of starving than of the enemy. But we have yester
day sent away expresses both to Coblentz and Mentz, to hasten with all
speed corn or flour for one month, which we hope will give us time to
replenish our magazines."
" I shall be obliged to-morrow to pass the Saar, notwithstanding the
number of troops that are not yet come to me ; for we have no more
hay, and on this side the river there is very little corn in the fields, and
the season here is so backward that we can cut no grass. All these mis
fortunes make me very uneasy, but we must struggle as long as we can.
This condition of ours is fit to be known but by very few ; but in a
short time it would be very happy for us if the Marshal de Villars would
venture a battle, for in all likelihood that would put us at ease."
Unfortunately the preparations of the enemy were as
mature and prompt as those of the allies were tardy and
imperfect. The king of France, instead of being astounded
by the fatal blow which he received in the field of Blenheim,
made unusual efforts to repair the disaster. During the close
of the preceding year no means of redress or rigour had been
neglected to tranquillise the Cevennes, and to suppress a
commotion which not only threatened to spread into the very
heart of the kingdom, but afforded an opening to favour the
aggressions of its foreign enemies.. The agent employed on
this occasion was no less a person than Marshal Villars. Such1
measures were also adopted to intercept the communication
with the sea-coast, that the endeavours of the English fleet
to furnish succours to the insurgents from the shore of the
Mediterranean were frustrated : and even Marlborough, who
was highly anxious to foment a commotion which diverted so
large a portion of the enemy's force, considered all farther
attempts as hopeless. The insurgents, thus left to their fate,
were unable to resist disciplined troops, led by so able a
general ; and partly by force, partly by address, the desultory
hordes were dissipated, and the chiefs either reduced to
accept the pardon of their sovereign, or to seek an asylum in
foreign countries.
Relieved from these internal commotions, the king was
enabled to redouble his efforts against his external enemies
and to bring efficient armies into the field, in' every quarter
of the theatre of war. The elector of Bavaria, assisted by
Villeroy, was to act offensively in the Low Countries, with
75,000 men, as soon as Marlborough had marched to the
Moselle ; and in case of a reverse, the country was intersected

276 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXXV.
with formidable lines, to check an invasion between the
Scheldt and the Mehaigne. On the Upper Rhine, Marsin,
with 30,000 men, was stationed to maintain the defensive,
and to aid the efforts of the other armies, as either might be
exposed to a superior force.
As the operations of the allies at the close of the preceding
campaign, and the formation of magazines at Treves, indi
cated, that the principal effort would be made on the Moselle,
Villars, after his successful career in the Cevennes, was
appointed to cover the frontier on that side, and to obstruct
the siege of Saar Louis ; but with positive orders not to risk
an engagement, as a defeat would open so defenceless a part
of the kingdom to an invading army. He had already taken
the field, and engaged in some active skirmishes with the
allied troops quartered near Treves ; particularly in an
attempt to obtain possession of Saarbruck ; but failing in this
•object, he collected his troops at Sirk, as a strong defensive
position" for covering the broken country between the Moselle
•and the Saar.
Accordingly, on the 3d of July, at two in the morning, the
English and Dutch troops moved without beat of drum, and
-traversed the Moselle, on bridges already prepared at Igel.
Having effected a junction with the auxiliaries, the whole
•combined army passed the Saar at Consaarbruck, in two
columns, the infantry leading the march. Marlborough him
self advanced at the head of the right wing, which was prin-
.cipally composed of British troops. "With this column he
rapidly cleared the defiles of Tavernen and Onsdorf, follow
ing the course of the Roman causeway over the heights;
while the second column passed through the valley watered
by the Appach. Contrary, however, to his expectation, the
enemy made no attempt to obstruct his advance, and on emerg
ing into the more open ground towards Tettingen, he learned
that a corps, which had been pushed in front of Sirk, was
rapidly retreating. He reached his intended position about
six in the evening, after an arduous march of eighteen miles,
and drew up the advance of his cavalry behind the Appach,
the enemy having some dismounted dragoons in the neigh
bouring village, and Villars himself, with a considerable
corps, being posted in the plain on the opposite side near
Kirsch. While the French detachment fell back to their

1705.] position of sirk. 277
main army, the allies took up their position, with their right
at Perle, and their left at EllendorfF, where they bivouacked
during the night, the duke establishing his quarters at Perle.
The ensuing morning they made a slight advance in pitching;
their camp, the British troops being moved more to the right,
in an oblique line facing the Moselle ; and the duke changing
his quarters to Elft, as a less exposed and more convenient
situation. The army now occupied the same position which
the French general had reconnoitred two days before, and,
with his characteristic presumption had observed to his
generals, " Here is a fine place to meet an enemy ; the best
ground in the world to fight on a good opportunity."
The movements of Marlborough leaving no doubt of his
resolution to risk an engagement, even with his inferior
force, Villars withdrew to the celebrated position formed by
the heights of Sirk * on the right of the Moselle, where his
front was covered by a hollow-way, and the abrupt banks of
the rivulet which there falls into the Moselle. His centre
was placed on the heights of Konigsberg ; his left extended
to the abbey of Rhetel, on the bank of the Moselle, and his
right was flanked by an almost impervious wood. In his.
rear was broken ground, intersected by ravines and rivulets.
Here he made such preparations, and formed such a division^
of his force, as seemed calculated to protect Luxembourg,
Thionville, and Saar Louis. While by his position he'
covered Thionville, he opened communications through the
broken country beyond the Moselle, to prevent 'an attempt
on Luxembourg ; and to secure Saar Louis, he formed
abbatis and cut roads through the woods of Haute Sirk, and,
detached advanced corps to Bourgesche and Bouzonville.
He made also arrangements for taking up a position behind,
the Nied, where the woods had been cleared, and an in
trenched camp formed during the preceding winter, and he'
* The camp of Villars is well known in military history, by the ap
pellation of the position of Sirk, from the neighbouring town. Marl
borough calls it the camp of Rhetel, from the abbey of that name, near
the Moselle, towards the left flank, and Villars that of Fronisberg or
Konisberg, from the eminence of that name, which formed the centre.
It lies on the south-west of Sirk, and its strength may be estimated from
the plan. However impregnable this position is in itself, the movements
of Marlborough proved that it would not cover Saar Louis without the
risk of a battle. v

278 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXXV.
threw a garrison of 6000 men into Saar Louis, which was
the principal object of attack.
But these dispositions, however able, would not have
sufficed to prevent the siege of Saar Louis, had Marlborough
been promptly seconded by his German allies. For his last
bold and masterly movement had placed him in a position to
anticipate the enemy on the Nied, as soon as the reinforce
ments and draught horses should arrive for the siege. In this
situation he was joined by 4000 horse, under the duke of
Wirtemberg, and 7000 palatines, in the British and Dutch
pay, making his army amount to 42,000 men. But as Villars
had at the same time been strengthened by detachments of
horse and foot, the French troops amounted to 55,000 men,
and the relative proportion of both armies remained the
same.* Between his departure from Rastadt and his arrival on
the Moselle, the duke daily received letters from the mar
grave, concerning the proposed march of tlie German auxili
aries, and his resolution to join the army without delay. But
every letter contradicted the former : some troops had not
quitted their cantonments ; others had not taken the field ;
and his own departure was always suspended, in consequence
of indisposition or oiher unavoidable causes. At length he
* Nothing can be more false and exaggerated than the accounts of
this part of the campaign given by the French writers. Nor is this ex
traordinary, when we consider that their information is principally drawn
from the Memoirs of Marshal Villars, whose letters abound in extra
vagant representations and empty vaunts. If it were necessary to enter
into a refutation of the numerous falsities and gasconades of this able,
though vain-glorious general, we should find ample materials in this part
of his narrative. We shall, therefore, only notice a few of the most
glaring misrepresentations. He estimates the army of Marlborough at
95,000 instead of 42,000 men ; and states, with the most perfect confi
dence, that it was composed of English, and Dutch, and Germans, of all
the provinces, commanded by their princes in person, and in chief by the
Duke of Marlborough and Prince Louis. He declares that he threw up
no intrenchments ; and after leaving us to suppose that he repeatedly
offered battle, which was declined by his antagonist, he dwells with the
utmost complacency on the silence with which the allies decamped, as if
fearing his pursuit. He concludes these gasconades with a remark in
his customary style, to which no language can render justice but his own:
" Ces gens la ont voulu m'avaler comme un grain de sel. Ils ont fini
par nous croire de trop dure digestion." — Memoires de Villars, torn. i.
p. 372. ; Histoire de Marlborough, torn. ii. p. 83.

1705.] HIS DISAPPOINTMENTS AND BAD HEALTH. 279
announced his intention to march, and stated that he should
reach Birkenfield on the 13th. Brigadier Cadogan was
accordingly despatched to meet him on the road ; but on
reaching Birkenfield, information arrived that the margrave
had consigned the command to the Count de Frise, and
departed to Schlangenbad only a few hours before, for the
purpose of drinking the waters. A similar disappointment
arose from the neglect of the neighbouring princes to furnish
the draught horses. They indeed sent commissaries to Co
blentz, to regulate the number and conditions ; but after a
long discussion the business was still left in suspense. To
use the words of the journalist, "two things, on which all
depended, were the artillery horses, and the junction of
Prince Louis, things that were continually coming, but never
came, and after a fortnight's expectation, seemed to be as
far off, as if they never had been thought of." * The cor
respondence of Marlborough will spare the necessity of a
less animated and interesting narrative.
To Lord Godolphin.
" Camp at Elft, June 4. — I marched so early yesterday morning that
the right of the army camped that night in less than a quarter of a mile
of Sirk. I believe our march was a surprise to the French ; for upon
our first appearing they drew their troops that were camped near Sirk,
to their camp of Rhetel. If they would have made use of their su
periority, they should have had all their troops together, and opposed us at
our first coming out of the mountains. But I believe they did not ex
pect the march, believing I would stay at Treves till I should be joined
by more troops, which was so reasonable, that if there had been forage I
should have stayed for the 7000 palatines that are to join me to-morrow.
I don't expect Prince Louis, with the 9000 men he brings, till about ten
days hence, and I have no certainty when the Prussians will be with us.
The French retiring upon our appearing has given great heart to our
soldiers ; but I think it would have been much happier for us if they
had taken the resolution of venturing a battle, for we struggle here
under many difficulties." To the Duchess.
" June l-\2. — We have two posts due from England, which makes
me very impatient to hear from my dear soul, it being the greatest plea
sure I have. Since my last I have not been very well, but I thank God
I am better, so that I shall go on horseback to-day. I own to you that
my sickness comes from fretting ; for I have been disappointed in every
thing that was promised me. I have had letters from all the children ;
* Hare's Letters from Treves, on the Campaign of 1705.
T 4

280 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXXV.
but till I am in a little better humour I cannot write to them, so that
you will be so good as to say something to them that are with you very
kind from me, and that you will excuse me that I write no more this
time, and I do from my heart and soul assure you that I am entirely
yours." To Prince Eugene.
"June 11. — I have received the letter which your highness did me
the honour to write to me on the 22d, and am much afflicted on finding
that troops and other preparations are wanting for the commencement of
your operations. We, I am concerned to say, are scarcely in a better
state. I took all the precautions in my power that the troops should be
assembled at the end of May ; yet I am here without a single soldier,
except those who are in the pay of England and the States-general.
The few troops to be supplied by the prince of Baden, who do not ex
ceed ten battalions, will not arrive here in less than ten days, and some of
the Prussians will be still later. Nevertheless I was constrained for
want of forage to decamp from Treves on the Sd. As soon as the .
greater part of the troops had crossed the Moselle and Saar, I made a
forced march of seven leagues, and offered battle to Marshal Villars on
the same day. Not being inclined to engage, he retired between Sirk
and Thionville, where he was joined in the ensuing morning by the
cavalry, and the 5th by the infantry of Alsace, and has since continued
to intrench himself in his camp. I am so posted that by a slight move
ment, and without difficulty, I can place myself between the enemy and
Saar Louis, the siege of which we propose to make as soon as we shall
be ready. But I am in the same embarrassments as your highness for
want of waggons, and horses to draw the heavy artillery and ammuni
tion from Traerbach ; the neighbouring princes and states, who are most
interested to supply them, making many difficulties. From this disap
pointment the enemy have leisure to commence their operations on the
Meuse. They accordingly are attacking Huy, and they will be soon
before Liege. These movements have spread such a panic in Holland,
that I am apprehensive lest the States should adopt resolutions that will
mar our designs on this side, which must be attributed to the delays in
the arrival of the German troops. Had they joined me in time, the
enemy must have made a considerable detachment from the Netherlands
to secure their army."*
While the duke Was detained in his intended operations
by the tardiness of the Germans, and the want of means to
besiege Saar Louis, the French army, under Villeroy, made
a sudden effort on the Meuse, captured Huy on the 1st of
June, took Liege and invested the citadel. A general panic
prevailed throughout the United Provinces: the French
* The original of this letter, which is principally in cipher, is pre?
served in the archives at Vienna, and was communicated by his imperial
highness the" Archduke John.

1705.] MARCH TO THE NETHERLANDS. 281
partisans began to clamour for peace, and the friends of
England despatched the most pressing instances, requesting
Marlborough immediately to quit the Moselle, and prevent
the enemy from recovering the places on the Meuse. The
clamour was instantly re-echoed by the disaffected in England;
and there was ample cause to fear that so weak and popular
a government as Holland, pressed on one side by the enemy,
and on the other alarmed by the prospect of desertion, should
be driven into an accommodation with France. In con
sequence of this application, he took the immediate reso
lution of pushing towards the scene of action in the
Netherlands. His presence indeed was highly necessary ; for the situ
ation of Overkirk was perilous in the extreme. Cooped up
in the intrenched camp of St. Peter's Hill, near Maestricht,
with a force more than tripled by the enemy, he was reduced
to witness the reduction of Huy, and the investment of the
citadel of Liege, which was slenderly garrisoned, and in a
weak state of defence. If the enemy succeeded in their
enterprise, he had no alternative but to risk the consequences
of an attack, which might have proved fatal to his little
army, or abandon the line of the Meuse, and leave them at
liberty to extend their conquests.
The delicate predicament in which his colleague was
placed only served to give energy to the resolutions of the
British commander, and to call into action the resources of
his vigorous and fertile genius. He therefore prepared to
decamp from Sirk, with such precautions that the enemy
should neither be enabled to obstruct his march, or anti
cipate his design by pushing reinforcements to the Nether
lands. He announces his intention to the duchess and
Godolphin, at the moment of his departure from Elft.
"June 16. — I think every minute that I have a thousand things to
say, but I am so disturbed by being disappointed of every thing that has
been promised me, and that I should have, before I am able to do any
thing considerable, that my head turns, so that when I sit down to write,
the business of the army hinders me. But you may be assured that you
are dearer to me than all the world besides. You will see, by my letter
to lord treasurer, the reasons I have for undertaking the march I shall
begin to-morrow. I want sleep and quiet ; for till I have that, I cannot
say I am well, nor do I believe I ever shall be at ease till I am with my
dear life. If I had known beforehand what I must have endured by

282 LIFE OF MARLBOKOTJGH. [CH. XXXT.
relying on the people of this country, no reasons should have per
suaded me to have undertaken this campaign. I will, by the help of
God, do my best, and then I must submit to what may happen. But it
is impossible to be quiet and not complain, when there is all the pro
bability imaginable for a glorious campaign, to see it all put in doubt by
the negligence of princes whose interest it is to help us with all they
have. " This moment is come Lieutenant-general Hompesch, from Monsieur
d'Overkirk, to let me know, that if I do not immediately help them they
are undone, which only serves to show the great apprehensions they are
in ; for it is impossible for me to send troops to them sooner than I have
already resolved ; but since they have so much fear at the army, I dread
the consequences of it at the Hague. I wish my letters that I writ yester
day were with them, for I then assured them I would venture every
thing for their security. My dearest soul, pity me and love me."
To Lord Godolphin.
"June 16. — The post does not go away till to-morrow, but my head
and heart are so full, that I would ease myself by letting you know what
is resolved. The deputies of the States in the army on the Meuse have
sent an express to me to desire that 30 battalions of theirs may be im
mediately sent to them. This joined with the want of forage, and no
hopes of having the horses and carts in less than six weeks, for the draw
ing every thing to the siege, we have taken the resolution of leaving a
sufficient number of troops at Treves, and marching with the rest to
assist them on the Meuse. "VVe shall leave the cannon and all other
^ammunition at Traerbach and Coblentz ; so that if the German princes
will enable us to make a siege, we may return after we have put our
friends on the Meuse at ease. I think this resolution was the only
thing left for us to take, both for the saving of this army, as well as for
the hindering the Dutch from being frighted into a negotiation for peace.
The true reasons of the whole matter cannot appear to the public, so
that I do not doubt but there will be great numbers of censurers. I do in
tend to send to "Vienna to acquaint the emperor with the truth of this
whole matter. I shall also write to the king of Prussia, in hopes he will
not make a difficulty of letting his troops serve with Prince Louis.
" I have for these last ten days been so troubled by the many disap
pointments I have had, that I think if it were possible to vex me so for
a fortnight longer, it would make an end of me. In short, I am weary
pf my life."*
* For the account of the military operations on the Moselle, and the
march to the Meuse, T have consulted the Duke's Letters ; Hare's Epis
tolary Narrative, May 13, June 5. and July 30.; Relation des Raisons
du Due de Marlborough pour quitter la Moselle et retourner a la Meuse,
Lamberti, t. iii. p. 469. ; Milner's Journal of the Campaigns of Marl
borough ; Gazette; History of Europe, for May and June, 1705;
Lediard, vol. i., and the other biographers of Marlborough; M^moires
de Villars, t. i. pp. SS6. 375,

1705.] HIS PRESENCE OVERAWES THE ENEMY. 283
On the 17th of June, at midnight, the allied army de
camped from Elft, without beat of drum, in the midst of
heavy rain. A strong guard of cavalry was posted to pro
tect the rear ; but the enemy made no movement to molest
their march, and at ten in the morning, after a night of
excessive exertion, they reached their former position, near
Consaarbruck. Here the commander halted a day to concert
measures for the future operations with the Count de Frise,
who, like his master, the margrave of Baden, moved in a
contrary direction, and declined an interview.
On the following day, Marlborough again broke up his
camp, leaving eleven battalions and eleven squadrons of
Palatines and Westphalians, under the Palatine general
D'Aubach, to protect Treves and Saarbruck. He at the
same time despatched orders for the German contingents to
join Prince Louis. To relieve the anxiety of Overkirk, he
sent General Hompesch express, to announce his approach,
and prepare the arrangements for their j unction. To facilitate
the march, he formed his army into three columns. The first
consisted of the artillery, with a strong escort ; the second,
of the foot, under his brother, General Churchill, which
marched through Steffeld and Aln ; and the third, of horse,
which was led by himself through Bibrich, Pruyae, and
Dryborn. The whole were to re-unite in the vicinity of
Duren, a town in the duchy of Juliers.
On the second day, being apprised that Villars had sent a
considerable detachment to the Netherlands, he slackened his
march, to alarm the French commander with the apprehen
sion of his return to the Moselle, and ordered his brother to
detach Lord Orkney with 12,000 men to watch the move
ments of the enemy. Having thus succeeded in suspending
the progress of the French detachment, he was no sooner
apprised that Villeroy had been retarded in pushing the
attack of Liege for want of artillery, than he hastened his
own progress to save the place, and ordered Lord Orkney to
push forward with the utmost celerity. By this expedition
his different columns united in the vicinity of Duren on the
25th. Here he had the satisfaction to learn, that his rapid,
advance had struck a panic into the enemy, who had relin
quished their design on the citadel of Liege, withdrawn their
artillery, and were falling back to Tongres. He therefore

284 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXXW
quitted his army early in the morning of the 26th, and
reached Maestricht at noon, to concert with Overkirk an
offensive movement against the enemy in their retreat.
Efiicient arrangements were instantly made for a speedy'
advance and junction of all the confederate forces. On the
2d of July, while the troops of Marlborough traversed the'
Meuse near Viset, Overkirk decamped, and both armies
directing their route to the same point, united in the vicinity
of Haneff. But the presence of one man had changed- the
scene. The enemy, so recently elate with the hopes of con
quest, were no sooner apprised of the arrival of Marlborough
at Maestricht, than they broke up from Tongres ; and though1
superior in numbers, withdrew towards Montenacken, north
of the Mehaigne. On the 4th, therefore, the confederates
advanced from Haneff; but the enemy, instead of awaiting
their approach, again precipitately retreated, and sought the,
protection of their lines, Villeroy establishing his head
quarters at Mierdrop, and the elector drawing farther to the
left, in the direction of Tirlemont. Accordingly, Marl
borough posted his army between Fresin and Lens les'
Beguines, where he fixed his head-quarters, and Overkirk
encamped near Brett, on the northern bank of the Mehaigne.
After this unavailing attempt to bring his antagonists to
an engagement, the first object of the British commander
was to recover Huy, which interrupted the navigation of the
Meuse. On the 6th, therefore, as soon as the artillery was
ready, he detached General Schultz with a sufficient force
for the siege ; and to cover the operation, Overkirk the same
day removed his camp to Vignamont.*
During the siege, Marlborough had time to reflect on bis
various disappointments. Indeed, to complete the series, he
received the intelligence that d'Aubach had been terrified by
the approach of a small French detachment, and retired from
Treves and Saarbruck, without the slightest opposition. He
thus abandoned the conquests, of which the capture formed
so brilliant a feature at the close of the last campaign, and
the magazines which had been collected with so much
anxiety. We cannot, therefore, wonder that from the time
Of Marlborough's departure from the Moselle to the present
* Correspondence — Hare's Narrative — Milner — Lediard — Brodrick
— and the different biographers.

.1705.] HIS CHAGRIN. 285
moment, his correspondence still breathes a tone of anguish
and despondency. His letters to the lord treasurer and the
duchess prove the acuteness of his feelings, and announce
his resolution to withdraw from a command, in which his
•great services were marred by envy, cowardice, or treachery,
and where he saw no other prospect than fruitless care and
unmerited disgrace. To add to his chagrin, he felt more
deeply than they deserved the censures which both parties in
England lavished on the conduct of the campaign.
To the Duchess.
" Treves, June 7-18. 1705. — I would not let this express go to Hol
land without writing two words to my dearest soul, though I am fitter
to go to bed than to write. The foot begin their march to-morrow, and
I shall follow with the horse the next day. The alarm is so great in Hol
land, that 1 am apprehensive they may be frightened, so as to hearken to
a proposition of peace before I get thither, so that I make all the diligence
imaginable. I received two days ago a letter from Prince Louis, to excuse
his not coming to the army, his health not permitting it, so that be is
gone to the waters. If we could have had what was absolutely necessary,
I could have borne this disappointment. Pray press on my house and
gardens ; for I think I shall never stir from my own home, being very
sensible that it is impossible to serve with any satisfaction, where it is
in so many people's power to do mischief."
" Bibrich, June 21  My head and heart are so full of the disappoint
ments I have met with in this country, that I do from my soul wish to
be out of this troublesome business ; for I see but too plainly that the
jealousy of Prince Louis, and the backwardness of the German princes,
will always hinder us from succeeding here, which is the most sensible
part in which we might do the most hurt to France."
To Lord Godolphin.
"Dryborn, June 13-24. — * * * I beg you will give my humble
duty to the queen, and assure her that nothing but my gratitude to her
could oblige me to serve her after the disappointments I have met with in
Germany, for nothing has been performed that was promised ; and to
add to this, they write to me from England, that the tackers and all their
friends are glad of the disappointments I meet with, saying that if I had
success this year like the last, the constitution of England would be
ruined. As I have no other ambition but that of serving well her
majesty, and being thought what I am, a good Englishman, this vile,
enormous faction of theirs vexes me so much, that I hope the queen will
.after this campaign give me leave to retire, and end my days in praying
for her prosperity, and making my own peace with God. At the same
time, I beg you will assure her majesty, that if she should ever have
occasion for my service, I should, even at a moment's warning, not only
sacrifice my own quiet, but all that I have in this world. I beg you
,will not oppose this, thinking it may proceed at this time from the spleen :

286 LIFE OP MARLBOROUGH. [GH. XXXV.
I do assure you it does not, but is from the base ingratitude of my
countrymen. I am doing all I can to get time enough to save the citadel
of Liege, having marched 9 leagues this day.
To the Duchess.
"Maestricht, June 1S-29  I had the happiness this morning of re
ceiving your kind letter of the 8th, and in return would venture my life
with pleasure to make you happy. For myself I am extremely uneasy at
the disappointments I have met with ; for it is most certain the Moselle is
the place where we might have done the French most hurt. I could wish,
with all my heart, that 205 (Prince Eugene) were in 206 ( Prince Louis's)
employment, but not by any act of mine. I am at this moment so re
signed, I leave all punishment to God ; and I shall, as soon as I can,
retire, assuring you I have no ambition so great as that of deserving
your love, and that the queen would be persuaded no other consideration
should make me desire her leave to retire, but that I see very plainly the
negligence here abroad, and the malice of parties at home, make me in
capable of doing her any service. 1 am sure you are so just and kind to
me as to believe, that during this campaign I shall take all occasion of
doing service to the queen and public, and after that you will not blame
me if I am desirous to live in quiet ; for if I shall be obliged to continue
as I am, my days must be very short. I am wasted to nothing, having
perpetual vexations, fearing the world may blame me for other people's
faults." " Maestricht, July 1  * * * I march to-morrow, and hope the
cannon will go from hence the next day. "When we have Huy, the Lord
knows what we shall do next ; for I am afraid the French will avoid all
occasions of letting us be of the same side of the lines with them."
His friends in England, who knew that his influence
could alone preserve the confederacy against France, that
his efforts alone could produce a stable peace, and that his
high reputation could alone overawe the contending factions
at home, urged him to struggle with his difficulties, and not,
from a momentary disgust or disappointment, to mar the
great work of which he had already laid the foundations, for
establishing the independence of Europe and the Protestant
succession in England.
From every court of Europe the duke received sincere
testimonies of condolence for his numerous disappointments,
accompanied with marks of indignation against the margrave
of Baden, to whose supineness or jealousy the failure was prin
cipally attributed. But from none was he greeted with
stronger expressions of regret, and higher confidence in his
skill, zeal, and abilities, than from the court of Vienna. Hi9
friends in England were not wanting in offices of consolation*

1705.] LETTER FROM THE QUEEN. 287
and the queen in particular testified her sympathy and con
cern, in a manner no less gracious than affectionate.
" Windsor, June 12-21. 1705. — I am very sorry to find by your three
last letters to my lord treasurer, that you have met with so much vexa
tion and uneasiness ; but I hope by this time it is all over. I believe
the last resolution you have taken is best, and if you should not succeed
in what you are now going about, I do not doubt but something or other
will happen to make you very well satisfied with yourself before this
campaign is at an end, and I fancy all reasonable people will be so too.
Whatever fortune may attend you, at least I shall, being very sure nothing
will be wanting on your part. I do not doubt but you will have an
account of all the disagreeable things that happen every day in Scotland,
and therefore will not mention any particulars, only complain of my
misfortune to be obliged, by the circumstances of the times we live in,
to do all the unjust, unreasonable things those strange people desire,
which gives me more uneasiness than you can imagine. As for what
passes I will not give you an account, knowing you have it from other
hands. I wish you may find the restless spirits of both parties quiet
when you come back, but I mightily fear it ; every thing, in my opinion,
having a melancholy prospect. 1 pray God send you good success,
make you easy in every thing, and continue you under his gracious pro
tection, as he has hitherto done, that your friends may have the satisfac
tion of seeing you in England again in health, which nobody I am sure
will desire more sincerely than your humble servant.
" The prince desires me to give his service to you, and assure you that
he is extremely concerned that you have been in so much uneasiness.
" I am ashamed to send such a strange scrawl, but I have not time to
write it over again, which I hope will make my excuse."
Even this consolatory letter made but little impression %
and he still maintained the resolution, which he so often
expressed, of withdrawing from the embarrassments of his
great, but uneasy situation. Reply to the Queen.
"Lens les Beguines, July 16-27. — Madam, your majesty's letter of
the 12th is a fresh instance of your goodness and partiality for your duti-
ful servant, who would with pleasure venture ten thousand lives, if he
had them, to make you easy and happy.
" Your majesty will have known my desire by lord treasurer, that after
this campaign 1 might, with your good liking, end my days with some
quiet. I beg your majesty will believe that in what condition soever I
may be, I shall be ready at all times to sacrifice aU that is dear to me for
your service ; ' but I think this retirement of mine is not only necessary
for me, but also good for you ; for as my principle is, that I would not
have your majesty in either of the parties' hands, so I have them both
my enemies, which must be a weight to your business. When I shall
live under your protection and not meddle, neither party will then have

288 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXXVI.
envy or malice to me, so that I shall be able to serve you in parliament,
which I shall do with all my heart. Since I left England, I have had
no account of the affairs of Scotland ; but by what I know of those
people, I can easily believe they are very unreasonable.
" I had by the last post from lord treasurer, a list of the new parlia
ment ; by which I find there are enough of the tackers and their adherents
to stir every thing that may be uneasy to your majesty and government.
To prevent which, I think your majesty should advise with lord trea
surer what encouragement may be proper to give the Whigs, that they
may look upon it as their own concern early to beat down and oppose all
proposals of that sort before they come to any height ; for I am afraid
your nearest allies on this side are so desirous of getting out of this war,
that if they can have any handle to say that the sessions is like to meet
with any difficulties, they will be sure to make use of that argument to
oblige England to such a peace as may be desirable for them, though it
will be inconvenient or unsafe for your majesty.
" By the vexation and trouble I undergo, I find a daily decay, which
may deprive me of the honour of seeing your majesty any more, which
thought makes me take the liberty to beg of your majesty, that for your
own sake and the happiness of your kingdoms, you will never suffer any
body to do lord treasurer an ill office. For besides his integrity for your
service, his temper and abilities are such, that he is the only man in
England capable of giving such advice as may keep you out of the hands
of both parties, which may at last make you happy, if quietness can be
had in a country where there is so much faction. I am, with the great
est respect," &c.
His concern and vexation, however, did not, in the end,
damp his ardent zeal for the cause of England and of Europe,-
nor repress his wonted energies. On the contrary, he re
doubled his efforts to restore the lustre of the confederate
arms, which had been sullied by the faults and misconduct of
others. He found the greatest consolation, as well in the
bustle of action, as in the arrangement of his great designs,
and in the hope that he should vindicate his military fame
from unmerited obloquy.

Chap. XXXVI  Attack op the French Lines. — 1705.
On the 11th Huy capitulated, and on the ensuing day the
garrison surrendering prisoners of war, were conducted to
Maestricht. The troops of General Schultz were immediately
employed in levelling the approaches and repairing the works

1705.] FORMIDABLE LINES OF THE FRENCH. 289
of the place, under the direction of Overkirk. Conscious
that the enemy would not venture to risk an engagement,
and disdaining to spend the season of action in defensive
warfare, Marlborough formed the design of forcing the lines,
on which they confidently placed their reliance, and carrying
the war into the heart of the Brabant.
The construction of this formidable barrier, which was
partly natural and partly artificial, had employed the space
of no less than three years. It commenced at Marche aux
Dames, on the Meuse, to the east of Namur, passed by Ger-
bise to Wasseigue on the Mehaigne, and from thence stretch
ing to the Little Gheet, followed the left bank to Leuwe,
leaving Hanut on the east and Tirlemont on the west. Be
tween Leuwe and Aerschot, the Great Gheet and the Demer
formed a natural defence, and from Aerschot ran a new series
of intrenchments to Antwerp. On the flanks were the two
fortresses of Namur and Antwerp, and in the interval were
numerous fortified posts, particularly Leuwe, Diest, Sichem,
Aerschot, and Lierre. The French army, amounting to
70,000 men, was posted in such a manner as to draw the
utmost advantage from this extraordinary effort of skill and
labour. Villeroy, with the main body, continued his head
quarters at Mierdorp, and the rest of the troops were dis
posed on different parts of the line, between the Great and
Little Gheet, in situations from which they could most rea
dily assemble in force on the points threatened with an
attack. To pass a barrier, strengthened with all the resources of
art, covered by rivers and marshes, and defended by an army
superior in numbers, was an enterprise of the boldest and
most critical kind ; and Marlborough, therefore, employed
all the powers of his inventive genius to distract the atten
tion and baffle the combinations of the enemy.
The point which he selected for his intended attack was
between Leuwe and Heilisheim, where the abrupt and slip
pery banks of the Little Gheet, combined with the artificial
defences, seemed to present a double obstacle to the enter
prises of an enemy. During the short siege of Huy, he em
ployed the most effectual means to ascertain the state of the
lines, and the disposition of the hostile army. But though
superior to the military prejudices of the age, which regarded
vol. i. u

290 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXXVI.
these defences as impregnable, his enterprising spirit was
shackled by the nature of his command and the perverseness
of those with whom he was associated. He was to preserve
that secrecy which is the soul of action, and yet to obtain the
consent of a jealous and timid government, to an enterprise
of which he could not disclose the circumstances or extent.
But the confidence placed in his military skill obviated the
difficulties which would have frustrated the designs of a
general less able to command respect. As early as the 1st of
July, he sent Baron Hompesch to the Hague, and obtained
such powers as he deemed necessary for the execution of the
enterprise. Having thus succeeded in his application to the
government, he imparted his plan in confidence to Overkirk
alone, and entreated him to concur in the design, by leading
the Dutch across the Mehaigne.* The object of this move
ment was twofold, to relieve himself from the. cavils of the
factious generals till the blow was struck, and to draw the
attention of the enemy to the south of the Mehaigne, which
being the weakest part of the lines was supposed to be most
liable to attack. Overkirk, however desirous to follow these
instructions, could not venture to take upon himself the re
sponsibility of so dangerous a movement as the passage of
the Mehaigne, which might have exposed him to the attack
of a superior force before Marlborough could advance to his
aid. Hence a council of war was held, and the proposal was
submitted to the generals. It was, however, violently cen
sured by Slangenberg and his party ; but being as warmly
supported by Overkirk, Noyelles, and others, all objections
were overruled, and a resolution taken to hazard the attempt.
During these arrangements the solicitude of the com
mander was remarked by the troops ; but though all antici
pated some great design, none could divine the object.
Rumours were circulated of a march to the Rhine or the
Moselle, and the troops employed at the siege of Huy were
not ordered to join till the last moment.
The preparations being matured, Overkirk, early in the
morning ofthe 17th, crossed the Mehaigne, and advanced on
Bourdine ; and while he sent forth detachments to the very
trench of the lines between the Meffle and Namur, Marlbo
rough made a slight movement to the left, as if to co-operate
* Propositions sent to Overkirk, July 13th, with his replies.

1705.] PREPARATIONS FOR AN ATTACK. 291
in the threatened attack. This feint produced a due effect ;
Villeroy drew the troops from the other parts of the lines
towards his head-quarters, and no less than 40,000 men were
collected in the vicinity of Mierdorp and round the sources of
the Little Gheet.
At the moment when these different movements baffled
conjecture, the troops who had been employed in the siege of
Huy rejoined the army. To these others were added, form
ing a vanguard of twenty battalions and thirty-eight squad
rons, which were privately ordered to assemble before the
cavalry of the right wing, and placed under the command of
the Count de Noyelles, whose local knowledge and enterpris
ing spirit rendered him the fittest instrument for so daring a
design. With him were associated Generals Schultz and
Ingoldsby, and the cavalry was commanded by General
Lumley, who had signalised his skill and bravery at the
battle of Blenheim. In this disposition the same precautions
were observed as in all the preceding. The troops were ac
quainted with their march only a few hours beforehand. The
different corps composing the detachment were unknown to
each other ; and as the collection of fascines would have
pointed out the object of attack, every trooper was ordered
to provide himself with a small truss of forage, as if the
design was merely a rapid march. The tools and other in
struments were provided, and the heavy baggage sent to the
rear. All the preparations being matured, the signal was
given at eight, and the detachment began its march, leaving
Cortes, Montenachen, and Tron on the right, and Avernas,
Ratshoven, and Neer-Winden to the left, towards the villages
of Helixem and Ne'er-Hespen, on the Little Gheet, which the
vigilant commander had found to be most weakly guarded,
and where the angle, formed by the Great and Little Gheet,
afforded an excellent defensive position subsequent to the
passage. An hour afterwards the army of Marlborough fol
lowed in two columns. At the same instant Overkirk re
passed the Mehaigne over twelve pontoon bridges, which had
been prepared in the interval, and connected his vanguard
with the rear of Marlborough's army.
During the darkness a momentary confusion prevailed ;
but on the approach of dawn the troops regained their order,
and at four the heads of the columns approached the French
u 2

292 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXXVI.
works. At this moment a thick fog arose and comrealed their
movements. Favoured by this temporary obscurity, General
Schultz cleared the two villages of Neer-Winden and Neer-
Hespen ; another body of three battalions obtained possession
of the bridge and village of Elixheim ; and a third carried
the castle of Wange, which commanded a passage over the
Little Gheet. They instantly began to construct bridges
across the stream ; but the ardour of advancing troops could
not brook this necessary delay. Rushing through the enclo
sures and marshy grounds, they traversed the Gheet in spite
•of its steep and slippery banks, and traversed across the hne,
though covered by a deep trench. In a few minutes their
numbers so rapidly increased, that a French detachment of
dragoons posted at Oostmal, were struck with a panic and
retired. The alarm was now spread, and while the allied troops
were forcing their way over all obstacles, a detachment of
the enemy, commanded by the Marquis dAllegre, consisting
of twenty battalions and fifty squadrons, appeared on the
higher grounds near Oostmal, and stretching into order of
battle, opened a heavy cannonade from eight pieces of artil
lery. Fortunately the hollow way leading from Elixheim to
Tirlemont lay in their front, and retarded their advance.
Marlborough, who had passed with the first squadrons, saw
'the necessity of an immediate effort, and with his character
istic decision led forward a part of the horse, and broke the
enemy by an impetuous charge. They, however, again ral
lied, and renewing the contest with increasing ardour, drove
back the allied cavalry. In this momentous struggle the
duke himself was exposed to the utmost danger. Being on
the flank, he was separated from his troops with only a trum
peter and a servant, and surrounded by the enemy. A
French or Bavarian officer struck at him with his sword, but in
the effort fell from his horse, and was instantly seized by the
trumpeter. The allied forces were exasperated by this mo
mentary repulse ; but still more animated by the peril of
their beloved chief, they recovered their order, and returned
to the charge with irresistible force. The French cavalry
•were routed and dispersed ; the infantry made a hasty retreat,
and the allies were left undisputed masters of the lines.
Meanwhile the Dutch troops approached and united with

1705.] FORCES THE FRENCH LINES. 293
those of Marlborough, though too late to take a share in the
enterprise. Villeroy and the elector were disconcerted by the retro
grade movement of Overkirk, and spent an anxious night in
momentary expectation of an attack. Apprised in the morn
ing that the storm had burst on the very point which they
had almost denuded of troops, from a confidence in its
strength and distance, they mounted on horseback, and giving
orders for the foot to move, hurried forward with all the
cavalry they could collect. Arriving near the scene of con
flict, they saw that the fatal blow was struck, and no resource
remained but a precipitate retreat. They availed themselves
of the defiles with which the country is intersected to with
draw their scattered troops, traversed the Great Gheet in
confusion, near Judoigne, and making a forced march, their
vanguard reached the suburbs of Louvain at eight in the
evening. Unwilling to expose themselves to the attacks of
an antagonist whose enterprising spirit they had learnt to
dread, they gave no repose to their harassed troops, but spent
the whole night in passing the Dyle, and did not deem them
selves in safety till they had broken down the bridges and
established themselves behind that river, with their left pro
tected by the cannon of Louvain.
The duke was anxious to press on the enemy, to profit by
their confusion and dismay, and by anticipating them in the
position of Pare near Louvain, to frustrate their design of
taking refuge behind the Dyle. To those who complimented
him on his exploit he replied, with a smile, " All is well, but
much is yet to be done." He was however thwarted by the
opposition ofthe Dutch generals, who expatiated on the fatigue
of the troops after so long and toilsome a march. At length,.
with much reluctance, he yielded to their instances, and es
tablished his camp in the vicinity of Tirlemont, which being
garrisoned by no more than a single regiment, surrendered
on the first summons, and the example was followed by Diest
and Aerschot. The next day Marlborough approached
Louvain, and encamped between Corbeck Overloo and the
abbey of Vlierbeck, where he fixed his head-quarters.
As this conflict was rather a skirmish than a regular
battle, the loss of the enemy in killed and wounded was in
considerable ; but many officers of distinction were captured,

294 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXXVI.
and 1200 prisoners surprised the ensuing day. Many trophies
fell into the hands of the confederates, among which were
several standards belonging to the troops ¦ of Bavaria and
Cologne, inscribed with the most pompous mottoes.* Suc
cess brought with it the usual attendants, exultation, health,
and confidence ; and the gratifying attachment which the
veterans, whom the British general had before led to victory,
manifested to his person in the very heat of battle, appears
to have made a deep impression on his feeling and magnani
mous mind. We cannot express his change of sentiment in
warmer language than his own.
To Secretary Harley.
"Gampat Tirlemont, July 18. 1705. — Ever since I found myself obliged
to quit the Moselle, I have spared no pains to lay a scheme for attacking
the lines.
" Being informed that the posts of Hespen and Helixem were the most
neglected, I ordered M. Overkirk to pass the Mehaigne yesterday with
his army, and to advance towards the lines, to give the enemy some
jealousy, that they might draw their troops that way ; and as soon as the
day began to shut in, I ordered a detachment of twenty battalions and
thirty squadrons, under the command of Monsieur Schultz and Lieutenant-
general Ingolsby, to advance towards those parts, which were three great
leagues from our camp. At ten at night I followed with the army, having
given orders to Overkirk to march likewise in order to join us. By break
of day the detachment forced the passage with little opposition, and ad
vanced with so much diligence that three regiments of dragoons, who
were not encamped, were not in time to oppose them. Immediately
Monsieur d'Allegre appearing with a great army of horse, computed at
fifty squadrons and twenty battalions, advanced with great resolution,
but * * * * * * *
we attacked them, and after a short dispute of ten hours, he was obliged
to retire." To the Duchess.
" Tirlemont, July 7-18. 1705. — My dearest soul, this bearer, Durel,
will acquaint you with the blessing God has been pleased to give me ;
for I have this morning forced the enemy's lines, and beaten a good part
of their army, taken their cannon, two lieutenant-generals, and two major-
generals, and a great many of their officers, besides standards and colours,
of all which I shall have a perfect account to-morrow. It is impossible
to say too much good of the troops that were with me, for never men
fought better. Having marched all night, and taken a good deal of pains
* On this subject the French biographer justly remarks : " It is easier
to invent fine mottoes than to perform great actions ; to mark inscriptions
on banners than to defend them." — T. ii. p. 106.
1 Erased or torn off in the original.

1705.]

LETTERS TO GODOLPHIN. 295

this day, my blood is so hot that I can hardly hold my pen ; so that you
will, my dearest life, excuse me if I say no more, but that I would not
let you know my design of attacking the lines by the last post, fearing it
might give you uneasiness ; and now, my dearest soul, my heart is so full
of joy for this good success, that should I write more I should say a great
many follies."
After congratulating him on the successful attack against
the French lines, he proceeds : —
To Lord Godolphin.
" Tirlemont, July 7—18. 1705. — As I had in this action no troops with
me but such as I brought from the Moselle, I believe the French will
not care to fight with them again. This bearer will tell you that Mon
sieur Overkirk 's army was not in the lines till the whole action was over,
and that I was forced to cheat them into this action ; for they did not
believe I would attack the lines, they being positive that the enemy were
stronger than they were. But this is what must not be spoke of, for it would
anger the Dutch, with whom, I think, at this time, I am very well, for
their deputies made me the compliment this afternoon, that if I had not
been here the lines would not have been forced. I intend to march to
morrow towards Louvain, by which march I shall see what Monsieur de
Villeroy will do. This day has given me a great deal of pleasure ; how
ever, I think 500 pounds is enough for the bearer.
" I beg you will make my compliments to the queen, and assure her
that I have infinite pleasure in thinking this action may do good to her
service." " Camp near Louvain, July 9-20. — Before this comes, I hope Colonel
Durel is got safe to you with the good news of the success we had last
Saturday. The French made such haste to get over this river yesterday
that I took above 1000 prisoners, which I have this day sent towards
Maestricht. I have no account as yet what number M. d'Overkirk's
army has taken, they coming very late into their camp. I think it is for
the service to continue in two armies ; for mine, that is much the biggest,
does whatever I will have them ; and the others have got the ill custom
of doing nothing but by a council of war.
" The Marshal de Villeroy is camped on the other side of Louvain, so
that till we can make him march from thence we cannot have the con-
veniency of this town, which we must have to make our magazines ; for
we are yet obliged to have all our bread from Liege, which is fourteen
leagues from hence. This action will certainly oblige the French to send
more troops hither from Alsace ; so that if Prince Louis can be persuaded
to act offensively he has a very fair opportunity. We hope to have our
bread to-morrow, and then the next day attempt the passage of this river ;
and if we get on the same side with the enemy, I do not doubt but we
shall oblige them to quit this place, where we must make our magazines
for bread. Our affairs here are so changed that we now talk of nothing
but forcing the enemy wherever we meet them.
u 4

296 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXXVI.
"I have this minute received the inclosed.* By the superscription
you will see he owns her majesty : it is the first time he has done it,
which makes me think he would be glad of any occasion to make his
court." To the Duchess.
" Camp near Louvain, July 9-20. — My Lord Sunderland intended to
have left the Hague as this day, but our advancing into this country as
we do I believe will make him stay some days longer, to know where he
may join us. I was so pleased when I writ my last, that if I had writ
on I should have used expressions which afterwards I should have been
ashamed of. The kindness of the troops to me had transported me, for
I had none in this last action but such as were with me last year ; for
M. Overkirk's army did not come till an hour after all was over. This
was not their fault, for they could not come sooner ; but this gave occa
sion to the troops with me to make me very kind expressions, even in the
heat of the action, which I own to you gives me great pleasure, and makes
me resolve to endure any tbing for their sakes. One great good of this
action is, that I am very confident it will encourage the Dutch to that
degree that they will go on cheerfully with the war, now that they see
the lines are no bar to them, and that they may hope for farther conquests.
You may be sure, my dearest soul, that I shall endeavour to carry this as
far as it is possible, in hopes to make a speedy end of the war, so that I
might enjoy your dear company in quietness."
We present another letter written to the queen, in reply
to one from her majesty, deprecating his resolution of retiring.
It displays the same tone of reviving confidence, and the
warmest expressions of gratitude for her kindness and con
descension. " July 23. 1705. — Madam, I have had the honour of your majesty's
letter of the 3d, in which you are so extremely good that I want words
to express the sense I have of it ; and as I am sure I would not only
venture my life, but also sacrifice my quiet for you, so I beg you will
believe that I shall never think myself master of taking any resolution
till I have first obtained your majesty's leave. By my letters I have had
from Holland I find the Dutch are so pleased with the success we have
had that I believe they will not now hearken to any proposals of peace
without first acquainting your majesty. I do also hope that it may have
some effect on the parties in England, for the advantage of your affairs,
which I pray God may prosper as your own heart can desire, and then I
am sure England must be happy."
Like Ca?sar, and all other illustrious commanders, Marl
borough disdained to spare his own person while he exposed
the lives of his troops. His recent escape had awakened
* This refers to a letter from the king of France, or from his minister,
Torcy.

1705.] harley's adulatory letters. 297
the alarms of the duchess ; and we give his manly reply to
one of her letters, in which she had manifested the natural
feeling of a wife.
" Meldert, August 6. 1705. — My dearest soul, 1 love you so well, and
have set my heart so entirely on ending my days in quiet with you,
that you may be so far at ease as to be assured that I never venture my
self but when I think the service of my queen and country requires it.
Besides, I am now at an age when I find no heat in my blood that gives
roe temptation to expose myself out of vanity; but as I would deserve
and keep the kindness of this army I must let them see that when I ex
pose them I would not exempt myself.
" I have heard what you write, that Prince Louis had some thoughts
of putting out a manifesto for justifying his proceedings, but I think he
will not do it. If he should by his letters to me, as well as in justice,
he will not be able, nor will he endeavour to lay any fault on me ; for he
is very desirous I should not be angry with him."
Among the correspondence on this occasion, we find a letter
from Harley which merits attention, as coming from a
minister who could afterwards sanction the base insinuations
of Swift and Mrs. Manley, the authoress of the New Ata
lantis, against Marlborough's want of courage.* "We present
it with no other comment than the infamous passage of
Swift. " July 28. 1705. — My Lord, Saturday Colonel Durel brought the
good news of your grace's glorious action ; the same night I received
another by the post, and yesterday a third letter from your grace.
" You have, my lord, exceeded our very hopes or expectations, and no
person could have done it but yourself. "What I took the liberty to say-
to the queen upon this occasion is, what I believe in my soul, that no sub
jects in the world have such a prince as the queen, and that no prince in
the world hath such a subject as your grace.
" Your friends and servants here cannot be without concern upon your
grace's account, when we hear how much you expose that precious life of
yours vpon all occasions* and that you are not contented to do the part of
a great general, but you condescend to take your share as a common
* " I shall say nothing of his military accomplishments, which the
opposite reports of his friends and enemies among the soldiers have
rendered problematical ; but if he be among those who delight in war,
it is agreed to be, not for the reasons common with other generals.
Those maligners who deny him personal valour seem not to consider
that this accusation is charged at a venture, since the person of a wise
general is too seldom exposed to form any judgment in the matter : and
that fear, which is said to have sometimes disconcerted him before an
action, might probably be more for his army than for himself." — Four
last Tears of Queen Anne.

298 LIFE OF MARLBOKOTJGH. [CH. XXXTO
soldier. I hope your lordship's unwearied care and unparalleled merit
will in due time procure a lasting and sure peace for Europe, with repose
and eternal renown to your grace. I am afraid there are some on this.
side who have with great industry given encouragement to their friends
in Holland to expect and promote the old partition treaty. This suc
cess of your grace will destroy that and some other projects of those
magicians.*

Chap. XXXVII. — Opposition of thk Dutch. — 1705.
The factious adherents of the generals who had checked
the advance of the duke seized the opportunity to reproach
him with the delay of which they were the cause. They
accused him of negligence in not intercepting the retreat of
the enemy, and in not anticipating them in the strong camp
of Pare, under the walls of Louvain, which would have en
sured the conquest of Brabant. But these malicious detrac
tions were silenced by the general exultation. General Over
kirk, in his official letter, observes : — " It is a justice I owe
to the Duke of Marlborough to state that the whole honour of
the enterprise, executed with so much skill and courage, is
solely due to him." The States also in their letter of thanks
to his Grace declare, " our generals agree that this victory is
entirely due to your excellency's care, prudence, and valour,
who have overcome obstacles and difficulties hitherto deemed
insurmountable and invincible."
A congratulatory letter from the king of Prussia testified
* The character and conduct of Harley will fully appear in the course
of these Memoirs. He was descended from an old Whig family of Here
fordshire, and began his public life as a very decided Whig. After several
perplexing vacillations he went fairly over to the Tory party, and soon
became one of its most ardent and able defenders in the House of Com
mons. For several years he professed great submission and devotion to
Marlborough and Godolphin, but, aided by St. John and Mrs. Masham,
finally destroyed their administration. He is well known in history by
his connexions with literature ; but as a statesman he was mean, intri
guing, deceitful, and treacherous. The discoveries made by the late Sir
James Macintosh in the archives of the Foreign Office at Paris no longer
leave any doubt that both he and Bolingbroke carried on a treasonable
correspondence with the French court several years before the treaty of
Utrecht. {Marlborough's Despatches, vol. v. p. 61V.)  En.

1705.] POSITION OF THE BELLIGEEENTS. 299
in stronger terms the satisfaction with which he had witnessed
his success in forcing the lines behind which the French had
taken refuge at the mere news of his march.* But it was
from the court of Vienna, and from the new emperor, that
he received the most flattering marks of satisfaction and
regard. To his adjutant, Colonel Richards, who conveyed
the news of the victory, Joseph publicly testified his grati
tude for the services of the duke to the common cause in
general, and to his family in particular, declaring that they
were such as should never be forgotten by himself or his
posterity. On the ensuing day an official letter of congratu
lation issued from the chancery, to which Joseph added a
postscript in his usual style of cordiality and attachment.
" I cannot refrain from testifying to you myself the joy I
felt at the fortunate success of your arms, not doubting its
good effects for the common cause. I am much concerned
that I am not able to place myself at the head of the army,
to show in person the particular esteem I have for you, and
the confidence which I repose in you."f
In England the news of this almost bloodless success
excited the most lively satisfaction. It was celebrated by a
public Te Deum, like the battle of Blenheim, and the queen
herself went in person to St. Paul's, to return thanksgiving
for the victory.
Since the passage of the lines, no material change had
taken place in the respective positions of the contending
armies. The troops of Marlborough remained between
Vlierbeck and Corbeck Overloo, and the Dutch, who formed
the left, extending from Corbeck to the skirts of the wood of
Murdael. On the other hand, the enemy distributed their
force along the Dyle, from the Ische to Eosslaer, near the
Demer, retaining Louvain as a central point, from whence
they might succour either wing which might be threatened
with an attack. Marlborough burned with impatience to
follow up his success by an immediate attempt against the
French position ; but his design was retarded by a succession
of heavy rains, which fell for eight or nine days, and not
only broke up the roads, but swelled into torrents the nu
merous streams with which the country is intersected.
* King of Prussia to the Duke, July 27. 1705.
f From the original in the Marlborough Papers.

300 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXXVII.
To Lord Godolphin he observes on this occasion : —
" July 12-23  The great rains we have had all Tuesday and Wed
nesday night have drowned all the meadows, by which we were to have
marched to have gone over the Dyle. The French were then in such a
consternation that if we could have marched yesterday morning, as was
intended, I believe they would not have opposed our passage, nor do I
think they really intend it. But most of our Dutch generals are of
another opinion upon the French camping this day part of their troops
over-against the place where we should pass, when the waters will give
us leave, though I think they are only come there to try if that may
hinder us."
This suspense was attended with the most mischievous
effects ; for it gave the French time to recover from their
panic, and to fortify the points which were most exposed,
while it allowed the enthusiasm of the Dutch to cool, and
damped the ardour with which the troops were inspired by
their recent success against the lines. It also again exposed
the duke to unmerited obloquy, although his active mind
was employed night and day in devising plans of offensive
operation, to regain the advantage which he had been con
strained to forego, and to drive the enemy from the Dyle.
This unfortunate inactivity again called into action the
malicious spirit of the discontented generals, and enabled
Slangenberg to use, with a sinister effect, his influence over
the field deputies. But notwithstanding these machinations,
and the multiplied obstacles which Marlborough had already
encountered, he still persisted in his project, and hoped' to
accomplish it by the same secrecy and the same combinations
which he had employed in the passage of the lines. He
accordingly again sent Baron Hompesch to the Hague, and
obtained the acquiescence of the States, provided the design
was approved by the generals and deputies. By this impo
litic restriction he was compelled to recur to several councils
of war, and to communicate a part of his plan to those by
whom he had been constantly thwarted. The disclosure not
only occasioned an inj urious delay ; but, according to the
opinion of Hare, and even of Marlborough himself, his design
was betrayed to the enemy ; for notwithstanding the feints
which he repeatedly made, to call the attention of Villeroy
to the north of Louvain, the French commander was so far
from being deceived, that he actually drew his troops from

1705.] PASSAGE OF THE DTLE. 301'
that quarter, to strengthen his right, which he well knew to
be the real point of attack.
After a suspense of several days, Marlborough extorted
the acquiescence of the Dutch deputies and generals in the
attempt to pass the river, though it was clogged with the
absurd proviso that no risk should be incurred. He hoped,
however, as before, " to cheat them into success ;" though
unfortunately the troops who formed his left, and on whom
he was principally forced to rely, were Dutch, and conse
quently subject to the immediate control of their own officers.
He therefore selected, for the leading detachment, a body of
five battalions and nine squadrons of Dutch, under General
Heukelom, and another, from his own army, of twelve batta
lions and thirty-seven squadrons, under the duke of Wirtem
berg and Count Oxenstiern.* The first was to pass the Dyle
at Neer Ische, and the last at Corbeck ; and the two armies
were to march to their support, as soon as night should con
ceal the movement from the knowledge of the enemy.
These corps assembled in front of the lines, with the
necessary implements and train of pontoons ; and, as in the
passage of the lines, each horseman was provided with a
truss of forage, instead of a fascine. At five in the afternoon
they moved in silence, reached their destined points at ten,
and remained during the night under arms, to commence
their operations before the dawn, which was considered as
the most favourable moment for a surprise. About midnight
the two armies also broke up and followed, marching without
fires, and with the utmost precaution. Two of the columns
were bewildered in the darkness ; but notwithstanding the
accident, the Dutch, at three in the morning, were suffi
ciently near to sustain the detachments, and the English were
rapidly advancing.
The detachments now received notice to commence the
passage. At Corbeck 500 grenadiers, forming the advance
of the duke of Wirtemberg's corps, constructed a tempo
rary bridge, and traversed the Dyle with little opposition ;
and at Neer Ische, Heukelom not only led over the whole of
his foot, but drove three brigades of the enemy from the
village. The point was now gained, had the detachments
» According to Milner, this detachment was commanded by Lord
Orkney.

302 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXXVII,
been promptly and effectually supported ; for, although the
enemy had moved the moment they discovered the march of
the allies, they were yet at too great a distance to obstruct
the passage of" the main army. At this crisis, however, a
sudden suspense took place : for the Dutch, though on the
spot, not only refused to sustain the detachment at Corbeck,
but even hesitated in maintaining the advantage which
Heukelom had bravely obtained.
As Marlborough was advancing at the head of his own
troops, he was apprised of the unexpected demur on the
left. He instantly despatched an aide-de-camp, urging the
necessity of immediately succouring or recalling Heukelom,
and soon followed himself, with all speed, in the hope that
his presence would vanquish the indecision of the Dutch
commanders. Riding up to the spot where they were hold
ing a species of council, he was about to exhort them to
support their detachment, when Slangenberg exclaiming
"For God's sake, my lord duke, don't — "took him aside,
and continued for some time to address him with much gesti
culation, as if dissuading him from so hazardous an enter
prise. During this colloquy, the Dutch generals sent orders
to Heukelom to retire without delay ; and the duke had the
mortification to see his plan frustrated, at the moment when,
in his opinion, promptitude and vigour would have ensured
success. For the French, instead of advancing with intre
pidity and order, suffered severely from the artillery of the
detachments, and kept at a cautious distance ; and Heukelom
was so little pressed, that he withdrew without the loss of a
single man, or even of a single pontoon. The other detach
ment was consequently recalled, and the army resumed its
camp with a loss not exceeding fifty men.*
We have been thus minute in giving an account of this
attempt, because it had been falsely or partially related, and
because the true cause of the failure was never divulged.
No letter from the duke appeared in the Gazette ; while
* Hare's Narrative of the Campaign — Milner. It is remarkable that
in the Gazette no mention is made of the Dutch, from a delicacy not to
offend the States. The only public document which traces the true
cause of the failure is an anonymous letter from an English artillery
officer, who was engaged in laying the bridges.  History of Europe,
p. 258. .

1705. ] CALUMNIES OF THE DUTCH. 303
one which he wrote to the States, with a view of sparing the
feelings of the Dutch, ascribed the failure to the sudden
advance of the enemy in force. This account was confirmed
by a letter from Overkirk, as well as by the brief narrative,
which was given under the authority of the English govern
ment. The deputies also still farther exonerated themselves,
and cast an indirect censure on the conduct of the com
mander-in-chief, by attributing the failure to the advantage
of the enemy, in point of strength and position, and to the
impossibility of combining the efforts of the troops employed
in the enterprise.
As the silence of Marlborough gave countenance to these
erroneous statements, the enemy exulted in the skill of their
generals, and the courage of their troops, and claimed the
merit of foiling the designs of the great commander who had
repeatedly humbled their pride. The same tone was adopted
by the envious and disaffected, both in England and abroad :
the military character of Marlborough was bitterly arraigned
and his disappointment attributed to a want of skill, and
presumptuous confidence in his past success.
After a short halt the army again moved, and took up a
position with the right at Meldert, and the left at Bossut.
Here they remained several days.
Although, in his official correspondence, Marlborough
dwells on this unfortunate failure in terms of the keenest
regret, yet he gives no particulars, but in two of his private
letters to Godolphin, he is more circumstantial, and ascribes
the failure to its real cause.
" Near Louvain, July 29. 1705. — You will have here inclosed her
majesty's letter, which by mistake was forgot in my last. I am now
almost in despair of having that advantage we ought to expect from our
last success ; for we have now been here nine days in sight of the enemy,
the river Dyle only between us. On Wednesday last it was unanimously
resolved we should pass it the next morning ; but that afternoon there
fell so much rain that made it impracticable ; but the fair weather has
made it as it was, so that I resolved to have passed it this morning.
Upon which the deputies held a council with all the generals of Monsieur
Overkirk's army, who have unanimously retracted their opinion, and
declared the passage of the river to be of too dangerous a consequence,
which resolution, in my opinion, will spoil the whole campaign. They
have, at the same time, proposed to me to attack the French on their left,
but I know they will let that fall also as soon as they shall see the ground ;
for that has much more difficulties in it than what I was desirous they

304 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXXVU.
should do. In short, these generals are so cautious that we shall be able
to do nothing, unless an occasion offers, which must be put in execution
before they can have a council of war. It is very mortifying to find much
more obstructions from friends than from enemies ; but that is now the
case with me, and yet I dare not show my resentment for fear of too
much alarming the Dutch, and indeed encouraging the enemy."
The ministry in England, and the friends of the Duke of
Marlborough in particular, took a warm interest in the dis
appointments which he experienced. No one appeared more
deeply affected than his dependent and friend, Mr. St. John,1
secretary at war, who owed his post to the confidence and
esteem of the duke. We introduce a letter from his corre
spondence of this year, less for its real importance, than for
its singular contrast to the subsequent conduct and principles
of the writer. In perusing this letter, which appears to be
dictated by feelings of gratitude and patriotism, no one
could imagine that it proceeded from the hand of one who
hastened the fall of Marlborough, and hurried the nation
into that ill peace, which he so earnestly deprecates.
" Whitehall, August 1 8. 1705. — My lord, I acknowledge the favour of
your grace's letter from the camp at Meldert of the 6th instant, and
return you my humble thanks for thinking me so zealous for the public,
and so faithful a servant to you. Whatever situation of life I am in, your
grace will never be deceived in this opinion. I have all the force of
inclination, as well as the strongest ties of gratitude, to bind me to you.
It was very melancholy to find the malice of Slangenberg, the fears of Dopf,
and the ignorance of the deputies, to mention no more, prevail so as to
disappoint your grace to their prejudice as well as ours. We hope the
Dutch have agreed to what your grace desires of them, without which
the war becomes a jest to our enemies, and can end in nothing but an ill
peace, which is certain ruin to us. I attribute the quelling of that spirit
of faction which appeared at Nimeguen, and is in other parts of Holland,
to nothing so much as your grace's return and glorious success, and hope
this will keep down the ferment here which rises apace, and promises a
stormy winter. I am, my lord, with all imaginable respect and truth,
&c. *
* The writer of this adulatory condolence became the celebrated Viscount
Bolingbroke, and the St. John of Pope's " Essay on Man." At a later
period he was the rival and bitter political enemy of Mr. Harley, who
had introduced him to the notice of Marlborough. In subtle craft he
outdid his first patron, and in concert with Mrs. Masham, supplanted
him in the favour of Queen Anne. For a few days he exercised the func
tions of prime minister, but the unexpected death of the queen frustrated
all bis ambitious schemes. He next joined the Pretender, but soon

1705.] FRENCH INTRIGUES AND DUTCH CAUTION. 305
Though depressed by chagrin, and shackled by the per-
verseness of those who acted under him, Marlborough did
not yield to despair, but formed the resolution of forcing the
enemy to an engagement, in the hope of distinguishing the
close of this campaign by a victory no less splendid than
that of Ramilies. He sent Hompesch to the Hague, with a
letter reprobating the conduct of Slangenberg and his adhe
rents, and expatiating on the folly of subjecting all military
operations to the decision of councils of war.
But notwithstanding his eminent services, and the just
estimation in which he was held by the Dutch, it was no
easy task to supersede the formalities of a weak and captious
government, influenced by French intrigue. The only effect
of his representations was a species of compromise, which he
himself in letters to Godolphin considers as little better than
nugatory. " Meldert, August 3. 1 705  I have sent Lieutenant-general Hompesch
once more to the Hague. The inclosed is a copy of my letter I sent by
him to the pensioner. By it you will see that I have a mind to serve
them if they please ; but if they should not allow of what I propose it is
impossible to act offensively ; for besides the danger of resolving every
thing that is to be done in a council of war, which cannot be kept so
secret, but that the enemy must know it time enough to prevent it, as we
had the experience of in our last undertaking, so Monsieur Slangenberg,
though he is a brave man, his temper is such that there is no taking
measures with him. I am so tired that I cannot answer yours at this
time. "
" Meldert, August IS. 1705. — Lieutenant-general Hompesch is come
back with the resolution of the States, in which they desire their de
puties not to call a council of war but when they shall think it abso
lutely necessary. At the same time it is expected that I should not
only communicate to the deputies and Monsieur Overkirk, but that
1 must have their concurrence, so that I am afraid the matter is
not at all mended by this resolution ; for whatever I shall propose of
consequence, the deputies, that have no knowledge of the matter, can
abandoned' the Jacobite court, either from jealousy of the ascendency of
the duke of Ormond, or from his better sense and education making
him ashamed ofthe mean qualities of his new master, and the folly of his
adherents. His character and history were remarkable and eventful, and
would far exceed the limits of a note to delineate. He was a fine speaker
and highly accomplished man ; of great energy and decision of character ;
but unscrupulous, and lacked the integrity of principle and singleness of
purpose that inspire confidence and lead to unquestioned excellence.
He lived till 1751, and died at Battersea, where he was born. — Ed.
VOL. I. X

306 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXXVII.
have no opinion till they have advised with somebody, which must be
with their generals.
" The waggons loaded with six days' bread, I am assured, shall be here
to-morrow, so that on Saturday I shall begin to march. I wish, with all
my heart, this march may give an opportunity for action, for our men are
very desirous of engaging the enemy."
With even this modified permission, Marlborough did not
hesitate to resume offensive operations. Sensible, how
ever, that he could not induce the Dutch again to attempt
the passage of the Dyle, or baffle the vigilance of the
enemy, who had considerably strengthened their position,
he formed the plan of an expedition which would render
their natural and artificial defences unavailing, by moving
round the sources of the river. As this movement would
deprive him of all direct communication with his magazines,
he remained at Meldert to procure a sufficient supply, of
bread and provisions, for the time which it was likely to
last. 1'he interval was employed in commencing the demo
lition of the lines. On the 13th of August the bread
arrived ; and as this day was the anniversary of the battle
of Blenheim, it was spent in acts of thanksgiving, and in
those elevated hopes, which the recollection of past success,
and the actual preparations, were calculated to inspire.
At this juncture Baron Sparre, who commanded a detached
force on the side of Bergen-op-zoom, broke through the
lines between Ghent and Bruges, and made an irruption
into Brabant ; and though compelled to retire before superior
numbers, he fully succeeded in his object, which was, to dis
tract the attention of the enemy.
At the moment when this irruption had produced its effect,
Marlborough left detachments to secure Diest and Tirlemont,
and broke up his camp. On the 15th of August he directed
his march from Meldert to the abbey of Corbais, while Over
kirk made a parallel movement to Nill St. Martin. Being
apprised that a strong detachment from the French army in
Alsace would reach Philippeville on the 18th, the British
commander accelerated his march, with the hope of reaching
the enemy before the junction could take place. The next
day the confederates continued their progress, and arriving
at Genappe, near the sources of the Dyle, were united in one
line of battle, and under one command. On the 17th they

1705.] ENDEAVOURS TO FORCE THE ISCHE. 307
again moved, and approaching the borders of the forest of
Soignies, encamped between Hulpen and Braine l'Allieu, the
head-quarters being at Fischermont. In the interim the
enemy took the alarm, and withdrawing from the Dyle,
established themselves behind the Ische, their front being
protected by the stream, and their right and rear by a part
of the forest. In this situation they hoped to cover Brussels,
without relinquishing their advantageous position on the
Dyle. _
Anxious to attack the enemy, at the moment of changing
their camp, Marlborough resolved to force the passage of the
Ische. With this view he made a particular inquiry, from
the people of the country, into the nature of the ground
bordering the stream ; and procured guides, who were inti
mately acquainted with the situation of the fords, and the
condition of the banks. The same evening he selected a
detachment of twenty battalions and as many squadrons,
which were placed under the command of his brother,.
General Churchill, and posted in front of the lines, to com
mence the attack, by skirting the borders of the forest, and.
turning the right flank of the enemy.
A report being now brought that a French detachment
had occupied Waterloo, a post on the high road between
Nivelle and Brussels, at the entrance of the forest, the
pickets were called out, and forced the enemy to retire into
the wood. They, however, re-appeared in the evening, and.
an alarm was suddenly spread that their whole army was
advancing in that direction. The duke was thus called from
his quarters, where he had retired to repose, after his great
exertions both of body and mind. On riding to the spot, he
found the alarm to be false, but it deprived him of three
hours' rest, at a time when rest was doubly necessary.
As the next movement would bring the army in presence
of the enemy, preparations were made for action. At day
break the heavy baggage was sent to Lower Wavre, and the
army marched by the right in two columns, the artillery
forming a third. The first column traversed the river Lane-
above Hulpen, and defiled to the left, through a long and
narrow pass, leading by an ascent into the forest. On ap
proaching, the troops were delighted to observe that this
vast mass of wood, which appeared almost impervious at a
x 2

308 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXXVII.
distance, consisted of open plantations, intersected by good
roads, and unencumbered with thickets. They also found
the soil firm and dry ; and having traversed half a league of
forest, emerged into the plain between the Ische and the
Lane. The second column, which crossed the plain farther
to the right, found a passage still more easy. During the
march, a sudden shower seemed to portend a rainy day ; but
the atmosphere speedily cleared up, and at nine the troops
first descried the enemy.
Meanwhile the commander in chief was actively employed
in examining the hostile position. He discovered four prac
ticable points of attack, at Over-Ische, between that village
and Holberg, near Holberg, and at Neer-Ische. In his survey
he advanced so closely to the enemy, that he was exposed to
the fire of their artillery, and being saluted with several
cannon shot, from a point which was peculiarly weak, he
smilingly observed to his attendants, " These gentlemen do
not choose to have this spot too narrowly inspected."
While the army was in march, the detachment, under
General Churchill, took the route towards the left, and
traversed a causeway leading to the convent of Groenendale.
But on approaching the convent, their march was interrupted
by an abbatis, and they learnt that a corps of twenty French
battalions was strongly posted at the opposite opening of the
wood. In consequence of this unexpected obstacle, they
were unable to fulfil their instructions, and made a short
halt, to wait for new orders from the commander-in-chief.
The main body was now completing its formation, as fast
as the troops arrived, and Marlborough anxiously expected
the appearance of the artillery, which he had ordered to
march with the utmost expedition. But its progress was
obstructed by the insolence, if not the malice, of Slangen
berg, who, notwithstanding the strictest injunctions, that the
baggage should not be suffered to intermingle with the
column, overbore the commanding officer, and compelled him
to admit his own baggage into the train.
As the duke returned from his survey, full of hope and
confidence, he met Overkirk, and immediately went back
with him to show the peculiarities of the ground at Over-
Ische, which was selected as his point of attack. The Dutch
commander perfectly coincided in his opinion, and approved

1705.] PROPOSES AN IMMEDIATE ATTACK. 309
his intended dispositions. As they proceeded towards Hol
berg, Malborough observed the opposite point of the hostile
position to be slenderly guarded. He considered the junc
ture as too favourable to be lost, and immediately ordered the
nearest troops to advance and occupy it without delay, while
the cavalry moved to Neer-Ische ; but he was obliged to
countermand these orders, by the information that the artil
lery was still in the rear, and the whole army not yet arrived.
The design was soon perceived by the enemy, who hurried
to the point several pieces of artillery.
At mid-day, intelligence being brought that the troops
were in line, and the artillery arrived, the duke again rode
along the front of the hostile position, to issue his final
instructions. Meeting the deputies in his way, he cheerfully
congratulated them on the prospect of success, and pressed
them to give orders for the advance of the troops. Far from
receiving the proposal with the same alacrity, they replied,
" Your highness will doubtless allow us to request the opinion
of our generals." Accordingly the superior officers were
collected, about three, on the height of Over-Ische, and
Marlborough, impatient of delay, thus addressed them :
" Gentlemen, I have reconnoitred the ground, and made dis
positions for an attack. I am convinced, that conscientiously,
and as men of honour, we cannot now retire without an
action. Should we neglect this opportunity, we must be
responsible before God and man. You see the confusion
which pervades the ranks of the enemy, and their embarrass
ment at our manoeuvres. I leave you to judge whether we
should attack to-day, or wait till to-morrow. It is indeed
late, but you must consider that by throwing up intrench-
ments during the night, the enemy will render their position
far more difficult to force."
A murmur of disapprobation was heard in the circle ; but
Slangenberg, without waiting for the decision of his col
leagues, abruptly exclaimed, " Since I have been led to this
place without any previous communication of the design, I
will give no other opinion than that the passage at Over-
Ische is impracticable. However, I am ready to obey the
orders which I may receive." The duke, affecting not to
notice this insulting speech, turned to him, and mildly
observed, " I am happy to have under my command an officer.
x 3

310 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXXVn.
of your courage and skill, and I flatter myself, that in a situ
ation which requires instant decision, you will start no diffi
culties." He concluded with proposing to him the direction
of the attack at Over-Ische ; but Slangenberg made no other
reply than " Murder and massacre ! " To remove objections
supposed to be derived from an unwillingness to risk the
Dutch troops, Marlborough then offered him two English for
every Dutch battalion ; and on his sneering rejoinder, that
he did not understand English, proposed to consign to him
the German regiments. But this offer was also rejected, on
the plea that the attack was impracticable.
Marlborough was roused by these cavils, and observed
with warmth, " I disdain to send troops to dangers which I
will not myself encounter ; and therefore I will lead them
where the peril is most imminent." He then apostrophised
the deputies, adjuring them by God and their country not to
neglect so favourable an opportunity. Of this exhortation
they took no notice, but resumed their deliberation, forming
a circle where they stood. The consultation continued two
hours, new difficulties being perpetually started, while Marl
borough was observed standing by in an agony of impa
tience. At this moment the news being brought that his
brother, General Churchill, was prevented from advancing,
he querulously exclaimed, "Let him then retire. His retreat
will not be far, and if the attack is made, he may return."
After another hour's deliberation, the opinion of Slangen
berg prevailed, and it was unanimously decided that the
enemy were too advantageously posted to be attacked, par
ticularly at Over-Ische. Some, however, candidly owned
that they could form no judgment on the other points, which
they had not examined. To remove this objection, three
generals, Tilly, Slangenberg, and Salisch, were sent to recon
noitre; and were accompanied by brigadier Bothmar and
quarter-master general Stark, who, at the desire of the duke,
attended to show the ground. This survey proved a new
source of cavils and objections. Every post occupied by the
enemy was deemed too strong to be forced ; the river was
declared not fordable ; and the most trifling elevation was
considered as inaccessible to cavalry. All the arguments of
Bothmar and Stark were unavailing. Salisch demanded of
Bothmar, who was present at Blenheim, whether the position

1705.] FAILURE OF THE ATTACK. 311
of the Ische was not the most formidable. Instead of listen
ing to the reply, he indulged himself in a long digression,
and concluded with censuring that engagement as a rash and
imprudent attempt. Some dispute next arising on the force
of the enemy, Slangenberg drew from his pocket an order of
battle, and computed the number of their battalions and
squadrons to be far greater than those of the confederates.
The time was thus spent till the approach of darkness com
pelled them to return to their respective quarters.
Without waiting for the result of this survey, Marlborough
had indignantly retired to Lane, where he was apprised by
Bothmar that the three generals had seen nothing but ob
structions and impossibilities. Mortified with this informa
tion, even though it was not unexpected, he exclaimed, in a
tone which marked his feelings, " I am at this moment ten
years older than I was four days ago."
On the following morning Overkirk sent him an official
report, stating the opinion of the three generals, and adding,
that the attack was still more hopeless than on the preceding
day, because the enemy had profited by the night to increase
their means of defence.* Convinced that the case was now
irremediable, Marlborough quitted a spot which he had con
fidently hoped to illustrate by a victory no less splendid than
that of Blenheim ; and withdrawing to Lower Wavre, where
he rejoined his baggage, concluded with a brief, though
pathetic, postscript, a letter which he had written two days
before to the duchess, in the full expectation of success.
"August 17. — We shall march again to-morrow, for we cannot stay
longer in this country than the bread we bring with us will give us leave.
I hope in a week or ten days I shall have more leisure than I have now,
* The account of this transaction is drawn from Hare's Narrative,
from the letter of an officer who received his information from Slangen
berg himself, and from a curious and minute relation, written by Bothmar,
in the Marlborough Papers. We have also consulted all the printed
authorities, particularly Slangenberg's Apologetic Letter to the States,
printed in Lamberti.
It is impossible to close our remarks without reminding the reader
that this spot has been recently distinguished by an event of a far
different character, in which our second Marlborough vindicated the
honour of his country, and reaped those laurels which the hero of Blen
heim was prevented from gathering by malice, timidity, ignorance, and
treachery. x 4

312 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXXVIII.
and then I am resolved to drink the Spa waters. I wish with all my
heart those of Tunbridge may do you good ; and then I am sure the first
summer I am with you I shall desire to go thither with you, and then I
believe the waters will do me good ; for till I am pleased and at ease with
you no waters nor any thing else will do me good."
" August 19. — When I had writ this far I took the resolution of not
letting the post go, believing I should have engaged the enemy as yester
day, which I certainly had done if it had been in my power. But all the
Dutch generals, except M. Overkirk, were against it, so that the deputies
would not consent to our engaging, notwithstanding we were in battle,
within cannon shot of the enemy ; and I do assure you that our army
were at least one third stronger than theirs. We are now returning, for
we cannot stay longer than the bread we have brought with us will give
us leave. It is impossible to make the war with advantage at this rate.
I have sent a copy of my letter to the States to lord treasurer. I should
have writ in a very angry style, but I was afraid it might have given the
French an advantage."
To give additional poignancy to the grief which Marl
borough felt at this unfortunate failure, he had soon after
wards the mortification to learn that the enemy, instead of
risking an engagement, would have fallen back on Brussels,
had he advanced against them with his whole force.
On his arrival at Corbais, he strongly expresses to Go
dolphin his feelings of regret and indignation.
•' August 24  I did in my last send you a copy of my letter to the
States, in which I was careful not to use any expression that might give
advantage to the French. Several prisoners whom we have taken since,
as well as the deserters, assure us that they should have made no other
defence but such as might have given them time to have drawn the army
towards Brussels, where all their baggage was already gone. By this
you may imagine how I am vexed, seeing very plainly that the people I
am joined with will never do any thing."

Chap. XXXVHI. — Counter Eepresentations and
Intrigues  1705.
On retiring to his quarters at Lower Wavre, the duke wrote
an official letter to the States, which displays the struggle
in his mind, between his fear of injuring the common cause,
by an incautious remonstrance, and his indignation at the
disappointment he had undergone. After observing, that
from the goodness of the troops he had flattered himself with
the prospect of a glorious victory, and confident that the
deputies would impart the arguments on both sides of the

1705.] HIS CHAGRIN AND VEXATION. 313
question, he added, " they will at the same time do M. Over
kirk justice, by informing you that he coincided with me in
opinion, and thought the opportunity too fair to be lost.
However I submitted, though with extreme reluctance.'' In
a postscript, giving farther scope to his feelings, he observes,
" My heart is so full, that I cannot forbear representing to
your high mightinesses on this occasion, that I find my autho
rity here to be much less than when I had the honour to
command your troops in Germany."
On the same evening in which he wrote his letter to the
States-general, and from the same place, the deputies issued
what may be called a counter manifesto. In this document
they justified their opposition to the proposed attack, by
declaring that, according to the unanimous opinion of all the
Dutch generals, except Overkirk, the nature of the ground
and the superior force of the enemy, presented insurmount
able obstacles to so desperate an enterprise as the attempt to
force the passage of the Ische. They even extended their
objections to such petty cavils, as the difficulty of establish
ing hospitals, or forwarding convoys of bread ; and concluded
their justification by an indirect censure on the commander-
in-chief, for concealing from them the real object of his
movements. " And we hoping that we have fully satisfied the intentions of your
high mightinesses, contained in your resolution of the 5th instant, to
permit the Duke of Marlborough, without holding a council of war, to
make two or three marches, for the execution of some design formed by
his grace ; we therefore, for the future, shall regulate our conduct accord
ing to our instructions and your high mightinesses' resolution ofthe 26th
of June last, except your high mightinesses should be pleased to send us
farther orders. And we cannot conceal from your high mightinesses
that all the generals of our army think it very strange that they should not
have the least notice ofthe said marches."
As on the former occasion, the French also naturally
availed themselves of this official report, to laud the skill of
their own generals, to magnify the valour of their own troops,
and to reflect on the military talents of the British com
mander, as if he had been hurried by presumption into an
enterprise which was impracticable, or had been baffled by
the superior tactics and activity of his opponents. In Eng
land, the enemies of Marlborough, as well as the advocates
for peace, adopted the language and sentiments of this docu
ment, although it was known to be both partial and false ; and

314 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXXVm".
bitter censures were again lavished on the military conduct
of the illustrious chief.
The letter of Marlborough being surreptitiously printed
before it was communicated to the States, produced a deep
sensation in Holland. The English partisans, who had
long deplored the timid policy of their government, were
roused to indignation ; and at the Hague, in particular, the
burghers held an assembly to remonstrate against the mis
conduct of their deputies and generals.
From Holland, the same feeling spread into England : a
deep sentiment of indignation was diffused through all ranks;
the people warmly espoused the cause of their general ; and,
in numerous publications hawked about the streets, the
severest reflections were cast on the Dutch nation, and in
particular on the deputies of the States, for not suffering the
duke to engage the enemy. In the British cabinet the im
pulse derived from public opinion was strengthened by the
indignant complaints of the commander himself, in his cor
respondence with Godolphin and Harley.
To Lord Godolphin.
" August 19. — You will see by the inclosed to the States, that after
four days' march, I found the enemy encamped as I expected, so
that I thought we should have had a very glorious day. But as the
deputies would not consent without first consulting the generals, who
were all against it, except M. Overkirk, we have been obliged to retire
from the enemy, notwithstanding we were at least one-third stronger than
they, which I take to be very prejudicial to the common cause, and
scandalous for the army. I think this will show very plainly, that it is
next to impossible to act offensively with this army, so governed as
they are ; for when their general and I agree, as we did in this, that it
shall be in the power of subaltern generals to hinder the execution, is
against all discipline. This last action of the Dutch generals has given,
lis great mortification ; for the enemy will see very plainly that they,
have nothing to fear on this side, nor can I ever serve with them without
losing the little reputation I have ; for in most countries they think I
have power in this army to do what I please. I beg you will give my duty
to the queen, and assure her, that if I had had the same power I had the
last year, I should have had a greater victory than that of Blenheim, in
my opinion, for the French were so posted, that if we had beat them,
they could not have got to Brussels."
Convinced, indeed, from bitter experience, that the evil
was irremediable, Marlborough seems to have formed the
resolution of suffering the Dutch to remain on the defensive,
as more congenial to their character and constitution, and

1705.] lord Pembroke's mission. 315
renewing offensive operations in Germany and Italy. This
design he communicated to Godolphin, in a letter dated
Barney, August 27.
" By yours of the 10th, from Windsor, I see you thought I should
find much less difficulty in the execution of what I projected, than you
will find by mine of the 19th. Since that I have reason to believe that
Slangenberg has resolved to give all the hindrance he could to what
ever should be proposed, so that you may see how the common cause is
like to thrive, when it is in the power of a Roman Catholic of his
temper to hinder whatever may be designed. This makes it impos
sible for me to serve with these people ; for I take it for granted, their
constitution will not allow them to give us such power as for the good
of the service I ought to have ; so that the next year's project ought to
be so made, as that the Dutch army in this country may be on the
defensive, by which all the other armies may be put in a condition to act
offensively." These appeals drew from the British cabinet a resolution
of despatching lord Pembroke, president of the council, to
the Hague, to remonstrate against the misconduct of Slan
genberg and the deputies, and to insist on a more efficient
arrangement with regard to the command of the army.
Harley, as secretary, imparted the decision to the duke, in a
tone of devoted attachment to his patron and benefactor.*
"August 18-29. — My lord, this day we received two mails from
Holland, and about four hours after a third packet arrived ; and I had
the honour, by these three posts, to receive two letters from your grace,
one of August 19., the other of August 24. : your grace's expression in
your postscript to the States is so just, it sets every honest man's heart
higher ; for I must own my heart is too full to speak upon this subject ;
and Mr. Vryberge, after all his artifice to colour the misbehaviour at
the Dyle, now is struck dumb, and hangs his head. What shall one say ?
Your grace's superior talents prepared a glorious victory for them, and
they dared not, or would not, take hold of it. I know not what name to
call this by ; I cannot trust myself to reason upon it. The root it springs
from, I fear, will produce, worse fruit it cannot, but more I doubt of the
same kind, unless a speedy remedy can be applied. The queen, upon
reading your grace's letter, ordered the lords immediately to be summoned ;
they were all of opinion to advise the queen to take notice of this to the
States, in regard not only to the public service, but also what is due to
your grace's great merit, to which such usage is very inconsistent. Be
sides, this sort of conduct will put vast difficulties upon the queen, in
obtaining supplies for another year ; and it is a very great hardship that
those who set themselves at home to oppose the queen's measures and
* State Paper Office.

316 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXXVtH.
every thing she shall do for the public good, should "be furnished with
such plausible, fatal arguments, by our friends in Holland.
" The queen being advised to represent this to the States, from many
other reasons which would be needless to suggest to your grace, the
next consideration was, the method of doing it ; and it seemed to be
agreed that some person of figure and activity should be sent over to the
States, upon this and any other particular which may occur. This went
no farther than a proposal, it being determined first to send to your
grace an express messenger for your opinion upon this subject. To that
purpose I send Nicholas Hill, who hath been formerly in Flanders.
He is commanded, if possible, to bring your grace's answer to Windsor
by to-morrow se'nnight, or as soon as you can despatch him.
" The knowledge your grace has ofthe government of that country, of
their humours, their factions, and the particular inclinations and disposi
tions of the several great men there, with their respective interests and
attachments ; with that clearness of understanding and penetration, of
which your grace is so great a master, makes every body here justly
depend upon your direction in this critical affair. My lord treasurer
writes largely to your grace upon this and other heads, and therefore I
xvill say no more, but desire your grace to be assured I will take any
part you shall think proper for me. I am, with the greatest duty," &c.
This proposal was congenial to the duke's own sentiments,
for in the first transport of resentment, he had imparted to
his friends in Holland a resolution of quitting the army and
returning to England. Fortunately however for the public,
his irritated feelings were soothed by the earl of Portland
and his friends in Holland, who not only deprecated a step
so fatal to the confederacy, but made an earnest appeal to
Godolphin against the mission of Lord Pembroke, as hkely
to increase the general ferment, and produce an alienation,
if not a breach, between the two countries.* Mature reflec
tion, and the arguments of this nobleman, produced their
due effect on the mind of the commander, and we soon find
him seconding the remonstrance against the intended mis
sion, in his reply to the secretary.
" Tirlemont, Sept. 2.f — I received last night the favour of a letter
from you ofthe 18th. I could not refuse giving you my humble
opinion, as you desire, upon what has been proposed to her majesty in
council, of sending some person of distinction to the Hague, with rela
tion to our Jate disappointment, and the more absolute command of the
* Letter from Lord Portland to the Lord Treasurer, Hague, 1 8th
Sept. 1705.
t The Duke of Marlborough to Secretary Harley  State Paper
Office.

1705.] HIS HEALTH AGAIN AFFECTED. 317
army, whereupon I shall venture to tell you my thoughts freely. From
the knowledge and experience I have of these people, that" while they
are in such a ferment on this very occasion, and that there are such
divisions reigning amongst them, I can in no ways think it for the
public good or her majesty's service, as believing it might rather give
an advantage to the French, as those that wish them well, or at least
that are over-forward for a peace, of which I must own there are many
amongst the States themselves, than effect the end you propose ; and,
therefore, I would humbly offer that it might be deferred till I had ad
vised with such of our friends as, I am sure, are in the true interest, and
by that means will be obliged to pursue such methods as are, or may be
thought more proper for the public good. One chief reason that makes
me to be of this opinion is, that I am persuaded, if an opportunity should
now offer before our leaving the field, the greatest part of the generals
who were against engaging the enemy, are so sensible of their error that
they would not obstruct any thing that might be for our advantage.
Another reason is, that the sending such a person at this time would
undoubtedly create great jealousies at the court of Vienna, and with our
other allies, whatever we might allege to the contrary, that it had some
tendency towards peace, many of them being too ready to receive such
impressions, which might prove of dangerous consequence.
" You will please to lay this with submission before her majesty, and
believe me to be with truth," &c.
Meanwhile the army of Marlborough retraced their steps
by retrograde marches to Corbais, and afterwards proceeding
in two bodies by Barney and Pervez-le-marche, took up their
former position between Bossut and Meldert, in which latter
place the head-quarters were fixed on the 30th of August.
During this march, Marlborough sent General Demer to in
vest Leuwe, the only fortress on the southern part of the
lines which was yet held by the French. On the 2d he
advanced to Tirlemont, and having received the surrender
of Leuwe, ordered the demolition of the lines from that
place to the Mehaigne. He beheld with exulting satisfaction
the rasure of this formidable barrier, which opened a way to
his future progress.
While he directed these operations, he profited by the
vicinity of the Spa, to drink the waters, with the hope of
recovering his health. During his short residence at Tirle
mont, he also retired from the bustle of company, and as
much as possible avoided the transaction of business. But
when the mind is deeply affected, neither the skill of the
physician nor the salutary powers of nature can restore
health and serenity ; and we again trace in his letters that

318 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXXVHi.
tone of dejection and irritability which had reigned in his
correspondence since his disappointment on the Moselle,
though we observe his active genius still conceiving grand
projects, and anticipating future victories.
To the Duchess.
" Tirlemont, Aug. 31. 1705  I have so many things that vex me,
that I am afraid the waters, which I think to begin to-morrow, will not
do me much good. That I may be the more quiet during the siege of
Leuwe, I have taken my quarters in this town, and will trouble my
self with business as little as possible. My letters from the Hague tell
me that the factious there are divided concerning the last disappoint
ment I had. Those that are for a peace think their generals acted pru
dently ; but the others are angry with them and their deputies, so that it
is with them as with us in England, they judge by parties. I wish the
French may make no advantage of these unhappy divisions ; for it is
most certain that the French are so desirous of a peace, that the Dutch
may have whatever they will ask ; but should we be so unfortunate as to
have a peace concluded as things now are, it is most certain it could not
last long, and I fear that at last it would be their ruin. But, if it be
possible, they have more faction than we have, by which we may fear
every thing.
" It is impossible for me to .express how much I long for the end of
this campaign, for I have no prospect of any thing considerable that can
be done, unless the French will take heart and offer at something. "
To Lord Godolphin.
"Aug. 31. 1705. — You do in yours complain of some things at
home; but if you could know alii suffer here abroad, you would agree with
me in begging of the queen that I might never more go out of England;
for in Holland they have not only taken care that my letter should not
be printed, but there is another printed, and my name put to it, of
which there is not one word of it mine. I have complained to the
pensioner of this, and should have done it to the States, but then it
must have been public, which might have caused some disorders among
the people there, for they are of my side against their generals. By this
you may see how difficult a part I have to act, being obliged to take care
that neither the French nor Dutch common people know how I am
used ; for it is most certain I have not the tenth part of the authority I
had last year ; and it is as certain that if I had the power of fighting,
with the blessing of God, the French must have been beaten. By all
this, you will easily believe me that I shall make it my endeavour to be
in England early. But if any misfortune should happen to the army
after I were gone, I should never forgive myself; for though I am used
ill, the public must not suffer ; and should I think of putting this army
into winter quarters before the end of October, it would give an oppor
tunity to the French of sending troops to Germany ; but be assured my
heart is with you. My vexing has put me so much out of order, that I
am obliged to take a vomit this night, and to-morrow I shall begin the

1705.] HIS CONTINUED VEXATIONS. 319
Spa waters, and shall drink them during the time we shall stay in this
camp." To the Duchess.
" Tirlemont, Sept. 2. 1 705  I received last night yours of the 1 7th
and 18th, o. s., ofthe last month. It is impossible for me to express the
trouble the last disappointment has given. However, I must, be careful
not to speak all the truth, for fear of offending the Dutch, which would
give a great advantage to the common enemy.
" It is a pleasure to me when I find by yours that you are easier with
79 (the queen). I think, for the good of every thing, you should make
it your business to have it so ; for I am very confident by 72 (Lord
Godolphin's) letters, it would be of great use to him. I wish 79 (the
queen) and 72 (Lord Godolphin) all the happiness imaginable. But
really my spirit is so broke, that whenever I can get from this employ
ment I must live quietly or die."
"When the mortified general was just beginning to mode
rate his chagrin, and to recover from his disappointment, he
was exposed to another insult, which fell the heavier because
it came from his own associates. Interested as both the
Dutch and Germans were to repel the torrent of French
invasion, and to maintain their independence, it awakens
our surprise to observe the plans of our great commander
thwarted by national prejudice and personal jealousy. But
it excites still stronger indignation to find him exposed to
the obloquy of his own countrymen, and the petty intrigues
of men intrusted with official situations. His public report
of the operations of the Ische was drawn up by his secretary,
Cardonel, in such a manner as to spare the honour and feel
ings of the Dutch government, and at the same time to vin
dicate his own conduct, and furnish a plea for a remonstrance.
This account was, however, garbled in its way to the press,
and the report as published in the Gazette* was calculated
to convey a censure on Marlborough himself, as if he had
only exhibited his troops to the enemy, and then retreated as
* London Gazette of August 16. to August 20. 1705. — "The 18th
the army decamped at three in the morning from Fischermont, and
having passed* several defiles, came through the wood of Soignies into a
spacious plain, with only the Ische between us and the enemy, whom we
found, according to expectation, between Neder Ische and Over Ische.
In the afternoon the army encamped at Laue, from whence we. marched
the 19th to the camp at Basse Wavre." — Such was the partial, gar
bled, and spiritless account which was given by the organ of government
to the British public !

320 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXXVHL
hastily as- he advanced. He would not be so indifferent to
his own reputation as not to complain of this unpardonable
negligence, or secret animosity. In the postscript of a letter
to Godolphin, from Tirlemont, dated Sept. 9. he observes : —
" After I had sealed this letter, Mr. Cardonel showed me the Gazette,
in which I think I am used very hardly. I send you the paper he wrote
by that post, by which you will see what was left out, which I think the
writer of the Gazette would not have ventured to have done if he had
not had orders for it. If I had not had more regard for the public than
for myself, I should have writ more plainly the truth of the unreasonable
disappointment I met with on that day, which, if I had, I am very con
fident the common people of Holland would have done me justice ; but
that would have given great advantage to the French, which was reason
enough for me to avoid doing it. But I am much mortified to see
that an English gazette has more care not to offend Monsieur Vryberg
than to do me justice. They have but to see this gazette in Holland, .
and they will have reason to lay aside any farther thoughts of making
new regulations for the giving more authority to the general that shall
command, which I hope her majesty will have so much goodness for me
as to let it be some other person ; for I am very sure I must be madder
than any body in Bedlam, if I should be desirous of serving, when I am
sure that my enemies seek my destruction, and that my friends sacrifice
my honour to their wisdom."
Marlborough did not however suffer his private feelings
to supersede his sense of public duty, and he accepted an
apology* from the two secretaries of state. Sir Charles
Hedges excused himself on the plea of absence from town ;
and Mr. Harley asserted that he had no control over the
gazetteer. Both laid the blame on the negligence or venality
of the editor, and promised to remove him from a charge for
which he had proved his incompetence. Such indeed was
the forbearance of the general, that, although the insult to
his military character was public, he exacted no public refu
tation, and would receive no public apology, from the appre
hensions which he still felt, that any formal contradiction of
this statement might excite a dispute between England and
Holland, on whose union depended the success of the grand
alliance. It is with pleasure that we suspend the narrative of mili
tary operations and political intrigues, to present the duke in
one of those situations in which the hero is lost in the man.
* Letters from Secretary Harley to the Duke, Sept. 4-15. and 7-18.
1705.— State Paper Office.

1705.] queen's LETTER. 321
From the amiable and humane tone of the following letter
to Lord Godolphin, we should hardly conceive that it was
written amidst the din of arms, in the anguish of chagrin,
and at the moment when his mind was employed in superin
tending and influencing the great affairs of Europe.
" Tirlemont, Sept. 10. — I reckon this will find you at Winchester,
where I wish myself with all my heart. I wish the air may do the
queen and prince good, and yourself, if you want it, that you may be
the better able to endure this next winter, which is likely to be trouble
some, especially if it should prove true what Dr. Hare told me this
morning, that, by his letters, Mr. Smith was likely not to be chosen.
" The inclosed is a letter from a young woman of quality that is in
love with the Comte de Lyon. He is at Litchfield. I am assured that it
is a very virtuous love, and that when they can get their parents' consent,
they are to be married. As I do from my heart wish that nobody were
unhappy, I own to you that this letter has made me wish him in France,
so that if he might have leave for four months, without prejudice to her
majesty's service, I should be glad of it ; but if you think it should not
be done, you will then be pleased not to speak to the queen of it. "
During his residence at Tirlemont, the paroxysm of his
grief and indignation gradually subsided, and he recovered
his wonted health and serenity. But this recovery was less
owing to the salutary effects of the Spa waters, or to his
temporary abstraction from business, than to the general
sentiment in his favour, which prevailed in every country of
Europe, and to the no less general censures which were .
lavished on those who had wrested from his grasp a great
victory at the moment of execution. Numerous letters of
regret and condolence again reached him from all quarters ;
and he beheld with satisfaction his military character exalted,
rather than depressed by the malicious machinations of his
jealous and disaffected rivals. Not only the duchess and his
friends in England vied in administering consolation, but the
queen again addressed to him one of those condescending
proofs of attention, which are highly flattering from the pen
of a sovereign.
" Winchester, Sept. 6-17  1 am very sorry to find, by your letters to
lord treasurer, you are so very much in the spleen. I own all the dis
agreeable things you have met with this summer are a very just cause for
it, and I am very much concerned for the uneasiness you are under ; but
yet I cannot help hoping, that for the good of your country and the sake
of your friends, who cannot support themselves without you, you will be
persuaded to banish your melancholy thoughts. My lord treasurer I
VOL. I. X

322 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXXVIH.
know gives you an account of every thing that passes here, therefore I
shall say no more at this time, only wish the business abroad may give
you leave to be soon at home, which all your friends are desirous of,
but none, I am sure, more than your humble servant."
Lord Godolphin also administered to his wounded feelings
the balm of friendship. He likewise gratified him with the
information that the queen had been induced, by his argu
ments, to suspend the mission of Lord Pembroke, and to
leave to the Dutch government the power, as they appeared
to possess the inclination, of remedying, in their own consti
tutional way, the grievances under which he laboured.
With the anxiety of a friend, and the sympathy of a com
mander of congenial spirit, Eugene testified the concern he
felt for the disappointment of his illustrious colleague : —
" I profit," he observed, " by this opportunity, of assuring your high
ness ofthe interest I take in the success of your arms. It is extremely
cruel that opinions so weak and discordant should have obstructed the
progress of your operations, when you had every reason to expect so
glorious a result. I speak to you as a sincere friend. You will never
be able to perform any thing considerable with your army unless you are
absolute, and I trust your highness will use your utmost efforts to gain
that power in future. I am not less desirous than yourself to be once
more united with you in command." *
From Holland he also received the most gratifying intelli
gence. The Pensionary Heinsius, Slingelandt, and other
leading members of the government, expressed their disap
probation of the malicious conduct pursued by their deputies,
and the jealous spirit of their generals ; promised full redress
to his complaints ; and only requested that he would show
his usual forbearance in waiting till they could fulfil his
wishes, according to the established forms of their constitu
tion. Marlborough accordingly imparts this information to the
minister of finance.
" Tirlemont, Sept. 14. — I am extremely glad to find by yours of the
27th, that 74 (Lord Pembroke) would not go from London till my
letters came, for I hope upon them you will stop his journey, for it
might do him hurt, and can do no good at this time. I send you the
inclosed, that you may see what the pensionary writes. I will send you
* Translation of a letter from Prince Eugene to the Duke of Marl
borough, Treviglio, Sept. 13.

.1705.] SLANGENBERG REMOVED. 323
,a copy of the States' letter by the next post. They have writ one to
their deputies and generals, in which they have expressed themselves so
that their generals are not pleased, for they would now have their army
fight. I am afraid there will not be an opportunity for it ; but should
an occasion offer, I do verily believe every body would consent to it,
now that we have the happiness of not having Slangenberg, he being
gone to Maestricht ; and I do, with all my heart, pray to God that I
may never be in an army with him. The waters have made my head
ache so, that I can write no more, and after to-morrow I intend to leave
them off, though I had resolved to have drunk them all this week."
" Tirlemont, Sept. 17. — We march to-morrow for Diest, and the next
day to Aerschot, where we shall employ three or four days in levelling
the lines on that side of which we are masters. At the same time I shall
.inform myself, as much as I can, of the enemy's line from Wechteren
to Antwerp, for in all probability they will keep behind that line for the
remaining part of this campaign, so that if we cannot find a way of
getting into that line, we must not expect any other action this year.
" I send you a copy of the letter I have received from the States, by
which you will see they are desirous we should venture ; and I do verily
believe, if an occasion should offer, all their generals would readily con
sent, now that M. Slangenberg is gone. It would have been happy for
the common cause had he been sick two months ago."
In Holland the public indignation and the private remon
strances of the duke, seconded by the leading men in the
republic, gradually outweighed the efforts of faction and
French interest. Even the advocates of the opposite party
at length rendered justice to his moderation and forbearance.
Vryberg, the Dutch minister in England, was commissioned
to make an apology to the British cabinet ; and Buys, pen
sionary of Amsterdam, met Marlborough at Turnhout on
the 21st of September, to conclude a satisfactory arrange
ment. The result of this interview is described in a letter
to Godolphin.
•¦ Aerchot, Sept. 24. 1705. — I have had the favour of yours of the 6th
and 7th, from Winchester, by which I find you think my Lord Pembroke's
not coming may make some noise in England. I think it is much
wiser and honester to let such as do not mean well be angry, than to do
what must prejudice the public, as this journey of Lord Pembroke's
would certainly do ; for Pensioner Buys has confirmed me in my opi
nion, that the constitution of the States is such that they cannot take
away the power the deputies have had at all times in the army ; for in
the king's time they had the same authority, but he took care to choose
such men as always agreed to whatever he had a mind to. Now this
may, if they please, be put in practice. I have also underhand assur
ances that they will never employ Slangenberg in the army where I may
be. By the whole I find they would be very glad to content me, but I
Y 2

324 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXXVTn.
am afraid would be glad also to have it in their power to hinder a battle,
for they do seem to apprehend very much the consequences of such a
venture." Slangenberg was not only removed from the army, but all
his attempts to obtain an official situation were frustrated ;
and we shall find in the succeeding campaign the most gra
tifying proofs that the Dutch government were not insincere
in their professions, as well as that their confidence in the
commander was not ill bestowed.
While the mind of Marlborough was distracted by these
contending feelings, and he was striving to adopt measures
which might vindicate his military character, without offend
ing the friends of the grand alliance in Holland, he was at
the same time embarrassed with an event which called into
action all his discretion and address. This was no less than
an offer of peace, secretly made by France to the Dutch
.government, which the partisans of the war could not venture
•openly to oppose, and which those who were the advocates
of an immediate reconciliation warmly applauded and se-
.conded. The terms were imparted to him confidentially by Pension-
¦ary Heinsius, as he was marching from the Ische. Though
highly captious, and subversive of the principles which
formed the basis of the grand alliance, the proffered condi
tions were admirably calculated to sway the timid character,
and gratify the interested views of the Dutch. The republic
was lured by the prospect of commercial advantages, and the
erection of the Netherlands into an independent state, under
.such conditions as seemed to afford a barrier against future
aggression. In return, the pretensions of Austria to Spain
were to be sacrificed for the cession of Naples and Sicily to
the archduke Charles ; and the duke of Anjou was to he
.left in tranquil possession of Spain and the Indies, together
with the Milanese. England was to be gratified by the ac
knowledgment of Anne, and the guaranty of the Protestant
succession ; and an indemnity was promised in general terms
to the duke of Savoy and the king of Portugal.*
This artful overture impressed the timid mind of Godol
phin with the deepest alarm, and excited the dissatisfaction
of the confederates in general, and the court of Vienna in
* Letter from the Pensionary, August 15.

J 705.] HIS LETTERS ON PUBLIC AFFAIRS. 325
particular. Marlborough, however, on this as on other
occasions, acted with equal magnanimity and discretion. On
one side he allayed unreasonable jealousies and fears, and on
the other, by a generous confidence, conciliated the leading
members of the republic, and inspired even the opposite
party with a warmer sense of public spirit, and a higher
regard for their national honour. Some extracts from his
letters will show the empire which he maintained over his
own feelings as well as over those of others.
To Lord Godolphin.
" Barney, August 27. 1705. — I send you a letter I have received
since my last to you. You will observe that he * reasons much more
than formerly. The business itself is so very difficult, that let them
have never so much mind, they will not be able to bring it to per
fection, for the people will never consent to what the French desire ; so
that I believe neither side dares speak plainly ; for should the French
offer what they have a mind to give, it might disgust the Spaniards, and
the Dutch cannot make proposals, but they will inevitably disoblige their
allies ; so that I think we may depend upon another year's war.
lt I see you have a mind I should be in England, if possible, before
the meeting of the parliament. It will be uneasy to me as things are
to be here ; but some of my officers, already fearing I would take mea
sures to leave the army as soon as possible, have represented to me, that
they fear, when I am gone, the French, knowing how little respect
would be paid to any officer that shall be left to command, may not only
attempt but succeed. However, be assured I shall turn my thoughts to
be able to do what may be an ease to you. I am very sorry for what
you tell me of 79 (the queen) ; but I am confident she esteems you
more than all the rest that talk to her, and you may imagine she is
pressed by people that do not judge so welL as you ; so that I pity her
extremely. However, I hope and am sure she will always be directed by
you in every thing that is good for her service."
After repeating his objections to the mission of Lord Pem
broke, he adds : —
" Tirlemont, Sept. 2. 1705. — I shall proceed to give you my farther
thoughts on what I lately sent you from the pensioner. It is true he
seems, by his letter, to lean too much to the proposals or preliminaries
for a peace ; but I dare answer for him that he is as averse from having
it on those terms as we can wish, and that he is entirely in the interest
of England, being persuaded that he barely relates to me in secret what
he has from M. Wellandt and the pensioner of Amsterdam, who are at
the head of the faction, and would willingly draw him in, without any
other design than to prepare and arm me, against my coming to the
Hague, to join with him and our other friends in opposing what they
* The pensionary. v 3

326 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXXIX.
may offer on this subject. Now, if any person should be sent to HoU
land, besides the jealousy it would give abroad, and which many would
be glad to improve upon the first mention he makes of this matter, he,
would no longer trust me with the secret ; and as soon as the party-
come to know that it is got into England, which cannot in that case be
long concealed from them, they would most certainly ruin him, as being
well assured it could come from no other hand but his. This would be
such a blow as might go near to stagger most of our friends. Therefore
I am of opinion that we take no manner of notice of it, till we have dis
covered more of the secret ; and then, when I come to the Hague, I
hope, with the assistance of our friends, I may be able entirely to break
their measures, or at least so far to weaken their interest, as that it may
not be in their power to carry on their designs. I shall send your letter
to-morrow to the pensioner, and press him to be very exact in letting me
know what farther steps these gentlemen are taking, of which I will give
you an account by the soonest ; but must beg none may know it but her
majesty, the prince, and Mr. Harley."
" Frankfort, Nov. 1. 1705. — At my arrival here yesterday I had the
happiness of yours ofthe 12th. What you mention to be in the speech
may do good, but at the same time I hope Mr. Secretary Harley will use
such arguments to the pensioner of Amsterdam, as may convince him
that this is a very improper time, as well as that England can never con
sent that the Indies and Spain should remain in the hands of the duke of
Anjou."

Chap. XXXIX. — War in Spain and Portugal. — 1705.
In the midst of these negotiations Marlborough had moved
from Tirlemont, as soon as it was dismantled, and crossing
the Demer, advanced to Aerschot. Here he remained about
ten days, continuing the demolition of the lines, and giving
orders for perfecting the works of Diest, Hasselt and Tongres,
which were intended to cover the winter quarters. He then
marched to Herenthals, where he pitched his camp on the
28th of September.
It was not only in the operations of the field that the
genius of Marlborough shone with peculiar lustre : his coun
sels were as successful in the cabinet ; and the confederates
looked, with that confidence which superior abilities inspire,
to his influence or advice. From the numerous failures of
the last campaign, and the dangers which were apprehendea
in the ensuing year, the different members of the grand

1705.] NEGOTIATIONS AND ARRANGEMENTS. 327
alliance felt that no other hand could govern the jarring
motions of this extensive and complicated machinery, or
direct its future operations with harmony and effect. Accords
ingly the camp of Herenthals became the scene of those
diplomatic negotiations which influenced the fortune of the
war and the fate of Europe. Of all the cabinets with which
he maintained an intercourse, that of Vienna was the most
difficult to be directed or controlled, as well from the danger
which threatened on the side of Hungary, as from its inability
to maintain at once the war in the Low Countries, Germany,
Italy, and Spain.
The great services of Marlborough in forcing the lines
awakened a proper feeling in the breast of the sovereign, by
whom their effects were particularly felt. But this satisfac
tion was not unmixed with jealousy, lest the duke should be
induced by the Dutch to pursue his success in the Nether
lands, instead of resuming the attack on the Moselle, recover
ing the Austrian possessions on the Rhine, and liberating
Loraine. Numerous applications from the imperial court
were therefore made, both to Marlborough and the queen,
pressing his return to the Moselle, promising their zealous
assistance, and announcing that positive orders had been
issued, both to the margrave of Baden and the German
princes, to co-operate in his military plans.
In several of the letters which Marlborough wrote during
his retrograde march from Treves, he had indeed evinced a
resolution of returning to the Moselle as soon as he had re
stored the affairs in the Netherlands ; but his short though
bitter experience of the little dependence to be placed on the
aid of the German princes and the promises of the Austrian
cabinet sufficed to convince him that any further attempt in
that quarter would prove hopeless.
In fact, the captious conduct of the margrave of Baden
was alone sufficient to discourage a more sanguine general
from relying on his co-operation. We spare the reader the
long correspondence which passed on this subject between
the margrave, the duke, and the imperial ministers, because
two letters from the agents who were employed at the court
of Bastadt will place the character of the German com
mander in its true light.

1328 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXXIX.
Colonel Browne to the Duke of Marlborough.
" Creutznach, June 23  I would have taken the liberty to write to
your highness before I left Eastadt, but for the apprehension I was in of
my letter's miscarriage. I well saw by the discourses of those that have
most access near this prince (Louis of Baden), that the eagle would not
clap but with one wing upon the Moselle. They said publicly that all
the glory of any success was for your highness, but that if any miscarriage
should happen it would be for their master. Though all, even here itself,
believe his distemper a bespoken sickness, yet I can assure your grace he
is very ill ; for I did contrive it so that I was by at his dressing the day
he turned back, saw his wound or hurt, and the inflammation of his leg,
and it is very bad. The courier that brought his orders here last night
says he is worse at the waters near Mentz, and that his princess and son
are come to him there, but he will mend sooner by being upon the Rhine
than had we stayed upon the Moselle ; at least it is my belief."
The second letter is from Colonel Durel, who had been
despatched to Vienna to complain of the lukewarmness mani
fested by the German commander, and on his return was
charged with orders enjoining that prince to co-operate in
the plans of Marlborough with all his disposable force.
" Frankfort, June 22. 1705. — Yesterday, at three o'clock, I waited on
the prince of Baden with your grace's letter. I stayed almost three hours,
by my watch, before I could be admitted, which delay lost me the whole
night's riding, being obliged to wait the opening of the gates of this place.
I acquainted the prince with all the particulars your grace commanded
me, namely, with the disposition of the troops you left. I desired him
to correspond often with you, and to give your grace from time to time
an account of matters. He did already know his troops had received
bread and oats at Traerbach. He says he has very great pains in his
leg ; I believe it, because he tells me so. I desired, after having assured
him of your grace's services, that he would, as much as in him lay, pre-?
pare all things, to be in readiness to act within four or five weeks to
wards Saar Louis, in case the principles of war would so allow it. He
said he would. I pressed him farther to acquaint your grace, as I was
commanded to let you know exactly what number of troops he should be
able to act with, and by what time they might be depended upon ; also
what number of them he would leave behind. He gave me a general
answer, that he would always act for the best, and hoped you would
always believe he was your friend and servant ; and that when things
were once again settled, and a new disposition made, he would be wanting
in nothing. I desired him, when that disposition should be made,, that
then, if the case required it, he would march directly from where he then
should be, towards Homburg and St. Wendel, to which he said neither
yes nor no ; for he pretends that if he had done it sixteen days ago the
enemy was so posted as to have cut him off Your grace is judge of this
matter. As for the rest, he is resolved to facilitate all things relating to
the common good. God send it I"

1705.] THE WAR IN SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 329
As it was evident that the margrave of Baden would never
submit to associate with a colleague whose merit was likely
to eclipse his own, attempts were privately made by the
British cabinet to supersede him in the command. Lord
Sunderland was accordingly ordered, on his arrival at Vienna,
to insist on his immediate dismission, as the only measure
which could afford the prospect of success in Germany. But
in this attempt they had ill calculated on the situation and
views of the German court, the protection which the mar
grave derived from his relative, the prince of Salme, the
prime minister, and the countenance of the Jesuits. Much
justification and recrimination passed on both sides ; but in
the midst of this cabinet intrigue he vindicated his reputa
tion by his operations in Alsace. After suffering the French
to seize Homburg, and evading every proposal of co-opera
tion with the duke in any quarter, or for any object, he
suddenly roused himself from his apathy in the beginning of
September, and displayed his wonted skill and enterprise by
surprising Drusenheim, forcing the lines of Haguenau, and
blockading Fort Louis. This exploit, as brilliant as it was
unexpected, was instantly made the theme of applause by
his adherents at Vienna, and removed the prejudice which
his past misconduct had inspired. Marlborough saw the
Consequence of this change of sentiment in the court, and
not only desisted from his representations, but also prevailed
on the British cabinet to relinquish a hopeless attempt ; and,
concentrating his principal attention on the Netherlands, left
the management of the military affairs in Germany to the
court of Vienna, the empire, and its generals.
He found, indeed, sufficient occupation in directing his
own military arrangements, and superintending the conduct
of the war and the political business in other parts of Europe.
In Spain and Portugal the confederate arms were eminently
successful. Gibraltar, after a long and arduous siege, had
been relieved by an English fleet, and the Spanish troops
under Marshal Tesse disgracefully retired from the blockade.*
In Portugal the campaign had opened with more than usual
activity, arising chiefly from Lord Galway, whose spirit
seemed to infuse energy into the Portuguese. Towards the
beginning of May a combined army of 24,000 men, under
* Memoirs of the Kings of Spain of the House of Bourbon, chap. xii.

330 LDJE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXXIX
the nominal command of the Portuguese general, Don Miguel
de Cardona, but under the real direction of Galway, assembled
in the vicinity of Estremos, burst over the frontier of Alem-
tejo, and meeting with no enemy in the field, carried Valencia
de Alcantara by storm, and forced Albuquerque to surrender,
During this successful irruption, Das Minas, the Portuguese
commander in Beira, took Salvaterra and plundered Secca ;
but being awed by the advance of a superior force, retired to
Penamacos. The approach of the summer heats, however, soon reduced
the troops of both provinces to their wonted inactivity ; and
a letter from Lord Galway, which was transmitted by
Godolphin to Marlborough, convinced both the general and
treasurer that no farther efforts were to be expected in Por
tugal, till the return of a more temperate season.
" My lord, Lisbon, July 13. 1705.
" I ought to apprise you, that in the last conference they warmly
maintained that it was not possible to take the field in this country, either
this summer or autumn. This was openly the advice of the duke of
Cadaval ; the count of Alvar spoke in the same manner, but in general
M. Fagell supported the opinion, by finding difficulties in all the pro
jects which could be proposed. The marquis of Alagrete himself appeared
uncertain. They have deferred examining any proposition till the Mar
quis das Minas and the Count d'Atalaya are here. They have been
ordered to come. I see very well that they expressly delay entering on
business, in order that when it shall be time to take the field nothing
shall be ready, and that the rains may serve as an excuse to prevent the
troops from marching. However, I will lose no time ; I will press so
much that I will force them to do something, or to declare that they will
not do it. I send you a copy of the memorial, which I am resolved to
send to-morrow to the king, if I cannot deliver it to him myself. The,
departure of the king of Spain disturbs them. The illness of the king
of Portugal augments, and gives occasion to many intrigues. If this
misfortune (meaning his death) arrives, there is great appearance that
the duke of Cadaval will be master ; then nothing will keep the Portu
guese in our interests but fear, and nothing terrifies them so much as our
fleet. Besides the other reasons which I have taken the liberty to allege,
to you to have it winter, at least the greater part, this last is not to be
despised." In these circumstances Marlborough strongly recommended
that an expedition, composed of the troops which remained
useless in Portugal, should sail from Lisbon and assist the,
duke of Savoy by a diversion in the vicinity of Nice, carry
the war into Andalusia by an attack on Cadiz, or effect a

•1705.] SIEGE OF BARCELONA. 33l
debarkation on the eastern coast of the Peninsula, where the
natives were ripe for a revolution.
During this season of inactivity, the Dutch and English
fleets had arrived at Lisbon with considerable reinforcements!
That of England conveyed 5000 men, under the eccentric^
but gallant, earl of Peterborough, who had been recommended
by Marlborough. By a singular mark of confidence in the
government, he was associated in the command of the fleet
with the admiral, Sir Cloudesley Shovel, and thus was enabled
to infuse his undaunted spirit into the sailors as well as sol
diers, and to excite both to deeds of chivalrous warfare.
After several councils of war and numerous consultations,
private intelligence from Catalonia induced the Austrian
prince, who was anxious to realise his pretensions to the
Crown of Spain, to make an attempt against Barcelona, in
which city he was apprised that his partisans were bold and
numerous. To the 5000 troops recently arrived, Lord Gal
way added two regiments from his own force, and the fleet
sailed from Lisbon with Charles on board.
Touching at Gibraltar, three more regiments were em
barked, together with the guards, who had recently distin
guished themselves in the defence of the place ; and the
prince of Hesse d'Armstadt, who possessed extensive con
nexions in Catalonia, joined the expedition as a volunteer.
While the squadron lay off Valencia, the inhabitants ot
Altea raised the Austrian standard. The neighbouring town
of Denia followed the example ; and the royal garrison, sur
rendering without opposition, Charles was acknowledged-
king of Spain with the usual formalities. Emboldened by
this success, the fleet sailed onwards, and on the 22d the
armament disembarked in the bay of Barcelona, and set down
before the capital, though without the smallest hopes of sur
prising or taking a city strongly fortified, and defended by a
garrison more numerous than the assailants. But what could
not be effected by regular approaches was accomplished by
the chivalrous spirit of the earl of Peterborough. With un
paralleled address and secrecy he arranged a plan of attack.
Affecting to be discouraged by insurmountable difficulties, he
began to re-embark his troops ; but having lulled the enemy
into security, he, in the middle of the night, with a choseri
band of 800 men, assaulted the fort of Montjuich, which

332 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXXIX.
commanded Barcelona, and carried it by storm, to the sur
prise both of those who attacked and of those who defended
the place. We give the account of this singular exploit in
the characteristic language of the hero himself, in two letters,
one to his wife, and the other to the duchess of Marlborough,
Lord Peterborough to his Lady.
" Oct. 6. — I can now give you joy upon taking Barcelona, which is
effected. I can modestly say such an attempt was never made by such
a handful of men. We have taken, in three days, the castle of Montjuich,
sword in hand, that resisted 30,000 men three months. There were five
hundred men in it. We marched with a thousand men thirteen hours,
and with scaling ladders took a place upon a rock, much stronger than
Portsmouth, and had but eight hundred men, two having lost us in the
night. This enterprise, which some people would reckon impossible or
rash, will save many thousand lives. I was forced to lead them on with
the Prince of Hesse, who was killed ; I escaped without hurt, though
both my aide-de-camps were much wounded. I would rather you should
hear of this earlier from others than myself."
Lord Peterborough to the Duchess of Marlborough.
" Oct. 29. — If some few I esteem and respect are as much pleased a?
our enemies are surprised and made uneasy, I would desire no more. I
know the good nature of England, especially towards the month of No
vember ; but I hope at least they will find no fault.
" The ceremony is now over, and we have two kings acknowledged in
Spain. Give me leave to say, if I had now two hundred thousand pounds
I would be answerable for our being, madam, possessed, in a month's
time, ofthe better part of all Catalonia, Valencia, and Aragon; but our
coarse English proverb is too true — ' there is no making brick without
straw. '
" Had it not been for the impatience I am under to justify to the
world the countenance and good opinion you were pleased to honour me
with, I never durst have entered into those measures which brought the
king hither. But knowing the ill state of things in Portugal, and the
prospect not answering elsewhere, I thought a retrieve was necessary for
resolutions out of the common road. I have met with great difficulties,
but expect greater. This letter goes by Italy, only to assure your grace
of my eternal gratitude and respect, and to recommend the whole to your
care and protection. I lay this enterprise at your door, my lady duchess :
if we are sustained in time, and as we ought, I hope you will not be
ashamed to own it. But, madam, we are far off (though I hope not
forgotten). I can now assure your grace I am ofthe side ofthe church:
no doubt Sir Edward Seymour will make haste to help me, and I think
we have met with miracles in our favour. But we are poorer than church
rats ; and miracles cannot save us long, without money, and a quick and
vigorous assistance."

1705.] SURRENDER OF BARCELONA. 333
The capture of Montjuich was the prelude to the surrender
of Barcelona itself. On the 9th of October King Charles
entered the city in triumph, and was hailed by the inhabi
tants as their legitimate sovereign, and as their deliverer
from the detested yoke of the Bourbons. Every measure
was adopted to maintain this conquest, and spread the revo
lution through the neighbouring kingdoms of Murcia, Valen
cia, and Aragon. Barcelona was placed in a state of defence ;
the inhabitants enrolled and disciplined ; six native regiments
were embodied ; and numerous flying corps, composed of the
enterprising mountaineers, at once maintained the tranquillity
of the conquered district, and contributed to foment the spirit
of insurrection in the adjoining countries. Thus the war
was, at length, established on Spanish ground, and the
example of one of those kingdoms into which the Peninsula
was divided, portended a new and successful revolution in
favour of the Austrian dynasty, under which Spain had
attained such a height of glory.
This success, though as brilliant as unexpected, seemed to
create new sources of difficulty and want. The maritime
powers, who had strained their efforts to an unusual pitch in
the attempt, could not supply resources to prosecute it with
the same spirit ; while the emperor, whose zealous co-opera
tion all parties expected, was too much exhausted by his own
struggles on one hand against the Hungarian insurgents,
and on the other against the common enemy, to make those
exertions and furnish those supplies which the urgency of
the case required. Thus another burden was thrown upon
the maritime powers ; Marlborough was involved in new
embarrassments, and beheld with regret fresh causes of inces
sant disputes with the cabinet of Vienna.
But it was in Italy that the foresight of Marlborough had
to encounter the greatest and most complicated difficulties.
Perpetual contests subsisted between the courts of Vienna and
Turin. The new emperor, Joseph, was no less averse than
his predecessor to increase the power ofthe duke of Savoy by
any promise, even of eventual dismemberments from the
Milanese ; while Victor Amadeus was equally watchful to
enlarge his territorial possessions, and to extort from the
fears of the house of Austria what he could not obtain from
their gratitude.

334 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXXIX.
The emperor, occupied in quelling the rebellion in Hun
gary, could not easily find sufficient resources to conduct the
war in Italy on that scale which Marlborough thought ne
cessary to ensure success, and consequently the duke of
Savoy was almost left to his own means to struggle against
the attacks of the Bourbon armies. He indeed had been
assisted by a force of 13,000 men, but these were gradually
diminished to half their number ; and though harmony and
unanimity were doubly requisite in this trying crisis, per
petual disputes arose between the duke and the imperial
general. Their contentions even spread with a disastrous
effect among their respective troops.
During the winter of 1704 the brave defence of Verrua
had checked the progress of the French, and delayed the
meditated attack on Turin, the reduction of which would
have ensured the subjugation of Italy, and left the duke of
Savoy nothing but an empty title. The important interval
had been employed by Marlborough in endeavouring to draw
from other quarters that aid which the court of Vienna could
not supply. With this view he had obtained from Prussia
an auxiliary force of 8000 men, whose junction had enabled
Eugene to maintain his advantages. But as the treaty was
now on the point of expiring, and as the king of Prussia,
from resentment against the court of Vienna for repelling his
claims, had declared his resolution of withdrawing his troops,
the affairs of Italy seemed likely to relapse into the same
dangerous state as at the termination of the last campaign.
At length the manly defence of Verrua drew to a close,
after an investment of eight months. On the 10th of April
the garrison blew up the fortifications and surrendered to
the French. The duke of Savoy fell back to Chivasso, to
retard as long as possible the advance of the enemy ; but
could not long defend that small yet important post with a
discouraged and diminished army. The peril of his situation
is well depicted by Mr. Hill in one of his letters to the Duki
of Marlborough.
" His royal highness and Count Stahremberg are uneasy to each other
in their present condition. I do not reckon that Stahremberg hath above
1500 foot, and as many horse left ; the duke has not many more of his
own men fit for service. Count Stahremberg is contriving to be gone to
Vienna : they are not more satisfied with Prince Eugene, who makes

1705.] WAR IN ITALY. 335
war in his own way, and communicates nothing here, as we see, for the
defence of Piedmont, where we are at the mercy of forty French battalions
and fifty squadrons. When Chivasso falls, if La Feuillade is not obliged,
by Prince Eugene's successes in Lombardy, to send a detachment to the
duke of Vendome, we are capable here of taking some desperate resolu
tion ; for we cannot garrison Turin."
Amidst these accumulated misfortunes the duke of Savoy
had placed his last hope on the co-operation of the British
armament under the command of Lord Peterborough, which
he was led to believe was now on its way towards the coast
of the Mediterranean. This descent he contemplated as the
only chance of salvation, as it would compel the French to
drain their forces in Italy, for the protection of Dauphine
and Provence. Despairing, however, at length, of the long-
expected succours, which, unknown to him, had been di
verted to another quarter, his wonted firmness forsook him,
and he appeared to listen unto the repeated overtures of the
enemy. The British envoy, Mr. Hill, who watched all the
movements of his mind, thus expressed his apprehensions : —
" I was under great disquiet for fifteen days, for the wonderful inoffen-
siveness of the enemy, the anxiety of the duke of Savoy, the inaction of
Prince Eugene, the solicitations of the French, the violence of our situ
ation, and the tenderness of a wife and children, with many other appear
ances which I have observed, made me fear that we were taking measures
for the safety of Turin."
Before he closed the letter, he added a remark, which
indicated his extreme uncertainty.
" I am a little more at ease to-day. We are convinced that La Feuillade
can do us no harm, and we begin to hope that your grace or Prince Eu
gene will not leave the enemy at liberty to besiege us at the end of the
campaign." Fortunately, at this crisis of despondency and alarm, the
advance of Prince Eugene afforded a momentary gleam of
hope. After long hovering on the frontiers of Lombardy,
•he was joined by the 8000 Prussians, whom Marlborough
had subsidised. With this accession of force, he suddenly
descended from the Trentine Alps, opened a passage along
the eastern shore of the Lago di Garda, traversed the Oglio,
and advanced towards the Adda, with a view of forcing the
passage, and forming a junction with the duke of Savoy ; but
his efforts were foiled by the arrival of Vendome with con7
siderable reinforcements. The movements of Eugene to

336 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH XXXIX.
cross the Adda or the Po, and the counter movements of the
French general to retard the junction, brought on the short,
but desperate, battle of Cassano, in which both parties claimed
the victory. Marlborough, who received an account of the
engagement from Prince Eugene, augured little of the result,
as we find from his letter to Godolphin.
" August 27  I send Mr. Secretary Harley a letter and relation I
received last night from Prince Eugene. I wish the advantages were
more considerable ; however, I have ordered the army to be in battle-array
to-morrow, and shall fire all our cannon and small shot three times."*
As little did it raise the hopes of the duke of Savoy, who,
in a letter to the British general, thus describes his feelings
and situation.
After congratulating his grace on his success in forcing
the French lines, he continues : —
" Turin, August 26. 1705  I expected, as you did, at least a powerful
diversion, in consequence ofthe battle ofthe Imperialists in Lombardy;
but the action, though advantageous, ha£ not facilitated our junction.
" The sole resource which remains to me is, in the arrival ofthe fleet
at Nice, which I confidently expected, in consequence of the assurances
from her Britannic majesty. I have not, however, any intelligence froni
the earl of Peterborough, although I have several times written to him.
There are no other means to deliver me from my present danger than the
arrival of this fleet, the debarkation of the troops, and their advance into
Piedmont, where they must stay the winter, in order to be re-equipped
in the spring, and may save this country, which I have so long sacrificed
for the public good, and for the glory of her majesty's arms. I have
warmly supplicated the queen, and I may depend on her powerful sup
port, which alone can preserve me from ruin, and enable me to continue
rny exertions for the advantage of the common cause, and for her glorious
designs. " Your friendship for me, and your zeal for the glory of her majesty's
arms, and the good of the league, induce me to believe that you will
readily use your efforts in procuring me this assistance." f
But although the French had foiled the desperate attempt
of Eugene, the result of the engagement proved more advan
tageous than the parties most interested in its success had at
first presumed to hope. Eugene continued to maintain him
self in that part of Italy; and establishing his troops at
the foot of the mountains, between the Lago di Garda and
* The letter and relation to which he refers are printed in the History
of Europe for 1705.
f Translation from the original in the French tongue.

1705.] LETTER FROM THE EMPEROR. 337
the Adda, he held the French army in check, and suspended
the fate of Piedmont. He thus gave time to Marlborough
to allay the jealousy between the courts of Turin and Vienna,
and to devise means for a more vigorous exertion in Italy
¦the ensuing campaign. Indeed, it required all the influence
and zeal of the British commander, and the full force of his
conciliating manners and knowledge of character, to allay the
mutual dissatisfaction of two princes, whose very safety de
pended on their union. At this moment the jealousy be
tween the duke of Savoy and Stahremberg burst into an
open rupture, which almost terminated in their separation ;
and it was not without extreme difficulty that Mr. Hill suc
ceeded in suspending the dispute till reference could be made
to the court of Vienna.
From a view of the preceding transactions it was evident
that no other power except Austria was in a situation to
save the duke of Savoy ; but Austria itself was wanting in
.means to make an efficient effort, and both Eugene and the
¦imperial ministers earnestly pressed for immediate succours,
in men and money, to prevent the subjugation of Italy. In
the general dismay and embarrassment every eye was turned
to Marlborough, as the person who could alone devise re
sources to obviate the pressing difficulties, and restore that
spirit and unanimity without which success was unattainable.
From all quarters he was entreated to repair to Vienna, with
the hope that his interposition at the imperial court would
produce the same happy effects as on other occasions.
No one, however, better appreciated the necessity of his
presence than the emperor himself, from whom we find two
pressing letters of invitation, written with his usual courtesy
and condescension. " Vienna, Sept. 6. 1705.
" Most illustrious cousin and dearest prince,
" You have given so many proofs of zeal for my august house and the
common good, that I very easily persuade myself you will readily embrace
whatever may conduce to the prosecution of the present difficult but
necessary war. You will understand that nothing can contribute more to
this end than to ascertain the sentiments of the confederates, as early as
possible this winter, in order to resolve with secrecy what is to be under
taken by their united forces against the common enemy next spring ; and
from the many proofs I have received of your good affection, I promise
myself, that though the journey hither be long, you will gladly under-
VOL. I. Z

338 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXXLT.
take it for the common good. In the mean time I will use all possi
ble endeavours to get all that is necessary for the war in readiness. Re
cruits are already raising in my hereditary kingdoms and provinces; and
I expect from my states a sum of money proportionate to their abilities;
the necessary generals shall be also ready to assist at this council. I per
suade myself, your most serene queen and the States-general will be in no
way wanting to this good end, since there is great hope that matters being
thus disposed, the next expedition may be as fortunate to the arms ofthe
allies as the last, by the influence of the queen and States, and by your
conduct, was glorious, and fatal to the enemy.
" And so I do again repeat my assurances of my most kind affection
to you." * Vienna, September 27. 1 705.
'* Most illustrious cousin and dearest prince,
" Although I do not doubt but you have fully understood from my last
letter, the desire I had to deliberate with you here in person, and parti
cularly to confer with you on the operations of the next campaign ; yet
such is the weight and consequence of this affair, that I cannot conceal
from you, that as your presence is the chief hinge on which the main
stress of the war now turns, so the greatest part of my consolation, as
well as the life and hopes of the confederates, depend thereon. I cannot
deny that your most serene queen will very soon have occasion for the
presence of so great a man ; yet I have no reason to doubt that her
generosity will readily spare so little a time as this journey will take up,
to me and the common cause. The delay will be amply recompensed by
the advantage of the counsels, which, from your great prudence and ex
perience, you will be able to give. I do therefore again kindly entreat
you to undertake this journey, notwithstanding it may seem somewhat
troublesome ; and to embrace this opportunity of adding new lustre to
your name, already so renowned through the world, and augmenting the
many and great obligations you have laid on my august family and the
common cause of the allies.
" I conclude with constant assurances of my most kind affection.
" P. S. — I refer you, for the rest, to what Count Wratislaw will com
municate to you on my part, not deeming it expedient to insert it in this
letter. I merely intend by these lines to renew my sentiments of friend
ship and esteem, and to notify to you the great obligation you will confet
on me, if you will repair to this place ; as without your presence, no
thing that may be concerted for the approaching campaign can be
good."f The letter from Count Wratislaw, to which the emperor
alludes, stated that the Duke of Marlborough was invited to
Vienna to settle the arrangements for the ensuing campaign,
as for want of proper concert the fruits of the preceding ope-
* Official translation in the Marlborough Papers.
f Translation from the original document ill (he Marlborough Papers,
in Latin, and the postscript in French.

1705.] HIS MISSION TO VIENNA: 339
rations had been lost. He added that application had been
made to the queen and the States-general, not only for per
mission to undertake the journey, but to confide to him such
powers as would suffice for the conclusion and execution of
whatever should be arranged.
Another motive for his journey was derived from the capJ
tious spirit of the king of Prussia, and his dissatisfaction
with the court of Vienna, which he accused of treating him
with contempt, and not paying due attention to his claims;
On this account he had already notified his intention of re
calling the 8000 troops, whom he had sent to the confederate
army in Italy. His Prussian majesty likewise complained
of the Dutch, for not paying the arrears, due as their share
in the subsidies, for the service of the Prussian auxiliaries.
Indeed he had already earnestly pressed the duke to revisit
Berlin, with the hope of profiting by his advice, and had
testified to Lord Baby his anxiety to receive again as his
guest the illustrious general, whom he declared to be the,
most agreeable man he ever knew. A letter written to
Godolphin during his journey will spare any farther ex
planation. "Frankfort, Nov. 2d.
" Since my last I have received the inclosed paper from Berlin, as also-
a great many more demands which that court makes at the Hague,
an account of which I do not doubt but you have from Mr. Stan
hope. The king has desired me to press the emperor, that he might have
satisfaction on his last demands. 1 know the emperor is not in a condi
tion to give him satisfaction, nor do I think his demands reasonable ; but
I shall endeavour that they may give him a great many good words. On
the other side, I do not think the Dutch are willing to pay those arrears
he insists upon from them, so that I am jealous of his making these de
mands to give him some colour for not signing the treaty, as he promised*
me ; for they have at this time great projects of private advantage, by
the disorders that may happen in the North. However, I have writ to*
Mr. Stanhope, to press all he can the signature of the treaty at the-
Hague. But for fear that I should not succeed, I should be glad the
queen would write an obliging letter to him, in which she will acquaint
him that she has ordered me to return by Berlin, to give him assurances
of her friendship, and to sign the treaty for the 8000 men in Italy. I
desire this letter, by the next post, may be sent to Lord Kaby, to give me
at my arrival there ; for the king writes me word that he had ordered his
ambassador to ask of her majesty, that I may return by Berlin, as also I
am sure the emperor will be very anxious I should return that way, he
having many disputes with that court." z 2

340 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXXIX.'
Marlborough was likewise earnestly solicited by Pensionary
Heinsius and his friends in Holland to visit the two courts,
for the purpose of allaying the subsisting feuds and justifying
the proceedings of the Dutch government.
Several minor considerations also rendered his presence
necessary at Vienna. We have already noticed the jealousy
of the imperial court at the interference of the British cabi
net in the affairs of Hungary, notwithstanding an appeal had
been made to their mediation. This jealousy was increased
by the avowed attachment of Lord Sunderland to the princi
ples of freedom, which excited a strong suspicion lest he
should favour the republican spirit of the Hungarian insur
gents, and press the guarantee of the maritime powers to such
an accommodation as was inconsistent with the honour of
the crown and the tranquillity of the country.
On these subjects Count Wratislaw feelingly describes the
apprehensions of the imperial cabinet, and at the same time
avows his own personal and political antipathy to Mr.
Stepney. " Vienna, July 19. — We daily expect the arrival of Lord Sunderland,
and I flatter myself that as he is gone to your army, you will give him the
necessary information on the affairs of Hungary. I will render him all the
service in my power, as well from the friendship I feel for him, as from his
.connexions with you. But I cannot conceal my apprehensions from your
highness ; for when you compare the language of Mr. Stepney at the army
last year, with the principles and character of Lord Sunderland, I must
dread his inclinations to establish a species of republic in Hungary. You
know that such an arrangement would not accord with the government
here, still less with the temper of our master ; and since we must consider
Hungary as one of our most valuable possessions, we shall never be inclined
to accept conditions of a nature more calculated to breed new troubles
than to restore the tranquillity of the kingdom. The acceptance of the
mediation of the two powers plainly proves our sincerity, and the con
clusion of the treaty will display our moderation. But, in truth, it is a
matter of the utmost alarm, should our allies force us to accept a gua
rantee, which, considered merely as a point of honour, is an affair of the
greatest consequence, though not sufficiently appreciated in England;
since no sovereign has ever admitted the guarantee of a foreign power
between him and his subjects. As it is likewise to be feared that this re
volt will not be the last among a people so volatile as the Hungarians, and
a guarantee being once established, is it not possible that on some future
occasion, that of the Ottoman Porte, or some other dangerous neighbour,
may be required? I entreat you then, my lord, to reflect on this, and
to soften by your influence the republican zeal of Lord Sunderland,

1705.] LETTERS FROM COUNT WRATISLAW. 341
hoping your remonstrances will have a greater effect upon him in the
affairs of Hungary than they have sometimes had in those of England.
" P. S. I again repeat my apprehensions on the subject of Lord Sun
derland, for Mr. Stepney will inflame him as much as possible; and as
his lordship is naturally devoted to the liberty ofthe people, he will per
haps act with more warmth than he ought. I will serve him to the ut
most of my power ; but if I find him too much swayed by the influence
of Mr. Stepney, I will give myself no farther trouble."
"July 30. — The departure of Mr. Richards gives me an opportunity
of renewing my respects to you, and of informing you that Baron de
Sirmay is sent to apprise the Hungarians that his imperial majesty has
ordered his generals to publish an armistice for eight days, and to keep
his troops on this side of the Danube, provided the insurgents will re
main on the other side of the Waag. He has also announced his inten
tion of agreeing to a congress, to ascertain whether they are really dis
posed to conclude a peace. We expect an answer with great impatience*
Doubtless Mr. Stepney will give you an ample detail of all proceedings,
End you will also have received intelligence that this court has acquiesced
in all the proposals of the mediators."
In a postscript he adds, with his own hand : —
" If we proceed to a congress, probably my master will employ me,
although I shall endeavour to excuse myself, for many reasons. Should
I be appointed, I will strive to pacify ihe troubles, and there is no rea
sonable condition which I will not press this court to accept. I say
reasonable, but I frankly declare to you that I dread the republican prin
ciples of Lord Sunderland, and the malicious spirit of Mr. Stepney,
whom England has, by an unfortunate fatality, associated with Lord
Sunderland in the mediation. I cannot readily forgive you for this
nomination, for you were too well acquainted with his opinions not to be
convinced that he is not calculated to mediate to our advantage ; and it
is a mistake to suppose that we can be forced to yield to unreasonable
propositions. I beg leave to give you previous notice of an intention, on
the part of the mediators, to propose a continuation of the armistice on
the termination of the eight days. Moreover, I will serve Lord Sunder
land to the utmost of my power for promoting the military operations ;
;and I believe that we shall agree more readily in that point than in the
negotiation with the Hungarians ; since if he hopes to establish a republic
in Hungary he will not succeed ; and he will not find me a Whig to that
degree. But I must tell you at the same time, that we will do nothing
unless all the fortresses, with Waradin and Transylvania, are included in
the armistice j because we yielded to the pressing solicitations of the
mediators for an armistice, merely with a view to provision the fortresses
iand save both."
The confidence which the known integrity and discretion
of Marlborough inspired, could alone remove the suspicions
of the imperial court and soothe the irritated feelings- of
Count Wratislaw, on whose cordiality so much depended/;

342 LIFE OF M.UBLB'OKOTJGH. [CH. XXXIX.
and we find even Lord Sunderland himself joining in the
common request for his immediate presence at Vienna.
" I hope her majesty has by this time given her leave that Lord Marl,
borough may come hither ; for if we are to continue the war (as every
honest man that is in his wits in England and Holland, I believe thinks
we must), I am sure his coming is absolutely necessary ; for without it,
every thing will be in greater confusion than this year. And I am con7
fident that if he does come, there is nothing in the power of this court
that he will not persuade them to."*
Though anxious to terminate his lahorious pilgrimage on
the Continent, and to return to England, he could not resist
these pressing instances, and he transmitted the emperor's
letters to the queen and Godolphin, frankly stating his doubts
and reluctance, yet testifying his acquiescence in their decir
sion. He at the same time declared his resolution not to
undertake the journey unless he could ohtain, as well from
the States as from England, full powers to conclude the
arrangements which he might deem advantageous to the
common cause.
" At my arrival here, I found the inclosed letters from Vienna.
Her majesty's pleasure is what shall govern me in this as well as in
every tiling else. My opinion is, that if I should go, and I have not
power from the States that what I concert shall be performed, the
journey would only be troublesome to me, and of no use to the public.
If it should be thought necessary for me to go, you must reckon that I
cannot go in less than eleven days, and I must have as many to come
back, and I believe three days there, so that the whole will bring me one
month later into England. Besides, I do really think I shall not have
resolution enough to serve the next year.
" This request of the emperor's is very opposite to your kind desire of
having me early in England this year. Whilst I am fit for any tiling,
the queen and you shall dispose of me, in hopes that when you shall see
that I am worn to nothing, you will allow of my being quiet; for at this
time I am so extremely lean, that it is uneasy to me when I am in bed."
On mature reflection the British cabinet saw the pressing
necessity of the case, and the treasurer, though with reluct
ance, conveyed to Marlborough the sanction of the queen
and the approbation of the cabinet. He had yet, however,
to obviate many difficulties arising from the cold calculations
of the minister of finance and the no less parsimonious spirit
of the Dutch republic. The primary object which it was
* Lord Sunderland to Lord Godolphin, Vienna, Sept. 26.-0ct 7.
1705.

1705.] GODOLPHIN OBJECTS TO HIS PLANS. 343
necessary to attain, preparatory to his journey, was a positive
assurance that the court of Vienna should be promptly grati
fied with the loan required for the equipment of the Italian
army. Godolphin. however, regarded this point with the
scruples of a financier rather than with the eye of a statesman ;
and, instead of meeting the difficulty, employed himself in
starting objections to the mode of obtaining the supply, and
required the imperial court, which was evidently impractic
able, to send forward their troops before the money was
advanced. " Windsor, Sept. 11-20. — I find by the letter of the States to you,
they think it necessary something should be done to set them right again
in the opinion of their people ; and the vigour they have lately shown in
their letters and resolution upon the duke of Savoy's instances, seems to
be a great confirmation of this reflection. I hope, however, that Savoy
will be relieved entirely by Prince Eugene's etTorts, or by the diversion,
which I think the enterprise upon Barcelona must give the enemy, with
out the troops from our fleet, which can neither possibly be spared from
their other affairs, nor come so soon to their relief as the succour ex
pected even from the emperor. But this consideration makes it still
more necessary that all possible endeavours should be used to hasten that
succour ; yet if the troops designed for that service cannot march till
they have money from England and Holland, upon the loan proposed
from Germany, it is not possible to think such a loan can be adjusted
without sending backwards and forwards between us and Holland ; and yet
it is certain if the troops do not march incessamment, they can never come
in time. The most effectual way, therefore, to compass this loan, would
be to send away the troops which are to be supported by it immediately:
and the hearing they were actually upon their march might perhaps
prevail for this loan ; whereas otherwise, both England and Holland will
be under the discouragement of thinking that if they should lend their
money, it will come too late to give effectual assistance to the duke of
Savoy." " St. James's, 13th Sept. 1705. — As to the loan desired by the court of
Vienna for enabling the emperor to send more troops to Prince Eugene,
I believe the queen will not decline to bear her part in it, for so necessary
a service, in case the States approve and are desirous ; though, consider
ing what was done last year for the empire, and how great her majesty's
expense has been this year for the interests of the House of Austria, it
does not seem extremely reasonable to expect it from her, especially when
Count "Wratislaw knows as well as we that all the funds given by the
parliament are appropriated to particular uses, and if they were not, these
are always all assigned away before this time of year."
Nor did the minister of finance content himself with start
ing objections to the proposal. Habitually prejudiced against
the house of Austria, he was highly indignant at the delays
z 4

344 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXXIX.
and negligence which, in his opinion, the cabinet of Vienna
had manifested in the course of the campaign. In this spirit
he received the formal application of the imperial court for
succours in men and money with studied coldness, and when.
at length a reply was extorted, it was written in terms of
unusual acrimony. This irritating document roused the re
sentment of the emperor ; and Count Wratislaw complained
to Marlborough that the minister of finance appeared to con
ceive the rescue of the duke of Savoy. might be effected by
invectives against the court of Vienna. The emperor him
self did not condescend to give a written reply, but stated,
through his ministers, that his care and attention had rather
deserved praise than reproach from the allies ; and requested
that in future such replies should not be given in writing,
because they would remain as public documents in the
archives. Marlborough felt that decision was as necessary in this
political arrangement as in the operations of the field.
Instead of listening to the petty scruples of his friend the
treasurer, or contemplating the more serious obstacles which
arose in his way, he steadily persisted in his purpose, and
not only extorted from the British cabinet such powers as
were necessary for the perfect accomplishment of his project,
but exacted a promise that they would consent to the loan,
and advance the first payment in October.* He was equally
pressing for a similar engagement from the States. " If I
have not assurances from the Dutch," he writes to the
duchess, " that what I promise shall be made good, my jour*
ney can only be a trouble to myself, and of no use to the
public. But if they would trust me, I think I could then
take such measures with the emperor that the next year's
campaign might be much the better for my going. I will,
however, have no opinion in this matter, but pay obedience
to what is directed."
To attain this object he did not rely on distant negotiation,
which he was conscious could only produce delay ; but re
paired to the Hague, that, by his personal exertions, he might
overrule the formalities of the Dutch government. He im
mediately held conferences with the pensionary, the presi
dent of the week, and other leading members of the republic*
* Secretary Harley to the Duke of Marlborough, September.

1705.] HIS ABSENCE FROM THE ARMT. 345
and obtained their consent to extend his powers, as far as
their constitution would permit, without the usual tedious
appeal to the decision of the different provinces. He also
extorted a similar acquiescence in the proposed loan, of which
the Dutch were to guaranty one third.
He was equally successful in combating the fallacious
overtures of France, and appealed with effect to the feelings,
of shame and disappointment which the patriotic party felfc
for the late misconduct of their deputies and generals, and
their anxiety to make amends for the former failures. By
his skilful management of the passions of those with whom
he had to negotiate, he thus attained all his objects, and de^
parted with the full assurance that he should be supported
by all the energy ofthe Dutch government.
During this short interval of his stay, his departure from
the army was no less deeply felt than his appearance at the
Hague. " In his absence," says an eye-witness, " we were a
body without a soul. The French having thrown down a
little of their line, and laid bridges over the Nethe for con
venience of forage, we were in perpetual alarms, as if an in
ferior dispirited army would leave their lines, because the
duke had left us."
Returning to the camp, he again moved on the 20th of
October, and marched through Vlimmen to Campthout,
where the army took up a position to cover the siege of
Sandvliet, a fort on the Scheldt, the garrison of which had
harassed the inhabitants of Zealand with frequent incursions,
From hence the duke repaired to examine the preparations,
and give directions for the attack ; and at the same time the
place was invested by a detachment under the Count de
Noyelles. Campthout was the last camp which he occupied
this campaign ; for on the 22d of October he finally quitted
the army, leaving the command to Overkirk, to finish the
siege and distribute the troops into quarters.

Chap. XL. — English Politics. — 1705.
Having closed the military operations, settled his journey to
Vienna, and finished his negotiations at the Hague, the duke

346 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XL.
was employed, during his continuance at Herenthals, in
completing the new arrangements in the British cabinet, and
in giving consistency to that system which he and Godolphin
had adopted.
On his departure from England, the intention of Godok
phin and himself was, to suffer the tvvo parties to struggle
for the new elections, without any interference from the
court, concluding that when thus left to their own strength,
they would be nearly balanced, and the queen would be
enabled to turn the scale to either side. In reply to one of
the importunate letters from the duchess, pressing him to
support the Whigs, he observes: —
"Hague, April. — You nor any body living can wish more for the
having a good parliament than I do ; but we may differ in our notions.
I will own to you very freely mine, which is, that I think at this time it
is for the queen's service, and the good of England, that the choice
might be such as that neither party might have a great majority, so that
her majesty might be able to influence what might be good for the
common interest."
He gives the same advice, and employs the same argu
ments, in a letter to Godolphin, and appears to calculate
confidently on the success of this scheme.
"July 6-17. — The composition of the parliament seems to be such,
that neither party can carry any point against the other by their own
strength. One sort of gentlemen have behaved themselves so, that there
remains very little room for debate which the queen should make hers.
The care seems to be only, that she may not be in the power of a party;
for there are indifferent and unlisted men enough, who will be content
and zealous to promote the queen's affairs, though they see persons of a
different party from themselves employed ; but though they will be con
tent to see the queen govern, it will be uneasy to them to see a party
govern. But I doubt not care will be taken to satisfy every person that
deserves it."
He found, however, to his surprise, that he had been mis
taken in his calculations, and that the unpopularity of the
Tories enabled the Whigs to gain a considerable superiority.
Thus circumstanced, he and Godolphin were compelled to
incline still more to that party, whose ascendency they
had hitherto promoted, less from inclination, than from
necessity. The struggle for the removal of Sir Nathan Wright,
which had continued in suspense since the spring, was now

1705.] STRUGGLE FOR THE GREAT SEAL. 347
renewed with redoubled warmth, and Lord Godolphin pro
moted it with a degree of zeal, which could only have been
prompted by the embarrassments of his situation. Continued
difficulties, however, arose, from the aversion of the queen
to confide to a zealous Whig an office which exercised such
patronage in the church, and such extensive influence over
the civil administration. All the representations of Godol
phin proving fruitless, the Duchess of Marlborough was next
induced to interfere. With persuasion and argument, she
blended the most bitter invectives and reproaches for the
queen's aversion to the Whigs, and her infatuation in favour
of the Tories. These letters, many of which are printed in
the "Conduct," show the vehement tone of remonstrance which
the favourite assumed ; and we shall scarcely be surprised
to find that this dispute increased the alienation which had
already taken place in the mind of her royal mistress.
Indeed the duchess herself, in one of her manuscript narra
tives, remarked that the first peevish letter she ever received
from the queen was on this occasion.
Marlborough could not remain an indifferent spectator of
the struggle. Though convinced that the meditated change
was indispensable, he knew the difficulty of conquering pre
judices which education and habit had inspired, and sincerely
sympathised in the anxiety of his royal mistress. To
Godolphin he writes on this occasion : —
" Aug. 27. — I am very sorry for what you tell me of the queen ; but
I am confident she esteems you more than all the rest that talk to her,
and you may imagine she is pressed by people that do not judge so well
as you, and I pity her extremely. However, I hope, and am sure she
wili always be directed, by you in every thing that is good for her
service." Still, however, the objections of the queen were rather
silenced than overcome ; and as a last resource she appealed
to Marlborough, without the knowledge of the treasurer or
the duchess, hoping from his congenial sentiments and
attachment, that he would save her from so heartfelt a
mortification. Her letter has not been preserved ; but his
answer will show the strength and nature of her appeal,
and will prove that he himself now found it necessary to
combat her sentiments, and to resist the views of the Tories,
as the only expedient for continuing the contest against

348 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH, XL.
France, and rescuing England and the Continent from
dependence. " Madam, Sept. 29. o. s.
" Your majesty has too much goodness for your servant, in but think*
ing of an excuse for your not writing. My obligations, as well as zealous
¦inclinations for your service, are such, as that you have but to command,
and your majesty shall always find in me obedience." * * *
After adverting to his intended journey to Vienna, he
proceeds : —
" Not knowing when I may have the honour of seeing your majesty,
I cannot end this letter without lamenting your condition ; for 1 am
afraid I see too plainly that you will be obliged, by the heat and malice
of some that would not stay in your service, to do more than otherwise
would be necessary. What I say is from my heart and soul for your ser
vice ; and if I had the honour of being with you, I should beg on my knees
that you would lose no time in knowing of my lord treasurer what is fit
to be done, that you might be in a condition of carrying on the war, and
of opposing the extravagances of these mad people. If your majesty should
have difficulty of doing this, I see no remedy under heaven, but that of
sending for Lord Rochester and Lord Nottingham, and let them take your
business into their hands, the consequences of which are very much to
be feared ; for I think they have neither courage nor temper enough to
serve your majesty and the nation in this difficult time, nor have they
any support in England, but what they have from being thought violently
at the head of a party, which will have the consequence of the other party's
opposing them with all their strength. As I am sure your majesty has
no thoughts but what are for the good of England, so I have no doubt
but God will bless and direct you to do what may be best for yourself
and for Europe."
This letter produced its due effect. The queen made no
farther objection ; and as the new parliament was on the
point of meeting, the Whigs were at length gratified with the
removal of Sir Nathan Wright, and the transfer of the seals
to Mr. Cowper, which took place on the 11th of October.
Soon after this change, the new parliament assembled.
The primary question on the choice of a Speaker evinced
the decreasing strength of the Tories. Mr. Smith, one of
the most able, zealous, and honest of the other party, who
was assisted by the influence of the crown, the interest of
Marlborough, and the warm support of Harley, was elected
by a majority of 43 votes, in preference to Mr. Bromley, to
the great mortification of the moderate Tories; who, though,
in concurrence with the crown, they opposed Bromley, yelj

1705.] LETTERS ON THE NEW SPEAKER. 349
wished for a more moderate party-man than Smith, as we
find from a letter of St. John to the duke.
" My lord, Whitehall, July 27. u. s., 1705.
" It is a sin to give your grace any trouble in this manner, when you
have so many of all kinds to torment you abroad ; but your grace is so
indulgent a master, that your servants are apt to presume. Her majesty
having been pleased to direct her servants to promote all they can Mri
Smith's advancement to the chair of the House of Commons makes it
too late to wish for another. It had been happy if that man could have
"been found, whom the Whigs would have voted for, and who might have
reconciled a great many of those people to him, that may cease to be
Tories, but can never become Whigs. I am afraid there is a prospect of
much struggle in the winter ; and I should be infinitely more so, if I
did not live by faith in your grace. I depend upon your working some
more miracles, to save us abroad and help support us at home."
Harley, however, did not participate, or, at least, did not
appear to participate, in the sentiments of his adherents ; and
he acquired fresh confidence by the zeal with which he
espoused the new system of his patron.
" My lord, October 6.
"Yesterday the parliament met, and a very full House of Commons.
Mr. Smith and Mr. Bromley candidates, the former carried it by 43;
viz. 248 to 205 : the zeal of gentlemen was greater than their knowledge
which brought them up with so much heat, and to be headed by people
whose chief excellence was Billingsgate language, which had no other
effect than to expose them to the scorn of the rest of mankind. I do not
question but with care and application several of the misled gentlemen,
who acted not out of malice but ignorance, will be reduced to a better
sense and opinion of the queen's government."
On this choice Marlborough makes a few observations to
Lord Godolphin.
" Vienna, Nov. 14. — I am sorry to see that there is so great a struggle
for the Speaker ; I hope it will be carried to your heart's desire, by such
a superiority as may for the rest of this session make the queen's business
easy ; for I think Europe must be saved by England, and her majesty's
steady resolution of carrying on the war against France."
The speech of the queen expressed the sentiments of the
Whigs, and reprobated in the strongest terms the principles
and conduct of the opposite party. After urging the neces
sity of timely preparations, for prosecuting the just war, in
which the nation was engaged, she added, " if the French
king continues master of the Spanish monarchy, the balance
of power is destroyed, and he will engross the trade and
wealth of the world."

350 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH* [CH. XL.
Adverting to malicious rumours raised by the Tories>
particularly that the church was in danger, the queen in
veighed against the propagators of such reports, as enemies
to herself and the kingdom, and observed, " that they would
best show their zeal for the church, by prosecuting the war
against an enemy, whose object was the destruction of the
national establishment, both in church and state." After
exhorting them to lay aside divisions, she announced her
resolution to favour those only who should zealously concur
in carrying on her good designs.
The addresses of both houses echoed these sentiments,
announced their readiness to grant the necessary supplies,
and testified their conviction that no peace could be solid and
permanent, till the Spanish monarchy was fixed in the house
of Austria, and France reduced to such a degree, that the
balance of Europe should be again restored. The news of
these events gave Marlborough the highest satisfaction, and
he announces with great exultation the effect which he
expected the queen's speech would produce abroad.
Notwithstanding the sentiments contained in the speech
from the throne, and the preponderance of the Whigs, the
Tories were not abashed. During the short recess of Par
liament, they had laboured to raise a cry that the Protestant
succession was in danger, and on the resumption of the
session, a memorable question was brought forward, which
was calculated to embarrass the Whigs as well as the two
ministers. This was a motion made by Lord Haversham, on
the 15th of November, to consider the state of the nation.
In the course of his speech, he first adverted to the events of
the campaign, and, after speaking with affected slight of the
passage of the lines, as a mixture of victory and misfortune,
he magnified the subsequent conduct of the duke, with a
view to throw odium on the Dutch by the contrast. But the
prominent object of his speech was the danger which threat
ened the Protestant succession. After expatiating on this
topic, he concluded his harangue by a motion for an address
to invite the electress Sophia, the presumptive heir to the
crown, to England. In his illustrations, he introduced a
remark, which must have been deeply offensive to the queen,
who was present at the debate, by recalling recollections
which were calculated to excite the most poignant regret.

1705.] PROTESTANT SUCCESSION SECURED. 351
"Is there any man," he unfeelingly observed, "who doubts
that if the Duke of Gloucester had been now alive, the
queen had been more secure than she now is ? We cannot
think of that misfortune without the greatest grief; but yet
we are not to neglect our own safety ; and a successor,
though not a child of the prince, is the child of the queen
and the people." Buckingham, who took a share in the
debate, did not hesitate to adopt the insulting remark, that
the queen might survive her faculties, and become a child in
the hands of others.
This question reduced the Whigs to a delicate predica
ment. If they gave it their support, they would wound the
feelings of the queen, and increase her antipathy ; if they
opposed it, they might not only offend the house of Hanover,
but proclaim to the nation a departure from their own prin
ciples. They, however, met the question with manly firm
ness, and, after an animated debate, it was rejected by a
powerful majority.
But the Tories were not deceived in the effect which they
expected the discussion to produce. It created a deep sensa
tion ; and the electress Sophia not only complained to the
archbishop of Canterbury of the lukewarmness of his party,
but indirectly announced her readiness to accept an invi
tation to England.
To counteract the effects of this insidious proposal, and to
allay the displeasure of the Hanover family, the ministers
and the Whigs felt themselves bound to give a substantial
proof of their attachment to the Protestant succession. On
the motion of Bishop Burnet, which was seconded by Lord
Godolphin, bills were brought into the House of Peers, to
naturalise such members of the Hanover family as professed
the Protestant religion, and to appoint a commission of
regency, to act in case of the queen's death, for the security
of their succession. The queen readily sanctioned a measure
Which was calculated to spare her feelings.
The regency was to consist of the archbishop of Canter
bury, the lord treasurer, the chancellor, the high admiral,
the president, the privy seal, and the chief justice of the
Queen's Bench. The successor was to be proclaimed with
out delay, on the vacancy of the throne, and other members
were to be added to the commission, by the nomination of

352 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XL.
the successor, according to a sealed list, which was to be
deposited with the archbishop of Canterbury, the chancellor,
and the resident minister of Hanover. The regency was
empowered to conduct the administration till the arrival of
the new sovereign; and the last parliament was to re
assemble for six months.
As this measure was really and effectually calculated to
secure the succession of the house of Hanover, those who
are ill acquainted with party feuds may perhaps be sur
prised to find it opposed by such as, a few days before, had
displayed unusual zeal for the Protestant establishment. It
was, however, carried in the House of Peers, though not
without a protest, signed by the violent Tories. In the
House of Commons also, a captious objection was started
against the meeting of the last parliament, on the ground.
that the act of succession disqualified certain persons, who
then held offices, from sitting after the accession of the new
sovereign. This objection was supported, not only by the
whole disaffected party, but even by many among the Whigs,
from a conscientious apprehension, that a connivance in such
a measure would be considered as a dereliction of their
principles. Several conferences were accordingly held be
tween the two houses, and the bill did not finally pass
without some disqualifying clauses.*
Three letters from Secretary Harley will indicate the
effect produced by this discussion in the cabinet, and the
zeal with which the Whigs supported the treasurer, by com
mitting to the Tower a member who reflected on his sup
posed correspondence with the exiled family.
"My lord, Nov. 16-27. 1705.
" I will not pretend to give your grace an account of what passed yes
terday in the House of Lords, nor of the great storm raised by fifteen
against the whole house, for sending for the next successor. I suppose
we shall have the same attempt in our house, by gentlemen who would
wash themselves clean by so impracticable a proposition. I doubt not
but it will meet with the like fate in our house."
" My lord, Dec. W.-Jan. I,
" Tho' we want your grace to a great degree here, yet this last week
hath been so great a week of storms, that nobody who loves England
oould be easy under the thoughts of your grace's being within the danger
* Journals, and Chandler  Burnet  History of Europe for 1 70S.
— Tindal.

1705.J STORMY PARLIAMENT. 353
of the tempest. At last we hope for fair weather and your safe arrival.
I do not believe enough in astrology to think the stars create hurricanes
in men's minds; bat this is certain, that we have had much blustering
in the House of Commons, attended with the foulest Billingsgate lan
guage I ever heard. It was grown so common and so frequent, that it
was necessary to put an end to it by a just animadversion, and this fell to
the lot of Mr. Cesar, who in a long tedious speech of railing, had the
words your grace sees in the printed votes* taken notice of, and he com
mitted to the Tower, where he is like to keep his Christmas, the house
having adjourned this day to Monday fortnight, after the queen had
passed the bill of four shillings in the pound, and the repeal of the
Scotch prohibitory clauses. The queen made a speech, which your
grace will see."
" My lord, December 4-1 5.
" When I consider the great services your grace hath performed to the
queen and to the nation, the vast hazards you have run of your own per
son, and the prodigious fatigues you continually undergo, to serve the
queen, to secure every particular man in the nation, and to exalt the name of
Englishmen, and carry that higher than ever it was before; these thoughts
fill me with amazement at the great things your grace hath done, and at
the same time give me the utmost pleasure, when I think how much I
am honoured in being your servant. The long sitting we had this day
quickens my sense of the much vaster fatigues wherewith your grace's
journey hach exercised you ; and yet I find myself scarce capable of
writing a letter, or to tell your grace that this day a proposition was
made in a committee of the whole house (tho' it was designed for the
house, in order to have the vote printed), to address the queen to bring
over the next successor. It was suffered to pass off without a negative,
and only leaving the chair. God forgive those who would not take a
negative when there would not have been 90 affirmatives. * *
" But these are common incidents ; we must make the most of every
body, even of those who think themselves cunning enough to drive a
bargain. " I hear the ill-intentioned in those parts (Holland) give a very wrong
turn to the part of the queen's speech which relates to the monarchy of
Spain, as if that was to eternise the war ; when there cannot be a clearer
proposition, than that it is the only way to a secure peace. If the honest
people of Holland will not give way, they may have it quickly, instead
of a rotten, whimsical barrier ; and they ought to know that England
has a way of being secure, without giving so much attention to those
projects. Your grace will forgive me this impertinence, and permit me
to assure you that I am with the greatest duty," &c.
Although the attacks of the Tories were thus turned on
themselves, they soon renewed their attempts. On the 226.
M " There is a noble lord, without whose advice the queen does no
thing, who in the late reign was known to keep a constant correspondence
with the court of St. Germain's." — Chandler's Debates, v. iii. p. 449.
VOL. I. A A

354 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XLI.
of November, Lord Haversham proposed an inquiry into the
causes of the miscarriages during the last campaign, with
the hope of casting an indirect censure on the Duke of
Marlborough, or of provoking divisions among the allies.
But this insidious attack was repelled with becoming energy,
and advantage was taken of the discussion to vote an address
to the queen, requesting her to employ her influence in pro
moting a good correspondence among the allies, and exciting
the confederates to use their utmost exertions in prosecuting
the war against France. This timely address produced a
beneficial effect in Holland, where the partisans of France
were active in disseminating reports calculated to inspire
jealousy between the two maritime powers, as if each was
anxious to sacrifice the other, by concluding a separate
peace. Not to interrupt the thread of the narrative, we have
carried our account of the parliamentary transactions, to the
period immediately preceding the arrival of Marlborough,
who, while these discussions agitated the public mind in
England, was employed in giving an impulse to the negoti
ations, for the support of the Grand Alliance, at Berlin,
Vienna, and the Hague.

Chap. XLI. — Visits the German Courts — 1705.
Taking his departure from the army on the 26th of October,
Marlborough passed through Dusseldorf, Frankfort, and
Ratisbon. He was hailed by all ranks, with the admiration
due to his talents and services ; and his journey, as in the
preceding year, resembled the triumphal cavalcade of a hero,
whose path was strewed with laurels. But ceremonies and
honours did not retard his progress, anxious as he was fo
fulfil the objects of his mission, and to return to England,
where his presence was ardently desired. Passing from
Dusseldorf he and his suite were splendidly entertained at
Bernsberg, by the elector palatine. This repast, however,
was not a mere matter of ceremony ; for during the visit of
a few hours, Marlborough privately negotiated with bis

1705.] ARRIVES AT VIENNA. 355
illustrious host, for the augmentation of his subsidiary
troops, and obtained his consent that they should march into
Italy, to reinforce Eugene, leaving the treaty to be concluded
on his arrival at the Hague.
At Frankfort he had a delicate part to perform, in a
meeting with the margrave of Baden, who came from Eastadt
to arrange the measures for the ensuing campaign. When
we consider the jealous spirit of the veteran general, who had
seen his fame eclipsed by the exploits of a younger and
foreign commander, and the keen sensibility of Marlborough
at his recent disappointment on the Moselle, it might have
been expected that some symptom of dissatisfaction would
have marked their interview. Two meetings, however,
took place in the presence of Gueldermassen ; and the vigi
lant deputy, who watched them narrowly, could not discover
in either any sign of displeasure, or even the slightest differ
ence of opinion. The margrave was gracious and conde
scending, and Marlborough too prudent to give even the
most remote plea of offence to a prince who bore so high a
character as general of the empire. But a more intimate
acquaintance did not inspire him with greater confidence in
the promises of the German commander, whom, in his corre
spondence, he designates as one who is never true to his
engagements, but always postponing his co-operation to " la
semaine avenir;" and of whom he says, in still stronger
language, "I do not intend to oppose his project, but I
cannot rely on what he says."
At Ratisbon he embarked on the Danube, and was con
veyed in a splendid yacht to Vienna, admiring, as he passed,
the picturesque scenery which enlivens the banks of that
noble river, and frequently calling to mind the milder beau
ties of his own country, which he again longed to enjoy.
On the 12th of November, he reached Vienna, and was com
plimented with the offer of a magnificent palace for his
residence ; but declining the honour, he repaired to the hotel
of the British embassy, and took up his abode with his son-
in-law, Lord Sunderland.
At the Austrian capital he expected to meet his friend
and colleague, who had shared with him the glories of Blen
heim ; but to his regret, Eugene was detained at the army
by the critical situation of affairs in Italy. He, however,,
A A 2

356 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XLll
imparted his opinions and views, in a letter which contains
much interesting information.*
" I am delighted that you have undertaken a journey to Vienna, how*
ever inconvenient at this season. Your highness proves your zeal, and I
doubt not but your presence will be very serviceable for the projects of
the ensuing campaign. It is much to be wished that Prince Louis could
meet you there; but Count Frise informs me that he is afraid his health
will not permit him. I believe that he is inclined to act on the Upper
Rhine. Whatever is resolved should be kept secret, and it is necessary
now to arrange the operations, and to decide on the strength of the respec
tive armies, the time of their taking the field, the recruits and reinforce-
rments, and the establishment of magazines. The chief point is to settle,
^that none should proceed according to their own whim, but to resolve
which army shall act offensively, and which continue on the defensive.
These remarks relate to the empire and the Netherlands ; as to this
country, the measures which your highness has adopted with the king of
Prussia, and those which you will take in your journey, with the elector
palatine, are highly advantageous.
" The first object is money, so necessary to carry on the war with
vigour and effect. You will, my lord duke, judge on your arrival at
Vienna, from your own experience, that a sovereign who is troubled with
an intestine war, and has large armies to maintain, cannot supply all
without extreme difficulty. The loan, therefore, is of the greatest con
sequence ; and to compel by the fleet Genoa and Florence to advance
large sums, is what I have repeatedly recommended. It only requires
positive orders to the admiral. In this country it is absolutely necessary
to form two corps, without which we can do nothing, and to use the
utmost efforts in assisting his royal highness the duke of Savoy, and
extricating him from his imminent peril. The general who commands in
Lombardy should be able to act according to circumstances; for had I
not been so warmly pressed to forward succours on the side of Piedmont,
I should have profited by my success, to secure the necessary posts for
maintaining my footing in Italy. The troops would thus have suffered
less, and at this moment I should have been in a situation to do what I
deemed most eligible. But when we receive daily letters on letters,
stating that all is lost if succours do not arrive, and that Italy resounds
with clamours for peace, we must hazard much to effect a junction, or
-draw the enemy to an engagement. The latter expedient succeeded.
At this advanced season, however, my army is ruined, the horses worn
out with past fatigues, no sure footing in the country, and the enemy re
assembling their forces in my front. Besides, the Venetians threaten to
declare against us, if we do not quit their territory ; the princes of Italy
join in this declaration, and are inclined to form a league for their com
mon defence. The remedy is difficult, but must be found. If Barcelona
is taken, surely the fleet with a corps of troops for disembarkation, may
* This letter is without date, but was evidently written in October,
during the journey of the duke to Vienna.

1705.] LETTER FROM THE KING OF PRUSSIA. 357
support the dtike of Savoy, draw contributions from Genoa and Tuscany,
and keep Italy in check, while the ministers of England and Holland
strongly remonstrate with Venice, for the other princes of Italy are not
worthy of a moment's consideration. At the same time, succours of men
and money should be prepared for this army, so that it be enabled to
take the field, at the latest, towards the end of March ; for which pur
pose the magazines should be established, the recruits and horses for re
mounting the cavalry at hand, and the fleet ready to co-operate in the
spring, either on the coast of Spain, or to invade Naples, which is with
out troops. I am much concerned that I cannot have the honour of
joining your highness at Vienna."
About this period Marlborough received a querulous letter
from the king of Prussia, urging his pretensions, complaining-
of the imperial court, and throwing out threats of his inten
tion to secede from the Grand Alliance.
" My cousin, Berlin, Oct. 21. 1705.
" I hope this will find you safely arrived at Vienna, and that you are
apprised from my minister of state, Baron de Bartholde, of the condi
tions on which I am willing to leave my troops in Italy another year.
But since the ministers ofthe emperor do not seem inclined to accede to
my demands, I must frankly declare, that however well disposed to con
tinue the assistance which I have given to the allies in Italy, and to give
that proof of my zeal and attachment to the good cause, it will be im
possible to do it, unless the emperor will satisfy my pretensions, which
are so just and reasonable that they cannot be rejected without great in
justice. And as without that satisfaction I am resolved to recall my
troops, whatever may be the consequence, I thought it. right to give you
this notice, that you may take your measures accordingly ; for I should
be much concerned that as you propose to pass this way, for the purpose of~
concluding a new treaty, you should take an useless journey. Although
it is well known to all, that I have to the present moment showed an
evident zeal for the interests of the house of Austria, and that the late
emperor testified his gratitude to me on many occasions ; yet I do not
know whether since his death the court of Vienna continues in the same
sentiments, but true it is, that I have been treated by that court with
great harshness in all my transactions.
" I hope, however, that your influence and representations will enable-
me, not only to carry into effect my resolution of continuing my troops
in Italy, but also that the union and good intelligence which have always
subsisted between the house of Austria and my family will be renewed.
" In referring you for farther information to Baron de Bartholde, I
pray God, my cousin, to have you always in his good keeping."
At. the same time the king artfully availed himself of the
troubles in the North, occasioned by the disputes of Sweden,
with Poland and Russia on one side, and with Denmark on
the other. By his order, Baron Schmettau represented the
A A 3

358 LIFE OP MARLBOEOUGH. [CH. XLI.
injuries which the Prussian states suffered by the excesses
of the irregular troops and predatory hordes from Poland,
and appealed to the allies, in virtue of the secret article of
the treaty of 1704, to interpose in preventing such disorders.
He was ordered to declare, that if these grievances were
not speedily remedied, the king would recall the greater
part of his troops from the service of the confederates.
To obviate these and other difficulties, was the object of
Marlborough's strenuous exertions, and he succeeded beyond
his most sanguine hopes.
Marlborough was received with all the honours and dis
tinctions which could be conferred on a subject. The em
peror sent him his portrait richly set in precious stones, and
with his own hands presented him a diamond ring of consi
derable value : but the homage which he paid to his merit
and services was more flattering and honourable. Besides
his public audiences, Joseph condescended to meet him,
when he went to view the cabinet of rarities, and profited
by that opportunity to express his sentiments with greater
cordiality and warmth than the etiquette of court ceremony
permitted. " Heir," he said, i! of my father's throne, I
inherit also his gratitude towards the conqueror of Blenheim.
Your highness's services to the common cause in general,
and to my family in particular, can never be erased from
my memory, nor ever be forgotten by my family or my
posterity."* Joseph proved the sincerity of his professions, by creating
him a prince of the Roman empire, and conferring on him
the lordship of Mindelheim, which he had recently erected
into a principality, for the express purpose of fulfilling the
formalities required by the Germanic constitution.!
During the short stay of Marlborough at Vienna, where
he was detained a few days by a slight fit of the gout, he
arranged the conditions of a new alliance between the Mari
time Powers and the house of Austria, which had ceased on
the death of Leopold ; he likewise obtained assurances from
the emperor, that he would grant fair and honourable terms
to the Hungarian insurgents, and omit no concession in his
power to extinguish a civil war, which had hitherto crippled
* Lediard, v. i. p. 525.
•j- For the account of Mindelheim and his investiture, see chap, xliii-

1705.] HIS SUCCESSFUL NEGOTIATIONS. 359
his efforts, to the detriment of the common cause. He
allayed the bickerings which had arisen with the court of
Berlin, and persuaded the emperor to offer such terms as
were likely to satisfy the interested and punctilious monarch.
He was equally fortunate in soothing the jealousy which had
arisen between the States-general and the court of Vienna.
He convinced the emperor that they would not listen to the
fallacious overtures of France ; and as a proof of their zeal,
he announced their ready concurrence with England, in the
promised loan, and the intended reinforcements for Italy.
He briefly, but exultingly, announces his success, in a letter
to Godolphin, dated Vienna, November 14.
" Their only hopes are solely on the queen, they being very much dis
satisfied with the negotiations this summer in Holland. My journey
hither has been of some use, in letting the emperor see that his affairs
will not allow of his quarrelling with Holland, for that would only end
in giving advantage to France."
He also listened to the insinuations of Count Wratislaw,
and privately engaged to remove Mr. Stepney from the
embassy. He afterwards effected this change in such a
manner as to conciliate the imperial ministers, and at the
same time not to wound the feelings of the British envoy,
who was removed to the Hague, in the room of Mr.
Stanhope. Conscious that an immediate supply was necessary, to
equip and forward the troops destined for Italy, Marlborough
did not suffer himself to be shackled by financial consider
ations. In virtue of the authority with which he was in
vested, he not only pledged himself for the loan, but on his
own credit, and in the name of Holland and England, he
induced the bankers of Vienna to make an immediate advance
of 100,000 crowns for the more pressing exigencies of the
service. He likewise promised to exert his influence in
providing another loan of 250,000^. at 7 per cent, on the
mortgage of the mines in Silesia, which, on his arrival in
England, he accomplished.*
* The French biographer of Marlborough has made a ludicrous mis
take in speaking of this loan. He says that it amounted to three mil
lions sterling, and that the duke subscribed 16,000Z. even after he had
given 100,000£ as a portion to one of his daughters, v. ii. p. 135.
The list of the subscribers to this loan has been printed, and may be
A A 4

360 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [cH. XLI.
During this visit, Marlborough secured the friendship of
Counts Wratislaw and Zinzendorf, the active ministers of
the emperor, whose good-will he had previously gained ; he
also conciliated the confidence of the prime minister, the
prince of Salm, with whom he subsequently maintained a
frequent and interesting correspondence.
Having fulfilled his mission at Vienna, he departed, in
company with his son-in-law, Lord Sunderland, and hastened
to Berlin, where his diplomatic skill and persuasive powers
were equally necessary. In his way, an appeal reached him
from the States, complaining that the king of Prussia had
recalled three of his regiments from the Upper Rhine, on
the plea that the arrears due for their service were not liqui
dated. They acknowledged the cause, but alleged their
multiplied expenses, in excuse for the failure. As it might
prove an injurious example to the German princes, and had
already produced a serious disappointment, in preventing an
attack on Homburg, they besought him to interpose his
good offices ; and if he could .not prevail on the king to
revoke his orders, at least to induce him to let his troops
return in the spring.
On the very evening of his arrival at Berlin, Marlborough
held a private conference with the king ; and so completely
accommodated himself to his capricious temper, that he en
tirely conciliated his esteem. He availed himself of the
concessions which he had obtained from the emperor, to
soothe the interested monarch, and persuaded him to renew
the treaty for the continuance of the 8000 men in Italy, and
to replace the losses which they had incurred by the casual
ties of the preceding campaign. This concession, to use the
words of the prime minister himself, was granted " as a
mark of respect to the queen, and of particular friendship to
the duke."
He was welcomed with the same ceremonies and compli
ments as on the former occasion. The king, who was far
from prodigal of gifts, presented him with a sword enriched
with diamonds, and Lord Sunderland with a diamond ring of
considerable value.
Marlborough found the Prussian monarch so displeased
found in all our histories and the periodical publications of the time,
which a biographer of Marlborough ought to have consulted.

1705.] HIS SUCCESS AS A DIPLOMATIST. 361
with the States for the nonpayment of his arrears, and so
averse to suffer his troops to remain under the command of
the margrave of Baden* that no arrangement could be con
cluded, with regard to the regiments which had been recalled
from the Upper Rhine. But though he could not soothe the
indignation of the king, he at least suspended its effects, and
did not quit Berlin without sanguine hopes that he should
accomplish by letters, what he had failed to effect in person.
This expectation was afterwards realised, though not with
out great difficulty.
His next visit was to Hanover, where he had to encounter
new obstacles and new difficulties, and to struggle with pre
judices of a different kind.
The house of Hanover, as presumptive successors to the
throne, were naturally courted by the contending parties in
England, and both sides strove to conciliate their favour, by
mutual accusations and suggestions of lukewarmness in the
cause of the Protestant succession. These party machina
tions produced great effect at the court of Hanover ; for the
electress Sophia became a partisan of the Tories, and the
elector a friend to the Whigs. In this temper of the court,
Marlborough reached Hanover, at the moment when intelli
gence arrived of the discussion on the proposal made by
Lord Haversham, for inviting the electress to England. As
might have been expected, he found the court indignant
against the members of administration who had joined the
Whigs in their opposition. It was therefore among the first
and most essential objects of his care to soothe this irrita
tion, and his zeal was quickened by a feeling letter from the
queen, which reached him on his arrival.
"Nov. 13-24. — The disagreeable proposal of bringing some ofthe
house of Hanover into England, which I have been afraid of so long,
is now very near being brought into both Houses of Parliament, which
gives me a great deal of uneasiness, for I am of a temper always to fear
the worst. There has been assurance given, that Mr. Schultz should have
instructions to discourage the propositions ; hut as yet he has said no
thing of them, which makes me fear there may be some alterations in
this resolution at the court of Hanover. I shall depend upon your
kindness and friendship to set them right, in notions of things here, and
if they will be quiet I may be so too ; or else I must expect to meet
with a great many mortifications.'1
Besides the prejudices entertained by the electoral court

362 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXI.
against the English administration, Marlborough had to
remove a personal jealousy against himself, occasioned by
the cautious reserve which, from delicacy to the queen, he
had hitherto maintained.
To give effect to his negotiations, and to conquer the pre
judice which the Tories had inspired, the first care of the
British cabinet was, to transmit to Marlborough an official
notice of the intended bill for the naturalisation of the elec
toral family, and the regulations for securing their succession.
The importance of this regulation was duly appreciated, and
the notice itself essentially contributed to restore the members
of administration and the Whigs to the confidence of the
electoral family. The rest was accomplished by the address
and fascinating manners of the commander, who as seldom
negotiated as fought in vain.
Knowing the discordant principles of the electress and her
son, Marlborough directed his principal efforts to conciliate
the elector, not only for the sake of restoring harmony, hut
for the advantage which was expected from his influence in
the empire. His representations were so far attended with
effect, that he soon after announced his success in a letter to
Godolphin. "Hanover, Dec. 8. 1705. — The day after I came, I had a very long
conversation with this elector, who did not want many arguments to con
vince him that his and the queen's interest were the same. He has com
manded me to assure her majesty that he will never have any thoughts
but what may be agreeable to hers."
Even the prejudice of the electress herself seems to have
been weakened if not conquered ; for we find proofs of an
epistolary correspondence, and an interchange of presents
between her and the duchess. The warm terms in which she
speaks of the duke, though savouring of the courtly style,
yet show that at least the appearance of cordiality was
restored. " I think that after all the kindness you have had the goodness to show
me, you will be pleased with my acquainting you with the joy we felt in
having had my lord duke here in person, and in having known that his
manners are as obliging and polished as his actions are glorious and ad
mirable. I have testified to him the esteem I feel for the present you
have made me of the queen's portrait, which I prize much more than it
is possible to prize that of the whole universe, which I send you in tapestry j

1705.] REMONSTRANCE OF EUGENE. 363
and for that reason I desire other opportunities of giving proofs of my
gratitude and the passion with which I am," &c. *
Indeed soon afterwards we find the purpose of the British
cabinet accomplished ; for the electress herself not only dis
avowed an impolitic complaint, which had been made by Sir
Rowland Gwynne f against the lukewarmness of the Whigs,
but testified her perfect confidence in the sincerity of the
queen, and her grateful acknowledgments for the care which
had been taken to secure her succession.
After these successful negotiations, Marlborough flattered
himself with sanguine hopes that he should meet with no
obstructions at the Hague, where he arrived on the 1 ith of
December. Notwithstanding, however, the great and successful exer
tions of the duke in healing the disputes between the cabinets
of Vienna and the Hague ; notwithstanding his precautions
to ensure the advance of the loan, and to obtain the fulfil
ment of the promises made by the cabinets of London and
the Hague, for the proposed augmentation of troops ; yet
their lukewarmness, tardiness, and jealousy suspended the
execution of these arrangements, and he was assailed with
messages of disappointment from the emperor, and reproaches
from Eugene and Wratislaw.J
Prince Eugene to the Duke of Marlborough.
" Dec. 2. — I received your highness's letter of the 20th from Vienna,
and I hope that you are recovered from your indisposition, and that this
will find you at the Hague. His imperial majesty has, through Count
Wratislaw, communicated to me what passed during your continuance at
Vienna, and has ordered me to send this courier to your highness with
my sentiments on the war in Italy. All Europe kirows its great im
portance, as well from the diversion it occasions to the French, as from
the prodigious expenses it requires, without reckoning the 12,000 men
which they have already lost in that country, since the commencement
* Translation from the French original in the Marlborough Papers.
f Sir Rowland Gwynne, who was resident at Hanover, wrote on the
1st of January an imprudent letter to the earl of Stamford, in which he
bitterly inveighed against the Whigs for opposing the invitation, and
not only justified the proposition itself, but conveyed a strong hint that
the electress was desirous to repair to England. This letter being pub
lished, was declared a libel by the two houses, and the printer fined.—
Tindal, v. xvi. p. 200.
f A principal minister of the emperor, and formerly envoy extraor
dinary at the British court  Ed.

364 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XLI.
of hostilities. It is evident France maintains 112 battalions and 118
squadrons, in the territory between Piedmont and Lombardy, without
including the Spanish troops, and those that are stationed in Provence,
Dauphin^, and the neighbouring provinces.
" It is an axiom that no breach can be made in France, except through
Italy. This fact is evident, from the efforts of the king of France to
support this war, and his comparative indifference in other quarters ; for
this army has never been diminished ; but on the contrary, this moment
is increasing with considerable reinforcements. The conduct of the
French is sufficient to induce the emperor and the allies to follow their
example, for the purpose of obtaining a solid and permanent peace, which
may secure the repose of Europe ; because France will never offer any
reasonable conditions as long as she is in possession of Italy. Your
highness will not, I trust, ascribe these arguments entirely to a zeal for
the interest of the emperor, and of the duke of Savoy, as the head of
my family ; but rather to my anxiety for the advantage of all the con
federates, and the safety of Europe, for which so much blood has been
shed during thirty years in general, and during this war in particular.
" What, however, grieves me is, that in my opinion his imperial ma
jesty is incapable of alone supporting this war any longer, as he has
hitherto done, by exhausting his territories of men and money ; although
all these sacrifices have not been sufficient to attain that superiority,
without which, war must be unsuccessful in a country wherein the
enemies are in possession of all the fortified places, rivers, and magazines.
" It is only then by a superiority of force that we can take sure posts,
necessary for establishing magazines, and afterwards by pushing into the
interior, act offensively with less expense, and form a junction with the
duke of Savoy, to gain that superiority which will be the ruin of the
French arms in Italy, because France cannot without that advantage
maintain a communication with her own territories. Nevertheless, should
not the maritime powers act in concert with his imperial majesty, I
must advise the emperor not to lose a moment in withdrawing his troops,
before they are quite ruined, and in recommending his royal, highness to
make the best accommodation in his power. I candidly allow that this
advice seems extAordinary, but on considering the state of affairs, it ap
pears the only means not to lose the whole. As to myself, I trust that
on many occasions I have proved my zeal for the service of my master ;
yet I must declare, that no consideration shall induce me to make another
campaign like the last, in which I wanted every thing. I know at the
same time that the emperor employs every exertion in his power to pre
serve his army ; but your highness cannot have failed to judge during
your stay at Vienna, whether it be possible for a sovereign, who is em
barrassed with a war in every part of his dominions, to supply the neces
sary expenses, here and elsewhere, and furnish the requisite number of
troops, without which hostilities cannot be carried on with any prospect
of advantage. I therefore repeat my opinion, that as the only means of
supporting this war, the maritime powers must grant a loan of 250,000/.
on some secure funds, and reinforce this army with 10,000 men; bis im-

1705.] LETTER FROM COUNT WRATISLAW. 365
perial majesty binding himself to recruit his infantry, and remount his
cavalry. " As I trust the business of Catalonia is now completed, it is also ne
cessary that a squadron and troops should threaten the coast of Nice or
those of Italy, as well to save Nice as to cover Naples, and keep open
the communications with Catalonia, as opportunity may serve, and also to
exact contributions from Genoa, Florence, and other states. By this
method, I trust this war may be finished promptly and successfully,
otherwise the emperor ought not to lose a moment in withdrawing his
troops, and concerting with his allies where he may employ them to the
best advantage. These are my sentiments relating to the war of Italy ;
but a prompt resolution must be taken to enable me to form my
plans, and save the remains of an army which has for five years main
tained, with so much courage and firmness, such an arduous war, and
which has infused terror into the enemy, notwithstanding their superiority
and other advantages.
" In regard to the Rhine, Prince Louis cannot act more successfully
for the allies than by besieging Saar Louis, and advancing on the side of
the Moselle; but his army is not sufficiently strong to cover the lines of
Biel and Haguenau, and to make that siege.
" Here the campaign is as warm as in the month of June; the troops
from the two camps not only cannonade each other, but even the infantry
maintain a mutual fire from one camp to the other. The enemy at
tempted three days ago to force this fort; but I saved it by rapidly ad
vancing with my dragoons, followed by the infantry. On dismounting,
the enemy suspended their attack, and are now only parted from us the
distance of half a musket shot, while we are encamped as we were.
" I entreat your highness to continue your friendship, and to accept
the sentiments of veneration with which I am," &c.
Count Wratislaw to the Duke of Marlborough.
" Vienna, Dec. 12. — I learned from yours of the 3d, that the treaty
with the king of Prussia for the troops of Italy was concluded, and that
they will be in Bavaria at the end of February; but I am much dis
pleased in hearing at the same time, that no arrangement has been made
for those of the empire, which will not only retard our intended project
towards the Saar, but will likewise alarm the powers of the North : and
who can tell whether the king of Prussia may not take a fancy to inter
fere in the war of Poland, as we have certain information that he has
opened a negotiation with Sweden, as well as with the czar and the king
of Poland?
" This messenger is despatched to Holland to quicken the resolution of
the maritime powers, in forwarding the succours of money and troops
for Italy. Prince Eugene, I know, has notified to your highness the
state of his troops, their sufferings, and the absolute necessity of succour
ing him, or withdrawing from Italy. This being done by Prince Eugene,
his imperial majesty ordered me to refer you to his statement, and to
conjure you to write to him without delay, as a man of honour, and in
virtue of your promise, on which we confidently rely. For after the

366 LIFE OP MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XLI.
relation given by Count Guido Stahremberg, who is just arrived here, it
is true that we require realities, and not merely hopes, without which, in
conformity with the opinion of all the generals, we must -recall the troops,
to prevent their future destruction.
" You cannot imagine the concern of his imperial majesty at finding
that the first 300,000 crowns are not yet supplied either by England or
Holland, on the confidence of which payment we wholly relied. We
marched our troops from the empire during winter, when they could not
be supported without magazines. This delay alarms us much, and fills
us with apprehensions, that the negotiations for peace are in forwardness,
and proves what little reliance we can place on the succours promised by
the two powers, when the advance of such a trifling sum, which has been
so often promised, and which ought to have been already transmitted to
Frankfort, is not made.
" These alarms so well founded, and the absolute impossibility of main
taining the war in Italy without your aid, compel the emperor and Prince
Eugene to draw the army towards the Tyrol, and to suspend, till we re
ceive your answer, the march of the recruits ; for to speak frankly to
you, we foresee that we shall be obliged by misery to recall our troops. I
well know the inconveniences which must result from such a measure ; but
what can we do, when we have no other resource than to trust to Provi
dence, and to bear the cruel fate, to which our own inability, and the
negligence of our friends condemn us.
" The conduct of the Hungarian chiefs in pillaging Austria, and de
laying to give an answer to the proposal of either an armistice or of peace,
sufficiently proves that they have no thoughts of peace ; but are only
intent to unite themselves by continuing the war, and to retire from that
country as soon as they can no longer pillage. We have positive assur
ances that our troops have defeated them on the frontiers of Transylvania,
and have effected a junction with Rabutin ; and in my opinion, in the
ensuing campaign, either by force or by an accommodation, we shall
pacify the troubles if we can but hold out till the spring ; for as soon as
the troops arrive from Transylvania, and the fortresses, particularly Great
Waradin, are supplied with provisions, we shall direct our attacks against
them in a more vulnerable point.
" Do not judge by what I have said that we are not inclined to peace ;
for I pledge my honour, that we are sincerely desirous of it, and on con
ditions highly advantageous to the Hungarians ; and I would only infer
from what I have said, that if we are supported one year longer in Italy,
we shall be in a situation to support ourselves. To return to the
negotiation in Holland, I cannot sufficiently express our concern and
surprise in observing, that the emissaries of France are freely permitted
to appear at the Hague. Your highness will recollect that you assured
us they would be dismissed, and we gave full credit to your assertion, on
which account we have not made any pressing remonstrances. But now,
when we see them appearing in public, and that they no longer are con
cealed as before, what other opinion can we form, except that the negoti
ations are far advanced ? We are not surprised at the silence of England ;
and what the queen said to her parliament may be as much intended to

1705.] LETTER FROM COUNT WRATISLAW. 367
press France to finish the treaty, as to induce the States-general to con
tinue the war, and terminate the unfortunate negotiation which alarms
the prince's allies, because each of them deems himself in a situation to
imitate Holland in opening the door to negotiation; and we already are
acquainted with various intrigues of the German princes, who have fol
lowed the example of the Dutch. Permit me then to observe, that if
England is not admitted into the secret, and does not connive at the ne
gotiation, I must hope that the queen will take some public steps against
those measures which will be so injurious to us, will alienate all the
minor princes of the empire, and will be followed by repentance when
too late.
" Our alliances declare, and our reciprocal interests require, that we
should do nothing without general participation ; nevertheless nothing is
communicated to us. Certainly this period is not fit for negotiation ;
but if it must be entered into right or wrong, why are we not permitted
to bring forward our own interests, as each person is better acquainted
with his own particular interest, than with those of others ? and if we
do not combine particular interests with the general system of Europe,
the great power of France will swallow us up one after the other.
" The abominable Treaty of Partition has sufficiently proved how
much the Dutch politicians were deceived, and how dearly Europe has
suffered for their false principles. That private negotiation is the cause
of all our present inconveniences. The house of Austria was thrown into
a fatal despondency, and she will fall into a still greater, if the same
conduct is pursued. I will say no more on this subject, because your
highness is fully sensible of its injurious consequences.
" I will only add, that his imperial majesty has enjoined me to assure
you of his esteem and friendship, solely relying on you to relieve us, by
your communications, from this state of doubt and uncertainty."
After mentioning the refusal of the margrave of Baden to
repair to Vienna, at the emperor's request, and expressing
the concern of his imperial majesty and the prince of Salm
at this disrespectful conduct, he adds in a postscript : —
" I cannot conclude without frankly observing to your highness, that
a prompt succour in men and money is necessary for Italy, or at least we
must entreat you to be so kind as to tell us plainly that it cannot be
granted; for we are in that case reduced to the necessity of withdrawing
our troops from Italy."
These letters from Eugene and Wratislaw deeply affected
the honour and verity of the Duke of Marlborough, "because
they contained reflections on the conduct of the maritime
powers, as if they had failed in the performance of what he
had solemnly pledged himself to obtain, and as if the Dutch
were still engaged in open negotiations with France.
Marlborough accordingly exerted himself with more than

368 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XLI.
his usual energy, in carrying into effect the arrangements
which he had concluded at Vienna and Berlin, and in coun
teracting the insidious overtures of France.
Fortunately for the honour of England, and the credit of
the duke, the queen and parliament had given evident proofs
of their zeal and sincerity in the cause of the emperor. Be
sides liberal grants for the war in the Low Countries, supplies
were voted for the augmentation of 10,000 men to be em
ployed in Italy ; for the same number in Portugal, and for
5000 in Catalonia. In the course of a few days, additional
succours in men and money were also voted, as the propor
tion of England for prosecuting the successes of King Charles
in the eastern parts of Spain. The addresses of both houses
also breathed the most ardent zeal for the prosecution of the
war, and expressed a hope that the allies would follow the
great and noble example set by the queen.
Notwithstanding the animating effect of this example, the
British negotiator had, as usual, to struggle against numer
ous obstacles, arising from the tardiness and complicated
forms of the Dutch government, as well as from the machi
nations of the French party. He had also experienced great
difficulty in arranging with the States the measures for aug
menting the confederate army, in obtaining the payment of
the loan to the court of Vienna, and in raising funds for the
troops in Catalonia. We refer to his correspondence for an
account of his embarrassments, and the means by which they
were overcome. To Lord Godolphin.
" Hague, Dec. 15. 1705. — I came here last night, and do assure you
that I have not heen idle one minute, so that I might be ready to take
the first opportunity of a fair wind, which makes me very much wish for
the convoy. It is a great pleasure to me to see by your letters the good
resolutions the parliament takes for carrying on the war with vigour.
But I am sorry at the same time to tell you, that these people are so far
from advancing their proportion of the* 250, 000 crowns for Catalonia,
that they say it will he impossible for them to comply with what they
are already engaged for. I have very much of the spleen upon this
subject, so that I could say a great deal, but shall not trouble you till 1
have the happiness of seeing you, which I hope will be by the middle of
next week.
" I send you the inclosed letter, that you may see Prince Eugene's
opinion as to the war in Italy. If we cannot help them, that army will
certainly return, which I think would be a very fatal thing."

1705.] EXTRACTS FROM HIS LETTERS. 369
" Hague, Dec. 22. — You will see by the letters from Vienna, that the
Hungarians are far from being inclined to a peace ; and I am assured
that the elector of Bavaria has received a letter from Ragotski that as
sures him they will never make peace, but at the same time he shall have
his country restored to him. I am also very much afraid of ill news from
Prince Eugene ; so that if we should not be able to support the success
in Catalonia, the hearts of the people in this country would be broke.
At this time I think they are convinced they have been abused, and that
France had no intentions of giving them such a peace as they thought
themselves masters of, so that this year 1 reckon we may depend on their
going on with the war."
" Dec. 25. — The States of Holland, seeing that there was no likelihood
of my having the convoy before the next week at soonest, the wind being
at east, they are separated till Tuesday, without coming to such resolu
tions as are absolutely necessary to be done before I leave this place,
among which is that of the state of the war, which for the good, of the ser
vice should have been done above a month ago. But the truth is, that
every thing here is in that distraction, that there is no government. How
ever, you may be assured they will go on with the war for this year ; but
as they pretend to want every thing, it will not be with that vigour it
ought. I am assured that at their meeting on Tuesday they will adopt
a resolution of taking some pretext for the sending one of their members
to the queen ; but the true business of his embassy will be, to represent
to her majesty their sad condition. If I should have no news of the
convoy by this day se'nnight, I shall be obliged to come in the packet-
boat, or be frozen up in this country, for at this time it freezes very hard ;
but of this T say nothing, fearing they might hear it at Dunkirk."
" Hague, Dec. 25  I have received yours of the 4th and 7th, and
you may believe 'tis the only satisfaction I have in my confinement here,
for want of the convoy, to hear that her majesty's affairs go on well in
parliament. " The States will pay their quota of the 300,000 crowns, which is
very seasonable, as Prince Eugene's army are much in want of every
necessary. "
" Jan. 4. 1 706  They have at last agreed to my proposal, for sending
10,000 men to Prince Eugene into Italy, so that there remains now
only the consent of the elector palatine, they having found money for
their part of the augmentation ; so that I sent last night Count Lech-
teraine to Dusseldorp. A copy of his instructions I have sent for Mr.
Secretary Harley ; I have also acquainted the emperor of it, by express,
that he might lose no time in sending the news to Italy.
" Count Lechteraine is this minute come from Dusseldorp. I send
you enclosed a copy of the elector's letter to me, by which you may see
that I am in hopes to finish the treaty by Thursday ; for on Friday I
will embark if the wind be fair, and leave instructions with Mr. Stanhope
for finishing what I may leave undone."
Marlborough then prevailed on the States to advance their
share of the funds furnished for the service in Catalonia, and
VOL. I. B B

370 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XLI.
to augment the forces in Portugal, that Lord Galway might
detach 5000 or 6000 men into that country.
" I am of your opinion," he writes to Godolphin, " that our first trouble
must be for supplying King Charles in Catalonia, and Prince Eugene in
Italy, for which I am pressing the States to send more than 4000 men
into Italy, which I do not despair of obtaining. I am afraid it will be
impossible to get the Prussian troops to march back for Germany this
winter. I have written to Vienna, that they would lose no time in
sending some person of consideration to settle what may be necessary
with the king, so that those troops may be sure to return in time."
He arranged the treaty with the elector palatine with his
usual address and secrecy. Convinced that if he demanded
the 10,000 men promised for the augmentation of the Italian
army, he should not succeed, he first prevailed on the Dutch
to consent to the march of 3000 Palatines, in the joint pay of
the maritime powers. He next obtained from. the elector an
engagement for the service of 7000 men then employed in
Germany and the Netherlands. To these were to be joined
3000 troops of Saxe Gotha, in the pay of the maritime
powers, making a total of 10,000 men, of whom 4000 were
to march without delay. At the same time, however, to pre
vent a diminution of the army in the Netherlands, he
secretly prevailed on the elector to supply an additional body
of 3000 men ; and the arrangement was embodied in a treaty
concluded on the 6th of May. These forces were to be paid
by the maritime powers, in the same proportion as the other
auxiliaries ; namely, two thirds by England and one by
Holland. Marlborough also not only parried the pressing instances
of Buys for peace, but induced the Dutch government to
depute him to England, for the purpose of disavowing the
acceptance of any overture from France, and for maturing
the preparations and arrangements which were necessary
before the opening of the campaign. *
* Lamberti, t. iii. p. 762. 767. ; and t. iv. p. 60. 62.

1705, 1706.] LIBELLED BY THE TORIES. 371

Chap. XLII. — Returns to England. — 1705, 1706.
While Marlborough continued at the Hague, maturing the
preparations for the ensuing campaign, he, with his friend
Godolphin, was exposed to the most malicious invectives, in
consequence of the inclination which they had recently mani
fested to coalesce with the Whigs. This coalition was regarded
by the Tories as a dereliction of their principles ; and with a
view to operate equally on the fears of the queen, and of a large
body among the people, who considered the Whigs as enemies
to the religious establishment, a clamour was raised that the
church was in danger. This plea was advanced in numerous
libels of the most virulent kind, in which Marlborough and
Godolphin were severely arraigned, for deserting their former
friends, for combining with the enemies of the church, and
for assisting to defeat the bill against occasional conformity.
Among the rest, " The Memorial of the Church of Eng
land" attracted particular notice, and made a deep impres
sion. A single extract will suffice to display the tone assumed
in this inflammatory production. " All attempts," observes
the author, " to settle the church on a perpetual foundation
have been opposed and rendered ineffectual, by ministers who
owe their present grandeur to its protection, and who, with
a prevarication as shameful as their ingratitude, pretend to
vote and speak for it themselves, and bribe others with pen
sions and places to vote against it." Nor was this accusation
confined to the ministers : less pointed though not less in
jurious reflections were cast on the queen herself, for con
senting to the removal of the Tory chiefs, from the disgrace
of Rochester, to the recent dismission of Buckingham, who
were held forth as the patrons and assertors of the church.
This libel was transmitted to Marlborough, in the midst
of his operations on the Ische, but was laid aside till he
reached the camp of Corbais. Notwithstanding the heavy
chagrin which weighed on his mind, the perusal drew from
him some remarks, in a more jocund style than his corre
spondence generally assumes. To Lord Godolphin.
" August 24  In this camp I have had time to read the pamphlet
called ' The Memorial of the Church of England.' I think it the most
b b 2

372 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH- XLI1'
impudent and scurrilous thing I ever read. If the author can be found
I do not doubt but he will be punished ; for if such liberties may be
taken, of writing scandalous lies without being punished, no government
can stand long. Notwithstanding what I have said, I cannot forbear
laughing, when I think they would have you and I pass for fanatics,
and the duke of Buckingham and Lord Jersey for pillars of the church ;
the one being a Roman Catholic in King James's reign, and the other
would have been a Quaker, or any other religion that would have pleased
the late king. All these proceedings make me weary of being in this
world ; but as long as I can be of any use to her majesty, I will undergo
any difficulties to show her my duty and gratitude ; and as I am sure you
will never let any of these violent proceedings make you weary of serving
the queen, be assured that I will not only venture my life, but my quiet,
which is far dearer to me, to show the world the esteem and friendship I
have for you."
To the duchess, whose irritable temper could ill brook the
lash of public censure, and who on this, as on other occa
sions, importuned him with her complaints, he gave advice
no less judicious than manly.
¦'* Tirlemont, Sept. 7. — I received last night a letter from you without
a date, by which I see there is another scurrilous pamphlet come out.
The best way of putting an end to that villany is not to appear con
cerned. The best of men and women in all ages have been ill used. If
we can be so happy as to behave ourselves, so as to have no reason to re
proach ourselves, we may then despise what rage and faction do."
The cabinet at length found it necessary to check the
licentiousness of the press. David Evans, the printer of the
Memorial, was brought to trial, and being convicted of the
offence, was fined and sentenced to the pillory, but fled from
the hands of justice. By the same motive which suggested
this prosecution, the Whigs were prompted to submit the
question, which created such clamour, to the decision of
parliament ; and they found a ready acquiescence on the
part of the queen, who was offended at the disrespectful
reproaches with which she had been assailed by the Tories.
With the concurrence of the ministers, Lord Halifax made a
motion in the House of Peers, to appoint a day for inquiring
into the dangers of the church " about which so many ter
rible stories had been recently published ;" and the 6th of
January was fixed for the discussion of the momentous
question. Lord Rochester opened the debate, and marshalled the
charges advanced by his party under three heads. He

1705, 1706.] THE CHURCH IN DANGER. 373
argued that the church was exposed to danger, from the act
of security passed in Scotland, from the failure of the bill
against occasional conformity, and finally from the rejection
of the motion to invite the presumptive heir of the crown to
England. He was supported by others of congenial senti
ments, in the same strain of argument. On the opposite
side, Halifax and Wharton as bitterly reprobated the un
founded alarms which had been propagated; and Somers,
the great orator of the Whigs, after censuring the authors of
such reports, as actuated by the basest motives, to embroil
the nation at home, and defeat the glorious designs of the
queen abroad, concluded a manly and impressive speech,
with an animated eulogium on the conduct of the existing
administration. The motion was not only negatived by a
large majority, but a vote was passed that the church had
been rescued from extreme danger by William III., and was
safe and flourishing under the happy government of the
queen. It was farther declared, that such as should insinuate
to the contrary were enemies to the queen, the church, and
the country.
On the ensuing day the Lords acquainted the Commons
with these proceedings, desiring their concurrence ; and both
houses joined in an address to the queen, soliciting her ma
jesty to punish the authors and disseminators of the malicious
reports which had agitated the public mind.
A letter from Harley to Marlborough proves that the mo
derate Tories on this occasion entered with zeal into the views
of the Whigs.
" Dec. 11-22. — On Saturday the Commons entered upon the consi
deration of the Lords' vote, that the church was in danger. The debate
was very long, managed with as much impotent impertinent malice as
ever I saw. They were not spared by the other side, but were dared
and defied to produce an instance, in any of her majesty's ministers,
which was contrary to the public good and interest of the kingdom.
They did not dare to divide, but upon the latter clause, of declaring the
reporters of such things enemies to her majesty, &c, and that was carried
against them by above fifty votes."
The reply from the throne was in perfect unison with the
voice of parliament, and a proclamation was immediately
issued for discovering the author of the Memorial, and the
apprehension of Evans the printer. The proceedings which
B B 3

374 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XLH.
followed, it would be tedious to recapitulate. We shall only
observe, that this celebrated production was traced to the
hand of the Rev. Doctor Drake, and the prosecution insti
tuted against him failed for want of attention to legal form
alities. The victory thus gained over the Tories was rendered
doubly gratifying by the arrival of Marlborough. He made
his first appearance in the House of Peers on the 7th of
January, and the same day received in person the thanks of
the Commons for his great services in the last campaign, and
for his prudent negotiations with her majesty's allies. To
the committee appointed to convey these thanks, the duke
replied : " I am so sensible of this honour, that I cannot have
the least concern at the reflection of any private malice,
while I enjoy the satisfaction of finding my faithful endea
vours to serve the queen and the kingdom so favourably
¦accepted by the House of Commons."
He alludes in these words to a libel, published by Mr.
Stephens, rector of Sutton, under the title of "A Letter to
the Author of the Memorial of the Church of England,"
severely arraigning his conduct during the last campaign.
Although the author of the Memorial was not visited with
the punishment due to his offence, the writer of this letter
was not suffered to escape with the same impunity. He was
arrested by order of the secretary of state, and after convic
tion in the Queen's Bench, was sentenced to a fine of 100
marks, and to stand twice in the pillory. The prospect of
this degrading punishment overcame his zeal ; and besides a
public recantation, which has been already printed *, he
appealed to the compassion of the Duchess of Marlborough,
through the agency of a friend.
" Pardon me that I am troublesome to solicit your assistance in my
afflicted condition, which I should make a shift to go through well
enough, if the corporal punishment did affect nobody besides myself.
But I have a wife, who loves me with a most hearty affection, and is as
well beloved by me, and she told me when I was coming last from home
to London, that if she should hear that I were pillored, she was sure it
would kill her. And if that should so fall out, I know not how I
could possibly bear it ; and God knows what would become of six poor
children. " Methinks if you could prevail upon the archbishop of Canterbury
* History of Europe for 1 706.

1705, 1706.J HIS CLEMENCY. 375
to intercede with the queen, to remit the standing in the pillory, for the
sake of the character which I bear (that is of a clergyman), it would be
an argument of that nature which would not be opposed by any one
about the court. Though the libel which I published was judged to be
malicious in the construction and eye of the law, and therefore my pu.
nishment is so great ; yet, God knows my heart, that I never bore the
least ill will to the queen or the Duke of Marlborough in all my life. I
am confined to the Horn alehouse, over against the Queen's Bench pri
son in Southwark, where I should be glad to hear from you, in my un
comfortable condition, being your afflicted obliged servant,
" Friday noon. Wm. Stephens."
The duchess was moved by this appeal, and earnestly
interceded with the queen for a remission of the degrading
part of his punishment. The answer of Anne proves how
warm an interest she took in the reputation of the duke, and
the reluctance with which she exercised the royal mercy.
" Wednesday noon. — I have, upon my dear Mrs. Freeman's pressing
letter about Mr. Stephens, ordered Mr. Secretary Harley to put a stop
to his standing in the pillory till farther orders, which is in effect the
same thing as if he was pardoned. Nothing but your desire could have
inclined me to it, for in my poor opinion it is not right. My reason I
will tell you when I have the happiness of seeing you ; till then, my dear
Mrs. Freeman, farewell."
The duke, though so deeply wounded by the scurrilous
attack, was too magnanimous to cherish feelings of vengeance
against the author ; and left the vindication of his character
to the offended laws of his country. Before the conviction,
he observes to his wife : —
" Borchloen, May 9-20. 1706. — It is impossible for my dearest soul
to imagine the uneasy thoughts I have every day, in thinking that I
have the curse at my age of being in a foreign country from you, and at
the same time very little prospect of being able to do any considerable
service for my country or the common cause. * * * *
" I agree entirely with you, that Stephens ought not to be forgiven
before sentence. But after he is in the queen's power, if her majesty
has no objection to it, I should be glad he were forgiven : but I submit
it to her majesty's pleasure and the opinion of my friends. I do not
know who the author of the review is, but I do not love to see my name
in print ; for I am persuaded that an honest man must be justified by his
own actions, and not by the pen of a writer, though he should be a zea
lous friend."
On the remission of the corporal punishment, he thus ex
presses his satisfaction : —
" May 20. — I am very glad you have prevailed with the queen for
B e 4

376 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XLII.
pardoning Stephens. I should have been very uneasy if the law had not
found him guilty, but much more uneasy if he had suffered the punish
ment on my account. "
From his arrival in London to his departure, Marlborough
was, as usual, employed in making the military preparations
for the ensuing campaign. On this occasion, he found him
self far differently situated than in the preceding session,
when he was exposed to the factious opposition of both
parties. The high Tories had wholly lost their political con
sequence ; the moderate of the party cordially joined in sup
porting the measures of government ; while the Whigs seemed
to possess the favour of the queen, the friendship of Godol
phin, and the confidence of the nation, and had obtained a
considerable ascendency in the new parliament.
Already had Godolphin expressed his satisfaction at the
conduct of the Whigs, both in his public and private capacity,
and he earnestly requested his friend to overcome his poli
tical bias, and coalesce with those who so justly merited his
confidence. Marlborough accordingly announced his willing
ness to accede to this request. In reply he observes : — •
" Hague, Dec. 25. — I have had the happiness of two of yours since
my last, and I beg that you will do me the justice to believe that at my ¦
arrival you shall govern me entirely as to my behaviour ; for I shall
with all my heart live friendly with those that have shown so much
friendship to you and service to the queen."
The queen was highly gratified with the conduct of the
Whigs during this stormy session, and in particular with their
manly opposition to the proposal of inviting the electress
Sophia, at which she was greatly offended. Her gratitude
for their support produced a temporary suspension of her
political antipathy, and she expressed this change of senti
ment in terms of unusual cordiality to the duchess.
" I believe, dear Mrs. Freeman, we shall not disagree as we have for
merly done ; for I am sensible of the services those people have done me,
that you have a good opinion of, and will countenance them ; and I am
thoroughly convinced of the malice and insolence of others that you
have been always speaking against."
These expressions from one who seldom retracted her
opinion indicate her high indignation against the Tories ; and
she also authorised the lord treasurer to assure the leaders of
the Whigs, that she would place her affairs in such hands as

1705, 1706.] HIS COALITION WITH THE WHIGS. 377
they should approve, and would do every thing in her power
for promoting the Protestant succession.*
On their part the Whigs exulted in this sudden change of
favour, and appeared disposed to merit the countenance
which was shown them by the queen and ministers. A letter
from Lord Sunderland to the duchess speaks the sentiments
of the party.
" Hague, Dec. 11—22. — We have met with so much good news from
England since our coming hither, that I can't help, dear madam, con
gratulating you upon it ; for I am sure nobody has contributed more
towards it than you ; nor nobody, I am confident, is better pleased with
it. It is certain that the zeal and warmth tlie queen and parliament
show for carrying on the war, have put a new life into all those that wish
well in this country, and have as much damped all the others, who were
very high before. We expect with great impatience two posts that are
due from England, in hopes that they will bring us the good news of some
more defeats of the French in both houses ; for I think they are of as
great consequence as victories abroad. Our convoy is not yet come, but
expected. " Lord Marlborough both is, and looks as well as ever 1 saw him,
notwithstanding all his fatigue, which has been no small one, to go to
Vienna and come back, after a long and tedious campaign ; and it is very
fortunate for us that he can bear what he does ; for, without any compli
ment to him, he is tho life and soul of every thing here abroad, and with
out him the whole confederacy would be in confusion."
Marlborough and Godolphin seized this opportunity for
realising their favourite scheme of combining all parties, by
effecting a reconciliation between their new adherents and
the moderate Tories. The great services which Harley had
performed in persuading the queen to transfer the office of
lord keeper to Mr. Cowper, his zeal in supporting the nomi
nation of the speaker, and his exertions against the motion
for the invitation of the electress Sophia, had softened the
antipathy of the Whigs, and they seemed no less anxious than
the general and treasurer for a more intimate union with
those who appeared to be actuated by the same views, and to
differ only in a shade of sentiment, too slight to be discrimi
nated. A dinner was accordingly arranged by the two ministers,
for this purpose, at the house of Harley. The company con
sisted, on one side, of Harley and St. John, and on the other
of Halifax, Sunderland, and Boyle, together with Godolphin
* " Vindication of her Conduct."

378 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XLH.
and Marlborough. Somers was also invited, but going to his
country-house, sent an excuse in terms which proved that he
concurred in sentiment with those who were present. The
entertainment passed with great spirit, and apparent cor
diality, though the Whigs could not refrain from indicating
the suspicions which they still fostered of Harley's subtle
and trimming character. The anecdote will be best related
in the words of Lord Cowper, who was himself one of the
actors. " On the departure of Lord Godolphin, Harley took
a glass, and drank to love and friendship, and everlasting
union, and wished he had more Tokay to drink it in ; we had
drank two bottles good, but thick. I replied, his white
Lisbon was best to drink it in, being very clear. I suppose
he apprehended it (as I observed most of the company did)
to relate to that humour of his, which was never to deal
clearly or openly ; but always with reserve, if not dissimula
tion, or rather simulation ; and to love tricks when not ne
cessary, but from an inward satisfaction in applauding his
own cunning."*
Still, however, this slight indication of political rivalry
escaped the public observation : and all parties were consi
dered as actuated by equal cordiality and harmony. The
political atmosphere appeared for the first time serene, and
the prospect of domestic tranquillity seemed at last to dawn
on a country long torn by faction. The Whig historians
expatiated on this happy state of public affairs, in the same
exulting tone as is employed to celebrate the return of peace
after an anxious period of war ; and even the Tories caught
the same language. Smollet, after speaking of the thanks
given to the Duke of Marlborough, by the House of Commons,
continues : —
" This nobleman was in such credit with the people, that when he pro
posed a loan of 500,000/. to the emperor, upon a branch of his revenue
in Silesia, the money was advanced immediately by the merchants of
London. The kingdom was blessed with plenty ; the queen was uni
versally beloved ; the people in general were zealous for the prosecution
of the war ; the forces were well paid ; the treasury was punctual ; and
though a great quantity of coin was exported for the maintenance of the
war, the paper currency supplied the deficiency so well, that no murmurs
were heard ; and the public credit flourished both at home and abroad."
* Lord Cowper's Diary. — Hardwicke Papers

1705, 1706.] OFFER OF LEOPOLD. 379
On the 19th of March, the session was closed by a speech
from the throne, in which the queen lauded the zeal of her
subjects, and testified her satisfaction at the perfect union of
sentiment which had reigned between her and the parlia
ment. Marlborough quitted England with the highest gratifica
tion he had ever yet experienced. The collision of political
sentiments between the queen and the duchess had subsided ;
the majority of the parliament and nation appeared to be
inspired with his own ardour for the prosecution of the war ;
Godolphin and the Whigs were for the first time in unison ;
his immediate dependants and friends had vanquished their
fears and jealousies; and all parties looked up to him, as the
moderator of their feuds, and the depositary of their confi
dence, who had equally subdued the factions at home, and
vanquished the enemy abroad.

Chap. XLIII. — i Grant of a Principality  1705, 1706.
We have already mentioned the offer of a principality, made
to Marlborough by the emperor Leopold, during his march
to the Danube, and renewed after the victories of Schellen
berg and Blenheim. We have also stated his reasons for
declining the proffered honour, till it was identified with the
grant of an imperial fief, in conformity with the principles of
the Germanic constitution.
After much difficulty, the town of Munderkingen, in
Suabia, was selected, as the territorial property which was
to entitle the British general to a seat and vote in the College
of Princes. But this choice was neither conformable to the
greatness of his military services, nor to his own personal
merits. The place itself was old and dilapidated, and the
revenues extremely scanty ; for on an estimate made by the
imperial referendary, the annual income was found not to
exceed 100Z. in time of peace; and in time of war, was' bur
dened with the heavy charge of 2000Z., for the contingent.
The fees of office, investiture, and introduction to the diet,
also would amount to no less than 6000J. As a gift shackled
with such conditions was a burden instead of a benefit, it

380 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XLDJ.
was proposed to reduce the fees of office, and to obtain the
consent of the circles of Suabia and Franconia to a special
exemption in favour of the duke, from all charges and taxes.
This expedient, however, was not deemed eligible.
The court of Vienna seem to have felt ashamed of an offer
which conveyed a stigma on their want of liberality. Ac
cordingly Wratislaw was ordered to represent to Marlbo
rough, as an apology, that it was customary to grant the
dignity of prince without any regard to territory or revenue ;
that the emperor held no property in the empire of which he
could dispose ; and as head of the house of Austria, only the
limited domains derived from his ancestors, which were con
sidered as inalienable. An offer of part of the Bavarian
territory, which was soon afterwards conquered, and about
to be confiscated, was declined, as an invidious and preca
rious possession. *
In consequence of these objections, the affair was sus
pended during the reign of Leopold. Joseph seized the
earliest opportunity of gratifying Marlborough, in a manner
more proportionate to his services, as well as more conform
able to his own feelings and dignity. For this purpose he
selected the lordship of Mindelheim, a part of the inheritance
of Maximilian, landgrave of Leuchtenberg, uncle to the elector
of Bavaria, which had been appropriated the preceding year,
by the emperor Leopold, in virtue of an expectancy, to the
house of Austria. This demesne he offered to erect into a
principality, in favour of the successful commander.
The proposal being accepted, Joseph, by a patent, dated
Nov. 14. 1705, conferred the dignity of prince on the Duke
of Marlborough, and all his heirs and descendants, male and
female. This was accompanied with the permission to bear
his arms on the breast of the imperial eagle, surmounted
with a ducal coronet, " as a memorial to the latest posterity,
of imperial gratitude and meritorious services."+
* Letters from Mr. Stepney and Count Wratislaw to the duke, in
January and February, 1705.
f As some misapprehension has arisen concerning the nature of these
grants, and as the grant of the princely dignity has been confounded
with that of the territory, we shall insert those parts of the patents
which relate to the extension of the princely dignity to the female line ;
and the limitation of the territorial possession, and privileges of the diet,
to the male lino only.

1705, 1706.] GRANT OF MINDELHEIM. 381
On the 17th, by another patent, he created the lordship of
Mindelheim a principality of the empire, to be conferred on
the Duke of Marlborough, and made it revertible to his legi
timate male heirs. By a third patent, of the 18th, he, as
head of the house of Austria, transferred the new princi
pality to Marlborough.
It may, perhaps, be gratifying to the reader, to subjoin a
brief account of the history and possessors of this territory,
and of the ceremonies of investiture, possession, and intro
duction, which followed the grant.
The principality of Mindelheim derived its appellation
from a castle and town of the same name, situated on the
river Miindel or Mindel. It forms part of the circle of
Suabia, and the district of Algow.
In the early periods of German history, the lordship of
Mindelheim belonged to the family of Schwigger, who were
called knights of Mindelberg, a castle built on a hill, to the
north of the present town. By this family the town of Min
delheim, if not founded, was enlarged and beautified, and
endowed with a monastery, which in later times was appro
priated by the Jesuits.
The male issue of the Schwiggers failing in the third
generation, Walter of Hochschlitz, lord of Kilheim in the
Halde, and bishop of Augsburg, obtained possession of the
territory, though by what right is not ascertained. Soon
afterwards the inhabitants of Augsburg raising the standard
of rebellion against their bishop, chose for their captain
Frederic, duke of Teck*, who in 1372 conquered the lord-
Extract of the Patent of Nov. 14. 1705. — " Nos te Johannes Dux de
Marlborough * * * omnesque tuos liberos, hceredes, posteros, ac
descendentes legitimes masculos, et fceminas, utriusque sexus, in veros Sacri
Romani Imperii Principes, fecimus, creavimus et extitimus, atque ad
titulum et dignitatem principatus Imperii ereximus."
The German Imperial Patent of Nov. 17., after announcing the erec
tion of the lordship of Mindelheim into a principality, declares that
" the Duke of Marlborough and his legitimate male heirs, on account of
the possession of the same, shall be admitted to a place at the assemblies
of the diet and circle, either by themselves or their plenipotentiaries, in
the same manner as other princes ofthe empire, with the right of voting
and other privileges and prerogatives enjoyed by the princes of the holy
Roman empire."
* The name of Teck was derived from a castle in the duchy of Wir
temberg, which gives the same title to the present sovereigns. The con-

382 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XLUJ.
ship of Mindelheim. The prelate, in attempting to recover
the town, was killed by a poisoned arrow, and Frederic re
tained possession without disturbance from his relatives. He
built a castle on the neighbouring heights, to which he gave
his own name of Teck. He resided here twenty years, and
continued to enlarge and improve the town. His son, Ulric,
founded the cathedral, in which his ashes are deposited, as
well as those of the succeeding lords.
Frederic left eight sons, who all died without male issue,
and on the decease of the last survivor, Louis, patriarch of
Acquileia, the inheritance was conveyed by his sister, Irme-
gand, to George and Bernard, her two sons, by Vitus, count
of Rechtberg. George died unmarried, and the male issue
again failing to the seven sons of Bernard, a new dynasty
commenced in the family of Ulric of Freudsberg, who had
espoused their sister, Barbara. He was a distinguished
warrior, and promoter of the Suabian league, in the reign of
Frederic III. His son George is styled lord of Mindelheim,
Petrisberg, and Mertzingen, knight and captain-general of the
emperor in Italy.
In 1554 the inheritance fell between the two sisters of
George, Catherine, wife of Henry Otho, count of Schwartzen-
berg, and Paulina, who espoused William Kreut, a Bohemian
nobleman. By the marriage of Maria, only child and heiress
of Otho, with Christopher, Count Fugger, that nobleman
obtained a share of the inheritance, and having , purchased
the remainder from the other sister, united the whole in his
own person. A dispute, however, arising between him and
the persons who had advanced the purchase-money, a com
promise was effected. The lordship of Mindelheim, with all
the other possessions of the house of Freudsberg, was sold to
Maximilian Emanuel, duke, and afterwards elector of Bavaria.
He was confirmed in the possession by the emperor Matthias ;
but in consequence of an obsolete claim advanced by the
house of Austria, the investiture was coupled with an expec-
tative, revertible to the Austrian family in failure of issue.
It was afterwards conveyed in the same manner to his second
son Maximilian, landgrave of Leuchtenberg.
sequence of this ancient family is proved by its matrimonial connexions,
as we find two of the sons espoused Bertha, of the illustrious house of
Este, and Anne, daughter of Casimir king of Poland.

1705, 1706.] LORDSHIP OF MLNDELHELM. 383
During the dreadful war of thirty years, the possession of
the town and castle was warmly contested, and they were
alternately occupied by the two hostile armies. The town
was thrice taken and pillaged, and the castle burnt. The
lordship was, however, restored at the peace of Westphalia
to the house of Bavaria. On the death of Maximilian,
landgrave of Leuchtenberg, without issue, in 1704, the em
peror Leopold considered the pretensions of his nephew, the
elector of Bavaria, as superseded ; and appropriated this
portion of the inheritance, in virtue of the expectative. *
From this deduction it is evident that the lordship of
Mindelheim was held as an immediate fief, descendible to the
female line, at least till it was transferred to the Bavarian
family. Hence attempts were made by the friends of Marl
borough, both before and after the investiture, to procure an
extension of the grant to the female line ; but although the
emperor had rendered the princely dignity heritable by
females, he could not be persuaded to relinquish the chance
of eventual possession, which he reserved to his own family,
by the limitation of the patent.
The grant having passed the chancery, the ceremony of
investiture was performed at Innspruch, the capital of Ulte
rior Austria, in the latter end of April, Count Fieghers acting
as the proxy of the duke.
With the permission of the queen, Mr. Stepney was then
authorised by Marlborough to take possession of the territory,
and receive the homage of the inhabitants. We here present
his description of the formalities, as transmitted to his prin
cipal, soon after the event.
" Lintz, 30th May, 1706. — By a courier returning to the Elector
Palatine, I give your grace notice of my being got to Mindelheim on the
20th, where Dr. Haag, secretary of the feudal court in Tyrol, arrived the
day following, with the patent and instructions for the imperial com
missioners appointed to put me in possession ; and on the 22d Count
Konigsegg (the first of them) arrived likewise, who by his easy dispatch,
and by the good grace wherewith he performed his part, sufficiently
* This account is taken from several original documents in the Marl
borough Papers, particularly an Historical Deduction, and a Genea
logical Table of the possessors of Mindelheim, accompanied with bio
graphical explanations. We have also consulted Busching and the
German historians.

384 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XLDX
made amends for not being exactly punctual in point of the time when
he ought to have met. me. As soon as he gave me notice of his arrival
I waited upon him, and the same evening he not only returned my visit,
but regulated with his colleagues the methods of immission, after I had
sent them the full power, whereby your grace authorised me to receive
possession in your name.
" Next day orders were issued throughout the country, giving notice
that the ceremony of homage was to begin on Whitsun Monday (the
24th instant), in the town-hall of Mindelheim, where, after divine ser
vice, the imperial commissioners (Count Konigsegg, Baron Volmar, and
Baron Imhoff) seated themselves in arm-chairs, at a table on the right
hand of the hall, assisted by Dr. Haag, and then gave notice that they
were ready to receive me ; who placed likewise for me an arm-chair
before another table to the left, and I took Dr. Heyland by me for my
assistant. " The ceremony begun by calling in the beampte, or the four chief officers
belonging to the principality, who have administered the revenues and
the like, to whom Count Konigsegg made a very handsome speech, —
' signifying to them the weighty reasons which had induced his imperial
majesty to erect the lordship of Mindelheim into a principality of the em-
plre, and to confer it on your grace and your heirs male, as an acknow
ledgment of the important services you have done his family, and the
whole Roman empire, at Hochstedt, and elsewhere. And for the better
proof thereof, he ordered the secretary to read to them the emperor's
commission, as also the letter of investiture, and the gehorsam brieff, or
patent, discharging all the subjects of Mindelheim from the obedience
and vassalage which they swore to his imperial majesty a year ago, upon
the death of Maximilian, late duke of Bavaria ; and afterwards directing
them to take a new oath of homage to your grace, as prince of Mindel
heim, and to comport themselves hereafter in all respects, according to
the injunctions they should receive from me, in quality of your grace's
plenipotentiary ; adding therewith a word or two of admonition, to be as
true and faithful subjects to your grace as they had been to his imperial
majesty.' " After this overture, Dr. Heyland, by my direction, first made a
compliment to the imperial commission, ' acknowledging the emperor's
extraordinary bounty and favour, in bestowing on your grace so signal a
mark of his beneficence, and thanked the commissioners for having so
well discharged their part.' He then turned to the four officers, and
signified to them, ' that your grace, having been duly informed of their
honest and prudent administration, was disposed to continue them in the
same, if they desired it. ' Whereupon they presented to me a petition,
signed by all four of them, humbly begging that their respective offices
might be preserved to them, and giving assurances of their inviolable
allegiance and fidelity. Then Dr. Heyland read to them a paper con
taining the duty expected from them : to which they having given their
assent, he read to them likewise the usual oath, which they repeated
after him, holding up their thumbs and the two fore-fingers of their right
hands. After which, I told them in a few words, ' that I did not ques-

1705, 1706.] CEREMONY OF INVESTITURE. 385
tion but they would duly observe what they had sworn to your grace ;
and upon those assurances I promised them, in your name, all the justice
and protection they could hope and expect from a good and gracious
sovereign. In confirmation whereof I gave each of them my hand, a
custom used in these countries when homage is paid.'
" Then the burgermasters, common council, and citizens (to the num
ber of about 250), were called in, with whom the same ceremony was
repeated, in the presence of the four officers above mentioned, who were
ordered to sit on the bench apart, to give them more countenance and
authority. The like ceremony was performed a third time, with part
ofthe amanners, or chief persons of the village, with some peasants, who
being in all above 1500, the rest were admitted the day following, at
two several times. AU of them seemed very cheerful upon their being
assigned to your grace's protection. I have had the good fortune to
meet with no manner of dispute or contradiction in the whole course
of this business, though some people expected the bishop of Augsburg
would have entered a protest in behalf of his chapter, who pretend to
this lordship, by a claim of about 300 years standing, which, however,
nobody from them thought fit to assert. And the little surmises which
had been scattered among the ordinary people, upon account of religion,
were soon removed upon my appearance among them, particularly by
the civilities I affected to show towards the English nuns, and to the
Jesuits, both of whom have their settlements near the quarters which
were appointed me.
" All the time I stayed at Mindelheim the imperial commissioners were
entertained by me at my own lodgings ; and the first day of our solem
nity, the four officers, with the burgermasters, and sindic, were admitted
to dine with us ; while the director of Count Konigsegg's chancery (as
he is called), and my steward, did the honours at the town-hall, where
the other magistrates and council celebrated the festival. It was fitting
they should have a share of it, since they consented to bear the expense.
The rest of my time was spent in drawing up commissions, instructions,
and rules of government, for the respective officers to whom I have en
trusted the administration, by particular acts 1 signed for each of them,
bearing date the 25th May, 1706, and confirmed under your grace's
broad seal, whereof I formerly sent Mr. Cardonel an impression. In
those papers are specified the salaries and benefits which each of them
are to enjoy, wherein I exactly observed the regulation made by Maxi
milian, late duke of Bavaria, a frugal and wise prince, who, from his
residence at Turckeim, within three hours of Mindelheim, frequently
inspected their accounts; and thereby bred up most of them to be
as honest, sober, and careful men as are to be found in any part of
Germany. " To keep to order and dignity, I am to speak first of John Joseph,
Baron DTmhofF, to whom I administered the same oath which the other
subjects had taken, but privately in my chamber, in the presence only of
Dr. Heyland. He is the same gentleman who was recommended to
your grace by Prince Eugene and Count Zinzendorff, and who, for a
year last past, has had the joint administration of the country with
VOL. I. C C

386 LDJE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XLm.
Baron Volmar ; which office he has discharged so prudently, that both
the magistrates and common people seemed very desirous to have him
continued, and a petition was presented to me to that purpose, subscribed
by a good number of them.
" Your grace will farther be pleased to observe, by the letter here in
closed from Baron Hallden, chancellor of Tyrol, that he likewise is of
opinion your grace can hardly find a person more proper for your busi
ness. He is a man of an active spirit, has an estate within four hours of
Mindelheim, and I find he is in good esteem, both with the magistrates
of Augsburg, and with the gentry in the neighbourhood. For all these
reasons I have established him with the title of counsellor and oberpleger,
or grand bailiff, and lodged with him your grace's seal, above men
tioned, to be applied to all public acts of authority and jurisdiction. At
present I shall only mention some few heads of his instructions. A par
ticular article is inserted, which enjoins him to reside for the most part
at Mindelheim, for the better administration. He is not to dispose of
any ofthe four beampte (or chief offices) without your grace's approba
tion, nor issue any sums of money exceeding fifty florins, without your
particular direction. And in observance of what your grace formerly
recommended to me (that a faculty might be reserved for removing him
or any other officer from your service as you see cause), I have worded
that condition reciprocally ; viz. that if your grace shall judge any
change necessary, you will allow two months' warning, expecting a like
term, if any of them have a mind to resign."
Here follows an account of the salaries and perquisites of
the different officers, which it is needless to introduce. He
then proceeds : —
"According to this establishment, the whole expense of the adminis-
tration, both in money and other benefits, amounts to 3564 florins, which
(reckoning eight to a pound sterling) makes 445J. 10s. Whereas, by the
best guesses I can make, after having viewed their books of accounts
(which are in as good method as ever I saw), your grace may expect a
clear yearly revenue of two thousand pounds sterling*, excluding the
appointments here specified, and likewise the quota to be paid to the
empire, wherein your grace is in no manner concerned, the subjects
being obliged to bear that burthen by a repartition among themselves.
This being rightly considered, my lord, I believe your grace will think the
emperor's present rather more valuable than what it was at first computed.
Upon which account I cannot forbear suggesting to your grace once
more, what I hinted to you at Vienna, that you should take your mea
sures in time, towards getting this fief changed from a masculine to a
promiscuous one, whereby the possession of this benefit may be secured
to your female issue in all events; and I presume it may not be ex
tremely difficult to bring this matter to bear, when I reflect what new
merits your grace acquires daily, by your zeal and services to the house
of Austria. But this and other considerations, which tend towards im-
* This sum was rather exaggerated.

1705, 1706.] INCOME FROM MILDENHEIM. 387
proving this grant, and rendering it more beneficial, will be more fully
represented hereafter to your grace, both by me and Dr. Heyland,
whose sagacity and experience in these matters deserve to be encouraged.
And I entreat your grace to signify to Baron StafFhorst, and even to the
duke of Wirtemberg himself (if any proper occasion offers), that his ser
vices have been acceptable to your grace ; he being an able man, and
just in the neighbourhood, and may step over thither sometimes, to rectify
any thing that shall chance to be amiss.
" For future years Baron ImhofF will send your grace an abstract of
accounts every quarter, and remit the ready cash by such methods as you
shall please to direct. But I fear your grace will hardly receive any
benefit before January next, the whole product of this year being to be
cast into a mass together, and then divided, one third for the emperor's
use, and the other two parts for your grace's, which is all that can be
expected, by reason that your possession does not commence till May,
which month I shall endeavour to procure entire, though that proposal
may meet with contradiction, because the act of immission was not per
formed till the 24th.
" Mr. Cardonel will have presented to your grace a letter from the
English nuns, begging that a pension of 500 florins, settled on them five
years ago by the duke and duchess of Bavaria, and continued to them.
ever since by the late emperor, should still be preserved to them under
your grace's government. They ofFered me a petition likewise to the
same purpose, which was also recommended very affectionately to me by
the said duchess ; and I am indeed of opinion that your grace cannot.
handsomely avoid allowing them that pension, since any disposition to
the contrary, in the beginning of your regency, may raise more clamour
and reflection than the thing is worth. Besides, their institution is very
charitable and useful, and they have several other establishments in these
countries, which are much esteemed.
" The college of Jesuits is founded upon a better bottom, having suffi
cient possessions of their own to maintain them, without recourse to
your grace or others, for charitable contributions.
" The duchess has lately made them a present of her husband's li
brary, which, by the collection of Italian books, is pretty valuable.
They entertained us with a sort of opera in Latin, celebrating your grace's
heroic virtues, which a young Count Fugger represented, with others of
quality. This circumstance, with the letter your grace has received
from the father rector, are proofs that the society are not sparing of their
compliments, when they judge it to be for their interest.
" I have acquainted your grace in the former part of this letter, that
Count Konigsegg discharged his commission very much to your grace's
satisfaction. He is ofthe emperor's privy council, and a person of dis
tinguished quality ; therefore, in my humble opinion (besides the present
I made him in plate), your grace may very properly honour him with a
good copy of your picture, which I in a manner have promised him,
-having perceived in him a laudable ambition of transmitting to his fa
mily, by such a token, the remembrance of his having been employed in
conveying to your grace this mark ofthe emperor's beneficence# It may
c c 2

388 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XLHI.
be sent to Mr. Behagel at Frankfort, who will find means to forward it
to some of his correspondents at Augsburg. And I must farther venture
to propose, that another copy may be sent to Baron Imboff, to be set up
in the town- hall, which I am certain will be received there with some
degree of adoration. For I must do justice to the officers and magis
trates, in acknowledging that no people upon earth could show a greater
zeal and goodwill than they did in regard to your grace, and upon that
account to me likewise, and to my family.
" I was something at a loss how to deal with Baron Volmar, who
mightily solicited to have a share with Baron Imhoff in the administra
tion. But that notion not agreeing either witli economy or good go
vernment, I had recourse to Count Konigsegg, who privately disposed
him to desist, particularly considering that your grace's interest, as well
as the advantage of your subjects, required your grand bailiff should re
side upon the spot, which condition Baron Volmar could not comply
with, by reason of his other employment at Guntzbourg. However, I
promised him to promote his interest and pretensions at Vienna and
elsewhere, as I see occasion ; and I am persuaded your grace will do the
like, if he has any thing reasonable to propose.
" I shall not trouble your grace with a description of the city, other
wise than that it consists chiefly of a long, clean, well-built street, with
fresh water running in the middle of it. The grand-bailiff's house is
convenient enough, having been newly repaired by the duke. Within
half an English mile ofthe town there is an old castle upon an eminence;
but the building is run to decay, and at present serves only as a granary.
However, the situation is such, as might deserve useful improvement
hereafter, if your grace shall farther obtain the benefit above mentioned.
" This, my lord, is all I have at present to relate to your grace. At
least, if I have omitted any material circumstance (such as the homage
which Count Muggedall should have paid, or the like), I don't question
but they will be represented to your grace by Doctor Heyland, whom I
have obliged to give a separate account in French, and not to leave
Mindelheim till he has both finished that, and settled some small affairs
which I had not time to regulate, being much pressed to return, because
ofthe negotiation now carrying on at Presburgh.
" I must not omit acquainting your grace that the magistrates, when
they presented me the keys of the city, surprised me with a very hand
some basin and ewer (worth 600 florins). This was contrary both to my
expectation and desire, having no other prospect than the honour which
I enjoy in serving your grace ; and that I hope I have done to your good
liking, having, as I conceive, omitted nothing which might tend to your
glory and advantage.
" I frequently offered to wave this present, but they urged it on me
with so good a grace as rendered the gift much more valuable to me,
because I was convinced, by this assurance of their goodwill, that they
were perfectly satisfied with my behaviour towards them, particularly for
the service I did them, by hindering Count d'Offeren from being too
oppressive, which he would have been, if I had not arrived in a lucky
hour, to put a stop to those exorbitant contributions.

.1705, 1706.] ADMISSION TO GERMAN DIET. 389
" The magistrates paid their civilities likewise, in proportion, to five
of my domestics, and continued their respects to the last moment, by
accompanying me out of town on horseback, together with your grace's
chief officers, about an English mile on my way.
" I thought I was obliged in decency to pay my respects to the
duchess dowager of Bavaria, who is your next neighbour. She is a lady
of extraordinary prudence and merit, about fifty-five years of age, of the
house of Bouillon, and (like the rest of that family) not much addicted
to the French interest. She took my compliment very kindly, and de
sired me to assure your grace, that since his imperial majesty had re
solved to take away from her this lordship of Mindelheim (which the
duke had settled as a part of her dowry), it was a particular satisfaction
to her to understand that it was fallen to the share of a person of such
distinction, with whom she promises to cultivate a perfect friendship and
good neighbourhood, not doubting but your grace will do the like.
" Perhaps it may be agreeable to her highness, if your grace should
think fit to take notice of this civility, in your discourses with Count
d'Auvergne, who, I suppose, is with you in the army. He is one of her
relations, with whom, I believe, she entertains a correspondence, and I
should be glad she might know I faithfully performed the commission
with which she honoured me.
" In my return to Vienna I called at Ratisbon, to inquire what ad
vance was made there towards introducing your grace into the college of ~
princes, and I had the satisfaction to find Cardinal Lamberg had not
only received the emperor's requisitorial letter to that purpose, but had -
formed it into what they call a commissions decret, and ordered the same
to be dictated to the diet on the 20th instant, by the director of Mentz ;.
so that matter is likewise in its natural course. And M. de Schrader
(whom I introduced to his eminence, as the person authorised by your
grace to solicit and perform that part) has promised duly to inform your
grace in what manner it proceeds. I am, &c."
The next and most important part of the ceremonial was
the admission of the duke to a voice and seat in the German
diet, and the formalities attending the introduction of his
proxy. When the question was submitted to the diet, the
representative of the king of Prussia, by all his votes in the
college of princes, proposed that the grant should be made
hereditary in the male and female line ; but this was seconded
only by the prince of Anhalt. The other princes contented
themselves with a mere approval of the imperial grant, an«J«
it was remarked that the minister of the margrave of Baden?
gave no opinion, under the plea that he wanted instructions.*
The circle of Suabia seems also to have made some attempt
* Letter from Baron Schrader to the Duke of Marlborough —
Ratisbon, August 23. 1706. c c 3

390 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XLIII.
to procure an entail on the female as well as on the male
branches ; for in the protocol of the circle, dated July 22d,
1706, is the following paragraph : —
" It is the general opinion of the assembly that there are no members
who would not willingly allow the imperial favour bestowed on this war
like hero, and deliverer of our country, and freely consent to his reception,
with hearty desires that the principality of Mindelheim may long con
tinue in the duke's family, and not fall again after his decease into other
hands." But the proposition being discountenanced by Austria,
and not favoured by the German princes in general, the sug
gestion proved fruitless, as well as the attempts of the duke's
friends to procure an extension of the tenure at the time of
rthe grant.
The account of the ceremonial is extracted from a letter of
liis representative, Baron Schrader, minister of the elector of
Hanover. " Nov. 22. 1706. — The count of Pappenheim, marshal of the diet,
having received the imperial commission, arrived on the 19th, with a
suite of 20 followers and 13 horses. On the 21st the cardinal of Lam-
berg, principal commissioner of the emperor at the diet, sent to the
representative of the new prince the decree of admission. The quarter
master of the empire, Heberer, went the same evening to Baron Schrader,
to invite him to the congress and solemnity of the morrow. On the 21 st,
at ten in the morning, the ministers ofthe electors repaired to council, in
carriages drawn by six horses ; and the deputies of the princes in their
best equipages. The guards were doubled at the town-house, and each
entrance guarded by six centinels. A dispute arising about precedence,
the ceremony did not begin till after mid-day ; when the different mem
bers being assembled in the college, the director of Austria proposed to
call Count Pappenheim, the bearer of the imperial commission.
" He came with the accustomed suite ; and all the ministers rising on
his entrance, he took his place, in a white habit, embroidered with gold,
and a red mantle. After farther ceremonies, the director of Austria
ordered the sub-marshal to introduce the envoy of Mindelheim. He rose,
and, attended by the quarter-master and other officers, went to the com
mission chamber, where he complimented the envoy, and invited him to
take his place.
" The envoy appearing in the college, the marshal assigned him his
seat on the bench of princes. The ministers, who had hitherto stood,
resumed their places ; and the director of Austria addressed a compliment
of congratulation to the envoy, in which he commemorated the heroic
valour and meritorious services cf the duke, and testified his hopes that
he would continue to pursue his glorious career, for the advantage ofthe
common cause, and the benefit of that empire of which he was now be
come a member. The representative of the new prince having made an

1705, 1706.] AMOUNT OF FEES. 391
appropriate reply, was then complimented by the other ministers indi
vidually. He afterwards regaled them with a splendid entertainment,
and the ceremony was concluded by a ball."*
It is not unworthy of remark that the first public act in
which Marlborough assisted, by his proxy, was the confirma
tion of the electoral dignity, granted to the house of Bruns
wick Luneburg.
The customary fees attending the creation of a principality,
and the introduction to the diet of the empire, did not amount
to less than 8500Z. sterling. But, from regard to the Duke
of Marlborough, the emperor remitted his own claims, and
promised to pay those of the two chancellors of the empire, if
not voluntarily relinquished. The ministers of the Austrian
cabinet also followed the example of their sovereign. The
charges attending the Austrian investiture at Inspruch
amounted to nearly 2000Z. f, but were diminished by favour to
2501. With all these deductions, however, the expenses at
tending this accession of honour, including fees, presents, and
travelling charges, exceeded 1500J. ; as the duke, in leaving
the payments to Mr. Stepney, expressly enjoined that due
regard should be shown to his own credit and honour. J
In transmitting a seal of the arms which Marlborough was
to bear as prince of Mindelheim, Mr. Stepney introduced the
bell, the armorial ensign of the principality, on an escutcheon
of pretence. He at the same time apologised for the omis
sion of the family bearing of the duchess. But she was not
of a temper to submit to this exclusion, and accordingly we
* From the Protocol of Proceedings, and the report of Count Schrader
himself. f We find from the documents communicated to the Duke of Marl
borough, by his agents and proxies, that the ordinary fees for the creation
of a prince of the empire amounted to - 16,310 florins.
For the erection of a lordship into a principality - -31,512

47,822

Exclusive of the fees for the investiture at Inspruch, and
admission to the diet, which may be estimated at - 20,000

67,822

Or  .... £8477

f Letter from Mr. Cardonel to Mr. Stepney, Hague.
c c 4

892 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XLIH.
find the ensign of Mindelheim supplanted by her own, in the
public and private seals afterwards used by her husband. *
We close our account with a description of the territory of
Mindelheim, transmitted to the duke by Dr. Heyland, who
assisted Mr. Stepney in the ceremonial of taking possession.
" The territory of Mindelheim is agreeably situated ; the air is healthy,
and the soil fertile. It consists of arable, pasture, and forest, is rich in all
sorts of corn, well stocked with cattle, and abounds with deer and wild
boars. The length is six leagues, and the breadth from three to four.
It borders on the bishopric of Augsburg, on several lordships and coun
ties of the empire, and on the imperial town of Memmingen. The clear
yearly revenue may be estimated at 1 5 or 20,000 German florins, though
the precise amount cannot be ascertained, on account of the uncertainty
of the crops, and the fluctuation to which the price of corn is subject.
To this may be added certain seigniorial rights, particularly tolls and
customs, which the princes of Germany levy on their people. The country
also produces a small quantity of saltpetre, which yields a trifling tax to
the sovereign.
" The natives are industrious, and would be in good circumstances had
they not been exhausted by frequent wars. The greater part are labourr
ers, or breeders of cattle ; others are employed in making linen, which
manufacture would improve, if they were better provided with hands';
but for want of weavers the poorer farmers are obliged to sell their thread,
of which they spin large quantities, to foreign manufacturers. The
wood which abounds, is rendered less valuable by the want of water
.conveyance." The title of prince and admission into the diet which was
thus conferred on Marlborough gave him no additional rank
or precedence in England ; but abroad it proved of essential
advantage, in increasing his influence and obviating those
jealousies to which he had been exposed in his command,
from the prejudice of foreigners in favour of high birth and
sovereign power.
* On the plate in the accompanying Atlas are facsimiles of the seals
and arms used by the Duke of Marlborough as Prince of Mindelheim.
That which exhibit's the bell, on an escutcheon of pretence, was taken
from the original seal, ordered by Mr. Stepney, in the possession of the
present duke. The facsimiles of the arms of Mindelheim, the im
pression ofthe seal on a letter from the duke to the elector Palatine, and
the grand seal with the mantle, were kindly communicated by Messrs.
Stuertzer and Samet of Munich, the first archivist, and the last herald to
the king of Bavaria.

1706.] ARRIVES AT THE HAGUE. 393

Chap. XLIV. — Prospects of the Allies  1706.
On the 25th of April, Marlborough arrived at the Hague,
where he was welcomed with the usual testimonies of respect.
To counterbalance, however, the satisfaction which he de
rived from the tranquil and prosperous state of England, the
affairs of the continent bore the most gloomy aspect. In the
eastern provinces of Spain, the capture of Barcelona was the
prelude to a counter-revolution, which extended through the
kingdoms of Valencia and Mercia. The little town of Denia
first declared itself for Charles, and the example was imme
diately followed by the capital. In the com se of a few weeks
the only places in the two kingdoms which remained in the
possession of the Bourbon troops were the small but strong
fortresses of Alicante and Periiseola. The ferment extended
even into Aragon, and it was with difficulty that Saragossa
was prevented from imitating the defection of the sister
capitals. But these rapid successes proved the proximate cause of
misfortune ; for the victorious troops, though sufficient to
give an impulse to public opinion, were yet too few to main
tain their conquests ; and being scattered over an extensive
surface, presented on every side vulnerable points to the ag
gressions of an organised and regular force. Private feuds
contributed to aggravate the mischief. The Earl of Peter
borough, to whom this brilliant success was principally
owing, was involved in a serious misunderstanding, not only
with Charles and his dependents, but with Lord Galway and
Das Minas, who commanded the combined army on the Por
tuguese frontier. He, in fact, rendered himself so obnoxious
by his. violent and overbearing temper, that his meritorious
services were forgotten ; and every post brought remon
strances and appeals against his continuance in Spain, both
from Charles himself and the court of Vienna.
On the other hand, the most strenuous efforts had been
made by the French monarch to turn the tide of invasion.
A numerous army of French and Spaniards, headed by Philip
himself, appeared at this moment before the walls of Barce
lona ; while the fleet from Toulon blockaded the place by
sea. Philip confidently hoped, not merely to reduce the

394 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XLIV
capital of Catalonia and crush the insurrection in its focus,
but even to terminate the war by the capture of his rival.
While the principal force of Spain was directed towards
the north-eastern quarter, the Portuguese army on the
western frontier was kept in awe by a Spanish force under
the Duke of Berwick, so celebrated for his skill in defensive
warfare ; and there was not the slightest cause to hope that
the operations on this side would tend to divert or lessen the
danger which threatened the other. In these circumstances
the only chance of preserving the eastern part of the penin
sula depended on naval succours ; and therefore the British
government had made strenuous exertions to fit out a power
ful fleet, to sail from Lisbon with all the land forces which
could be drawn from the army in Portugal. It was, how
ever, much doubted whether the usual hazards of a long
voyage, the uncertainty of naval operations, and the superior
strength of the enemy would not frustrate the attempt to
carry relief to Barcelona.
In Italy the prospect was equally discouraging. Count
Maffei, the minister of the Duke of Savoy, who was de
spatched from England early in the spring, to convey to his
sovereign the assurance of prompt and effectual aid, reached
Vienna in the midst of the preparations for opening the cam
paign. In his correspondence with Marlborough, he conveys
a melancholy picture of the disorder and tardiness which
reigned in the military system of the confederates. The un
favourable auguries which he drew from the state of affairs
were too soon realised. Before Eugene could reach the
Italian frontier, the small remains of the imperialists were
surprised in their quarters by Vendome, and with the loss of
3000 men, killed, wounded, and prisoners, were driven into
the mountainous recesses behind the lake of Como. The
passages of Italy thus seemed to be totally closed against the
allies, and the foundation on which the Duke of Savoy had
long built his hopes to be destroyed. Indeed, the sudden
appearance of Eugene alone prevented the entire dispersion
of the army ; and all his activity, skill, and resources were
called forth to maintain a position on the frontier until Marl
borough could collect and forward the succours, which he
had laboured to obtain from every quarter.
On the Upper Khine the margrave of Baden displayed his

1706.] ITALIAN PROJECT. 395
usual frowardness and procrastination. Instead of adopting
effectual measures for opening the campaign, he cavilled at
every project which was submitted to his judgment, and in
his turn persisted in proposing schemes which were ineffi
cient or impracticable. Messengers after messengers were
continually on the road between Vienna and Rastadt ; and
the season for action advanced without adequate prepara
tions, either offensive or defensive, and even without the
arrangement of any consistent plan of conduct. To use an
expression of Marlborough in one of his letters to Godolphin,
it seemed as if the German commander had no other object
in view than to preserve his own capital and residence.
The state of affairs in the Netherlands was far from com
pensating for the gloomy prospects which opened in more
distant quarters. No efficient force could apparently be col
lected in time for offensive operations ; and, even could the
means of aggression be provided, the situation of the coun
try, and the jealous spirit of the Dutch government seemed
to present insuperable obstacles to such enterprises as might
speedily accomplish the object ofthe grand alliance.
We have already shown the obstructions which Marlbo
rough experienced during the two first campaigns of the war
from the Dutch deputies and generals ; obstructions which
frustrated his skilful combinations, and more than once ar
rested his victorious career. In 1704, however, he was for
tunately delivered from these shackles, and the splendid
success of the campaign was the natural consequence. But
in 1705 the same pernicious system of control was revived,
and attended with the same fatal effects. In the present
campaign he therefore determined no longer to remain the
sport of ignorance, timidity, or treachery, and formed the
design of leading an army into Italy, where he hoped to act
without restraint, and to be again associated with Eugene,
whose temper and spirit were congenial with his own.
Collaterally with this project, a plan was formed for a
descent on the coast of France, which was expected to divert
a considerable portion of the enemy's force, or to produce a
serious impression, while their attention was attracted to
other quarters. This plan was suggested by the Marquis of
Guiscard, a French nobleman, who had first embraced the
ecclesiastical profession, and was appointed abbot of La

396 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. LCH- XLIV.
Bourlay. From some family disgust he quitted his abbey,
and being of an ardent and enterprising temper, formed a
correspondence with the Camisards, who had risen in the
Cevennes. Being compelled to retire from France, he re
paired to the different courts of the allied powers, and ob
tained the protection of the Duke of Savoy and Eugene. He
also attracted the notice of Pensionary Heinsius, was patron
ised by Mr. St. John, Secretary at War*, and finally ingra
tiated himself with Marlborough.
A distinct account of the plan appears in the Marlborough
papers. The disembarkation was to take place between
Blaye and the mouth of the Charente ; Xantes was to he
occupied and fortified, and from thence the refugee officers,
who had accompanied the expedition, were to be detached
into Quercy and the Cevennes to rouse the people. The
troops were to act according to the effect which this alarm
might produce among the malcontents. If no commotion
was excited, they were to burn the ships at Roehfort and
retire ; but if the people could be induced to revolt, they
were to maintain themselves in Guienne ; and during the
winter a sufficient force was to be sent to undertake active
operations. For this design twelve regiments of infantry and
some dragoons were ready for embarkation at Portsmouth,
with a sufficient number of refugee officers to form six regi
ments of infantry and a body of cavalry, and Guiscard was
appointed lieutenant-colonel. Nine battalions of infantry
and three regiments of dragoons were encamped at Kingsale
* In a letter to the duke, in which the secretary encloses some plans
of Guiscard for two descents on the coast of France, he observes : — "I
cannot omit doing him the justice to say, his conduct has been full of
zeal, very discreet, and very moderate."
It is singular sometimes to observe how the wisest persons are deceived
in judging of characters and tempers, particularly when political motives
influence their decision. We here see that St. John was as much mis
taken in his opinion of Guiscard, as Marlborough in his opinion of
St. John, when he assured Godolphin, " you may rely on him, he will
never deceive you."
Guiscard, after many intrigues with parties in England, became a spy
of France. He appears to have been a man of some ability, but restless,
scheming, and unprincipled. It is the same political adventurer who
attempted to stab Secretary Harley at the council-board in revenge for
the loss of a pension. St. John and others present fell upon him with
.their swords with such fury that he died of his wounds in Newgate. — Ed.

1706.] PLAN OF DESCENT ON FRANCE. 397
for the same purpose, and a body of Dutch troops was
marched to places of embarkation, in order to co-operate in
the enterprise. After much deliberation, Marlborough re
commended Lord Rivers to command the land forces, and Sir
Cloudesley Shovel was appointed to head the fleet. The pre
parations were in forwardness, and the hopes which he con
ceived from this enterprise will appear in many parts of his
correspondence. Marlborough quitted England with the full expectation of
leading an effective army into* Italy ; but, soon after he
reached the Continent, he received the most pressing instances
from the emperor himself to resume the design which had
been foiled the preceding year on the Moselle.
" March 10. — In forwarding this courier to inform you of my resolu
tion for the ensuing campaign on the Upper Rhine, as well as on the Saar
and the Moselle, of which you will receive the details from Zinzendorf
and Wratislaw, I cannot avoid expressing my impatience to witness the
commencement of those operations, which I hope will complete the work
you put in so good a train the last campaign. Your zeal for my service
and for the common cause is so well known to me that I cannot but
expect the most happy results, and at the same time take this opportunity
to give you farther proofs of my particular esteem and friendship."
From a communication of Wratislaw, to which reference
is here made, we find that, after repeated but fruitless invita
tions to the margrave to repair to Vienna, or send his plan for
the ensuing campaign, a council, consisting of the prince of
Salm, Eugene, Counts Zinzendorf and Wratislaw, was held in
the presence of the emperor. The principal subjects of their
deliberations were the intended operations of the German
army, and the measures to be pursued towards the margrave.
Convinced that he would either not act on the Moselle, or, if
associated in the command, would display his usual froward
ness, it was decided to leave him on the Upper Rhine with a de
fensive army, and to consign to Marlborough the command of
an offensive force, which was to be assembled on the Moselle.
For this purpose he was to be joined by 2000 German troops
and 2000 imperial horse, under the count of Staremberg, in
addition to the troops which he might lead from the Low
Countries, and those already stationed in the empire. This
* Instructions for the Duke of Marlborough, &c. in the hand-writing
of Harley.

398 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XLIV.
design was not to be communicated to the margrave, but he
was to be amused with discussions till the season arrived for
opening the campaign. In the interim, count Sehlick was
to make arrangements with the elector of Mentz for provid
ing the means of transport, and to settle for the supply of
artillery, as soon as the resolution of the duke was known.
The time and mode of commencing the operations were to
be left also to Marlborough, and the utmost secrecy to be
observed towards the German princes.
After imparting this communication, Wratislaw concluded
with an observation intended to prove the sincerity and
earnestness of the imperial court.
" To conclude this matter, I ought to inform you that the prince of
Salm was the first who gave his opinion on this subject to our master,
with all necessary firmness. And knowing him as you do, you ought to
be persuaded that the friendship which he formerly had for the prince of
Baden has not prevented him from acting on this occasion in a manner
becoming the service of the emperor ; and that we cannot doubt of his
continuing to do the same on future occasions." *
However, convinced that the country watered by the
Moselle and Saar, was the most vulnerable part of France,
Marlborough had learnt by experience to despair of any de
sign which depended on the co-operation of the German
princes, or the promises of the imperial court. He was also
conscious that it was equally impossible to deceive or con
ciliate the prince of Baden. We cannot, therefore, wonder
that he declined this proposal, and persisted in his design of
carrying the war into Italy. This was a favourite project of
his ; and he flattered himself that, acting without restraint,
and in conjunction with that colleague, with whom he had
gained the victory of Blenheim, he should at once illustrate his
own reputation and promote the public cause. In conformity
with this design he carried instructions from the British
cabinet to obtain the acquiescence of the States for detaching
40 battalions and 40 squadrons into Italy ; and to make such
augmentations as the necessity of the service required. So
forcibly was he determined to execute this project, that he
was authorised, by additional instructions, on the refusal or
delay of the States, to send forward to Italy the troops in
British pay to that amount, and to assume the command in
* Translation from the original in the French tongue.

1706.] EVASIONS OF THE ALLIES. 399
person. He was likewise empowered to make all neces
sary arrangements relative to the expedition. The news of
this design raised the most elevated hopes in Italy ; and the
duke of Savoy, in particular, testified his gratitude and im
patience for so timely and powerful a succour.
" Turin, May Sth. — Count Maffei has communicated to me the very
kind manner in which you interest yourself in the unfortunate situation
of my affairs, and of your plan to give the most fatal blow to France.
It is, in truth, worthy of you. To you is reserved the glory of rescuing
Europe from slavery, and of carrying to the greatest possible height the
arms of the queen, by rendering them triumphant even in Italy, which,
as well as Germany, will owe her liberty to you. I entreat you, there
fore, to give to that enterprise all the attention which it deserves, accele
rating your speedy arrival, in which I take a double interest ; for I am
expecting the commencement of this siege, for which the enemy will
employ 60 battalions, as many squadrons, and 110 pieces of artillery,
with a considerable number of mortars.
" The imperialists have experienced a check in the Bressano, and will
not be soon in readiness to act : consequently you will see that the small
est time is precious, and how much it imports the confederates to save
with this capital the remnant of my troops ; for you cannot fail of reflect
ing, that should this capital be lost, the enemy will have it in their power
to turn all their force against Prince Eugene, and compel him to abandon
Italy." From the moment of his arrival at the Hague, Marlborough
had employed all his activity and influence to collect the
means of accomplishing his enterprise ; but he encountered
insuperable obstacles. In vain he attempted to extort the
acquiescence of the Dutch in the march of their native troops
to such a distance ; nor was he more successful in his attempts
to remedy the deficiency by the aid of the kings of Prussia
and Denmark, and the princes and states of Germany. The
nonpayment of the arrears which had induced the Danish
monarch to suspend the progress of his troops toward the
Netherlands, was a still more powerful motive to prevent
them from marching to so distant a country as Italy.
Notwithstanding the apparently favourable result of Marl
borough's journey to Berlin, and the consent of the king to
the continuance of his troops in Italy, the arrangement was
far from being complete or satisfactory. The acrimonious
complaints against the court of Vienna and the Dutch were
revived ; enormous demands were again brought forward for
the arrears of subsidies and various military allowances ; and

400 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XLIV
an application was even made, peremptorily requesting the,
queen's support for the liquidation of the debts which were
owing by the Austrian sovereigns of Spain. In addition to
the difficulties derived from this source, other embarrassments
arose from the intrigues and factions of the Prussian court.
Count War temberg, the great chamberlain and prime minister,
who had long enjoyed the confidence of his sovereign, was
assailed by a numerous cabal, at the head of which we par
ticularly distinguish Count Ilgen and General Grumbkow.
They found a plausible pretext to injure him in the mind of
his royal master, by expatiating on the imperious and inter
ested character of his wife, who had offended the nobility,
and even the princesses of the blood, by her claims for pre
cedence. They even accused her of an illicit connexion with
the British ambassador, Lord Raby ; and, from her influence
over the mind of her husband, they argued that she had in
duced him to sacrifice the interests of his own country tQ
those of the Maritime Powers. So deep, indeed, was the im
pression produced by these insinuations, that the king per
emptorily insisted on the recal of Lord Raby, suspended the
march of his auxiliary troops, and threatened in unequivocal
terms to secede from the grand alliance.
The Duke of Marlborough maintained a secret correspond
ence with all the contending parties ; and, while he laboured
to soothe the jealousy of the king, he endeavoured to turn
their jarring views to the advantage of the common cause.
In this delicate task his letters display his usual address and
discretion ; and before the season for action commenced, we
find his efforts crowned with success. In his transactions
with Hanover, Marlborough experienced similar difficulties.
The attempts recently made to conciliate the electoral family
had not produced the expected harmony ; for his presence
had no sooner ceased to operate than the insinuations of the
Tories excited new bickerings. The jealousy fostered
against the British court revived ; and the offer of the garter,
as well as the different regulations to secure the Protestant
succession, were contemptuously treated as the effects of fear
and self-interest.
This captious conduct provoked reciprocal dissatisfaction
in England, and the queen was readily persuaded to write
with her own hand an expostulatory letter, which was trans-

1706.] LETTER TO GODOLPHIN. 401
mitted to Marlborough to be delivered to the elector. It was
also to be apprehended that the resentment which she fostered
against the electoral family might easily be inflamed into open
enmity, which could only terminate in a breach between the
two courts. Marlborough foresaw all the injurious conse
quences which must result from this feud, as well to England
in particular, as to the grand alliance in general. He there
fore, of his own authority, withheld the ill-timed remonstrance,
and omitted no effort to soothe and satisfy both parties.
Fortunately his representations, sanctioned and enforced by
the treasurer, outweighed the hasty advice giyen by the other
part of the cabinet. The queen was induced to sacrifice her
own feelings ; and Secretary Harley reluctantly announced
her change of sentiments. " I received," he observes, " the
honour of your grace's letter. The queen very much approves
of your grace's not sending her majesty's letter to Hanover,
though I cannot but think that court does not know this
country, or else they have very little value for our good
opinion." *
On the other hand, the interference of Marlborough, aided
by the influence of the Whigs, was so far successful, that the
court of Hanover manifested a more amicable temper ; and a
compromise was effected by the mission of Lord Halifax, who
was charged by the queen to convey a public declaration of
her friendship and esteem for her successor, and her zeal for
the Protestant settlement.
The letters of Marlborough in this interesting period will
show the magnitude of these embarrassments and the effect of
his negotiations. To Lord Godolphin.
" Hague, April 1 6-27. — The inclosed letter from the elector of Han
over has given me very melancholy thoughts ; for if he persists it will be
an argument for these people not to agree to the sending a detachment
to Italy, and will make it impracticable for me to make use ofthe queen's
last instruction, since there will be no other troops but those of her ma
jesty's subjects which can be obliged to march. That nothing might be
wanting on my side, I have this afternoon sent Colonel Cadogan to
Hanover, that the elector may be made sensible, if possible, of the conse
quence of this matter, which, I think, will be the making of a good or
bad campaign, which in its consequence is that of a good or bad peace.
* May 10. 21. 1706. — S. P. O.
VOL. I. D D

402 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XLIVi
I desire you will let her majesty know this, but it must be kept a secret,
for I do not let any body know the reason of Cadogan's journey.
" You will see by the copy of my letter to the king of Prussia, which
I have sent to Mr. Secretary, the fears I have of the French doing some
thing considerable in Germany ; for they have sent so many troops from
hence that they now begin to believe here that the French have no
¦ thoughts but of being on the defensive in this country. However, they.
will not be persuaded as yet to part with any more troops than those of
Hanover and Hesse, which are ordered to be assistant to the prince of
Baden till farther orders. These two bodies of men are 19,000."
" Hague, April 1 9-30. — I am to have a meeting next Sunday with
some of the chief burgomasters of Amsterdam, for those I have consulted
here dare not agree to what I propose, unless I can persuade them to
approve of it. I hope by the next post to let you know what I shall be
able to do, for by that time I expect Cadogan. For if the elector of
Hanover does persist in not letting his troops march, it will be impossible
to have the number, though these people should consent; for they are
very positive that they dare not consent to the letting their own country
men go. In short, they are very much afraid of the king of Prussia; and
their own people. By all that I can hear, there is but too much reason
to fear that the king of Prussia's intentions are that his troops shall not
be of much use to us this year. The letters from Paris say nothing or'
their fleet, but that they hope to be masters of Barcelona by the eiid of
this month."
" Hague, April 23-May 4. — The wind continuing in the east, I have
no hopes of receiving any letters from England, which adds a good deal
of uneasiness to other disappointments I meet with ; amongst which the
inclosed letter from the king of Denmark is one ; for by it you will see
that I cannot make use of any of his troops in the project 1 have so much
at heart. And if Cadogan should not prevail with the elector of Hanover,
nor the messenger I have sent to the landgrave of Hesse, it will be almost
impossible to find the number of troops, though this state should be as
desirous of the project as your humble servant.
" The little zeal that the king of Prussia, the king of Denmark, and
almost all the other princes show, gives me so dismal thoughts that I
almost despair of good success. However, I have the satisfaction of being
sure that you do me the justice to believe, and that you will assure her
majesty that nothing shall be omitted that I am capable of, that this
campaign may tend to her glory.
" M. Buys* went yesterday for Amsterdam, and is to be back on
Thursday, so that by the next post I shall be able to let you know the
opinionof that town as to the business of Italy. Before the next post,
I hope Cadogan, as well as the answer from the landgrave of Hesse,
* A distinguished member of the States-general. He was pensionary
after Heinsius. After the overthrow of the Godolphin ministry Buys
was Dutch envoy at London, and laboured hard to bring about its resto
ration, and keep the queen steady to the allies. He was one of the Dutch
negotiators at Utrecht. ( Dispatches, v. 601 . ) — Ed.

1706.]. DISASTERS ON THE RHINE. 403
will be here. The letters from Paris this day speak of a second action
in Italy, where Prince Eugene was in person, and that he was beaten;
but till we have our letters from Italy we shall not believe it so bad as
they write it. The good news from Alcantara gives us hope that Lord
Galway will advance towards Madrid. 1 forgot to send you by the last
post the inclosed from Prince Eugene. I shall send you what letters I
receive from him, and desire you will keep them for me."
" April 28-May 9. — I am so tired, that you will excuse my not giving
you any other account of Cadogan's voyage to Hanover, but what you will
see by the elector's inclosed letter*, his obstinately persisting in letting
none of his troops march, notwithstanding he very much approves ofthe
project. The Danes and Hessians having also excused themselves upon
their treaties, so that though the pensioner and the town of Amsterdam
had approved of sending the forty squadrons and forty battalions, now that
they must of necessity be of the English and Dutch only, they dare not
consent, since it must leave them in the hands of the strangers, for so they
call the Danes, the Hanoverians, and the Hessians. So that I believe
to-morrow the resolution will be taken for the sending immediately ten
thousand men more to Prince Eugene, which, if they come in time, I hope
will be sufficient not only to hinder the siege of Turin, but to give such a
superiority as to make him capable of acting offensively with two armies.
We having now 19,000 men in Germany, and these 10,000 for Italy has
made it so hard matter for me to convince them that nothing of conse
quence can be done in this country, upon which I have pressed them for
a greater number of troops for the descent than what we first asked.
They made me many compliments, and told me, that if they might assure
the States that I would continue at the head of the army on their frontier,,
there should be nothing I could think reasonable to propose, but they
would readily comply withal." * * *
While Marlborough was in vain labouring to overcome the-
objections of the kings of Prussia and Denmark, as well as of
the elector of Hanover and landgrave of Hesse ; and while
he was concerting with Overkirk the means of maintaining a
defensive campaign in the Netherlands during his absence,
his plans were suddenly disconcerted by disastrous intelli
gence from the Upper Rhine. Villars, who had not, like the
margrave, spent the season in suspense and inactivity, sud
denly took the field, and being reinforced with a corps from
the Netherlands, under Marsin, forced the German lines on
the Motter, drove the margrave back to the Lauter, reduced
Drusenheim and Haguenau, which contained the principal
magazines, and was preparing to overrun the Palatinate.
The intelligence of this reverse infused an alarm into the-
* This letter, which is dated April 23d, is printed in Macpherson,
vol. ii. p. 39. n n 2

404 LIFE OP MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XLIV.
Dutch, and they became doubly anxious for the protection of
Marlborough and the British forces. Their constitutional
jealousies and petty objections were instantly overcome by
their fears ; and they offered to relieve the British commander
from the shackles under which he had hitherto laboured, by
secretly giving him the choice of the field deputies, or by
privately enjoining them to conform implicitly to his orders.
This concession, joined with the impossibility of obtaining
an efficient army for any other quarter, induced him to
abandon his design on Italy, though with unfeigned reluc
tance. The same motive rendered him anxious to give
greater efficiency to the intended descent on the French
coast. This change of plan, though a severe disappointment to
himself, was hailed with satisfaction by Godolphin, who, be
sides the anxiety of friendship, was of too cautious a cha
racter to enter with equal spirit into distant and perilous
enterprises. " Yesterday," observes the treasurer, in a letter, dated Sunday, April
28., " I received the favour of yours of the 25th, from the Hague, with
the inclosed letters from Prince Eugene, and the elector of Hanover. I
am very sorry the last has so little regard to what would so much please
this country, and in particular be so useful to the common cause. But I
take it now for granted there's an end of the project of Italy, which I must
own to you does not give me so much uneasiness as it seems to give you.
For besides that I could never swallow so well the thoughts of your
being so far out of our reach, and for so long a time ; if we can have the
good fortune to succeed in Spain, I think it may be almost as well for
the allies to have the balance kept up in Italy, as to drive the French
quite out of it, which would enable them to contract both their troops
and their expense, and more expose us on this side to their force.
" I am glad to find by yours that you have hopes of increasing the
number of troops for the descent. I cannot help thinking that if that
design be rightly pursued and executed, it may prove of the greatest
advantage imaginable to us. I should be glad to hear how it advances
from time to time in Holland, and what measures they have already
taken towards it."
Full of chagrin and uncertainty respecting the plan and
nature of his future operations, Marlborough departed from
the Hague on the 9th of May, in order to assume the com
mand of the army which had been directed to assemble be
tween Borchloen and Tongres. Accompanied by Overkirk,

1706.] LETTER TO GODOLPHIN. 405
he passed through Ruremont, and arrived at Maestricht on
the 12th. From hence he proceeded without delay to review
the Dutch troops, who, being quartered on the Meuse, had
already reached the point of rendezvous. The enemy, how
ever, appeared determined to maintain their position behind
the lines which had been formed on the Dyle, and the British
commander looked forward to a campaign more inefficient
than the last. To Lord Godolphin.
"May 4-15. — When I left the Hague on Sunday last I was assured
that I should find the army in a condition to march. But as yet neither
the artillery horses nor the bread waggons are come, so that we shall be
obliged to stay for the Knglish, which will join us on Wednesday, and
then we shall advance towards Louvain. God knows I go with a heavy
heart, for 1 have no prospect of doing any thing considerable, unless the
French would do what I am very coniident they will not, unless the
marshal de Marsin should return, as it is reported, with thirty battalions
and forty squadrons; for that would give to them such a superiority as
might tempt them to march out of their lines, which if they do, I will
most certainly attack them, not doubting, with the blessing of God, to
beat them, though the foreign troops I have seen are not so good as they
were last year ; but I hope the English are better. If the French should
neglect the affairs in Germany, in order to have a superiority here, these
people will then not let their troops go for the descent. But I think
that project is so very necessary, that if you provide transport ships for
five regiments of foot, and one of dragoons, you may depend upon having
them, out ofthe English ; and I will press them all that in me lies to get
some of theirs, so that the project of the descent might be the more
considerable. " To the Duchess.
" May 4-15. — You will see by my letters to lord treasurer, that in aU
likelihood I shall make the whole campaign in this country, and conse
quently not such a one as will please me. But as I infinitely value your
esteem, for without that you cannot love me, let me say for myself that
there is some credit in doing rather what is good for the public than in
preferring our private satisfaction and interest; for by my being here
in a condition of doing nothing that shall make a noise has made me able
to send ten thousand men to Italy, and to leave nineteen thousand more
on the Rhine, till the marshal de Marsin shall bring his detachment to
this country." To Lord Godolphin.
" Tongres, May 6-1 7- — I must beg you will make my excuse to her
majesty, that I take upon me not to send her letter to the elector of
Hanover, for before it came to me I had received the second refusal ;
and besides, if he should consent, it would, as every thing is now, be of
no use.
CD 3

406 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XLIV.
" If every thing goes well, as I hope in God it will, in Catalonia, by
all I hear, the king of Spain will be easy in letting some troops go to
*he duke of Savoy, if Lord Peterborough should have a mind to go with
them. " By the time the English can join us, I hope we shall have the artil
lery and every thing that is necessary for our march, which I hope shall
be upon Thursday. I go to-morrow to see the new works at the citadel
of Liege, which I am told are very much improved since I was there.
" The minute you are sure that Barcelona is safe, I should think it
might be of service to let the duke of Savoy know what care her majesty
Jias taken that troops may come to his relief; for I believe we may take
it for granted that the French will besiege Turin. The loss of that town
•would end the war in Italy, which is what we ought to prevent by all
the means possible.
" You will see by the inclosed the unreasonable proceedings at the
-court of Berlin."
At this moment, however, brighter prospects appeared to
•open. Early in the year the British commander had esta
blished a secret correspondence with one Pasquier, an in
habitant of Namur, and conceived the design of surprising
that fortress through his agency. In this design he com
bined two objects. If he secured Namur he rendered the
•defensive system of the enemy inefficient by turning the right
flank of their lines ; and if they endeavoured to prevent the
attempt, he hoped to find an opportunity of forcing them to
an engagement. With these views he adopted the resolu
tion of advancing towards Tirlemont, which would at once
favour the enterprise on Namur, and enable him to take a
prompt and eiFectual advantage of the enemy's movements.*
The plan succeeded to his most sanguine wishes. Villeroy
received positive orders even to risk a battle for the safety of
Namur, and the cavalry of the detachment under Marsin
was recalled by hasty marches to take a share in the expected
•conflict. The English troops had, therefore, no sooner ap
proached the intended point of junction with the Dutch than
Villeroy and the elector of Bavaria, with their united forces,
passed the Dyle, and directed their march on Tirlemont.
They were influenced in this movement by the knowledge
that the Hanoverians were yet at a distance, and that the
Danish cavalry had refused to march till they had received
* For an account of this project, see Relation du Ressort Secret qui
a donne lieu a la battaille de Ramillies, in Lamberti, t. iv. p. 51.
House of Austria, chap. 73.

.1706.] BATTLE OF RAMILIES. 407
the arrears of their pay, a deficiency which rendered the
allied army much inferior in force. Marlborough was re
joiced at the disposition evinced by the enemy to meet him
in the open field. He obtained a promise from the Danes
to advance by engaging for the discharge of their arrears,
and sent the most pressing orders for the immediate junction
of all his forces. He communicated the news with exulta
tion to Lord Godolphin.
" Borchloen, May 9—20. — > The French knowing that it is not in our
power, in less than three weeks, to have the Hanoverians or Hessians
from the Rhine, they have taken the resolution of drawing as many of
their troops out of their garrisons as is possible, and marched yesterday
out of their lines, and are now camped at Tirlemont. The English join
the army this day, and the Danes two days hence. We shall be 122
squadrons, and 74 battalions.* They pretend to be stronger both in
foot and horse ; but, with the blessing of God, I hope for success, being
resolved to venture ; for as yet they have but twenty squadrons of the
marshal de Marsin's detachment. With my humble duty, assure her
majesty, that with all my heart and soul I pray to God I may be able to
send her good news, so that your faithful friend and servant might have
some quiet before he dies."

Chap. XLV. — Battle of Bamilies  1706.
Full of these pleasing forebodings, Marlborough witnessed
the junction of the English forces with the Dutch at Bilsenj
on the 20th of May. He instantly despatched orders for the
advance of the provision waggons ; and, by engaging with
the Dutch deputies for the payment of the arrears due to
the Danes, prevailed on the duke of Wirtemberg, their leader,
to advance without delay. On the 22d, drawing towards the
* We are spared the trouble of an investigation to ascertain the
Strength of the contending parties, because we learn their amount from
the authority of Marlborough himself. According to his latest state
ment, written after the engagement, the confederates were 73 battalions,
and 1 23 squadrons ; and the enemy 74 battalions, and 1 28 squadrons.
The numerical force cannot be accurately ascertained ; but as it was at
the opening of the campaign, and the battalions and squadrons at their
full complement, we may estimate the force of the allies at about 60,000,
and that of the French at 62,000 men. n d 4

408 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XLV.
Little Gheet, he encamped with his right at Borchloen, and
his left at Corswaren. Here he had the satisfaction to receive
intelligence that the Danes, by forced marches, were arrived
within the distance of a league. By this accession he calcu
lated that his army would consist of 73 battalions and 123
squadrons, making a numerical total of about 60,000 men,
which so nearly approached the force of the enemy as to leave
little cause for apprehending the result of a battle. At the
Eame time he was apprised that the enemy had crossed the
Great Gheet and were moving on Judoigne. Resolving to
attack them in this position, he gave orders to march by the
left, in eight columns, intending to pass round the sources of
the little Gheet, and come in contact with the enemy in a
situation where they could draw no advantage from nature
or art.
The army was again in motion in the morning, but a
violent rain which fell during the night retarded the advance
of the infantry. While the heads of the columns halted to
close the march, the duke, who led the way, accompanied by
the Dutch generals and deputies, was informed that the
enemy had anticipated his design, and were moving towards
the position of Mont St. Andre, between the two Gheets and
the Mehaigne. To gain certain intelligence, Cadogan was de
spatched at one in the morning with 600 horse, the ordinary
guard of the day. He advanced in a thick fog ; but on reach
ing the uplands near Mierdorp at eight, he descried the
enemy traversing the plain of St. Andre, and stretching
their right by Ramilies, towards the Mehaigne, on the very
ground which the confederates hoped to occupy.
On receiving this information the allied commanders pro
ceeded about ten to reconnoitre ; but could not decide whether
the squadrons in sight were pushed forward to cover the ad
vance of the main body, or to protect a lateral movement
towards their new lines. Meanwhile, the allied forces con
tinued their march ; and the duke, as yet uncertain of the
enemy's designs, ordered the cavalry to push forward, re
solving, should the troops seen by Cadogan be merely a rear
guard, to charge them with the cavalry only. But the heads
of the columns had no sooner passed the demolished lines
than the fog dispersed ; the two armies appeared in sight of
each other ; and the enemy made dispositions to receive the

1706.] BATTLE OF RAMILIES. 409
attack in the strong camp of Mont St. Andre. As this
ground is rendered memorable by a battle which decided the
fate of the Netherlands, we shall delineate its features, and
illustrate our description by a plan drawn from authentic
materials. The most elevated part in the plains of Brabant is the
tract of land between the sources of the two Gheets, the
Mehaigne, and the Dyle. These streams, finding at first but
little descent, render the ground marshy towards their rise,
partially swampy along their whole course, and in some places
even impassable. The banks of the Great Gheet are steep ;
those of the Mehaigne and Little Gheet less abrupt. The
ground, rising suddenly above them, forms a plain, the sur
face of which is varied with gentle undulations, and dotted
with coppices. That portion which was the scene of conflict
is divided into two parts by the Little Gheet : the eastern is
called the plain of Jandrinosuil ; the western, the position of
Mont St. Andre, from a village on the Gheet, which forms
nearly an equilateral triangle with Autreglise, or Anderkirk,
and the tomb of Ottomond. From this tomb, or barrow,
which crowns the highest point of the plain and overlooks
the marshes bordering the Mehaigne, the position extends as
far as Ramilies, near the head of the Little Gheet ; and then,
following the marshy course of the rivulet, is continued to
the rising ground on which Offuz is situated. From OfFuz,
bending forward on the left bank of the stream, it proceeds
along the verge of the eminence to Autreglise, where it ter
minates in the fork made by the confluence of the Jauche
and the Little Gheet.*
When the heads of the allied columns had cleared the
village of Mierdorp, they diverged into the open plain of
* It appears that the disadvantages of this locality had not escaped
the French engineers when they constructed the lines of the Gheet ; for
observing that the plain of Jandrinceuil offered a counter position, convex
in shape, and of which the right and centre were as well defended as the
opposite points across the Little Gheet; and remarking, that should an
assailant take this position, the wings being refused, it would be in his
power to reinforce either flank with greater celerity than his opponents,
thev wisely resolved to include botli the plains within their defences, and
to carry the lines across the Gheet at Orp le Petit, and from thence direct
to the Mehaigne at Wasseige. These lines were demolished by the allies,
in August, 1705. See chapter xxxvi.

410 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XLV.
Jandrinoeuil, preparatory to formation. The first and second
marched along the Chaussee de Brunehault ; the third and
fourth towards the heights of Ottomond ; the fifth and sixth
upon the steeple of Offuz ; and the seventh and eighth kepe
those of Foulz and Autreglise in a direct line. They then
formed in order of battle between Boneffe and Foulz in two
lines, the infantry in the centre and the cavalry on the wings,-
except twenty squadrons of Danes, who were posted behind
the left centre as they arrived. This formation began at ten
in the morning, and was completed at one.
The enemy's light troops having gradually fallen back
before the advancing columns, the allied commanders pro
ceeded to reconnoitre more closely the hostile position, and
found them posted in two lines. The left, consisting of .in
fantry, stretched nearly from Autreglise to Offuz, between
the two branches which form the Little Gheet ; the centre,
in similar order, extended from the inclosures of Offuz to the
high ground behind Ramilies ; and the right, comprising
almost the whole cavalry, in number 100 squadrons, in two
lines, with intervals between, occupied the open space in
front of the tomb of Ottomond, between Ramilies and the
Mehaigne. The first line was composed of gardes du corps,
gens d'armes, mousquetaires, and horse grenadiers, with the
Bavarian cuirassiers on the left extremity ; the second entirely
of French horse. Into Ramilies, which is surrounded by a
drain and inclosures, were thrown twenty battalions ; and
Offuz and Autreglise were likewise occupied. To protect
their right the enemy posted a brigade of infantry at the
bridge of Tavieres, situated about a quarter of a mile in front,
amidst marshes and inclosures ; and scattered parties of light
infantry lined the hedges about Franquinay, the march of
the Mehaigne being everywhere impassable excepting at the
bridge. Although this order of battle was formidable, the defects
of the position were too obvious to escape the penetrating eye
of the British commander. From its concave shape it
afforded great advantages to an assailant, who, performing his
manoeuvres on the chord, while the enemy must traverse the
arc, could bring a superior force into action on a given spot
and in a given time. He saw also that the left wing would1
be cramped in its movements by the nature of its situation,

1706.] BATTLE OF RAMILIES. 411
and prevented from attacking by the morass which protected
it from aggression. He perceived likewise that the tomb of
Ottomond was the key of the field, and that Tavieres was
too far in advance either to give or receive protection. He
judged, therefore, that to facilitate an attack upon the hostile
right, it would be requisite to induce the enemy to derange
their dispositions, by making a feint against their left : a
manoeuvre which would compel them to strengthen the point
menaced, and weaken that which was the real object of
attack. Finally, by carrying Tavieres, he should uncover
the flank ofthe horse, and by gaining the commanding point,
which is crowned by the tomb of Ottomond, enfilade the
¦whole position.
With these objects in view he formed his plan. He ordered
the British, Dutch, and German infantry composing the right
to march down from the heights of Foulz in two lines, sus
tained by the cavalry, and form a demonstration of attack
against the villages of Autreglise and Offuz. The stratagem
produced the desired effect ; for no sooner did Villeroy dis
cover his left to be menaced, than he drew a very consider
able corps of infantry from his centre, which marched with
the greatest celerity to reinforce the detached troops about
Autreglise. While these were replacing by part of his in
fantry of the right, and the hasty movement had somewhat
disordered the hostile lines, Marlborough directed his own
right to face about and reascend the high elevation, from
whence the first line alone would be visible to the enemy.
As soon as the second, now foremost in retiring to the first
position, had passed the crest of the ground and was no longer
in view, he directed most of the battalions to march rapidly
to the left, and to form in rear of the left centre.* The
twenty squadrons of Danes were placed in a third line, behind
the cavalry of the left wing. Four battalions, including the
Dutch guards, with two pieces of cannon, were detached
from the left of the infantry, and formed near Boneffe, with
orders to march parallel to the cavalry and dislodge the
* This masterly manoeuvre is mentioned only in General Kane's
Memoirs ; but as he was stationed in one of the regiments of the first
line, and was himself an excellent tactician, there is no doubt of the
fact. It may be regarded as the primary cause of the victory. — Kane's
Campaigns, p. 65.

412 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XLV.
enemy from Franquinay and Tavieres ; and twelve bat
talions, under General Schultz, were also selected from the
infantry on the left, to form an attack on Ramilies.
About half-past one the artillery of the confederate army
opened its fire, and was immediately answered by that of the
enemy. Colonel Wertmuller, who commanded the detach
ment against Tavieres, dislodged the hostile parties of in
fantry lining the hedges near Franquinay ; and, as he ad
vanced along the valley of the Mehaigne, the horse of the
left wing, headed by Overkirk, moved gradually and perpen
dicularly upon the right of the enemy. On approaching
Tavieres, the Dutch guards encountered considerable resist
ance, the enemy being covered by the inclosures, and encou
raged by the prospect of a reinforcement.
The vigour of the assault on Tavieres having now con
vinced Villeroy that the real design of the allies was to gain
his right flank, he ordered fourteen squadrons of dragoons to
dismount, and leaving their horses oh the rise, behind a
streamlet opposite the tomb of Ottomond, to hasten to the
support of the troops in the village. To these were joined
two battalions of Swiss infantry. But before they could
arrive, the confederates carried Tavieres by storm, and the
Danish horse, wheeling round, intercepted the reinforcement
on the borders of the village, and either cut them in pieces or
drove them into the Mehaigne.
In the midst of this masterly movement, which frustrated
the enemy's reliance on the protection of a flank fire from
Tavieres, Overkirk charged their cavalry. His troops,
pressed into compact order by their advance, overbore the
first line of the enemy, which was weakened by the intervals
between the squadrons. But being assailed in his turn by
the second line, the foremost ranks were driven back on those
behind, and the whole body thrown into confusion. The
Bavarian cuirassiers profited by the disorder to bear on their
right under the protection of the battery at Ramilies ; but
the duke in person coming up with seventeen squadrons from
the right, and the Danes who returned from the defeat of the
reinforcement prolonging the left, the efforts of the enemy
were checked by the danger which menaced both their
flanks. In the height of this conflict, the twelve battalions under

1706.] BATTLE OF RAMILIES. 413
General Schultz, supported by the contiguous lines of in
fantry, commenced the attack on Ramilies, the fire from
which had hitherto impeded the movements of the left wing.
Advancing his troops in four columns on the front and flank
of the village, he drew the concentrated fire from the bat
teries on his own corps, and thus enabled the left wing to
regain their order.
Marlborough perceiving the confusion of the horse, ordered
up from the right wing every remaining squadron except the
British, to give efficiency to the attack, which still continued
in suspense, and hurried forward himself to encourage his
soldiery. In this effort he was exposed to the most immi
nent danger. His person being recognised, some of the
French dragoons, advancing from their ranks, closed round
him while he was entangled with his own recoiling troops.
Attempting to disengage himself by leaping a ditch, he was
thrown to the ground, and in danger of being made prisoner.
At this moment his aide-de-camp, Captain Molesworth, dis
mounted and supplied him with his own horse. On this, as
on many other occasions, it seemed as if Providence specially
protected the days of this extraordinary man ; for while he
was remounting, a cannon-ball struck off the head of Colonel
Bingfield, his equerry, who held the stirrup. He, however,
succeeded in escaping, and regained his own lines in safety,
though severely bruised. His danger redoubled the energy
of his troops, and in full gallop they returned with new spirit
to the charge.
At this crisis twenty squadrons arrived in full speed from
the right, and formed a fourth line on the right flank in the
rear. The view of so powerful a reinforcement rushing
across the plain, produced an evident pause in the hostile
lines, and gave new advantage to the assailants. Before this
reinforcement could come into action, the Danish squadrons,
led on by their undaunted leader, the duke of Wirtemberg,
penetrated between the morass of the Mehaigne and the
right flank of the household troops ; while the prince of
Hesse Cassel, with the Dutch guards and Opdam and Dopff
dragoons pressing upon their rear, drove them round Rami
lies towards Geest a, Gerompont, although Villeroy and the
elector exposed their persons, and used their utmost exertions
to rally the fugitives.

;414 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XLV.
After this successful onset the allied horse crowned the
height of Ottomond, and the success of the day was no longer
doubtful. General Schultz, meantime, had advanced with
his columns under the protection of a heavy fire of shot and
shells. He first forced back some battalions of Swiss, and
gained the skirts of the houses. He then took the Bavarian
grenadiers, who were on the right, in flank, and drove them
together with their foot-guards through the centre of the
village ; yet the two battalions of Cologne guards still stood
firm, and the Marquis de Maffei, who commanded the Bava
rians stationed in the valley, ordered them to occupy the
reverse of the hollow road which leads out of Ramilies
towards Ottomond, in hopes that the Gallo-bavarian cavalry
was still in possession of the high plain behind him. By this
manoeuvre he regained part of the village ; but the allied
infantry, reinforced with twenty battalions of their centre,
pressed with redoubled vigour upon the disordered troops,
and the whole took to flight. Coming on the plain, Maffei
mistook the allied horse for his own, and was taken prisoner.*
At the same time his infantry was intercepted, and cut to
pieces or captured, except the French and Swiss guards, who,
being posted more towards the left, escaped the general de
struction. The battle had now lasted three hours and a half, and it
became necessary for the victorious cavalry of the left wing
to pause and restore order. Of this interval the enemy
availed themselves. The elector and Villeroy, with part of
the cavalry of their left, endeavoured to make a movement
between Geest a Gerompont and Offuz, to cover the forma
tion of the broken troops ; but were impeded by their train
and baggage, which had been suffered to remain too near the
rear of their first position.
The British commander saw the confusion and dismay
which . pervaded their ranks, and with that promptitude
which marked his actions, seized the moment to strike the
final and decisive blow. By his direction the troops who had
made or sustained the attack on Ramilies, penetrated through
the swamp towards Offuz, and were supported by General
Wood, who had been ordered up from the right, with part of
the British horse. The enemy, however, gave way without
* Memoirs du Marquis Maffei.

1706.] BATTLE OF RAMILIES 415
waiting their approach ; and Wood, finding Offuz evacuated,
advanced upon the rising ground behind the village at the
head of his own regiment and that of Wyndham.
In the midst of this rout, the infantry regiments of
Churchill and Mordaunt, who, with five squadrons of Lum-
ley, Hay, and Ross had hitherto continued on the heights of
Foulz, did not remain idle spectators of the conflict. With
that boldness which characterised all the movements of the
day, they forced their way through the morass, ascended the
acclivity between the Jauche and the Gheet, and, coming
in the rear of Autreglise, charged and defeated the troops
which remained on the left flank of the enemy.* The five
squadrons who accompanied them now joined in the pursuit,
and overtaking the regiment du Roi, compelled them to throw
down their arms, and surrender themselves prisoners of
war. Meanwhile the regiments of Wyndham, with General Wood
at their head, continued to press the retreating army. Ap
proaching the farm of Chantrain, they came in view of the
Spanish and Bavarian horse guards, who, being animated by
the elector in person, preserved a firm countenance, and
were endeavouring to cover the retreat of the artillery be
longing to the left wing. With his own regiment, General
Wood instantly charged the Bavarians, who formed the left,
while that of Wyndham attacked the Spaniards. The shock
was fatal ; numbers were killed or made prisoners ; the stan
dard and kettle drums became the trophies of the victors, and
even the elector himself escaped with difficulty.
The fate of the regiment struck such consternation in the
waving mass of the French army, which was retiring with
some vestiges of order, that, regardless of the security which
they derived from the depth of their front, and the protection
of the Great Gheet, they suddenly burst from all control.
Throwing themselves headlong down the descent leading to
the river, they strove to gain Judoigne, or spread in all di
rections like a scattered swarm. As the baggage waggons,
broken down, overturned, and locked into each other ob
structed the roads, the crowd could not escape along the
* This spirited attack, according to Lediard, was led by Colonel
Churchill, a natural son of General Churchill, who headed his father's
regiment.

416 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XLV.
direct way to the rear, and the British cavalry, being quite
fresh, overtook and captured vast numbers. Almost all the
cannon, and the whole of the baggage, fell into the hands of
the victors, who continued the pursuit with unabated vigour,
through Judoigne, till two in the morning. At this time the
duke and Overkirk, with the main army, halted at Meldert,
five leagues from the field of battle and two from Louvain.
Lord Orkney, however, with some squadrons of light
horse, continued the pursuit to the vicinity of Louvain, the
enemy flying in the greatest confusion, dropping their heavy
baggage, flinging away their arms, and not deeming them
selves safe though they were covered by the Dyle.
This surprising victory was principally owing to the skil
ful dispositions of the duke, to his presence and activity in
every quarter where danger threatened or disorder began to
take place, and to the firmness and perseverance of the Dutch
infantry and cavalry, who bore the brunt of the first onset.
The German infantry also sustained their national character
in the attack of Ramilies ; and the horse of the right, who
came late into the action, are entitled to the merit of having
rendered the victory complete and decisive.*
The gallant Marshal Overkirk vied with his illustrious
colleague in deeds of skill and valour, and the success of the
first and principal attack was due to his exertions. He
fought at the head of the Dutch troops, and continued on
horseback till one in the morning, when he narrowly escaped
from the treachery of a Bavarian captain of horse, whom he
had taken prisoner. Having kindly returned his sword,
saying, " You are a gentleman, and may keep it," the villain
abused his mercy by an attempt to stab his benefactor in the
* Our principal authorities are the letters of Marlborough ; Rela
tion de la Battaille de Ramillies, MS.; the official accounts in the
Gazette ; the different letters in the complete History of Europe, and in
Lamberti; Dumont's Military History of Eugene and Marlborough.
Also Kane, Milner, Lediard, the Dutch and French biographers, Bro-
drick, Cunningham, and Conduct ofthe Duke of Marlborough; and
among the French authors, Quincy, Grimoard, Feuquieres, Reveries of
Marshal Saxe.
The plan which illustrates this description was constructed by Major
Smith, from a personal inspection of the ground, and a comparison ofthe
different relations ; as well as from an original plan preserved in the king's
library. See Atlas, accompanying this work.

1706.] BATTLE OF RAMILIES. 417
back, and was only prevented from perpetrating the infa
mous deed by the marshal's groom, who rode up and shot
him dead on the spot.
The event of the day cost the enemy 13,000 in killed,
wounded, and prisoners, among whom were several officers
of distinction, particularly the princes of Soubise and Rohan,
a nephew of Lord Clare, who fell in the action, and a son of
Marshal Tallard, who was mortally wounded. The desertion
which followed the engagement swelled their loss to 15,000
men. The spoils of this memorable day amounted to eighty
colours and standards and almost the whole French artillery,
with the baggage which had not been sent to the rear. The
allies acknowledged 1066 killed and 2567 wounded. Of
these, eighty-two officers were killed and 283 wounded ; but
none of distinction fell, except the prince of Hesse Cassel
and five colonels.
The elector and Villeroy, after escaping from the perils;
of the field, fled to Louvain. Holding a council in the
market-place by torch-light, they hastily resolved to abandon
the fortified towns and open country, and to save their
discomfited army by a rapid retreat behind the canal of
Brussels. The humanity displayed by the victorious general towards*
his prisoners deserves to be recorded for the applause of an
impartial posterity. The sick and wounded were lodged in
hospitals and treated with the same care and attention as
the troops of the allies. The prisoners were conveyed into
Holland with the sympathy due to their misfortune ; and
supplied with all the comforts which their situation required.
To the beneficent example which he displayed on this, as on
other occasions, we are indebted for the refined tenderness
which has taken place in the intercourse of hostile armies.
This virtue extorted the admiration even of the enemy ; and
a French writer pays a just eulogium to our great com
mander, for a quality which could not be said to distinguish
the chiefs of his own and preceding ages. " The duke of
Marlborough always showed the utmost attention to his
prisoners, and set the example of that humanity which has
since soothed the horrors and calamities of war."*
From the field of battle the victorious general sent
* Duclos, f. i. p. 9. — Somerville's Queen Anne, p. 134.
VOL. I. E E

418 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XLV.
couriers with the joyful news to London, and to the Hague,
Colonel Richards conveyed the despatch to England, with
an official account in a letter to Secretary Harley, which is
given in the Gazette. On the ensuing morning the duke
expressed his feelings to the duchess and Godolphin.
" Monday, May 24th, 1 1 o'clock. — I did not tell my dearest soul in my
last the design I had of engaging the enemy if possible to a battle, fear
ing the concern she has for me, might make her uneasy ; but I can now
give her the satisfaction of letting her know, that on Sunday last we
fought, and that God Almighty has been pleased to give us a victory. I
must leave the particulars to this bearer, Colonel Richards, for having
been on horseback all Sunday, and after the battle marching all night,
my head aches to that degree, that it is very uneasy to me to write. Poor
Bingfield, holding my stirrup for me, and helping me on horseback, was
killed. I am told that he leaves his wife and mother in a poor condi
tion. I can't write to any of my children, so that you will let them
know I am well, and that I desire they will thank God for preserving
me. And pray give my duty to the queen, and let her know the truth
of my heart, that the greatest pleasure I have in this success is, that it
may be a great service to her affairs ; for I am sincerely sensible of all
her goodness to me and mine. Pray believe me when I assure you that
I love you more than I can express."
To Lord Godolphin.
" Monday, May 24. N. s. — I believe my last might give you expecta
tion of an action. We have been in perpetual motion ever since ; and
on Sunday last we came in presence with the enemy, who came with the
same intentions I had, of fighting. We began to make our lines of
battle about eleven o'clock, but we had not all our troops till two in the
afternoon, at which time I gave orders for attacking them. The first half
hour was very doubtful, but I thank God after that we had success in
our attacks, which were on a village in the centre ; and on the left we
pursued them three leagues, and the night obliged us to give it over.
Having been all Sunday, as well as last night, on horseback, my head
aches to that degree that I must refer you to the bearer. I shall only
add, that we beat them into so great a consternation, that they abandoned
all their cannon; their baggage they had sent away in the morning,
being resolved to fight. They had 128 squadrons, and 74 battalions.
We had 1 23 squadrons, and 73 battalions ; so that you see the armies
were near of a strength ; but the general officers which are taken, tell'
us that they thought themselves sure of victory, by having all the king
of France's household, and with them the best troops of France. You
will easily believe this victory has lost us a good many men and officers;
but I thank God we have but three English regiments that have much,
suffered ; the Dutch horse and foot have suffered more than we. I am
going to get a little rest, for if our bread comes by six this evening, I'
will then march to Louvain this night, in hopes to find them in such dis
order, as that we may be encouraged to attack them behind their lines,

1706.] BATTLE OF RAMILIES. 419
for they can have no cannon but what they can take out of Louvain. I
beg you will assure the queen, that I act with all my heart, and you
know how necessary it is for her affairs that we should have good success.
" Poor Bingfield is killed, and I am told he leaves his wife and mother
in a bad condition."
Consulting the feelings which he testifies in both his
letters, towards the relations of his unfortunate equerry, he
induced Godolphin to make a particular application to the
queen in their behalf, and had the satisfaction to find, from
the answer of the treasurer, that his appeal had been crowned
with success.
"May 17—28. — God be thanked for the good news you sent us by
Richards, who arrived here yesterday evening, and more particularly for
the great escape you have had in your own person. I am very sensible
you could not avoid exposing yourself upon this occasion ; but where so
much consequence turns upon one single life, you must allow your
friends the liberty to think and say it ought not to be done without an
absolute necessity.
" I have not had an opportunity of talking enough with Richards to
know many particulars, or to be able to judge of the consequences of this
great victory, any otherwise than as your letter leads me to hope the
enemy will not withstand your army anywhere.
" But this great blow to the French, coming so immediately upon
their misfortune at Barcelona and in Spain, makes me presently return
to my usual apprehensions, that France will lose no time in sending carte
blanche to Holland, nor omit any arguments to obtain a favourable recep
tion of their proposals. I don't question but you will have a watchful
eye upon this danger.
" You may depend that her Majesty will not fail to take care of poor
Mr. Bingfield's widow."
The queen, in her wonted style of gracious condescension,
congratulated her victorious general on this signal success.
" I want words," she said, " to express my true sense of the
great service you have done to your country, and I hope it
will be a means to confirm all good and honest men in their
principles, and frighten others from being troublesome."
After kindly mentioning the alloy it was to her satisfaction,
to consider the dangers to which he exposed himself, she
obligingly concluded, "I must repeat my earnest request
that you would be careful of yourself." *
From the mass of congratulatory letters to which this-
victory gave birth, we shall select only two ; one as the pro-"
* Conduct, p. 174.
e e 2

420 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XLV.
duction of an eminent statesman, and the other of a no less
eminent poet. From Mr. St. John.
" May 17-28. 1706. — My lord, every man that wishes well to the
common good of Europe must be transported with the glorious action of
Sunday last ; but those who are particularly devoted to the service may
pretend to a greater degree of joy. The vast addition of renown which
your grace has acquired, and the wonderful preservation of your life, are
subjects upon which I can never express the thousandth part of what I
feel. France and faction are the only enemies England has reason to
fear, and your grace will conquer both ; at least while you beat the French,
you give a strength to the government which the other dares not con
tend with." From Matthew Prior.
" Cockpit, May 24. u. 5., 1706. — My lord, if I did not write sooner
to your grace, upon the mighty success with which God has been pleased
to bless your arms in the glorious days of Ramilies, it was that I thought
you as yet too busy in pursuing the sad remains of the troops you there
defeated, and in receiving the acknowledgments of the cities you delivered,
that you would hardly find time to read my letter. And now I do
write, my lord, it is rather to express my own particular joy and satisfac
tion, that your grace is preserved from those dangers, to which your
person was exposed in the battle, than to endeavour to describe the glory
of the victory, the defeat of sixty thousand the best men that France ever
saw, and the restitution of Brabant and Flanders, projected and achieved
by the council and conduct of one English subject. My wishes for the
continuance of all good to my patron and protector, may properly be the
contents of a private man's letter ; the conquests and honours of the
Duke of Marlborough, must be the subject of our historians, and the
theme of our orators and poets. Learning and gratitude must conspire
to set his actions above oblivion and envy, and all parties and degrees of
men, who wish well to their country, are obliged to praise the success of
that general, who has carried the glory of the English arms beyond what
our chronicles can parallel, or our own imagination could have expected.
In one word, my lord, without aiming at any flattery to your grace, I
think all honest men join heartily in this justice to your merit ; though
I must tell you, that amongst us some there are that are so bad as to do
it, only because they -.ire ashamed or afraid to do otherwise, and that
there are more Stevens's than one.
" But of this I will not trouble your grace at present, though it may
give me occasion of speaking or writing to you on that subject hereafter.
For my own part, I must confess in honest prose, as I did two years since
in indifferent verse*, that I did not see how the honour of Blenheim'
* Prior had already testified his admiration and gratitude in his
poetical effusions on the brilliant campaign of 1704 ; and soon after he
had written this letter, he gave another proof of his devotion in his ode to'
the queen on the success of her arms in 1706, which is printed in his

1706.] BATTLE OF RAMILIES. 421
field could be improved ; and as matters now stand, I see your grace at
such a pitch of glory, that I can wish no farther for you in that behalf."
" Since I dare not trouble your grace often by letter, I take this occa
sion to thank you most humbly for having mentioned to my lord treasurer
an affair so small as my fortune. I have, as your goodness advised me,
assured his lordship of my continued obedience to his commands and zeal
for his service ; and I think I have all the reason in the world to hope
his favour and protection. I must yet detain your grace one moment
from the great affairs in which all Europe is concerned, whilst I repeat
my being ever," &c.
The intelligence of the victory and its immediate con
sequences excited as much enthusiasm in England as that of
Blenheim. A proclamation was instantly issued for a public
thanksgiving, which on the 29th of June was celebrated
with the usual solemnity, the queen repairing to the cathedral
of St. Paul's in the same state, and amidst the same accla
mations as upon similar occasions. Addresses were poured
in from all quarters ; envy and malignity seemed to be
silenced ; and the name of the undaunted and renowned
general was mingled with that of his royal mistress in shouts
of national exultation. No one felt higher delight than the
treasurer, but a brief, though affectionate letter, expressing
works. This production he sent to his patron, with the following letter,
.which is equally adulatory.
" Westminster, July 5. 1706. — My lord, the inclosed contains the best
answer I can make to your grace's letter from Arzele, and to all your
favours while you were last in England. I own to your grace, that 'tis
time for me to quit poetry, but my zeal for her majesty's glory, and my
obligations to you, my lord, are eternal. I assure myself, that your
grace will find this written from the heart, and I tell every body in my
preface when I intend to write again in verse. As to prose, I always
attend your grace's order. In the mean time, that you may continue vie-
torious and happy, is my constant prayer, as it is my endeavour and
ambition to approve myself," &c.
The fashion of the age must extenuate these adulatory epistles from a
courtier and a poet. Addison had preceded Prior by the publication of
" The Campaign," though it was hardly possible in either prose or verse
-to extol in a too laudatory strain the military glories of Blenheim. But the
ties have been dissolved, which in queen Anne's reign bound together the
patronising great and servile man of letters. It was a species of literary
¦ feudality, in which there was vassalage on one side, and protection on the
other. Both, however, have ceased, to the mutual benefit of the parties.
There are few authors, we suspect, of the present day who would con
descend to use the fulsome style of Prior ; and, we will add, to the equal
honour of the patrician class, that there are just as few persons of rank
to whom such a style would be acceptable. — Ed.
£ e 3

422 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XLVI.
his joy, is mingled with the usual querulous complaints of
the factious spirit, which these victories repressed, but could
not subdue.
" Windsor, Monday 24. — The queen is come to town to give God
thanks next Thursday for your victory. I assure you I shall do it from
every vein within me, having scarce any thing else to support either my
heart or my head. The animosity and inveteracy one has to struggle
with is unimaginable, not to mention the difficulty of obtaining things to
be done that are reasonable, or of satisfying people with reason when they
are done."

Chap. XLVI. — Successful Career. — 1706.
No commander ever displayed more promptitude and acti
vity in prosecuting his success, and no victory, perhaps, pro
duced more important consequences than that of Ramilies.
Marlborough, to use his own simple, but energetic expres
sion, " pressed the enemy while confusion remained among
them." After a short repose at Meldert, he prepared to
advance against Louvain ; but hearing that it was already
evacuated, he sent forward a corps of 500 men to take pos
session, and soon afterwards entering the place, was received
with those enthusiastic acclamations, which announced the
a*apid progress of the subsequent revolution.
After crossing the Dyle with his whole army, he encamped
on the heights of Bethlehem, in the vicinity of Louvain, and
on the 26th moved to Dieghem, taking up his head-quarters
at the castle of Beaulieu, midway between Mechlin and Brus
sels. The advance of the victorious army produced the
•expected effect. In this camp he received a deputation from
the governor and magistrates of Brussels, as well as from
the states of Brabant, expressing their satisfaction at their
delivery from the oppression of the French, their obligation
to England and Holland, and their readiness to recognise
king Charles as their legitimate sovereign. In consequence
of this notification, the duke and the Dutch deputies sent a
joint declaration, testifying the intention of the queen and
the States-general to maintain the just rights of his Catholic
majesty, king Charles III. to the kingdom of Spain and all

1706.] surrender ov Brussels. 423
its dependencies. They likewise guaranteed the entire
enjoyment of all their liberties and privileges, both ecclesi
astical and secular ; and promised that Charles should con
firm all the grants and concessions which are contained in
the well-known charter, called La Joyeuse Entree, in the
same manner as they were granted by the late king of Spain
and his royal predecessors. This declaration had its due
effect upon a loyal and free people.
On the 28th the deputies from Brussels presented letters
from the sovereign council, from the states of Brabant, and
;from the magistrates of the capital, testifying their alle
giance to their legitimate sovereign, and their gratitude to
the victorious general.
The duke did not delay availing himself of this effusion
of public sentiment. He despatched his brother, General
Churchill, from Grimberg, whither he had moved his camp,
to take possession of Brussels ; and on the 28th, himself
made his public entry in great pomp. At the gates, being
met by a procession of magistrates and nobles, accompanied
by a vast concourse of people, he received the keys which
were presented to him. He returned them with assurances
of her majesty's protection, and after being splendidly enter
tained, repaired to the camp.
The victory of Ramilies produced no less effect among the
members of the grand alliance than among the enemy. The
king of Prussia, who had hitherto kept aloof, and suspended
the march of his troops, now listened to the mediation of
Marlborough, and effected a reconciliation with the Dutch
and the Court of Vienna. He even ceased from pressing
the immediate recal of Lord Raby, and afterwards desisted
entirely from his demand. The same motives operated on
the elector of Hanover, "who evinced his usual cordiality for
the success of the common cause. " This," Marlborough
observes in a letter to Secretary Harley, " I take to be owing
to our late successes." *
Marlborough likewise successfully combated the selfish
demands of the Dutch, who were eager to levy contributions
on the recovered provinces. He opposed with no less zeal
the limited views of Godolphin, who, with a laudable, but ill-
timed economy, was desirous to claim a share in these ex-
* Letter to Secretary Harley, June 14, — State Paper Office.
E E 4

424 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XLVt
actions, for the interest of England. On. these, as well as
on other subjects, his correspondence obviates the necessity
of any farther comment. To Lord Godolphin.
" Brussels, May 16-27. — Since my last we have not only passed the
Dyle, but are masters of Louvain, Mallines, and Brussels ; you will see,
by what I send to Mr. Secretary Harley, what has passed between me
and the states of Brabant, which I found assembled at Brussels. As
there could not be time for orders from England, I hope her majesty will
approve of what I have done. It is not to be expressed the great success i£
has pleasedGod to give us, by putting a consternation in the enemy's army;
for they had not only a greater number than we, but all the best troops
of France. The consequence of this battle is likely to be of greater
advantage than that of Blenheim ; for we have now the whole summer
before us, and with the blessing of God, I will make the best use of it
For as we had no council of war before this battle, so I hope to have
none this whole campaign ; and I think we may make such a campaign
as may give the queen the glory of making an honourable and safe peace ;
for the blessing of God is certainly with us.
" I send you a copy of the treaty signed by M. Gilder- Massen, with
the landgrave of Hesse, as also his and the landgrave's letters to me, with
my answers. If I venture to take too much upon me, pray assure the
queen that it is my zeal for her service and the public good that makes
me do it, for there ought to be no time lost in sending those troops to
Italy. I do not doubt but you have had the demands of the king of
Prussia, on which he is contented to let his troops serve in this country.
This will cost some money to England and Holland. He is certainly
very unreasonable ; but we should be more, if we should let those
troops continue at Wesel all this summer, which is what France expects
and desires." To the Duchess.
" BrusseJs, May 16-27. — I have been in so continued a hurry ever
since the battle of Ramilies, by which my blood is so heated, that when
I go to bed I sleep so unquietly that I cannot get rid of my head-ache,
so that I have not as yet all the pleasure I shall enjoy, of the blessing
God has been pleased to give us by this great victory. My lord treasurer
will let you see what I send by this express to Mr. Secretary Harley, by
which you will see thatwe have done in four days, what we should have
thought ourselves happy if we could have been sure of it in four years.
I bless God that he has been pleased to make me the instrument of doing
so much service to the queen, England, and all Europe, for it is most
certain that we have destroyed the greatest part of the best troops of
France. My dearest soul, I have now that great pleasure of thinking
that I may have the happiness of ending my days in quiet with you.
" I have appointed next Sunday for the army to return thanks to God,
for the protection he has been pleased to give us. For on this occasion
it has been very visible, for the French had not only greater numbers

J 706.] LETTER TO GODOLPHIN. 425
than we, but also all their best troops. I hope the queen will appoint a
3peedy thanksgiving day at St. Paul's, for the goodness of God is so very
great, that if he had suffered us to have been beaten, the liberties of all
the allies had been lost. The consequences of this battle are likely to be
greater than that of Blenheim, for I have now the whole summer before
me. Pray make my excuse to Lord Sunderland that I am not able to
write, but he may, if he pleases, see what I write to lord treasurer. My
dearest life, I am ever yours.
" Brussels has submitted to King Charles the Third, and I am pro
mised that in eight days the states of Brabant will also proclaim him."
The submission of the capital, as Marlborough foresaw,
had a natural effect on all the other cities of Brabant which
were not restrained by French garrisons. Among others,
Mechlin, Alost, and Lierre, made a formal recognition of
Charles the Third, and admitted the confederate troops.
On the 30th the duke of "Wirtemberg was detached with
the pontoons, to throw bridges over the Scheldt, and the
army, again moving to interrupt the retreat of the enemy
towards their own frontier, took post at Alost. The dis
comfited troops did not, however, wait the approach of the
victors ; and the duke continuing to advance, encamped at
Merlebeck, five leagues south of Ghent. Here he remained
several days, spreading detachments over the country, and
receiving hourly fresh indications of the happy revolution
in the public sentiment.
The transport of joy and enthusiasm produced by this
sudden and momentous change extended rapidly from
Brabant into Flanders. When Cadogan, at the head of a
strong detachment, approached Ghent, the inhabitants
scarcely waited the retreat of the French garrison, before
they crowded to the walls, and with shouts of welcome in
vited the allied troops to enter the place. Indeed, Marl
borough himself seems to have been no less surprised than
gratified, by this overwhelming tide of success, and his feel
ings are strikingly depicted in his correspondence.
To Lord Godolphin.
"Merlebeck, near Ghent. May 20-31. — We did this day design the
passing the Scheldt at Gavre, by which we should have cut the French
army from their old lines ; but they rather chose to abandon Ghent,
which they did this morning at break of day, so that I have camped the
left of the army at Gavre, and the right at this place. I shall send
to-morrow a detachment to Bruges, they having also abandoned that
town. As soon as we can have the cannon, and what is necessary, we

426 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XLVL
shall attack Antwerp ; after which I should be glad the next place might
be Ostend ; for unless they draw the greatest part of their army from
Germany, they will not be able to hinder us from doing what we please
on this side their lines. I tell you my thoughts, but if you think there
is any thing better for the queen's interest, I shall endeavour to do it,
having that more at heart than my own life."
To the Duchess.
" Merlebeck, near Ghent, May 20-31. — We are now masters of Ghent,
and to-morrow I shall send some troops to Bruges. So many towns
have submitted since the battle, that it really looks more like a dream
than truth. My thoughts are now turning to the getting every thing
ready for the siege of Autwerp, which place alone, in former years, would
have been thought good success for a whole campaign ; but we have the
blessing of God with us, and I hope we shall do more in this campaign
than was done in the last ten years' war in this country, which is a great
pleasure, since it is the likeliest way to bring me to my happiness of
ending my days quietly."
" Merlebeck, June 3. — Every day gives us fresh marks of the great
victory ; for since my last, which was but two days ago, we have taken
possession of Bruges and Damme, as also Oudenard, which was besieged
the last war by the king with sixty thousand men, and he was at last
forced to raise the siege. In short, there is so great a panic in the French
army as is not to be expressed. Every place we take declares for King
Charles. To-morrow the Marshal de Marsin joins their army with 18
battalions of foot and 14 squadrons, which will be very little assistance to
them ; so that if they will oppose us they must draw more troops from
their other armies.
" You are very kind in desiring I would not expose myself. Be as
sured I love you so well, and am so desirous of ending my days quietly
with you, that I shall not venture myself but when it is absolutely neces
sary ; and I am sure you are so kind to me, and wish so well to the
common cause, that you had rather see me dead than not to do my duty.
1 am so persuaded that this campaign will bring us a good peace, that I
beg of you to do all you can that the house at Woodstock may be carried
up as much as possible, that I may have a prospect of living in it. I do
not trouble the queen with thanking her for her obliging letter, but beg
you will, with the most dutiful expressions, do it, as also for the letter
she writ to lord treasurer before the battle, which I will endeavour to
deserve by venturing at all times my life with pleasure for her service.
" Make my excuse to Lord Sunderland, and that I desire he would do
it to the rest of our friends that I have not time by this post to thank
them for their obliging letters."
In consequence of these successes, the duke ordered a
public thanksgiving on the 1st of June, and it was cele
brated with those marks of serious devotion, which the sol
diery appeared to have imbibed from the example of their
commander. On the ensuing day, he made his public entry

1706.] ATTACK ON ANTWERP. 427
into Ghent, a small body of Spaniards left in the citadel
having previously surrendered as prisoners of war. We
detail his farther successes in his own words.
To Lord Godolphin.
Merlebeck, June 3. — I have three of your letters to answer, but must
beg you to allow me to do it by the next post, for I have hardly one
minute to spare to myself. We have every day marks of the consterna
tion the enemy is in, for they have this day surrendered Oudenard, a very
strong place, and we in no condition of taking it for want of cannon.
They had three regiments in the town, two of this country and one
French. The two first had declared for King Charles, as also Bruges
and Damme, which we have taken since my last letter. I have sent
Brigadier Cadogan, with six squadrons of horse, to offer terms to the
town and citadel of Antwerp. If I can have that place without a siege
it will gain us a month. I am doing all I can to gain the governor of
Dendermond, which place would be of great consequence. They have
let out the waters so that we cannot attack it. As soon as we have Ant
werp and can get our artillery to Ostend we shall attack that place, at
which time it would be necessary that the Dunkirk squadron should
help us. You see that I make use of the consternation.
" Marsin will join them to-morrow with eighteen battalions and four
teen squadrons, and I am assured that orders are gone to the Marshal de
Villars to send 30 battalions more, and 40 squadrons ; so that Prince
Louis may act if he pleases. I have ordered the Hanover troops to join
me, and we hope to have the Prussians, which will enable me to make
the detachment for the descent. If Prince Louis makes use of this occa
sion to press the French in Alsace, as I will, with the blessing of God, in
this country, the king of France will be obliged to draw some troops from
Italy, by which Turin may be saved. We have nothing now that stops
us but the want of cannon ; for the French cannot have their troops
from Germany in less than three weeks. We march to-morrow to
Deynse, and the French are retired behind Menin, by which you see we
are at liberty to attack Ostend and Nieuport, if we had our artillery.
My service to Mr. Godolphin, and all with you."
In this disastrous state of their affairs, the French made
no effort to maintain themselves in Brabant, but separated
their army into two bodies, one of which was posted at
Mortagne, on the Scheldt, and the other at Armentieres, on
the Lys. The elector of Bavaria threw himself into Mons,
and reinforcements were detached to Tournay, Lille, Ypres,
Menin, and other points of the frontier, which were more
directly menaced. The principal towns in Brabant having
announced their submission, except Antwerp and Dender
mond, the duke sent a summons to both, and receiving a
defiance, made preparations to attack Antwerp.
On the 4th of June he traversed the Scheldt, and having

428 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH, [CH. XLVI.
accepted the surrender of Oudenard, pitched his camp be
tween Arsele and Caneghem. While he was detained by
the want of artillery, he had the satisfaction to receive intel
ligence confirming the news of the relief of Barcelona.
The campaign in Spain had opened with the most melan
choly prospects to Charles. Hemmed in by a powerful
army, and surrounded by a turbulent populace and burghers,
who were alienated by the exactions of' his German partisans,
it seemed impossible to maintain so extensive a city as Bar
celona. Lord Peterborough and the count of Cifuentes,
who gave energy to the flying corps scattered in the moun
tainous districts, had indeed thrown in reinforcements and
supplies ; interrupted the operations of the besiegers ; and
protracted the crisis. But though they prolonged the siege,
their efforts could not counterbalance a vast superiority of
numbers and resources, and the young monarch was left to
depend on his own energy, and the enthusiasm with which
he inspired his Catalan subjects, whose aversion to the Casti-
lian government absorbed all other feelings. He braved
every danger and fatigue, animated his troops by his pre
sence and example, and seemed determined to verify the
resolution, which he had announced, of burying himself
under the ruins of Barcelona.
All efforts were, however, unavailing. The garrison
were exhausted with fatigue, and thinned by the sword;
breaches were formed in the ramparts ; and Peterborough,
as well as the adherents of the Austrian prince, concurred
in conjuring him to withdraw from a situation, in which he
had no other prospect than captivity or death.
In this awful moment of mingled hope and despair, the
long-expected relief approached. The combined fleets of
England and Holland, under the commariil of Sir John
Leake, departed from the rendezvous at Lisbon, in April ;
and after taking on board additional reinforcements at
Gibraltar, skirted the eastern coasts of Spain, anxiously
inquiring into the state and forces of the enemy. The ex
aggerated and contradictory intelligence, which was artfully
circulated, alarmed the admiral, and a momentary doubt
prevailed, whether it were more prudent to retire, or risk the
safety of the fleet against superior numbers. In this situ
ation, an officer despatched by General Stanhope, to the
flying camp of Lord Peterborough, returned with more

1706.] ANTWERP EVACUATED. 429
cheering intelligence. By the decision of Stanhope, the
fleet proceeded to its destination, the hostile squadron re
tired on their approach, and on the 9th of May the British
flag was descried with joy and exultation from the ramparts
of Barcelona.*
To guard against a desperate effort of the enemy, troops
were instantly landed, and spent the night in arms behind
the breaches. But the precaution was needless ; for the
Bourbon prince no sooner learnt the approach of the allied
squadron, than he abandoned an enterprise, which he deemed
hopeless, broke up his camp in the greatest disorder, left his
sick, artillery, and stores, and directed his hasty march
towards the frontier of Rousillon, to shelter his discouraged
army behind the barrier of the Pyrenees. Lord Peter
borough and the Count of Cifuentes harassed their toilsome
progress through Catalonia, and swelled the losses of their
precipitate retreat. This event seemed to augur the speedy
triumph of the Austrian cause in Spain ; and even Marl
borough himself expressed his hopes and satisfaction, in a
congratulatory letter to Peterborough.
" I have no doubt that your lordship has already escorted the king to
Madrid, and take this opportunity to felicitate you on this glorious ex
ploit, which is every where attributed to your valour and conduct. All
the allies exult in the advantages which are likely to result from this
splendid success, and I particularly rejoice in the new lustre which it will
shed on your glory. After such astonishing actions, there is nothing
which we may not expect from you ; so that I flatter myself you will
not consider our hopes as ill founded, if we reckon upon the speedy
reduction of Spain to the obedience of its legitimate sovereign, since it
seems as if Providence had chosen you to be the happy instrument. I
heartily wish you all success till you have completed the great work."
In the midst of the exultation inspired by this event, the
British general was gratified with intelligence no less satis
factory. A schism having broken forth between the Walloon and
French regiments, who composed the garrison of Antwerp,
the former with the marquis of Terracina, governor of the
citadel, were naturally anxious to imitate the example of
their countrymen in acknowledging the legitimate sovereign.
* Journal of the Proceedings for the Relief of Barcelona, by an officer
who attended General Stanhope ; Conduct of Lord Peterborough j
Memoirs of the Kings of Spain, chapter xiv.

430 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XLVI.
The consequence of this feud was, a secret correspondence,
which within a few days terminated in the surrender of the
place. An arrangement was made by the garrison, in virtue
of which the French troops were permitted to retire with
all the honours of war, and marched to Quesnoy and Lan-
dreci, leaving the Spaniards in possession of the town and
citadel, and waiting for an opportunity to deliver up the
place to the orders of the commander-in-chief. Marlborough
thus, without the loss of a single man, became master of a
fortress, which was sufficiently garrisoned to have detained
his career a month.
These wonderful successes inspired all parties with the
most sanguine hopes, and no enterprise was deemed too
hazardous for the skill of the victorious commander. Even
the sedate temper of Godolphin was warmed into enthusiasm.
Knowing the shock which it would prove to France, to gain
possession of so important a post as Dunkirk, he earnestly
pressed the general in one of his letters to direct his force
against that place.
" May 31. -June 11  Not hoping for the Holland letters before this
goes out, I shall only add to the hint I gave you in my last.
" If you find any room to attack Dunkirk, and will promise to de
molish it, the advantage of that conquest will be perpetual to England.
I do not see why Holland should not be as desirous as we, and I must
own the greatest prospect I have from the French expedition, is the hope
I have it may give us an opportunity of destroying Rochfort. Any
thing we can do at that place, Toulon, or Dunkirk, will prove a real
good to us after the peace ; but whenever peace comes, I don't much
expect that any great advantages will be stipulated in it for England ;
and, therefore I think it concerns us the more to endeavour to obtain
some security for ourselves before the war is ended."
But the duke well knew that such an attack could not
succeed while Ostend and Ypres were held by the enemy ;
and in his replies exhibits the difficulty of the enterprise.
"June 14. — If we take Ostend," says he, " in any seasonable time, it
will be much the best place for the transports to come to, and I will take
care to have the troops there. The efforts the French are making to
have a strong army I am afraid will make it impossible for us to take
Dunkirk this year ; but whenever we can have it, I agree with you, that
the best thing we can do is to spoil the harbour."
" Rousselaer, June 21. — I see by yours that you do not expect any
great advantages for England, when the treaty of peace is once begun,
I ask your pardon on being of another opinion, for I think you may

1706.] LETTER TO GODOLPHIN. 431
expect every thing that is for the safety and good of England. I do
not mean by that, any places in this country, for I am persuaded that
it is much more for her majesty's service and England, not to be master
of any towns in this country, since it would create a jealousy both at
home and abroad. I know this should not be the language of a general,
but I do it as a faithful subject. M. Overkirk has found so many diffi
culties for the siege of Nieuport, that he has taken the resolution of
attacking Ostend, which was to have been done after the taking of Nieu
port. We can never think of going to Dunkirk till we are masters of
Nieuport and Ypres, which is not to be attempted, unless we could have
troops sufficient for two armies."
" Rousselaer, June 24. — I had the favour of yours of the 4th, o. s.,
yesterday, and find you are very desirous of having Dunkirk. I am as
sensible as any body of the mischief that place does England, so that
you may be sure I shall do my utmost, that we might have it in our
power to destroy that harbour. But I must own to you, I see so many
difficulties, that I dare not flatter you with the hopes of having it this
year ; and I am also of the opinion, that I think France will find itself
in such a condition this next winter, that rather than venture the next
campaign, they will consent to any reasonable terms for a peace ; but as
God has blessed the beginning of this campaign beyond what the
thoughts of man could reasonably suppose, so it must be our duty to
improve it as far as occasion shall offer." * » *
For these reasons, Marlborough was doubly anxious to
hasten the descent, which he considered as more practicable,
and more likely to create a diversion, and spread alarm into
the interior of France. To promote this enterprise, as well
as to settle a plan of operations for the remainder of the
campaign, he profited by the short interval, which elapsed
before the arrival of the artillery, to make a journey to the
Hague. His objects are best described in his own words,
written before the preceding letters to Godolphin.
" Arsele, June 7. — * * * * I am extremely obliged to you
for your kind concern for my safety. I am now at an age not to take
pleasure in exposing myself, but when I think it absolutely necessary.
You can never say enough to the queen for her goodness to me in the
letter you sent me. Though I take myself to be a good Englishman,
and wish well to the common cause, yet my great joy in this success is,
that it hath pleased God to make me the instrument of doing that,
which must be of great consequence to her service.
" I received this morning yours of the 21st, and in my next, which
will be from the Hague, you shall be sure to have an account of the
number of troops you will have from this country for the descent. I
take this time of going to the Hague, we being at a full stand for want
of cannon ; for the French being retreated into their own country be
hind their strong towns, have put the greatest part of their foot into

432 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [cH. XLVI,
Ostend, Nieuport, Ypres, Menin, Tournay, and Lille. The Marshal de
Villeroy is camped with the rest of the French at St. Amand, and the
elector of Bavaria is at Lille. The capitulations for the surrender of
the town and citadel of Antwerp were signed yesterday ; so that we are
now in possession of all Brabant. Our next thoughts will be for the
attacking Nieuport and Ostend, which I see you have a great mind we
should ; so that I beg there may be no time lost in sending such ships as
are ready to cruise before those two places, which will be of great use to
us. By the letters from Paris, we see they would have us believe that
they aTe taking the necessary measures to have a superiority in this
country, which I think they will never be able to do, unless they put
themselves on the defensive in Italy, as well as in Germany. For the
good of the common cause, I wish they may endeavour it, for the men
they have here will very unwillingly be brought to fight again this
campaign. " The reason of my going to the Hague is, to settle what shall go for
the descent, and to acquaint them with my thoughts for the farther opera
tions of this campaign, so that they may take care for every thing that
will be necessary ; as also to persuade them to draw more troops out of
their garrisons, and to let them see that if this campaign be pushed on
with vigour, with the blessing of God we may expect to bring France to
what conditions we please." To the Duchess.
"Hague, June 10. — I came to this place last night, and to-morrow
morning I return to the army, having settled the troops for the descent,
which was my chief business ; for what concerned us in Flanders might
have been done by letter. But they were so unwilling to part with their
troops, that I think nothing but my coming hither would have prevailed
with them, since they are very apprehensive that the king of Prussia will
not let his troops join us. I have all the reason imaginable to be satisfied
with the expressions these people have made."
Returning from the Hague on the 11th of June, Marlbo
rough passed the night at Moerdyk, and on his way to the
camp was met at Merxheim by the bishop and clergy of
Antwerp, who came to announce their recognition of King
Charles. Approaching the city, he received a similar com
munication from the burghers, conveyed by the margrave of
Antwerp ; and the magistrates and the first Pensionary deli
vered the keys, with an appropriate harangue, declaring that
they had never been surrendered to any person since the
great duke of Parma.
_ To his correspondence we shall again refer for his farther
views and operations against Ostend.
To Lord Godolphin.
" Arsele, June 17. — The troops designed for the siege of Ostend
marched that way two days ago, and I shall march with what remains of

1706.] SIEGE OF OSTEND. 433
the army, to cover the siege to-morrow ; I have with me SO battalions of
foot, and 99 squadrons of horse. I hope to have the Prussians and.
Hanoverians with me, before the enemy can have their detachment from
Germany." Notwithstanding the accession of force occasioned by the
detachments drawn from different quarters, which nearly
replaced the losses sustained by the French army, Marlbo
rough pursued the design mentioned in the preceding letters
with his usual energy and decision. Ostend being selected
as the object of attack, it was necessary to obviate difficulties
which would have startled a less enterprising commander.
The environs were intersected with dikes, canals, and water
courses, which afforded innumerable means of resistance;
and the defence could be increased by inundations. The
avenues were commanded, on one hand, by the small, though
strong fortress of Nieuport ; and, on the other, by the fort of
Plassendael, and the intrenched bridge of Sandwort. The
enemy, by the possession of Fumes and Dunkirk, could pour
reinforcements into Nieuport, or interrupt the communica
tions of the covering army. Finally, the place itself was
difficult of access, and the surrounding soil a mixture of
marsh and sand, where no excavations could be made a foot
below the surface without encountering water. The garri
son, consisting of about 5000 men, were encouraged by the
recollection, that in the preceding century, Ostend had sus
tained a siege of uncommon duration, and was not reduced by
Spinola, the first warrior of the age, till after a lapse of three
years, and the loss of 80,000 men.
Marlborough appreciated these difficulties ; but at the
same time, he was not unacquainted with circumstances
which afforded a prospect of success. The burghers were
influenced by the example of the other towns in Flanders ;
the garrison was partly composed of Walloons, who partici
pated in the sentiments of their fellow-soldiers at Antwerp ;
and the governor himself was not partial to the Bourbon
cause. The works of the place had suffered considerable
dilapidation from long neglect; and the army, to which it
must ultimately look for succour, was not yet sufficiently
recovered from its panic, to contend a second time with a
victorious enemy.
; At the same time every precaution was taken to ensure
VOL. I. F F

434 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XLVIi
success. A squadron of nine ships of the line, besides smaller
vessels, was hovering on the coast, to assail the sea-defences,
and favour the efforts of the besieging army. As the pos
session of Nieuport and Plassendael was deemed necessary
to facilitate the operations against Ostend, Marlborough, as
we have already seen, prevailed bn Overkirk to move with
28 battalions, and 10 regiments of horse against Nieuport.
He also detached General Fagel with a sufficient force to
reduce Plassendael and Sandwort. With the main army
Marlborough, on the 18th, took post at Rousselaer, where he
at once threatened Menin and Ypres, and covered the opera
tions of the siege. Fagel succeeded in securing Plassendael,
and the bridge of Sandwort, by which he obtained possession
of the sluices, and deprived the enemy of the advantages
which they might have derived from their inundations.
Overkirk attacked the outworks of Nieuport, and captured
the detached fort of Nieuendeim ; but finding the place too
well defended to be taken by storm, he masked it, and ad
vanced along the coast to Mariekirk, south of Ostend. The
trenches would have been immediately opened ; but it was
found that the loose and swampy nature of the ground did
not afford sufficient cover for the troops without the aid of
fascines and gabions ; and it was necessary to wait the arrival
of the artillery, and the co-operation of the fleet.
Meanwhile, the commander in chief was not inattentive to
the movements of the enemy ; and at once, to prevent them
from interrupting his designs, by harassing his rear, he de
tached General Pollant, on the 23rd of June, to strengthen
Coiirtray and Oudenard, which operated as a check on the
enterprises of their garrisons on the Haine, the Lys, and the
Scheldt.' The preparations for the intended siege being at length
matured, the trenches were opened on the night of the 28th,
on the south-west front of the place. A heavy and incessant
fire from the besieged did not obstruct the progress of the
assailants, and on the 1st of July, the batteries were com-'
pleted, and mounted with artillery. Arrangements being
made with the admiral, a fire was opened on the 3rd, both
by land and sea, and before the following morning, flames
burst forth in several quarters of the town, and the sea-
defences were reduced to ruin. The progress of the besiegers

1706.] GOVERNMENT OF THE NETHERLANDS. 435
not being sufficiently rapid to satisfy the impatience of Marl
borough, he repaired from Rousselaer, to confer with Over
kirk and the admiral, and to hasten the progress of the works.
His presence produced an immediate effect ; the counterscarp
was carried on the 6th, and the besieged, after a fruitless
sally, to recover their loss, were discouraged by the construc
tion of the breaching batteries on the glacis, and beat a
parley. According to the capitulation, they quitted the place
without military honours, under promise not to bear arms
against the allies for six months. Two Walloon battalions,
and four troops of dragoons, the greater part of the garrison,
entered into the service of the allies. In the harbour were
found two men of war, one of 80, and the other of 50 guns,
with 45 smaller vessels. This valuable conquest was achieved
with the loss of only 500 men. *

Chap. XLVII. — Government of the Netherlands. —
1706.
Notwithstanding the difficulties which the victorious ge
neral had overcome, he found it easier to effect the conquest
of the Netherlands, than to arrange the internal government
to the satisfaction of all the parties interested ; to quiet the
jealousies between the Dutch and the house of Austria ; and
at the same time to allay the umbrage conceived against
England, with regard to the settlement of the barrier and
commercial interests.
On the conquest of Spanish Guelderland, the administra
tion had been consigned by Leopold, in the name of king
Charles, to Count Zinzendorf, who was then imperial resident
at the Hague. This appointment was afterwards transferred
to his successor, the Count de Goes ; and the elector palatine,
brother-in-law of the emperor, was joined in the commission.
Under this arrangement the administration had been con
ducted, until the battle of Ramilies, and no material difficulty
* History of Europe for 1706; Gazette; Brodrick ; Lediard; Cor
respondence of Overkirk with Marlborough during the siege.
F f 2

436 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. . [CH. X1VH.
had occurred, as tjie exercise of this delegated power was
confined to the countries bordering on the Lower. Meuse,
But the decisive victory, which produced a revolution in the
Netherlands, opened a new scene, by awakening the cupidity
of the Austrian and Dutch governments, which had slum
bered while the recovery of these rich provinces was deemed
uncertain. A violent contest now arose who should appoint,
or rather who should exercise, the powers of government.
Under the dukes of Brabant and counts of Flanders, the ad
ministration and finances had been managed by a council of
•state, composed of the most considerable natives. Its func
tions had, however, been gradually abridged by the Austrian
sovereigns of Spain, till it had become little better than an
empty name ; and on the usurpation of the French, it was
superseded by an intendant, while the internal government
was assimilated to that of France.
This change was, however, far from being grateful to a
people jealous of their privileges, and the discontent it ex
cited was among the prominent causes which occasioned the
sudden declaration in favour of Charles. Of this disposition,
the Dutch readily availed themselves ; and on the expulsion
of the French, they laboured for the restoration of the
"Council of state, with the hope of acquiring' a paramount
influence over a government similar to their own, and ap
pointed under their auspices.
The views of the Dutch, however, had not escaped the
penetration of the imperial court, and, on the reduction of
Louvain, the Count de Goes demanded an audience of the'
States, to require their recognition of his authority as admi
nistrator. His demand being eluded, under the plea of con
sulting the queen, he despatched a messenger for the instruc
tions of his court, and in the interim repaired secretly to
Dusseldorf, to advise with the elector palatine, to whom he
was directed to refer in cases of difficulty. On his return he
endeavoured to effect a species of compromise, by requir
ing that the police should be consigned to his direction, and
offering to enter into a treaty for the management of the
financial and military administration.* His instances were,,
however, again eluded under the same plea, and all the inge
nuity of the Dutch government was called forth to secure
* Lamberti, tome iv. p. 312.

1706.] GOVERNMENT OF THE NETHERLANDS. 437
their point, either by implicating the Duke of Marlborough
in some arrangement, or by consigning the regency to a
Spaniard till the pleasure of Charles could be known. The
person who appears to have been selected for this purpose,
was Don Bernardo de Quiros, who had acted as ambassador,
first of Charles n., and afterwards of Philip, and had declared
for the Austrian sovereign soon after the victory of Ramilies.
In this state of affairs an unexpected resolution on the
part of the emperor gave a new turn to the views of the
Dutch government. By a singular coincidence of circum
stances, the very day which gladdened the court of Vienna
with news of the relief of Barcelona, brought intelligence of
the triumphant victory at Ramilies. In a transport of joy
and gratitude, Joseph filled up a blank power which had been
left by his brother, for any occurrence of emergency, with a
decree, consigning to Marlborough the administration of the
Netherlands ; although the elector palatine, brother of the
empress dowager, seems to have expected the offer of the
government, and was entitled to great consideration, as welE
from his relationship to the imperial family, and his services-
to the grand alliance, as for having been already associated
in the office. This patent Joseph transmitted with a gra
cious letter*, in the Latin tongue, stating that the government
of the Belgic provinces could not be better confided than to
the hand which had recovered them ; and expressing a strong
desire that neither the duke himself, nor the queen and states,
would object to a disposition so just and so advantageous to
the common cause.
Marlborough was himself not merely gratified by these
spontaneous and unexpected proofs of favour and confidence,,
but appreciated all the advantages to England, and the con
federacy in general, from such an authority confided to his
hands. He therefore instantly imparted the news with the-
utmost secrecy to the treasurer for the decision of the queen.
and cabinet ; and, in particular, requested his friend to con
vey the welcome intelligence to the Whig leaders for their?-
approbation. " June 28. — I received last night an express from Vienna, with the en
closed letter in Latin, from the emperor, and the powers from the king:
of Spain, in Spanish ; that of the king of Spain was a blank signed by
* Dated Vienna, June 13.
F f 3

438 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XLVH.
him, and left in the emperor's hand. As I have not been able to have
the Spanish translated, I do not know exactly the powers. I shall keep
it here a secret, till I know from you what her majesty's pleasure is, as
also I shall take measures with my friends in Holland to know how they
will like it ; for I must take care that they take no jealousy, whatever
the queen's resolution may be. I beg no notice may be taken till the
emperor's minister shall apply to her majesty. I beg you to assure the
queen, that I have in this matter, nor never shall have in .any other, any
desire of my own, but with all the submission in the world, be pleased
with what she shall think is for her interest."
The minister was no less gratified than his friend, and the
queen and cabinet participated in his satisfaction. The Whig
leaders also were unanimous in their approbation. Lordl
Godolphin, in reply, expressed their common sentiment,
" Windsor, June 24.-July 5. — Since I had written this far, I have the
favour of yours of the 28th, with the several papers enclosed. I do not
return you the Spanish paper, not having had time to get it translated
for you, as I intend to do ; but I have been able to read it in English to
the queen, who likes the thing very well, and leaves it to you to do as
you shall judge best for her service, and the good of the common cause.
I have not communicated this to any body yet, but Lord Somers and
Lord Sunderland, who are both much pleased with it, as what they think
is like to keep every thing in those countries upon a right foot, at least
during the operations of this summer. They seemed to think there was no
reason for the Dutch not to like it as well as we do, and both concluded
with myself, that it was one of the rightest thoughts that ever came from
the emperor's counsel. The queen has not yet had any notice of it from
the imperial minister."
But although Marlborough had calculated on some trifling
objections from the States, he was far from foreseeing the
violent opposition which he was to encounter from the par
tial views and interested policy of the republic. While the
confederates were employed in recovering the Low Countries,
their union with the Dutch was in general cordial and sin
cere ; but no sooner had the victory of Ramilies secured their
object, than national interest began to operate. The Dutch
were now only anxious to obtain an effectual barrier against
France, and with that view were desirous to extend their
territorial possessions at the expense of the Spanish mo
narchy. To this single object they sacrificed every other.
consideration, and made it the principle of all their negotia
tions and arrangements. Eager to appropriate the govern
ment, or, at least, the resources of the Low Countries, they
even issued orders and established regulations by their own

1706.] JEALOUSY OF THE DUTCH. 439
authority ; and it was with difficulty that Marlborough suc
ceeded in persuading them to relinquish a system which
must alienate Austria, England, and Spain.
At the moment when they had reluctantly consented to
resign this darling object, the offer of the administration to
Marlborough awakened their jealousies with double force.
This feeling operated with peculiar effect, even on Pensionary
Heinsius and the warmest friends of the British commander,
and they did not disguise their sentiments of disapprobation.
If the adherents of England were thus warm and decisive in
their opposition, the friends of France and the independent
party were still more indignant, and fears were justly enter
tained lest the Dutch should be induced by pique to accept
the overtures of peace to which they had already listened.
This opposition alarmed the Austrian cabinet and per
plexed the ministry in England. But Marlborough was too
prudent, as well as too disinterested, to accept an appoint
ment, however lucrative and honourable, in such invidious
circumstances ; and, therefore, after a short deliberation, -he
declined the proffered grant in terms which do credit to his
sentiments and feelings. To Lord Godolphin.
" Bousselaer, July 1. — M. Hope is come this day from Brussels, and I
have communicated to him the emperor's letter, and the powers from the
king of Spain. He made me great compliments, but I find by him that
he thinks this may give uneasiness in Holland by thinking that the court
of Vienna has a mind to put the power of this country into the queen's
hands, in order that they may have nothing to do with it. If I should
find the same thing by the pensioner, and that nothing can cure this
jealousy hut my desiring to be excused from accepting this commission,
I hope the queen will allow of it ; for the advantage and honour I might
have by this commission is very insignificant, in comparison of the fatal
consequences that might be, if it should cause a jealousy between the
two nations."
The reply of the pensionary to the communication is not
extant ; but the answer of Marlborough enables us to trace
the sentiments of his friend, and to estimate the warmth vyith
which he opposed the appointment.
" Rousselaer, July 3. — Sir, by yours of the 30th of the last month,
which I received last night, 1 find you had not received mine, in which I
sent you the copies of what I had received from Vienna, but that the
Count de Goes had acquainted you with his despatch. I write this to
peg of you to do me the justice to be firmly persuaded that I shall take
f r 4

440 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XLYU.
no step in this matter, but what shall be by the advice of the States ; for
I prefer infinitely their friendship before any particular interest to my-.
self; for I thank God and the queen I have no need nor desire of being
richer, but have a very great ambition of doing every thing that can be
for the public good ; and as for the frontier, which is absolutely neces
sary for your security, you know my opinion of it. In short, I beg you
to assure yourself, and every body else, that I shall with pleasure behave
myself in this matter, and all things else, that you may think for the good
of the republic, as you would have me ; for next to serving the queen
and my country, I have nothing more at heart, than to have your good
opinions. And let me, on this occasion, assure the States, that I serve
them with the same affection and zeal that I do my own country, so that
they need be under no difficulty ; for if they think it for their service, I
shall with pleasure excuse myself from accepting this commission."
He enclosed this letter in one to Lord Godolphin, in which
he expressed his earnest wish that the queen would permit
him to decline the offer.
" Harlebeck, July 6. — I came so late last night to the army from
Ostend, and was obliged to march so early this morning, that I must
beg pardon that I cannot answer yours of the 13th and 14th by this
post. I sent you by last post, a letter from the pensioner, and I now
enclose the answer I thought it was for her majesty's service I should
maketp it.
" The enclosed letter of the same date confirms me, that if I should
accept of the honour the emperor and the king of Spain do me, it would
create a great jealousy, which might prejudice the common cause, so that
I hope her majesty will approve of what I have done. And I beg you
to be so just and kind to me as to assure the queen, that though the ap
pointments of this government are .threescore thousand pounds a year, I
shall with pleasure excuse myself, since I am convinced it is for her ser
vice, unless the States should make it their request, which they are very
far from doing ; for they have told me that they think it not reasonable that
the king of Spain should have possession of the Low Countries till they
had assurances of what barrier they should have for their security. I
hope this compliance of mine will give me so much credit as to be able
to hinder them from hurting themselves ; for it is certain, if they follow
their own inclinations, they will make such demands upon this country,
as will very much dissatisfy the house of Austria, and be thought un
reasonable by all the allies, of which the French would be sure to make
their advantage."
Godolphin, however, did not bear this disappointment
with equal complacency, but in his answer inveighs bitterly
against the selfishness and ingratitude of the Dutch.
" July 4.-1S  1 have received the avour of yours of the 6th, by
Captain Stanhope, and I must not disown to you that it both surprised
and troubled me very much. It is amazing, that after so much done for

1706.] REFUSES THE GOVERNMENT. 441
their advantage, and even for their safety, the States can have been capa
ble of such a behaviour. Those of the French faction must have seen
their advantage upon this occasion, to fill them with jealousy of your
having, and consequently of England's having, too much power ; and if
this be at the bottom, we shall soon see that argument made use of on
other occasions, as well as this. But your prudence and good temper
will get the better, I hope, of all this folly and perverseness. The first
steps you have made towards it, in your letter, of which you have sent
me a copy, cannot, in my opinion, be mended. But I wish very much
that Mr. Stepney were at the Hague, to second your letters to the pen
sioner upon all occasions that may arise, by his instances to the States."
Marlborough had no sooner received the sanction of the
queen than he announced to the States his decisive resolu
tion not to accept the appointment. But notwithstanding
the readiness with which he yielded to the prejudices of
the Dutch, they became more anxious not only to exclude
England from all share in the government of the Low
Countries, but even to appropriate the whole authority to
themselves. The remonstrance which he made on this sub
ject to the pensionary obviates the necessity of any farther
explanation. " Camp of Harlebeck, July 10. 1706. — Sir, I have learnt by the honour
of your letter of the sd instant, that M. Hope was to come to me on the
part of the States-general, as in fact he came, Thursday night ; and he
'has probably written to their high mightinesses, that, with the permission
of the queen, I was firmly resolved not to charge myself in any manner
with the commission with which his Catholic majesty has been pleased
to honour me. This you will have the goodness to confirm to them on
my part. This new instance ought to convince their high mightinesses
how much I have their interest and particular satisfaction at heart, as
well as that of the common cause.
" On this occasion I take the liberty of reminding their high mighti
nesses that when the army came to Louvain, and in the farther progress
which we have made with the advice of the army deputies, we jointly
gave assurances, in writing, to all the towns and people of the country, in
the name of the queen, of their high mightinesses, and of his Catholic
majesty, that those who should submit to their legitimate sovereign should
regain the same rights, privileges, and advantages which they enjoyed in
the time of King Charles II. ; and to these assurances, with the help of
God, I am persuaded we must partly attribute the facility with which we
entered into possession of so many strong places, where every one testified
universal joy.
" However, by the resolution ofthe States of the 19th of last month,
which M. Hope sent me, translated into French, it seems as if their high
mightinesses are of opinion that their deputies should sign alone the
authorisation for the council of state, the chambers of finance, and other
judicatures, who ought not to conclude any thing without having pre-

442 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XL VII.
viously consulted, and with the approbation of the said deputies to the
exclusion even of the queen.
" However, according to what I have learnt, or have been able to com
prehend hitlierlo, it has always appeared that the States had nothing else
in view but a good barrier and a reasonable security for their country.
I beg, then, you will, with all submission to their high mightinesses,
entreat them to reflect maturely on such a step, which is perhaps the true
means of attaining those objects. I am persuaded that when the States
shall come to deliberate thereon with their usual prudence and wisdom,
their high mightinesses will find many reasons beyond what I can sug
gest to them to bring them to take those measures in this government
which may be most useful to the country.
I am more than gratified personally with the friendship and kindness
their high mightinesses have at all times shown me, and this obliges me
to give them my thoughts without disguise in every thing which I think
concerns their interests. I persuade myself also, that they do me the
justice to believe that I wish them as much happiness and prosperity as
they can themselves desire ; and I shall continue always to entertain the
same sentiments of respect towards them."
Too deeply interested on this point to rely on his own in
fluence, he earnestly pressed the lord treasurer to combat the
mischievous proposal of the States with all the authority of
England. " Helchin, July 12th, 1706. — By my last letter, which I sent by way
of Ostend, you will see the measures that the Dutch are desirous to take
concerning the management of this country, which would certainly set.
this whole country against them ; so that I hope you will find some way
of not letting them play the fool. You know that I am always very ready
to speak freely to them when I think it for their service. But in this
matter I am not at liberty, fearing they might mistake me, and think it
might proceed from self-interest. I am sure in this matter I have with
pleasure sacrificed my own interest in order to make them reasonable,
which I hope will be approved by my friends ; for should I have acted
otherwise, the party that is for peace would have made a very ill use of it
For the favourers of the French faction endeavour all they can to per
suade the people in Holland that the king of Spain will be governed by
the queen, and that this success will all turn to the advantage of England,
so that they must not rely upon any body, but secure their frontier now
that they have it in their power. This is so plausible in Holland, that I
am afraid the honest people, though they see the dangerous consequences
this must have, yet dare not speak against it ; and I can assure you these
great towns had rather be under any nation than the Dutch."
" Harlebeck, July 14. — You will see by three or four letters that I
have lately writ to you the care I have taken not to give any occasion of
jealousy in Holland, and that I was in hopes that my declining the
honour the king of Spain had done me would give me so much power
with the States as that I might be able to hinder them from doing them
selves and the common cause hurt. But such is their temper, that when

1706.] GOVERNMENT OF THE NETHERLANDS. 443
they have misfortunes they are desirous of peace upon any terms, and
when we are blessed by God with success, they are for turning it to their
own advantage, without any consideration how it may be liked by their
friends and allies. You will see, by the enclosed copy of a letter I have
this day writ to the pensioner, that if they cannot be brought to change
their resolution of the 19th of the last month, they will create so great a
jealousy in this country, that they shall be under the absolute govern
ment of the Dutch, that it would turn very much to the advantage of
the French. Besides that, the king of Spain will have just reason to
complain. M. Hope tells me the States have directed M. Vryberg to
acquaint her majesty, and her ministers, with their reasons and proceed-.
ings. In my poor opinion, her majesty cannot give too kind an answer ;
but she must be careful that the king of Spain and the house of Austria
have no reason given them to be angry.
" Now the States have applied to her majesty, I cannot act with
safety, but by her majesty's directions by one of the secretaries of state.
I must beg of her majesty, for her own service and the public good, that
she will be pleased to allow of my declining the honour of the king of
Spain's commission ; otherwise the party in. Holland that are for peace,
rather upon ill terms than good, would make a very ill use of it, though,
in my opinion, the States might have avoided many inconveniences and
irregularities, that must now happen, if they had approved of my acting ;
for I should have done nothing but what must have turned to their
safety. And at the same time they might have treated with the king of
Spain concerning their barrier ; but by this step of theirs, they will very
quickly be obliged to declare not only to the queen, but to every body
else, that till they have their surety, as they call it, by having such a bar
rier as they shall think reasonable * I dread the consequences of this
matter, for I cannot write so freely to the States as I should otherwise
if I were not personally concerned. You may be sure the French have
too many partisans in Holland not to be informed of this proceeding, so
that they will be sure to make their advantage of it."
The remonstrances of the British cabinet, the private
representations of Marlborough, and above all, the magna
nimous sacrifice which he had so cheerfully made, seem at
length to have weighed with the Dutch. At their instance,
a provisional government was proposed for the Low Coun
tries, by which the administration was to be shared by the
two maritime powers ; though, to satisfy the natives, it was
to be conducted in the name and under the authority of
Charles III. Marlborough was not willing to suffer their
favourable inclinations to cool, but closed with the proposal,
and hastened to communicate this arrangement to Godolphin,
earnestly soliciting the approbation of the queen.
* Some words omitted in the original.

444 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. |_CH- XL'V"H.
" Helchin, July 19  Notwithstanding the wind has been fair, we have
no letters from England, I suppose for want of packet-boats.
" The English are embarked at Ostend, and I hope to hear this day,.
or to-morrow, that the Dutch are so also, the wind having been favour
able these three days, to bring their transports from the Texel to Ostend:
I think I have convinced the States-general that their resolution of the
19th ofthe last month, in which they reserved to themselves the signing.
all the powers, and consequently governing this country in their names,
was excluding her majesty and England from being able to perform to
these people what I promised in her majesty's name, which, if they had
persisted, must have produced a very ill effect ; for the great towns de*^
pend much more upon the queen's protection than upon that of the
States. " I shall by the next post send a copy of the commission, and powers,
and instructions I shall be obliged to sign for the settling the council of
state that must govern this country, till the king of Spain can give his
directions. I am obliged to do this, for the public good, before I am
authorised by her majesty ; so that I beg you will move the queen that
I may have powers sent me, as her ambassador and general, to act, in
conjunction with the States-general, what shall be thought proper for
the public good. For my security, I beg the date of this power may
be some few days after you had the news of my being at Brussels.
" You will be pleased to communicate, and take the advice of Mr.
Secretary Harley in this matter."
The Dutch were no sooner pacified, than a difficulty of a
similar kind arose in another quarter. Although the court
of Vienna had sufficient confidence in the British general, to
confide the administration to his hands, they were too well
acquainted with the grasping spirit of the Dutch, and their
views of extending their territorial possessions on the side
of the Netherlands, to acquiesce in any arrangement which
gave the republic so large a share of power. Anxious to
check this encroaching spirit, they still fostered the hope
that Marlborough might be induced to depart from his reso
lution, and looked to his appointment as the only means of
securing the rights and dignity of the Spanish crown. From
the correspondence which took place on this occasion with
the Imperial Court, we select a letter from Count Wratislaw
to the duke, which best exhibits the feeling and apprer
hensions of the emperor.
i " Vienna, Aug. 1706  My lord duke, we yesterday held a conference
on the letter written by your highness to his imperial majesty, on the
11th past, by which you thank the emperor, touching the government he
has confided to you, and excuse yourself on the plea, that for the good of

1706.] GOVERNMENT OF THE NETHERLANDS. 445
the common cause you cannot yet accept it, notwithstanding the consent
of the queen. This word yet gave me an opportunity of keeping the
thing in suspense, believing that it would be proper to ask you for a
more positive explanation ; or, in case you thought it in no way right to
charge yourself with the said government, what you advise us to do, in
the present conjuncture, and in what manner we ought to treat with the
Dutch on this subject, as it is impossible that we can permit the States
to act as they do in the Low Countries, without suffering the provinces,
and even the towns, to do homage to the king of Spain. Your highness,
who is on the spot, will see better than any one the unfortunate impres
sions of this conduct ; and our letters from that country are so full of it,
that it seems as if the nobility and people begin to repent of having
changed their master, and fear that, under the pretence of the barrier,
they may remain always dependent on the States-general. This matter,
so delicate in the present conjuncture, particularly in the very middle of a
glorious campaign, is more likely than any thing else to cause a collision
among the allies, to the great prejudice of the common cause. Hence,
notwithstanding the impetuosity of some, I have endeavoured so to direct
the business, that without having a previous answer from you, the court
will do nothing on this subject either in England or Holland, except
that Count Goes will tell the pensionary that, notwithstanding the per
mission of the queen, you yet make a difficulty of accepting this go
vernment, under the plea of not injuring the common cause. At this
answer we have been much surprised here, not believing that a govern
ment given to a person who commands the armies of the allies, and who
is of the same religion as the States, can occasion any prejudice to the
common cause, particularly as the pensionary must judge that this busi
ness cannot remain long on the present footing.
" The Count de Gallas will not be ordered to take any step in Eng
land ; for the emperor confides in you to tell him both when and how we
ought to act ; but you will easily judge, that if England does not inter
fere, the impertinence of the Dutch will daily become greater, and at last
be insupportable. If your highness makes any difficulty of explaining
yourself freely in the letter to his imperial majesty, from a desire that
your name should not appear in the advice you may suggest to us, you
have only to explain yourself in a private letter to whom you will, and
I assure you that the secret will be strictly kept."
This letter was followed by one from the emperor, ex
pressing his reluctant acquiescence in the decision of Marl
borough. " Most illustrious cousin and dearest prince,
" I am very glad to find by your letters ofthe 12th of July, from Helchin,
that the queen had consented to my brother's provisional appointment of
you for the government of the Low Countries, w hich I take very kindly,
as a fresh proof of the queen's friendship to my family, and of her zeal
for the common cause. And since it is your opinion, that to take openly
upon you the commission, through the uneasiness it will give the States,

446 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XLVH,
will neither be for the king's interest nor for the service of the public;
yet as you generously offer all the assistance which so great a man can
give, that nothing be done to the prejudice of the king's authority or in
terest, or the good of those provinces ; so I doubt not but you will per
sist in the same resolution, and impart to me from time to time your
opinion of the affairs in the Low Countries, and especially of the council
at Brussels. I will send my brother a particular account of all the pro
ceedings in this affair ; and what I have writ to Count Goes upon this
subject you will see by the enclosed. I see by the happy reduction of
Ostend, which has hardly held out against you so many days as it for
merly did years, that the progress of your arms is not yet stopped. I
hope the good God, who by his wonderful providence has raised you up,
to be an avenger of a righteous cause, will preserve you long for farther
successes for the common good ; and herewith I renew the assurances of
my great affection to you.*
" Given at Vienna, August 5. 1706."
All parties continued in this state of irritation and sus
pense till the commencement of September; the court of
Vienna still pressing the Duke of Marlborough to retract
his resolution, and still murmuring against the arrangement
which had been adopted for the provisional government.
At this period an incident occurred, which contributed to
increase the dissatisfaction already subsisting, as well as to
involve the British general in new difficulties. Marlborough
had not only hastened to announce to the king of Spain the
victory which restored these valuable provinces to his crown,
but on receiving the offer of the administration, he had de
spatched Count Lecheraine, minister of the elector palatine,
to signify his acceptance, and to describe the situation, of
the Netherlands. The news produced the same effect on
Charles as on his brother ; and, notwithstanding the numer
ous interests which he was obliged to conciliate, and the
pretenders to so honourable an office among his own adher
ents, he sanctioned the appointment, with a degree of cordi
ality, which evinced his gratitude and esteem.
"Camp of Feral, Sept. 23. 1706.
" My lord duke, and prince ;
" The Count of Lecheraine having lately delivered to me your letters
of June, and given me an ample relation of the present state of the
Netherlands, as well as of your plan for the conclusion of this campaign,
I was unwilling to delay sending him to you, to announce my gratitude
for your zeal and attention to my service, and particularly for your
acceptance of the commission for the administration of the Netherlands,
* Official translation from the original Latin.

1706.] EFFECT OF HIS REFUSAL AT THE HAGUE. 44^
which the emperor, my brother, has conferred on you in my behalf. As
I have always placed implicit confidence in you, you will be easily per
suaded that this step of his serene majesty was highly agreeable to me,
particularly as those countries cannot be better governed than by the
wisdom and experience of him whose valour has conquered them. Nor
do I doubt but that until I can make another disposition, my beloved
and faithful subjects of my Netherlands will consider themselves as fortu
nate in being governed by the same hand to which they owe the reco
very of their liberty, and their restoration to me and to my house.
" Having also observed in one of your letters to Prince Lichtenstein,
a remark on the necessity of conciliating the States-general, and the
conduct you propose to adopt, not to excite their jealousy ; I am anxi
ous at the same time to applaud your prudence, and to discover some
expedient for enabling you to execute my commission, without exposing
you to embarrassment.
" With this view I enclose two patents, one of which is for you alone,
and the other for Don Bernardo de Quiros, who is appointed your co
adjutor? and whom I have nominated my counsellor of state, leaving it to
your discretion to make use of one or the other, as may be most bene
ficial for my service and the common cause. I refer you for farther in
formation to the Count de Lecheraine, who will explain to you my
intentions in detail, with the same exactness as he has brought yours.
Moreover, I pray God, my lord duke and prince, to have you in his
sacred keeping, assuring you, at the same time, of my perfect esteem
and gratitude."*
Notwithstanding the solemn and explicit manner in which
Marlborough had already declined the government, the Dutch
were so much alarmed, that the mere intelligence of this
confirmation created a new ferment greater than the first.
The duke being absent in England when the rumour was
divulged, received from the British envoy, Mr. Stepney, a
description of the effect it produced at the Hague.
"Hague, January A. 1707. — I hope your grace will have received
by Count Lecheraine my letter of the 2lst, which will have prepared
your grace for the contradiction which these people make of admitting
the patent which was lately brought from Spain ; this report has occa
sioned a very great clamour here of late, as I presume your grace will
understand by this post, from the pensionary himself, who attacked me
very vigorously yesterday at the congress on that subject, so far as to
exclaim, Mon Dieu, est-il possible qu'on voudroit faire ce pas sans notre
participation ? He added, that the best excuse he could find to appease
the tumult which this news had raised in their assembly was, by sup
posing this patent was only a bare confirmation of what had been issued
by the imperial court, under a blank; and that the king of Spain had
not received your grace's refusal when this patent was despatched. By
* Translation from the French original.

448 LIFE OF MAELBOKOUGH. [CH. XLVTX.
.which .suggestion .your grace may infer, that he expects no less than that
your gfaca'shduldl again'decline the offer. I took the liberty of arguing
with him that- this-«nnreasonable jealousy was hardly to be conceived, and
that I was at. a loss to imagine from whence it could proceed ; that the
States-general in their letter to the emperor objected only that the barrier
was not yet settled, which I had orders to treat of, whenever they would
come to reasonable methods. To this he answered short, that there were
no thoughts of proceeding here to that treaty as long as there was any
probability of your grace's accepting the said patent. And Count Rech-
teren afterwards told me they would never allow the emperor and the
king of Spain, without their approbation and consent, to dispose of the
government of a country wherein their barrier and security was so nearly
concerned. All I could do was to desire them to forbear that clamour
and censure till your grace thought fit to explain your own mind, and
thereby either leave your grace the merit of declining once more this
offer, by your own free act, or to hear in what methods you thought fit
to avail yourself of what the king of Spain might have generously pro
posed to you, and not to come to such warm discourses before thfc matter
of fact was certain, and rightly stated. I added, it might appear very
strange in the world that the States-genera], who had been so near wit
nesses of your grace's zeal, conduct, and success, should be the chief
opposers of any advantage which was proposed to you, by a prince who
could not but acknowledge your grace, under God, to have been the
main instrument of his recovering those provinces. But all that can
been said makes no impression at present, and it may require your
grace's serious attention in what manner these people are to be brought
to other thoughts, which I scarce think any thing but your own presence
will effect. 1 beg leave to congratulate your grace on the juster sense which
her majesty and the parliament have of your important services, and I
heartily wish that generous example may be imitated here. "When you
shall be pleased to direct me what I shall do for your service, I shall en
deavour to approve myself with all duty."

1706.] MENIN INVESTED, ^49^

Chap. XL VIII — Close op the CampaiuJIJ*— IfrtTtj.
On the reduction of Ostend, Marlborough prepared to carry
into execution the design he had already announced, of
turning his efforts against Menin, which would secure the
line of the Lys, protect his conquests, and afford the means
of pushing his attacks with effect the next campaign. To
this object all his movements were directed, and he con
fidently anticipates success in a letter to Lord Godolphin.
" Rousselaer, June 28. — The method the king of France has taken to
make good his word to the elector of Bavaria, of putting him at the head
of an army of 80,000 men, are the 18 battalions and 14 squadrons
which came with the Marshal de Marsin; the detachment that is now
marching from Alsace, of 30 battalions and 40 squadrons ; and 14 batta
lions which the Comte de Gassy commanded in the lines, which were not
at the battle. These, joined with the troops that were at the battle,
would make above a hundred thousand men ; but as, of necessity, they
must put garrisons into several towns, I flatter myself that they will find
it very difficult to form such an army as will be able to hinder me from
making the siege of Menin as soon as that of Ostend is over. Menin is
one of their strongest towns ; but there is a necessity of attacking that in
the first place, for that will let us into their pays conquis. I do hope the
descent will oblige them to make a detachment from this country, or force
them to raise the siege of Turin."
He was, however, detained by the tardiness of the Dutch
in making the necessary preparations, and strongly expresses
his disappointment.
" Helchin, July 1 5  * * * * M. de Gelder Massen came here last
night from Ghent, and I find we must not expect all our cannon till the
end of this month ; but on the 22d I think to invest Menin, and employ
the first six or seven days in covering some of the quarters ; for we can
not spare above thirty-two battalions for the siege. There will remain
with me seventy-two, which I hope will be a sufficient strength to oppose
whatever they can bring, though the elector of Bavaria says he is pro
mised a hundred and ten battalions. They have certainly more horse
than we ; but if they had greater numbers, I neither think it their inte
rest nor their inclinations to venture a battle, for our men are in heart,
and theirs are cowed. If the duke of Vendome should be obliged to
stay in Italy, we are told we are then to have the prince of Conti."
Before he quitted the camp at Eousselaer, where he had
remained during the siege of Ostend, the prince of Holstein
Beck, with eight battalions, took possession of Courtrai. On
VOL. I. G G

450 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XLVHI.
the 5th of July a detachment, which had encamped at Oude
nard, marched to Harlebeck ; and the Prussian and Hano
verian troops, who were also on their way to join the army,
were directed to advance to Ninove, in order to cover the
country between the Scheldt and the Dender from any irrup
tion on the side of Mons. The duke then moved with the
main army from Rousselaer, and encamped between Courtrai
and Harlebeck, having the Lys in his rear.
At this period, the three regiments destined to join the
expedition in England marched to Ostend, where they were
to embark. On the following day the army again moved to
Helchin, where bridges had been prepared for the passage of
the Scheldt, the army of Overkirk at the same time occupying
the post of St. Eloi Vive, near Harlebeck. As the French
had endeavoured to prevent the navigation of the Scheldt, by
means of sluices and drains, which lowered the water, Gene
ral Salisch was despatched with a proper force, to destroy
all such works between Lille, Armentieres, Menin, and
Courtrai. Menin, the object of attack, was considered as one ofthe
master-pieces of the celebrated Vauban. The defences were
low, without being commanded, the approaches rendered
difficult by inundations, and the garrison sufficiently nume
rous, and well provided with means of resistance. The mar
quis of Bully was governor, but the military command was
intrusted to the marquis of Caraman, who was versed in the
defence of fortresses, and was assisted by able engineers.
On the 23d the place was invested by General Salisch, who
was charged to conduct the siege with 32 battalions and 25
squadrons. He took post from "VYerwick to Wevelghem,
and a competent number of pioneers were employed in form
ing lines of circumvallation.
The heavy artillery having arrived from Ghent on the
30th of July, the attacks were opened on the night of the
4th of August against the bastion of Capucins and that of
Tpres, on the west front ; and pushed with a vigour which
proved the determination of the allies to profit by the re
mains of the season for action. On the 18th, the works
being advanced to a state proper for an attack on the covert
way, Marlborough drew his army nearer to Menin, by taking
post between Belleghem and Pont d'Espierre, and himself

1706.] SIEGE OF MENIN. 451
repaired to the trenches, to superintend the important oper
ation. At seven the same evening the signal was given, by
the explosion of two mines, which had been formed on the
salient angles of the work called the Half Moon of Ypres.
The assailants instantly advanced to the pallisades, threw
grenades into the covert way, and entering amidst the con
fusion, swept every thing before them. For two hours they
withstood a heavy fire from the ravelins, and other works
commanding their position ; but at length the establishment
was effected, and stretched to the pallisades of the four "an
gles. The loss in this terrible combat amounted to no less
than 1400 men.
The success of this operation, although not immediately
effectual, was decisive ; for on the following night signals of
distress were made by the besieged : their artillery was dis
mounted, and their whole strength scarcely sufficed to occupy
the three half moons fronting the attacks. At this juncture,
however, the duke of Vendome arrived at Valenciennes, to
assume the command of the French army ; and it was natural
to expect, that as soon as he had collected his troops he would
make an effort for the deliverance of Menin. Marlborough,
therefore, changed his position, by stretching his right to
Lauwe, though his head-quarters still continued at Helchin,
from whence he wrote to Godolphin.
" Helchin, August 9. — The duke of Vendome having strengthened the
garrison of Menin, and ordered several troops to march that way, he is to
be at Ypres this night, so that I have sent this day twelve battalions to
strengthen those of the siege. Our cannon began to fire this morning.
Three or four days we hope will dismount so many of their cannon that
we may with security carry on our trenches. M. de Vendome has given
orders to all the troops to be in readiness to march at twenty-four hours
warning, so that in three or four days he may draw them together. By
his language we ought to expect another battle, but I cannot think the
king of France will venture it ; if he should, I hope and pray that the
blessing of God may continue with us."
During this interval, Cadogan, his confidential friend, was
surprised and made prisoner, in protecting a foraging party.
Before his fate was ascertained, Marlborough testified to the
duchess his keen regret for the loss of so faithful an adhe
rent, in terms which do honour to his feelings.
" Helchin, August 16. — An officer is just come to me to give me an
account of the forage we have made this day, and he tells me that poor
g g 2

452 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XLVHI.
Cadogan is taken prisoner or killed, which gives me a great deal of un
easiness, for he loved me, and I could rely on him. I am now sending a
trumpet to the governor of Tournay, to know if he be alive ; for the
horse that beat him came from that garrison. I have ordered the trumpet
to return this night, for I shall not be quiet till I know his fate."
He had soon the satisfaction to find his apprehensions un
founded, Cadogan being sent back on his parole, two days
afterwards, by the French commander. This act of courtesy
was immediately repaid by the liberation of the baron de
JPallavacini, who had been made prisoner in the late battle.
"We cannot refrain from adding another letter to Lord
'Ijoflolphin, written before the close of the campaign, which
• exhibits the- affectionate character of the British general in
¦ a no less amiable light.
. " Cambron, Oct. 24. 1706. — I find by your last letter that applications,
. are made, by Mr. Mordaunt and others, for my brother's place in the
" Tower. I beg you will not be engaged, and that the queen will gratify
me on this occasion. I -would not have this place disposed of as yet;
but when I shall think it a proper time, I would then beg the queen
would be pleased to let Brigadier Cadogan have it, since it will be pro
vision for him in time of peace. As I would put my life in his hands, so
3 will be answerable for his faithfulness and duty to the queen. I have
dor the queen's service obliged him this war to expose his life very often,
. so that in justice I owe him this good office."
The breaching batteries being now opened against Menin,
tke duke again went to hasten the progress of the attack.
"Within a few hours he had the satisfaction to observe the
last defences of the place in a state of ruin, and the garrison
^reduced to propose a capitulation. After some trifling dis-
-«ussion, the terms were arranged, and on the 25th of August
the gates were opened to the allies, the garrison retiring
with warlike honours to Douay. This success was imme
diately announced to the treasurer.
"Helchin, August 23. — Yesterday morning the enemy at Menin planted
a white flag on their breach, and as I was there, I immediately ordered
an exchange of hostages. We have this morning possession of one of their
gates, and on Wednesday, being St. Louis's Day, they are to march out
with the usual marks of honour. We must have eight or ten days for
the levelling our lines and putting the place in a posture of defence. In
the mean time, I am taking measures for the siege of Dendermond. If
the weather continues dry, we shall take it ; but if it should rain, we
cannot continue before it. The duke of Vendome continues to talk
more than I believe he intends to perform ; however, he strengthens
himself every day with all the troops he can possibly get."

1706.] SURRENDER OP MENTN. 453
Among the cannon of the place were four English pieces
taken at the battle of Landen, which being considered as a
trophy of victory, were sent back to England. The injury
which the works had suffered in the attack was speedily
repaired. The loss which the allies incurred in the reduction
of so strong and valuable a fortress amounted to no less than
3000 killed and wounded ; that of the garrison to 1500.
On the surrender of Menin, Vendome collected his troops,
and occupied a strong position behind the Lys and the Dyle,
to prevent any enterprise against Lille : but the views of
Marlborough were directed to another quarter. Dendermond,
though not a place of magnitude, was yet so strong by its
marshy situation, and so advantageously situated for securing
the winter quarters which he intended to occupy, that he
resolved to wrest it from the possession of the enemy. The
requisite arrangements were no sooner completed at Menin
than the blockade it had undergone was turned into a siege,
and troops detached for the attack, the main army still occu
pying the camp of Helchin. The views of the British general
will best appear from his correspondence.
To Lord Godolphin.
" August 26  I have not had the happiness of any of yours since my
last, and am very impatient to hear of the descent, so that I beg you wilfc
constantly let me have all the particulars you receive of that matter. I
saw the garrison of Menin march out yesterday ; they were near 4,500'
men. The fear they had of being made prisoners of war made them give
up the place five or six days sooner than, in decency, they ought to have
done. " My brother will be to-morrow before Dendermond, and I hope the
cannon may fire by Monday ; and if we have no rain, five or six days
may make us masters of that place, which has always been thought un-
attac-kable; and in truth we should not have thought of it, but the extra
ordinary drought makes us venture. If we succeed at Dendermond, and
can in time have more ammunition from- Holland, we shall then make
the siege of Ath, whioh will be a security to our winter quarters, not
withstanding the duke of Vendome's army. If we could have been sure
of having the necessaries for the siege of Ypres, I believe we should have
undertaken it, for that place is very difficult to be relieved when the
posts are once taken ; but we can't expect the stores that are sent for in
less than three weeks, so that we should have consumed all the forage
before we could have been able to have begun the attack. I give you the
trouble of all this that you may see that I should have preferred Ypres
before Ath ; but the Dutch like Dendermond and Ath much the best,
so that I hope they will not let us want ammunition for them."
G G S

454 LIFE OP MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XLVHI.
" Helchin, August 30. — The engineer sends me word that he finds much
more water at Dendermond than he expected. I go there in three or
four days, and then I shall be able to send you the certainty of what we
may expect."
" Sept. 1  I go there to-morrow, and hope by my next to let you
know that they have overcome the difficulty ; for that place would be
very troublesome, it being in the midst of the winter quarters."
The attack against Dendermond was confided to General
Churchill. The attention of the garrison being diverted by
a skilful feint, the trenches were opened on the left bank of
the Scheldt, without loss, and the approaches pushed with
such unusual celerity, that the place was reduced to surrender
unconditionally on the 5th of September. To Godolphin
the British commander thus writes, in the exultation . of
success. " Sept. 9.  In yours of the 23d, you were afraid that if there were any
good news from this country, it would find the way over, whereas you ,
had three packets due. When they come to you, you will find every
thing you could expect from hence. That of Dendermond, making them
prisoners of war, was more than was reasonable ; but I saw them in a
consternation. That place could never have been taken but by the hand
of God, which gave us seven weeks without any rain. The rain began
the next day after we had possession, and continued till this evening.
* * » » Xhe express that carried the good news to the States of our
being masters of Dendermond, was despatched in such haste that I could
not write to you. I believe the king of France will be a good deal sur
prised when he shall hear that the garrison has been obliged to surrender
themselves prisoners of war ; for upon his being told that preparations
were making for the siege of Dendermond, he said, ' they must have an
army of ducks to take it.' The truth is, God has blessed us with a very
extraordinary season.
" I do not give myself the honour of troubling the queen with a letter,
so that you will give my duty to her and to the prince, and acquaint them
with this good success. What makes them the more remarkable is, that
this place was never before taken, though once besieged by the French,
and the king himself with the army. I hope in seven or eight days we
shall have in this town all the cannon and ammunition that is necessary
for the siege of Ath.
" I should think, if you have not already, you should now acquaint the
Dutch envoy that her majesty has directed Mr. Stepney to come to the
army, so that he may act with their deputies at Brussels in what may be
for the public good, she having commanded me to return to England as
soon as the campaign shall be at an end. As Mr. Stepney is to be joined
to me in that commission, so he will have orders to follow the directions
I shall leave with him. You must also let him see that this was abso
lutely necessary in my absence ; so that there might be no opportunity
lost for the settling of the barrier with King Charles III. I am the

1706.] SURRENDER OF ATFI. 455
more tedious on this subject, being very sure that the Dutch will not like
his coming."
Notwithstanding the advance of the season, Marlborough
would not close this long and active campaign without some
new and signal enterprise. The various detachments being
recalled, the army passed the Scheldt ; and Overkirk, with a
competent force, on the 16th invested Ath, a small but im
portant place on the Dender. Marlborough himself occupied
the position of Leuze, and established his head-quarters at
Grametz. On the 22d the trenches were opened, the covert
way was carried on the 29th, and the batteries played with
decisive effect on the interior defences. The garrison in
consternation forced the governor to beat a parley, on the
1st of October. The terms offered by the assailants being
deemed too severe, the attack recommenced ; but the renewal
served only to convince the besieged of their hopeless situ
ation. On the 4th they submitted to their fate, and 800
men, the only effective remains of a garrison of 2000,
marched out as prisoners of war to Berghen-op-Zoom.
During this operation, Vendome had taken post on the
Scheldt, between Conde and Mortagne. With a discouraged
and unequal force, he could not risk the chance of an en
gagement; and now, justly dreading an attempt on Mons, or
Charleroy, he strengthened those garrisons. Indeed his fears
were not without foundation ; for Marlborough intended to
close the campaign with the capture of Mons, had he not
been restrained by the timid counsels of the Dutch. He
thus expresses his regret to his correspondents in England : — .
To Lord Godolphin.
" Grametz, Sept. 27. 1706. — We have nothing new in this country.
The enemy continue in their camp, as you see I do in mine. I believe they
have no thoughts of disturbing the siege of Ath, so that if I march before
the siege is ended, it will be for the conveniency of forage, This last
success at Turin has so disheartened their army in this country that if
the Dutch can furnish ammunition enough for the siege of Mons, I shall
endeavour to persuade them to undertake it ; for I am persuaded, if the
weather continues fair, we shall have it much cheaper this year than the
next, when they will have had time to recruit their army. But the back
wardness I have found in some, even for this siege of Ath, makes me fear
that they may create so many difficulties that we shall be obliged to do
nothing more after this siege is over; so that I desire you will not speak
of Mons till you hear more from me. If we shall do nothing after the
siege of Ath, but the putting of Courtrai in such a condition as that we
G g 4

456 LIFE OP MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XLVHI.
may leave eight battalions in it this winter, you may then depend upon
my being at the Hague by the end of the next month. Considering the
humour those people are in at this time, I believe there will be a neces-
sity, for the queen's service, that I stay at least ten days, unless you shall
order it otherwise."
" Sept. 30. — We have had at this time too much rain ; however, I
continue of opinion we ought to make the siege of Mons if we can have a
sufficient quantity of stores ; for the taking of that town would be a very
great advantage to us for the opening of next campaign, which we must
make if we will bring France to such a peace as will give us quiet here
after." After the reduction of Ath, Marlborough broke up from
Grametz on the 12th of October, passed the Dender at
Leuze, and being rejoined by Overkirk, pitched his camp
between Chievre and Lens, establishing his head-quarters in
the abbey of Cambron. Vendome boasted, that during this
movement he would attack the rear guard of the allies ; but
he disappointed the hopes of the British commander, who
really felt all the eagerness which his antagonist affected to
feel for an engagement. To Lord Godolphin.
" Cambron, Oct. 14. 1706. — After having had very bad weather, we
have now the finest that is possible ; I hope you have the same at New
market. I send you one sheet of the Paris Gazette, that you may see
what they say of the affairs of Spain. I hope you will have better news
from that country by the way of Portugal. M. de Vendome tells his
officers that he has it in his power of strengthening his army to 140 bat
talions and 180 squadrons ; and that if my lord Marlborough gives him an
opportunity, he will make him a visit before the campaign ends. I believe
he has neither will nor power to do it, which we shall see very quickly ;
for we are now camped in so open a country, that if he marches to us, we
cannot refuse fighting. What I most apprehend is that he will have it
in his power to give us trouble about Courtrai."
Alluding to the disputes which then reigned in the cabinet
respecting the appointment of Sunderland, he continues : —
" You will have seen by my last how uneasy I was at some news I
have heard from England. I shall continue so till I have your thoughts
on that matter ; for my trouble proceeds from my friendship to you and
my duty to the queen. For the consequences of what may happen to
the rest of Europe, mankind must and will struggle for their own safety;
and, for myself, I shall be much happier in a. retired life, when I have
the queen's and your leave for it."
The opinion which Marlborough expressed in the pre
ceding letter was verified by the event ; for although Ven-

1706. J CLOSE OF THE CAMPAIGN. 457
dome advanced from Mons on the 18th and 20th, at the head
of a strong reconnoitring party, and made demonstrations of
an attack, he did not venture to carry his threat into execu
tion, but retired as soon as his able antagonist took precau
tions to oppose him.
Having relinquished all farther operations, Marlborough
broke up from Cambron on the 26th, fell back to Ghieslingen,
between Enghien and Grammont. Here he left the command
to Overkirk, and departed for Brussels, to regulate the go
vernment of the conquered provinces. He made his public
entry into the capital of Brabant in the most splendid manner,
amidst the joyful acclamations of the inhabitants ; was pre
sented with the keys of the town, and received with all the
honours usually paid to the ancient dukes of Burgundy. The
magistrates offered, on this occasion, what was called the
wine of honour. It was contained in a tun, gilt and painted
with the arms of his highness, on a carriage adorned with
streamers, and drawn by six horses, preceded by trumpets
and kettle drums. The procession was led by a cavalcade
of students, richly habited, who presented to the hero of
Ramilies devices indicating the great events of this extra
ordinary campaign.
On the 31st he joined the army, and in the beginning of
November distributed his troops into quarters, the English
at Ghent, the Danes at Bruges, and the troops of Prussia
and Luneburgh along the Demer. Overkirk was left com
mandant in the Low Countries, Tilly was sent to Louvain,
General Salisch to Mechlin, and General Churchill was in
trusted with the government of Brussels. The duke himself
quitted Antwerp on the 7th, repaired on the 9th to the
Hague, to complete the arrangements which were rendered
necessary, by the recent occurrences on the Rhine, in Italy,
and in Spain ; to concert the plan of operations for the ensu
ing campaign, and to take a share in the negotiations which
the Dutch government had now opened with the court of
France.

458 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XLIX.

Chap. XLIX.—Italy and Spain.— 1706, 1707.
During the siege of Ath, Marlborough had the satisfaction
to learn that his indefatigable efforts in procuring succours
of men and money, for the relief of the duke of Savoy, were
crowned with the most gratifying success. Anxious to com
pensate for the disasters in the Netherlands and Spain, the
French king redoubled his efforts in Italy, where the strength
of his army, and the magnitude of his preparations, seemed
likely to insure a favourable issue. Since the surprise of the
imperialists in their quarters, unusual exertions had been
made to complete the ruin of the duke of Savoy, by the re
duction of his capital, which was the last rampart of the
allies in Italy. He was compelled to seek a retreat in the
recesses of the Alps ; and while a covering army, under Ven
dome, seemed to command every avenue by which relief
could approach, La Feuillade, the son-in-law of Chamillard,
minister of war, was intrusted with the direction of the be
sieging force, in the full confidence that success would entitle
him to the highest military honours.
Fortunately no common obstacles could baffle the enter
prising spirit of so skilful and active a general as Eugene ;
for he no sooner received the promised reinforcements than
he resumed the offensive, at the moment when the cause of
the allies appeared most desperate. Descending from the
Alps, by passages scarcely deemed pervious, he suddenly
appeared in the plains of the Veronese, baffled the combina
tions of his opponents, and traversing the rivers and canals,
with which the country isintersected, compelled the enemy
to fall back behind the river Parmegiana.
At this moment Vendome was recalled to recover the for
tune ofthe French arms in the Netherlands, and the command
was transferred to the duke of Orleans, under the direction
of the Count de Marsin. But the new generals were less
able to withstand the progress of their enterprising antago
nist than their skilful predecessor. Driven behind the Po,
they had the mortification to witness the rapid advance of
the imperial general, and his junction with the duke of

1706, 1707.] relief of turin. 459
Savoy ; and they had no other means of prosecuting the
siege of Turin than by taking po.->t behind the lines of cir-
cumvallation, which they considered impregnable.
The momentous enterprise of Victor Amadeus and Eugene
was conducted with consummate skill and promptitude. They
met, for the first time, in a meadow near Carmagnola, and
having settled their dispositions, effected the junction of their
troops on the ensuing day. Ascending the heights of Su-
perga, which command the plain surrounding the capital,
they surveyed the dispositions and works of the enemy, and
arranged the plan of attack. Inspirited by a succour so un
expected, the confidence of the duke of Savoy equalled his
former depression. To the master of his household, who
inquired where he intended to dine on the following day, he
replied, with impatience and enthusiasm, " At Turin ! at
Turin !"* Nor did the event disappoint his sanguine hopes.
The ensuing morning the hostile lines were attacked, between
the Doria and the Stura, and the advantage of superior num
bers being rendered unavailing, by the skilful combinations of
the assailants, the enemy was forced, after a bloody resistance ;
and the victorious commanders carried relief to the capital,
at the moment when breaches were opened in the rampart,
and the garrison was reduced to the last charge of powder.1]"
Marsin was mortally wounded, and made prisoner, 9000 men
were either killed or taken, and the army which had so long
given law to Italy was driven in confusion and disgrace to
wards the borders of Dauphine. Eugene imparted the joyful
intelligence to his friend and colleague, with his characteristic
brevity. " Your highness will not, I am sure, be displeased to hear by the Baron
de HondorfTof the signal advantage which the arms of his imperial ma-
jerty and his allies have gained over the enemy. You have had so great
a share in it by the succours you have procured, that you must permit
me to thank you again. Marshal Marsin is taken prisoner and mortally
wounded. The troops have greatly signalised themselves. In a few
days I will send you a correct account ; and in the mean time refer you
to that which you will hear from the bearer of this letter, who is well-in
formed, has seen every thing, and is competent to give an accurate rela-
* Journal du Baron de Montolieu St. Hippolit.
•j" History of the House of Austria, chap. lxx.

460 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XLIX.
tion. Your highness will excuse the shortness of this letter, as I haye
not a moment of time." *
This victory inspired the British commander with no less
joy than if it had been his own achievement, and he expressed
to the duchess his satisfaction in the warmest language.
" Sept. 26. — I have now received the confirmation of. the success in
Italy from the duke of Savoy and Prince Eugene ; and it is impossible
for me to express the joy it has given me, for I do not only esteem, but I
really love that prince. This glorious action must bring France so low,
that if our friends can be persuaded to carry on the war one year longer
with vigour, we could not fail, with the blessing of God, to have such a
peace as would give us quiet in our days ; but the Dutch are at this time
unaccountable." It was natural to hope that this important victory would
not only liberate Italy, but be followed by such decisive
operations against France as might realise the expectations
of Marlborough, by bringing the war to a speedy conclusion.
The defeat of the French before Turin, however, produced
the same effects in Italy as their discomfiture in the Nether
lands. The jealousies of the duke of Savoy and the emperor,
which had with difficulty been suspended in adversity, were
revived by success ; and the maritime powers, in their turn,
had just reason to complain that the emperor profited by this
revolution of affairs to gratify his own interests, at the ex
pense of the common cause. The most obvious plan of
operations was, to leave the force which still remained in the
Milanese to melt away, and by a vigorous attack on the re
treating army, to draw the attention and strength of the
enemy from other quarters. To this wise plan of operations
the British cabinet looked with impatience and hope. Godol
phin, in several letters to Marlborough, speaks both his own
feelings and the expectations of his colleagues.
" Sept. 17." After congratulating him on the victory at Turin, he
adds, " I shall be impatient to hear the next steps of the duke of Savoy
and Prince Eugene. I am apprehensive the orders of the latter may
direct him to the Milanese. But I hope the duke of Savoy will rather.
incline to push the French from Pignerol, where, as I am informed, they
cannot protect themselves against a superior army. You will best judge.
what can be properly said to them upon this subject from their allies on
* Eugene modestly omits to allege, in excuse for the abruptness of
this letter, the pain of a dangerous wound in the head, which he received
during the attack of the lines.

1706, 1707.] STATE OF THE WAR. 461
this side; and whatever is said by yourself will have more weight with
them than from any body else."
" Sept. 18. * * * * — Nor is it less necessary, on the other hand, to
press the duke of Savoy and the Prince Eugene to follow the remainder
of the French army which retired to Pignerol, and from thence perhaps
into Dauphine ; for if those should be at liberty to be employed else
where, we shall soon feel the weight of them upon us in Spain. I have
spoken very earnestly to the Comte de Briancon * upon this subject, and
perhaps a word to you from Count Maffei, and a letter to Prince
Eugene, and also to the duke of Savoy himself, may be very useful. Or
otherwise, the consequence of this great victory, to which England has so
much contributed, will not only serve to make the war of Spain so much
more difficult and expensive to us ; and considering how ready the queen
has been to do every thing that could be desired for the support of the
duke of Savoy, she may reasonably expect so much regard from him as
this comes to. Besides this, I have gone so far as to let the Comte de
Briancon hope that whenever peace comes to be adjusted, we would use
our best endeavours to keep France on this side of the Alps. "
These pertinent remarks do honour to the penetration of
Godolphin, and were perfectly in unison with the sentiments
of the general, who urged this suggestion to the imperial
cabinet and Eugene with his usual zeal. But their fore
bodings were too fully realised ; for they had soon the morti
fication to learn that the enemy had been suffered to continue
their retreat to Pignerol unmolested, while the views of the
imperial court were carried into effect, by operations for the
recovery of the Austrian possessions in Lombardy. Within
a few days after the battle the combined army turned their
attacks against a French corps left in the Milanese, under
the command of Medavi, passed the Tesino, recovered the
city of Milan, and finished the operations of the campaign,
by penetrating into the Mantuan and Cremonese, and con
fining the French forces to the citadels of Milan, Mantua,
and the other strong-holds which they were unprepared to
besiege. The military operations on the Upper Rhine were far
from exhibiting the splendid character which marked the
campaign in the Netherlands, and in Italy. The successes
of Marlborough had indeed checked the enterprising spirit
of Villars, who, instead of restoring the honour of the French
arms in Germany, as he had boasted at the commencement
of the campaign, saw his forces diminished by continual
draughts to the quarter where the victorious army threatened
* Minister of the duke of Savoy.

462 LIFE OP MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XLIX.
to break through the iron frontier of France. The margrave
of Baden, however, was unable, even if inclined, to profit by
the favourable turn of affairs ; for his army was also fluc
tuating by the repeated draughts which the emperor made
from his own forces, to feed the war in Hungary ; and lie
was himself gradually sinking under a mortal disorder, which
rendered him incapable of exertion, but irritable and im
petuous, and impatient of advice or remonstrance.
Marlborough interfered to mediate an arrangement with
the Hungarian insurgents, which might prevent this per
petual drain, but without effect ; for both the emperor and
the insurgents were too elevated in their expectations, and
too exorbitant in their, demands, to enter into any serious
accommodation. During the whole course of the campaign, therefore, an
active, though fruitless correspondence, took place, in which
appeals were made to Marlborough on every side. From
the imperial ministers, against the inactivity of the margrave
of Baden ; from the margrave, against the imperial cabinet ;
and from the members of the British administration, who
equally censured the want of zeal and concert manifested by
both. The confidence which was placed in his integrity and
conciliating manners also drew on him a series of appeals
and counter appeals on one side from the imperial cabinet,
and on the other, from Prince Ragotski, and the chiefs of the
Hungarian insurrection.
In Spain, the close of the campaign was as disastrous as
the commencement was brilliant and successful. Instead of
prosecuting their advantages, and profiting by the. confusion
of a discomfited enemy, the allies displayed that want of
concert which generally attends the operations of powers
actuated by discordant interests, and directed by different
heads. On the western frontier, the united troops of Portugal,
England, and Holland were long held in suspense respecting
the fate of Barcelona. Although they advanced without ob
struction as far as the pass of Almarez, on the Tagus, Lord
Galway* in vain urged Das Minas to proceed to Madrid,
* Lord Galway to Lord Godolphin.
" Camp of Nuestra Senora de Oega, 12-23. 1706  * * * * * The
king of Portugal has sent his positive orders to the M. das Minas to

1706, 1707.] the war in spain. 468
where no force remained to oppose them. Under the pre
tence of securing the frontier, the Portuguese general com
pelled his colleague to assist in reducing the fortresses of
Alcantara, Cuidad Rodrigo, and Salamanca ; and he could
not be induced to direct his tardy march towards the Spanish
capital, until the intelligence from Catalonia removed all pre
tence for delay.
On the other hand, the feuds which agitated the petty
court of Charles produced a still more fatal effect. A council
of war was indeed held at Barcelona on the 18th of May, and
it was decided that the young monarch should immediately
take his departure for Madrid. In furtherance of this plan,
Peterborough was despatched into Valencia with 4000 men,
to collect and organise an army, and open the way through
the mountains which skirt the frontier of New Castile. In
stead, however, of displaying the promptitude and decision
which the case required, Charles lingered yet a month at
Barcelona, importuning the British envoy and generals for
pecuniary supplies, that he might appear in his capital with
the splendour becoming a monarch.* Finally, at the very
moment when he was anxiously expected in Valencia, he
suddenly changed his resolution. Availing himself of a re
volution which took place at Saragosa, he directed his course
through Aragon, under the pretence of receiving the homage
of that kingdom, though in reality to obtain contributions
from the States, as well as to escape from the control of
Lord Peterborough.
Meanwhile Galway and Das Minas had commenced their
march directly towards Madrid, so we have now a fair game to play,
except these people will openly betray their king and the common cause.
But, at the same time, M. das Minas has so set his mind on the siege of
Badajos, that he does not show the satisfaction one might expect upon
such great successes as we're had in a few days. He daily makes new
difficulties and doubts, and expresses much unwillingness to go on. I
give my lord ambassador notice of it, that he may get the king's positive
orders repeated to him, which I hope we may receive at Placentia, to
which place I reckon I may persuade him to march, tho' not without
difficulty." * While he was importuning for supplies of money, and excusing his
delay by alleging his want of an equipage, Mr. Stanhope replied — " Sir,
the Prince of Orange entered London in a coach and four, with a cloak
bag behind it, and was made king not many weeks after." — Memoirs of
Lord Walpole, chap. i.

464 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XLIX.
march to Madrid, in the full confidence that Charles, with
the army of Lord Peterborough, would anticipate their ar
rival. Reaching the capital on the 26th of June, they ob
served no symptom of welcome or exultation on the part of
the people, and received no intelligence of the monarch, or
the army on whose junction they had fondly calculated.
Even Peterborough, whose aid would, at this moment, have
been of the highest advantage, imitated the example of
Charles, in delaying his march towards the scene of action.
The disappointment was rendered more grievous, by reports
which were artfully circulated, of the death of Charles, and
which deterred many even of his zealous partisans from
manifesting their devotion to his cause. The confederate
generals, however, proclaimed his accession, amidst the
gloomy silence of an almost deserted capital, and pushed a
corps to Toledo, where a commotion was excited in his
favour, by the intrigues of the widowed queen, and Cardinal
Portocarrero.* By these delays and divisions the Bourbon prince was
enabled to recover from his disasters and perilous situation.
Hastening back into Spain, by the road of Pampeluna, he
appeared in the capital, at the very moment when his cause
was considered as hopeless, and by this proof of firmness and
attachment, gave an impulse to the loyalty of his people:
At the same time Berwick conducted the army, on which
the fate of the monarchy depended, with a skill and circum
spection equal to the magnitude of the danger. "Without
exposing himself to an attack, he hung on the movements of
the Anglo-Portuguese, and skirting the borders of Castile,
protected the person of Philip ; while he superintended the
removal ofthe queen, the court and tribunals, towards Burgos.
No effort was omitted to collect reinforcements, and rouse the
public enthusiasm. Philip not only joined the army of Ber
wick with full reliance on the devotion of his subjects, but had
soon the satisfaction to see the two Castiles and Andalusia
swarm with new levies ; while hordes of armed peasantry,
and enterprising partisans, straitened the communications of
the allies in every direction.
At this juncture the allied generals received intelligence
that Charles was at length advancing, and Galway leaving
* Memoirs ofthe Kings of Spain, &c, ch. xiv.

1706, 1707.] DISASTERS IN SPAIN. 465
Madrid under the protection of Das Minas, pushed forward
to Alcala with a considerable force to facilitate his junction.
But it was now too late to remedy the mischiefs occasioned
by their procrastination. Berwick still skilfully avoided
an engagement ; and retreating as his antagonists advanced
through Guadalaxara to Xadraca, was hourly joined by rein
forcements, not only of new levies, but of the troops who
had retreated from Barcelona.
Meanwhile Das Minas quitted Madrid on the 1 1th July,
and the whole force of the allies was directed against the
army of Berwick, which they expected to overwhelm ; but
approaching his position on the 1st of August, they were
confounded to find themselves in the presence of a superior
force. Their whole attention was now directed to secure
their junction with Charles, of whose movements they at
length received certain intelligence. After lingering a month
at Saragosa, he took a circuitous route, with a small escort,
through the borders of Valencia, and was joined by Peter
borough, at Pastrana ; but the confederate generals had no
sooner directed their views to this quarter, than Berwick
sent a detachment which recovered Madrid, and expelled
their garrisons from Segovia and Toledo.
In this alarming predicament Charles reached the camp of
Guadalaxara, on the 6th of August, accompanied by Peter
borough, Count Noyelles, General Stanhope, and the prince
of Lichtenstein ; but brought with him, instead of an army,
which was expected, not more than 700 horse, and 1500 foot.
"Within a few days he was followed by the rest of the force,
which together did not exceed 5000 men.
Amidst the public rejoicings for the long-expected arrival
of a prince, whose presence wras expected to ensure the con
quest of Spain, the camp became a scene of altercation ; and
the person against whom all parties directed their enmity
was the earl of Peterborough. Finding himself censured
for his delays in Valencia, and mortified by the unwelcome
reception which he experienced from Charles, the eccentric
peer anticipated his recall, by soliciting permission to fulfil
the instructions which he had previously received from the
queen, to raise money and succours for the relief of the duke
of Savoy.
In a council of war, held in the palace at Guadalaxara,
VOL. I. H H

466 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XLIX.
his proposal1 was warmly recommended, and he was still far
ther authorised, after he had relieved the duke, to return
with the fleet for the conquest of Minorca. That nothing
might be wanting to facilitate his departure, the Portuguese
general and ambassador consigned to him bills of exchange
to negotiate at Genoa, and the king gave him full power, to
mortgage any part of his dominions to the republic. Thus
loaded with vain promises and impracticable commissions,
he took his departure the same evening, to the gratification
of all parties, whose private piques and jealousies were ab
sorbed in their common aversion to a general, to whose, fro-;
ward and overbearing temper they all ascribed the disasters
with which they were menaced*,
The combined generals, to whom the load of responsibility
was now transferred, found themselves in a situation of im
minent peril and perplexity. They were dissatisfied with
the tardiness of the king, disgusted with the interference of
his German ministers, without magazines and without money,
in the midst of a hostile country, and opposed by an enemy
superior in force. Behind, their communications were cut
off by the loss of Madrid, Toledo, and Segovia, and around
them swarmed innumerable enemies, while continual rein
forcements swelled the army of Philip. They had therefore
no alternative but to take the only road which now remained
open to Valencia, and on the 11th commenced their retreat.
Proceeding by hasty marches towards the mountains border
ing New Castile, they suffered many hardships from the
attacks of the enemy, the want of shelter, and the scantiness
of provisions. They closed their long and harassing march
at Requena, the last town in New Castile, on the 29th of
September, and distributed their exhausted troops into quar^
ters of refreshment.
On the 27th, the king quitted his army during their retreat,
and passing through Requena, repaired to Valencia, where
his reception seemed for a moment to suspend the recollection
of his recent reverse. He could not, however, reflect on this.
dishonourable retreat, without the deepest regret ; and in the
course of the march despatched Count Zinzerling, one of his
confidential counsellors, to communicate his complaints to
Marlborough, and to request that he might be relieved from.
similar mortifications in future. The letter which he sent

T706-, 1707.] CHARLES' LETTER TO MARLBOROUGH. 467
by the same messenger, though written with the utmost
caution, will show the poignancy of his feelings.
" Camp of Peral, Sept. 22. — My lord prince, and Duke of Marlbo
rough, — You will have seen from my other letters, which you received'
by the count of Lecheraine, how much I interest myself in every thing
that can contribute to your glory and advantage, and the reward of
your merits.* Doubting not that you will continue in the inclination
you express of advancing my interests, as well as those of the common
cause, I am persuaded you will be sensibly affected by the misfortunes I
have experienced this campaign, since 1 joined the army of my allies
from Portugal. Of these who will be apprised by my counsellor, Zin-
zerling, the bearer, who will impart to you my most secret thoughts and
projects. After what has happened, you will be aware that my honour,
authority, and reputation do not allow me any longer to expose myself
to the same accidents and prejudices ; and that we cannot hope for a
prompt and glorious conclusion of the present war in Spain, unless we
adoptJother measures ; and unless I am enabled to obtain the necessary
succours, and act vigorously with my own troops on the points most
sensible to France,"
He then solicits the advice and support of Marlborough,
and having requested subsidies and other assistance from the1.
queen and the States, he adds : —
" They may be assured that I will neither spare my person, nor omit
any exertion, to perform what may be expected from me. You will
believe, my dear lord, that I entertain no other views than such as are
the most useful to the common cause, and most advantageous to the ¦
liberty of Europe, and the strict union with the crown of England.
This I will always maintain, as a proof of the perfect gratitude I feel for -
benefits so essential as those I have just experienced from, the queen,
your mistress.
" It is necessary also that I should make known to you the great
satisfaction I feel in the prudent and zealous conduct of Mr. Stanhope, a
gentleman who is endowed with every good quality, and possesses my
entire confidence and satisfaction. As he has shown himself equally able
in the cabinet and the field, you will give me great pleasure by confiding -
to him. such powers as will enable me to profit by his assistance the en- .
suing year. On this subject, as well as on other important and secret .
points, I have ordered my counsellor, Zinzerling, to communicate with,
you in the fullest confidence, and beg you to impart your sentiments
with similar freedom.
" The services you have rendered to the public and to me, and those
which I expect in future, will ever be so deeply impressed on my me-
* Alluding to his confirmation of the grant conferring on Marlborough.
the administration of the Netherlands. H H 2

468 LIPE OP MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XLIX,
mory, that I shall neglect no opportunity of giving you convincing
proofs of my gratitude and esteem for your merit." *
After the departure of the king, Galway and Das Minas
remained with the army, to re-organise the troops, and settle
the disposition of their quarters. Peterborough, who had
not been permitted to share in the disgrace of the retreat,
found on his arrival at Valencia an order from the British
government to despatch a squadron to the "West Indies. The
intelligence which arrived at the same time from Turin
superseded his intended expedition to Piedmont, so that after
a short stay to press the siege of Alicante, he departed for
Genoa, to exchange his military command for. the equally
difficult, though less honourable occupation of collecting
pecuniary supplies, j
By this fatal reverse Marlborough was not only mortified
and disappointed, but placed in a predicament equally critical
and unexpected. Admiring the chivalrous spirit, fascinating
manners, and courtly address of Peterborough, he had re
commended him to the command, and bestowed unqualified
praise on his splendid achievements. He was therefore
deeply chagrined to find that success had rendered him im
patient of control, ambitious of pre-eminence, and no less
vain and visionary in his designs, than petulant in his man
ners, and unaccommodating in his disposition. Peterborough
had also not only treated with contempt and levity the young
monarch under whom he was commissioned to act, and whom
he was interested to conciliate ; but from pique and revenge
he was suspected of having so far swerved from his duty as
to make private overtures, proposing to assist in raising the
duke of Savoy to the Spanish throne. J
In addition to the uneasiness arising from these causes, the
intemperate effusions and acrimonious complaints of Peter
borough evinced an envious and vindictive spirit, which it
was dangerous to provoke, and impossible to gratify. It
* Translation from the original, in French.
¦j- Memoires de Berwick ; Narrative of Lord Galway ; Conduct of
the Earl of Peterborough ; MS. Letters from Peterborough to the Duke
jind Duchess of Marlborough, and to Lord Sunderland ; Journal des
Operations en Espagne, in a Letter dated Lisbon, Oct. 25., by an
Officer in the service of the Allies.
i Letter from Godolphin to Marlborough.

1706, 1707.] LETTERS ON AFFAIRS OF SPAIN. 469
appeared that he had already prepared documents to perplex
and embroil the administration at home, and had even begun
to manifest the hostility to which he afterwards gave full
scope, by distributing them, through his agents in England,
among the chiefs of the disaffected, and the leaders of oppo
sition. The correspondence of Marlborough is therefore filled with
complaints against the misconduct and perverseness of all
who were intrusted with the direction of the war in Spain,
more especially of Peterborough, to whose froward and arro
gant spirit he and Godolphin principally ascribed the unfor
tunate result. A few extracts will suffice to display their
sentiments and opinions on a subject in which they took so
deep an interest. From Lord Godolphin.
"June 11-22. — I have had other notices agreeing with Count "Wra-
tislaw's letter, which you sent me concerning Lord Peterborough ; but
I reckon they come all from the complaints of the prince of Lichtenstein.
And though I can easily believe occasion enough may have been given
for them, yet I certainly know, by several letters from Mr. Crowe and
others, that the conduct of him who complains has been worthless and
contemptible to the last degree. Count Noyelle's letter is very modest,
and does not pretend to decide between the two noblemen."
To Lord Godolphin.
•' June 18. — The duke of Savoy has desired that Lord Peterborough
may go with the succours. That part is left to the king of Spain, who,
I suppose, will not be sorry to part with him, and his lordship will be
naturally willing enough to go, if he does not suspect that it will make
the king of Spain easy." From Lord Godolphin.
" Windsor, July 18. — Mr. Montague, a nephew of my Lord Halifax,
and one of my Lord Galway's aides-de-camps, arrived here with eight
letters from his lordship, dated from the camp of Madrid, of the 16-27
of June ; but this gentleman did not leave him till the 29lh. I will not
trouble you with particular*;, because I send you the letters which he
brought, desiring they may be sent to me again at your convenience.
" The same packet brought me a letter from my Lord Peterborough
of a very old date, from Barcelona. It is full of extraordinary flights
and artificial turns- But one may see by it that there is room for every
thing that has been thought or said of his conduct there ; and, at the same
time, by that and other letters of more credit, nothing ever was so weak,
so shameful, and so unaccountable, in every point, as the conduct of the
prince de Lichtenstein, and the rest of the king of Spain's German fol
lowers. If Mr. Crowe calls upon you in his return, as I hope he will, I
shall not need to trouble you with any more of it now. But it looks as
h h 3

470 . LIFE OP MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XLIX.
if the king of Spain would never have come to Madrid, if my Lord
Galway had not sent to him from thence, though there was no enemy in
the field to hinder them.
" In short, as we have had good luck in what has passed, we shall
want it no less in what is to come, except the king of Spain keeps my
¦Lord Galway near him, at least for some time, as I have most humbly
desired him to do, in a letter to himself, purely for that purpose."
" Windsor, July 19-30. — Since my letter of yesterday, from this place,
I have the favour of yours of the 22d, with the inclosed from Count
Noyelles, whose complaints I believe truly are as just as the matter of
them is unjustifiable ; but vanity and passion are capable of carrying
people, who have no principle, to do strange things.
" Upon the joining of our Portugal and Catalonian troops with theking
of Spain at Madrid, it has been thought proper, for preventing disputes,
to settle in whom the superior command of all the queen's troops should
be lodged. The lords here have been unanimously of opinion that it
ought to be in my Lord Galway, as having the elder commission from
the queen, and that the king of Spain's commission to my Lord Peter
borough ought not to interfere in this case. I think this is right for the
service, but how it may make him fly out I cannot answer."
To Lord Godolphin.
" Helchin, Aug. 5. — I had yesterday yours of the 13th. I send you
back Lord Galway's letter. You will have seen, by my former letter, the
fears I have that the duke of Anjou, being joined by M. Legale, may be
in a condition to oblige Lord Galway and the Portuguese to retire from
Madrid, which will make it very difficult for King Charles or Lord
Peterborough to join them. I do with all my heart wish Lord Galway
'with King Charles ; for it is certain, since the relief of Barcelona, he
has done every thing as the French ought to have wished. For had he
made use of the time, and marched to Madrid, every thing must have
gone well in that country. The cabinet council are certainly right in
advising the queen to give the command to Lord Galway, but I am
afraid the character of our ambassador is what will be very uneasy to
King Charles."
" Helchin, Aug. 16. — I agree with you that the Germans that are
with King Charles are good for nothing ; but I believe the anger and
aversion he has for Lord Peterborough is the greatest cause of taking the
resolution of going to Saragosa, which I am afraid will prove fatal ; for
Mr. Crowe told me, that he once said to him, that he would never have
any thing to do with Lord Peterborough — that he would not accept of
health from him : I suppose this expression is better in Spanish than
English. The king of Spain was not to be at Saragosa till the 1 5th of
last month ; and, by our letters from France, Lord Peterborough had
not joined Lord Galway the 1st of this month, nor have we any account
where he is ; but I am afraid the troops are so divided in that country,
that the duke of Anjou may be encouraged to attempt the Portuguese.
Mr. Richards and Mr. Crowe will give you so full an account of what
passes in that country, that I have already troubled you too much*

.1706, 1707.] LETTERS ON AFFAIRS OF SPAIN. 471
However, I must repeat to you what I have already said to Mr. Rich
ards, that I thought the end of June a very wrong time to send on so
long a message the man that has the sole care of the train of artillery ;
for Lord Peterborough could not expect him back till the month of
October. " From Lord Godolphin.
" St. James's, Aug. 1 3—24. — Lord Peterborough has written a volume
to Mr. Secretary Hedges. It is a sort of remonstrance against the king
of Spain and his ministers, in the first place ; and, secondly, a complaint
against all the orders and directions sent from hence, and as if he had
not authority enough given bim, either at sea or land. In a word, he is
both useless and grievous there, and is preparing to be as troublesome
liere, whenever he is called home."
" Windsor, Aug. 15-26. — Mr. Secretary Hedges tells me he is
causing Lord Peterborough's long letter to be copied, that he might
send it to you. It is a sort of two-edged sword ; first, a remonstrance
against King Charles, in terms as unmanly as unjust ; and, secondly, it
is prepared to fall on any body here that shall be in his displeasure."
To tlie Duchess.
" Sept. 13-24. — In the letter from Lord Rivers, which I sent to the
lord treasurer, he proposes to send Mr. Richards immediately to the
king of Spain, to concert every thing for their operations. I hope he
will also advise with Lord Galway; but I must confess, if my opinion
were to be taken, Lord Peterborough should not be consulted. I do not
think much ceremony ought to be used in removing him from a place
where he has hazarded the loss ofthe whole country."
From Lord Godolphin.
" Windsor, Sept. 2-13. — I trouble you with a long letter from the
king of Spain. In my answer to it I have not been able to forbear
complaining of his inexcusable delays, in not advancing sooner towards
Madrid; though I can agree with you that Lord Peterborough's hu
mour may have given a handle to his ministers to prevail with him
against his own interest, from a hope they had of squeezing the people of
Aragon, as they had before done those of Catalonia. But they have
missed their aim in it, as I find by Colonel Stanhopes letter, which I
send you ; and in a word, Lord Peterborough's extravagances could
not have hurt us, if those Germans had not outdone him, both in folly
and every thing that is worse. "
"Newmarket, Sept. 30.-Oct. 11. — You will receive from me by this
post a letter dated from St. Alban's, and I should not have troubled you
from hence, but to tell you that Colonel Hamilton has brought me a letter
from Lord Peterborough, of the 4th Septemher, old style, in which, the
only matter of fact he tells is, that he had left the army and court, upon
a council of war held at Guadalaxara, pretending he had orders from the
queen to go to Italy. The whole council agreed to it, by which we may
conclude they were as well content to be rid of him, as he was to go.
" Colonel Hamilton tells me they had the news at Alicant before he
H H 4

472 LIFE OP MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XLIX.
left, ofthe victory at Turin. I don't find he can give any other account
of my lord's journey to the duke of Savoy, than to get some dismounted
German troopers, and to carry them back to Spain and mount them.
This seem so slight an occasion for a general, that I cannot help thinking
it might be worth your pains to engage Count Maffei to let you know
what he says to the duke of Savoy ; for my opinion is it fully deserves
your curiosity." To Lord Godolphin.
" Cambron, Oct. 18. — I am obliged to Sir Charles Hedges for send
ing me copies of all that is come from Portugal and Lord Peterborough,
but the bulk is so great, that I shall have not time to read them till I am
on my way to the Hague. I have, however, given them to Mr. Cardonnel,
tha^.he may see if there be any thing required of me, so that the queen's
service might not suffer by my not reading them."
From Lord Godolphin.
" Nov. 1-12. — I take it for granted Mr. Secretary Hedges sends you
extracts of the letters we had yesterday from Spain. I will not trouble
you with repeating them, but I find by Colonel Stanhope's letter to me,
that the Comte de Noyelles is very well with the king of Spain, and of a
temper to make them all very uneasy there. His aim seems to be, that
the king shall act by himself, with a separate body, and the Portuguese
by themselves. At the same time they allow that all their troops joined
are not sufficient to oppose the enemy at present.
" My poor Lord Galway continues so very pressing to retire and come
home, that I really think it would be too great a barbarity to refuse it him;
but what amazes me is, that he recommends Lord Peterborough as the
properest person to succeed him in the care of the whole.
" They press very much for recruits, but seem to think themselves
there is no having them in time, unless whole regiments be sent them
from hence or from Ireland. I should hope the force gone with Lord
Rivers might be a reinforcement sufficient for them ; but how the com
mand shall be settled when my Lord Galway comes away, is a matter
which I hope you will turn your thoughts to, against your coming over."
Meanwhile Lord Peterborough continued to importune the
ministers with letters and memorials, vindicating his own
conduct, and bitterly reflecting on King Charles and his
ministers, as well as on the generals commanding in Spain.
He hoped also to secure an interest with the Duchess of
Marlborough, on whose mind his fascinating conversation
and adulatory letters had already produced a considerable
effect. One of these will be sufficient to show his design,
and display his character and address.
" On board the Resolution, in Alicante Road, Sept. 4. 1706.  Madam,
— The favour of your grace's letter, and the honour of those brought

1706, 1707.] CAPRICE OF LORD PETERBOROUGH. 473
from my lord the Duke of Marlborough, by the count of Lecheraine, I
received at the same time. I wish I could have answered both from
Madrid, and then my next wish would have been the satisfaction of
seeing your grace at the Lodge.
" You were pleased, madam, to allow me to be fortunate, till I had
nothing to wish. Remember, my lady duchess, one of my first wishes
is, that I may never lose your good opinion and favour, and yet I am
content to suffer the punishment, whenever I deserve it, by failing in my
duty to my queen or country, or my private respects due to my lord
duke or yourself, for your public merits, and particular favours to me
and my family.
" The most disagreeable country in the world is Spain ; the most
pleasing England ; our German ministry and Spanish statesmen much
alike ; their officers the greatest robbers, and their soldiers the greatest
cowards ; the only tolerable thing your sex, and that attended with the
greatest dangers. Judge, then, madam, of my joy and disappointment,
when 1 soon expected the honour of seeing your grace, after a war
ended in a year, and a treaty finished in two months.
" These pleasing thoughts I had, but I submit to the faults and mis
fortunes of others, not my own. Hitherto 1 have been only acquainted
witli success, but attended with inconceivable fatigues. Perhaps I may
now have a reprieve, or at least the satisfaction of submitting to what
ever the queen shall desire or command.
" I have troubled the ministers with the tedious particulars, but hope
my Lord Marlborough's success and conduct have made our follies less
fatal and recoverable."
Marlborough saw the danger to be apprehended from a
confidential intercourse with a nobleman of so captious and
imperious a temper, in the actual state of affairs ; and there
fore he not only deferred answering the letters with which
he was himself assailed, but cautioned the duchess to discon
tinue a correspondence, which would eventually implicate
her in endless squabbles and cabals. He observes, " What
you say concerning Lord Peterborough and his fair lady is
certainly very just, for there is nothing that may not be ex
pected from them. I have observed, since I have been in
the world, that the next misfortune to that of having friend
ship with such people is, that of having any dispute with
them, and that care should be taken to have as little to do
with them as possible."
From this statement we may judge ofthe embarrassments
created by the affairs in Spain, and in particular we may
anticipate the mischiefs which were afterwards raised by so
restless a nobleman as Peterborough, when irritated by pique

474 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XLIX.
and disappointed ambition, and foiled in all his schemes of
aggrandisement and distinction.*
The perplexity of Marlborough did not, however, arise
from the eccentric and perverse conduct of Peterborough
alone ; for the situation of the army, as well as the rivalry
and disputes which reigned among the generals, and in the
court of Charles, daily furnished new causes of disquietude.
In consequence of the losses sustained during the retreat,
the army was scarcely sufficiently strong to defend even the
eastern provinces. Hence both Charles and Lord Galway
sent repeated expresses to England for immediate reinforce
ments. The only succours, however, which could be fur
nished with sufficient promptitude were the troops intended
for the descent on the French coast, which were now become
useless for their original destination. This expedition had
been so long detained by contrary winds and other obstacles,
that the fleet did not reach Plymouth till the 13th of August.
At the moment of its intended departure, the Marquis de
Guiscard, the projector of the expedition, was examined, and
his information being found vague and exaggerated, the de
sign was abandoned, much to the disappointment of Marl
borough. Orders were accordingly despatched for the fleet
to proceed to Lisbon, with the view of conveying relief to
the Peninsula. After farther delays, occasioned by the
opposition of the elements, the fleet at length sailed, and
reached Lisbon the latter end of October, the land forces
being commanded by Earl Rivers, an officer who owed his
situation to the interest of the "Whigs.
Soon after his arrival, the king of Portugal died, and was
succeeded by his son John, aged seventeen, a young prince
of great spirit and promise, but deficient in experience. The
change of government creating considerable confusion, the
fleet was again detained, and did not reach Alicante till the
28th of January. About this period Lord Peterborough
•arriving from Genoa, there were no less than three com
manders at the head of the British army in Spain. This
division of power created great confusion and jealousy, and
the embarrassment was increased by the change which had
taken place in the disposition of the Spanish court; for
Galway was, in his turn, become the object of odium, and
* Appendix, E. Earl of Peterborough.

1706, 1707.] affairs op spain. 475
Peterborough had partially succeeded in reconciling himself
to the young monarch and his courtiers. At the same time
the Count de Noyelles was endeavouring to form a separate
party, and by his engaging address had conciliated the good
will of Charles ; but the person highest in the confidence of
the young monarch, was Lord Rivers, who laboured to
throw equal discredit on his two predecessors, Galway and
Peterborough. In the midst of these clashing interests, the
three British generals affected a desire to concede to each
other the principal command, and all applied for an immedi
ate recall. As it was impossible for all to remain in their
actual situation, Peterborough was remanded to Italy ; and
Lord Rivers, unwilling to incur the responsibility of so dan
gerous a pre-eminence as the command in Spain, announced
his determination to return to England, without waiting for
orders. Previous to their separation, a council of war was
held at Valencia, to decide on their future operations. The
succour brought by Lord Rivers, which amounted to above
10,000 men, inspired the generals with a desire to retrieve
their recent disasters, and it was decided to clear the frontier
of Valencia, and after destroying the magazines of the enemy,
to take the route through Catalonia to Madrid. This opinion
was sanctioned by all except Peterborough, who, as usual,
proposed a different plan of his own.
In the midst of the preparations for carrying the design
into execution, when the junction of the whole army was
necessary, and the presence of Charles required to stimulate
the zeal of the Austrian partisans, he declared his intention
to proceed to Catalonia, for the purpose of repelling an ex
pected invasion on the side of Roussiilon. His minister,
Prince Lichtenstein, indeed, apologised for this sudden change
of conduct, by declaring that his majesty would be ready to
join the army in person, whenever he saw it in a condition
to undertake the proposed operations. The real cause was,
however, a desire to escape from the control of the British
generals. Charles himself was fully conscious that his sudden depar
ture at so critical a time, might justly expose him to censure.
He therefore sent to Marlborough a long and laboured vin
dication of his conduct, which conveys a striking proof of
his impatience to liberate himself from restraint, and shows

476 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XLIX.
the impracticability of the system hitherto pursued, in giving
only the nominal authority to a young and high-spirited
prince, and confiding the real power to British officers-
After repeating his former protestations against the disre
spect and indifference with which he was treated, and com^
plaining that his presence was made only an excuse to cover
the faults of others, he continues : —
" I give you this little detail, because you are interested in whatever
concerns me ; and, consequently, in my reputation. I leave you to judge
whether lean again expose myself to similar mortifications, and whether
I am not justified in declaring, that I will not make another campaign
in the same manner. I may add also, that these generals, who think
only of advancing, do not condescend to reflect on the necessity of se
curing what we have already gained, particularly so important a pro
vince as Catalonia, when we know that the force of the enemy is aug
mented in Roussiilon. From these considerations, from the conviction
that other measures are necessary in the army, and from the fear that the
Portuguese, as heretofore, have no inclination to act, I have firmly re
solved to pass some time in Catalonia, till I can receive your advice and
opinion. My reasons are, first, that the generals may act more glori
ously, since I have observed that my presence alone incommoded them,
that they paid no attention to me, and that if they do nothing, my repu
tation at least may be saved. Secondly, that I may place Catalonia in a
state of defence, and show to all my allies, and to the world, that I wish
to act for the good of the common cause, where I am able to do some
thing, lean relinquish my interests, but for no consideration in the
world will I sacrifice my reputation. Lastly, the loss of my kingdom is
a fatality which my allies and the maternal bounty of the queen cannot
absolutely prevent ; but I should deserve it, were I capable of sacificing
my honour ; for even if I should lose my crown, my sword will always
find fortune as long as I preserve my character. I hope that no one
will censure these, my true sentiments, and that you, as my friend, will
render justice to my determination, and explain and support my motives
with the queen. I am far from refusing to act in any quarter whatever,
and will even rejoin the army, when I see that I can be useful, without
risking my reputation. You, as well as the queen, will hear much
against this expedition; but you will, I trust, see that I cannot do
otherwise, and I place my character in your hands.
" From the particular confidence I repose in you, I have explained
myself thus freely, and I leave it to your discretion, either to conceal or
to impart to the queen the reasons which have compelled me to pass into
Catalonia."* Charles had no sooner adopted this resolution than he
summoned Lord Rivers to Valencia, for the purpose of
obtaining his sanction. He indeed not only succeeded n
* Abridged from the French original.

1706, 1707.] ATTEMPTS TO PACIFY CHARLES. 477
his object ; but even seems to have conceived hopes, that if
he could procure the transfer of the command to a nobleman
who appeared anxious to conciliate his good will, he should
be relieved from the control under which he had been held
by the other generals. The effect of this interview was,
therefore, a letter from Lord Rivers, vindicating the intended
journey to Catalonia ; and conveying, by implication, a bitter
censure on the conduct of his colleagues ; and another from
Charles himself, praising the demeanour and judgment of
Lord Rivers, and warmly soliciting his return to the com
mand. At the same time the appearance of this new candi
date for favour produced a total change in the language and
conduct of Peterborough. After having censured the pro
posed expedition of Charles, as the act of a madman, and
suggested a series of plans for the conduct of the war in
Spain, which were no less absurd than impracticable, he
suddenly assumed a different tone and strain of argument,
and, in imitation of his colleague, justified the departure of
Charles, as the only expedient which he could adopt, to
deliver himself from the degrading tutelage in which he was
held by Lord Galway. *
Amidst these petty intrigues, Marlborough and Godol
phin laboured to bring Charles to a sense of his own interest,
as well by their remonstrances, as by private applications to
the court of Vienna. They even employed the intervention
of the queen, who wrote to the young prince, dissuading him
from his ill-timed journey, and recommending him to restore
Lord Galway to his confidence. But no representation could
obliterate the deep sense which Charles entertained of his
dependence, or counteract the insidious advice of those who
were caballing for his favour. A letter from Lord Galway
to the treasurer from Valencia, dated Feb. 22., will show the
inefficiency of these remonstrances, and the froward temper
of the young monarch. After expressing his gratitude for
the gracious orders of the queen to continue in her service,
and the new commission by which he was appointed com
mander-in-chief of all the British forces in Spain, he adds :
" When I was so pressing for leave to retire, it was not so much on
account of my own infirmities, and the disquiets ofthe service, as of so
, * Letters fron Lord Peterborough to the duke, Casale, Nov.10. 1706;
"Valencia, Feb. 23. 1707 ; from King Charles, Valencia, March 7. 1707.

478 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. L.
many difficulties that made it impossible for me to serve the queen as I
ought ,• but seeing her majesty, the ministry, and my friends, believe I
can still be serviceable, I submit to their better judgment. But they must
answer to the public for the faults I may commit, though I'll do my
utmost to save them from any reproach, if fidelity, application, and vigi
lance can do it ; but I cannot answer for my capacity in affairs so very
difficult to manage. * * * *
. " I am extremely sensible of the encouragements lier majesty is
pleased to give me. I wish her letter to the king, so much to my ad
vantage, may produce a good effect. He has taken no notice yet of it to
me. It would not be easy to represent to you that prince's character.'
He cannot but have so much respect for the queen, that he will always
outwardly show me a great regard. He always outwardly agrees with
me when I represent any thing to him ; but never does what I advise
him to. He has now lately made a German chamberlain of his house
hold, which is one of the greatest offices in Spain, and has shown very
little countenance to the Spaniards he is most obliged to. I have already
had the honour to tell your lordship how necessary it would be, that
Prince Eugene came hither to prevent the disorders of the court, as well
as those of the field. The king sends Don Pedro Moraes to him. I
inclose the copy of the letter I sent him, believing his presence here of
absolute necessity."
Notwithstanding the opposition of the British cabinet,
Charles departed for Catalonia. He was accompanied by
Count Noyelles, and took with him two regiments of foot,
and five squadrons of horse ; a force which could ill be spared
in the actual condition ofthe army, particularly in the weak
and defective state of the cavalry.

Chap. L. — Attempts at Peace. — 1706.
In the course of his negotiations abroad, Marlborough exj
perienced the commencement of those interminable disputes,
relative to the Belgic provinces, which deeply affected the
vital interests of the grand alliance, and for a century proved
a germ of contention to Europe.
From the accession of Anne, when the reins of govern
ment were transferred to the hands of Godolphin and Marl
borough, they had been incessantly accused of a latent inclina
tion towards the family of their former sovereign, and a culpa-.

1706.] the barrier question. 479
ble lukewarmness towards the Protestant succession. They
were anxious, therefore, as well to exonerate themselves from
this odious imputation, as to complete the system on which
they had invariably acted. The liberties of Europe had been in
a great degree secured by the recent victories, and the junc
ture now seemed favourable for establishing on a stable basis
the liberties of England, which depended on the security of
the Protestant succession. The natural and obvious means
were, the union with Scotland, which appeared likely to
avert internal dangers, and the guarantee of the succession
by foreign powers, which was equally calculated to prevent
such as might arise from abroad.
The arrangements for the union with Scotland were
wholly consigned to Godolphin, as domestic minister ; while
those for the guarantee of foreign powers were intrusted to
Marlborough, in virtue of his great interest abroad, and the
diplomatic authority with which he was invested. As the
foundation of this system of guarantee, a treaty with Hol
land was formed, with the concurrence of the Whigs. It
comprised an offensive and defensive alliance, in the usual
terms, for the security of the Protestant succession ; and to
remedy the imperfect stipulations in the peace of Ryswick,
a clause was introduced, binding the contracting powers to
extort from France, as a preliminary to any future negotia
tion, the recognition of the Protestant establishment.
It was expected that the example of the Dutch would in
fluence other powers ; and to secure their acquiescence in the
proposed guarantee of the Protestant succession, Lord Hali
fax, on his return from Hanover, passed some time at the
Hague. His efforts, however, proved fruitless ; the States
declining to give a distinct or positive answer, and he took
his departure for England.
The negotiation being thus wholly assigned to Marlbo
rough, he submitted the question to the States in July, the
day before he repaired to the army ; and to obtain their
consent, he offered, on the part of the queen, to secure to
the republic such a barrier as justice and safety should re
quire.* To bring the question of the barrier into discussion, was
to touch a chord which vibrated in every nerve of the republic.
* Lamberti, torn. iv. pp. 77, 78.

480 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. L.
Perceiving the anxiety of the British cabinet to obtain their
guarantee, the Dutch hoped to procure a considerable acces
sion both of trade and territory, under the plea of strength
ening their frontier. Instead of the right to garrison a chain
of fortresses, which had hitherto limited their demands, they
now claimed a portion of the adjoining provinces, and their
views extended according to the success of the confederate
arms. New difficulties therefore continually arose, and
every negotiation was entangled with the question of the
barrier. Marlborough himself, though so warm a partisan
of the alliance with Holland, was offended by their insatia
ble cupidity ; and in his correspondence we find numerous
complaints, that instead of confining their views to a rational
system of security, they were labouring for the acquisition
of a considerable kingdom.
These jarring interests not only excited irritation between
the two maritime powers, but even affected the more distant
members of the alliance. In particular the Austrian princes
were indignant at this attempt to rob them of the richest
prize which they expected to derive from this dangerous and
expensive war. The opportunity also was too favourable to
be neglected by the enemy. The king of France saw with
pleasure, an inexhaustible source of contention between the
principal members of the grand alliance, and renewed his
offers of negotiation, with the hope of luring the cupidity of
the Dutch, by the promise of a more extensive barrier than
they could expect from the gratitude or policy of their allies.
Accordingly, before the return of Marlborough to England,
he witnessed a new and insidious attempt to sow divisions
among the confederates, and arrest his career of conquest.
Soon after the battle of Ramilies, an overture was made
to the British commander, by the elector of Bavaria, de
claring his indignation, at the neglect with which he had been
treated by France, and announcing his readiness to join the
grand alliance. As a proof of his sincerity, he even offered
to surrender the fortresses of Mons, Charleroy, and Namur,
which were intrusted to his custody as governor of the
Netherlands. The opportunity appeared advantageous, and
a long correspondence ensued. As on a former occasion,
the earnest professions, and pressing instances of the elector,
weighed with the unsuspicious mind of Marlborough. He

1706.] PROPOSAL OF BAVARIA. 481
obtained full powers from the queen to complete the arrange
ment, and conceived hopes of a satisfactory result. Con
tinual difficulties were, however, started, and the negotiation
began to languish. After a short interval, it was renewed
with additional warmth, through the agency of the king of
Prussia, but with as little effect as before ; for the elector
rose in his demands, and his offers became more vague and
unsatisfactory, in proportion as the allies appeared anxious
to purchase his defection.* At length, Marlborough dis
covered the insidiousness of the proposal, and broke off a
correspondence which could only tend to create umbrage
among the allies.
Meanwhile Louis employed the agency of Count Ber-
gueick, intendant of the Netherlands, to convey private over
tures to the Dutch government. The communication was
made through Vanderdussen, then chief magistrate of Ter-
gow, and by him imparted to Pensionary Heinsius. The
offer comprised the relinquishment of Spain and the Indies,
a barrier for the republic, the recognition of the queen's
title, and considerable commercial advantages to both the
maritime powers, on the condition that the Two Sicilies and
Milan should be ceded to Philip. Such a proposal made a
deep sensation in Holland, where the national jealousy against
the house of Bourbon had so much declined, that Marl
borough had reason to observe, " It is publicly said at the
Hague, that France is reduced to what it ought to be, and
that if the war should be carried farther, it would serve
only to make England greater than it ought to be. In short,
I am afraid our best allies are very fond of a peace, and
that they would engage England to quarrel with the emperor,
to have a pretext to come at a peace." f The overture did
not escape the notice of the British commander, and he suc
ceeded in convincing the pensionary and the partisans of the
grand alliance, that it was merely intended to lure the re
public into a separate negotiation. It was, therefore, de
clined, though it long occupied the attention of the two
governments, and influenced the discussion pending with the
* Correspondence of Marlborough and Godolphin, and letters from
the Prussian ministers, Wartensleben and Grumbkow, to the duke.
f To Godolphin, Helchin, August 30. 1706.
VOL. I. II

482 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. L.
Dutch, relative to the barrier. The progress and effects of
this transaction are well detailed in the correspondence.
To Lord Godolphin.
"July 14. — Now that the siege of Ostend is over, I was in hopes we
might have lost no time in attacking Menin ; but M. Gilder-Massen
sends me word that they have not the necessary preparations ready. But
as soon as they come to Ghent he will let me know it. I am afraid we
shall find at last that some of our friends are of opinion that we have
already done too much ; for notwithstanding what I said when I was at
Ostend, that two regiments would be enough to leave in that place, they
have left six. But I have writ to the Hague, and if they do not give
orders that some of them be sent to the army, they do not intend to
have much more done this year. This will appear strange to you, but
we have so many of these refined politics, that it is high time we had a
good peace. At the same time that I say this to you, the greatest part
of the people are very honest, and wish well to the common cause; but
those that are ofthe contrary faction are more active and diligent. Every
thing goes so well in Spain, that if we have success with the descent,
France must submit to a reasonable peace. The -wind has continued so
long westerly, that I am afraid several of my letters are at the Brill,
which makes me desire Sir Stafford Fairburn to send this. The Dutch
have ordered their transports to Ostend, so that you will have their
troops and the English together."
" July 15—26. — I hope the treaty at the Hague, about the succession,
as it is now settled by Lord Halifax, cannot fail to succeed, since the
queen will make no difficulty of warranting the barrier for the States, if
they will not be unreasonable."
" July 19—30. ¦ — I am sorry to find by yours, that the siege of Menin
is like to go on so slowly ; but I see it is unavoidable. I hope your
impatience to make an end of the war in this year will not prevail with
you to make any unreasonable attempt, nor to push any thing too fast;
for I cannot find that taking that place, and perhaps one or two more,
which is the most to be expected, would put an end to the war this year.
Success in Italy, perhaps, would do it, or making a lucky use of the
powers sent you from Mr. Secretary Harley, might possibly have the
same effect.
" I don't think the Dutch are very reasonable, to be so much in pain
about their barrier, as things stand ; but it is a plain argument to me,
they think of joining their interest to that of France, whenever a peace
comes; and for that very reason the longer we can keep it off the
better." " Helchin, Aug. 23  1 send you inclosed a letter from the pensionary
and my answer. I do not doubt Mr. Secretary Harley or yourself will
hear from M. Buys, as the French are making applications, I believe, at
Vienna, as well as at the Hague. You must be careful what answer you
make, for be assured they will not continue the war much longer ; and I
am afraid, in a very little time, we shall find that the court of Vienna
and the Dutch are more desirous of quarrelling with each other than
with France."

1706.] LETTERS ON THE DUTCH BARRIER. 483
From the Duke to the Pensionary.
" Helchin, Aug. 21. — I have had the. favour of yours ofthe 13th, and
shall ohey your commands as far as I dare ; for, as a good Englishman,
I must be of the opinion of my country, that both by treaty and interest
we are obliged to preserve the monarchy of Spain entire. At the same time,
as a friend, I must acknowledge that I believe France can hardly be
brought to a peace, unless something be given to the duke of Anjou, so
that he may preserve the title of king. I think that of Milan is unrea
sonable, since it would make France master of the duke of Savoy and
all Italy. As to what they pretend on the Rhine, I can't think they
would insist on that. The explication of the queen's title is certainly
very impertinent; for the last peace, in which they take no notice ofthe
successor, was contrary to custom and the laws of the land. You see
that in few words I let you know my thoughts. But I durst not advise
what answer you should give ; but I should think it were very natural
for M. Buys to give an account of this proposal to Mr. Secretary Harley
and lord treasurer, who will acquaint her majesty ; by which means you
will have the opinion ofthe queen."
From Lord Godolphin.
" Windsor, Sept. 2-13. — I now send you a copy of the answer to
M. Buys from Mr. Secretary Harley and myself. I hope it will have
your approbation, and I am pretty sure it is what the generality that
one can speak with here will think very reasonable for us to insist upon.
If the very first point be agreed to, that before any formal step be made
towards peace, both England and Holland shall engage to warrant
whatsoever shall be concluded upon that occasion, I shall not doubt but
the rest will follow to our satisfaction..
" I beg leave only to add, that I don't see how this first point can be
refused with any tolerable honesty or sincerity, or indeed unless the
Dutch be absolutely resolved to throw off the mask, declare themselves
open friends to France, and not under any obligations to keep farther
measures with the queen. This I take to be no easy task, and therefore
I am humbly of opinion, that to speak plain to them now is the best
way to divert them from attempting it ; for the more complaisance is
shown them, and the more we give way to them, it is both their nature
and their practice to be the more assuming."
Reply of Marlborough.
" Grametz, Sept. 20. — At my return this day from the camp before
Ath, I had the favour of yours of the 2d, from Windsor, and that of the
3d, from London. Your answer to Buys' letter is certainly very right ;
and if they had no view but their true interest they would think so ; but
lam afraid you will find they will make reply to it; for the success
with which it has pleased God to bless the arms of the allies this cam
paign, has made them very jealous ofthe great power, as they term it,
that England has in the greatest part of the courts in Christendom. It
is certain that the Dutch carry every thing with so high a hand, that
they are not beloved any where. I am very much of your opinion, that
before any step be made towards peace, we ought to have a treaty with
i i 2

484 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. t.
Holland for the guarantee of any treaty of peace we may hereafter make
with France ; and that there be room left for the allies to come into it,
that if I have her majesty's commands, I hope it might meet with no
opposition at my coming to the Hague."
From Lord Godolphin.
" Windsor, Sept. 18-29. — I had time but just to thank you by yes
terday's post, for six letters I received at once from you. The news
they brought at last was good enough to make amends for our long ex
pectation. " I hope before this comes to your hands you will have taken Ath,
and turned your thoughts, not to any new expedition, but to end the
campaign as soon as the French will give you leave to do it. I don't
think their misfortune at Turin will prevail with them to make any de
tachments from M. de Vendome's army as long as you are in the field;
but rather I am not out of pain, lest they may yet venture something to
redeem the blow at Turin, on this side, when they think the season so
far advanced as that you could not be able to prosecute any advantage
you might have upon them. And this seems the more reasonable, be
cause it would be a great help to their negotiation with the Dutch this
winter, upon which, I believe, they place their greatest hope.
" Upon this head I cannot help saying, that, though some of the
leading men of Holland may be blind, or worse ; yet surely the gene
rality cannot be imposed upon so far, as to be blown up with a jealousy
ofthe queen's power, when all that power, be it great or little, has been,
and is still, exerted for their safety, without the least view or desire of
any extent of conquest or dominion for England ; and when it is plain,
that in two or three years' time France, with the comfort and assistance
of peace, will be just where she was before, if the nicest care be not
taken to put it out of her power, now there is an opportunity in our
hands. " But, whereas you say in one of your letters, we may now be sure of
a solid and lasting peace, if the Dutch do not play the fool : that position
is certainly right, if we can agree to carry on the war with vigour, as you
call it, another year. But the difficulty is in that agreement, for I very
much doubt whether Holland will make so much as a show of doing
it. * * * * "
" Tlie 19th. — Since I had written the former part of this letter, I
have the favour of yours of the 2Sd, by which, as also by the letters from
Paris to the Venetian ambassador here, I perceive Holland is running
very fast towards peace, and therefore I think nothing must be left un-
attempted of any kind, to let them see that the queen will not be com
pelled in that matter. On the other side, I am of opinion it would be
right to humour them the more in all reasonable things, and particularly
in the affair of Munster. I cannot help repeating, that now the election
is over by a fair majority, I think the emperor pushes that matter too
far ; and since he has not done, nor can do any thing considerable but as
he is helped by England and Holland, it seems to be an unreasonable
assuming; and I doubt you will not do yourself a good office with
Holland, by leaving too much to the imperial court in this matter.

1706. J LETTERS ON THE DUTCH BARRIER. 485
" My Paris intelligencer, says M. Rouille" and the elector of Bavaria
carry on the affairs of Spain with great vigour and success."
To Lord Godolphin.
" Grametz, Sept. 23. — I have forborne writing till this evening in hopes
of having the English letters, or an express from Italy, but neither is
come. The Germans have at length passed the Rhine, but it is so late in
the year that we must not expect much from them. The 27th of the
last month was the post by which you sent me the copy of M. Buys'
letter. We hear that packet boat was carried into Calais. I hope they
had time to fling the packet overboard, for I should be sorry to have his
letter go to Versailles, though I am afraid they are there too well in
formed of the inclinations of the Dutch ; for what has passed in Italy, I
am afraid will make them neglect what is fit to be done for the support of
the war, being not only fond, but, as they think, sure of enjoying peace
before the next summer, which thought can only end in hurting them
selves and friends. For as our affairs are in Spain, how is it possible that
the king of France can resolve to send for the duke of Anjou back ?¦ — so
that there is an absolute necessity of supporting the war some time longer,
which is what you will find them very averse to. They are so angry
with the emperor about the election at Munster, that they very freely
say that if France were in a worse condition, they might expect from the
emperor to be used by him as he does his own subjects. This, joined
with the jealousy they begin to have of England, may give such advan
tage to the king of France, that he may, in a few years, recover so much
strength as to be able to punish them for their folly."
" Grametz, Sept. 26. s.a. 1706. — The Baron Hondorff, who gives
you this, is sent by his master, the duke of Savoy, and Prince Eugene,
to give her majesty a relation of the glorious action at Turin. Thinking
this opportunity safer than t my letters that go through Holland, you shall
have my thoughts concerning the Dutch. They are positively resolved
to have peace, being very angry with the emperor, and jealous of Eng
land. They cannot agree among themselves concerning their barrier ;
but the most reasonable are extravagant, so that if that matter be not
settled before we come to a formal treaty of peace, the French will cer
tainly make a great advantage of it. They are very positive that the duke
of Anjou must have something given him. In short, they think that by
supporting that, they make their court to France at the expense of Eng
land. I am afraid the management of the war in Spain will afford them
some reasons ; so that the only cure I can see is, if it be possible, to per
suade them to support the war one year longer.
" You know I have great indulgence for what the States- general may
wish, but they are so very unreasonable in this dispute of Munster, that
I hope the queen will not be persuaded by M. Vryberg to enter into
that quarrel." From Lord Godolphin.
" Windsor, Oct. 4. — I have received the favour of yours of the 23d,
with the inclosed from the pensionary to you, about peace, in which he
is pleased to lay weight upon two arguments, which seem to me to have
II %

486 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. L.
so little, that I cannot help saying something upon them to you, because
my answer to M. Buys' second letter, of which I send you a copy, is not
so strong upon those particulars as it might have been.
" His two arguments are : — ,
" First, that I take no notice in my letter of the low condition of their
finances. " Secondly, that France may not be so well disposed to treat at another
time as now.
" I took no notice in my letter of the state of their finances, because I
thought it unnecessary, the answer to it being so very obvious, for all
arguments of that kind must be taken comparatively. And though the
land and trade both of England and Holland have excessive burdens upon
them, yet the credit continues good both with us and with them ; and we
can either of us borrow money at 4 or 5 per cent. ; whereas the finances
of France are so much more exhausted, that they are forced to give 20
and 25 per cent, for every penny of money they send out of the kingdom,
unless they send it in specie, by which means they have neither money
nor credit. The result of this first argument is only that it absolutely
destroys the second, since it is plain the condition of France is in all re
spects so low, that the greatest support they have at present comes from
the greediness, if I may use that word, of Holland, to encourage and en
tertain all projects of peace : whereas, if the allies would agree not to
receive or hearken to any proposals of peace till the state of war for
the next year was settled, I durst venture my little fortune upon it, that
France would agree to every point mentioned in my former letter to
M. Buys.
" As to the project brought over by my Lord Halifax, he will send
you his thoughts by this post, as he did by the last to M. Heinsius.
Mine you will see in the copy of my answer to M. Buys, which goes
herewith. "
This letter was accompanied with a reply to Buys, of
which the draught has been preserved.
" I am very glad that you approve of the proposition of making a pre
liminary treaty among the allies for maintaining the peace that shall be
made. I hope my Lord Marlborough will agree that with you, when he
comes to the Hague. But this cannot properly be done in the treaty for
the guarantee of our succession and your barrier ; for it would not be
convenient to ask some of our allies to guarantee the succession in the
house of Hanover, who are too considerable to be left out of the treaty
for the guarantee of the peace.
" I have seen that project of a treaty which my Lord Halifax brought
over, and I believe there must be great alterations made in that before it
can be agreed to. I think that part which relates to your barrier is so
worded, that it may be interpreted to extend farther than you yourselves
mean it should.
" I am also glad that you agree, that if all the essential points are not
settled before we enter upon a public negotiation, we give the enemy too
great an advantage. I am so much of that opinion, that I shall despair

1706.] DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 487
of obtaining any condition of consequence, after the treaty is begun, that
is not agreed to before. The time of begiiming these private transactions
is much less material than the manner of managing them. If the design
of them be clearly to let France know upon what terms we think it safe
and honourable to make peace, and this be expressed with great firmness
and resolution, and with a general view to the interest of the allies, the
sooner they know our minds, and we theirs, the better. But if some of
our demands are faintly made, only to save appearances with our friends,
and France can suspect that we have not equal concern for all the parts
of them, and the like resolution to insist upon them, we ought to be very
cautious how we begin a transaction that may create distrust and jealousy
among the allies, and give France an opportunity of dividing them.
" It is very reasonable that Holland and England, who have borne the
burden of the war, should be the arbiters of such disputes as may arise
upon the interpretation of our treaties. But would you make use of this
authority to lessen any advantage that the allies might have from the
success of their arms ? Would it be a sufficient excuse for giving the
kingdoms of Naples and Sicily to the French, to say they were not ex
pressly secured to the house of Austria in the grand alliance? And,
perhaps, the apprehension the Neapolitans may have of our being too
easy in delivering them up to France, may hinder their attempts to free
themselves, which the French will not fail to let them know.
" For my own part, I think the kingdoms of Naples and Sicily would
make the French such entire masters of the Mediterranean, would give
them such an authority over all the princes of Italy, and lay open Milan
and Piedmont so much to the attempts that may be made against them.
on both sides, that the duke of Savoy, after all he has done and suffered,
would be exposed to their revenge and ambition. The qualifications and
restrictions which you would put upon this article, are the same that
were mentioned in the treaty of partition, and were there thought elusive,
and of no effect. This was the article most censured in that treaty, and
after all our success, I hope we shall not come back to it again.
" I don't see how the queen can, with honour or decency, enter upon a
treaty with France, while they receive and treat another as king of Eng
land ; and the case now is very different from what it was in the last war.
The monarchy of Spain is now the matter in dispute, as the king's title
was in that ; and though the king of France should send the prince of
Wales to Rome, he would thereby yield nothing of his pretensions to the
crown of Spain, and only remove the offence he has given to the queen
and the nation, in setting up another pretender after he had owned the
king's right to the crown. To put this off till the public treaty, is to
leave it to have the same effect. And as you see the queen would never
consent to a cartel, as was done in the former war, neither will she be
willing to have her right and dignity lessened in any treaty.
" You say I have taken no notice of the state of your finances in my
letter. I cannot apprehend there can be any argument drawn from thence
to induce you to accept a disadvantageous peace, and a good one we all
desire. Tlie debts of England are very great, and the burdens on our
land and trade excessive. But we see your credit is good, and we hear
u 4

488 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. L.
they are not at their ease in France, and that their finances are exhausted;
and it would be no more relief to your circumstances to make such a
peace as might draw on another war than it would be a strength to your
government to take such conditions as your allies may complain of, and
your own people dislike.
" Now the duke of Savoy has recovered his dominions, there is not
the same occasion to have such regard for the elector of Bavaria ; and,
perhaps, if he were made sensible that you are not so easy in that matter,
he might do something to reconcile himself to you, and not stick so firmly
to France."
This reply, though at once judicious, firm, and concilia
tory, does not appear to have restrained the inclination of
the Dutch government for peace.
To Lord Godolphin.
" Grametz, Oct. 4  Every post gives me an account of the great
desire some in Holland have to end the war before the next campaign.
The knowledge France has of this, is, no doubt, the reason of their having
made no new offers since their misfortune in Italy. If Holland can be
persuaded to go on with the war the next year, we have reason to expect
an honourable, safe, and lasting peace ; so that I beg of you that the
pensionary and M. Buys, against my coming to the Hague, may be pre
pared, by letters from yourself and Mr. Secretary Harley, to take with
me the necessary measures for carrying on the war the next campaign.
" I shall not care to stay longer at the Hague than is absolutely neces
sary for the service, being sure they will be very troublesome concerning
the peace. Their notions of that matter, in my opinion, are very wrong;
so that, with the queen's leave, I must speak plainly to them ; for they
argue as if they alone were the only people concerned in this war, and
consequently in the peace."
" Grametz, Oct. 9. — I am very far from being of your opinion that the
French will venture any thing on this side, for they knew of their loss
at Turin before we began the siege of Ath ; so that if they could have
had any temptation to venture a battle, it ought to have been when we
of necessity must have been divided. But I believe they have set up
their rest in the hopes they have that their negotiations with the Dutch
may succeed, so that there will be a necessity of the queen's giving me
leave to oppose it in her name, unless they should offer much better con
ditions than I have yet heard of. I have writ concerning the preliminary
treaty you mentioned ; but I think it would forward it very much, if
Mr. Secretary Harley would let me have the heads of such a one as you
desire. " The business of Munster is like to be very troublesome. The queen
can certainly meddle with it no otherwise than by doing good offices.
" I had a letter last night from the pensioner. He complains that the
treaty for the guarantee for the succession stands still, for his want of
hearing from Lord Halifax. If you have any difficulty in England con
cerning that treaty, I should know it ; if not, it should be pressed, so
that I might sign it before I leave that country."

1706.] DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 489
" Grametz, Oct. 11. — Since my last we have no letters from England,
nor any news from France. I expect the Comte de Zinzendorff about
a fortnight hence, and then I shall be able to let you know what the em
peror's intentions are for the operations of the next campaign on the
Rhine ; for if they can be brought to act offensively, that will very much
help the allies in all other parts.
" It has always been, and is still my opinion, that M. Slingelandt is
the best inclined for carrying on the war of any at the Hague. This
opinion makes me send you the inclosed letter, that you may see how the
humour runs in that place. This letter should be seen by none besides
the queen and prince, but such as you would advise with, to know how I
ought to carry myself when I come to the Hague. The Comte de
Maffei has shown me a letter he has from Paris, in which he is assured
that the French are resolved to make no new offers till I am gone for
England; and then they will offer whatever they think will be agreeable
to the Dutch. "When I have been at Brussels some few days with Mr.
Stepney, I think it will be for her majesty's service that I take Mr.
Stepney with me to the Hague, to try, if possible, to cure their jealousies,
and then send him back to Brussels.
" Having written thus far, I have received yours of the 23d ofthe last
month, and a copy from Mr. Secretary Harley of yours to M. Buys,
which is so reasonable and just that it will be impossible for him to give
an answer, so that the effect of your letter will be that they will be angry.
For by all that I can learn they are resolved to have a peace; but in my
opinion, when they shall endeavour to put it in practice, they will find it
very difficult, for I do not think their people will be pleased with any
propositions that are not liked by the queen."
" Cambron, Oct. 14. — By my letter from the Hague, I see they are
preparing a great deal of business for me, as to their disputes with the
emperor, their barrier, and the peace. But I hope the queen will allow
me to speak my mind freely, and then come to England ; for in my
opinion, they will be so extravagant in their barrier, that it will hinder
the treaty for the succession." From Lord Godolphin, in reply,
"Newmarket, Oct. 10-21.- — Since my last, I have received your letter of
the 14th. To that of the 1 1th I made some answer by the last post, and
sent you at the same time the last letter I had from M. Buys, as also the
substance of my answer, which was very short.
" I believe, as you seem to do, that notwithstanding the violent passion
for peace which appears in Holland, they will have a good deal of diffi
culty to compass their inclinations against the opinion of England, espe
cially if they will force us to make public upon what terms the queen is
willing to approve of peace ; since I cannot but think those will not ap
pear unreasonable, either to the rest of the allies, or to their own people.
" The chief point in my opinion is, that Holland should, upon your
arrival at the Hague, proceed to settle their state of war for the next year;
and though France should then make new offers after you were come
for England, they could not fail of communicating them here, before any

490 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. L.
resolutions were taken upon tlie whole matter. Therefore, it seems best
on all accounts, that you should come over as soon as you can, since you
are wanted here as much as there ; and what you are wanted for here
cannot be supplied by another, as the business on that side may, for
aught I know, upon any extraordinary occasion, which shall happen to
occur when you are here.
" I am apprehensive Count Zinzendorff's coming to the Hague will
rather increase than appease the differences between the emperor and the
States." From Lord Godolphin.
"St. James's, Oct. 13-24. — The necessity ofthe parliament meeting so
late here, may, I fear, furnish a handle to the States to put off fixing
their state of war for next year, which, if they do, it will be the greatest
encouragement imaginable to the partisans of France. They have no
ground to take any pretext of delay from thence ; since it is necessity,
and not choice, which retards the sitting of our parliament.
" As to the letter you sent me yesterday from the Hague concerning
peace, I can easily believe that and more. The inclinations of the Dutch
are so violent and plain, that I am of opinion nothing will be able to
prevent their taking effect, but our being as plain with them upon the
same subject, and threatening them to publish and expose to the whole
world the terms for which they solicit, and the terms to which we are
willing to consent, if they think fit to insist upon them, in conjunction with
those allies, without whose assistance they could not have been able to
support themselves. I hope their own people would think this reason
able ; I am very sure the generality of people in England would not be
satisfied with less.
" Lord Somers has shown me a long letter which he has had from the
pensionary, very intent upon settling the barrier. He says he sent you
a copy of it. I have desired him also to send you a copy of his answer,
and I hope he will do it by this post, since I think it may be of use to
you when you come to discourse with them upon this affair at the Hague.
I am of opinion they will think it reasonable to specify the particular
towns which they propose to have for their barrier, and are pretty well
cured of the folly of affecting the sovereignty to themselves, which, how
ever, they had to a great degree swallowed from the offers made to them
by France last winter, before you had conquered the country.
" I am afraid we shall have another difficulty, though of the same
nature, with the court of Vienna, about the duchy of Milan. Italy will
be all up in arms, if the emperor thinks to keep possession of it in his
own right ; but that is not all. None of the allies will like it any better
than the princes of Italy. For this reason, the queen being about to de
spatch Mr. Crowe to the king of Spain, will cause him to be particularly
instructed to desire that his Catholic majesty would be pleased to appoint
a governor there in his own right, and let him see that the emperor's
pretensions, in that particular, will not be borne by the rest ofthe allies.
" Directions will be sent for putting all the queen's forces in Spain and
Portugal under the orders of my Lord Galway."

1106.] DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 491
To Lord Godolphin.
" Cambron, Oct. 18. — The inclosed French letter is what I received
last post from the duke of Lorraine's minister at the Hague. He is a
very honest man. I send it that you may see what he writes concerning
the peace. He must not be known to have writ such a letter. You
may observe that the French are trying in all courts but that of Eng
land, to have a negotiation for peace, by which they hope to slacken the
preparations for the next campaign, whilst they are making their utmost
efforts." " Cambron, Oct. 21. — I forgot to send by the last post the inclosed
letter from the pensioner. You will see by it the necessity there is of
sending me such instructions as I may communicate to him and M. Buys,
who penned the blank for the barrier ; so that you must be the more
careful in the objections you make to the wording of that clause. By all
I hear from the Hague, we must not expect one step to be made to the
succession, but as the barrier goes with it. They are so flattered from
France, that whatever is easy to themselves, they think both just and
reasonable ; but when I come to the Hague I shall use my endeavours
to let the honest men see that the project of France is to make them fall
out with their best friends, which is the only method they have left for
disturbing ofthe confederacy."
While Marlborough, was combating the inclination mani
fested by the Dutch to accept the secret overtures of France,
he was assailed by a diplomatic artifice of another kind.
Louis XIV. being foiled in the attempt to open a separate
negotiation with Holland, disclaimed the view imputed to
him of dividing the maritime powers by a private negotia
tion : and as a proof of his sincerity, offered to hold public
conferences in any place between the two armies, during the
continuance of the campaign, and afterwards in some town
between Mons and Brussels. The proposal was made at
the same time to the deputies of the States, and to the duke
himself, in a letter from the elector of Bavaria. Although
the quarter from which this double proposal emanated, and
the vague terms of the overture itself sufficiently proved
it to be delusive ; yet, as it bore a plausible appearance, and
was likely to find, a grateful reception in Holland, he could
not venture to give a specific opinion, much less to reject it.
He therefore referred it to the decision of the cabinet.
To Lord Godolphin.
" Cambron, Oct. 24. — I send by this express copies of the elector's
letter to me and the deputies of the army. I am of opinion that this
.matter has been settled by some in Holland, so that the queen must be
the more careful of the directions she shall think fit to give ; for should

492 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. L.
you show a backwardness to a good peace, they would make an ill use of
it ; and I believe one of the designs that France has in this proposal is,
that it may make the Dutch less zealous in their preparations for the
next campaign, whilst they are doing their utmost. Another is, to let
the world see that they have been managing a treaty these last twelve
months. If it were possible to have their proposals without entering into
a treaty, I should think that were best ; for I am very sure they would
not be liked by the confederates ; and if they have not an opportunity
given them to make a proposal, they will endeavour to induce every
country to believe that they should have offered what would have been
most agreeable to them.
" I beg I may not be employed in this first step ; Mr. Stepney will be
very proper. The deputies are very desirous of having my opinion,
that they might have sent it to the Hague; but I desired to be excused,
by telling them that my opinion in this matter must be governed by her
majesty's commands, and that I was sure the States would give no
answer, till they had consulted with her. I shall go to Brussels on
Wednesday next, being the 27th, and begin my journey to the Hague on
the 2d of the next month. By the inclosed letter from the pensionary
you will see what he desires of me. Whatever the queen would have me
do at the Hague, I beg I may have her commands by the next post; for
I shall be very uneasy till I come to England ; for I have never been so
uneasy as I am at this time, since her majesty's coming to the crown. I
thought to have sent this last night, but was disappointed, so that you
will have no other by this night's post. Being to march to-morrow, I
have chose this day for seeing the army under their arms, which is a
sort of taking leave, though I do not intend to quit them till the second
of the next month, at which time I design to send them to their several
garrisons." " Brussels, Oct. 29. — I have been in such a hurry since I came to
this town, that I have but just time to tell you I have had the favour of
two of yours, and I beg you will make my excuse to Lord Halifax, for
my not having time by this post to acknowledge the favour of his, and
thank him for the copy of his letter to the pensioner, which will be of
use to me when I come to the Hague. This will be about the end of
the next week, for I shall leave this place on Sunday, and separate the
army on the 3d of the next month, and the same day begin my journey
to the Hague, where my inclinations will lead me to make as little stay
as possible, though the pensionary tells me I must stay to finish the
treaty of succession and their barrier, which, should I stay the whole
winter, I am very confident would not be brought to perfection. For
they are of so many minds, and all so very extravagant concerning their
barrier, that I despair of doing any good till they are more reasonable,
which they will not be till they see that they have it not in their power
to dispose of the Low Countries at their will and pleasure, in which the
French flatter them. Mr. Stepney has his powers for Holland, but not
for this country ; but I hope he will meet them at the Hague, where I
think it is for the queen's service he should be, till I come for England;
so that I may be the better able to inform him of all that shall pass."

1706.] PROPOSALS OF PEACE. 493
A matter of such importance was taken into immediate
consideration, and the decision of the queen was imparted to
the duke by Secretary Hedges, and inclosed in a letter from
Lord Godolphin, dated October 21. o. s.
" I can never thank you enough for all your kind letters which I have
received, particularly those by this messenger, who goes back to you with
her majesty's opinion and orders upon the letters you sent by him, from
the elector of Bavaria. I shall add nothing to the particulars which you
will receive by Mr. Secretary Hedges, but that they have been con
sidered by all our friends here, as the shortness of the time would allow,
and upon the whole we think them so reasonable and so fair, as that you
will do yourself but right in insisting upon them there. And I think
you may depend upon being supported in it here. Besides what is
mentioned in Mr. Secretary's letter, the conferences proposed, if they
should be admitted, could not fail of giving an immediate ease and
support to all France, which lies almost gasping at this time, under an
excessive want both of money and credit. I shall long, therefore, very
impatiently, for the return of this messenger, and to hear that this blow
has been avoided.
" There needs not, I think, any other answer to the letters you have
sent me from the pensioner, than what you will find in my Lord Halifax's
letters to him, and to yourself, concerning our remarks upon the treaty
for the barrier and the succession, which is, in one word, that it is too
general ; and when they please to particularise the plans they propose
for their barrier, and the troops necessary to maintain them, we shall
agree. " As to the preliminary treaty for the guarantee of the future peace,
which the pensioner mentions in his letter to you, I think that must, for
the present, be only in general terms, except this treaty for the barrier
and succession should be first concluded, in which case it might be parti
cularly warranted in the preliminary treaty. "
From Sir Charles Hedges.
" Whitehall, Oct. 21. -Nov. 1. — Having laid before the queen copies
ofthe letters sent by your grace from the elector of Bavaria, to yourself
and the deputies ofthe States, relating to a peace, her majesty has judged
it for her service that your grace should, upon this occasion, explain
very particularly to the States-general her majesty's thoughts concerning
that matter.
" The queen did find herself obliged last winter to express her sense of
a peace in general, in a very public and solemn manner. Her majesty
is now pleased farther to declare, that she entered at first into this war, in
conjunction with her allies, and for their support, and has ever since con
tinued it at an extraordinary expense to her subjects, with no other view
or design, than to procure for herself and her allies an honourable and
durable peace.
" Her majesty hopes it must be evident to all the world, that the great
successes with which it has pleased God to bless the arms of the allies,

494 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. L.
have given them a fair and reasonable prospect of obtaining such a peace.
In order, therefore, to adjust the particular terms of it, so as that the
same good friendship and correspondence in which her majesty has lived
with the States-general, ever since her accession to the crown, and which
she desires to cultivate and improve with the greatest care, may continue
as firm and immovable after the peace as it has been during the war ; her
majesty is of opinion, that the first proper step would be, for herself and
the States-general to concert and agree, betwixt themselves, upon such a
scheme of a peace as may be honourable and safe both for themselves and
for the rest of the allies. And her majesty cannot but look upon this
method as more honourable for the allies, and more effectual for the end
desired, than the conferences proposed by the elector of Bavaria in the
name of France, for the foundation of a treaty, without so much as
knowing what particulars are to be considered in that treaty. Of which
conferences, therefore, her majesty cannot see any other use than to dis
tract the allies with jealousy, and to divert them from making in time
their necessary preparations for continuing the war. These are her
majesty's thoughts and apprehensions of this matter; and incase they
meet with the approbation of the States, as her majesty hopes they will,
she thinks it proper to add, that she is willing to enter upon the adjust
ment of particulars betwixt herself and the States, in such manner, and
at such time, as they shall think fit. In which case also, her majesty
thinks it proper that your answer to the elector of Bavaria should be
concerted with the States, and agree with the answer from their deputies,
that so England and Holland may appear to France to be uniform and
of one mind in the transaction of this great affair, by which means it
cannot fail of having a happy conclusion."*
The decisive opinion manifested by the British govern
ment, and the judicious reasons on which it was founded,
weighed with the more patriotic members of the States, and
silenced the clamours of the rest. To prevent the repeti
tion of a similar artifice, a resolution was taken to form a
series of preliminaries, which were not merely to be offered
to France as the common claims of the confederates, but were
to be understood as a mutual pledge among themselves, to sup
port the terms on which the future peace was to be founded.
This important document was drawn up by Marlborough, in
conjunction with the members of the States ; and being
transmitted to England for consideration, was returned with
the sanction of the queen, accompanied by some remarks of
the treasurer. From Lord Godolphin.
" Oct. 22. - Nov. 2. — The messenger arrived this morning, and brought
me the favour of yours of the 12th and 14th, with the papers inclosed.
* Draught in the Marlborough Tapers.

1706.] PRELIMINARIES OF PEACE. 495
I have also seen your letter to Mr. Secretary Hedges, with the paper of
preliminaries, of which he sends you, by this post, the queen's appro
bation, provided we keep strictly to every one of them.
" I observe the form of these preliminary articles, which you have
sent over, is a little different from what was proposed by the queen.
Her majesty's proposal was, that we should concert and agree to the
preliminary articles of a peace to be offered to France, whereas the title
of this paper runs thus : * Preliminaries for a treaty of peace, in case
France can be induced to make the offers in the name both of the king
of France, and the duke of Anjou.' I don't know that there is any thing
essential in this observation ; but I had a mind to take notice of it to
you, that you might judge whether this difference in the form were only
casual, or whether it were affected.
" I find ray letter of the 25th of October has been thrown into the sea.
You have escaped a good deal of trouble by it, for it was very long, and
full of complaints of the emperor's taking possession of the duchy of
Milan in his own name, though obtained by our money ; but if these
preliminaries take place, that complaint will be pretty well cured. Now
if Holland will hold firm to them, I am of opinion, that first or last they
will take place ; for, besides all the successes of France, they will have
a ruin increasing every day upon them in the point of their money,
which they are not sensible of themselves, nor cannot be able to have a
right notion of it, from any thing that has happened of that kind within
the memory of man in that kingdom. I agree with you that France
will not at first receive these proposals ; but I incline to think they will
not absolutely reject them, but endeavour to moderate some articles, and
graft something upon others ; so as to keep on foot a negotiation upon
them, and by that means hope to slacken the preparations of the allies,
and gain time to hearten and encourage their friends in Holland.
" It may, therefore, deserve your consideration, whether there should
not be a time prefixed and limited to them, within which they should be
obliged to declare their final resolution of accepting or refusing them.
" I don't trouble you with one word about the barrier ; because
having communicated the whole to Lord Somers and Lord Sunderland,
I send you a letter unsealed from my Lord Halifax, with whose thoughts
upon that subject I entirely concur ; and if they can agree to their own
demands, I don't see why any scruples on our part should take up two
hours' time.
" The powers are sent as you desired for Mr. Stepney, so I hope you
will have nothing to hinder you from leaving the Hague soon after you
have received these letters."
The intended answer to the elector of Bavaria was then
taken into consideration, in an assembly of the States, which
was held on the 10th of November, and a reply, conforma
ble to the opinion of the British government, received a
public sanction. An answer was accordingly transmitted to
the elector by Marlborough, in the name of the queen, and

496 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. L.
by the deputies in behalf of the States. This letter will
display the motives which actuated the allies.
"Sir; — Having communicated to the queen, my mistress, what
your electoral highness did me the honour to write to me in your letter
of the 21st of last month, ofthe intentions of the most christian king to
endeavour to re-establish the tranquillity of Europe, by conferences to
be held for that purpose, between deputies on both sides, her majesty has
commanded me to answer your electoral highness, that as she has re
ceived with pleasure this notice of the king's inclination to agree to
making a solid and lasting peace with all the allies, being the sole end
that obliged her majesty to continue this war till now, so she will be
very glad to conclude it, in concert with all her allies, on such conditions
as may secure them from all apprehensions of being forced to take up
arms again after a short interval, as has so lately happened. Her ma
jesty is also willing I should declare, that she is ready to enter, jointly
with all the high allies, into just and necessary measures for attaining
such a peace, her majesty being resolved not to enter upon any nego
tiation without the participation of her said allies. But the way of con
ferences that is proposed, without more particular declarations on the
part of his most christian majesty, does not seem to her to be proper for
obtaining a truly solid and lasting peace. The States-general are of the
same opinion. "Wherefore your electoral highness will rightly judge,
that other more solid means must be thought of to obtain so great an
end, to which her majesty will contribute, with all the sincerity that can
be wished, having nothing so much at heart as the relief of her subjects,
and the tranquillity of Europe."*
To give publicity to these proceedings, and to obviate all
jealousy on the part of the confederates, an extraordinary
congress was held at the desire of the States, to which the
foreign ministers were invited. The deputies for foreign
aifairs then detailed the different overtures, both private and
public, which had been made by France, to open a negotia
tion for peace, communicating the proposals from the elector
of Bavaria, and the answers of the maritime powers. They
concluded by professing the determination of the republic
to abide by their engagements with their allies, and to accept
no overtures for peace without their concurrence and appro
bation. This declaration seemed to give great satisfaction
to the foreign ministers, and was approved with apparent
cordiality. Marlborough was no less gratified with this resolution
than with the spirit which it seemed to infuse ; and in his
final letter to Lord Godolphin, from the Hague, he expresses
» Hague, Nov. 20. — Printed in Lediard, torn. ii. p. 123.

1706.] HIS OPINION ON PEACE. 497
his hope that the allies will continue to prosecute their suc
cess, till France was reduced to more reasonable terms.
" Hague, Nov. 16. — This country, like others, is vexed with different
opinions, of which the French must take advaatage. I shall not now
trouble you with particulars, but I hope all will agree that the war must
be carried on till the French be more reasonable; for as yet nothing has
been proposed but a partition treaty, which is not more dishonourable to
the allies, but in length of time destruction, as I have fully declared to
be her majesty's opinion."
During his continuance at the Hague, he also employed
his mediation in allaying the disputes which had arisen be
tween the emperor and the States, relative to the bishopric
of Munster, and the delicate negotiation for the barrier.
An arrangement was, indeed, considerably facilitated by the
condescension of the emperor, who ordered his minister,.
Count Zinzendorf, to conform himself to the directions of
Marlborough ; but the views of the respective parties were
yet too much at variance to permit a perfect accommodation.
The question of the barrier also partook of the same diffi
culties as before ; and, therefore, though with unfeigned re
luctance, Marlborough referred it to a future negotiation.

VOL. I. K. K

APPENDIX
OF
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS.
By the Editor.

-(A. p. 32.) Alleged Duplicity of Marlborough.
' The reputation of the Duke of Marlborough has suffered very con
siderably from the duplicity associated with his name, in connexion with
the ejected Stuart, and the Prince of Orange. A hero and a double
dealer exhibit inconsistencies at which the mind recoils ; yet it rests on
undeniable proofs, that the duke enacted these conflictive parts — that he
first deported himself treacherously towards King James, and next
towards his son-in-law and successor, King William, whom he had effec
tively assisted in ascending theEnglish throne. But Mr. Coxe has failed to
present this portion of his subject with the force and distinctness which
its great importance demands : he has neither brought out in strong
relief those circumstances which undoubtedly extenuate the infamy ofthe
duke's conduct ; nor, on the other hand, those which as unquestionably
increase its ignominy.
The Duke of "York had been the early and steady patron both of
.Marlborough and his sister Arabella ; and it was natural and grateful in
him that he should cherish kindly feelings towards their benefactor. But
-these feelings did not impose on Marlborough any obligation to sacrifice
his religious and political predilections to the weak and mistaken course
which King James was obviously bent on pursuing. Personally he
might feel grateful and pity the king, but he was not bound to sacrifice
both his conscientious impressions and public duties to bis fatal errors.
He freely remonstrated with the misguided prince, and this proving un
availing, and destructive to their previous confidential intercourse, Marl
borough opened a private communication with the Prince of Orange. In
this proceeding we think he was justifiable ; also in concealing this new
connexion from his former friend and master. King James was insidiously
trying his utmost to deceive both Marlborough and the English nation;
and under the guise of establishing universal toleration and other dis
sembling pretexts, doing all he could to supplant the church of England
by the clandestine introduction of popery. In dealing with a detected
dissembler, dissimulation is allowable ; and this was precisely the position

APPENDIX. 499
in which the duke was placed by the underhand practices of James.
Therefore, up to the time of the king's abdication, Marlborough's rela
tions witli him appear to have been entirely free from blame. When he
could not stop the king in his mad career, he was justified in seeking aid
elsewhere, in opening an intercourse with the Prince of Orange, in con
cealing that intercourse from the king, in deserting him in the way he
did, and in joining King William with the troops under his command at
Salisbury. He sought only, by timely precautions and in bis own defence,
to counteract by treachery that treachery which had been manifestly
intended to be practised by the Stuart, both towards himself and all
England. But enough on the first period ofthe duke's alleged duplicity, in which
he appears to be fairly entitled to an honourable acquittal. We come
next to the second charge of duplicity, namely, that practised towards
King William, in which we have arrived at a very different conclusion.
It was natural, for the reasons already assigned, that Marlborough
should resume a friendly correspondence with the abdicated monarch,
though he had become the liege subject of his successor ; for the duke was
capable of affection, and so far as personal feeling, and a sense of right
was concerned, he was undoubtedly inclined to the cause of King
James. Upon this point we have the testimony of his Whig duchess,
in her last will made twenty-three years after the death of her husband,
who she says "left King James with great regret." Consequently there
was nothing unnatural or very reprehensible in this liaison ; it was even
creditable to Marlborough's character, had it continued restricted to past
personal recollections. But when it went beyond this — when to these
private reminiscences, or other personal or selfish motive, public duties
were offered to be sacrificed — when Marlborough began clandestinely to
form plans for the restoration of the prince by the betrayal of his present
sovereign, to whom he had sworn allegiance — by whom he had been
honoured, promoted to high offices, and implicitly trusted ; then we can
not hesitate to brand his conduct as basely false and treasonable. This is
what Marlborough did, and it is an ineffaceable blot on his public repu
tation. King William had not, like his predecessor, given to the duke
just cause Of umbrage and fair pretexts for duplicity. All that the king
can be accused of, or alleged in Marlborough's defence, is, that he had
shown an undue, though natural, preference for his Dutch followers;
and the duke had not obtained so large a share as they had in royal
gifts, titles, trust, and promotion. Even the defence which Mr. Coxe
has offered for his hero only heightens the infamy of his proceeding. It
is said or implied, forsooth, that the duke, by his clandestine intercourse
with James, sought not directly to betray his present master, but only to
provide beforehand impunity and security for himself and possessions, in
the event of the prince's restoration — a contingency at one juncture not
unlikely to happen. But this kind of defence makes matters worse.
For merely selfish considerations no person can be justified in violating
his sworn fidelity to another party, but this was certainly what the
duke attempted with King William. We think, indeed, that the duke
sought more ; that by a very reprehensible species of double-dealing, he
x k 2

500 APPENDIX
sought to deceive both princes, William and James, at the same time ; and
this from no higher motive than that excess of self-prudence which, in truth,
was the chief and almost only blemish of an otherwise unspotted and
illustrious name.

(B. p. 51.) Sidney, Earl of Godolphin.
A leading public character, during the brilliant period of the duke's
history, and whose name most frequently occurs in the Memoirs, is the
minister Godolphin. He was an eminent statesman, remarkable for his
love of truth, amiability of disposition, and disinterestedness of con
duct. Like Marlborough, he had been bred in courts, but had not in
an equal degree been corrupted by them. His financial government was
subjected to a severe parliamentary scrutiny, after the accession of Harley
rto the premiership ; but nothing could be established against him, tending
to impeach the integrity of his administration. After an anxious and
-toilsome official life he died poor, leaving hardly enough money to defray
the expenses of his funeral.
Godolphin was descended from a Cornish family of repute, distin
guished for its valour in the civil war, and which, it is likely, had recom
mended him to his first promotion, as a page in the court of Charles II.
From this humble position he rose rapidly into political consequence ;
for he sat in the first parliament after the Restoration, was shortly after
wards employed in various high offices, until appointed to the commis-
sionership of the Treasury, at the same time that he was called to the
House of Lords. During the reign of King James Godolphin engaged •
the favour of queen Mary, to whom he was chamberlain, and of James,
who re-appointed him one of the lords of the Treasury. A Tory and
'high churchman by education, like his illustrious friend he became a
Whig when the Protestant succession was in danger. On the flight of
the Stuart he voted for a regency ; and in the perplexing juncture of
affairs that ensued, he evinced such a spirit of moderation and wisdom as
to retain the favourable opinions both ofthe outgoing and incoming sove
reign. Personally attached to James II., he was amongst the few cour
tiers who never deserted him while he remained in the kingdom ; and
*his proof of affection so little compromised him with his successor, that
*he Prince of Orange continued him in his office of treasury lord. He
accompanied the abdicated monarch to the sea-side when he quitted
England, and maintained a correspondence with him till his death.
On the accession of queen Anne and the ascendency of the Marlbo-
roughs, Godolphin rose to the head of his department as lord high trea
surer. During the first six years of the queen's reign the government
was virtually a triumvirate ; the Duchess of Marlborough ruling the
court and the queen, her husband controlling foreign affairs, and Godol
phin the sovereign's councils and parliament. The last was an intelligent
and prudent councillor, but his extreme caution often bordered on waver-

OF NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 501
ing or timidity. Marlborough was hardly less wise and circumspect in
council than his friend ; but he had more energy of will, and the minis
ter frequently resorted to his aid to crush factions at home, as he had
external enemies abroad.
The greatest characters are never wholly free from vice or weakness ;
or, at least, the imputation of them. Vanity and a love of play have been im
puted to the minister by an unscrupulous contemporary accuser. " Phy
siognomists," says Dean Swift, " would hardly discover by consulting the
aspect of this lord that his predominant passions were love and play ; that
he coidd sometimes scratch out a song in praise of his mistress with his
pencil and card ; or that he hath tears at command, like a woman, to be
used either in an intrigue of gallantry or politics." — {Four Last Years of
Queen Anne.') Despite of the infallibility of his judgment, gravity
of demeanour, and of personal drawbacks — for he was much disfigured
by the small-pox — Godolphin's idolatry of women was undoubted, con
stant, and almost romantic and sentimental. Conformably to this devo
tion was his lordship's admiration of the beautiful exiled queen, Mary of
Modena, whom he used to address in letters in which love was ambi
guously mingled with respect ; " whilst little presents," according to
Swift, "of such things as ladies like," accompanied these epistles.
Amidst such follies and demonstrations, one can hardly wonder at the
scandalous rumours abroad on the nature of his intercourse with the
Duchess of Marlborough. The minister was not only the confidential
adviser of the crown and the duke, but also of the duchess during the
absence of her husband in the wars. There is, however, not a particle of
proof that the gallantries ofthe lord treasurer extended to the wife of his
friend, and all circumstantial evidence is against the presumption. Amo
rous intrigues were not the foible of the haughty Sarah ; if she loved
any body it was the duke, though he was ten years older. Marlborough
bad implicit reliance on the honour of his spouse ; he never appears for a
moment to have suspected such a liaison, and the best proof of its non-ex
istence is that the confidential friendship of all three continued undimi
nished to the last.
However, we leave the matter to be disposed of by Mrs. Thomson, in
her own spirited manner : —
"It would be a libel on human nature to imagine that the cherished
wife of John Duke of Marlborough could be fascinated by the lesser
constellation of virtues displayed in the character of the minister Godol
phin. The impure and, consequently, illiberal judges of conduct, who
pride themselves in what is called a knowledge of the world, may decree
that a cordial and confidential friendship, in the simple acceptation of the
word, cannot exist between the two sexes, where similarity of age is
joined to congeniality of temper and taste. But, happily for society,
some men are honourable, some men high-minded : actions may gratify
one party, and approbation and esteem secure the kindly feelings of the
other. A friendship firm, generous, and delicate may exist between par
ties of different sexes ; and when it has this pure source, it will ever be
found beneficial, permanent, and delightful." {Memoirs of the Duchess of
Marlborough, p. 162.)

502 APPENDIX

(C. p. 213.) Prince Eugene and Marlborough.
Mr. Coxe has done no more than justice to the merits of the two
famous warriors. One of the noblest traits in the character of Mark
borough is the generous friendship that subsisted between him and
Eugene. The prince was worthy of his love. Brave as a lion, frank, candid,
and conciliatory, he was above all disguise, meanness, or circuity. They
were both as eminent in civil affairs as in war, and the same ascendency
which the duke held in the government of England, Eugene maintained in
that of Austria. Between them, apart from the sway ofthe grand monarque,
they directed the destinies of Europe. Despite of these correspondences,
in temperament and martial gifts the two generals exhibited marked points
of contrast and dissimilarity. Carried away by the heat of battle, or
doubtful concerning its issue, Eugene would rush into the thickest of the
melee ; but Marlborough, though a leader of undoubted courage, was
always too self-possessed to be guilty of such imprudences. In planning
promptly, and energetically directing the grand movements of armies
Marlborough was superior to the prince of Savoy. None ofthe cam
paigns of Eugene present such a wide grasp of conceptive design and
strategic combinations as that of Marlborough in 1704. Had the duke
been left to the impulse of his own enterprising genius, unchecked by
Dutch field-deputies, or the more cautious spirit of Eugene, he would
have certainly conquered France either in that memorable year of his
glory or the next, or at a later period in 1 708, when he proposed to mask
the strong towns of Flanders and march direct to Paris, but which the
prince opposed as too hazardous an enterprise. But if not so enterprising,
and less of a tactician, Eugene was superior to the duke in partisan war
fare. The history of Marlborough presents nothing equal in subtlety of
contrivance and dexterity of execution to the surprise of Cremona by the
prince — the ambuscade he laid for the French behind the Adige — and
his artifice in directing the French retreat to be beat amidst the con
fusion and darkness that followed the battle of Oudenarde. In the finesse
and stratagems of war Eugene was as fertile in resource as Hannibal
himself. He made splendid campaigns too, especially against the Turks
and against the French in Italy. They were both remarkable men, as
well in camps as in civil affairs, but in nothing more admirable than in
their mutual respect and confidence in each other, and in the art of govern
ing men, and advantageously using them.

(D. p. 246.) Campaign and Victory of Blenheim.
The year 1704 forms the most memorable in the duke's memoirs.
Mr. Coxe has detailed in the preceding chapters, with elaborate com-
peteness, its many and diversified incidents, and has been eminently

of notes and illustrations. 503
successful, aided by the explanations of Major Smith, in his descriptions
of military occurrences ; but he has concluded this portion of his work
without any distinct resume or forcible grouping of that wonderful com
bination of action and events which signalised this animated period of
European history. In consequence the reader is left without that vivid
and concentrated impression, essential to a full appreciation of the vast
toils and heroic exploits which Marlborough compressed into this eventful
year of his life. Excepting during the Crusades, Europe had never
before been so generally excited, so expanded in force and movement;
and the omnipresent soul and arm of the British general was felt
and acknowledged in every vibration. "Where Marlborough was not,
the machine stopped or went wrong — whether it was among the
jealous cabals of the court of St. James's — among the wavering and
calculating Dutch states — among the sluggish and mercenary princes
of Germany, or among his own generals. — for even in his own camp
Marlborough had those who felt oppressed by the lustre of his renown,
and reluctantly yielded to the superiority of his genius. Over all
these jarring or counteracting interests the duke triumphed with
marvellous address ; he harmonised them into energetic action for the
accomplishment of the one great object of thwarting the restless ambition
of Louis le Grand, and humbling his pride by the overthrow of his
legions, and the propelling them in confusion and dismay from the
Danube to the Rhine, and from the Rhine almost to the gates of
Antwerp. Marlborough was past the middle life when he entered on this eventful
year of his history. He was still robust and indefatigable, but the
martyr to painful, distracting, and exhausting diseases. From dimness of
sight, head-ache, fever, or ague, he was hardly ever free ; and these
disorders were doubtless aggravated, if not produced, from extreme
fatigue and want of rest, and the anxious spirit that had to keep watch
over the vast and complicated machinery he had in motion. Despite of
these afflictive and disturbing physical ills, how much he did and en
dured ! What clouds of letters he despatched to every court in Europe
- — what treaties he signed or negotiated — what toilsome overland journeys
he performed in the frozen month of January, or no less cold and cheer
less November — what forced marches he accomplished amidst the heats
of summer — what splendid victories he won — and what grand schemes
of military combination he organised and successfully executed ! Contem
porary with these open and more active services, must be borne in mind
the many private and domestic transactions that incessantly demanded
his attention. He was at the head of the moderate Tory party in
England ; upon his fiat, support, and organisation mainly depended its
direction and ascendency. At home as abroad, almost every thing
rested on his own Atlantean shoulders. His private friend and public
colleague, the lord treasurer Godolphin, formed only a feeble and
precarious confederate ; his son-in-law Sunderland, with the fickleness or
perfidy natural to his character, was openly or covertly against him ;
while his ever restless, intriguing, and opinionated countess, with the best
intentions to serve her lord, was constantly sowing for him a fresh crop
of vexations and perplexities.

504 APPENDIX.
Those who contemplate the immortals of the earth — who admire,
perhaps sometimes begrudge, the vast honours and rewards that have
been heaped on their memories, — would do well to bear in mind the
hard and weary life of danger, toil, anxiety, and self-sacrifice by which
they have been won.
The only year of military achievements that can be fitly compared
with the famous one of Marlborough, is the first glorious campaign of
General Buonaparte in Italy. In both were displayed the same untiring
activity, — the same varied and masterly abilities in the field, the council, *
and the cabinet, — and both were distinguished by almost equally splen
did military triumphs. The attack on the Schellenberg by the Con
federates was as daring an exploit as the storming of the bridge of Lodi
by the Republicans. Both enterprises savoured of recklessness of human
life, if not rashness. Had they failed, mankind would have condemned
them for temerity ; but they succeeded, the audacity of the generals
being seconded by good fortune and the excited and resistless valour'of
their troops. But it may be doubted whether Napoleon, in this his first
burst on the world, gained any victory so complete and overwhelming as
that of Blenheim. He destroyed five armies, it is true, in this one cam
paign, with a single band of followers, whom he had found shoeless and des
titute on the rocks of Genoa. But every soldier was a hero, all animated
by one soul, enthusiastic in the cause, and each bearing on his crest
Liberty or Death. Comparatively with these, Marlborough had only
a cold and miscellaneous host. His British troops were invincible ;
but their prowess was partly neutralised by phlegmatic Dutchmeti,
Hanoverians, and the mercenary contingents of Germany. Prince Ei'-'
gene was undoubtedly a tower of strength ; but as a set off to this fear
less and able leader, Buonaparte had devoted and obedient to his will
Massena, Angereau, Victor, Junot, and other rising chiefs, each a god in
war. Besides, Napoleon, if he gained a battle, he could follow it up
•without check, and reap the full fruits of success. In this consisted the
great advantage he possessed over the English commander. Marlborough
¦was not inferior to him in daring and boldness of enterprise ; in the promp
titude and energy with which he would plan and achieve a victory ; nor
in the scientific conception and masterly direction of a campaign. All
these great gifts of a successful general are fully displayed in the
events of 1704 — in the consummate skill and originality of intellect
with which he formed his scheme for carrying the war into Germany —
in the prudent reserve with which he revealed his daring undertaking —
in the admirable and secret manner that he directed his march to the
Rhine — his dexterity in confounding the French generals, and concealing
from them his real purpose — and then the able preliminary tactics,
by which he opened the way to victory, ere he winged the thunderbolt
on the heights of the Schellenberg, and the battlements of Blenheim.
After winning a battle like that of Blenheim in August, Napoleon
would doubtless have spent his Christmas at Brussels. So would Marl
borough had he been left to the bent and ardour of his genius. But
though Buonaparte had the Directory to manage, the duke had a much
more heterogeneous and intractable mass of materials to humour and

OF NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS, 505
harmonise — Dutch deputies, German princes, and British ministers 
¦whose impotent misgivings and disagreements often clogged and impeded
the march of victory.

(E. p. 474.) Eaul of Peterborough.
The earl of Peterborough's reputation, as a Marplot, was European.
At home or abroad he was in constant motion, and it is manifest from
the narrative, that it required the utmost vigilance of Marlborough and
Godolphin to counteract his unceasing wiles and restlessness. The
character of so singular a man merits a more specific illustration than
Mr. Coxe has given. Peterborough possessed uncommon gifts, any one
of which, if steadily directed, would have been sufficient to distinguish an
ordinary person. But this was the capital defect of his organisation ; he
was incapable of concentration of purpose, not only individually, but in
co-operation. He must move alone and originally, without sharing with
others, either in effort or celebrity. This, however, is not always the
mode in which great affairs can be consummated ; hence few traces sur
vive of Lord Peterborough's existence, and his life forms only a brilliant
ej.isode in the general history of the country. He was a kind of Admi
rable Crichton, that dazzled for a time by the variety of his accomplish
ments and exploits, but his fame was theatrical, and hardly outlived the
actor. Peterborough was of high ancestry ; an earl by birth, and afterwards
fcy creation. At the age of eighteen he distinguished himself in the
cause of patriotism, by attending Algernon Sidney to the scaffold. He
began his warlike career in the naval service ; and whilst cultivating the
Muses, appeared emulous only to mix with the "rough and untutored
tars of the ocean." Disgusted with a maritime life, he became a land
officer; yet alternately assisted in the council, or dazzled the senate with
his oratory. The astonishment he excited was heightened by those per
sonal advantages, which the imagination is often disposed to associate
with heroism, wit, and eloquence. His early deeds in Spain were of
the most chivalrous description, and the result of masterly skill, aided
by romantic daring. His success at one period seemed to have ensured
the great object of the Grand Alliance, by transferring the throne of
Spain from the Bourbon to the Austrian family.
His subsequent waywardness embroiled every thing, and more than
neutralised the benefits of his gallant enterprise in raising the siege of
Barcelona. From being an object of general admiration, he became,
from his arrogance and caprice, one of general dislike and suspicion.
Disunion and insubordination were the consequences in the Peninsula,
and the recal of his Lordship became indispensable to save the affairs of
King Charles, whom it was thought he had saved, from irretrievable ruin.
His lordship appears next to have occupied himself in visiting the
YOL. I. L L

506 APPENDIX OF NOTES and illustrations.
courts of Germany, and the head-quarters of Prince Eugene, and at last
of Charles XII. of Sweden. Ever on the wing, he excelled even Lord
Sunderland in the rapidity of his flights ; and is said " to have seen more
kings and postilions than any man in Europe." Wherever he -went, he
gave his own version of the state of affairs both in Spain and England;
and this, with the resources afforded by his varied descriptive powers,
made his representations a matter of no small importance. Hence the
anxiety felt about his continental movements, and the activity with which
Marlborough sought to track him in his gossiping peregrinations.
Pope observes of Peterborough, that he was " resolved neither to live
nor die like other men." The great weaknesses of his character were
fickleness, vanity, and inordinate thirst of notoriety, no matter of what
quality or origin. The " observed of all observers," the friend of
Swift and Pope, and the associate of Marlborough, delighted to de
claim in a coffee-house, and be the centre of any admiring throng, how
ever mean or disreputable. Horace Walpole said that "he lived a
romance, and was capable of making it a history."
Lord Peterborough, though at first an enthusiastic admirer of Marl
borough, became, in the sequel, conspicuous for his enmity towards
him. This alienation is supposed to have had its origin in the duke
declining a. family alliance with the eccentric peer, and refusing to affi
ance his youngest daughter, Lady Mary Churchill, with the eldest son
and heir of Peterborough, John Lord Mordaunt.

END OF THE FIRST VOLUME.

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