YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY THB HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS. COMMONWEALTH PERIOD. BY JOHN STETSON BAEEY, MBMBEB OP IHE MASSACHUSETTS HISTOKIOAL SOCIETY, AND OP THE NEW ENGLAND HISTOEIO-QENEAXOaiCAL SOCIETY. FOUETH EDITION. BOSTON: PUBLISHED FOK THE AUTHOR, AND POE SALE BY HIS GENEBAL AGENT, HENRY BARRY, OFFICE, No. 80 WASHINGTON ST. Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1857, by JOHN S. BAKBY, In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the District of Massachusetts. STEREOTYPED AT THB BOSTON STEKBOTTPB FOUNDST. TO THE PEOPLE OF MASSACHUSETTS, PEOMPT TO ASSERT AND DEFEND THEIR EIGHTS, AND JEALOUS OF ENCROACHMENTS UPON THEIR REPUBLICAN LIBERTIES, f ^is Walamt, RECORDING THE DEEDS OF THE FATHERS OF THE EETOLUTION, AND THE FEAMERS OF THB CONSTITUTION, IS RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED, BT THE AUTHOR.' INTRODUCTION The present volume closes the series originally proposed on the History of Massachusetts — bringing that history down to a period within the memory of thousands now living. To many, without doubt, the incidents narrated in the following pages will prove more interesting, and possibly more attractive, than those which have been previously described ; while to others, the more distant the scene, or the more remote the period, the greater the charm the historian's page has for their minds. That the difl&culties attending the elucidation of our annals for the forty years which followed the opening of the revolution are much more perplexing than those which the forty years preceding the revolution' present, will be evident to every one who has attempted the task of writing concerning a period about which conflicting and even opposite opinions may honestly prevail, which are too intimately connect^ with early recollec tions to be disturbed without awakening the slumbering mem ory, and exciting afresh feelings and passions which have long been dormant. If, in discharging his delicate duty, the author shall be found to have dealt impartially with the characters who figure in his pages, he will certainly have reached the height of his wishes. Yet, considering how differently his readers are constituted, and that, in every community, and in relation to W Vi INTRODUCTION. every work, all cannot be expected to harmonize in their views, it would not be surprising if, in some cases, and to a certain extent, he should be found to have reflected his own prejudices too strongly to escape the imputation of having been biased in his judgment, or, at least, of having overlooked those more remote causes which influence the actions of men, and which should never be lost sight of in forming a just estimate of their motives and deeds. It will probably be conceded, however, that it is better to err on the side of* charity than on that of intolerance or general censoriousness. It is much easier, indeed, to blame than to commend ; and it is a more common fault to arraign ¦and condemn the past than to speak of it calmly, and to draw from it the lessons of prudence it should teach. It is hoped, therefore, that those who may read the following pages will not too hastily censure the author, if they cannot in every instance agree with him in his conclusions, and will make due allowance for the necessary infirmities of a fallible judgment. That the health of the author has been spared to complete his work is, to him, a source of unfeigned thankfulness ; and if the public shall find that work such as is needed, the consciousness that the labor it has cost has not been in vain will prove of itself a sufi&cient reward. CONTENTS. CHAPTER I. THE WAE OF THE EEVOLUTION. BATTLE OF LEXINGTON. Preparations- for raising an Army — Officers of the Army — Condition of the Inhabitants of Boston — Preparations for leaving the Town — Obstructions to the Removal of the Patriots — Enlistm'ents for the Army — Military Stores — Rank, and Services of the OiBcers — Movements of the Tories — Resump tion of Goyernment — Position of the Clergy — Prospects of the Army — Eor- tifications commenced — Skirmishes mth the Enemy — Meeting of the Second Congress — Prqpositions of John Adams — "Washington chosen Commander- in-Chief — Proclamation of Gage — Counter Proclamation proposed — Position of the American Army — Topography of Charlestown — Orders to intrench on Bunker Hill — The Eprtiftcations commenced — Amazement of the British — Preparations for an Attack — Movements of General Ward — The British embark for Charlestown — More Troops sent over — Position of the Ame4- cans — Number and Officers of the British Army — Commencement of the Battle — Directions of the American Officers — Result of tne first Charge — BurniQg of Charlestown — The third Attack — Retreat of Prescott — Triumph of the British — Close qf the Battle, pp. 1-39. ' CHAPTER II. THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. American Intrenchments — Additional Forces raised — Arrival of Washing ton — Forces of the British — Scenery around Boston — Incidents of the Siege (vii) vm CONTENTS, in July — Correspondence between Lee and Burgoyne — Incidents of the Siege — Proceedings of the Americans — Occupation of Ploughed Hill — Corre spondence between Washington and Gage — Occurrences in September Preparations for quartering the Army — Arrival of Howe — Proclamations of Howe— Position of the British Ships — Position of the American Forces — A Naval Armament fitted out — Conference in Boston — Proceedings of the Continental Congress — Address to the King — State of. Public Feeling in England — Rejection of the Petition of the Colonies — Convocation of Parlia ment — Discussions in ParKament — Examination of Penn — Lord Norths Prohibitory Bill — Movements in America — Embarrassments of Washington — Prosecution of the Siege — Operations in December — Condition of the Army at the Close of the Year — Recruits for the Army — Washington's Reflections — Position of the British — A Council of War called — A second Council convened — Improvement in the Condition of the Americans — The approaching Conffict — Intrenchments at Dorchester — Movements of the British — Feeling ia Boston — Evacuation of the Tovm — Departure of the British Fleet — Condition of the Town. pp. 40-86. CHAPTER III. INDEPENDENCE DECLAEED. State of public Feeling in America — Thomas Paine's " Common Sense " — Views of Congress — Position of Massachusetts — State of Feeling at the South — Position of John Adams — Course of Massachusetts — Vote of the Towns in Favor of Independence — Effects of the Action of ParKament — The Duke of Grafton's ConcUiatory Plan — Discussion of the Question of Inde pendence — Action of Virginia — Motion submitted by R. H. Lee — Debates on the Question of Independence — Arguments against the Declaration — Arguments in Favor of the Declaration — Cominittee appointed to draught a Declaration — Mr. Jefferson selected to make this Draught — Discussion re sumed — Letter of John Adams — Unanimity with Difficulty secured — The Declaration of Independence considered — Discussion upon the same — Char acter of the Instrument — Rejoicings on its Passage — Propriety of this Step. pp. 87-122. CONTENTS. IX CHAPTER lY, MILITAEY MOVEMENTS IN MASSACHUSETTS. Fortifications in Boston Harbor — General Lincoln enters the Service — Naval Armament of Massachusetts — The British Fleet expelled — Exploits of the. Privateers — "Tardiness in raising Troops — Local Jealousies — More Troops called &r — Enlistments for the Army — Sufferings of the People — Treatment of the Tories — A new Army raised — Board of War appointed — Enlistments in Massachusetts — Organization of the Regiments — • Prepara tions for Defence — &uocesses of the Navy — Perilous Position of Affairs — Capture of Burgoyne — Secret Expedition to Rhode Island — Expenses of the War — New Quotas called for — Appeals to the People — Expedition to Rhode Island— Disaster to the French Fleet — La Fayette visits Boston — Commissioners sent to America from England — Conduct of the Commis sioners — The Ministry condemned — Opening of the new Year — State of A£^irs^ Financial Embarrassments — Expedition to the Eastward — Fresh Levies raised — The National Debt — Provision for its Payment — Sufferings of the War — Preliminaries of Peace — A Treaty of Peace concluded -!- Close of the War. pp. 123-171. CHAPTER V. ADOPTION OE THE STATE CONSTITUTION. PEOCEEDINGS OF THB GOVEENMENT. MANNEES AND CUSTOMS. A Constitutional Convention proposed — Propriety of this Step — Re jection of the First Constitution — A Convention called — A Constitution draughted — Objections to this Instrument — Discussion on the Bill of Rights — Election of State Officers — Views of the Statesmen of Massa chusetts — Incorporation of the Academy of Arts and Sciences — The Dark Day — Revision of the Laws — Massachusetts Bank incorporated — Massachusetts Mint — Character of Governor Hancock — The Question of Slavery discussed — Abolition of Slavery in Massachusetts — Census of the State — Character of Governor Bowdoirf — Convention at Portland — Project of a separate Government — Reelection of Governor Bowdoin — Progress of Manufaetm-es — Settlement of the Massachusetts and New York Claim — Maimers and Customs, pp. 172-217. CONTENTS. CHAPTER VI. SHATS'S EEBELLION. Gathering at Northampton — Gathering at Hatfield — /Convention at Deer- field— State of Affahs at the Close of the War — Causes of Complaint— Conduct of the Seditious — Convention at Worcester — Convention at Hat field — Proceedings in Worcester County — Proceedmgs in Middlesex — Dis turbances at Taunton — Proceedings in Berkshire County — Position of the Gtizens of Boston — Disturbances at Springfield — Onaracter of Day — Con duct of the Insurgents — Proceedings of the General Court — Renewed Dis turbances — Memorial of the Worcester Convention — Warrants for the Arrest of the Insurgents — Disturbances at Worcester — Proceedings in Hampshire County — Troops raised to suppress the Rebellion — The Arsenal at Spring field attacked — Situation of Shepard — Pursuit of the Insurgents — Session of the General Court — Pm-suit of Shays — Vigilance of the Govemment — Disqualifying Resolves — Views of General Lincoln — Subsidence of the Dis turbances — Reformatory Measures proposed — Approval of Governor Bow- dom's Policy — Expected Change of Measures — Suppression of the Rebellion — Wisdom of the Govemment Measures, pp. 218-260. CHAPTER VII. ADOPTION OF THE FEDEEAL CONSTITUTION. DEBATES IN MASSACHUSETTS. Defects of the Confederation — Preparatory Steps to a Convention — Con gress consents to call a Convention — Wisdom of this Measure — Consequences of the Failure of the Convention — The Convention assembles in Philadelphia — Rules of the Convention — Division of Parties — Difficult}- of framing a perfect system — Points of Debate — The Question of Slavery discussed — Discussion on the Slave Trade — Rendition of Fugitives — Difficulties of the Slave Question — Results of the Convention — The Massachusetts Convention meets — Debate on Biennial Elections — Choice of Representatives — Property Qualification — The "Three Fifths Clause" debated — Construction of the Senate — Powers of Congress — Discussion on the Slave Trade — Genei'al Heath's Views — Close of the Debate — Importance of the Question — Propo sals to secure Unanimity — Discussion on these Proposals — The Question talten — Result of the Vote — Natm-e of the Amendments proposed — Close of the Convention — Action of Congress — Washington looked to for Presi- CONTENTS. XI dent — Acceptance of the Trust urged upon him — His Acquiescence and Choice — Ceremonies of Inauguration — Questions connected with the Con stitution, pp. 261-308. CHAPTER VIII. FEOM THE ADOPTION OF THE FEDEEAL CONSTITUTION TO THB ELECTION OF ELBEIDGE GEEEY. Washington's Visit to Boston — Address of the Governor and Council — Reply of Washington — Division of Parties — Benefits of the Adoption of the Constitution — Resumption , of the State Debts — Internal Improvements — Revision of the Laws '- — Educational Laws — Estabhshment of Simday Schools — Samuel Adams chosen Governor — His Character — French Revolution — Conduct of Genet — Charges against Washington — Insolence of Genet — Difficulties with England — Meeting in Boston — Reply of Washington — Increase Sumner chosen Governor — John Adams chosen President — Views of Mr. Adams — Difficulties with France — Commissioners appointed — Recep tion of the Commissioners — Return of Pinkney and Marshall — Measures of the Govemment — Reelection of Mr. Sumner — Caleb Strong chosen Governor — Fourth Presidential Canvass — Choice of Jefferson — Fifth Presidential Elec tion — Character of Jefferson — The Embargo laid — Effects of the Embargo upon Massachusetts — PoKcy of this Measure — Policy of the Rejection of the offered Treaty — Pressure of the Embargo — Resistance of an Attempt for its Repeal — Sixth Presidential Election — Mr. Lloyd chosen Senator in the Place of Mr. Adams — Charge of an Attempt to dissolve the Union — Mission of Henry — Overtures of Erskine — Mr. Gerry chosen Governor of Massachusetts, pp. 309-364. CHAPTER IX. THE WAE OP 1812. HAETFOED CONVENTION. PEACE DECLAEED. EEVISION OF THB CONSTITUTION. CONCLUSION. Removals from Office — Governor Gerry's political Sympathies — Libels charged upon the Federal Press — Reelection of Caleb Strong — Lloyd's Speech in Congress — War Movements of the Administration — Position of the British Ministry — War declared — Policy of this Step — State of Feehng in Boston — Charges against the People — Reception of the News of the War in Boston — Appeal of the Senate of Massachusetts — Address of the House — Address of the Federal Members of Congress — State of Feeling at the XU CONTENTS. South — Requisitions upon Massachusetts — Course of Governor Strong Correspondence with General Dearbom — The Governor's Defence — Beeepr tion of the War News in England — Prosecution of tbe War in the United States — Remonstrance of New York — Proposals for an Armistice — The War proceeds on the Policy of Impressment — Measures adopted in Massachusetts — Application to Congress for Aid — Reelection of Governor Strong — Cap ture of the Chesapeake — British Blockade of the Coast — Interdiction of the Coasting Trade — Reply of the House to the Govemor's Speech — The Parties who were benefited by the War — Arrangements for the Defence of the Coast — Proposals for a Negotiation at London — Ghent selected as the Place of Meeting — Action of Massachusetts — Report of the Legislative Committee — Resolutions of the General Court — A Convention proposed — Hartford Con vention called — Character of the Members — Proceedings of the Convention — Amendments proposed — Action of Congress — Massachusetts approves the Action of the Convention — Peace concluded — Eroceedings in Boston — Manufacturing Companies incorporated — Revision of the Constitution — Amendments proposed — Conclusion, pp. 365-426. HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS. CHAPTER I. THE "WAR OF THE REVOLUTION. BATTLE OF BUNKER HILL. The battle of Lexington was the opening scene of the war chap of the revolution. As the action, in its consequences, was of _,.^ the greatest importance, an oflScial account was draughted, to 1775. be sent to England, and, by express, to South Carolina.^ All America was exasperated at the conduct of Gage. " To arms ! to arms ! " was the general cry. " Divide and conquer," was the maxim of the enemy. " Unite and be invincible," was the maxim of the Americans. " Liberty or death," " Unite or die," were the mottoes which blazoned the chronicles of the day, and embellished the standards of nearly every company. The enthusiasm of the people was inflamed to the highest pitch ; the militia from all parts rushed to arms, and preparations for future hostilities were prosecuted with vigor.^ ' The despatches to England, in- Mems. i. 231, 248, 276-285; Gor- cluding a letter to Dr. FrankUn and don's Am. Rev. i. 331. an address to the people of Great ^ Sparks's Franklin, viii. 153 ; Sted- Britain, were sent in a vessel belong- man's Am. War, i. 120 ; Bissett's ing to Richard Derby, Esq., of Sa- Hist. Eng. i. 426 ; Thacher's Jour. lem; and the despatches to South 21; Webster's Bunlier Hill Monu- Carolina were forwarded from post to ment Address, 20. An alarm, attend- post, and duly endorsed, until they ed with somewhat ludicrous results, reached tlieir destination. Jour. Prov. occurred in Essex county on the 21st Cong. 148, 153-156, 159, 523; Force's of April. Coffin's Newbury, 245-247. Am. Archives, ii. 363-369 ; Drayton's VOL. Ill, 1 PROVISIONS FOE RAISING AN AEMT. The Provincial Congress had adjourned until May ; but, by a special vote of the committee of safety, the executive for 1775. the time being, the members reassembled in the town of Con- Apr.' 22! cord, and, adjourning from thence to Watertown, entered at once upon those measures which, at that crisis, were " indis- Apr. 20. pensable for the salvation ef the country." Already had a circular been addressed to the towns, urging upon the people the necessity of raising troops to " defend their wives and children from the butchering hands of an inhuman soldiery," and entreating them to " hasten and encourage by all possible means the enlistment of men to form an army." " Our all," it was said, " is at stake. Death and devastation are the consequences of delay. Every moment is infinitely precious. An hour lost may deluge the country in blood, and entail per petual slavery upon the few of our posterity who may survive the cariiage." ' Apr. 23. The local Congress, feeling the importance of this subject, zealously entered upon its consideration, and voted, at the opening of its session, " that an army of thirty thousand men be immediately raised, and that thirteen thousand six hundred be raised by this province." ^ Provision was likewise made for levying money to defray expenses ; the committee of safety was ordered to " bring in a plan for the estalilishment of the ofEcers and soldiers ; " and committees were sent to the Xew Hampshire Congress at Exeter, and to Connecticut and Rhode Island, to inform them of these resolutions, and request their concurrence.^ Up to this date, the officers appointed by the former Con gress had directed the movements of the provincial troops ; ' Jour. Prov. Cong. 147 and note, .\ra. Rov. i. 192; Thacher's Jom-. 20; 518; Goi'don's Am. Rev. i. 336; Bradford, i. 37o. Thacher's Jour. 20 ; Fvothingham's ^ Jour. Prov. Cong. 149 ; Force's yioHi', 191; Shattuck's Concord, 118. Am. Archives, ii. 377, 378; Gordon's = Jour. Prov. ConjT. MS, and comp. Am. Rev. i. 318; Stedman's Am. ibid. 520; Jour. Cojit. Cong. i. 76; "War, i. 121; iSpai-ks's Washington, Gordon's Am. Rov. i. 310; ^{am.';a^''s iii. 487. OFFICERS OP THE ARMY. 3 and General Heath issued his orders until the arrival of chap. Ward, who assumed the command.^ The same day, a coun- ^^ cil of war was held ; ^ for the protection of the neiglibor- 1775. Apr 20 hood, guards were stationed on the Charlestown road and at other points; and on the following day, at the instance of Apr. 21 Ward, Colonels Prescott, Learned, and Warren were ordered to march their regiments to Roxbury, to join General Thom as.^ The exact number of raen in the field it is impossible to determine ; * but reenforcements daily arrived, and the army was joined by the resolute Putnam, a native of Massachusetts, but a resident of Connecticut,^ and by the chivalrous Stark, and Paul Dudley Sargeant, of New Hampshire, whose services .at this juncture were exceedingly valuable. ^ Nor should the gallantry of Warren, the young physician, be forgotten, who " did wonders in preserving order among the troops." '' He was one of the most active of the Boston patriots, beloved for his virtues and renowned for his courage ; and such was the confidence inspired by his wisdom that he was looked up to by all with unbounded respect. It could not, of course, be expected, at this period, that the strictest discipline should have prevailed in the army. Com ing from different colonies, and thrown together by accident, as it were, concert of action could only be gradually secured. ' Gordon's Am. Rev. i. 315,316; Heath, who remained at Roxbury un- Heath's Mems. 16, 17 ; Ward's Ward til the arrival of Washington. Family, 47 ; Sparks's Wasliington, iii. * Thacher, Jour., ,says the army 488. General Ward had command consisted of 40,000 ; and Stiles, in his at Cambridge, and General Thomas Diary, and Stedman, Am. War, i. 120, at Roxbury. ,say 20,0(10. But both these estimates ^ At which were present Generals seem to be too high. Comp. Froth- Ward, Heath, and Whitcomb; Colo- ingham's Siege, 91, note. nels Bridge, Foye, J. Prescott, W. ^ He was born in Salem, Mass., Prescott, Bullard, and Barrett; and Jan. 7, 1718. Humphreys's Life of Lieutenant Colonels Spaulding, Nix- Putnam, 15, ed. 1818. on, Whitney, Mansfield, and Whee- " Bradford, i. 380 ; Frothingham's look. Frothingham's Siege, 91, 92. Siege, 92. ^ Ward's Orderly Book; Heath's ' Ramsay's Am. Rev. i. 205; Froth- Mems. 17; Frothingham's Siege, 92. ingham's Siege, 92. See also Swett's The regiments named in the text sketch, in Life of Putnam, 190, ed. were under the command of General 1818. 4 CONDITION OF THE INHABITANTS OF BOSTON. CHAP. Yet the difficulties which were encountered did not preclude ,^_J_^ harmony ; and in a very short time, this " unshaken embryo 1776. of a military corps, composed of militia, minute men, and vol unteers, with a burlesque appearance of multiformity in arms, accoutrements, clothing, and conduct," grew into " a regular army," which " vindicated the rights of human nature, and established the independence" of a glorious republic.^ The ravages committed by the British troops at Lexington and Concord alarmed the people of Boston and its vicinity, and led them to fear for the safety of their own homes. Hence, in the metropolis, the " hotbed of disaffection," and in Charlestown and Cambridge, numbers prepared to remove to the country. The American officers, with a generous spirit, afforded them all the protection in their power ; and the regi ments posted at Waltliam, Watertown, Cambridge, Roxbury, and Medford were serviceable for this purpose.^ The Con gress likewise labored for the organization of the army, appointed engineers, authorized the purchase of stores and supplies, and provided for the payment of officers and men.^ Before much was effected, however, a large number of minute men left for their homes, so that some of the avenues into the country were but slightly guarded. On the Neck, in particu lar, between Boston and Roxbury, but six or seven hundred men wei-o posted, under Colonel Robinson ; and for nine days together they were obliged to maintain their position without relief.'* The inhabitants of Boston, hemmed in by the British troops, found their situation peculiarly distressing. By the orders of the governor, they had been cut ofi" from intercourse with their friends in the country ; and, conscious of the dangers to ' Bradford, i. 380 ; Humphreys's ' Jour. Prov. Cong. 152, 153, 157, Life of Putnam, 92, 93. 165 ; Bradford, i. 376. ^Frothingham's Siege, 92. The ¦" Gordon's Am. Rev. i. 337; Heath's regiments at Walthain and Water- Memoirs, 18; Frothingham's Siege, town wore ordered to Cambridge on 93, and note. the 26th of April. PEEPARATIONS FOR LEAVING THE TOWN. 5 which they were exposed, they could not but view their con- chap. dition with alarm. Fortunately for them. Gage was equally ,^,^1^ alarmed ; and, fearing that the provincial troops might be- 1775. siege the town, and the inhabitants within second them, an interview was had with the selectmen, and an arrangement was made, which was approved by the people and by the com- Apr. 22. mittee of safety, granting to the women and children a safe conduct without the garrison, and to the men also upon con dition of delivering up their arms, and pledging themselves to maintain neutrality for a season.' Under these stipulations, which were sanctioned by both parties, all who could leave prepared to do so ; and for a short time the treaty was faithfully observed. Nearly two thousand stands of arms were delivered up, with a large Apr. 27. number of other weapons ; ^ permission was given to the in habitants to remove, with their efl"ects, by land or water ; and applications for passes were to be made to General Robert son.'' Nearly at the same time, a letter was written to Dr. Warren, " that those persons in the country who inclined to remove into Boston with their effects might have liberty to do so without molestation ; " and the Provincial Congress, not to be behind his excellency in courtesy, voted to comply Apr. 30. with his request ; officers were appointed to grant permits ; * and a large number of " tories," as they were termed by the patriots, availed themselves of this opportunity to seek the shelter of the British guns.^ Already had two hundred of the ' Jour. Prov. Cong. 167, 173, 519, ered; and he ftirther contended that 621 ; Force's Am. Archives, ii. 374- the word ' effects ' was never meant to 377; Gordon's Am. Rev. i. 316; include merchandise." Ramsay's Am. Rev. i. 189, 190; '^ Frothingham's Siege, 95. On the Frothingham's Siege, 93, 94, and note, difficulties encomitered by the people ' Jour. Prov. Cong. 526 ; Ramsay's in effecting a removal, see Letter of Am. Rev. i. 189 ; Gordon'.s Ara. Rev. T. Brown, April 28, 1775, in Trumbull i. 336 ; Frothingham's Siege, 95. MSS. iv. 75. Lord Mahon, Hist. Eng. vi. 39, says, " Jour. Prov. Cong. 173, 529; Gor- " Neither party appears to have ful- don's Am. Rev. i. 316, 317. filled their part in this agreement. ° Jour. Prov. Cong. 184; Thaeh General Gage complained that the er's Jom 22. arms had not been faithfully dehv- 6 OBSTRUCTIONS TO THB REMOVAL OP THE PATRIOTS. CHAP, tories of Boston — merchants, traders, and others ¦. — sent m __J^ their names to General Gage, to arm in his service as volun- 1775. teers ; and they were enrolled under General Ruggles, and placed on duty.^ In pursuance of the arrangements for that purpose, hun dreds of the inhabitants of Boston applied for passes, and left the town. But the departure of so many alarmed the tories, who exclaimed against the ¦ " pernicious tendency of such an indulgence," and threatened to withdraw in case it was con- tinued.2 The governor, for a time, paid no attention to these threats ; but becoming apprehensive that difficulties might arise, on various pretexts the agreement was violated, and obstacles were thrown in the way of a removal. At first, no merchandise was allowed to be carried away ; next, provis ions, and even medicines, were prohibited ; and, finally, guards were appointed to examine " all trunks, boxes, beds, and every thing else to be carried out."^ Still many persisted in leaving, notwithstanding these restrictions ; upon which passes were refused, and numbers who had received them were obliged to leave their property behind. Nor was this the worst fea ture of the governor's policy ; for the passports, in some cases, were purposely so framed that families were divided — wives from their husbands, children from their parents, and the aged and infirm from their relations and friends. The gen eral was especially reluctant to allow women and children to leave ; for, while they remained, it was thought thej' contrib uted to the safety of his troops. The poor and the helpless, whose presence would have been a burden, and those who were afflicted with infectious diseases, were sufl'ered to depart, and were even turned out upon the charity of their neighbors.* • Letter from Boston of April 23, ' Jour. Prov. Cong. 192, 195, 212, 1775, in Frothingham's Siege, 97, 245 ; Gordon's Am. Rev. i. 342 ; note. Frotliingham's Siege, 96., ^ Extracts from an English paper of ¦* Jour. Cont. Cong. i. 137; Jour. September 14, 1775, in Frothingham's Prov. Cong. 55 1 ; Ramsay's Am. Rev. Siege, 95, 97, note. i. 191; Fraiilihn's Works, viii. 156; ENLISTMENTS FOR THB ARAIT. 7 The inhabitants of Charlestown had already left that town ; chap. and so deserted had it become, that, early in June, a petition __^1^ was presented to the Provincial Congress for aid in removing 1775. those who remained, who were too poor to provide for them selves.' A few of the citizens occasionally returned, to " look after their effects,' or to plant their gardens, or to mow their grass ; " but at tlie date of the battle of Bunker Hill, out of a population of between two and three thousand, but one or two hundred remained.^ The enlistment and organization of an army was a matter of primary importance ; and, as it was esteemed " the best and only measure left to bring the present disputes to a happj issue," it was pushed forward with all possible despatch.^ The regiments of Massachusetts, at least twenty-four in number,'* were to consist of ten companies each, of fifty-nine men, in cluding officers ; and by the middle of July more than eleven thousand men were raised. ^ Rhode Island, as her quota, voted to raise fifteen hundred men for the service ; ^ Con- Apr. 25. necticut, equally spirited, voted to raise six thousand men, Apr. 26. to be organized into six regiments under General Joseph Spencer ; '^ and New Hampshire, as her quota, voted to raise May 20. Impartial Hist, of the War, 201; iii. 488; Frothingham's Siege, 101. Thacher's Jour. 35 ; Bradford, i. 376 ; « Jour. Prov. Cong. 156, 169 ; Frothingham's Siege, 95, 96. Force's Am. Archives, ii. 390 ; Swett, 1 Jour. Prov. Cong. 362,430,431, in Life of Putnam, 183; Frothing- 441, 443, 474, et al. ham's Siege, 100. The forces from ^ Frothingham's Siege, 97. Rhode Island were organized into ' On the 24th of April, a committee three regiments, of eight companies of one from each county was appoint- each, and placed under the command ed to attend the committee of safety, of Nathaniel Greene. and furnish the names of the most ' Force's Am. Archives, ii. 411 ; suitable persons for officers in the Hinman's War of the Rev. 547 ; army now raising. Jour. Prov. Cong. Swett, in Life of Putnam, 185, 186 ; 150. Frothingham's Siege, 100. On the '' Heath's Memoir, 17. Sparks, previous difficulties with Connecticut, Writings of Washington, iii. 488, says and their communication with General 26. Hildreth, Hist. U. S. iii. 69, says Gage, see Jour. Prov. Cong. 179-183, 27. Bradford, i. 382, says there were 194, 196. General Spencer, with one 22 regiments complete, and 3 incom- of the regiments under his command, plete, and in a note gives a hst of the arrived at the camp early ifi May, and same and of the officers. was posted at Roxbury ; and a second ^ Jour. Prov. Cong. 152, 253, 522 ; regiment, under Putnam, was sta- Sparks's Writings of Washington, tioned at Cambridge. O MILITARY STORES. CHAP, two thousand men.' Tlie military stores which had been col- ,_^.^^,^ lected were exceedingly limited, and the supply of cannon was 1775. especially meagre. At an early date, the Congress expressed . ' ' their " deep concern on account of the state and situation of the cannon ; " and wlien an inventory of the same was taken, it was found that there were " in Cambridge six three pound ers complete, with ammunition, and one six pounder ; and in Watertown sixteen pieces of artillery, of different sizes," which, however, were not in a fit stafe for immediate use.^ May 22. To provide for this deficiency, General Ward recommended that there should be procured " thirty twenty-four pounders, and if that number of cannon cannot be obtained, that the weight of metal should be made up with eighteen pounders, double fortified ; ten twelve pounders, and eighteen nine pound ers, with twenty-one thousand six hundred pounds of powder, and eighty balls for each gun."^ Nearly every thing, it will be perceived, was at this date in an unsettled state. Not only had no efficient preparations been made for the equipment and supply of the tVoops, but the organization of the army was likewise defective. Each colony had its own establishment, and chose its own officers under whom the men were to act. General Ward, who led the ' Jour. N. H. Prov. Cong. ; Force's = Jour. Prov. Cong. 249, 250. For Am. Archives, ii. 431, 652; Froth- an account of the arras of the pi-orince ingham's Siege, 99. The New Hamp- previous to the 19th of Apiil, see 1 M. shire troops Mere organized into three H. Coll. i. 232, and Jour. Prov. Cong. regiment.^, and ])laced under General 756. For the eftbrts made to pro- Folsom, who, however, did not arrive cure additional su]]])lies, see Jour. at ("ambridge imUl the £Oth of June. Prov. Cong. 197, 198, 200; Force's Two of these regiments, under Stark Am. Archives, ii. 666. Elbridge Ger- and Reed, were organized before the ry was placed at the head of the com- battle of Bunker Hill. General Sul- mittee of su])plies, and the following livan had also arrived before that pe- curious ])ostscript was added to a let- riod. ter of instructions : " Sir, you are also "Jour. Prov. Cong. 168, 171; de-^ired, if powder is to be found in Frothingham's iSicgc, 102, note, any part of America, to procure it in There were a few cannon in other such way and manner as you shall places, but the sujjply was small, think best ; and we will confirm what- Jour. Prov. Cong. 520-522, 525, 547. e\ er you shall do relative to this For an account of the number of can- matter." Austin's Life of Gerry, L non in New Haven May 29, see Trum- 75. bull MSS. iv. 99. RANK AND SERVICES OF THB OFFICERS. 9 Massachusetts forces, was authorized to command only the chap. troops from that colony and from New Hampshire ; ' but as _^^ his orders were copied by the rest, and as his position entitled 1775. him to the precedence, a voluntary obedience was yielded to him, and he was virtually the commander-in-cliief, though he had received no official appointment.^ Nor could a more defi nite arrangement have been expected, under the circumstances. Massachusetts had no authority to assume supreme power. t The Continental Congress was the only body, if any, which could properly settle the rank of the officers ; and before that body could act, matters were left to regulate themselves. Hence the uncertainty which hangs over this period, and the difficulties which have arisen in assigning to the officers their relative positions.^ The experience of such a battle as that of Bunker Hill was needed to expose the evils of a " want of due subordination ;" and after such experience, the war com mittee of Connecticut instructed their generals to obey General Ward, and advised the other colonies to follow their exam ple.^ But even this was a temporary expedient ; nor was the army fully organized until the arrival of Washington. Imperfect, however, as was the discipline which prevailed, there was no lack of courage on the part of the soldiers ; nor were they or their officers entirely destitute of military skill. General Ward, of Shrewsbury, in Worcester county, had served under Abercrombie in thfe expedition to Canada, and returned with the rank of lieutenant colonel.^ General Thomas, of Kingston, in Plymouth county, had also served in the French war,^ as had General Putnam, of Pomfret, Con- ' Bradford, i. 380; Spai-ks's Wash- 333, 338, on these difficulties, and ington, iii. 487, 488; Frothingham's Frothingham's Siege, 102. Siege, 101. * Force's Am. Archives, ii. 1039; ^ He was appointed to the com- Frothingham's Siege, 101. mand on the 19th of May. Jour. ^ Ward's Ward Family, 46 ; Alien Prov. Cong. 239, 243, 247 ; Swett, in and Ehot's Biog. Diets. ; Swett, in Life Life of Putnam, 187, 188; Ward's of Putnam, 187. Ward Family, 48. ^ Alien and Ehot ; also Swett, in ^ Comp. Jour. Prov. Cong. 257, Life of Putnam, 188; Bradford, ii. 10 MOVEMENTS OF THB TORIES. CHAP, necticut. General Folsom, of New Hampshire, was at the _J^ capture of Dieskau, in 1755.i Colonel Prescott, of PeppereU, 1775. had served under Winslow at the conquest of Nova Scotia ; ^ and Pomeroy and Nixon had served under Pepperrell in the reduction of Louisburg.^ Gridley, the engineer, won laurels in the same service ; * and General Spencer, of Connecticut, had also served in the French war.^ The gallant Stark had served under Braddock ; ^ and other officers, and a large num ber of privates, had seen active service. Indeed, there was scarcely a soldier in the ranks who was not a practised marks man, and who did not pride himself on his skill with the musket.' As the movements of the tories were soinewhat suspicious, it became necessary to watch them ; and the committees of correspondence and the selectmen of the several towns and May 8. districts were authorized to " take effectual care to disarm all who would not give an assurance of their good intentions and regard to the interests of the country," and to " put it out of their power to obstruct by any means whatever the neces sary measures for the common defence." ^ A manifesto was May 5. likewise issued against General Gage, declaring that, by rea son of his having '' conducted as an instrument in the hands of an arbitrary ministry to enslave this people," he had, " by 104 ; Thacher's Hist. Plymouth, 90. « AUen and Eliot ; also. Life of General Thomas died of the small pox Stark. in the expedition to Canada, in 1776, ' J. Adams's Diaiy, in Works, ii. and was lamented as a brave and up- 406. " A few days after this event, right officer. | the battle of Lexington,] I rode to ' Allen and Eliot ; also Belknap's Cambridge, and saw' General Ward, Hist. N. H., and Barstow's Hist. N. H. General Heath, General Joseph War- ' Allen and Eliot ; also Swett, in ren, and the Xew England armv. Life of Putnam, 209, 210. There was great confusion and much " Allen and Eliot ; also Swett, in distress. Artillery, arms, clothinn' Life of Putnam, 189 ; W. Barry's were wanting, and a sufficient .suiiplv Hist. Framingham. of provisions not easih- obtained. ¦' Swett, in Life of Putnam, 194 ; Neither the officers nor men, however" Sparks's AVashington, iii. ; Frotliing- wanted spirits or resolution." ham's Siege, 184. ' Jour. Prov. Cong. 202, 205. ' Allen and Eliot ; also Hinman's War of the Bev. RESUMPTION OF GOVERNMENT. 11 these means and many others, utterly disqualified himself to chap. serve this colony as governor and in every other capacity, and _^;^, that no obedience ought in future to be paid by the several 1775. towns and districts in the colony to his writs for calling a General Assembly, or to his proclamations, or to any other of his acts and doings ; but that, on the other hand, he ought to be considered and guarded against as an unnatural and invet erate enemy to the country." i Whether the province should assume into its own hands the powers of government was a question upon which a difference of opinion existed ; nor was it until after a week's delay, and the maturest deliberation, that a resolve was passed author izing an "application to the Continental Congress for obtain- May 12. ing their recommendation for this colony to take up and exer cise civil government as soon as may be." ^ Provision was made, however, for establishing post offices and post riders,^ May 13. and for the erection of a court of inquiry, consisting of seven May 27. persons, " to hear all complaints against any person or per sons for treason against the constitution of their country, or other breaches of the public peace and security, and to deter mine and make judgment thereon according to the laws of this province and those of reason and equity." * Yet it is worthy of notice that no radical changes were made in the govern ment, either at this date, or, indeed, at a later period, but only such alterations as circumstances required. No revolution, in fact, of which history furnishes the record, was ever attended with fewer innovations upon established usages. The seces sion from the mother country simply severed the political ties which had previously bound the colonies to the crown. Nei ther the halls of legislation nor the courts of justice were ' Jour. Prov. Cong. 190, 192, 193, 620, 621 ; Ramsay's Am. Rev. i. 210 ; 525; Stedman's Am. War, i. 121; Bradford, i. 378, li. 40-42. Bissett's Hist. Eng. i. 426. ^ Jour. Prov. Cong. 208, 212, 219 2 Jour. Prov. Cong. 197, 207, 208, -223, 525 ; Jour. H. of R. for 1776 ; 219, 229, 319; Jour. Cont. Cong. i. Ramsay's Am. Rev. i. 211. 105, 108 ; Force's Am. Archives, ii. * Jom-. Prov. Cong. 262, 540. 12 POSITION OP THB CLERGY. CHAP, invaded. True, a monarchical government was exchanged loi* ,^_^ a republican ; the choice of the chief magistrate was revested 1775. in the people ; the encroachments of usurped authority were removed ; and various abuses which had crept in were re formed. But these changes, important as they were, did not affect, at least not permanently, the constitution of the Gen eral Court, nor did they abolish the customs which had been followed in the other courts. Justice was administered, and the business of legislation was conducted, after the old and familiar forms. The people took into their own hands the management of tlieir affairs ; but they prided themselves in the wisdom of their measures rather than in weakening the pillars of society — the prostration of which would have en dangered their own safety, as well as have imperilled the liberties of their posterity. Great credit should be accorded them for this prudence. They were practical conservators of the public weal, rejecting the evil, yet retaining the good.^ The clergy, for the most part, were ardent patriots, and warmly espoused the cause of liberty. Hence their services were freely offered as chaplains in the army ; at their annual June 1. convention in Watertown they expressed their " sympathy for the distresses of their much injured and oppressed country ; " and in their address to the Congress they devoutly commended the interests of that body, and of their " brethren in arms," to " the guidance and protection of that Providence which, from the first settlement of this country, has so remarkably ap peared for the preservation of its civil and religious rights."* Indeed, throughout the war, whenever by their counsels they could revive the flagging zeal of the faltering, or inspire afresh the confidence of the wavering, they engaged in the work with cheerfulness and alacrity ; and it may reasonably be doubted whether the liberties of America would have been so speedily • Comp. W. Barry's Hist. Frammg- ' Jour. Prov. Cong. 283, 284} liam, 91, note. Bradford, i. 381. prospects of THB ARMY. 13 secured, had it not been for their diligence. They prayed for chap success in the hour of battle. The spirit of self-sacrifice was _.J._ strong in their breasts. And, amidst the most appalling and 1770. difficult scenes, they shrank not from danger, but bravely en countered the deadliest perils, endured without murmuring the severest privations, and set an example of heroic devotion which spread an infectious enthusiasm among all.' Yet earnest as were those who had entered the lists as the champions of freedom, the prospect before them could hardly be called flattering. The population of Massachusetts probably fell short of three hundred and fifty thousand souls ; ^ and the population of the thirteen colonies did not exceed three millions.^ Destitute in a great measure of available funds, poorly supplied with arms and ammunition, and called from the workshop and the plough to the field, they were required to encounter a dis ciplined force, amply provided with the munitions of war, flushed with victory from the battles of Europe, and capable of being constantly recruited from abroad. To those who weigh the probabilities of success in the fluctuating balance of physical strength, the odds against the colonies were cer tainly great. But the cohorts of England, made up as they were of veteran troops, were doomed to be vanquished by a resolute people trusting in God. A good cause in itself is ' Comp. Ram.say's Am. Rev. i. 199, of magistrates and rulers. Accord- Thacher's Jour. 22, and Bradford, i. ingly we have fi'om our pulpits the 381. The statements in the text could most fervent and pious effusions to be easily substantiated by a multitude the throne of divine grace in behalf of of quotations from MS. journals, ser- our bleeding, afflicted country." It mons, &o., of the clergy, the con tem- was not, in those days, "political porary testimony of officers and pri- priestcraft " to preach and pray for vates, and the voluminous and valua- freedom. ble documents jireserved in our state ^ The estimate, in 1776, was 349,- and national archives. " It is reoom- 094. Jour. Prov. Cong. 755. mended," says Thacher, " by our Pro- ' Translation of Mem. to Sover- vincial Congress, that on other ooca- eigns of Europe, London, 1781, p. 19; sions than the Sabbath, ministers of Colls. Am. Statist. Association. In parishes adapt their discourses to the 1791, eight years after the war, the times, and explain the nature of civil population of the United States was and rehgious hberty, and the duties but 3,680,253. Hist, of Cong. 193. 14 FORTIFICATIONS COMMENCED. CHAP, invincible. Its triumjjh may be delayed for a season ; but it _.J^ can never be finally and fully defeated.^ 1775. With whatever misgivings, however, a few may have been moved, as they reflected upon the difficulties which surrounded their path, the more ardent felt tliat they had engaged in a work in the prosecution of which it would be fatal to relax Apr. 24. their efforts. Hence Hancock queried with his friends, " Are our men in good spirits ? For God's sake, do not suffer the spirit to subside until they have perfected the reduction of our enemies. Boston must be entered ; the troops must be sent away. Our friends are valuable, but our country must be saved. I have an interest in that town ; what can be its enjoyment to me, if I am obliged to hold it at the will of General Gage or any one else ? We must also have the Cas tle. The ships must be removed. Stop up the harbor against large vessels coming in." ® Indeed, the necessity for vigilance was every where felt. The crisis had come ; and it depended upon the firmness with which it was met whether the Ameri cans should be freemen or slaves. May 3. Early in May, the erection of fortifications was commenced ; and the first works were probably thrown up at Cambridge.' The guard on the Neck between Boston and Roxbury was May 4. still somewhat weak ; and the committee of safety wrote to the governments of Connecticut and Rhode Island for a force to be sent to secure this pass ; for " if the enemy once gain possession of it," they urged, " it will cost us mucii blood and treasure to dislodge them. But it may now be secured by us, if we had a force sufficient, without any danger."' ¦* The ap- May9. prehensions of a sally from Boslon likewise led to a request of the council of war for two thousand men, to reenforce the troops at Roxbury ; and the committee of safety ordered the ' Comp. J. Adams's Diary, in ¦* Jour. Prov. Cong. 542, 543- Works, ii. 406. Frothingham's Sle<;c. 106. ' ' ^ Join-. Prov. Cong. 170, note ; ¦> Jour. Pro^•. Cong. 536,, 537 • Force's Am. Archives, ii. 384, 385. Frothingham's Siege, 106 107. ' SKIRMISHES WITH THB ENEMY. 15 officers of the different regiments to forward the enlisted chap. soldiers forthwith to Cambridge, and the ten nearest towns ^' to muster one half of their militia and minute men, and march 1775. to Roxbury. General Thomas, who was stationed at this place, and whose post included a high hill visible from Bos ton, had but seven hundred men under his command ; and, conscious of his weakness, be resorted to an artifice to deceive the eneniy, by " marching his men round and round the hill," to multiply their' numbers to " any who were reconnoitring."^ A similar artifice was subsequently resorted to by General May 13. Putnam, who formed the troops in Cambridge, some twenty- two hundred in number, in a line of a mile and a half in length, and marched from thence to Charlestown.^ Occasional skirmishes which occurred with the outposts of the enemy, and with foraging parties, tested the valor of the American troops, and accustomed them to face the British regulars. The islands in the harbor, which were stocked with cattle, were the principal scenes of these engagements ; and alarms were raised in the neighboring towns of preda tory incursions, Avhich exercised the vigilance of the local militia.^ The skirmishes on Noddle's Island were perhaps May 27 the most important ; and the Americans captured a number of horses belonging to the English, and drove away several hundred slieep and cows.* The depredations of the English, which were vigorously pushed, were as vigorously repulsed ; and, as an additional measure of safety and precaution, prep arations were made for the establishment of a naval force at the most exposed places,^ and companies were raised in Cohas- set and in other towns for the defence of the sea coast.® On ' Jour. Prov. Cong. 537, 540, 541 ; 557 ; Impartial Hist, of the War, 205 ; Swptt, in Life of Putnam, 188; Gor- Frothingham's Siege, 109, 110. don's Am. Rev. i. 339 ; Frothing- ' Jour. Prov. Cong. 3().S, 540. ham's Siege, 107. ° Jour. Prov. Cong. 433, 531, 533, ^Baldwin's Diary, in Frothing- 540 ; Rev. Rolls, vol. xxxvi., in Mass. ham's Siege, 108. Archives ; Wiiisor's Hist. Duxbury, 3 Frothingham's Siege, 108, 109. 129; Barry's Hist. Hanover, 115, 116 * Jour. Prov. Cong. 292,545,554, Frothingham's Siege, 111. 16 MEETING OF THE SECOND CONGRESS. CHAP, the petition of Major Baldwin, afterwards distinguished for _.J^, his abilities as an artificer, surveys were likewise made of the 1775. ground between tlie camp of the Massachusetts army and the June 6. posts of the British.^ May 10. The second Continental Congress, in the mean time, assem bled at Philadelphia ; and the delegates from Massachusetts urged upon their attention the adoption of measures for the relief of Boston., John Adams, in particular, advised that the first step should be " to recommend to the people of every state in the Union to seize on all the crown officers, and hold them, with civility, humanity, and generosity, as hostages for the security of the people of Boston, to be exchanged for them as soon as the British army would release them." He was likewise in favor of recommending " to the people of all the states to institute governments for themselves, under their own authority, and that without loss of time ; " of declaring " the colonies free, sovereign, and independent states ; " and then informing 'Great Britain of their willingness " to enter into negotiations with them for the redress of all grievances, and a restoration of harmony between the two countries upon permanent principles." All this, he thought, might be done before entering " into any connections, alliances, or negotia tions with foreign powers ; " and then, if Great Britain re fused to accede, it would be time to inform her that, if the war was continued, the colonics were " determined to seek alliances with France, Spain, and any other power of Europe " that would contract with them. Finally, he urged the adop tion of the army in Cambridge as a continental army, the officers of which should be appointed, and the provisions for its support made, by the General Congress.^ But with whatever eloquence these measures were advo- ' Jour. Prov. Cong. J502. __ ganized into a continental amiy, and ' J. Adams's Diai-y, in Works, ii. received into the pay of the United 407. The army at Cambridge was Colonies. Jour. Cont. Cong. i. Ill adopted by the General Congress, or- et seq. PROPOSITIONS OP JOHN APAMS. 17 cated, there were not wanting many who hesitated to approve chap. them. Especially the Quakers of Pennsylvania, who had ^^^^ hitherto acquiesced in the action of the colonies, or, at least, 1775. who had made no professed opposition, so soon as independ ence was named, " started back." ^ The delegates from South Carolina likewise hesitated, nor could any persuasion remove their scruples.^ At length, committees were appointed to June 3. draught a petition to the king, and addresses to the inhabit ants of Great Britain, of Ireland, and of Jamaica, and to bring in an estimate of the moneys to be raised for the pros ecution of the war.^ The action of Massachusetts, in refusing obedience to General Gage, was also approved ; ^ and it was June 9. recommended to the towns and districts in that colony, and in all others, to collect the materials requisite for the manu facture of gunpowder, and to " transmit the same with all possible despatch to the Provincial Convention at New York."^ Ten companies of riflemen were likewise ordered Jun. u. to be raised in Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia, to " march and join the army near Boston, to be there employed as light infantry under the command of the chief officers of the army." ® The next step was of still greater importance, and was the corner stone, indeed, of the new structure to be raised. This related to the selection of a commander-in-chief. John Han cock, of Massachusetts, the president of the Congress, who was " extremely popular throughout the United Colonies, and was called ' King Hancock ' all over Europe," is said to have "himself had an ambition to be appointed" to this office ; but ' J. Adams's Diary, in Works, ii. Washington, iii. 7, 100, note ; Ram- 407-409. say's Am. Rev. i. 219 ; Austin's Life 2 J. Adams's Diary, in Works, ii. of Gerry, i. 83, 88. Twelve compa- 408. nies in ah were ordered to be raised ; ' Jour. Cont. Cong. L 106 ; Lee's and the men to the number of 1430 Lee, i. 141 et seq. " W'ere procured and forwarded with * Jour. Cont. Cong. i. 108. great expedition." This estimate in- ' Jour. Cont. Cong. i. 108, 109. eludes the two additional companies ' Jour. Cont. Cong. i. 110; Gor- ordered to be raised June 22. don's Am. Rev. i. 347, 368 ; Sparks's VOL. III. 2 18 WASHINGTON CHOSEN COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF. CHAP, although he had " some pretensions to the compliment on ,_J^ account of his exertions, sacrifices, and general merits in the 1775. cause of his country," the "delicacy of his health, and his entire want of experience in actual service," were pleaded as objections against his appointment. Nor would it have been politic on the part of his friends to have insisted upon hla choice; for, even at this early period, jealousies existed be tween the north and the south ; and the south, it is said, refused to enlist in the common cause, if compelled to serve under an officer from New England.^ No alternative was left, there fore, but concession ; and, fortunately for the country, no diffi culty was experienced in selecting for the responsible trust one whose abilities were of the highest order, whose courage was unquestioned, and whose gentlemanly deportment had won for him universal affection and esteem. None need be told that reference is here made to the illustrious Wash- ,trun.i5. ington ; and when the question of his appointment came up, " the voices were generally so clearly in his favor, that the dissentient members were persuaded to withdraw their oppo sition," and he was unanimously elected.^ • J. Adams's Diary, in Works, ii. tained by some of the members of 415-418, and Letter to Lloyd, April Congress as to the pohcy of appoint- 14, 1815, in Works, ix. 163, 164. ing a southern general to the coin- Washington, also. Writings, iii. 4, 6, mand " of the army about to be adopt- speaks of a " pohtical motive," in ad- ed by t)ongress. dition to the " partiality of Congress," ^ Jour. Cont Cong. i. Ill, 112; which led to his appointment ; and al- Irving's Life of Washington, vol. i.; though he does not specify this mo- Spai-ks's Washington, iii. App. L ; N. tive, it may have been, as suggested A. Rev. for Oct. 1838, 366 ; Lord by Ramsay, Am. Rev. i. 2 16, " to bind Mahon's Hist, Eng. vi. 42. "I should the uninvaded piwinces more closely heartilv rejoice," wrote Elbridge Ge^ to the common cause." See also Goi-- ry to the Massachusetts deleg-ate^ in don's Am. Rev. i. 349, 350, and Lord Congress, June 4, 1775, " to see tliis Mahon's Hist. Eng. vi. 49. Mr. Cur- wa\- the beloved Colonel Washington, •tis, however. Hist. Const U. S. i. 41- and do not doubt the New England 48, doubts the correctness of the state- delegates woidd acquiesce in showSig ment of Mr. Adams, and thinks that to om- sister colony, Virginia, the re- " Washington was chosen command- spect which she had before experi- er-in-chief for his miquestionable mer- enced from the continent, in making its, and not as a compromise between him generahssimo." Austin's Life sectional interests and local jealous- of Gerry, i. 79. See also Hancock's ies." Yet, at the same time, he ad- Letter "to Geii-y, June 18, 1775, in niits that " serious doubts were enter- ibid. i. 83, and J. Adams's Letter .of PROCLAMATION OP GAGE. 19 The appointment of a second officer was likewise attended chap. with difficulties. General Lee, a native of Wales, and a cor- ^' respondent of Burke and Charlemont, was first nominated ; 1775. and it was declared that, considering his rank, his character, and his experience, he was entitled to the place — that he must be aut secundus aut nullus. But the services of General Ward could not be overlooked ; and, as the chief command had been given to an officer from the south, it was no more than just that the next highest compliment should be paid to the north. Hence General Ward was elected as the second officer, and jun. 19. General Lee as the third. ^ Meanwhile, in Massachusetts, important events were occur ring, and the hour of conflict was rapidly approaching. The siti^ation of Gage, cooped up in Boston, and " panting for an airing," of which he was " debarred by his denounced rebels," was peculiarly mortifying ; and his anger against the patriots, which had for some time been rising, now overflowed in a memorable proclamation declaring martial law to be in force, Jun. 12. and offering pardon to all who would forthwith lay down their arms, " excepting only from the benefit of such pardon Samuel Adams and John Hancock, whose offences are of too flagitious a nature to admit of any other consideration than that of condign punishment." ^ This manifesto, the " climax of the same date, p. 88. The charge of from the letter of Adams that Lee Botta, Am. Rev., that " the members aspired to the chief command, and was of Congress from Massachusetts, and " extremely assiduous in his visits to particularly Samuel Adams, had never ah the members of Congress at their been able to brook that the supreme lodgings, and universally represented command of all the armies should in America as a classical and univer- have been conferred on a Virginian, to sal scholar, as a scientific soldier, and the exclusion of the generals of their as one of the greatest generals in the province," is fully examined and an- world, who had seen service with Bur- swered by Austin in his Life of Gerry, goyne in Portugal and in Poland, &c., i. 233 et seq., and is, indeed, suffi- and who was covered over with wounds ciently refuted by the extracts above, he had received in battles." Of the ' Jour. Cont. Cong., i. 114, 115 ; other officers appointed by Congiess, Sparks's Washington, iii. 6 ; Gordon's Gates was an Enghshman and a god- Am. Rev. i. 350 ; J. Adams's Diary, son of Horace Walpole, and Mont- in Works, ii. 418, and Lett to Lloyd, gomery was a native of the north of ^ in Works, ix. 164 ; Lord Mahon's Ireland. Hist Eng. vi. 52. It would appear ' Jour. Prov. Cong. 330, 331 ; Im- 20 COUNTER PROCLAMATION PROPOSED. CHAP, all possible folly," and a theme on which the poetry of Trum- . bull was successfully exerted to amuse, was brought before the Provincial Congress ; a committee was appointed for its con sideration, and a counter proclamation was prepared, declar ing pardon to all offenders against the rights and liberties of the country, " excepting only from the benefit of such pardon Thomas Gage and Samuel Graves, with the mandamus coun sellors Sewall, Paxton, and Hallowell, who had not resigned their office, and all the natives of America, not belonging to the navy or army, who went out with the regular troops on the nineteenth of April last, and were countenancing, aiding, and assisting them in the robberies and murders then commit ted ; " but the operations of the field prevented its issue.^ These operations had long been maturing ; for Gage had been advised to seize and hold the heights in Charlestown and at Dorchester, both of which were of the greatest impor- May25. tance for his security. The recruits for his army had already arrived, with Generals Clinton, Burgoyne, and Howe ; so that he had under his command nearly, if not quite, ten thousand men, all in high spirits, accustomed to hard service, and flushed with the idea of an easy conquest. ^ Had he, at an earlier partial Hist of the War, 207 ; Sted- their settlements, and described tiieir man's Am. War, i. 124; Gordon's conduct to have been such as their Am. Rev. i. 343 ; Austin's Life of pi-mciples requii-ed. It also sketched Gerry, i. 70, 71 ; Ramsay's Am. Rev. the policy of Britain in former times 1. 200; Bissett's Hist Eng. i. 428; and m the present — the beneficial Thacher's Jour. 22; Lord Mahon's consequences which accrued to both Hist Eng. vi. 64 ; Frothingham's parties from the one, and the baneful Siege, 113^ effects fi-om the other ; repeated the Jour. Prov. Cong. 344-347 ; Jom-. grie^ices before stated ; and added Cont Cong. i. 134-139. The answer new subjects of complaint, in tiie re- of the General_ Congress to the mani- dress and heaiing reliised, and in the festo of Gage is characterized by Bis- measures for subjugation adopted. sett. Hist Eng. i 431, as " a very mas- After detaihng tiiose acts and coup- terly paper, and m point of _ abihty sets as being, together with antecedent equal to any public declai-ation re- proceedings, the causes of the war corded m diplomatic history." " It and appeaHng to God and man for it^ enumerated, he adds, "with cleai- justice, they .specified the resom-ces ness and plausibility the alleged causes by which they should be able to carry of the war, deduced the history of the it on with force and eff'ect" American colonies from their first es- = Impartial Hist of the War 204 • tabhshment, marked the pi-inciples of Stedman's Am. War i. 124 • TtLc..*.*! POSITION OP THE AMERICAN ARMY. 21 date, availed himself of the advantages of the positions to chap. which his attention was turned, and erected upon them works ^' of sufficient strength to command the town, a different aspect 1775. might, perhaps, have been given to the war. But he had delayed too long to make the attempt with impunity ; for the Americans, acquainted with his designs, planned to counteract them by previously possessing themselves of the posts in question. Some time before, a committee had been appointed by the May 12. Provincial Congress to reconnoitre, especially at Charlestown, with a view to the erection of suitable fortifications ; and in their report they recommended the construction of a breast work near the present site of the M'Lean Asylum, and another on Prospect Hill, with redoubts on Winter and Bunker Hills, provided with cannon to annoy the enemy. This report was referred to the council of war, and so far approved as to authorize the construction of a part of the works ; but, as a difference of opinion prevailed relative to the redoubt on Bunker Hill, no steps were immediately taken towards forti fying that post.' Now, however, that the intentions of Gage to occupy Dorchester Heights were definitely known, the com mittee of safety deprecated longer delay, and voted that pos- Jun. 15. session should be taken of " Bunker's Hill, in Charlestown," and of " some one hill or hills on Dorchester Neck." ^ The position of the American army is said to have been as follows : its right wing, under General Thomas, was stationed at Roxbury, and consisted of about four thousand Massachu setts troops, with the forces from Rhode Island, under General Greene, who were at Jamaica Plains, and the greater part of the regiment of General Spencer, from Connecticut. In this Hist. Eng. i. 428; Ramsay's Am. Putnam, 200-203; Frothingham's Rev. i. 200 ; Lord Mahon's Hist Eng. Siege, 115, note. vi. 53 ; Swett, in Life of Putnam, ' Jour. Prov. Cong. 569 ; Gordon's 198 ; Frothingham's Siege, 114. Am. Rev. i. 350 ; Bissett's Hist Eng. ' Jour. Prov. 543; Worcester i. 429; Frothingham's Siege, 117. Magazine, ii. 126 ; Swett, in Life of 22 TOPOGRAPHY OF CHARLESTOWN. CHAP, wing there were three or four artillery companies, provided ^J:^,^ with field pieces and a few heavy cannon. The head quarters 1775. of General Ward, the principal officer from Massachusetts, were at Cambridge, where the centre of the army was sta tioned, consisting of fifteen regiments from Massachusetts, the half-organized battalion of artillery under Colonel Gridley, and the regiment of General Putnam, with the other Connecti cut troops. In this division there were four artillery compa nies with field pieces. The left, wing comprised three com panies of Gerrish's regiment, stationed at Chelsea ; Stark's regiment, at Medford ; and Reed's regiment, at Charlestown Neck.i The topographical features of this region are too well known to render it necessary to describe them minutely. It may suffice to state that the peninsula of Charlestown, of an oval form, about a mile in length, and half a mile in breadth in its widest part, lies opposite the northerly part of Boston, and is included between the Charles and Mystic Rivers. The Neck, at the western end of this peninsula, was an artificial causeway connecting the town with the main land, and was then so low as to be often overflowed. Near this Neck was a large green, known as the Common, by which ran two roads — one in a westerly direction to Cambridge Common, and the other in a northerly direction to Medford. Bunker Hill, which begins at the isthmus, rises gradually for about three hundred yards, forming a round, smooth hill, one hundred and ten feet high, sloping on two sides towards the water, and connected by a ridge on the south with Breed's Hill, which is sixty-two feet high. The easterly and westerly sides of this height were steep, the settled part of the town being at the base of the latter side ; and at the base of the former were brick kilns, clay pits, and an impassable slough. A highway, ' Sparks's Washington, iii. 488 ; note ; Swett, in Life of Putnam, 179, Frothingham's Siege, 117, 118, and 181, 191, 192. ORDERS TO INTRENCH ON BUNKER HILL. 23 from sixteen to thirty feet broad, ran over Bunker Hill to chap. Moulton's Point, near which rose Morton's Hill, some thirty- ^^^^ five feet high ; and another road, connecting with this, wound 1775. round Breed's Hill. The easterly portions of these eminences were chiefly improved for mowing and. pasturage, and the- westerly portions contained fine orchards and gardens.' On Friday, the sixteenth of June, by the advice of the coun- Jun. 16. cil of war, orders were issued by General Ward to Colonel William Prescott, and the commanding officers of Frye's and Bridge's regiments, wifh a fatigue party of two hundred Con necticut troops, under Thomas Knowlton, and the artillery company of Captain Samuel Gridley, of forty-nine men and two field pieces, — in all, about twelve hundred men, supplied with a day's provisions and suitable intrenching tools, — to proceed to Charlestown, and fortify Bunker Hill, under the direction of Colonel Richard Gridley, the chief engineer.® In accordance with these orders, the detachment, paraded on Cambridge Common, and, about nine in the evening, after listening to a fervent prayer from President Langdon, of Har vard College, commenced its march, headed by Prescott, and preceded by two sergeants carrying dark lanterns. At Charles town Neck the troops halted, where they were joined by Major Brooks, and probably by General Putnam, and another general ; ^ and Captain Nutting, with his own company and ten of the Connecticut troops, was ordered to proceed to the lower part of the town as a guard, while the main body marched on over Bunker Hill. Here they again halted, and a consultation was held relative to the most suitable place to ' Frothingham's Siege, 119, 120; Charlestown ; but this must be a mis- Swett, in Life of Putnam, 203, 204. take. Marshall, Life of Washington, ^ Jour. Prov. Cong. 365; Gordon's ii. 214, commits a still gi-eater mis- Am. Rev. i. 350 ; Bissett's Hist. Eng. take in representing the number sent L 429; Frothingham's Siege, 121, as 4000. 122 ; Swett, in Life of Putnam, 208, ' Comp. Frothingham's Siege, 122, 209. Trumbull, Letter of Aug. 31, 123, notes, -with Swett, m Life of Put- 1779, in 1 M. H. CoU. vi. 159, says nam, 218. there were but 600 men sent to 24 THE FORTIFICATIONS COMMENCED, CHAP, be fortified. The orders of Ward were, that the works should _.J^^ be thrown up on Bunker Hill ; but, as that was too far from 1775. the enemy to annoy their army and shipping, though in other respects the most eligible and defensible position, it was de cided to intrench on .Breed's Hill, which was better adapted to the objects of the expedition, and better suited to the spirit of the officers.^ The position being decided upon, the plan of the fortifica tions was marked out by Gridley, the tools were distributed, and about midnight the first spade entered the ground. The difficulties of the enterprise were truly formidable ; for the Boston shore, directly opposite, was belted by a chain of sen tinels, and in the waters between were moored the British vessels of war.® The proximity to the enemy prompted to caution ; and a detachment under Captain MaxweU was or dered to patrol near the old ferry to watch their motions. The workmen, in the mean time, "performed prodigies of labor," to which they were stimulated by the presence of their officers, and the consciousness that every thing depended on their celerity. Twice during the night did the vigilant Pres cott, with Major Brooks, steal to the shore to reconnoitre ; but the usual cry of " All is well," drowsily repeated from ship to ship, assured him that his movements, were as yet unknown. Before the sun rose, a redoubt, eight rods square and six feet high, was thrown up on the summit of the hill, where the monument now -stands, the strongest side of which, in the form of a redan, faced the town, and protected the south side of the hill. On the east was an extensive field ; and in a line with this, running down the north side of the hill towards the slough, was a breastwork, which, at its southern extremity, was separated from the redoubt by a narrow passage way, or sally port, protected in front by a blind ; and in the rear of ' Gordon's Am. Rev. i. 351 ; Froth- = For their positions, see Frothins- ingham's Siege, 122, 123; Swett, in ham's Siege, 124. Lile of Putnam, 211. AMAZEMENT OF THE BRITISH. 25 the redoubt was a passage, or gateway, opening towards the chap. slough.' .^i^. At an early hour, as the gray of the morning was dissipated 1776. by the beams of the rising sun, the veil was lifted, and the officers of the fleet beheld with amazement the Americans overlooking them from their strong intrenchments, which had sprung up as by magic while they were asleep. The cannon of the Lively were the first to fire ; and, as the sound of the guns broke the stillness of the summer's morning, the alarm was spread both in the British camp at Boston and the Amer ican camp at Cambridge.® Gage was thunderstruck, and immediately called a council of war ; while from several of the frigates, from the floating batteries, from the decks of the Somerset, and from a mortar on Copp's Hill, a shower of balls and bombs was poured in upon the works sufficient to appall the stoutest heart. Yet steadily the Americans contin ued their toil, strengthening their intrenchments, and throw ing up platforms of wood and earth as a foothold to stand upon during the engagement.^ To inspire them with still greater confidence, Prescott himself mounted the parapet, and walked leisurely around, inspecting the works, issuing his orders,^and addressing the soldiers with words of encourage ment or sallies of humor.* As the day advanced, the heat became oppressive ; and the gallant band, who had toiled so long without even water to quench their thirst, found their stock of provisions exhausted. At this juncture, the officers urged Colonel Prescott to send for relief ; but the men were too enthusiastic to ask for suc cors, and the colonel, in reply, declared that " the enemy would ' Gordon's Am. Rev. i. 351 ; Swett, " Impartial Hist of the War, 209 ; in Life of Putnam, 211 ; Frothing- Thacher's Jour. 26; Swett, in Life of ham's Siege, 135, and notes. Putnam, 214; Frothingham's Siege, = Jour. Prov. Cong. 365; Heath's 126. Mems. 18; Thacher's Jour. 26; Bis- •¦ Swett, in Life of Putnam, 214, sett's Hist. Eng. i. 429 ; Lord Ma- 215 ; FrothiQgham's Siege, 126. hon's Hist. Eng. vi. 56; Swett, in Life of Putnam, 213. 26 PREPARATIONS FOR AN ATTACK. CHAP, not dare attack them, and if they did, would be defeated. The ^_,J,^_^ mon who had raised the works were the best qualified to de- 1776. fend them. They had already learned to despise the face of ' the enemy. They had the merit of the labor, and should enjoy the honor of the victory." i Thus encouraged, this Spartan band remained at their posts ; while Captain Nutting, with his company, and Captain Walker, with a small detach ment, were ordered into Charlestown, near the ferry, to watch the movements of the British.® The council of war which had been called by Gage, finding the Americans were strongly intrenched, decided unanimously that it was necessary to dislodge them, but could not agree on the mode of attack. Clinton and Grant, officers of expe rience, were in favor of embarking at the foot of the Com mon in boats, and, under the protection of the batteries, land ing in the rear of the Americans, to cut off their retreat ; and a majority of the council fell in with their views. But Gage, full of confidence in his own superior knowledge, opposed the plan as unmilitary and hazardous — placing his troops be tween two armies, the one strongly fortified, and the other superior in numbers.^ It was therefore decided to make the attempt in front ; orders were issued for the troops to parade ; and the manoeuvring of a corps of di-agoons, and the rattling of artillery carriages and wagons, announced to the Ameri cans that an attack was contemplated. Prescott was in ecsta sies. " Now, my boys," said he, " we shall have a fight ; and we shall beat them, too." * Yet the condition of his men was far from encouraging. No refreshments had arrived, and they were nearly exhausted by hunger and fatigue. A special messenger was accordingly sent to General Ward for a re- ' Oral Communication of Hon. « Swett, in Life of Putnam 216 Lemuel Shaw to the Mass. Hist Soc. ; , s Stedman's Hist, of the War L Swett, in Life of Putnam, 215, 216; 12; Bissett's Hist Eno- i 430 ' Frothingham's Siege, 127. ¦• Swett, m Life of T^ntaam 217 MOVEMENTS OP WARD. 27 enforcement and for supplies ; and Major Brooks, afterwards chap. Governor Brooks, was selected for that purpose.' ^• General Ward, in the mean time, had been urged by Putnam, 1775. who had returned to the camp,® to send reenforcements to ^" Prescott ; but, doubtful of the expediency of the measure, he ordered only a third of Stark's regiment to Charlestown, and, on the arrival of Major Brooks, refused further to weaken his army until the intentions of the enemy were more fully re vealed. They might, he observed, attack Cambridge first, where the scanty stores of the province were lodged ; and, as the salvation of the country depended upon these, it would be unwise and unsafe to risk their capture. As the committee of safety were then in session, however, he consented to refer the subject to them ; and Richard Devens, one of the mem bers, who was a resident of Charlestown, with an anxiety almost amounting to frenzy importuned them to comply with Prescott's request. His eloquence prevailed ; and marching orders were issued to the whole of the regiments of Stark and Reed, who were furnished with fifteen charges of loose pow der and balls to a man, and sent on their way.^ Pending these movements on the part of the Americans, the British, by taking advantage of the tide, were enabled to bring three or four floating batteries to bear on the intrench ments, and the firing became severe ; but the only return made by the Americans was a few shot from a cannon in a corner of the redoubt.* At length, about eleven o'clock, the troops under Prescott ceased from their labors, the intrenching tools were piled in their rear, and all awaited the arrival of the expected refreshments and recruits. No works had as yet been thrown up on Bunker Hill, as a protection in case of a retreat ; nor was it possible, under the circumstances, to have ' Swett, in Life of Putnam, 218 ; Thacher's Jour. 26; Swett, in Life of Frothingham's Siege, 128. Putnam, 219, 221 ; Frothmgham'a « Frothingham's Siege, 128, note. Siege, 128. ' Ward's Shrewsbury, 53, 54, 55 ; ¦• Frothingham's Siege, 129. 28 THE BRITISH EMBARK FOR CHARLESTOWN. CHAP, done more than was done. If, therefore, the neglect of this _}^ post was an oversight, it could not be helped. Yet, as a par- 1775. tial atonement for the error, at a later hour in the day, by the ' advice of Putnam, the tools were sent to Bunker Hill, and a breastwork was begun ; but the operations of the field inter rupted the labor, and before night the tools were taken by the enemy.' The preparations of Gage were now completed ; and, about noon, four, battalions of infantry, ten companies of grenadiers, and ten of light infantry, with a corps of artillery, were em barked in boats from the North Battery and from the end of Long Wharf Two of the ships of war had been ordered to move up the river to join with the Somerset, the floating batteries, and the battery on Copp's Hill in firing upon the American works ; the Falcon and the Lively swept the low grounds in front of Breed's Hill, to protect the landing ; the Glasgow frigate and the Symmetry transport, moored farther up Charles River, raked the Neck.® A blue flag displayed was the signal for starting ; and, as the meridian sun shone in its splendor upon the glittering array of scarlet uniforms and burnished muskets, the plashing of the oars, as the boats moved on, the flashes of fire from the throats of the cannon, and the deafening roar which reverberated from the waters and the wood-crowned hills, rendered the spectacle one of sublime and thrilling interest. ^ At one o'clock the boats touched at Moulton's Point ; the troops were landed without molestation, and formed into three lines. Directly it was discovered that the cartridges which- had been sent for the use of the artillery were too large for the pieces ; and General Howe, who had examined the Amer ican works, and found them more formidable than he had • Heath's Mems. 19, 20; Froth- Rev. i. 351; Ramsay's Am. Rev. i. ingham's Siege, 130, and note; Swett, 201; Bissett's Hist Eno-. i. 429*. in Life of Putnam, 225. Humphi-eys's Life of Putnam 95 • " Impartial Hist, of the War, 209 ; Frothingham's Siege, 130, 131 notes! Heath's Mems. 18; Gordon's Am. = Frothingham's Siege, 13 1' MORE TROOPS SENT OVER. 29 anticipated, sent to Gage for reenforcements and for a fresh chap. supply of powder. During the absence of the messenger, the ^^J^ British troops dined ; and many, at that hour, ate their last 1775. meal.' ^'^'^•'^- At two o'clock, more troops arrived ; and at three, the re enforcements, consisting of the forty-seventh regiment, the battalion of marines, and a few companies of grenadiers and light infantry, landed at the ship yard, at the east end of Breed's Hill.® The movements of the British were soon known at Cambridge ; and the bells were rung, and drums were beaten. Orders were likewise issued for all the troops, save Ward's own regiment, and those of Gardner and Patter son, and part of Bridge's, who were reserved to be prepared for an attack on Cambridge, to march to Charlestown. At the lat'ter place the Americans were particularly active ; and the Connecticut troops, under Captain Knowlton, with the artillery and two field pieces, were ordered to oppose the Brit ish right wing, and took post behind a rail fence running across the tongue of land from the road to the Mystic, — a distance of two hundred and fifty yards, — in front of which was a thick orchard ; and, by pulling up the neighboring fences, a breast work was hastily formed, the intervening spaces being stuffed with grass which had been recently mown. This imperfect defence was about two hundred yards in the rear of the main breastwork, and eighty yards in the rear of the head of the slough, leaving an extensive opening between the breastwork and the fence exposed to cannon shot, and a considerable space be tween the slough and the fence open to the advance of infantry. This was the weak point, yet the key, of the American position.^ ' Impartial Hist of the War, 209 ; phreys's Life of Putnam, 95 ; Heath's Bissett's Hist. Eng. i. 429; Lord Ma- Mems. 18'; Frothingham's Siege, 137. hon's Hist. Eng. ^^. 55; Swett, in ^ Heath's Mems. 19; Thacher's Life of Putnam, 225 ; Frothmgham's Jour. 28 ; Swett, in Life of Putnam, Siege, 131, 132. 222, 223 ; Frothmgham's Siege, 134, ' Imjjartial Hi.st of the War, 209 ; and note. Ramsay's Am. Rev. i. 201 Hum- Jun. 17. 30 POSITION OF THE AMERICANS. CHAP. The detachments of guards were now recalled by Colonel ^,^^ Prescott, and posted at a cartway running southward from 1775. the south-eastern angle of the redoubt to the narrow road round the hill, where a breastwork of fences, filled in with grass, was thrown up as on the left.' Already had Warren and Pomeroy arrived on the field as volunteers ; and their presence was greeted with the heartiest cheers.® General Putnam had likewise returned, with the intention of remain ing to share in the battle ; and he tarried in Charlestown through the whole afternoon, ordering the reenforcements as they arrived, encouraging the troops to behave gallantly in the action, and rendering invaluable services in every quarter. The regiment of Stark arrived at the Neck between two and three o'clock ; and though it was enfiladed by a galling fire from the ships and batteries, and Captain Dearborn, who was by his side, urged him to quicken his step, the undaunted colonel replied, " One fresh man in action is worth ten fatigued ones," and marched steadily over.^ The American troops were posted as advantageously as the nature of the ground permitted. The original detachment, commanded by Colonel Prescott, with the exception of the Connecticut troops, were at the redoubt and breastwork, where they were joined, just before tha action commenced, by portions of the Massachusetts regiments under Colonels Brew er, Nixon, Woodbridge,.and Little, and Major Moore with one of Callender's artillery companies. General Warren was also at the redoubt, where he served as a volunteer.'* Gridley's artillery company and that under Captain Callender were stationed at the exposed point between the breastwork and the rail fence. Perkins's company, belonging to Little's regi ment, and the troops under Nutting, with a part of Warner's ' Swett, in Life of Putnam, 223. lar incidents, but refers them to Gen- " Frothingham's Siege, 133. eral Putnam. ' Frothmgham's Siege, 134. Swett, * Heath's Mems. 20; Frothine- in Life of Putnam, 225, relates suni- ham's Siege, 136. NUMBER AND OFFICERS OF THE BRITISH ARMY. 31 company, lined the cartway on the right of the redoubt. The chap. Connecticut troops, under Knowlton, with those from New _^:^_ Hampshire under Stark and Reed, and a few of the Massachu- 1775. setts troops, were at the other fence. Putnam, who took charge of these scattered forces, was at the same place when the battle began ; ' and General Pomeroy, armed with a mus ket, served there as a volunteer.® Three other companies were stationed in Main Street, at the base of Breed's Hill, and formed the extreme right.^ The British troops, probably not less than three, thousand in number,'* were under the command of General Howe, an officer of distinguished bravery and merit ; and under him were Pigot, Nesbit, Abercrombie, Clarke, Butler, Williams, Buce, Spendlove, Smelt, Mitchell, Pitcairn, Short, Small, and Lords Percy and Rawdon, most of whom were veterans in the service.^ The neighboring heights, which commanded a view of the scene of action, were thronged with people, many from a distance, anxious to witness the approaching contest : and the steeples of the churches in Boston were crowded by the inhabitants of the metropolis and by British soldiers.* The fire from Copp's Hill, from the ships, and from the bat teries now centred on the intrenchments ; while a furious cannonade was opened on the American camp at Roxbury, to divert the attention of that wing of the army.'' Before open ing the action. General Howe addressed his army, encouraging ¦ Frothingham's Siege, 136. i. 202, Thacher, Jour. 26, Gordon, = Swett, in Life of Putnam, 228 ; Am. Rev. i. 352, and Bradford, i. 384, Frothingham's Siege, 136. say 3000. Contemporary MSS. say ^ Frothingham's Siege, 136, notes. 3300 ; and the Jour, of the Prov. There is considerable conl'usion in the Cong. 366, says between 3000 and account of the position of the Amer- 4000. Swett's estimate of 5000 is icans. altogether too large. See, further, ¦¦ Trumbull, Lett, of Aug. 31, 1779, Frothingham's Siege, 191. m 1 M. H. Coll. vi. 159, says the * Swett, in Life of Putnam, 226. number of the British was but 1200. ^ Swett, m Life of Putnam, 226, Stedman, Am. War, i. 126, Bissett, 227. Hist Eng. i. 429, Lord Mahon, Hist ' Heath's Mems. 20; Swett, in Life Eng. vi. 59, and Heath, Memoirs, 20, of Putnam, 227 ; Frothingham's say 2000. MarshaU, Life of Wash- Siege, 138. ington, ii. 231, Ramsay, Am. Rev. 32 COMMENCEMENT OF THE BATTLE. CHAP, them to " behave like Englishmen and good soldiers ; " ' and, ,^_j:^_ before moving from his first position, he sent out strong flank 1775. guards, and directed his field pieces to play on the American ' lines.® This fire was but feebly returned by Gridley and Cal lender ; and the guns of the former were soon disabled and drawn to the rear, while Callender, alleging that his cartridges were too large for his pieces, withdrew to Bunker Hill. Here he was met by Putnam, and ordered to return ; but he refused to obey. At length he was deserted by his men ; and the pieces were recovered, and drawn to the rail fence, by Captain Ford's company, which had just entered the field.^ Flanking parties, under Robinson and Woods, were likewise detached to annoy the enemy ; but no particulars are given of their service.^ The British columns were soon put in motion, and advanced in two divisions — the right, under General Howe, pushing towards the rail fence, to cut off a retreat from the redoubt, and the left, under General Pigot, proceeding to storm the redoubt and breastwork.* In a short time, the fire from the artillery ceased ; and General Howe, much to his chagrin, learned that twelve pound balls had been sent to load his six pound guns ; upon which he ordered the pieces to be charged with grape. The progre-ss of the artillery, however, was greatly impeded by the miry ground at the base of the hill ; and it was posted near the brick kilns, where its balls pro duced but little effect.'' The troops, heated by the burning sun, burdened with knapsacks, and obstructed by the tall grass and fences in their way, moved forward slowly, yet with ' Clarke's Narr. in Frothingham's iii. 490 ; Frothingham's Siege, 185. Siege, 137. " Frothingham's Siege, 138'. = Frothingham's Siege, 138. * Impai-tial Hist, of the War 210- ' Force's Am. Archives, ii. 1705 ; Stedman's Am. War, i. 126 • 'Ram- Lord Mahon's Hist Eng. vi. 60 ; say's Am. Rev. i. 202 ; Swett 'in Life Swett, in Life of Putnam, 231, 232; of Putnam, 229; Frotiiino-liam's Boston Centinel for 1818; Frothing- Siege, 138, 139. ° ham's Siege, 138. Callender was sd- " Stedman's Am. War, i. 129 • terwards cashiered for his conduct on Frothingham's Siege, 140 and' note. ' this occasion. Spai-ks's AVashinffton, ' DIRECTIONS OF THE AMERICAN OFFICERS. 33 unbounded confidence. " Let us take the bull by the horns," chap. was shouted by some ; and, inspired with the hope of an easy ^^^^ victory, not a doubt was entertained that the "cowardly 1775. Americans " would flee at the first charge. But the yeomanry of Massachusetts were made of too stern stuff to recoil before any force without giving battle, and were ordered by their officers to reserve their fire until the British were within ten or twelve yards of their works, and then to wait until the word was given. " Powder is scarce," it was said, " and must not be wasted." " Wait till you see the white of their' eyes ; then fire low ; take aim at their waistbands." " Aim at the handsome coats." " Pick off the commanders." ' At length the enemy came within gunshot ; and a few of the more ardent, forgetting the caution which had been given, hastily fired ; but Prescott severely and indignantly reproved them, and some of the officers ran round the top of the par apet, and kicked up the guns. When within eight rods, the order was given ; and from redoubt and breastwork a mur derous volley was poured in, which mowed down officers and soldiers by scores. Colonel Abercrombie had sneered at the cowardice of the Americans. " Colonel Abercrombie, are the Yankees cowards ? " was now shouted from their ranks. But if the Americans were not cowards, neither were the British, and they returned the fire with unperturbed coolness. The Americans, however, were protected by their works ; and: Pigot, with " surly reluctance," was obliged to retreat.® Howe, in the mean time, led the right wing against the rail fence ; and the light infantry moved along the banks of the ' Stedman's Am. War, i. 128, 129 ; " were blown to the wmds the siUy Lord Mahon's Hist. Eng. vi. 57 ; predictions of Lord Sandwich and Swett, in Life of Putnam, 230 ; Froth- Colonel Grant as to the alleged defi- mgham's Siege, 140. ciency of courage in the colonists — * Impartial Hist of the War, 210; predictions which, besides being in Thacher's Jour. 27 ; Lord Mahon's this case utterly false and groundless, Hist Eng. vi. 57 ; Swett, in Life of have always a manifest tendency to Putnam, 231 ; Frpthingham's Siege, defeat themselves." 141. "Then," says Lord Mahon, VOL. III. 3 34 RESULT OF THE FIRST CHARGE. CHAP. Mystic to turn the left of the American line, wliile the grena- ^JX.^ diers advanced directly in front.' The field pieces which Cal- 1775. lender had deserted, and which Putnam had recovered, were ' here brought to bear, and the general himself directed some of the discharges ; ® but when the advancing troops deployed into line, and a few, as at the redoubt, hastily fired, the veteran officer rode to the spot, his sword whistling through the air, and with a voice of thunder threatened to cut down the next man who disobeyed. At length, when they were at the right distance, the word was given ; and the British were mowed down as severely as at the redoubt. The officers especially were victims to the aim of the skilful marksmen, who, as they saw one, shouted, " Shoot him ! shoot him ! " ^ Nearly every shot was fatal ; and the carnage was so great, that the col umns were broken and compelled to retreat. Some of the Americans were eager to pursue, and jumped over the breast work for that purpose ; but the officers remonstrated, and they were with difficulty restrained.'* For a brief period the Americans seemed to be victorious. But Prescott was confident that the attack would be renewed, and Putnam rode to Bunker Hill to urge forward the re- .enforcements which had long been expected. Some had a-eached Charlestown Neck, but were deterred from crossing by the storm of shot which raked the passage ; and Gerrish, who had ventured over, confessed that he was exhausted. In vain did Putnam attempt to rally them, and inspire them with a portion of his own resolute spirit. In vain he entreated ;and threatened by turns, lashing his horse with the flat of his sword, and crossing and recrossing to convince them there was no danger. The storm raged too fiercely to admit of a revival of their courage, and only a few could be persuaded to follow.^ ' Frothingham's Siege, 141. ¦• Frothingham's Siege, 142. ' Frothingham's Siege, 141. ^ g^^.^^^^ ^^ ^j^^ ^^ Putnam, 233 Swett, in Life of Putnam, 232 ; 236 ; Frotliingham's Siege, 143. Frothingham's Siege, 142. BURNING OF CHARLESTOWN. 35 The British troops were speedily reorganized, and advanced chap. to the attack. But the obstacles before them were the same ^J^ as before ; and they had, besides, to pass over the dead bodies 1775. of their comrades, scattered upon the hill. At this juncture the cry was raised that the town was on fire ; and, turning their eyes thitherwards, the Americans, to their horror, saw dense clouds of smoke ascending, and the forked flames, from churches and dwellings, shooting and glaring upon the even ing sky.' It was, indeed, a terrific scene, such as had never before been witnessed on these shores ; and the mingled roar of cannon and flame, and the storm of shot and cinders which hurtled around, contrasted painfully with the calmness of nature, smiling in loveliness and beauty on all.® Thousands of eyes gazed on the spectacle with feelings of awe ; and the varied emotions excited by the battle and by the burning of the town stirred every heart to its inmost depths. The British troops continued to advance, but with more caution than at first ; and, as their fire was directed more skilfully, a number of the Americans were killed or wounded. When they were within six rods, the Americans fired ; and officers and men fell in heaps — whole ranks being swept away in a moment's time. Partially recovering, however, they still pressed forward ; but the leaden storm burst upon them with resistless fury. General Howe was in the hottest of this fire ; and two of his aids and several officers fell at his side. In vain did the survivors urge the men on at the points of their swords ; they were compelled to give- way, and retreated in confusion, leaving the ground strewed with the slain.3 ' Stedman's Am. War, i. 126 ; ^ Thacher's Jour. 29 ; Burgoyne to Thacher's Jour. 28 ; Ramsay's Am. Stanley, in Force's Am. Archives, ii., Rev. i. 202 ; Swett, in Life of Put- and Lord Mahon's Hist. Eng. vi. 56 ; nam, 239 ; Frothingham's Siege, 143. Gordon's Am. Rev. i. 353 ; Frothuig- The town seems to have been set on ham's Siege, 144. fire soon after the commencement of ^ Impartial Hist, of the War, 210 the action ; and by the time the Brit- Stedman's Am. War, i. 127, 128 ish ralhed, the flames had made alarm- Rivington's Gazette for Aug. 3, 1775 ing progress. Frothmgham's Siege, 145, 146. 36 THE THIRD ATTACK. Some time elapsed before they again rallied — so much that the Americans thought they would not renew the assault. 1775. Putnam, who was on horseback, had once more hastened to ' the rear for the reenforcements ; but the disorder in the camp at Cambridge was such that the commands of General Ward were imperfectly executed. A few companies were col lected, however, and marched on to Charlestown ; but several which were expected did not arrive.' In the mean time, some of the troops were scattering — skulking behind rocks, and haycocks, and apple trees ; and some even retreated, alleging exhaustion, or that they had no officers to lead them on. Yet in the redoubt all was quiet ; and the gallant Prescott re mained at his post, encouraging his men to resist to the last, and assuring them that, if the British were once more driven back, they could never again rally.® " We are ready for the red coats," was the hearty response. But ammunition was failing ; and only a few artillery cartridges were left, which were opened and distributed. " Waste not a kernel," said Prescott ; " make every shot tell ; " and, directing those who had bayonets to be stationed at the points most likely to be assailed, he awaited in silence the approach of the enemy .^ A third time General Howe ordered his men to advance ; when some of his officers remonstrated, declaring that it would be butchery to expose them to so dreadful a charge. But their remonstrances were unheeded. To conquer or die was his fixed resolve. The general himself led the grenadiers and light infahti-y in front of the breastwork ; while Clinton, who had hastened to the rescue,* and Pigot, led the extreme left, to scale the redoubt. In a short time, the ai-tillery was so posted as to enfilade the breastwork ; and its defenders were driven to the redoubt for protection.^ Colonel Prescott, who ' Frothingham's Siege, 146, 147. Conduct of the Wai-, 14 ; Thacher's " Frothingham's Siege, 147. Jour. 27 ; Frothingham's Siege, 148. " Swett, in Life of Putnam, 243 ; ° Swett, in Life of Putnam, 245 ; Frothingham's Siege, 148. Frotliingham's Siege, 149. * Stedman's Am. War, i. 127 ; RETREAT OF PRESCOTT. 37 had seen every thing, was convinced that the redoubt must be chap. carried. Yet he did not for a moment hesitate, but issued his ^,^^ orders as coolly as ever. JVIost of his men had but one round 1775. left, and few more than three rounds ; and he ordered them all to reserve their fire until the British troops were within twenty yards. The enemy came on, but 'not with the zeal with which they had formerly advanced. Taught by experi ence, they had stripped off their knapsacks, and many of them their coats, to be less encumbered ; and, exhausted in strength and depressed in spirits, it was only by the desperate exer tions of their officers that they could be inspired with firmness for the struggle. As they drew near the works, the Ameri cans fired ; and the volley was so deadly, that the columns wavered. Recovering in an instant, they again sprang for ward ; and the redoubt was scaled.' Nothing remained for Prescott but to retreat. His pow der was exhausted ; and his men had only stones and the buts of their muskets as weapons of offence. The word was accordingly given ; and while some leaped the walls, others hewed their way through the enemy's ranks. Prescott himself was the last to leave ; and he escaped unharmed, " though his banyan and waistcoat were pierced in several places." ® The chivalrous Warren, wno up to this moment had fought in the ranks with self sacrificing zeal, was reluctant to flee. A few rods from the redoubt, a ball pierced his head ; and he fell to the ground. His death was deeply lamented at the time ; and the country felt it had lost one of its best and bravest men.' The troops at the rail fence, who had been slightly reen- ' Swett, in Life of Putnam, 245- of April, 1776, the remains of Gener- 248 ; Frothingham's Siege, 150. al Warren were disinterred from the ' Frothingham's Siege, 150. spot where they had been hastily bur- ' Impartial Hist of the War, 213 ; led, and a public funeral was celebrat- Sparks's Washington, iii. 512, note; ed with masonic honors. Gordon's Swett, in Life of Putnam, 250 ; Froth- Am. Rev. ii. ; Thacher's Jour. 45 ; ingham's Siege, 151, 171. After the Bradford, ii. 96, 97; Austm's Life of evacuation of Boston, or on the 8th Gerry, i. 86, note. 38 TRIUMPH OF THE BRITISH. CHAP, forced, fought for a time with desperate courage ; ' but when \_J.^ they saw that Prescott had retreated, they began to give 1775. ground. Their retreat was covered by Putnam with his Con- ' necticut troops, who " dared the utmost fury of the enemy in the rear of the whole."® On reaching Bunker Hill, he ex claimed, " Make a stand here ! We can stop theA yet. In God's name, form, and give them one shot more ; " and, taking his own post near a field piece, he " seemed resolved to brave the foe alone." The veteran Pomeroy, with his shattered musket in his hand, seconded this appeal ; but the troops felt that it would be useless to rally. The slaughter on the brow of the hill was terrible ; and to remain longer was to expose themselves to certain destruction. Once more, therefore, the retreat was commenced ; and the whole body retired over the Neck amidst the shot from the enemy's ships. A solitary can non was their only defence.' At five in the afternoon, the British troops, with a parade of triumph, took possession of Bunker HiU, and lay on their arms during the night. General Howe was advised by Clin ton to follow up his advantage by an attack upon Cambridge ; but he had seen service enough for one day, and contented himself with firing two field pieces upon the Americans, who retreated to Winter and Prospect Hills, and to the camp of 1 Frothingham's Siege, 151. '' many of them distinguished them- " Swett, in Life of Putnam, 252. selves by their gaUant behavior. The ' Impartial Hist of the War, 211. soldiers generaUv showed gi-eat spirit Subsequent to the date of this battie, and resolution.'"' It might be ob- there was considerable complaint of served, however, in extenmtion of the the conduct of the oiScers ; and Gen- conduct of the persons referred to, eral Washington, on reaching the. that verv httle discipUne had as yet camp, made a strict inquiry, and re- been introduced mto the camp, and ported the result as follows, in a con- that the lack of subordination which fidential letter to the president of Con- prevailed must have embai-rassed even gress : " Upon my arrival, and since, the best disposed, if it did not dis- some complaints have been preferred heai-ten them. Yet if the charge of against officers for cowardice in the cowardice properiv attaches to" any kte action on Bunker's Hill. I have who served on tliis occasion, it must been sorry to find it an uncontradicted rest there ; for no apology should be fact that the principal failure of duty off'ered for such conduct that day was in the officers, though CLOSE OF THE BATTLE. 39 Jun. 17. General Ward.' Prescott, whom nothing could subdue, re- chap. paired at once to head quarters, and offered to retake Bunker ^J^ Hill, or perish in the attempt, if three regiments of fifteen hun- 1775. dred men, well equipped with ammunition and bayonets, were ' placed at his disposal ; but Ward very wisely decided that the condition of his army would not justify so bold a measure.® Thus ended the battle of Bunker Hill. The loss of the Americans, in the different engagements, was one hundred and fifteen killed, three hundred and five wounded, and thirty cap tured — a total of four hundred and fifty men.3 The loss of the British was admitted in the official account to have been two hundred and twenty-six killed, and eight hundred and twenty-eight wounded — a total of ten hundred and fifty-four men ; but the Americans estimated their loss as high as fifteen hundred.'* ' Swett, in Life of Putnam, 254 ; Frothingham's Siege, 153. ' Swett, in Life of Putnam, 256 ; Frothingham's Siege, 153. ^ Impartial Hist, of the War, 211 ; Stedman's Am. War, i. 127 ; Thacher's Jour. 30 ; Heath's Mems. 20 ; N. H. Hist. CoU. ii. 144-147 ; Gordon's Am. Rev. i. 357 ; Marshall's Washington, ii. 131; Sparks's Washington, iii. 38 ; Bradford, i. 386 ; Lord Mahon's Hist Eng. vi. 58 ; Swett, in Life of Put nam, 257 ; Frothingham's Siege, 192, 193. * Impartial Hist, of the War, 211 ; Stedman's Am. War, i. 127 ; Bissett's Hist Eng. i. 430; Heath's Mems. 20; Thacher's Jom-. 30; Essex Ga zette for July 6 and Aug. 17, 1775 ; Gordon's Am. Rev. i. 355 ; Marshall's Washington, ii. 231 ; Sparks's Wash ington, iii. 36, 38 ; Lord Mahon's Hist. Eng. vi. 58 ; Bradlbrd, i. 386 ; Swett, in Life of Putnam, 259 ; Froth ingham's Siege, 194. The question has been raised, and discussed mth some warmth. Who was the com mander at Bunker Hill ? That Jo seph Warren was not the commander is now generally admitted ; nor does he seem to have claimed or occupied any other position than that of a vol unteer. The honor, therefore, lies be tween Prescott and Putnam. But if it is borne in mind that each colony, at tliis time, had an establishment of its own, and that no commander-in- chief had been appointed by the Gen eral Congress, it will be evident that General Ward, who acted under the authority of the Provincial Congress of Massachusetts alone, had no au thority over Putnam, and, though he could advise with, could not direct, him. The intrenching party sent out by Ward was headed by Prescott; and the command of that officer seems to have been principally hmited to the redoubt. Putnam seems to have taken ujion himself the charge of affau-s without the redoubt, and was active throughout the engagement wherever his sei-vices were needed. There was, therefore, no one officer who had the sole and exclusive command ; and not only are Prescott and Putnam entitled to equal credit, — the former for his fidehty in executing the orders of his superior, and the latter for his zealous and effective cooperation, — but aU who served on that day, and who made such a noble and gaUant stand, should be remembered with gratitude. CHAPTER II. THE SIEGE OF BOSTON. The immediate consequence of the battle of Bunker Hill was to establish a state of general hostility. The Americans, 1775. though defeated, were in effect victorious ; ' and the courage they had displayed was such as caused even Washington to declare that " the liberties of the country were safe." ® The lack of subordination was a serious evil ; and so sensible were all of the necessity of remedying this evil, that the subject was freely discussed by the officers, and urged upon the atten tion of the proper authorities. The position of the army was somewhat alarming. The firing from the British cannon, commenced on Saturday, had not ceased on Sunday at three in the afternoon. That night it was rumored the British would leave Boston, and march out through Roxbury. In such case, it was expected " a dreadful battle must ensue ; " and the wife of John Adams wrote, " Almighty God cover the heads of our countrymen, and be a shield to our dear friends."* Gage, however, had no intention of removing his quarters ; Jun. 19. and, exasperated by his reverses, he issued a proclamation requiring all the inhabitants who had arms " immediately to surrender them at the court house," threatening that " all per sons in whose possession any firearms might hereafter be found should be deemed enemies to his majesty's govern ment."* The tories, to evince their loyalty, volunteered as Impartial Hist, of the War, 214. ingham's Siege, 157, note. Comp. Lord Mahon's Hist. Eng. vi. ¦> Letters of Mrs. Adams ; N. A. 68, and Webster's Bunker Hill Ad- Rev. for Oct., 1840, 369 ; Frotliing- 208. (40) dress, 21. ham's Siege, 207, ' Webster's Address, in Froth- * Frothingham's Siege, 208, AMERICAN INTRENCHMENTS. 41 patrols ; and a company of forty-nine was established, each chap. night, to relieve the troops.' .^-J.^ The campaign had now opened ; and, as it was uncertain 1775. how soon hostilities might be renewed, it behooved both par ties to fortify their positions as speedily as possible. Accord ingly, General Howe, who had encamped on Bunker Hill, and who was promptly supplied with additional troops, commenced Jun. 17 a breastwork on the, north-western declivity of the hill, upon which, for several days, his men labored with diligence.® The Americans were equally active ; and General Putnam, who Jun. 18. had taken possession of Prospect Hill, marked out an in trenchment, working with his own hands, to encourage his men; and one half of eight of the Massachusetts regiments Jun. 20 were draughted daily to assist him.^ By the last of the month Jun. 30 nearly four thousand men are said to have been concentrated here ; * both the eminences forming the hill were strongly for tified, and connected by a rampart and fosse ; and the works were prosecuted with such vigor, that early in July they were July 3. " almost impregnable." ^ The New Hampshire troops, on the night of the battle, oc cupied Winter Hill ; and, being reenforced by Poor's regiment, intrenchments were thrown up of a size and strength exceed ing those of any other position, which were held by about two thousand men, under General Folsom, until the arrival of Washington.* The head quarters at Cambridge were likewise strengthened ; and, from the redoubt near the college, a complete line of circumyallation extended from the Charles to the Mystic River.'' The right wing, at Roxbury, was equally cared for ; ' Frothingham's Siege, 208. zette for June 29, 1775 ; Frothing- ' Sparks's Washington, iii. 17 ; ham's Siege, 211. Frothingham's Siege, 208. "^ Marshall's Washington, ii. 241 ; ^ Heath's Memoirs, 22; Sparks's Sparks's Washington, iii. 17; Froth- Washington, ui. 17, 18; Frothing- ingham's Siege, 211. General Fol- ham's Siege, 210, 211. som arrived at the camp on Tuesday, ¦* Frotliingham's Siege, 211. Mar- June 20. Letter in N. H. Hist. CoU. shaU, Life of Washington, ii. 241, says ii. 146. Putnam had under him but 1000 men. '' Heath's Memoirs, 22 ; Frothing- ' Heath's Mems. 22; Essex Ga- ham's Siege, 211, 217. 42 ADDITIONAL FORCES RAISED. CHAP, and, under the direction of General Thomas, who was at the „^.J^ head of two of the Connecticut and nine of the Massachusetts 1775. regiments, — in all, between four and five thousand men, — a fort was built upon the hill about two hundred yards west ward of the meeting house ; an intrenchment at the Dudley House extended to the hill east of the meeting house ; a breast work was thrown up across the main street, and another on the Dorchester road near the burial ground ; and redoubts and breastworks were planted at other points.* The first heavy Jun. 24. cannon were mounted here a week after the battle ; and, a week later, shot were thrown from them into Boston.® The Provincial Congress having appealed to the other colonies for additional troops, reenforcements for the army poured in daily, and at least one company of Stockbridge Indians repaired to the camp for service.^ The regiments from Connecticut and Rhode Island were placed under Gen eral Ward ; the troops were all in high spirits ; and they " longed to speak again " with his majesty's forces.'* " I wish," wrote Greene, " we could sell them another hill at the same price ; " ^ and this wish was cherished by all. Fears had, in deed, been expressed by Congress that, " as soon as the enemy should have recovered a little strength from their amazing fatigues, and their surprising losses should have been made np by the arrival of new troops, which were shortly expected, they would direct all their force to some one point, and make the utmost efforts to force the American lines, destroy their magazines, and thereby strike a general terror and amazement ' Essex Gazette for June 29, 1775|; E. Gen-y, Sept 26, 1775, m Austin's Frothingham's Siege, 2 12, 2 17. The Life of Gerrv, i. 1 14. Dudley House, it is said, stood on the ^ Jom-. Prov. Cong. 387-389 ; Lord site of the present Universalist meet- Mahon's Hist Eng. vi. 35 ; Frothing- ing house. _ ham's Siege, 212, 213. For a sketch Heath s Memons, 23 ; Thacher's of the treaty mth the Penobscot tribe. Jour. 33 ; Frothingham's Siege, 212. see Jom-. Pi-ov. Cong. 369-371. The works at Roxbury are said to ¦• Frothingham's Siege, 209, 210. have been planned by « the ingenuity » Frotliingham's Sieo-e, 210 of Knox and Waters." S. Adams to ARRIVAL OF WASHINGTON. 43 into the hearts of the inhabitants of the whole country."' chap. But, whatever apprehensions were felt on this score, few were .^.^.1^ intimidated ; and though an irregular warfare was kept up for 1776. more than two weeks, and shots and shells were discharged by the British upon the American camp, and alarms of sallies were raised, no serious engagement occurred ; and these prel udes served simply to occupy the attention of the Americans, and to incite them to vigilance to prevent a surprise.® The arrival of Washington was awaited with anxiety. The Congress, as a mark of respect to his person, ordered a com mittee to repair to Springfield to escort him to head quarters ; and a cavalcade of citizens and a troop of light horse accom panied him on his entry. At Watertown, he was welcomed July 2. in a congratulatory address, to which he replied with his accustomed dignity ; and, having taken up his quarters at the house of the president of the college, which had been fitted up for his reception, he entered upon his duties as commander- in-chief.^ The first care of his excellency, immediately upon his arri val, was to visit the American posts, and, as soon as the weather permitted, reconnoitre the enemy's works. The troops subject to his command consisted of " a mixed multitude of people, under very little discipline, order, or government ; " and their supply of powder, when examined, proved so mea gre, that there was " hardly enough in the camp for nine car tridges to a man." The difficulty of maintaining, with such materials, a line of posts so extensive and important, would have disheartened a general of inferior abilities. But, fertile in expedients, and possessing the confidence of all his subor dinates, Washington devoted himself earnestly to the remod elling of his army, and in a very short time was enabled to • Jour. Prov. Cong. 389 ; Froth- Gordon's Am. Rev. i. 365, 366 ; ingham's Siege, 210. Thacher's Jour. 31 ; MarshaU's Wash- ' Frothingham's Siege, 212, 213. ington, ii. 239; Sparks's Washington, ' Jour. Prov. Cong. 398-400, 438, iii. 14, 484-486 ; Frothingham's Siege, 439 ; Essex Gazette for July 6, 1775 : 214, 215. 44 FORCES OF THE BRITISH. chap, infuse into every branch of the military service a portion of ^J^ his own resolute spirit, so that the system of discipline and 1775. order which was established proved of infinite value to the American cause.' The forces of the British, including seamen, probably con sisted of from nine to ten thousand men ; ® and as it was con ceived that an American army of twenty-two thousand would be necessary to compete with them successfully, and but six teen thousand had been enrolled,^ of whom but fourteen thou- Juiy9. sand five hundred were fit for duty, the council of war de cided in favor of fresh levies ; and the troops already raised were arranged in three divisions, each comprising two bri gades — the right wing, posted at Roxbury, being placed under General Ward ; the left wing, towards Charlestown, under General Lee ; and the centre under General Putnam, with Washington as chief, whose head quarters were at Cambridge.* The appearance of the camp was remarkably grotesque. The lodgings of the soldiers were " as different in their form as the owners in their dress ; " and every tent was " a poi> traiture of the temper and taste " of the occupants. " Some," writes one, "were made of boards, and some of sailcloth; some partly of the one, and partly of the other. Again, others are made of stone and turf, brick or brush. Some are thrown up in a hurry ; others curiously wrought with doors and windows, done with wreaths and withes in the manner of a basket. Some are your proper tents and marquees, look- • Gordon's Am. Rev. i. 368 ; Ram- the losses then sustained. say's Am. Rev. i. 222 ; Bradford, ii. » gparks's AVashingtou, iii. 27, 39. 19 ; Sparks's Washington, iii. 17, 39 ; ¦* Jour. Cont. Cong. i. 162 ; Gor- Frothingham's Siege, 218. don's Am. Rev. i. 367 ; Sparks's ^ Washington, to his brother, July Washington, iii. 15, 19, 27, 33, 54, 27, 1775, says 12,000 ; the Jour, of the 488 ; Ramsav's Am. Rev. i. 223, 224; Prov. Cong. 389, says 10,000; and Bradford, ii." 17, 18; Frothingham's Marshall, Life of Washington, ii. Siege, 219, 220. Of the 14,500 troops 248, says 8000. The estimate in the named in the text, 9000, it is said, text is probably correct, or nearly so, belonged to Massachusetts, and the as there were but about 10,000 be- remaining 5500 were raised by the fore the battle of Bunker HiU, and other New England colonies. that number was reduced 1000 by SCENERY AROUND BOSTON. 45 ing like the regular camp of the enemy. In these are the chap. Rhode Islanders, who are furnished with tent equipage, and ,_^;.^ every thing in the most exact English style." " However," 1775 he adds, " I think this great variety is rather a beauty than a blemish in the army." ' The country around Boston has long been famed for its charming scenery ; and the amphitheatre of hills which encir cles the peninsula affords, from a great number of points, mag nificent views of the metropolis, and of the islands which gem the waters in front, while the more lofty eminences completely overlook the city, and command it from every quarter. The changes which have been made within the last fifty years have materially altered the aspect of the town ; and its area has been so enlarged by filling in vast tracts once covered with water, and so large a portion of its surface is now covered with buildings, that it is difficult to conceive how it must have appeared when it was a village of but a few thousand inhab itants, in no part densely settled, and with here and there extensive openings either entirely unoccupied or improved as pastures.® The neighboring towns have likewise changed, and, relatively, perhaps to as great an extent as the metrop olis itself. Roxbury, Brookline, Cambridge, and Charlestown, together, contain at least three times the number of inhabit ants that Boston did at the opening of the revolution.^ But beyond these towns the aspect of nature is less altered ; and one who views from the dome of the State House the splendid panorama spread before the eye can form some idea of the appearance of the landscape three fourths of a century ago. The same hills are there, crowned with trees. The same rocks are there, hoary with lichens. And occasionally a majestic ' Letter of Rev. Wilham Emerson, opening of the revolution, was about in Sparks's Washington, iii. 491,492; 20,000; the population of the cities Lord !Miihon's Hist Eng. vi. 65 ; and towns named in the text, by the Frothingham's Siege, 222. cen.sus .of 1855, was not far from = Frothingham's Siege, 221. 60,000. ' The population of Boston, at the 46 INCIDENTS OF THE SIEGE IN JULY. CHAP, elm or a decaying buttonwood marks the site of some old ^^j^J;^ mansion, carefully protected from the ravages of time, and 1775. serving as a link to connect the present with the eventful past. It must have been, to our fathers, a painful thought, that the lands which they had redeemed and improved for tillage, cov ered with orchards, cornfields, and grass, and upon the culture of which they had expended their toil as well as their treas ure, were to be ploughed by the cannon of the enemy, and converted for a season into a desolate waste. But, with whatever regrets they submitted to the sacrifice, not a mur mur escaped them ; and he was accounted the best patriot who submitted most cheerfully, and yielded his property at the call of his country. Nor should the generous spirit which animated them be forgotten by their descendants ; and may they be found ready, in the hour of need, to follow the exam ple of their illustrious sires. An occasional cannonade from Boston and Roxbury,' the capture of stragglers from the enemy's camp,® and the arrange ment of the army into its several divisions constituted the incidents of the siege in July. The vigilance of Washington was constantly exercised to strengthen his own position, con fine the enemy closely to their quarters, and cut off the sup plies they were daily expecting. Partly for the latter purpose, and partly as a precaution against surprise, whaleboats were provided by the legislature of Massachusetts to transport flour to the camp, and were kept on the watch to give early notice of movements by water ; ^ and express horses, ready saddled, were stationed at several posts, to bring speedy intelligence of movements by land.* The Provincial Congress, then in ses sion, sanctioned by the authority of the Congress at Phila- ' Heath's Memoirs, 22 ; Frothing- ' Mai-shaU's Washington, ii. 249 ; ham's Siege, 224-227. Bradford, ii. 44 ; Frothingham's Siege, 2 Heath's Mems. 24 ; Force's Am. 223. Archives, ii. 1650 ; Frothingham's ¦• Jour. Prov. Cong. 482 ; Marshall's Siege, 225. Washuigton, ii. 249. CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN LEE AND BURGOYNE. 47 delphia, had previously arranged for the settlement of the chap. government of the province by calling an assembly,' provided ^^' guards for the sea coast by establishing companies in the 1775. maritime counties,® appointed surveyors for the army,^ and ordered an account to be taken of the powder in store.* A correspondence between Generals Lee and Burgoyne, which occurred about this time, attracted much attention ; July 8. and an interview was proposed by the latter, " to induce such explanations as might tend in their consequences to peace ; " but as it was apprehended that such an interview " might cre ate those jealousies and suspicions so natural in a people struggling in the dearest of all causes, — that of their liberty, property, wives, children, and future generations," — at the suggestion of the Congress, and with the approval of the officers, it was wisely declined.^ Well would it have been had all acted as wisely as Lee. But, unfortunately, one in whom great confidence had been placed, and who had formerly been active in the cause of lib erty,^ was, at a later date, suspected of holding a treasonable Oct, correspondence with the enemy ; and, after passing the ordeal ' Jour. Prov. Cong. 359, 454 ; Im- erection of powder miUs, at the ex- partial Hist, of the War, 206 ; Bis- pense of the province, at Stoughton sett's Hist. Eng. i. 427 ; Bradford, ii. and Andover ; and estabhshments for 41. This assembly, it should be ob- the manufacture of fu-earms and can- served, was a distinct body from the non were encouraged in several places. Provincial Congress, and was, in fact, Bradford, ii. 44, 45. the legislature of the province. ^ Jour. Prov. Cong. 481-483; Es- ' Jour. Prov. Cong. 422, 423, 425, sex Gazette for July 13, 21, 28, and 433 ; Bradford, ii. 49. At Plymouth, Aug. 3, 1775; Sparks's Washington, a company was ordered out for the iii. 498-500 ; Niles's Piinciples and defence of that town, and of the Gur- Acts of the Rev. 206-210; Froth- net at the entrance of the harbor. At ingham's Siege, 223, 224. Weymouth, Hingham, Braintree, and ^ Dr. Benjamin Church. In Dra- Cohasset, companies were likewise per's Gazette for Sept. 21, 1775, ap- , kept in service for several months ; peared the following notice, which and at Marblehead, Salem, and probably alludes to this affair : " We Gloucester, a portion of the citizens, hear a certain person of weight among at their own request, were employed the rebels hath off'ered to return to in mihtary service. See the rolls, at his aUegiance, on condition of benig the State House. pardoned and prorided for ; what en- ' Jour. Prov. Cong. 424, 449. com-agement he has received remains * Jour. Prov. Cong. 428-430. Pro- a secret" visions were likewise made for the 48 INCIDENTS OF THB SIEGE. chap, of the General Court, before which he was summoned, he ^___^ was sentenced by the Continental Congress, to which his case 1775. was referred, to be impiisoned in Connecticut, and remained in confinement until the ensuing spring, when he was released on the ground of declining health, and afterwards obtained 1778. permission to take passage in a brigantine bound to Marti- ' nique ; but the vessel in which he sailed was never again heard from, and he is supposed to have perished at sea.' It would be tedious to enumerate the incidents of the siege with the minuteness of detail which the newspapers afford. The army in Boston was speedily strengthened by the arrival July 29. of troops and provisions ;® and, towards the last of July, a bomb battery was planted on Bunker Hill, the guard on Charlestown Neck was advanced farther into the country, and an abatis was thrown up for its protection, formed of trees felled for the purpose.^ Yet the inhabitants of the beleaguered town, and even the soldiers, owing to the absence of fresh pro visions and the oppressive heat of the summer weather, were " very sickly and much dejected ; " and General Gage, tired of the presence of so many who acted as spies upon his move ments, and succeeded, in spite of his vigilance, in conveying July 24. intelligence without the lines, gave orders for all who were disposed to depart by water to return their names, and they should have liberty to leave.* The principal encouragements ' On the affair of Church, see Trum- cause, the council were not satisfied bull, MS. Letter Book B., 221 ; with his defence, nor was the pure- Thacher's Jour. 34 ; 1 M. H. Coll. i. minded Washington fully persuaded 84-94 ; Force's Am. Archives ; Al- of the honesty of his mtentious. mon'sRemembrancer,ii. 156 ; Boston ^ Heath's Mems. 24. TheAssem- Gazette for Jan. 8, 1776 ; S])ai-ks's bly of Connecticut voted, on the 1st Washington, iii. 115, 502-506; Reed's of July, to i-aise two regiments, of 700 Reed, i. 123 ; Gordon's Am. Rev. i. men each, to augment the ai-my, and 410, and ii. 303 ; Bradford, ii. 76, 77 ; marching orders were sent to them Frothingham's Siege, 258-260. It on the 25th. is difficult to clear the doctor of all ' Sparks's Corresp. of the Rev. i. blame in this matter ; and although 5, 10 ; Frothingham's Siege, 229. he personally repudiated the charge " Sparks's AVashington, iii. 54 ; of a traitorous design, and no e.x.- Frothingham's Siege, 229, 237. In pressions were found in his letter dc- the Essex Gazette tor Aug. 10, 1775, cidedly prejudicial to his comitry's the number of residents of Boston is PROCEEDINGS OF THE AMERICANS. 49 received by his forces, for nearly a month, consisted in the chap. success of a plundering expedition in the neighborhood of ^J^ New London,' and the capture of an American vessel laden 1775. with stores ; and " with these trophies of victory," on their arrival in Boston, " the bells were set to music — to the no small joy and comfort of the poor, half-starved tories." ® The Americans, in the mean time, after calling upon God July 20. for assistance in their trials,^ forwarded with all diligence July 24. their works on Winter Hill,* and performed gallant exploits in the harbor and at Roxbury.^ The rifle companies from the south had arrived — stout, hardy men, dressed in their white shirts and round hats, and skilled as marksmen ; ^ but the stock of powder in the camp was exceedingly small, and Washington pressed upon Congress the necessity of supplies.' Nor was he without suspicion that a surprise was intended upon his camp ; for detachments of the enemy rowed about the harbor daily, or paraded with their light horse on Charles town Common, where their brilliant appearance and scarlet uniforms contrasted strongly with the homely garb and simple frocks of the continentals. Being plentifully supplied with powder, likewise, they diverted themselves with cannonading daily the American lines ; but, except when the soldiers care lessly exposed themselves, very little damage was done, and few were killed.^ set down at 6573 ; and the number tinental fast ever obsen^d since the of troops at 13,600, including their settlement of the colonies." See also dependants, women, and chUdren. Pemberton's Jour, in 1 M. H. Coll. ii. ' Boston Gazette for Aug. 14, 1775; 55. Essex Gazette for Aug. 24, 1775 ; '' Frothingham's Siege, 228. Almon's Remembrancer, ii. 41,42; ^ Frothingham's Siege, 230-232. Sparks's Corresp. of the Rev. i. 31; " Essex Gazette for Aug. 13, 1775; CauUdns's Hist. New London, 517; Boston Gazette for Aug. 14, 1775; .Frothingham's Siege, 236. Gordon's Am. Rev. i. 369 ; Thacher's ^ Boston Gazette for Aug. 14, 1775 ; Jour. 33 ; Frothingham's Siege, 227. Frothingham's Siege, 236. One of these companies arrived July 3 Joiir. Cont Cong. i. 109, 110 ; 25, and the rest Aug. 5 to 7. Essex Gazette for June 29, 1775 ; ' Frothingham's Siege, 231. Ramsay's Am. Rev. i. 199; Gordon's ^ Impartial Hist, of the War, 215; Am. Rev. i. 371, 372 ; Frothingham's Sparks's Washington, ui. 66 ; Froth- Siege, 226. "This," says Thacher, ingham's Siege, 231. The uniforms Jo-ar. 32, " is the fii-st general or con- of the Americans, says a letter of July VOL. III. 4 50 OCCUPATION OF PLOUGHED HILL. A more important movement was the occupation of Ploughed , Hill, now Mount Benedict, in front of Winter Hill, and within 1775. point blank shot of Bunker Hill. The rumor, which had been circulating for weeks, that the British intended to storm the American intrenchments, determined Washington to occupy this hill ; and, as it was suspected that this step would bring on an engagement, the occasion was one of unusual interest. Aug.26. A fatigue party of twelve hundred men, and a guard of twen ty-four hundred, under General Sullivan, were detailed for this service, and worked so diligently during the night, that in the morning the works were sufficiently strong to afford some protection against the enemy's cannon. At an early Aug.27. hour the British opened their batteries, but the fire was not returned ; and, though they continued for several days to bombard the works, they did not venture upon any open .Sep. 10. attack ; and after a time their firing ceased.' Before this date, an incident had occurred which reflected little credit on Gage or his followers. This was the felling, in Boston, of Liberty Tree, famous in the annals preceding the revolution, and which was a sacred relic in the eyes of the people. Armed with axes, the " troops and the tories " at tacked it with fury ; and, " after a long spell of laughing and grinning, sweating, swearing, and foaming with diabolical malice," they succeeded in bringing its tufted honors to the 'ground — but not without the loss of one of their number, perched on the topmost limb, who was crushed by his precip itate fall to the ground. Yet, though Liberty Tree had fallen, the " grand American tree of liberty, planted in the centre of the United Colonies of North America," remained unharmed, 19,«are made of bro^vn Holland and Gazette for Aug. 31, 1775; Force's Osnabui^s, something like a shirt. Am. Archives, ii. 1755 ; Almon's Ee double caped over the shoulder, in membrancer, ii. 1'79, 180; Sparks's imitation of the Indians ; and on the Washington, iii. 71, 73, 84 ; Gordon's breast, in capital letters, is their mot- Am. Rev. i. 405 ; Frothingham's . to, ' Liberty or death.' " Siege, "233, 234. 'Heath's Mems. 26, 27; Essex CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN WASHINGTON AND GAGE. 51 and " flourished with unrivalled, increasing beauty, bidding chap. fair, in a short time, to afford under its wide-spreading ^¦'¦• branches a safe and happy retreat for all the Sons of Liberty, .1775. however numerous and dispersed." ' The only other incident of importance which occurred at this time was a correspondence between Washington and Gage relative to the treatment of American prisoners. A number had been taken at the battle of Bunker Hill ; and officers and soldiers, without distinction, had been thrust into the common jail, and treated as felons. Washington protest ed against the injustice of this course, and hinted that, if it Aug.ii. was persisted in, he should be compelled to retaliate ; but Gage, in reply, with his accustomed insolence, declared that Aug.i3. " Britons, ever preeminent in mercy, had outgoije common examples, and overlooked the criminal in the captive." "Upon these principles," he added, "your prisoners, whose lives, by the laws of the land, are destined to tlie cord, have hitherto been treated with care and kindness, and more com fortably lodged than the king's troops in the hospitals — indis criminately, it is true, for I acknowledge no rank that is not derived from the king." To this haughty message Washing ton returned a dignified reply, asserting that he could conceive of no more honorable source of rank " than that which flows from the uncorrupted choice of a brave and free people — the purest source and original fountain of all power ; " and that, so far from making this " a plea for cruelty, a mind of true magnanimity and enlarged ideas would comprehend and re spect it." But the mind of Gage was too obtuse to be affected by such reasoning ; and the correspondence with Sir William Howe, a few days later, led to a suspension of that intercourse Aug.22. between the camps which had been hitherto permitted.® ' Essex Gazette for Aug. 31 and 500,501; Almon's Remembrancer, i. Sept 7, 1775; Bradford, ii. 62; 179, ii. 60; Gordon's Am. Rev. i. 404; •Frothingham's Siege, 237, 238. Niles's Principles and Acts of the Rev. ^ Essex Gazette for Oct 12, 1775 ; 266, 267 ; Bradford, ii. 54-59 ; Frotii- Sparks's Washington, iii, 59, 65-68, ingham's Siege, 240-242. 52 OCCURRENCES IN SEPTEMBER. The month of September passed quietly, upon the whole. Slight skirmishes, indeed, occurred between the American rifle- 1775. men and the British resrulars ; additional works were thrown Sep. 10. up in Roxbury ; and a detachment of a thousand men, under Colonel Benedict Arnold, was sent to Quebec, to cooperate with General Schuyler in following up, or rendering availa ble, the capture of Ticonderoga, which occurred earlier in Sep. 11. the season.' A council of war was likewise held relative to the expediency of an attack upon Boston by land and by water, in cooperation with an attempt upon their lines at Rox bury ; but it was decided to be inexpedient.® Yet, reluctant to relinquish the project, and convinced that, should the British army be considerably strengthened, the " consequences to America would be dreadful," the secretary of Washington, Joseph Reed, who may be supposed to have expressed' the views of his superior, wrote that the army and navy must, at all events, be " destroyed this winter ; " and Washington him- Sep. 21. self, in an elaborate letter to the General Congress, described his situation as " inexpressibly distressing," since the time for which the troops had been enlisted was rapidly expiring, the military chest was totally exhausted, and many of the soldiers were in a "state not far from mutiny, upon the deduction from their stated allowance."^ The situation of the British troops had somewhat improved ; and a '¦' snow," from Cork, laden with claret, pork, and butter, which arrived, bringing advices of " great armaments fitting out in England," which might be expected in the com-se of the next month, revived the drooping spirits of the army. Before the month closed, too, fuel was more abundant ; " provisions for man and beast " were daily coming in ; and, instead of ' Heath's Memoirs, 27 ; Sparks's H. CoU. ii. 227-247 ; Frothingham's Washington, iii. 63, 85, 86-91, 102, Siege, 243. 128 ; Sparks's Life of Gouverneur " Sparks's AVashington, iii. 80, 82, Morns, i. 53-61 ; Ramsay's Am. Rev. note ; MarshaU's Washino-ton, ii. 251. i. 226 et seq. ; Bradford, ii. 72, 73 ; 3 Spai-ks's Washingtonriii. 99, 104; Maine Hist CoUs. i. 341-416 ; 2 M. Frotiungham's Sie^-e 244 2^-5 PREPARATIONS FOB QUARTERING THE TROOPS. 53 being a " starved and deserted town," as had been gloomily chap. anticipated, " Boston," it was said, " will be this winter the _J^ emporium of America for plenty and pleasure." The arrange- 1775. ments for '.' pleasure," indeed, seem to have been dwelt upon with peculiar satisfaction; and, exclaiming with the poet, — " What need of piping for the songs and sherry, When our own miseries can make us merry,'' it was exultingly announced in the papers that " hivernal con certs " would be given, and that the " playhouse " in Faneuil Hall would " shew away with the tragedy of Zara, on Tues day, the 17th of October, and continue to perform on those days weekly." ' Preparations for quartering the troops in the houses of the inhabitants were now diligently prosecuted ; and for this pur pose a number of buildings near the Hay Market, at the south end, were pulled down, and the furniture was removed from other buildings.® In the midst of these movements. Gage was recalled, and General Howe was appointed to succeed him. The reverses of the seventeenth of June, attributed in England to the mismanagement of the former, though not openly alleged as, the reason, were doubtless the cause of his recall ; and though fulsome addresses were presented to his excellency, upon his departure, by the Council and the tories, the address Oct 6 of the inhaljitants was remarkably guarded, and the rejoicing among the Americans was hearty and general.^ ' Thacher's Jour. 39 ; Draper's Ga- Frothingham's Siege, 247-249. " It zette for Sept 21 and 28, 1775 ; Es- was the bane of England," says Lord sex Gazette for Sept 28, 1775 ; Froth- Mahon, Hist. Eng. vi. 53, " not mere- inghain's Siege, 239. ly on this occa,sion, but throughout ^ Essex Gazette for Sept 21, 1775; the whole early part of this war, to Frothingham's Siege, 247, 252. have for ehiels men brave, indeed, and • ' Almon's Rem embr.i neer, ii. 56- honorable, skilled in the details of the 59; Essex Gazette for Oct. 5, 1775 ; service, and zealous for Old England Gordon's Am. Rev. i. 411 ; Thacher's and King George, but in genius fitted Jour. 34 ; Sparks's Washington, iii. only for a second place, not gifted by 611,512; Lord Mahon's Hist Eng. nature with that energy and firmness vi 67 ; N. A. Rev. for Oct 1838, 368 ; essential for a chief command." 54 ARRIVAL OF HOWE. The appointment of General Howe was welcomed by the British with great enthusiasm. " Even the blunders of Bunker 1775. Hill were forgotten, so happy were most people at the change." ' But, though superior in abilities to Gage, and much more beloved by his troops, the new commander-in-chief entered upon his duties at a critical juncture ; and the reverses which the British arms had sustained impressed him with greater respect for the prowess of the provincials, who were no longer branded as a " despicable rabble," but who were feared for their resolute and unflinching bravery. Hence, in his early Oct 9. despatches to England, the general very frankly confessed to Lord Dartmouth that " the opening of the campaign from this quarter would bo attended with great hazard, as well from the strength of the country as from the intrenched position the rebels had taken." The prospect of success, indeed, was, in his view, quite doubtful ; and, under this impression, he did not hesitate to recommend an entire evacuation of Boston. At the south, a different spirit prevailed. There the tories were more numerous ; the burden of oppressive legislation had been less seriously felt ; and the enthusiasm of the people had not reached so high as to induce an entire renunciation of alle giance to England.® So long, however, as he was required to remain in Massa chusetts, General Howe devoted himself zealously to the im provement of his defences and the quartering of his army The principal works in progress at this time were the fort on Bunker Hill, where Clinton was posted, and the fortifications on Boston Neck ; 3 and as a reenforcement of five battahons, of two thousand men, was expected from Ireland, with these he proposed to " distress tiie rebels by incursions along the ' Frothingham's Siege, 251. and made tiiese middle ones the seat Sparks s Washington, iii. 114, of wai- ? The answer is easy: New note, 127, note ; Frothmgham's Siege, England is not uifested with tones, 250. " Why, asks Paine, in Crisis, and we are " ?°.L JTu ^^7 'V'' ^f"^',*^ ™^"y ' Frothmgham's Siege, 251. hath left the New England provinces, PROCLAMATIONS OF HOWE. 55 coast." 1 Beyond this, he was satisfied, but little could, be chap. accomplished. His men would " shortly have full, employment ,^^1^ in preparing quarters for the winter ; " and, as they had 1775. already sufficiently felt the weight of the American arms, they had no ambition to provoke a further trial of their strength. The quartering of the troops was accordingly hastened ; the Oct. 27. Old South Church was cleared out for a riding school ; an opening was made across the Neck from water to water ; works were erected to check incursions from Roxbury ; and redoubts were thrown up on the eminences on the Common.® With a view, also, to intimidate the patriots of Boston, who were struggling to escape to their brethren in the country, three proclamations were issued — the first of which threat- Oct. 28. ened with military execution, and the seizure of their goods and effects as traitors, any who were detected in attempting to leave the town without a written permission ; the second pro hibited, under the penalty of imprisonment and the forfeiture of the sum discovered, those to whom passes were given from carrying away more than five pounds in specie ; and the third • recommended an association of the loyalists into regular com panies, to be employed within the precincts of the town " to preserve order and good government." ^ > Sparks's Washington, iii. 134; clearmg every thing away, a beautiful, Frothingham's Siege, 250. " The carved pew, with rich fm-niture, for- enemy," says Washington, " expect a merly belongmg to a deceased gentle- considerable reenforcement this win- man in high estimation, was taken ter, and, from all accounts, are garri- down, and carried to Mr. John Amo- soning Gibraltar and other places with ry's house, by the order of an officer, foreign troops, in order to bring the who apphed the carved work to the foi-mer gamson to America." erection of a hogsty. Had the meet- " NeweU's Jour, in 4 M. H. CoU. ing house and its contents been hon- i. 269; Gordon's Am. Rev. i. 413; ored with episcopal consecration, these Frothingham's Siege, ^52. On the proceedmgs would be deemed by mul- occupancy of the Old South Gordon titudes profane and sacrilegious." observes, " It is said, and believed, ^ Boston Gazette for Nov. 6, 1775 that an offer was made of buUding a Almon's Remembrancer, ii. 191 ; complete riding school for less money Sparks's Washington, iii. 140, and than it would cost to remove the pews note ; Thacher's Jour. 35 ; Frothing- and the side gaUeries, and to maie a ham's Siege, 262, 253. proper flooring for the horses. In 56 POSITION OP THE BRITISH SHIPS. The British ships of war anchored in the harbor consisted of the Boyne, of sixty-four guns, which lay near the western 1775. end of Spectacle Island ; the Preston, of fifty guns, which was ' moored for the wintet at the eastern end of the town, between .Long Wharf and Hancock's Wharf; the Scarborough, of twenty guns, and a sloop, of sixteen guns, moored a short dis tance southward of the Preston ; and the Mercury, which was stationed upon Charles River, at the north-western side of the Oct. 4. town.' A small fleet, under Captain Mowatt, had previously sailed to the eastward, and was afterwards engaged in the Oct. 16. destruction of Falmouth, now Portland, a seaboard town in Maine.® The troops under Clinton, at Bunker Hill, consisted of about one thousand men ; and these, with the troops quar tered in Boston, and the marines and sailors, made in all an army of some ten thousand men — the whole force of the British now in Massachusetts.^ The intrenchments on Bunker Hill, as well as those in Boston, were of considerable strength — so much so that even Washington was constrained to say it would be " almost impossible to force their lines." " With out great slaughter on our side," he adds, " or cowardice on theirs, it is absolutely so. We therefore can do no more than keep them besieged, which they are, to all intents and pur poses, as closely as any troops upon earth can be who have an ' Frothingham's Siege, 255, note, ton." A letter pubhshed in Almon's ' Trumbull's MS. Letter Book B, Remembrancer, u. 230, says, " General 208 ; Gordon's Am. Rev. i. 412 ; Al- Howe has barely 6000 effective men mon's Remembrancer, ii. 124, 125 ; in Boston ; " but another, in ibid. iii. Sparks's Washington, iii. 129,130; 109, says he had " 7575 effective men, MarshaU's Washington, ii. 256; Brad- exclusive of the staff'; so that with ford, ii. 63 ; Lord Mahon's Hist Eng. the marines and sailors, he might be vi. 74 ; Willis's Hist. Portland, Part considered as 10,000 strong." Lord H. 153 ; WiUiamson's Maine, ii. 422- Barrington, liowever, iu the House 434 ; Frotliingham's Siege, 253. of Commons, reported the number of ' Gordon's Am. Rev. ; Debates in men in Boston on the 19th of July, Pari, for 1775, iii. 81 ;Sparks's Wash- exclusive of the three regiments going ington, iii. 126. " It is proposed," over to join them, as 8850 ; and as says Washington, " to keep fi-om 500 these three regiments had now ar- to 1000 men on Bunker's HiU aU rived, the number was doubtless not winter, who are to be reheved once a far from 10,000. week ; the rest to be drawn mto Bos- POSITION OP THE AMERICAN FORCES. 57 opening to the sea." The advanced works of the two armies chap. were within musket shot of each other ; and a daily 'cannon- ^^^^ ade was kept up by the British on the American lines, to 1775. which they were compelled to submit for the want of pow der, though occasionally retaliating by " giving them a shot now and then." ' The position of the American forces was not very flattering ; and during this month the energies of Washington were prin cipally directed to the reorganization of the army, which sadly needed attention, and to preparations for the winter. Rox bury, once a prosperous and flourishing village, inhabited by an intelligent and industrious yeomanry, had suffered severely from the cannon of the enemy, and was now nearly deserted. Oct 20. The main street, formerly crowded with people, was occupied only by a picket guard. Some houses had been burned, others had been pulled down, and many were empty, with their win dows taken out, and the walls filled with shot holes. The fortifications, however, were in excellent condition, and ex tended across the town in a nearly unbroken line from Dor chester to Brookline.® Charlestown was in ruins, and was occupied by the enemy. The head quarters at Cambridge, being sheltered, had suffered but little. The operations of the war had interrupted for the time being the progress of education at the college ; the students had returned to their homes, and the college buildings were occupied by the sol- diery.3 In the fitting out of a naval armament, — a matter of the greatest interest and importance, — some progress had been made ; and the few vessels chartered for service had behaved with gallantry in several engagements. So early as June, the Jun. 12. • Spark8'sWashington,iii. 28, 122, 'Thacher's Jour. 34; BeUmap's 128 ; Frothingham's Siege, 255. " The Lett in Life of BeUtnap, 92 ; Lett to world," wrote Franklin to Dr. Priest- the Earl of Dartmouth, in Almon's Re- iey, Jan. 27, 1777, in Works, viii. 198, membrancer, iiL 92; Frothmgham's " wondered that we so seldom fired a Siege, 254. cannon. Why, we could not afford it" ' Thacher's Jour. 32. 58 A NAVAL ARMAMENT FITTED CKS'S. CHAP. Rhode Island Assembly authorized two vessels to be fitted out ,_i^ at the expense of the colony, for the " protection of its trade," 1775. which were cruising before July ; ' and, on the first day of the July 1. last-named month, a similar order was passed by the Connec- Sept 2. ticut Assembly.® It was in September, however, that the first commission was issued by Washington, under his general authority as commander-in-chief, to Nicholas Broughton, a cit izen of Marblehead, who was addressed as " captain in the; army of the United Colonies of North America," and directed to " take the command of a detachment of said army, and proceed on board the schooner Hannah, at Beverly."* In October other commissions were issued ; and, as the impor tance of the subject had been urged upon the attention of the Assembly of Massachusetts by Newburyport and Salem, — two of the principal maritime towns, — which memorialized in Nov.13. favor of public armed vessels, a law was passed, draughted by Elbridge Gerry, which authorized the employment of priva teers, and established a court for the trial and condemnation of prizes.'* These vessels, the first sent out under the auspices of the colonies, and the embryo of the flourishing navy of the United States, sailed under the pine tree flag, which, was white,, ' Staples's Annals of Providence, to Quebec The action of the General 265 ; Sparks's Washington, iii. 77, Congi-ess upon the subject of a navy 616; Frothingham's Siege, 260. The does not properly fall within the proy- Provincial Congress of Massachusetts, ince of this work ; but the subject is on the 20th of June, ordered six one of interest, from its bearings upon armed vessels to be fitted out ; but the maritime greatness of our counQy. nothing seems to have been imme- ¦* Boston Gazette for Nov. 13, 1775; diately done in the matter. Austin's Life of Gem-, i. 94, 505 ; "Sparks's Washington, iii. 516; Almon's Remembrancer, ii. 149-153 ; Frothingham's Siege, 260. Impartial Hist of the AYar, 281 ; Un. ^ Corre.sp. of J. Adams, in Works,, Wan-en's Hist of the Rev. ; Mai^ X. 29-32 ; Austin's Life of Gerry, i. shall's Life of Washington, ii. 257, 101,513-520; Sparks's Washington, 258; Sparks's AVashington, iii. 124, iii. 517, 518; Frothingham's Siege, 125,154,518; Frotiiingham's Siege, 260. Captain John Selman, of Mai-- 261. Elbridge Gerry, of jMarblehead, blehead, was commissioned at the was at the bottom of this movement, same time ; and the vessels command- and it was through his influence that ed by hun and Broughton were or- the law was passed. Life of Gerry dered to the River St Lawrence, to chap. ix. intercept an ammunition vessel bomid • CONFERENCE IN BOSTON. 59 with the figure of a pine tree in the middle, and the motto chap. " Appeal to Heaven " inscribed on its folds.' ...J^^ The reorganization of the army was essentially promoted 1775. by the action of the committee appointed by the General Con gress, which, with delegates from the New England colonies, held sessions for several days, thoroughly discussed the meas- Oct 18 ures to be adopted, and unanimously agreed that an army of not less than twenty thousand three hundred and seventy-two men was necessary to be raised, and that, if required, Massa chusetts could raise twenty thousand men, Connecticut eight thousand, New Hampshire three thousand, and Rhode Island fifteen hundred, by the tenth of March, 1776. The result of this conference was extremely satisfactory to Washington ; and a plan was drawn up for the enlistment of twenty-six regiments, of eight companies each, besides riflemen and artil lery, which was substantially adopted by Congress.® The Nov. 4. question of the independence of the colonies was likewise dis cussed. Already had it been broached in various quarters by Sagacious patriots, and favorably received ; and in the army it was so fully approved that it became " offensive to pray for the king." * General Greene, of Rhode Island, himself enthu- Oct. 23. siastic in the cause of liberty, advocated the step with great ability, and urged that the alternative before them was sepa ration or subjugation. " We had as well be in earnest first as last," said he ; " for we have no alternative but to fight it out > Frothmgham's Siege, 261, 262. 257. Dr. FrankUn, Mr. Lynch, and For some valuable remarks on the Colonel Harrison were the committee early naval affidrs of the United States, appomted by Congress ; and, by their see Staples's Annals of Providence, instructions, they were to confer with 265-270. :t General Washington and the New ^ Trumbull's MS. Letter Book B, England governments relative to the 27, 210, 212-223; Essex Gazette for war. When their report was made, Oct 19, 1775; Frankhn's Works, viii. it was resolved to raise an army of 160, 198 ; Jour. Cont. Cong. i. 216- 20,372 men, ofiicers included, to be 219; Force's Am. Archives, iii.; divided mto 28 regiments, of 728 men Sparks's Corresp. of the Rev. i. 55 ; each, to be enlisted to the 31st of Sparks's Washmgton, ui. 123, note, December. 133; Ramsay's Am. Rev. i. 258; a gelknap, m Frothmgham's Siege, Bradford, ii. 50, 51 ; HUdi-eth's U. S. 263. iii. 107 ; Frothmgham's Siege, 256, 60 PROCEEDINGS OP THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS. CHAP, or be slaves." ' The interest abroad in the struggle of the _J:^^ colonies was visibly increasing ; and France was deliberating 1775. what course to take. All Europe, indeed, looked on with astonishment, and loudly applauded the valor of the Ameri cans ; while, even in England, the friends of freedom did not hesitate to pray for their success.® Yet the members of the Continental Congress continued to profess their loyalty to the crown ; and a petition to the king's Julys, "most excellent inajesty" was draughted, in which they de clared themselves " dutiful subjects," and prayed that his royal magnanimity and benevolence might direct some mode by which the united applications of his faithful colonists might be improved into a happy and perfect reconciliation. " Attached to your majesty's person, family, and government," say they, " with all the devotion that principle and affection can inspire, connected with Great Britain by the strongest ties that can unite societies, and deploring every event that lends in any degree to weaken them, we solemnly assure your majesty that we not only most ardently desire the former harmony between her and these colonies may be restored, but that a concord may be established between them upon so firm a basis as to perpetuate its blessings, uninterrupted by any future dissen sions, to succeeding generations in both countries, and to transmit your majesty's name to posterity adorned with that signal and lasting glory that has attended the memory of those illustrious personages whose virtues and abilities have extricated states from dangerous convulsions, and, by securing ' Letter in Frothingham's Siege, voice is i-ather favorable to the Amer- 263. See also the declaration of Pat- icans. In this, [England,] pai-ticu- rick Heni-y to the Virginia Conven- larly, the lower cla.ss of people are tion, March 23, 1775, in Wurt's Life, adverse to the war. . . . Neither 122. Protestants nor Catholics in any num- ' J. Adams's Autobiog. in Works, ber have been prevailed upon, either ii. 503, 504 ; Gordon's Am. Rev. ii. 43 ; in England or Leland, to enhst for Frothingham's Siege, 264. "In all the American service, though the the European countries," says Gordon, bounties have been raised, and the " where public affau-s are a subject of usual standard lowered to facihtate the writing or conversation, the general levies." ADDRESS TO THE KING. 61 happiness to others, have erected the most noble and durable chap. monuments to their own fame." ' ¦^^• This solemn appeal, which they resolved should be their 1775. last, and which is said to have been drawn up by Mr. Dickin son, of Pennsylvania, and adopted mainly through his influ ence,® was intrusted to Richard Penn, one of the proprietaries of Pennsylvania ; and it was fondly hoped that it would " prove the olive branch of reconciliation." 3 At the same time, a declaration was drawn up, and read to the assembled troops and public bodies, setting forth in strong language the causes of their taking up arms ; ¦* addresses to the inhabitants of Great Britain and to the people of Ireland were prepared ; ^ and shortly after, by the accession of Georgia to the Union, Sep. 13. which had been much desired, but long delayed, the " thirteen original colonies" were joined into one body for the " preser vation of the liberties of America ; " and from " Nova Scotia to Florida " there was a " general determination to resist to the last the claims of Great Britain." ^ ' Jour. Cont. Cong. i. 139-142 ; of the causes, motives, and objects of Gordon's Am. Rev. i. 370 ; Bradford, taking arms, with a view to obtain de- ii. 53 ; Impartial Hist, of the War, cisive declarations against independ- App. 21-23; Franklin's Works, viii. ence," &c. Diary, in Works, ii. 415. 156; Observations on the Am. Rev. General Charles Lee was also opposed 36-40 ; Lord Mahon's Hist. Eng. vi. to it, as appears from his Letter of 62. "The colonies," says Gordon, Sept 2, 1775, in Lee's Lee, i. 167. " as yet desu-e no more than a redress ^ J. Dickinson to Arthur Lee, in of grievances, and security against a Life of Lee, ii. 212 ; J. Adams's Dia- repetition of them. They most ar- ry, in Works, ii. 409 ; Ramsay's Am. dently long for a firm and mdissolu- Rev. i. 212, 213; Lord Mahon's Hist., ble union with the parent state upon Eng. vi. 63. these grounds. Thus is it with the ^ Lord Mahon's Hist Eng. vi. 62. army. It is the wish of General ¦* Jour. Cont Cong. i. 134-139 ; Washington particularly, and such is 1 M. H. Coll. ii. 50-55 ; Gordon's its reasonableness that he hopes and Am. Rev. i. 369. The conclusion expects, that the contest wiU be short- of this declaration was exceedingly ly terminated, so as to admit of his eloquent eating his next Christmas dinner at ° Jour. Cont Cong. i. 142-148, 168 his own delightful residence at Mount -172 ; Gordon's Am. Rev. i. 370, 374; Vernon." John Adams was strongly Impartial Hist, of the War, 2 19 ; Obs. opposed to this address, which he on the Am. Rev. 40-49._ calls " a measure of imbecihty." "It « Jour. Cont Cong. i. 181, 182; occasioned," says he, " motions and Impartial Hist of the War, 220 ; Gor- debates without end for appomting don's Am. Rev. i. 387 ; Bissett's Hist nommittees to draw up a declai-ation Eng. i. 427, 428. 62 STATE OF PUBIjIC FEELING IN ENGLAND. In England, however, notwith.standing there were many warm friends to the colonies, the current of public feeling, 1775. owing to studied misrepresentations of their sentiments and purposes, was turning against them ; and it was openly an nounced that " the violent measures towards America are fairly adopted, and countenanced by a majority of individuals of all ranks, professions, or occupations in the country." ' The magistrates of London, indeed, constituted a signal exception Aug. to this remark ; for, when the proclamation of the king was issued for " suppressing rebellion and sedition in America, and preventing traitorous correspondence with that country," and when this proclamation was read at the Royal Exchange, Wilkes, the lord mayor, showed his dissent in the most de- 'cided manner, and at the close of the ceremony his partisans hissed.® Yet the loyal addresses which poured in from all parts of the kingdom, — from the trading towns as well as from the rural districts, — declaring in strong terms their attachment to the throne and constitution, approving the acts of government, condemning the " insurgents," and recommend ing perseverance until they should be " reduced to a thorough obedience," prove how wide-spread was the feeling in favor of coercion, and how little sympathy was felt for the " rebels." ' ' Burke's Corresp. ii. 68; Ram- enthe independence of the British say's Am. Rev. i. 280 ; Bissett's Hist legislature, and ai-dently wish an effort' Eng. i. 441 ; Lord Mahon's Hist. Eng. may be taken to accommodate." See vi. 69 ; Bradford, ii. 70. Comp. Jour, also Franklin's AA'orks, ^iii. 177. ContCong. i. 103. "As fai- as my = Am. Reg. for 1775, 149; Go^ experience reaches," says Curwen, don's Am. Rev. ii. 45, 46 ; Lord Ma- Jour. 38, under date Aug. 31, 1775, hon's Hi.st Eng. vi. 69. From several " I have observed that the upper ranks, other places petitions against coercive most of the capital stockholders, and, measm-es were presented ; and great lam told, the principal nobihty, are bodies of American, Aft-ican, and West for forcing the supremacy of Parlia- Lidian merchants, with a majority of ment over the colonies ; and from the inhabitants of London and Bris- the^ middle ranks down are opposed tol, stiU sti-uggled to have matters re- to it" Comp. also ibid. 35, under stored to then- ancient state ; but all date Aug. 8, 1775. " There appears was to no pm-pose. Almon's Remem- to be a tenderness here in the minds braucer, u. 334 et seq. of many for America, even of those ' Gordon's Am. Rev.' ii. 45 ; Bis- who disapprove of the prmciples of an sett's Hist Eng. i. 442 ; Lord Mahon's REJECTICN OP THE PETITION OP THE COLONIES. 63 Under these circumstances, as might have been expected, chap. when the petition of the colonies was brought over to be pre- _^ij,^ sented to the king, and when Richard Penn and Arthur Lee 1775. placed it in the hands of Lord Dartmouth, it was received in silence ; and, three days later, they were informed that " no Sept. 4. answer would be given." ' The Duke of Grafton, who had long viewed with solicitude the violent measures adopted by the ministry, had previously written to Lord North, urging a Aug. reconciliation with America, and expressing his belief that " the inclinations of the majority of persons of respectability and property in England differed in little else than words from the declaration of the Congress ; that if deputies from the United Colonies could not be acknowledged by the king, other expedients might be devised by which the wishes and expectations of his majesty's American subjects might be stated and properly considered ; and that a want of intercourse had hitherto been, and must still remain, an insuperable bar to accommodation."® No attention, however, was immediately paid to this letter ; and when it was answered, a draught of Oct. 20 the king's intended speech to Parliament was enclosed, and his grace was politely informed that measures of coercion had been " unalterably decided upon." ^ In this state of affairs, the duke came to town, and requested an interview with the king ; but, though his majesty respectfully listened to his state ments, and " condescendingly endeavored to demonstrate, by calm and dispassionate reasoning, the justice, the policy, and the necessity of this war, and the absolute certainty of ulti mate success," no intention of yielding to the colonies was Hist Eng. vi. 69. Manchester, in who supported and those who opposed this case, distinguished itself by taking it, revived that party distinction of the lead. whig and tory, which had been dor- ' Stedman's Am. War, i. 154; n}ant since the reign of Queen Anne." Ramsay's Am. Rev. i. 214; Bissett's ' Belsham's Geo. IILii. 132; Bis- Hist. Eng. i. 461 ; Lord Mahon's sett's Hist Eng. i. 450 ; Lord Ma- Hist. Eng. vi. 69. " The fiite of this hon's Hist Eng. vi. 71. petition," says Stedman, " and the ac- ^ Belsham's Geo. IH. ii. 133 ; Lord rimony of argument used by those Mahon's Hist. Eng. vi. 71. 64 CONVOCATION OF PARLIAMENT. CHAP, announced ; and the duke, unwilling to sanction such meas- __^ ures, resigned his post as lord privy seal. Dartmouth wag 1775. appointed his successor ; and the American secretaryship was bestowed upon Lord George Germaine, formerly Lord Sack- ville, who had hitherto acted uniformly with the court, and whose military knowledge and undoubted talents iU atoned for the violence of his temper and the rashness of his conduct.' Oct 26. The convocation of Parliament took place in October;^ and the session was opened by an unusually long and elabo rate oration from the throne, containing charges against Massachusetts of the wildest description, accusing the people of a " desperate conspiracy," and of " harboring a premeditated and general revolt." " They have raised troops," said the king, " and are collecting a naval force ; they have seized the public revenue, and assumed to themselves legislative, executive, and judicial powers, which they already exercise in the most arbi trary manner over the persons and properties of their fellow- subjects ; and although many of these unhappy people may still retain their loyalty, and may be too wise not to see the fatal consequences of this usurpation, and wish to resist it, yet the torrent of violence has been strong enougli to compel their acquiescence, till a sufScient force shall appear to support them." " It is now," he added, " become the part of wisdom to put a speedy end to these disorders by the most decisive exertions. For this purpose, I have increased my naval estab lishment, and greatly augmented my land forces ; but in such a manner as may be the least burdensome to my kingdoms." ' The motion for an address conformable to this speech pro voked, in both Houses, an animated debate. In the House of ' Belsham's Geo. IIL ii. 136 ; Bis- ' Debates in House of Commons sett's Hist. Eng. i. 450 ; Lord Mahon's for 1775, iii. 1-4 ; Boston Gazette for Hist Eng. vi. 71. Jan. 8, 1776 ; Stedman's Am. War.i. " The date is October 25 in some 155 ; Gordon's Am. Rev. ii. 46 ; Eam- authorities, and October 26 in others ; say's Am. Rev. i. 281 ; Bissett's Hist but the latter is doubtless the true Eng. i. 444, 445 ; Lord Mahon's Hist date. Eng. vi. 70. DISCUSSIONS IN PARLIAMENT. 65 Lords, Rockingham, in particular, condemned in the most chap. pointed manner the measures recommended by his majesty, as _i^ fraught with ruinous consequences to the nation ; and the 1775. Duke of Grafton, freed from official ties by the resignation of his post, took part against the ministers with a zeal corre sponding to the strength of his convictions ; but, after a long and vehement discussion, the original motion was carried by a vote of seventy-six to thirty-three.' The debate in. the Commons was chiefly distinguished by the offence which seemed to be taken by many of the country gentlemen — the Sir Roger de Coverleys of the House — at that clause in the speech in which the king avowed his intention to introduce a body of his electoral, forces into the garrisons of Port Mahon and Gibraltar ; yet the opposition to that part in which the affairs of America were touched upon called forth eloquent speeches from Lord John Cavendish, Mr. Wilkes, Governor Johnstone, General Conway, Luttrell, Barre, Burke, Pox, and Dunning.® On the other side. Lord North was supported by Mr. Ackland, the mover of the address. Governor Lyttleton, who seconded it, and Germaine, Barrington, Wedderburne, Ferguson, and Thurloe; and so strong was the majority in his favor, that, after a whole night's discussion, when the question was. taken, at a quarter past four in the morning, on an amendment which had been proposed, expressing con- ' Boston Gazette for Jan. 15, 1776 ; volved them in a civil war against Belsham's Geo. HI. u. 135, 136; Gor- their clearest interests, and upon the don's Am.. Rev. u. 48, 49 ; Ramsay's most unjustifiable grounds — wanton- Am. Rev. i. 282 ; Lord Mahon's Hist ly spilling the blood of thousands of Eng. vi. 72. The opponents of the their fellow-subjects." speech not only declared the American '¦' Debates in House of Commons war to be " unjust and impolitic in its for 1775, iii. 4-44; Boston Gazette principles and fatal in its consequences," for Jan. 29, 1776 ; Gordon's Am. Rev. but affirmed that they could not con- ii. 47. General Conway condemned sent to an address " which might- de- in the most decisive terms the Amer- ceive his majesty and the pubUc into ican war, declaring it to be cruel, un- a behef of the confidence of their necessary, and unnatural, and calling House in the present ministers, who it in plain terms " a butchery of his had disgraced Pariiament, deceived fellow-subjects." the nation, lost the colonies, and in- TOL. III. 5 66 EXAMINATION OP PENN. CHAP, cern that the means used to allay and suppress the disorders __^f^ in the colonies had tended to increase, instead of diminishing, 1775. the disturbances, it was rejected by^a vote of two hundred Oct. 28. and seventy-eight to one hundred and eight, and the address was carried and sent to the king.' Nov. This defeat, however, did not discourage the friends of America ; and in the following month the opposition was es pecially active. No formal notice had as yet been taken of Nov. 7. the petition from America ; but, at the instance of the Duke of Richmond, Mr. Penn, who had been sent 'with the same, Nov. 10. was admitted to be examined at the bar of the House of Lords, and a motion was made that the petition he had brought afforded " ground for a conciliation of the unhappy differences subsisting between Great Britain and America ; " but the motion was negatived by a vote of eighty-six to thirty-three.^ Debates were next raised against employing foreign troops without the consent of Parliament ; but on this, as on the other point, they were defeated. Nor did the subsequent motions of Burke and Fox, Sawbridge and Oliver, Hartley and the Duke of Grafton, tending to peace with America, meet with a better fate. The " morbid majority " in favor of coercion proved, after all, too strong to be defeated ; and the government was left at full liberty to pursue its negotia- ' Debates, &c., in. 4-46 ; Sted- was sent out by the Boston gentry, man's Am. War, i. 158 ; Bissett's and, farcical enough, we gave great Hist Eng. i. 44.5 ; Boston Gazette for joy to them, without knowing or in- Jan. 22, 29, 1776. The reception of tending it ; for on that day, the day the speech in America was such as which gave bemg to the new army, might have been expected ; and but before the proclamation came to Wa,shington wrote, Jan. 4, 1776, " AVe hand, we had hoisted the Union flag, are at length favored with a sight of in comphment to the United Colo- his majesty's most gracious speech, nies." Sparks's AVashington, iii. 224, breathing sentiments of tenderness 225. and compassion for his deluded Amer- " Belsham's Geo. IH. ii. 138-140; ican subjects. The echo is not yet Stedman's Am. War, i. 160; Boston come to hand ; but we know what it Gazette lor Feb. 12 and March 18, must be ; and, as Lord North said, — 1776 ; 1 M. H. CoU. ii. 58; Gordon's , and we ought to have believed and Am. Rev. ii. 50, 5 1 ; Niles's Principles acted accordingly, — we now know and Acts of the Rev. 249-251 ; Bis- ^ the ultimatum of British justice. The sett's Hist Eng. i. 451,452; Lord ¦speech I send you. A volume of them Mahon's Hist Eng. vi. 72. LORD north's prohibitory BILL. 67 tions with petty German princes for the hire of mercenaries chap. to strengthen the army under General Howe.' Before ^__^.^ Christmas, likewise, the prohibitory bill of Lord North, intro- 1775. Deo. 11. duced towards the last of November, was passed, which re- Nov.20. pealed the Boston Port Bill and the two restraining acts of the previous session, but absolutely interdicted all trade and commerce with the thirteen insurgent colonies so long as their rebellion should continue.® During the discussion, the gallery of the House was closed to strangers, " for the pretended rea son that the floor was too small, and the gallery necessary for the use of members ; " the stringent clauses of the bill were defended in speeches of the most extravagant character ; and, in particular, Lord Mansfield, to signalize his own arbitrari ness, quoted the laconic speech of Gustavus Adolphus, who, on a certain occasion, pointed to the enemy, and exclaimed to his soldiers, " See you those lads ? Kill them, or they will kill you." 3 Well might Burke remark, in view of such legislation, " It affords no matter for very pleasing reflection to observe that our subjects diminish as our laws increase."^ Had Chat ham been able to appear in Parliament, to launch at the admin istration those thunderbolts of indignation before which his ' Letter of Jedediah Huntington, ther under Chap. HI. of this volume Jan. 14, 1776, in TrumbuU MSS. v. The assent of the king to this bUlwas 6 ; Debates in House of Commons for given on the 21st of December. 1775, iii. 236 et seq. ; Stedman's Am. ' Curwen's Jom-. 40, 41 ; Pari. AVar, i. 162-164 ; Boston Gazette for Hist Eng. xviii. 1102; Debates in Feb. 26 and March 18, 1776 ; Gor- House of Commons for 1775, iii. ; don's Am. Rev. ii. 49, 53 ; Ramsay's Belsham's Geo. IH. n. 145 ; Bissett's Am. Rev. i. 282. 28,000 seamen and Hist Eng. i. 453, 454; Ramsay's 65,000 land forces were voted to be Am. Rev. i. 284 ; Lord Mahon's Hist employed, including the troops already Eng. vi. 72. "The questions of ori- in America. Holmes's Am. Ann. ii. ginal right and wrong," said he, " ai-e 237, note. The concihatory bill of no longer to be considered. We ai-e Burke was introduced on the 16th of engaged in a war, and must use our November, and Fox's motion on the utmost efibrts to obtain the ends pro- 22d. posed by it. We must either fight or ^ Debates,&c.,iii.; Belsham's Geo. be pursued; and the justice of the in. ii. 144 ; Impartial Hist of the cause must give way to our present War, 291 ; Gordon's Am. Rev. ii. 53, situation." 54 ; Ramsav's Am. Rev. i. 282 ; Lord " Lett, to the Sheriffs of Pi-mceton, Mahon's Hist Eng. vi. 72. See fur- 1777 ; Lord Mahon's Hist. Eng. ri. 73. 68 movements in America. chap, opponents had so often quailed, the passage of this bill might, ;^ perhaps, have been prevented ; b^it, prostrated by an illnegg 1775. similar to that which had once before affected him, h^ re^ mained shut up in his house, and was secluded from the world for a period of two years, when, for the last tinje, he emerged into public life, and closed his long and brilliant career whije warmly defending the cause of liberty,' While these movements were in progress in ^-ngland, in America the army under Washington was prosecuting with still greater rigor the siege of Boston. The proclamations of Gage, issued before he left the country, had been severely Nov.12. censured ; and, as an offset to the same, orders were sent to General Sullivan to repair to Portsmouth, N. H., to complete the works already begun there, and seize all the officers of the crown'in those parts who had given proofs of unfriendli ness to the patriot cause. Similar orders were likewise trans mitted to Governor Cooke, of Rhode Island ; and to Governor Nov.15. Trumbull, of Connecticut, Washington wrote, "Would it not be prudeiit to seize on those tories who have been, are, and that we know will be active against us ? Why should persons who are preying on the vitals of their country be suffered to stalk at large, while we know they will do every mischief in their power ? " ® The reorganization of the army still proved a matter of difficulty, and occupied a large share of the attention of the commander-in-chief Jealousies existed at the south, as well as at the north ; and, in consequence of this distraction in the public councils, and the heartburnings among the officers, who fancied they were neglected, it became necessary to proceed with delicacy and caution.^ The New England colonies, up ' Lord Mahon's Hist Eng. vi. 73, ' " Connecticut,'' -wrote Washing- 74. ton to Reed, Nov. 8, 1775, "wants * TrumbuU MS. Letter Book B, no Massachusetts man in their corps. 228 ; Sparks's Washington, iii. 145, Massachusetts thinks there is no ne- 159, note ; Sparks's Corresp. of the cessity to be introduced amongst Bev. i. 70 i Frothingham's Siege, 253. them ; and New Hampshh-e says it is embarrassments of WASHINGTON. 69 to this date, had borne a large share of the burden of the dftAP. war ; and, with the exception of the rifle companies from the ^J:^^^ Middle States, which had recently arrived, they had fought 1775. single-handed and alone. Yet the cause in which they were engaged was the cause of the country ; for, had England suc ceeded in conquerihg Massachusetts, the effects of this triumph would have been every where felt. It was, therefore, with reason that the people of the north appealed to the south for aid, and that the General Congress sanctioned this appeal. Yet the valor of the New England troops had excited the envy of the south ; and Gerry wrote, " The eyes of friends and foes are fixed on this colony ; and if jealotisy or envy can sully its reputation, they will not miss the opportunity." ' Washington felt the embarrassment of his position, and aimed to supplant this local jealousy by a union of spirit. His per sonal letters and those of his officers are full of this theme ; and the diffictilties encountered were " really inconceivable." Recruiting orders were issued ; but, after a month's exertions, Nov.12 only five thousand men had enlisted.® He was nearly dis couraged. " Such a dearth of public spirit," he wrote, " and very hard that her valuable and expe- Frothingham's Siege, 265. " Let it rieuced officers (who are wiUing to be remembered," says Gerry, " that serve) should be discarded because the first attack was made on this col- her own regiments, under the new es- ony ; that we had to keep a regular tabhshment, cannot provide for them." force without the advantage of a reg- Reed's Reed, i. 126. Comp. also ibid, ular government ; that we had to sup- i. 131, 132. Governor TrumbuU, of port in the field from 12,000 to 14,000 Connecticut, also wrote to President men, when the whole forces voted Hancock, Oct 9, 1775, "Itisunhap- by the other New England govem- py that jealousies should be excited ments amounted to 8500 only." or disputes of any sort be litigated ' From a letter of President Han- between any of the colonies, to disu- cock to Governor Trumbull, Dec. 8, nite them at a time when our hber- 1775, in Trumbull's MS. Letter Book ties, our property, and our all is at B, 35, it appears that, from Novem- Btake. If om- enemies prevaU, which ber 19 to November 28, but 2540 can happen only by our disunion, our men had enhsted, and 966 previously lealousies will then appear groundless, — in all, about 3500 men. See, also, and all our disputed claims of no same to same, Dec. 2, in ibid. 34, on value to either side." Trumbull MS. enhsting soldiers for one year fi'om Letter Book B, 30. Jan. 1, 1776. For a hst of officers, ' Gen-y's Letter of Oct 9, 1775, Nov. 4, see N. E. Hist Gen. Reg. for in Austm's Life of Gerry, i. 116; 1850,67,68. 70 PROSECUTION OP THB SIEGE. CHAP, want of virtue ; such stockjobbing, and fertility in all the .^^^^ low arts, to obtain advantage on one hand or another, in this 1775. great change of military arrangement, I never saw before, and pray God I never may be witness to again." " Could I have foreseen," he adds, " what I have experienced, and am likely to experience, no consideration upon earth should have induced me to accept this command. A regiment, or any sub ordinate department, would have been accompanied with ten times the satisfaction, and perhaps ten times the honor." ' . Undaunted, however, by even such discouragements, Wash ington determined to continue the siege, and to bring it to a close, if possible, before the spring opened. For this purpose, Nov. 9. in November, after a skirmish had occurred at Lechmere's Nov.22. Point,® ground was broken at Cobble or Miller's Hill by a detachment of about one thousand men under General Put nam, and the intrenchments were completed by another de tachment under General Heath, without receiving a shot from the enemy.3 Yet the situation of the Americans was " truly alarming," notwithstanding the works which had been thrown up for their defence, and others which were projected, and "occasionally manned in case of a sortie."* The success of ' Sparks's Washington, iii. 178, tack, in this mstance, was made by 179; Reed's Reed, i. 130, 131 ; Lord the British. Mahon's Hist Eng. vi. 81; Froth- ^ Almon's Remembrancer, ii. 229; ingham's Siege, 266, 267. The legis- Heath's :Mems.' 30 ; Essex Gazette lature of Ma.ssaohusetts did aU they for 1775; Spai-ks's AA''ashington, E coidd to encourage the citizens to join 172, 175 ; Reed's Reed, i. 129, 131 ; the army, and in an address, urging Gordon's Am. Rev. i. 415; Frothing- them to engage in the mUitai-y ser- ham's Siege, 268, 269. vice, said, " Happy wUl be the man ¦" Sparks's AVashington, iii. 176; who shaU be able to boast that he Reed's Reed, i. 129 ; Frothingham's was one of those who assisted in this Siege, 269. " I have caused," wi-ote arduous but noble work. In serenity AA''ashington, " two half-moon batte- he shaU pass his future days ; and, ries to be thrown up, for occasional when satisfied with hfe, he will have use, between Lechmere's Point and theproud satisfaction of bequeathing the mouth of Cambridge River, and the inestimable patrimony to his another at the causey going to grateful childi-en." Bradford, ii. 52. Lechmere's Point, to command that ' Gordon's Am. Rev. i. 415 ; pass and ralie the httle rivulet which Sparks's Washington, iii. 157 ; Froth- runs bv it to Patterson's Fort Be- ingham's Siege, 267, 268. The at- sides these, I have been and maiked OPERATIONS IN DECEMBER. 71 their privateers gave some encouragement, especially the cap- chap. ture of the ordnance brig_ Nancy, laden with military stores, _^^ which " spread such universal joy through the camp, as if each 1775. grasped victory in his hand." " The huzzas on the occasion," it is added, " were heard, I dare say, through all the territo ries of our most gracious sovereign in this province." ' December came, at length ; but no disposition was evinced on the part of the British to forsake their quarters, or to attack the American camp. The weather was piercingly cold, and the snow had commenced falling, so that the movements of the Americans were prosecuted with difficulty. Washing ton was unable to account for the silence of the enemy. Daily did he expect an attack, but no troops appeared. They re mained quietly in their shelter, and contented themselves with looking on quite indifferently, while a causeway was con structed over the marsh leading to Lechmere's Point, and a Dec. 12. covered way was carried from thence nearly to the top of Dec. 16. the adjacent hill. When, however, a detachment of three Dec. 17 hundred men was sent, under General Putnam, to break ground at the base of the hill, near the water, they were aroused for a moment, and began to cannonade the intruders with round and grape shot from the decks of a ship of war which lay near by, and from the battery at Barton's Point, mounted with twenty-four pounders and mortars. But this did not prevent the continuance of the work ; and, on the following day. Gen- Dec. 18l eral Heath was ordered to the spot, and in the afternoon Wash out three places between Sewell's Point War, 290 ; Frothingham's Siege, 269, -^ and our lines on Roxbury Neck for 270. Putnam was so oveijoyed, on works to be thrown up, and occasion- this occasion, that he hastily jumped aUy manned, in case of a sortie, when upon the huge mortar which had been the bay gets froze." captured and mounted on its bed, ' History of the War in America, and, with a bottle of rum in his hand, 167; Heath's Mems. 31; Thacher's amidst the shouts of the assembled Jour. 36 ; Gordon's Am. Rev. i. 416 ; multitude, stood " parson to christen, Ramsay's Am. Rev. i. 224 ; Sparks's while godfather Mifflin gave it the Washington, iii. 182, 183 ; Reed's name of Congress." This mortar. Reed, i. 132, 133 ; MarshaU's Wash- however, was soon after spht and ren- ington, i. 258 ; Impartial Hist of the dered useless. 72 CONDITION OP THE ARMY AT THE CLOSE OP THE TEAR. CHAP, ington and other general officers visited him, and encouraged __J^ him to persevere in his labors.' The result was highly en- 1775. couraging ; for in a very short time two redoubts were thrown up, and a covered line of communication was built along the causeway quite up to the redoubts. The completion of these works gave to the Americans a commanding position ; and Colonel Moylan wrote, " Give us powder and authority, and Boston can be set in flames." ® At the close of the year 1775, the American army is said to have numbered less than ten thousand men — so greatly had it been reduced by the departure of those whose term of enlistment had expired, and by the lukewarmness with which the business of recruiting was prosecuted.^ The letters of Washington are full of complaints on this subject ; and, satis fied that it was no time for trifling, and that the exigency of public affairs called aloud for vigorous exertions, he continued to urge upon the Assemblies of the New England colonies and the General Congress the necessity of adopting measures to facilitate the completion of the army.'* The troops from Con- ' Thacher's Jour. 37 ; Heath's 239. " Our returns of enhstments to Mems. 32 ; Reed's Reed, i. 136 ; this day," wrote AA''ashington, Dec 25, NeweU's Jour, in 4 M. H. CoU. i. 1775, " amount to 8500 men." On 270 ; Frothingham's Siege, 270, 271. the 31st, he wi'ote, " Our enhstment* ^ Heath's Memoirs, 34 ; Sparks's now amount to 9650 men ; " and on Washmgton, ui. 205, 213; Reed's the 14th Jan. 1776, " Our total num- Beed, i. 137 ; Frothingham's Siege, ber upon paper aniomits to about 271,272. "B the rebels," \vi-ote one of 10,500." A -miter, however, hi Al- the British officers, " can complete the mon's Remembrancer, Jan. 6, 1776, new battery wliich they are raising, vol. ii. 238, says, " There are now 26 this to^vll will be on fire about our regiments complete at Cambridge, of ears a few hours after — all our build- 632 eft'ective men, which amomits to ings being of wood, or a mixture of 16,422. The Connecticut troops re- brick and woodwork. Had the reb- turned home after tiie expiration of els erected then- battery on the other their time. That colony is now raising side of the town, at Dorchester, the 19 regiments, of 900 eflfective men admiral and all his booms would have each. New York has raised 4, of 7oO made the first blaze, and the burning men each ; Jersey 2, of 632 ; and of the town would have followed. If Pennsylvania 5, of 632 effective men. we cannot destroy the rebel battery The number raised in the southern by our guns, we must march out and colonies I cannot inform you." take it, sword in hand." ¦> For the instructions of Congress ' Ramsay's Am. Rev. i. 259 ; on this subject, see Sparks's Correap* Sparks's Washington, ni. 214, 220, of the Rev. i. 91. RECRUITS FOR THE ARMY. 73 necticut were particularly mutinous ; nor was it believed that chaP. the other colonies would give stronger proofs of attach- ,.j[^ ment to the common cause, upon the arrival of the period 1775 when they might claim their dismission.' In this, however, he was happily disappointed ; for the citizens of Massachu setts promptly responded to the call for their enlistment, and New Hampshire behaved nobly, discovering a zeal which did her the highest honor.® The people of Connecticut, too, " filled with grief, surprise, and indignation," were aroused to action ; and the inhabitants of the several towns, to redeem their credit, evinced their readiness to march to the camp, " upon their being acquainted with the behavior and deser tion of their troops." ^ Upon the whole, therefore, the aspect of affairs began to be more encouraging ; and the despatch made, both by the people in marching and by the legislative powers in complying with his requests, gave " infinite satisfac tion " to the commander-in-chief.'* The want of powder was still seriously felt, nor was the supply of cannon remarkably large ; ^ but the filling up of the army, the erection of bar- ' Thacher's Jour. 37. " The same men in the service this -winter, either desire of retiring into a chimney cor- as part of the continental army, or as ner," wrote Washington to Reed, Jan. provincial troops to protect and guard 4, 1776, " seized the troops of New the sea coast. See the rolls at the Hampshire, Rhode Island, and Mas- State House, and comp. Bradford, ii. sachusetts, (so soon as their time ex- 79. pired,) as has worked upon those of ' TrumbuU MS. Letter Book B, Connecticut, notwithstanding many of 229,231; Sparks's Washington, iii. them made a tender of their services 198 ; Reed's Reed, i. 146, 147 ; to continue till the hnes could be suf- Sparks's Corresp. of the Rev. i. 103, ficiently strengthened." Reed's Reed, 104. General Lee, who was in Con- i. 141. necticut soon after, with recruiting or- * Sparks's Washington, iii. 195; ders, speaks of the "noble spirit in Reed's Reed, i. 134 ; Frothingham's the province ; " and Trumbull wrote Siege, 273, 274. " The mUitia are to Washington, Jan. 22 and Feb. 2, coming in fast," wrote Washington, 1776, that the troops were raising, on the 1 1th of December. " I am and that the regiments were filhng up much pleased with the alacrity which as fast as possible. Ti-umbidl MS* the good people of this province, as Letter Book B, 251, 253, 255. well as those of New Hampshire, have * Sparks's AVashington, iii. 206. shown upon this occasion." See, fiir- * Sparks's Washington,* iii. 213, ther, his letter of Jan. 4, 1776, in 215. " A committee froffl the Gen- Sparks's Washington, ui. 225. Mas- eral Court of this province called on sachusetts, it is said, had nearly 10,000 me the other day, informing me that 74 Washington's reflections. CHAP, racks, and the supply of firewood, which came in freely, made ^_^i[J;^ the condition of the soldiers more comfortable and easy, and 1775. caused them to show a better disposition, and to labor more cheerfully.' 1776. Ill reviewing the experience of the past few months, well might Washington write, " It is easier to conceive than to ' describe the situation of my mind, and my feelings, under our present circumstances. Search the vast volumes of history through, and I much question whether a case similar to ours is to be found — : to wit, to maintain a post against the flower of the British troops for six months together, without powder, and, at the end of them, to have one army disbanded, and another to raise, witliin the same distance of a reenforced enemy." ® Nor was it without cause that he expressed these views ; for, under all the circumstances, it must be acknowl edged that the difficulties he had encountered were such as could have never been met by an officer of inferior abilities ; nor could they have been overcome by him, had he not been seconded by eminent patriots in different parts of the country, who endeavored to allay the spirit of faction, soften local prejudices, and remove the causes which had hitherto pre vented a harmony of action. That he did succeed, is to his credit, and to the credit of those who cooperated with him. It was indeed a time that " tried men's souls," a season of unusual darkness and' gloom ; and, had not the clouds been speedily dispersed, the consequences must have been fatal in the extreme.^ they were in great want of ordnance " Sparks's Washington, iii. 225 ; for the defence of the colony." " Om- Reed's Reed, i. 141; Gordon's Am. want of powder is inconceivable." Rev. ii. 14; Ramsay's .\m. Rev. i. " Every thing thaws here," wrote 259 ; Thacher's Jom-. 37. ;V[oylan to Reed, Jan. 2, 1776, " ex- ' Lord Mahon's Hist Eng. vi. 65. cept OklPut. He is stUl as hard as "It is highly to the honor of AVash- ever, crying out for powder, powder ! ington, laboring under so many dis- Ye gods,i give us powder." Reed's advantages, to have yet achieved so Reed, i. 139. much." ' Frothingham's Siege, 274-276 POSITION OP THE BRITISH. 75 The position of the British army was equally discouraging, chap. Sickness extensively prevailed in Boston — the small pox, ^^• especially, having made sad havoc with the troops ; ' the com- 1776. missariat was very ill contrived ; provisions were scarce ; fuel ^"' was wanting, and could only be obtained with the greatest difficulty ; and the severity of the season, — the piercing winds and driving snows, — to which they were unaccustomed, caused much distress.® Nor were the tories, who had enlisted under Brigadier Ruggles, in a much better condition, notwithstand ing their loyalty was amply rewarded by the gracious per mission to " wear a white sash around the left arm ; " and the " Loyal Irish Volunteers," who were distinguished by a " white cockade," found even that ornament insufficient to satisfy the cravings of hunger.^ Many, in consequencp of their suffer ings, were driven to desperation ; and it was only by the exercise of the strictest discipline on the part of General Howe, that the more lawless were kept from plundering pri vate property and breaking out into all manner of riotous excesses. In some cases, offenders were hanged ; in others, they were sentenced to receive from four hundred to one thou sand lashes, according to the heinousness of their offence ; and an instance is recorded of the wife of a private, who was sen tenced " to receive one hundred lashes on her bare back with a cat-o'-nine-tails, at the cart's tail, in different portions of the ' Almon's Remembrancer, ii. 230 ; " Thacher's Jour. 36 ; Frothing* Frothmgham's Siege, 280. " The dis- ham's Siege, 280. Comp. Lord Ma- tress of the troops and people at Bos- hon's Hist. Eng. vi. 81. ton exceeds the possibility of descrip- ^ Frothingham's Siege, 279. The tion. There are advices in town of orders for the enlistment of the loy- December 14 ; not a coal ship was alists were issued in November ; and then arrived ; the inhabitants and the general order of the 17th of that troops literally starving with cold, month alludes to three companies. They had taken the pews out of all The Irish merchants enhsted in De- the places of worship for fuel ; had cember. Another class is likewise pulled down empty houses, &e. ; and alluded to, — the Royal Fencible were then digging up the timber at Americans, — said to have been the wharves for firing. Very poor made up of deserters from the Amer- clothing ; and so scarce of provisions, ican camp. they had been eating horse flesh for some time." 76 A COUNCIL OP WAR CALLED. CHAP, most conspicuous parts of the town, and to be imprisoned for , three months.' A few days after the opening of the new year, the resolution of the General Congress passed in December was received by Washington, authorizing him to attempt the expulsion of th6 British from Boston " in any manner he might think expedient, notwithstanding the town, and praperty in it, might thereby be destroyed."® John Hancock, the president of the Congress, and one of the wealthiest citizens of Massachusetts, subscribed to this resolution with a disinterested zeal ; and in his mes sage to the commander-in-chief communicating the action of his colleagues, he wrote, " May God crown your attempt with success. I most heartily wish it, though individually I may be the greatest sufferer." ^ In accordance with this resolution, a council of war was 1776. convened, to which the question of an attack was submitted, i6,°and and urged on the ground that it was " indispensably necessary to make a bold attempt to conquer the ministerial troops be fore they could be reenforced in the spring." ¦* The situation of the army, however, was extremely distressing. " My reflec- Jan.i4. tion upon it," wrote Washington, " produces many an uneasy hour, when all around me are wrapped in sleep. Few people know the predicament we are in on a thousand accounts; fewer still will believe, if any disaster happens to these lines, from what cause it flows. If I shall be able to rise superior to these and many other difficulties which might be enume^ ated, I shall most religiously believe that the finger of Prov- ' Frothingham's Siege, 281. March, also by ministers of the gospd " Jour. Cont Cong. i. 281; Sparks's to their respe"ctive societies. Niles's Washington, iii. 221 ; Frothingham's Principles and Acts of the Rev. 142, Siege, 285. On the 19th of Januai-y, 143. 1776, the General Court of Massachu- ' Spai-ks's Corresp. of the Rev. L setts issued a proclamation on the 100 ; Frothingham's Siege, 286. support of the government, which was * Sparks's AA'"ashington, iii. 221i ordered to be read at the opening of note, 253, note; Reed's Reed, i. 14d every Superior Com-t of Judicatm-e, Frotliingham's Siege, 286. &c., and at the annual town meetings in A .SECOND COUNCIL CONVENED. 77 idence is iiji it, to blind the eyes of our enemies ; for surely, chap. if we get well through this month, it must be for want of ^J^ their knowing the disadvantages we labor under." ' In conse- 177S. quence of these difficulties, the action of the council was less decisive than it would have been under other circumstances. It was agreed, however, that a vigorous attempt on Boston Jan. is. ought to be made, but that " the present force was inadequate " for the purpose ; and his excellency was advised to " request of the neighboring colonies thirteen regiments of militia, — seven from Massachusetts, four from Connecticut, and two from New Hampshire, — to serve till the first of April." In the mean time, should an opportunity offer to effect any thing, Washington was determined to avail himself of it ; and if, by any extraordinary exertion on his own part, or combination of circumstances favorable to an attack, the prospect of its successful termination seemed to warrant the attempt, he was ready to engage in it at all hazards.® In the following month, a new council was convened, but with Feb. 16 a like want of success. The irksomeness of his situation, and the consciousness that " the eyes of the whole continent were fixed with anxious expectation of hearing of some great event," had induced Washington to reurge upon their attention the ex pediency of an assault ; but the inadequate state of the army, and the want of suitable munitions, were, in their estimation, invincible objections to a compliance with his request. It was resolved, however, that a cannonade and bombardment might be advisable, as soon as a supply of powder was received, and that preparations should be made to " take possession of Dor chester Hill, with a view of drawing out the enemy, and of Noddle's Island also, if the situation of the water and other ' Sparks's Washington, iii. 240 ; 16, 1776, in TrumbuU's MS. Letter Reed's Reed, i. 144 ; Frothingham's Book B, 246 ; MS. Minutes of Pro- Siege, 286. ceedings of the Council, in ibid. 248, ^ MS. Lett of Washington to Gov- 249,622-524; Sparks's Washington, ernor Trumbull, of Connecticut, Jan. in. 78 IMPROVEMENT IN THB CONDITION OP THE AMERICANS. CHAP, circumstances would admit of it." ' This decision seems not ^J^^ to have given entire satisfaction to Washington ; but the 1776. arrangement was acquiesced in, and the conduct of the busi ness was left to General Ward, who, with Generals Thomas and Spencer, had been for some time collecting fascines and gabions, "in expectation that the same would be wanted."® In the mean time, the army had been materially strengthened by the arrival of ten regiments of fresh recruits ; and Colonel Enox, " with an enterprise and perseverance that elicited the warmest commendations, had brought from Crown Point and Ticonderoga, over frozen lakes and almost impassable snows, more than fifty cannon, mortars, and howitzers ; " a supply of shells had been procured from various sources ; and even pow der became comparatively plenty in the camp.^ A day was therefore fixed upon to take possession of Dorchester Heights ; Feb. 26. and Washington wrote to the Council of the Massachusetts Bay, submitting it to their wisdom '' whether it may not be best to direct the militia of certain towns most contiguous to Dor chester and Roxbury to repair to the lines at those places, ' Heath's Mems. 38 ; Gordon's my inactivity. A golden opportunity Am. Rev. ii. 24 ; Sparks's AA^ashing- has been lost, perhaps not to be re- ton, iii. 292 ; Reed's Reed, i. 166 ; paired again this year. The late freez- Frothingham's Siege, 291, 292. The ing weather had formed some pretty foUo-wing extract from an unpubhshed strong ice fi-om Dorchester to Boston letter of Washington to Governor Neck, and from Roxburii- to tbe Com- TrumbuU, Feb. 19, 1776, refers to mon, which would have afforded a less this subject : " My situation with ref- dangerous approach to the town tiian erence to this article [powder] is real- through the lines or by the water.'' ly distressing ; and, while common Trumbull, MS. Letter Book B, i!66 et prudence obhges me to keep my want seq. For a return of the powder re- of it concealed, to avoid a discovery ceived at Cambridge fi-om Providence, thereof to the enemy, I feel the bad February 21, — amounting to 3.j"7 effects of that concealment fi-om our lbs. net, — see ibid. 268. See, also, fi-iends ; for, not beheving our distress ibid. 264, Lett, of Gov. TrumbuU, Feb. equal to what it really is, they \rith- 16, relative to forwarding powder. hold such supplies as are in their pow- ^ Gordon's Am. Rev. ii. 24. er to give. I am so restrained in all ' J. .Vdaras's Diary, in AVorks, ii. my mihtary movements for want of 432 ; Sparks'.s Corresp. of the Bev. L the necessary supplies, that it is im- 87, 94 ; Heath's Mems. 28, 37 ; Gor- possible to undertaJce any tiling eft'ec- don's Am. Rev. ii. 26 ; Sparks's AVash- tual; and, while I am fretting at my ington, ni. 297 ; Reed's Reed, i. 129, o-wn disagreeable situation, the world, 131 ; Bradford, ii. 81 ; Frothingham's I suppose, is not behind in censm-ing Siege, 295. THE APPROACHING CONFLICT. 79 with their arms, ammunition, and accoutrements, instantly chap upon a given signal." ' To facilitate this plan, the works at _^ Lechmere's Point were completed, and some heavy pieces of 1776. ordnance were placed there, with two platforms for mortars ; strong guards were likewise mounted at the Point and at Cobble Hijl ; and every thing was ready for offensive oper ations.® With these preparations, early in March the American camp began to present "indications of an approaching conflict." The ground at Dorchester was frozen so hard that intrench ments could not be readily thrown up ; and the army was " obliged to depend entirely on chandeliers, fascines, and screwed hay " for their redoubts.^ To divert the attention of the enemy, while engaged at their work, a severe cannonade Mar. 2. was commenced from Cobble Hill, Lechmere's Point, and Lamb's Dam, in Roxbury ; and under cover of this fire, which was continued for three nights. General Thomas, with about two thousand men, six twelve pounders, and six or eight field pieces, marched to take possession of Dorchester Heights. Mar. 4 A covering party of eight hundred men led the way ; then came the carts with the intrenching tools ; after these came the main working body of about twelve hundred men ; and a train of more than three hundred carts, provided by General Mifflin, and loaded with fascines and hay, " closed the proces sion."^ The whole body moved with the greatest silence, and reached their destination in about an hour. The covering party then divided — one half proceeding " to the point near est to Boston, and the other to tliat next to the Castle." The direction of the wind was favorable to the workmen, carrying • Sparks's Washington, iii. 295, 296. " S. Nash's MS. Journal ; Gordon's ^ Heath's Memoirs, 39 ; Sparks's Am. Rev. ii. 26 ; NeweU's Jour, in Washington, iii. 296 ; Reed's Reed, 4 M. H. Coll. i. 272; Sparks's Wash- i. 166 ; Frothingham's Siege,' 296. ington, in. 302, 303 ; Reed's Reed, i. ^ Sparks's Washington, iii. 299; 168. John Goddard, of Brookhne, is Reed's Reed, i. 167 ; Frothingham's said to have had charge of these carts. Siege, 297. Communication of H. W. FuUer, Esq. 80 INTKENCHMENTS AT DORCHESTER. CHAP, what noise could not be avoided by driving the stakes and ^^^^ picking the ground towards the harbor, between the town and 1776. the Castie ; and by ten o'clock, so diligently did they labor, two forts were erected, one upon each hill, sufficient to defend them from small arms and grape shot. The night was re markably mild and pleasant ; and the moon, which shone brightly upon the hills, gave sufficient light to conduct their operations, while the haze below prevented their being discov ered. About three o'clock in the morning, a relief party of two companies of artillery was sent on ; at four o'clock, Cap tain Drury's company of artillery marched ; teams passed con stantly to and fro with materials for the defences ; and the attention of the British was diverted by the firing from Rox bury, from Cobble Hill, and from Lechmere's Point, which they briskly returned with bomb and ball. The construction of the works was somewhat novel ; and rows of barrels, filled with earth, were placed around, which "presented only the appearance of strengthening " them, but which were in reaUty designed to roll upon the enemy, in case of an attack.' It was some time after daybreak, on the morning of the Mar. 5. fifth, before the " ministerial troops " could clearly discern the newly-erected forts, which loomed up to great advantage, and which were thought to be much larger than was really the case. The pencil of a Hogarth would have been needed to portray the astonishment of General Howe ; and in great con fusion he exclaimed, " I know not what I shall do. These rebels have done more in one night than my whole army would have done in months." Admiral Shuldham was also ' Nash's MS. Journal, in the posses- Frothingham's Siege, 298. The pro- sion of the author ; Gen. Howe to Earl ject of hlUng- barrels with earth was ofDai-tmouth, Mar. 21, 1776; Heath's "suggested," says Heath, " by Mr. Memoirs, 40 ; Gordon's Am. Rev. ii. William Davis, merchant, of Boston, 26, 27; Ram.say's Am. Rev. i. 262; to our general, who immediately com- Sparks's AVashington, iii. 341; Reed's municated it to the commandei--in- Reed,i. 168; Letters of Airs. Adams ; chief, who highlv approved of it, as N. A. Rev. for Oct 1840, 371, 372 ; did all the other' officers." MOVEMENTS OP THE BRITISH. 81 of opinion that, if the Americans were not dislodged, not one chap. of his majesty's ships could be kept in the harbor. A coun- ^J^^^ cil of war was accordingly convened, and it was decided to 1776. attempt to force the works.' Washington had already settled his plans of defence and offence ; and his officers and men " appeared impatient for the appeal, and to possess the most animated sentiments and de termined resolution." Signals had been prepared at Roxbury meeting house to mark the moment of the enemy's departure from Boston ; and four thousand chosen men, under Sullivan and Greene, were held in readiness at Cambridge, and parad ed, to embark in boats, land at different points, and enter the town as soon as the British should leave. The hurry and bustle in the camp of General Howe could be distinctly seen from without ; his orders were issued for the preparation of scaling ladders, about ten feet in length ; and a large body of troops was directed to embark on board the transports, with a view of landing in the hollow between the farthest of the two fortified hills and the Castle. The men, it is said, looked pale and dejected ; and more than one was heard to remark, " It will be anot;her Bunker's Hill affair, or worse." The Americans watched their movements with no little eager ness ; and when the columns appeared on the wharves, and passed to the transports, they " clapped their hands for joy, and wished them to come on." It was remembered throughout the camp that it was the anniversary of the massacre of 1770 ; and Washington had only to remind his men of the circum stance to " add fuel to the martial fire already kindled, and ' Nash's MS. Journal; Thacher's the hills," says Nash, " they fired twen- Jour. 43 ; Lett of Jedediah Hunting- ty or thirty shot at them, but did ton. Mar. 6, 1776, in TrumbuU MSS. no damage. We had one lieutenant V. 45 ; Almon's Remembrancer, in. killed at Roxbury last night, and two 106 ; Gordon's Am. Rev. ii. 27 ; men killed at Cambridge, one of Sparks's Wa.sliington, iii. 303 ; Reed's whom was kUled with a bomb — the Reed, i. 169, 171; Bradford, u. 92; first we have ever had kiUed with a Frothingham's Siege, 298, 299. " At- bomb since the campaign begun." ter the enemy discovered our men 011 VOL. III. 6 82 STATE OF FEELING IN BOSTON. CHAP, burning with uncommon intenseness." The surrounding hills ^J^ were alive with spectators ; and a more bloody scene was 1776. anticipated than at Charlestown. But the movements of the British were delayed by a furious wind, which arose in the afternoon, and which blew with such violence as to prevent the ships from reaching their destination. The attempt, therefore, was abandoned for that day ; and on the following Mar. 6. day the wind continued boisterous, and a storm of rain set in, which precluded the possibility of renewing it with any pros pect of success.' Mar. 7. The seventh was a day of hurry and confusion in Boston ; and " both troops and tories were as busy as possible in pre paring to quit the town, and to carry off all they could of their military stores and valuable effects." That night. Cap tain Irvine, who had been held as a prisoner, escaped, with six others, and, visiting head quarters, informed Washington of the movements of the enemy, and of their intention to with draw as speedily as possible. Nor was this mere rumor ; for. Mar. 8. the next day, a flag was sent out from the selectmen, with a message assuring his excellency that General Howe had no intention of destroying the town " unless his troops were mo lested, during their embarkation or departure, by the armed force without."® But Washington was not to be deterred from taking all necessary steps to insure the success of his plans ; and a strong detachment was sent to throw up a bat tery on Nook's Hill, at Dorchester Point, with the design of acting as circumstances might require. This, however, was ' Almon's Remembrancer, iu. 105, i. 273 ; Impartial Hist of the A¥ai, 106 ; Thacher's Jour. 41 ; Gordon's 294 ; Heath's Mems. 41 ; Almon's Am. Rev. ii. 28 ; Sparks's AA''ashing- Remembrancer, iii. 105 ; Gordon's ton,iii. 30-1, 305; Reed's Reed, i. 169; Am. Rev. ii. 29; Spai-ks's AVast Boston Gazette for March 4, 11, 18, ington, iii. 307, 311, 532, 533; and 25, 1776; Bradford, ii. 93, 94; Reed's Reed, i. 183; Frothmgham's FrothinghLun's Siege, 300. " Tuesday, Siege. Israel Mauduit, in some MS. March 5 : an exceeding bad storm notes on the examination of Lord this morning'. Wednesday, March 6 : Howe, speaks of this as a " clandes- no firing to-day." Nash's Jour. tine capitulation, wliich he meanly pef ^ Niish'.s Jour. ; Thacher's Jom-. mitted and connived at, between the 42; NeweU's Jour, in 4 M. H. Coll. selectmen of Boston and Washington." EVACUATION OP THE TOWN. 83 not effected without discovery ; and a fire was opened by the chap. British upon the Point, which was returned by the Americans ,_J^^ from Roxbury, Cobble Hill, and Lechmere's Point.' 1776. The suspense of the Americans continued for a week, dur ing which time the British were busily employed in complet ing their arrangements. A portion of the soldiery, as was to have been expected, could not be restrained from acts of vio lence ; and " there was a licentious plundering of shops, stores, and dwelling houses, by soldiers and sailors, carrying destruc tion wherever they went ; and what they could not carry away they destroyed." ® It should be observed, however, to the credit of General Howe, that he exerted himself diligently to prevent such excesses ; and the guilty were threatened with death, if detected in robbing or firing a house.^ All that he now waited for was a favorable wind, to enable him to embark ; but the crisis was precipitated when, on the morn ing of the seventeenth, he discovered a breastwork on Nook's Mar. 17. Hill, entirely commanding the town, and rendering longer delay both imprudent and dangerous. The preparations for the embarkation were therefore hastened ; and, at a quite early hour on Sunday, the British, satisfied that " neither hell, Hull, nor Halifax could afford worse shelter," evacuated the town, with some fifteen hundred of the tories, leaving behind a number of cannon, spiked, and two large marine mortars, which they had attempted in vain to burst. Their departure was soon known in the American camp, though the garrison at Bunker Hill sought to conceal their retreat by fixing " some images representing men in the places of their sentinels, with muskets on their shoulders." But the deception was quickly ' Nash's Jour. ; Heath's Memoirs, Communication of Pynson Blalie, 41 ; Sparks's Washmgton, ui. 307. Esq. " AVe-had four men kUled at one shot ^ NeweU's Jour, in 4 M. H. CoU. on the Point," says Nash, " and were i. 274 ; Gordon's Am. Rev. ii. 29. obhged to give over intrenching that ' Gen. Howe to the Earl of Dart- night" James Blake resided at the mouth, Jan. 22, 1776 ; Gordon's Am. Point, but had deserted his house. Rev. ii. 30 ; Frothingham's Siege, 307. 84 DEPARTURE OP THB BRITISH FLEET. CHAP, discovered ; and while General Putnam landed at Sewall's ^^^ Point, and entered the town in one direction, a detachment 1776. of Ward's troops from Roxbury marched in, under Colonel Learned, and took possession from that quarter, to the inex pressible joy of the patriot inhabitants.' The transports of the British, which, with the other vessels, consisted in all of one hundred and forty sail, were detained in the harbor and roads for several days ; and during this period the troops burned the blockhouse and barracks on Castle Island, and blew up and demolished the fortifica tions.® Their precise destination was not known ; but, as it was conjectured by Washington that their next attempt would be against New York or some more southern colony, he was determined to be in readiness to meet them wherever they might land. For this purpose, as General Lee had some time • Boston Gazette for March 25, 1776; Nash's Journal; Heath's Me moirs, 43 ; Sparks's Washington, in. 321; Reed's Reed, i. 176. "I'he hurry in which they have embarked," •wrote Washington to Reed, " is in conceivable. They have not, from a rough estimate, left less than £30,000 worth of his majesty's property behind them, in provisions and stores, ves sels, rugs, blankets, &c. ; near thirty pieces of fine heavy cannon are left spiked, which we are now di-ilHng, a mortar or two, the H. shells, &-c., in abundance ; all then- artillery cai-ts, powder wagons, &c., &c., which they have been twelve months about, are left, with such abuse as their hurry would permit them to bestow ; whilst others, after a httle cutting and hack ing, were thrown into the harbor, and are now visiting every shore. In short, you can scarce form an idea of the matter. Valuable vessels ai-e left, with only a mast or bowsprit cut down, some of them loaded; their works are all standing, upon e.\ami- nation of which, esjiecially at Bun ker's Hill, we find amazingly sti-ong ; 20,000 men could not have carried it agauist 1000, had that work been well defended. The to-wn of Boston was almost impregnable, everj' avenue fortified." For a hst of the stores left in Boston, see the Boston Gazette tor April 15, 1776, Stedman's Am. AFar, i. 167, and Almon's Remembrancer, in. 109. The British, it is said, mixed arsenic with the medicmes left at the almshouse ; and the fact was fiilly proved by an analysis conducted by Dr. AA'"an-en. Gazette for April 22, 1776. = NeweU's Jom-. in 4 AI. H. Coll.L 275 ; Nash's Journal ; Almon's Re membrancer, in. 105, 109 ; Gordon's Am. Rev. ii. 31 ; Heath's Mems. 43; Spai-ks's AA^asliington, ui. 324, 327, 330; Reed's Reed, i. 177. "Tues day, ^larch 21," says Nash, "aU the ships, except one that lay by the Cas tle, got under way, and went down to Nantasket Roads', and there came to an anchor ; and our people went and took possession of the Castle, where sevei-al cannon were left, and all ex cept three were spiked up. Colonel Tupper, with a great number of men in whaleboats, has been down the channel two or three days, to watch the motion of the enemy." CONDITION OF THE TOWN. 85 before been ordered thither, the march of the continental chap. army towards the south was hastened ; and, before the month ,_J^ closed, several regiments were on their way to New York, 1776. while Washington himself remained for a season, to prevent the recapture of the town and to mature his plans.' Thus were the British expelled from the soil of Massachusetts. The " refractory colony " remained unsubdued ; and the zeal which had been displayed inspired throughout the country the live liest hopes of ultimate success. The triumph of Washington was highly encouraging ; and congratulatory addresses poured in upon him from the Gen eral Congress, the inhabitants of Boston, and the legislature of Massachusetts.® The condition of the town exhibited a melancholy proof of the ravages of war. The small pox was raging. The streets were filled with filth. Many buildings were destroyed ; churches were defaced ; fruit and ornamental trees had been cut down and burned ; and the wanton spirit of devastation had left its traces in every quarter. ^ Happily, the recuperative energies of the people were such, that the check which had been put upon their temporal prosperity stimulated to renewed efforts to regain their former position ; the deserted streets were once more filled ; business was re sumed ; industry flowed in its accustomed channels ; the waste places were built up ; and the metropolis of the north began ' Nash's Journal ; Gordon's Am. the assiduity, skiU, and bravery of the Rev. ii. 31 ; Heath's Memoirs, 44; other worthy generals and officers of Sparks's AVashington, iii. 319, 330- the army; and to the hardiness and 333. gaUantry of the soldiery, is to be ^ Almon's Remembrancer, iii. Ill- ascribed, under God, the glory and 113; Gordon's Am. Rev. ii. 33; success of our arms in driving from Sparks's Washington, iii. 335, 533 ; one of the strongest holds in America Niles's Principles and Acts of the so considerable a part of the British Rev. 148-150; Bradford, ii. 97-101 ; army as that which last week occupied Frothingham's Siege, 316 et seq. the capital of this province." " To the wisdom, firmness, intrepid- ^ Recollections of a Bostonian, in ity, and mihtary abilities of our aniia- the Boston Centinel, and m Niles's ble and beloved general, his excellen- Principles and Acts of the Rev. 479, cy Geo. AVashmgton, Esq.," says the 480 ; Bradford, ii. 94, 95 ; Frothmg- Boston Gazette for March 25; "to ham's Siege, 327-329. ob CONDITION OP THE TOWN. CHAP, to resume its wonted aspect of activity and enterprise. This, II . .^-J,^ it is true, was the work of time ; nor was it easy, where 1776.' oppression had so long ruled, to recover in an instant from the convulsive shock. But to the determined soul all obsta cles yield, and discouragements are but stepping stones to higher achievements. CHAPTER III. INDEPENDENCE DECLARED. The evacuation of Boston by the British troops transferred chap. the theatre of war from Massachusetts to New York ; and ,^,.^ thenceforth the revolution, no longer confined to the limits 1776. of a single colony, became a national affair. The thir teen united colonies had previously pledged themselves to sustain it as the cause of the country, under the conviction that it was a common cause. No longer, therefore, could tar diness be tolerated ; and preparations for general hostilities were prosecuted with vigor. The question of independence, too, came up for discussion ; and, as it admitted of little doubt that the intentions of Great Britain were to push matters to extremities, and as all hopes of reconciliation had been re luctantly abandoned, there remained but one course for the Americans to take — they must proceed immediately to declare their independence. " With respect to myself," wrote Wash ington to Reed, " I have never entertained an idea of an Feb. lo. accommodation since I heard of the measures which were adopted in consequence of the Bunker's Hill fight. The king's speech has confirmed the sentiments I entertained upon the news of that affair ; and if every man was of my mind, the ministers of Great Britain should know in a few words upon what issue tlie cause should be put. I would not be deceived by artful declarations or specious pretences ; nor would I be amused by unmeaning propositions ; but in open, undisguised, and manly terms proclaim our wrongs, and our resolution to be redressed. I would tell them that we had borne much ; that we had long and ardently sought for reconciliation upon (87) 88 STATE OP public FEELING IN AMERICA. CHAP, honorable terms ; that it had been denied us ; that all our ^_^^^ attempts after peace had proved abortive, and had been 1776. grossly misrepresented ; that we had done every thing which could be expected from the best of subjects ; that the spirit of freedom beats too high in us to submit to slavery ; and that, if nothing else would satisfy a tyrant and his diabolical min istry, we were determined to shake off all connections with a state so unjust and unnatural. This I would tell them — not under cover, but in words as clear as the sun in its meridian brightness." ^ The sentiments thus expressed were extensively current; and by many zealous patriots a declaration of independence was urgently counselled. " Permit me," wrote Greene, at the Jan. 4. opening of the new year, " to recommend, from the sincerity of my heart, ready at all times to bleed in my country's cause, a declaration of independence, and call upon the world, and the great God who governs it, to witness the necessity, propriety, and rectitude thereof." ® " Shall we never," wrote Moylan to Joseph Reed, " leave off debating, and boldly declare inde pendence ? That, and that only, will make us act with spirit and vigor. The bulk of the people will not be against it ; but the few and timid always will." ^ General Charles Lee Feb. 28. also wroto to the same person, " Reconciliation and reunion with Great Britain is now as much of a chimera as incorpo ration with the people of Tibet." * Reed himself likewise Mar. 3. wrotc to Pettit, " I look upon separation from the mother ' Sparks's Washington, iii. 286 ; nite action. Bissett, Hist Eng. i. Reed's Reed, i. 158. Gordon, Am. 469, Pliilad. 1822, hkewise mistakes Rev. u. 13, represents AA'"a,shmgton as the views of AA'ashington in supposing holding dift'erent sentiments, and says that he was " far from approving of he had " no wish that the Congress an entire dissolution of the connec- ehould declare the colonies independ- tion " with Great Britain. Comp. on ent." But this statement needs qual- this subject Sparks's Life of Washing- ification, and .should be understood of ton, i. 116, and N. A. Rev. for Oct. his views at an earlier date, when, it 1838, 365. is admitted, he, like others, cherished ' Frothingham's Siege, 284. the hope of reconcihation. But be ' Reed's Reed, i. 160. had now abandoned that hope, and * Reed's Reed, L 161. taken ground in fevor of more defl- THOMAS paine's " COMMON SENSE." 89 country as a certain event, though we are not yet so familiar- chap ized to the idea as thoroughly to approve it." ' And, even at _,J;;^ an earlier date, Jefferson wrote to John Randolph, " Believe 1775. -1 • , ¦ • , -n. ¦ . , . , Nov.29 me, dear sir, there is not in the British empire a man who more cordially loves a union with Great Britain than I do. But, by the God that made me, I will cease to exist before I yield to a connection on such terms as the British Parliament proposes ; and in this I think I speak the sentiments of Amer ica. We want neither inducement nor power to declare and assert a separation. It is will alone that is wanting ; and that is growing apace, under the fostering hand of our king." ^ While matters were in this state, Thomas Paine issued his pamphlet entitled " Common Sense," in which the question of independence was boldly discussed ; and the effect it produced was really marvellous. " Nothing," says Gordon, " could have been better timed than this performance. In unison with the sentiments and feelings of the people, it has produced most astonishing effects, and been received with vast applause ; read by every American ; and recommended as a work replete with truth, and against which none but the partial and preju diced can form any objections. It has satisfied multitudes that it is their true interest immediately to cut the Gordian knot by which the American colonies have been bound to Great Britain, and to open their commerce, as an independent people, to all the nations of the world. It has been greatly instrumental in producing a similarity of sentiment through the continent upon the subject under the consideration of Congress."^ ~Was'hiiTgtoBnErlBO 'wrote, ""Tir' few more of such .,1776. _5 ^ . . Jan. 31. flaming arguments as were exhibited at Falmouth and Norfolk, added to the sound doctrine and unanswerable reasoning con tained in the pamphlet ' Common Sense,' will not leave num bers at a loss to decide upon the propriety of a separation."^ > Reed's Reed, i. 164, note. ' Reed's Reed, i. 148. See also ' Jefferson's AVorks, i. 203. Ramsay's Am. Rev. i. 338, and ' Am. Rev. ii. 78. Sparks's Corresp. of the Rev. L 136. VIEWS OP CONGRESS. No definite action, however, had as yet been taken by Con gress on this subject ; nor were all the members prepared for 1776. so important a step.' Indeed, the dissimilar origin and inter ests of the colonists, with the peculiarities of their government, their institutions, and their temperament, the variety of their religious opinions, and the rarity of their intercourse with each other, were formidable obstacles to perfect concert of action ; and there were many, besides, whose personal interests and political prejudices were so deeply involved that the idea of an entire renunciation of allegiance to England was viewed by them with aversion ; and these cautious statesmen, like coastwise navigators fearful of adventuring to a distance from land, urged that it would be unwise and impolitic to proceed to extremi ties without first providing additional safeguards for the pro tection of their liberties ; and even then, they argued, it would be better to refrain from severing the ties which had bound them to the mother country until fully assured that they could do so with safety, and with a reasonable prospect of ultimate success.^ The history of the separation of the colonies from Great Britain is replete with peculiar interest and instruction ; and, John Adams entertained a less exalt- entitled " The Ti-ue Interest of Ame^ ed opinion of this pamphlet; and ica impartially stated, in Certain while he admits that ''it probably Strictures on a Pamphlet entitled converted some to the doctrine of in- Common Sense," was also printed in dependence," he adds, " these would Phikdelphia in the same yeai-. aU have followed Congress with zeal ; ' Early in January, 1776, a motion and, on the other hand, it excited was made in Congress to the effect many writers against it, particularly that, " whereas we have been chai'ged ' Plain Ti-uth,' who contributed very with aiming at independency, a com- largely to fortify and infiame the par- mittee shall be appointed to explain ty against independence, and finally to the people at lai-ge the principles lost us the Aliens, Pemis, and many and grounds of otr opposition," &c. ; other persons of weight in the com- but as some alarm was occasioned by munity." Autobiog. in AVorks, ii. 509. this motion, the matter was postponed See also " The Life and Character of for future consideration. Jour. Cont Thomas Paine," in N. A. Rev. for Cong.; Corresp. of J. Adams, in July, 1843. " Plain Truth " was print- Works, ix. 372 ; Gordon's Am. Rev. ed at Philadelphia, in 1776, in a pain- ii. 13. phlet of 84 pages, including the re- » Corresp. of J. Adams, in Works, iparks of " Rationalis " and " Cato to x. 283 ; Austin's Life of E. Gerry, L tbe People." A pamphlet of 72 pages, 169 ; Bradford, ii. 30, 31. POSITION OP MASSACHUSETTS. 91 as it was the culminating point in our national career, it merits chap. in this place an extended discussion. The part taken by Mas- ^J^i^ sachusetts in effecting this separation has never been thor- 1776. oughly understood ; nor has full justice been done to the noble men who represented this province in the national councils — who were stigmatized at the time as " desperate adventurers," " bankrupts, attorneys, and men of desperate fortunes." * The idea of independence had for years been familiar to their minds ; and, both in public and in private, they had often and warmly spoken in its favor.® Nor is it surprising that they were convinced of the necessity of this measure. The ven geance of the ministry had been aimed chiefly at Massachu setts ; it was here that the struggle for freedom commenced ; and thus far, the movements of the war, with but very few exceptions, had been confined to these limits. The people of the north, likewise, who were of the Puritan stock, and who inherited the sturdy spirit of their ancestors, were more jealous of their liberties than their brethren in other parts. They had been trained to investigate constitutional principles ; they ' Letter of Rev. J. Duch6, in Gray- more so from a persuasion that re- don's Mems. 432, Force's Am. Ar- sistance unto blood having been made chives, i. 1216, and Sparks's Corresp. against the governmental measures, of the Rev. i. 452. See also Auto- the British spirit will never be quieted biog. of J. Adams, in Works, ii. 512. with any thing short of those conces- " Mr. Cushing was a harmless kind sions and satisfactions which Ameri- of a man, but poor, and wholly de- cans never make." The views of pendent on his popularity for his sub- Samuel Adams, one of the earliest sistence. Mr. Samuel Adams was a and most zealous advocates of inde- very artful, designing man, but des- pendence, are well known. The views perately poor, and wholly dependent of J. Adams may be gathered from on his popularity with the lowest -vul- his Diary, in Works, u. 411-413, and gar for his living. John Adams and from his intercepted letters, in the Mr. Paine were two young la-\vyers, Boston Gazette for Jan. 1, 1776, ap- of no great talents, reputation, or proved by Reed in his letter of Aug. weight, who had no other means of 21, 1775, to Thomas Bradford, in raising themselves into consequence Reed's Reed, i. 118. For the views than by courting popularity." of Joseph Hawley and Elbridge Ger- ' Comp. Gordon's Am. Rev. ii. 13. ry, see Austin's Life of Gerry, i. 161, " Many of the principal gentlemen in 164, 174, 175. Articles in favor of the Massachusetts have long been independence were pubhshed in the urging their delegates at Congress to Boston Gazette for April 15 and 29, bring forward independency — the 1776. 92 STATE OP PEELING AT THB SOUTH. CHAP, were sensitive to every encroachment upon their rights ; and _^5L- tlie painful experience through which they had passed, the 1776. controversies they had held with the advisers of the king, the physical resistance into which they had been forced, the sufferings they had endured, the stimulus which had been ¦ given to their resentments and animosities, the feelings of wounded pride which had been engendered, and the conscious ness that they were acting not only for themselves, but for those who should come after tiiem, in opposing the policy of their misguided sovereign, — all these had prepared them to look at things differently from many of their contemporaries, and to feel that nothing short of actual independence could deliver them from the evils to which they had been subjected, which affected as well the prosperity of the whole country as of the particular part which had hitherto suffered most.' At the south a different spirit prevailed ; and not only in Pennsylvania,® the home of the Quakers, but " in all the Mid dle and Southern States," the "idea of independence" was, for a long time, as " unpalatable as the stamp act itself.'" ^ In Vir- ' It should be borne in mind, in sylvania, see Reed's Reed, i. 151 et reading these statements, that the idea seq., and Sparks's Corresp. of the of independence was forced upon the Rev. i. 163. " Notwithstanding," statesmen of Massachusetts. Hence says Reed, " the act of Parliament for President Hancock, in a letter to Gov- seizing our property, and a thousand ernor Trumbull, of Connecticut, April other proofs of a bitter and u-recon- 30, 1776, in TrumbuU MS. Letter cilable spuit, there is a strange re- Book B, 47, very truly says, " The luctance in the minds of many to cut unprepared state of the colonies on the knot wliich ties us to Great Brit- the commencement of the war, and aiii, particularly in tliis colony and to the almost total want of every thing the southward." Thomas ]M'Keani necessary to carry it on, are the true however. Letter to J. Adams, Sejit. sources from whence all our difficul- 28, 1813, in Adams's AVorks, x. 73- ties have proceeded. This fact, how- 75, whUe he admits that " a large ma- ever, furnishes a most striking proof jority of the representatives and civil of the weakness or wickedness of officers " were in the opposition, those who charge them with an ori- doubts whether the people, as a whole, ginal intention of withdrawing from sympathized with them in their riews. the government of Great Britain, and The Qualvcrs, he says, were the most erecting an independent empire. Had violent. " They gave great trouble such a scheme been formed, the most to the whigs, but were kept under by warlike preparations would then have feai-, as well as by superior numbers. been necessary to effect it." ^ J. Adams's Autobiog. in Works, ^ On the state of affairs m Penn- ii. 512, note. " I am exceedingly sur STATE OF PEELING AT THE SOUTH. 93 ginia, especially, notwithstanding there were honorable excep- chap. tions to the remark, and a magnanimous spirit prevailed among ^^' the intelligent, the inhabitants, as a body, were exceedingly 1776. " proud of their ancient dominion," and " thought they had a right to take the lead ; " and the Southern and Middle States were " too much disposed to yield it to them." ' Besides, the prised," wrote Washington to Reed, April 15, 1776, in Sparks's Washing ton, iii. 357, and Reed's Reed, i. 189, " to hear of the divisions and parties which prevail with you, and in the southern colonies. These are the shelves we have to avoid, or om- bark will spht and tumble to pieces. Here lies our great danger, and I almost tremble when I think of this rock. Nothing but disunion can hurt our cause. This -will ruin it, if great pru dence, temper, and moderation are not mixed in our counsels." For the position of New York, see Adams's Works, ii. 347, and ix. 407, 411; Sparks's Life of Gouverneur Morris, i. 37, 90, 109-112. "New York," wrote J. Adams, June 22, 1776, " is hkely to have the honor of being the very last of all in imbibing the gen uine principles and tbe true system of American policy. Perhaps she will never entertain them at all." Tbe Assembly of New Jersey, in Novem ber, 1775, instructed their delegates to oppose any pi-opo.sition aiming at independence ; nor was it until after the subject had been for some time under discu.'ision in Congress that she changed her views. Mulford's New Jersey, 409, 410. For the position of Delaware, see Letter of T. M'Kean to J. Adams, Nov. 15, 1813, in Ad ams's AVoriis, x. 80-82. " A major ity of this state were unque^ionably against the independence of America; but the most sensible of the Episco palians, the Baptists and Quakers, and the Presbyterians, with very few ex ceptions, prevailed against them, as they believed they would be overpow ered, witb the help of tbe otber col onies, if they resisted." The Mary land convention, in December, 1775, instructed their delegates to oppose the question of independence; but Mr. Chase, who favored the measure, on his return home, procured county instructions to the members, by which they were induced to change their vote ; and on the 28th of June he wrote from Annapolis, " I am this mo ment from the House, to procm-e an express to follow the post with an unanimous vote of our convention for independence." Gordon's Am. Rev. ii. 87 ; Andrews's Am. Rev. ii. 209 ; Hildi-eth's U. S. iii. 136. " The Noi-th Carolinians," says Gordon, Am. Rev. ii. 78, "were at one time violent against a separation from Great Brit- am ; a delegate in their convention mentioning independence, the cry was, ' Treason ! treason ! ' and he was called to order." This colony, however, soon changed its course, and was one of the first to vote for independence. See farther on. South Carolina was hke wise opposed to the declaration of in dependence ; nor was it until the last moment that the delegates from that colony consented to cast their votes in. its favor. Jefferson's Work.s, i. 18. ' Note to Autobiog. of J. Adams, in Works, ii. 512, 513. That Virginia was at first opposed to independence is evident from the letter of Reed to AVashington, March 15, 1776, in Reed's Reed, i. 173. " It is said the Vu-ginians are so alarmed with tbe'j idea of independence, that they have I sent Mr. Braxton on purpose to turn j the vote of that colony, if any que.s-| tion on that subject should come be-j fore Congress." AVashington also wrote to Reed, April 1, 1776, inj Reed's Reed, i. 180, " My oountrj'- nien, I know, from their form of gov ernment, and steady attachment here- 94 STATE OF FEELING AT THB SOUTH. CHAP, pressure of the war had been less seriously felt at the south ^J^ than at the north ; the habits of the people were strikingly 1776. different ; their manners and customs were likewise peculiar ; their commercial relations were much less extensive ; they were " jealous of the republican spirit " of New England ; their political principles were aristocratic ; the tendency of their past history had been to foster their attachment to mo narchical institutions ; the stain of slavery was branded deeply into their internal policy ; and the current of their thoughts, and the maxims which prevailed among them, had generated less of that sensitiveness to external oppression which was felt by the descendants of the Puritan exiles, who were reluctant to compromise truth for peace. i On this ground, and on this only, can the phenomena of the revolution be satisfactorily explained ; and to conceal the fact that local prejudices existed at the time, which powerfully affected the movements of parties, and whose influ ence has widened and reached onward to our own days, would be to preclude the possibility of penetrating their movements, and to veil their conduct in perpetual obscurity.^ tofore to royalty, -mil come reluctant- can it be said that they had made up ly into the idea of independency, but their minds in its favor." time and persecution bring many ' Gordon's Am. Rev. ii. 91. In wonderful things to pass ; and by pri- tbe respects aUuded to ui the text, vate letters which I have received fi-om there was a close pohtical sympathy Virginia, I find ' Common Sense '. is between New York and the south, ris- making a wonderful change in the ible fi-om the outset of the difficulties minds of many men." Jefi'erson, also, with the mother country. Comp. Notes on Virginia, 177, ed. 1801, says liildi-eth's U. S. 2d Series', i. 38. that, in April, 1776, the legislators of ^ " This conversation," savs John Vn-ginia did not think of indejiendence. Adams, alluding to one held with the " Independence, and the estabhshment delegates fi-om" Congress, " and the of a new form of government, were principles, facts, and motives suggest- not even yet the objects of the people ed in it, have given a cnlor, complex- at large. One extract from the pam- ion, and cbai-.icter to the whole policy phlet called Common Sense had ap- of the United States from that dav to peared in the 'Virginia papers in Feb- this. AVithout it, .Mr. A\'ashington ruary, and copies of the pamphlet it- would never have commanded OlU-a^ self had got into a few hands. But mies ; nor Air. Jefi'erson have been the the idea had not been opened to the author of the Declaration of Inde- mass of the people in April, much less pendence ; nor Mr. Richai-d Henrj STATE OF PEELING AT THE SOUTH. 95 Let it not be inferred, however, that the spirit of liberty chap. was extinct at the south, and that none of her statesmen had _i^ sympathy with the north. On the contrary, it is cheerfully 1776. acknowledged that there was an enlightened class who had broken loose from conventional restraints, and risen above the peculiarities of their position. Lee, and Henry, and Wythe, of Virginia, Gadsden, of South Carolina, and Chase, of Mary land, with the Rutiedges, and Lynch, and Jefferson, and others, should be ranked in this class ; ' and even of those who were for moderate counsels, and who deprecated the supposed pre cipitancy of their associates, many were open to argument and conviction, and yielded their preferences for the general good. Still, facts must be..^tated exactly as they stand ; and if there is occasion to regret that differences should have existed, and that difficulties should have arisen, there is occasion to rejoice that a conciliatory spirit adjusted these differences and sur mounted these difficulties, so that, in the end, what was done was done harmoniously ; and concert of action, was essentially promoted by the willingness to concede, so far as was practi cable, all that was local in favor of the general interests of the country. It will be understood, also, that it is not de signed to reflect upon the patriotism of those whose caution led thera to dread all measures tending to a separation from Great Britain, and who " suffered doubts and fears to triumph over hope ; " for, when the die was cast, and a return was impossible, even the prudent acquiesced cheerfully in the necessary measures for the public defence, and sacrificed read ily their lives and fortunes for the liberties of America. A distinction should be made — and it is a broad one — between tories, who were hostile to liberty, and patriots, who differed only as to the best mode of securing it.^ Lee the mover of it; nor Mr. Chase Autobiog. in Works, ii. 51. the mover of foreign connection.s. If ' Autobiog. of J. Adams, m 'Works, I have ever had cause to repent any ii. 408, 409, 506 ; Lee's Lee, i. 168 ; iiart of this policy, that repentance has Wirt's Patrick Henry, been, and ever wiU be, unavailing." ^ Austin's Life of Gi Gerry, i. 194, 195. 96 PROPOSITION OP JOHN ADAMS. CHAP. The transfer of the tiieatre of war from the north to the ^_3^ soutli occurred at the most favorable juncture to forward the 1776. views of the north with reference to independence. While Massachusetts alone was "the suffering state," and British fleets and armies threatened only the'^satetyoT'the peninsiila of Boston, the other states could not be expected to enter so deeply into the question as to the fate which_awaited them ; "Tiut^hen New York was threatened, and Charleston, in South Carolina, and no one knew how soon the whole coast might be invested, the question. What will come next ? assumed a quite different aspect, and pressed itself closely upoiTthe- at tention of all.' Hence, early in May, after John Adams had fruitlessly labored for months to accomplish the same object,^ May 10. a committee was appointed to prepare a resolution recom mending to the people of the states to institute governments; and this committee, of which Mr. Adams was one, draughted and reported a resolve, which, though opposed as "a ma- May 15. chine to fabricate independence," eventually passed, and " was considered on all hands, by men of understanding, as equiva lent to a declaration of independence, though a formal dec laration of it was still opposed by Mr. Dickinson and his party." ^ ' " It has happened as I expecte4," 166 ; Gordon's Am. Rev. iL 75, 76 ; wrote Reed to AA^asbington, March Almon's Remembrancer, iii. 136; 23, 1776, in Reed's Reed, i. 175, Stedman's Am. AA''ai-, i. 188; Mar- " that many who were impatient to shall's AA''ashington, ii. 403 ; Cm-tis's have Howe drawn from Boston, ai-e Hist, of the Const i. 39. It should now alarmed with tbe apprehension be observed, however, that several of of tbe seat of war being removed to the colonies, imitating the example the middle colonies." set by ISIassacbusetts in 1775, had ap- ' Autobiog. in AVorks, ii. 506. plied to Congress for advice respecting " These, and such as these, were my the form of government it was expe- constant and daily topics, sometimes of dient for thera to adopt ; and it was reasoning, and, no doul)t, often of decla- recommended to them to caU a "filU mation, fi-om the meeting of Congress, and free representation of the people," in tbe autumn of 1775, through tbe and if, upon consultation, it should whole winter and spring of 1776." seem necessary, to estabhsh a suita- See also Corresp. in AVorks, ix. 391, ble form of government " dming the 401, Works, ui. 44-46. maintenance of the present dispute. ^ Autobiog. of J. Adams, in AVorks, New Hampshire, (November 3, 1775,) ii. 510; Jour. Cont. Cong. ii. 158, South Carohna, (November 4,) and COURSE OP MASSACHUSETTS. 97 This, however', was but one point gained, though a point of chap. some importance. For the principal obstacle in the way of ^J!^ success, hitherto, had originated from the insecure tenures of 1776. liberty, and the hesitancy on the part of some of the provinces to assume into their own hands the conduct of tiieir affairs. Massachusetts had for nearly a year acted independently of the officers of the crown ; but in Pennsylvania and elsewhere, the authority of the royal governors was still admitted, and in but few of the states had it been wholly repudiated.^ The course taken by Massachusetts admitted of no mistake ; for the General Court, at their session in April, passed a resolve April 1. to alter the style 'of writs and other legal processes — substi tuting " the people and government of Massachusetts " for George III. ; and, in dating official papers, the particular year of the king was omitted, and only the year of our Lord was mentioned.^ Early in May, likewise, an order was passed May la Virginia, (December 4,) received such advice, and prepared to act upon it — the first colony in January, tbe second in March, and the third in May, 1776. Jour. Cont. Cong. i. 215, 219, 260 ; J. Adams's CoiTesp. in Works, ix. 372 ; Gordon's Am. Rev. u. 13 ; Austin's Life of Gerry, i. 99, 178; Hildreth's U. S. in. 125, 127, 129 ; Curtis's Hist, of the Const, i. 36. The mantfiuvre by which the people of New York were led to act favorably upon this question is detailed by Gor don, Am. Rev. ii. 74, 75. See also Corresp. of J. Adams, in Works, ix. 407. ' On the 9th of November, 1775, the -Assembly of Pennsylvania in- sti-ucted their delegates to " dissent from and utterly reject any proposi tions, should such be made, that may cause or lead to a separation from our mother country, or a change in the form of this government ; " and, in May, 1776, the As.sembly withdrew from its union with Congress in con sequence of instructions to their dele gates upon the resolve of !May 15, for suppressing all authority derived fi-om VOL. 111. 7 the crown of Great Britain in the United Colonies. Upon this, a con vention of the people was called. May 20, at which Bayard and Roberdeau were particularly active in intimating* their behef that the Assembly had. been dragged into a compHance with most of the resolutions of Congress, from fear of a provincial convention ; hence the deputies reversed their for mer decision, and expressed, June 24,. their willingness to come into a vote of Congress declaring the United Coir onies free and independent states.. Gordon's Am. Rev. ii. 86 ; Reed's Reed, i. 155, especiaUy the exti-aot from the Morris MSS. in ibid, note ;. Hildreth's U. S. iii. 125 ; Boston Gaz. for AprU 15 and July 1, 1776; Aus tin's Life of GeiTy, i. 193 ; Niles's Principles and Acts of the Rev. 252. ^ Jour. House of Rep. for 1776 ; Bradford, ii, 106. HUdi-eth, Hist. U. S. iii. 127, says New Hampshire set the first example of assumption of government in January, 1776; but he overlooks the fact that Massachu setts had akeady talven the same step. 98 VOTE OF THE TOWNS IN FAVOR OF INDEPENDENCE. CHAP, and published, by which the people of the several towns in the ^J^^ province were advised to give instructions to their respective 1776. i^epresentatives, to be chosen for the following political year, on the subject of independence. i It is not contended that this was the first instance in which such a proposition was publicly Apr. 26. made ; for North Carolina had, two weeks before, authorized her delegates to join with the other colonies in declaring May 6 independence ; and Rhode Island and Connecticut had indi cated their inclination by dispensing with the oath of alle- Jun. 14. glance to the king, though a month elapsed before the Con necticut Assembly instructed their delegates to vote for in- dependence.2 The returns from the towns of Massachusetts were highly encouraging, and in nearly every instance the instructions to their representatives were favorable to an explicit declaration of independence.^ But, while this question was pending here, June, three great measures were brought before Congress, and three committees were appointed — the first for preparing a decla ration of independence, the second for reporting a plan of a treaty to be proposed to France, and the third to digest a system of articles of confederation to be proposed to the states.* The committee on the declaration of independence consisted of Thomas Jefferson, of Virginia, John Adams, of Massachusetts, Benjamin Franklin, of Pennsylvania, Roger Sherman, of Connecticut, and Robert R. Livingston, of New York. 5 The committee to draught a treaty with France con sisted of John Dickinson, of Pennsylvania, John Adams, of ' Boston Gazette for Mav 13, 1776 Jour. House of Rep. for 1776; Al mon's Remembrancer, in. 136, 232 Bradford, ii. 104. 2 TrumbuU MS. v. 209, 210 Sparks's Corresp. of the Rev. i. 192 193; Austin's Life of Gerry, i. 178, 181, 193, 194; Hildreth's U.S. iii. diflferent to-wns, and comp. Jour. E of R. for 1776, and Austin's Life of Gerry, i. 182, 186. " Autobiog. of J. Adams, in AVorks, ii. 510; Spai-ks's CoiTcsp. of the Eev. i. 221. ° Jour. Cont. Cong. ii. 197 ; Auto biog. of J. Adams, in AVorks, ii. 510, 131, 132. 511; Gordon's Am. Rev. ii. 78. See the pubhshed histories of the EFFECTS OF THE ACTION OF PARLIAMENT. 99 Massachusetts, Benjamin Harrison, of Virginia, and Robert chap. Morris, of Pennsylvania ; ^ and the committee on tiie articles _i^ of confederation consisted of Josiah Bartlett, of New Hamp- 1775. shire, Samuel Adams, of Massachusetts, Stephen Hopkins, of Rhode Island, Roger Sherman, of Connecticut, Robert R. Livingston, of New York, John Dickinson, of Pennsylvania, Thomas M'Kean, of Delaware, Thomas Stone, of Maryland, Thomas Nelson, of Virginia, Joseph Hewes, of North Caro lina, Edward Rutledge, of South Carolina, and Button Gwin nett, of Georgia.^ Without doubt, the unanimity which now began to prevail i was partly promoted by the action of Parliament in passing J775. 1 the bill interdicting all trade and intercourse with the thir teen United Colonies, and declaring the property of Ameri cans, whether in ships or goods, on the high seas or in harbor, " to be forfeited to the captors, being the officers and crews of his majesty's ships of war," and that " the masters, crews, and other persons found on board captured American vessels, should be entered on board his majesty's vessels of war, and there considered to be in his majesty's service, to all intents and purposes as if they had entered of their own accord." ^ ' Jour. Cont. Cong. ii. ; Gordon's posed; and in July, 1775, Dr. Frank- Am. Rev. u. 78 ; Autobiog. of J. Ad- tin reported a sketch, which was de- ams, in Works, ii. 516. bated in Congi-ess, and which formed ' Jour. Cont. Cong. ii. 197,. 198 ; the leading features of the articles J. Adams's AVorks, ii. 492, note. To afterwards adopted. Impartial Hist. this committee Francis Hopkinson of the AA^ar, App. 18-20 ; Diplomacy was added June 28 ; and a report, in of the U. S. 3 ; Austin's Life of Ger- a draught of twenty articles, was made i-y, i. 249. An article entitled " Pro- July 12, debated, and laid over from posals for a Confederation of the time to time until November 15, 1777, United Colonies " was also pubhshed in when, having been reduced to thirteen, the Boston Gazette for April 22, 1776. they were adopted, and sent to the ' Ramsay's Am. Rev. i. 282, 283. colonies for approval or rejection ; but The opposition to this bUl in the the confederation was not fully estab- House of Commons was quite spirit- hshed until March, 1781. TrumbuU ed; and, in particular, the clause by MS. Letter Book 15, 146, 149; Jour, which persons taken on boai-d tbe Cont. Cong. in. 396, 401; Niles's American vessels were indiscriminate- Piineiples and Acts of the Rev. 104 ly compelled to serve as common saU- et seq. ; Curtis's Hist, of the Const, i. ors in British ships of war was con- chap. V. On the 20th of May, 1775, demned as a "refinement of tyranny " articles of confederation " were pro- worse than death." 100 EFFECTS OP THE ACTION OP PARLIAMENT. CHAP. This law arrived in the colonies about the time of the evacua- ,_3J^ tion of Boston ; and the effects resulting from it were such 1776. as had been predicted by its opposers. It " not only united ' the colonies in resisting Great Britain, but produced a favora ble opinion of independence in the minds of thousands who previously reprobated that measure." Prorn^ New Hampshire to Georgia it was " considered as a legal discharge from their allegiance to their native sovereign." And " what was want ing to produce a decided majority of the party for breaking off all connection with Great Britain was speedily obtained from the irritation excited by the hiring of foreign troops to fight against the colonists." This measure was " nearly coin cident with the ratification of the prohibitory law just men tioned ; and intelligence of both arrived in the colonies about the same time." ' " We now know," wrote a citizen of emi nence in Philadelphia to his friend, " who the commissioners are, and their numbers, viz. : Messrs. the Hessians, Brunswick- ers, Waldeckers, English, Scotch, and Irish. This gives the coup de grace to the British and American connection. It has already wrought wonders in this city. Conversions have been more rapid than under Mr. Whitefield. The Pennsylva nia Farmer, Mr. Dickinson, told me yesterday, in the field, that his sentiments were changed ; he had been desirous of keep- ' Impartial Hist, of the War, 291, tbe propriety of employing foreim 292, note ; Boston Gazette for June troops against the Americans. The 17, 1776; Gordon's Am. Rev. u. 56- measure was supported on the gi-ounds 58 ; Ramsay's Am. Rev. i. 285 ; Bis- of die necessity of prosecuting the sett's Hi.st. Eng. i. 458 ; Lee's Lee, war, and the impracticability of rais- i. 163 ; Corresp. of J. Adams, in ing a sufficient number of domestic Works, ix. 383 ; Letter of Lord Stir- leries. It was also urged tllat"fo^ Ung, March 11, 1776, in Sparks's Cor- eign troops, inspired with the mihtary resp. of the Rev. i. 172. The treaties maxims and ideas of implicit subiuis- which had been concluded with the sion, would be less apt to be biased Laiidgi'ave of Hesse Cassel, the Duke by that false lenity which native sol- of Brunswick, and the hereditary diers might indulge at the expense of prince of Hesse Cassel, for hiring the national interest." For the views 17,000 of their troops to the King of of Lord Mahon on the employment Great Britain, were laid before the of these troops, see his Hist Eng. vi. Commons Februai-y 29, 1776, and 86, 87. gave rise to an interesting debate on effects of THE ACTION OF PARLIAMENT. 101 ing the door open as long as possible, and was now convinced chap. that nothing was expected from our enemies but slavery." i ^J^^ Indeed, in the sessions of Parliament between the tweijty- 1775. sixth of October, 1775, and the twenty-third of May, 1776, °to ' the " ultimate plan of reducing the colonies was completely 1776. ' fixed." The Americans were declared to be out of the royal protection ; commerce was prohibited with them ; their per sons and property were subjected to seizure ; and, to crown the whole, a band of foreign mercenaries was employed, by the authority of the English government, to effect their sub jugation.^ Is it surprising that such measures should have led to the conviction tliat the time for bolder action had come, and that, abandoned by their king, put out of his pro tection, declared to be in a state of open rebellion, and treated as enemies, the political compact which had hitherto united them to Great Britain should have been considered as no longer binding, and the people as at liberty to take care of the republic that it sustained no damage ? •^ But that which, more than all else, perhaps, confirmed them in the coimc'tiornthanonge^ delay would be'hazardous, if not suicidal, was--the4ia»ii ure of the attempt of the Duke of Graf- '^' totTTtr^prevent tlie' continuance of hostilities. This amiable Mar.14. 'nobleman, "who" to the, qualities of integrity, sincerity, and ' Gordon's Am. Rev. ii. 77. John than the convictions of his own judg- Adams, Diary in Works, ii. 408, inti- ment. mates that " the Quakers had intimi- '^ " It is thought," says Gordon, dated Mr. Dickinson's mother and Ara. Rev. u. 43, " that a treaty with wife, who were contuuially distressing the court of Petersbm-g, for 20,000 him with their remonstrances," and Russians, was at one time, the last tha* his mother said to him, " John- year, in considerable forwardness, but ny, you will be banged ; your estate that the extreme distance of the ser- willbe forfeited and confiscated; you vice, the difficulty of recall, and the will leave your excellent wife a widow, critical state of pubhc affairs through ^ and your charming children orphans, Europe rendered it abortive, after the beggirs, and infamous." This may be raost sanguine hopes of success." See true, vet it must be conceded that the also Sparks's Corresp. of the Rev. L honesty of Mr. Dickinson stands unim- 126. peached ; nor does it seem very hkely ' " J^/e quid detrimenti respublica that one of his abihty should have capiat." been influenced in his course by other 102 THE DUKE OF GRAFTON'S CONCILIATORY PLAN. CHAP, intellectual ability joined a reverent regard for the liberties ,_.^ of America, as well as for the honor and dignity of England, 1776. moved that an address should be presented to the throne, re- Mar. 11. questing that, in order to stop the further effusion of blood, and to manifest the sincere desire of king and Parliament to restore peace and redress grievances, a proclamation might be issued, declaring that, if the colonies should present a petition to the commander-in-chief of his majesty's forces in America, or to the commissioners appointed for such purposes, setting forth what they considered to be tlieir just rights and real griev ances, the king would consent to a suspension of arms, and refer their petition to Parliament, where they might be confi dent it would be duly considered and answered. But this proposition, however well meant, was too unpalatable to the ministry to admit of its adoption. The rea.soning of its friends was as water spilled on the ground ; and it was reject ed by a ma-jority of three to one.^ This defeat checked for a time all further attempts for con ciliatory measures in either House of Parliament ; and though the lord mayor, aldermen, and commons of the city of London still continued their endeavors, in a decent address which they Mar 22. presented to his majesty, the answer was unfavorable ; ^ and the departure of Commodore Hotham in the Preston, with all the transports,^ having on board the first division of Hessians, sent over to spread devastation in America, was too palpable a proof of the inflexibility of the ministry, and of their deter mination at all hazards to carry out their schemes, to admit ' Stedman's Am. Wai-, i. 164 ; unjustifiable resistance to the consti- Gordon's Am. Rev. ii. 59; Bissett's tutional authority of tliis kingdom; Hist. Eng. i. 459. and I shaU be ready and happy to al- '¦' This address was published in the leviate those miseries by acts of me^ Boston Gazette for June 17, 1776, cy and clemency, whenever that an- ¦with the reply of the king, hi which thorit]/ is established, and the mm he says, " I deplore, with the deepest existing rebellion is at an end." concern, the miseries which a great ^ Letter of Jmie 25, 1776, in Al- part of my subjects in North America mon's Remembrancer, ui. 119. have brought upon themselves by an discussion of the QUESTION OF INDEPENDENCE. 103 of question on the part of those, if such there were, who still chap. fondly trusted in the clemency of the king, and who could not ,^,^_^ persuade themselves that all overtures, however reasonable, 1776. would be peremptorily rejected. Both the people of England and the people of America had much yet to learn relative to the persistency with which misguided statesmen adhere to their schemes of oppression, and the delusion and blindness which seem to possess them when once they have surrendered themselves to the dominion of their passions. The moral obstacles thus interposed in the way of an amicable adjustment of difficulties are often insuperable ; and when otherwise, can only be overcome by a radical change in the springs of action, or by such overwhelming calamities as cause even the most hardened to pause in their career, and to tremble, when it is too late, at the fatal consequences of their own folly.* The question of the independence of the colonies was now discussed in all quarters more earnestly than ever ; and prep arations were making, by the Assemblies of the different col onies, not only to ascertain the views of the people, but the lengths to which they were willing to go, in case independence should be declared.^ ' Lord George Germaine to Gen. prised, while many others really are, Howe, March 28 and April 27, 1776. and some affect to be, astonished at * " The votes of the Congress," the phenomenon." Joseph Galloway, wrote J. Adams to H. Knox, June 2, in his examination before the House 1776, Corresp. of J. Adams, in Works, of Commons, in 1779, gave his views ix. 385, " and the proceedings of the of the progress of independence in the colonies separately, mu.st, before this following words ; " I do not believe, time, have convinced you that this is from the best knowledge I have of the the sense of America, with infinitely state of America at that tirae, that one greater unanimity than could have fifth of the people had independence been credited by many people a few in view. I wish, when I give an opin- months ago. Those few persons, in- ion, always to give my reasons for it. deed, who have attended closely to The progress of the spirit of inde- the proceedings of the several colo- pendence was very gradual. So early nies for a number of years past, and as the year 1754, there were men m reflected deeply upon the causes of America — I may say, in the towns this mighty contest, have foreseen that of Boston, New York, Philadelphia, such an unanimity would take place and Wdhamsburg — who held inde- as soon as a separation should become pendence in prospect, and who were necessary. These are not at all sur- determmed to seize any opportunity 104 ACTION OF VIRGINIA. CHAP. Virginia followed Massachusetts in recommending measures __^^^ " towards dissolving the connection between America and 1776. Great Britain totally, finally,* and irrevocably ; " * and, on May 15. the same day that the resolve was passed by the General Con gress recommending to the people of the states to institute governments, Mr. Cary, from the committee of the whole House on the state of the colony, reported a preamble and resolutions, which were unanimously adopted, instructing the delegates from that colony in the General Congress "to pro pose to that respectable body to declare the United Colonies free and independent states, absolved from all allegiance to, or dependence upon, the crown or Parliament of Great Brit ain ; and that they give the assent of this colony to such dec- that offered to promote it, by procur ing additional persons to their num ber. These men, when the stamp act was passed, made a stalking horse, or screen, of the gentlemen of the law in every part of America to cover their designs, and to sound tbe trumpet of opposition against govemment, but avowed that their conduct was on . the ground of obtaining a redress of American grievances, and not with a design to separate the two countries. Upon this gi-ound, I am confident, the gentlemen of the law acted. AVhen the tea act was passed, they made the same use of the raerchants, who were smugglers in America, as they had' done of the lawyers before — still de claring that they meant not independ ence. So late as the sitting of Con gress in 1774, the same men, when charged with it in Congress, and whilst they held it tenaciously and religious ly in their hearts, they almost to a de gree of profanity denied it with then- tongues. And all this was done on their knowledge that the great buUi of the people of North America were averse to independence. If we look at the resolves of Congress, down al most to the very period of their dec laration of independence, we shall find the same language, the same pretence of obtaining a redress of grievances. held out to the people. And, for the same reason, at the verj- time they declared independence, they gave out that it was not with a view to a total sepai-ation of the two countries, but frora necessity ; because, unless they declared mdependence, the powers of Em-ope would not trade flith them, and they were in gi-eat distress for want of a great many foreign necessa ries. So that, fi-om all these chcum- stances, I am convinced that not one fifth part of the people had independ ence in -view." The Examination of Galloway was printed at London, m 1779, in a pamphlet of 85 pages. ' Instructions to R. C. Nichols and W. Norvall, Esquu-es, in AA'ht's Pat rick Henry, 210, 211. "Virginia," wrote Elbridge Gerry to James AVar- ren, Alay 1, 1776, "is always to be depended upon ; and so fine a spiiit prev.iils among them, that unless you send some of your cool patriots among them, they may be for declm-ing inde pendency before Congress is ready." Austin's Life of Gerry, i. 198. It should be remembered, however, that only a short time before a quite dif ferent spirit prevailed m that colony ; and the change >\'as wrought chiefly by the eloquence of Henry, and Jet- ferson, and Lee, and others. ACTION OF VIRGINIA. 105 laration, and to whatever measures may be thought proper chap. and necessary by the Congress for forming foreign alliances, ,^.^_^ and a confederation of the colonies, at such time, and in the 1776. manner, as to them shall seem best." ' Upon the passage of this resolve, Washington wrote, " I am very glad to find that May 31 the Virginia convention have passed so noble a vote, and with so much unanimity. Things have come to such a pass now as to convince us that we have nothing more to expect from the justice of Great Britain ; also, that she is capable of the most delusive arts ; for I am satisfied that no commissioners ever were designed, except Hessians and other foreigners, and that the idea was only to deceive and throw us off our guard. The first has been too effectually accomplished ; as many mem bers of Congress — in short, the representatives of whole provinces — are still feeding themselves upon the dainty food of reconciliation ; and, though they will not allow that the expectation of it has any influence upon their judgment with respect to their preparations for defence, it is but too obvious that it has an operation upon every part of their conduct, and is a clog to their proceedings."^ The ice thus broken by the leading colony at the south, the other colonies had less hesitancy in following the example ' Corresp. of J. Adams, in AA^'orks, lutions, which were " universally re- ix. 374, 389 ; Force's Am. Archives, garded as the only door which will vi. 1524; Sparks's Corresp. of the lead to safety and prosperity," " some Rev. i. 202 ; Lee's Lee, i. 168 ; Wirt's gentlemen," we are told, " made a Patrick Henry, 211, 213; Jefferson's handsome collection for the purpose Works, i. 12 ; Almon's Remembran- of treating the soldiery" the ne.xt day; cer, iii. 222 ; Niles's Principles and and " during the whole of this cere- Acts of the Rev. 251, 252 ; Hildreth's mony, the Union Flag of the Amer- U. S. iii. 132. A proviso was attached ican States waved upon the Capitol, to these resolutions, " that the power the soldiers partook of the refi-esh- of forming government for, and the ments prepared for them by the affec- regulation of, the internal concerns of tion of their countrymen, and the each colony, be left to the respective evening concluded with illuminations colonial legislatures ; " and this doc- and other demonstrations of joy — trine of state rights, thus .suggested, every one seeming pleased that the was never lost sight of by any of the domination of Great Britain was now colonies. at an end." Niles's Principles and = Sparks's Washington, iii. 403. Acts of the Rev. 252. Upon the adoption of these reso- 106 MOTION SUBMITTED BT EICHARD HENRY LEE. CHAP, which had been set. Some of them, indeed, were still averse __^_;^ to the idea of independence, and so remained throughout the 1776. discussion upon the subject ; but experience, which proves the best counsellor in such cases, eventually led to a change in their views, ahd to greater unanimity in the national councils. In accordance with the instructions which had been given for that purpose, the preliminary motion relative to independ- \^ June 7. ence was submitted in due form, on the seventh of June, by Richard Henry Lee, as the head of the delegation from Vir ginia, " amidst the hesitation of some colonies, the foreseen opposition of many able men of tlie Congress, the malice of the tories, and tho vengeance of the ministry." The words of his motion were, " that these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent states ; and that all political connection between them and the state of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved ; " ^ and John Adams, who had longed for this hour to arrive, seconded the motion with hearty good will. Tiius the question was fairly before the House ; but as that body was obliged, at the time, to attend to some other business, and as the measure proposed was of " fearful hazard and awful responsibility," and " it could not be concealed, nor was it attempted to be denied, that the act which was required by their country might be fatal to themselves," further delib eration was deferred until the next day ; and the members were enjoined " to attend punctually at ten o'clock, in order to take the same into their consideration," ^ ' Jour. Cont. Cong. ii. 194, 195; is entered on the journal" — the Ramsay's Am. Rev. i. 340 ; Lee's Lee, name of the mover not being given. i. 169; Jeff'er.son's AVorks, i. 12, 118; Lee's Lee, i. 170. Marshall's AVashington, ii. 409 ; Aus- ^ Jour. Cont. Cong. ii. 195 ; Jef- tin's Life of Gerry, i. 196; Curtis's ferson's Works, i. 12, 118; Austin's Hist, of the Const, i. 49. " That it Life of Gerry, i. 168, 196. " They was the opinion of Congress that tiie could not but feel that while, on the member who made the first motion one hand, the estabhshing of a new on tbe subject of independence would nation would hism-e their imperishii- certainly be exposed to personal and ble glory, the result of an abortive imminent danger, may be inferred attempt to sever the connection ol from the manner in which the motion tiie colonies with the mother country DEBATES ON THE QUESTION OF INDEPENDENCE. 107 At the appointed hour the Congress assembled ; and, hav- chap. ing resolved themselves into a committee of the whole, the ^^^• motion of the previous day was debated with closed doors. 1770. Who were the speakers on this memorable occasion, and what f was said by them, we have but slight means of determining, as no official report of their proceedings has been published. ^ As the result, however, after considerable discussion, the pres ident resumed the chair ; and Mr. Harrison reported that " the committee having taken into consideration the matter to them referred, but not having come to any resolutions, they directed him to move for leave to sit again on Monday ; " and it was accordingly " resolved that the Congress will, on Mon day next, at ten o'clock, resolve themselves into a committee of the whole, to take into further consideration the resolutions referred to them." ^ Monday came, and with it the business which for more than juu. 10. a month was to engross the attention of the American people. The deliberative assembly of the colonies, which was the na tional forum, was once more resolved into a committee of the whole ; and the question which involved the liberties of a continent came before them for discussion. The proceedings even of this day are but imperfectly known, for no full report of the debates was taken ; ^ but from scattered hints, gleaned would ruin their constituents, and independence ; but it appeared to me subject themselves to the disgrace and very different from that which you and penalty of treason." I heard. Dr. Witherspoon has pub- ' J. Adams to T. M'Kean, July 30, hshed speeches, which he wrote be- 1815, and M'Kean's Reply, Nov. 15, forehand, and delivered memoriter, as 1815, in Adams's Works, X. 171, 177 ; he did his sermons. But these, I be- Austin's Life of Gerry, i. 188. "Who," heve, were the only speeches corarait- asks Mr. Adams, " shall wiite the his- ted to wi-iting. The orations, while I tory of the American revolution ? was in Congress, from 1774 to 1778, Who caii -write it ? Who wiU ever be appeared to me universally extempo- able to write it ? The most essential raucous ; and I have never heard of documents, the debates and dehbera- any committed to writing, before or tions in C!ongress from 1774 to 1783, after dehveiy." were all in secret, and are now lost ' Jour. Cont. Cong. u. 195 ; Lee's forever. Mr. Dickinson printed a Lee, i. 170. speech, which he said he made in ' " The Congress of the revolu- Congress a^inst the declaration of tion," says Mr. Webster, in his Eulo- 108 DEBATES ON THE QUESTION OF INDEPENDENCE. CHAP, from different sources, it appears that the speeches were ani- ^,_^ mated, and that the ground covered by the resolution was 1776. thoroughly surveyed. The speakers in favor of the resolution were John Adams, Richard Henry Lee, George Wythe, and others ; and those against it were James Wilson, Robert E. Livingston, Edward Rutledge, John Dickinson, and others.' No one opposed the measure as impolitic and improper at all times, but as inexpedient at that time ; ^ and the leading argu ments against its adoption were, that the people of the mid dle colonies — particularly Maryland, Delaware, Pennsylva nia, the Jerseys, and New York — were "not yet ripe for bidding adieu to British connection, but that they were fast ripening, and in a short time would join in the general voice of America ; " that some of these colonies had " expressly for bidden their delegates to consent to such a declaration, and others had given no instructions, and consequently no powers, to give such consent ; " that " if the delegates of any particu lar colony had no power to declare such colony independent, the others could not declare it for them, the colonies being as yet perfectly independent of each other ; " that the Assemblies of the dissenting colonies were, or soon would be, sitting, and would probably take up the question of independence, and declare to their delegates the voice of their state ; that, " if such a declaration should now be agreed to, these delegates must retire, and possibly their colonies might secede from the gy on Adams and Jefferson, p. 32, the House.'' Austin's Life of Gerry, " sat with closed doors, and no report i. 188. Mr. Jefferson likewise pre- of its debates was ever taken. The ¦ served some minutes, which have smce discussion, therefore, which accompa- been published in the first volume of nied this great measure, has never his collected works. The notes of been preserved, except in memory ]\Ii-. Adams are also contained iu his and by tradition." Mr. Gerry, it works. seems, preserved some notes and fi:ag- ' Jefferson's AA'orks, i. 12, 14. ments among his papers ; but, says his " Lee's Lee, i. 171, on the autho^ biographer,^ they were " much too ity of a conversation with Governor loose and imperfect to wai-rant tiie Johnson, of Alaryland, then a mem- transcript of a speech, either delivered ber of the Congress. by himself or any other member of ARGUMENTS AGAINST THE DECLARATION. 109 union ; " that such secession would weaken the cause of the chap. country more than could be compensated by any foreign alii- ¦'^^• ance ; that, in the event of a division, " foreign powers would 1776. either refuse to join themselves to our fortunes, or, having us so much in their power as that desperate declaration would make us, they would insist on terms proportionably more hard and prejudicial ; " that " France and Spain had reason to be jealous of that rising power which would one day certainly strip them of their American possessions," and "it was more likely they should form a connection with the British court, who, if they should find themselves unable otherwise to extri cate themselves from their difficulties, would agree to a parti tion of our territories, — restoring Canada to Prance, and the Floridas to Spain, — to accomplish for themselves a recovery of those colonies ; " that it would not be long before certain information would be received of the disposition of the French court from the agents sent to Paris for that purpose, and should it be favorable, there would then be reason to expect an alli ance on better terms, which should be settled beforehand ; and, finally, that the want of money, of the munitions of war, and of disciplined and efiicient troops, on the part of the col onies, with the power and strength of Great Britain by sea and land, were reasons of themselves sufficiently strong to justify delay, until further arrangements could be made for conducting the war upon more equal terms. ^ On the other hand, it was argued, that the question was not whether, by a declaration of independence, we should make ourselves what we were not, but whether we should declare a fact already existing ; that we had always been independent of the people and Parliament of England, and as to the king, allegiance to him had been dissolved by his assent to the recent act cleclaring the colonies out of his protection ; that there were only two colonies, Pennsylvania and Maryland, ' Jefferson's Works, i. 12-14 ; Corresp. of J. Adams, in AA''orks, ix. 400. 110 ARGUMENTS AGAINST THE DECLARATION. CHAP, whose delegates were absolutely tied up, and these had, by J;!^ their instructions, only reserved a right of confirming or re- 1776. jecting the measure ; that the people were waiting for Con gress to lead the way ; that they were in favor of the measure, though the instructions given by some of their representatives were not ; that the voice of the people could not be absolutely inferred from the voice of the representatives, as peculiar circumstances had originated the instructions which had been given to them ; that it would be " vain to wait either weeks or months for perfect unanimity, since it was impossible that all men should ever become of one sentiment on any occa sion ; " that " the conduct of some coloni'es, from the begin ning of this contest, had given reason to suspect it was their settled policy to keep in the rear of the confederacy, that their particular prospects might be better even in the worst event ; " that therefore " it was necessary for those colonies who had thrown themselves forward, and hazarded all from the beginning, to come forward now also, and put all again to their own hazard ; " that " the history of the Dutch revolu tion, in which three states only confederated at first, proved that a secession of some colonies would not be so danarerous as some apprehended ; " that " a declaration of independence alone could render it consistent with European delicacy for European powers to treat with us, or even to receive an ambassador from us ; " that though France and Spain might be jealous of our rising power, it would be more formidable with the addition of Great Britain, and hence it would be for their interest to prevent such a coalition ; that it would be idle to lose time in settiing the terms of alliance until the alliance itself had been fully determined upon ; and that it was necessary to proceed at once to open a trade with other nations, to supply our own people with clothes and money.' It would, doubtless, be interesting to every American citi- ' Jefferson's Works, i. 14-17. ARGUMENTS IN FAVOR OF THE DECLARATION. Ill zen to be in possession of a full report of the debate on this chap. occasion ; and it is a matter of regret that so little is known _^J^ of the deliberations of that body which was assembled in 1776. Philadelphia to decide upon our destinies. Tradition has preserved a portion of the speech of Mr. Lee, the mover of the resolution ; ' and Mr. Webster, in his eulogy on Adams and Jefferson, has embodied in eloquent phrase what may be supposed to have been the speech of John Adams.^ But these, with a few others, imperfectly rendered, are the only fragments which have reached our day. It was a time for action, rather than for preserving the memorials of action. The sentiments uttered were the promptings of the hour ; and resolute men were inspired by the greatness of the theme before them. In such cases, the patriot is less anxious to transmit to posterity the evidence of his own zeal than to make his mark upon passing events. He builds his monument with deeds, not words. We know, however, that the dele- ' Lee'sLee,i. 172, 173. Itsconclud- tr-y, the names of the American legis- ing sentences are said to have been as lators of '76 -mil be placed by poster- foUows : " AVhy, then, sir, do we long- ity at the side of those of Theseus, er delav ? AVliy stiU deliberate ? Let of Lycurgus, of Romulus, of Numa, this happy day give bu'th to an Amer- of the three Wilhams of Nassau, and ican republic. Let her arise, not to of all those whose memory has been, devastate and conquer, but to re- and forever will, be, dear to rirtuous estabhsh the reign of peace and law. men and good citizens." J. Adams, The eyes of Europe are fixed upon Corresp. in AVorks, x. 177, speaking us ; .she demands of us a li-ving exam- of the speech of Lee given by Botta pie of fi-eedom, that may exhibit a in his Hist, of the Am. Rev., sap it contrast, in tbe felicity of tbe citizen, "m.ayhave been dehvered, but I nave to tbe ever-increasing tyranny which no remembrance of it, though in Con- desolates her polluted shores. She gress, nor would it do any member invites us to prepare an asylum where much credit." the unhappy may find solace, and the ^ Eulogy, 38-42. The extract is persecuted repose. She entreats us too long to be quoted here, but it is to cultivate a propitious soil, where worthy of perusal — not only for the that generous plant which first sprang evidence it presents of the genius of and grew in England, but is now with- the orator, but of the sentiments of ered by the poisonous blasts of Scot- Mr. Adams, which are correctly rep- tish tn-anny, may revive and flourish, resented, and in some parts stated in sheltering under its .salubrious and in- his own glowing words. See Letter terminable shade all the unfortunate of J. Adams to J. AVintbrop June 23, of the human race. If we are not 1776, in Works, ix. 409. this day wanting in duty to our coun- 112 COMMITTEE APPOINTED TO DRAUGHT A DECLAR-iTION. CHAP, gates from Massachusetts were particularly active ; and " it ;^ is doing no injustice to others to say, that the general opinion 1776. was, and uniformly has been, that, in debate, on the side of independence, John Adams had no equal. The great author of the Declaration has himself expressed that opinion uniformly and strongly. ' John Adams,' said he, ' was our Colossus on the floor.'"! As it appeared in the course of the debate that several of the colonies were not yet ripe for independence, and as it was deemed prudent to give their assemblies an opportunity to take off their restrictions, that the declaration might be unan imously made, the result of this day's deliberation was the appointment of a committee to draught a declaration of inde pendence, to report at some future time ; and the final decision upon the general question was postponed to the first Monday in July.^ By the courtesies of parliamentary usage, Mr. Lee, as the mover of the resolution, should have been put at the head of the committee now appointed ; and it is an obvious inquiry why he was not placed there. Evidently it was not because of his disqualification for the post, for his talents were certainly highly respectable. Nor was it because he had any reluctance to assume the responsibility it imposed. It is sug gested by his biographer — and it is probably the true reason — that it was because he was suddenly called from his seat by an express from Virginia informing him of the dangerous illjfess of his wife.^ It became necessary, therefore, to select ' Webster's Eulogy, 32. Elbridge any great alteration in the civil sys- Gerry, of Massachusetts, lUiemse tem, as the temper and inchnation of spoke ; and, in one speech in particu- then- constituents shall lead. I be- lar, be " laid out bis whole soul." heve a majority of them would cut Austin's Life of Gerry, i. 188-191. the knot to-morrow ; but they must ' Jefferson's AVorks, i. 17 ; E. Gei-- have a concm-rence of the people, or ry to J. AVarren, June 11, 1776, in at least a general approbation of any Austin's Life of Gerry, i. 191, 192. such material change." Comp. also " The Congress," wrote Reed to Pet- Curtis's Hist, of the" Const, i. 51. tit, March, 1776, in Reed's Reed, i. ' Lee's Lee, i. 173. Comp. Aus- 183, " are proceeding in their military tin's Life of Gerry, i. 197 ; Curtis'j operations, reserving themselves for Hist, of the Const, i. 81. MR. JEFFERSON SELECTED TO DRAUGHT THE DECLARATION. 113 one in his stead ; and, out of compliment to Virginia, who had chap. instructed her delegates to initiate this matter, Mr. Jefferson ^J!^ was placed at the head of the committee, though a much 1776. younger man, and less familiar with the details of business.* The proceedings of this committee have not been preserved ; nor have we any thing more than occasional references to the same in the writings of the members. It appears, however, that Mr. Jefferson was unanimously selected to prepare the draught of the proposed declaration, and that, after some hes itation, he complied with the request. Nor is there reason to regret that this delicate duty was intrusted to him ; for, young as he was, he understood well the merits of the con troversy in which the colonies had been engaged, and wielded the pen of an eloquent advocate ; and, though the admirable document which it was his good fortune to frame has since been censured for its " glittering generalities," it is too dura ble a monument to his fame to be destroyed by one sweeping assertion. " To say of the author," observes Mr. Webster, " that he performed his great work well, would be doing him injustice. To say that he did it excellently well, admirably ' Mr. Adams, Letter to T. Picker- upon both. Mr. Jefferson came into ing, Aug. 6,' 1823, in Works, u. 512, Congress in June, 1775, and brought 613, intimates that Jefferson was with him a reputation for hterature, placed at the head of this committee science, and a happy talent of compo- in accordance " witb the Frankfort ad- sition. Writings of his were banded ¦vice, to place Virginia at the head of about, remarkable for the pecuhar ft- every thing ; " but the reason suggest- hcity of expression. Though a silent ed in the text seems to me sufficient, member in Congress, he was so " Mr. R. H. Lee," he adds, " might be jirompt, frank, exphcit, and decisive gone to Virginia, to his sick family, upon committees and in conversation, for aught I luiow, but that was not the — not even Samuel Adaras was more reason of Mr. Jefferson's appointment, so, — that he soon seized upon my There were three committees appoint- heart ; and upon this occasion I gave ed at the same time — one for the him' my vote, and did all in my power declaration of independence, another to procure the votes of others. I for preparing articles of confederation, think he had one vote more than any and another for preparing a treaty to otber, and that placed him at the be proposed to France. Mr. Lee was head of the committee. I had the chosen for the committee of confeder- next highest number, and that placed ation, and it was not thought conven- me second." ient that the same person should be VOL. III. 8 114 DISCUSSION EBStJMED. CHAP, well, would be inadequate and halting praise. Let us rather ^^^- say, that he so discharged the duty assigned him that all 1776. Americans may rejoice that the work of drawing the title deed of their liberties devolved on him." * The report of the committee was presented to the House Jun. 28. on the twenty-eighth of June, and was read, and ordered to July 1. lie on the table. On the following Monday, the House resolved itself into a committee of the whole, and the consideration of the origina> motion of Mr. Lee was resumed.® The debate which ensued " took up the most of the day," though nothing was said but what had been " repeated before a hundred times for six months past." ^ In the committee of the whole, the question was decided in the affirmative by the votes Of nine colonies, and reported to the House.* But here hesitation was manifested ; and, at the instance of Edward Rutledge, of South Carolina, the determination of the question was defeiTod to the next day, on the ground that, though his colleagues " disapproved of the resolution, they would then join in it July 2. for the sake of unanimity." ^ On Tuesday a decision was reached, and a resolution was passed, by twelve of the col onies, " that these United States are, and of right ought to be, free and independent states ; that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British crown ; and that all political con- ' Webster's Eulogy on Adams and members, however, declaring that, if Jefferson, 27 ; Austin's Lffe of Gerry, the question shoidd now be demand- i. 201. John Randolph, of Virginia, ed, they should vote for it, but they is said to have once called the Dec- wished for a day or two to consider laration of Independence a"faiifaro- of it." Comp. Works, iii. 54. n^de of abstractions." Oration of * These were New Hampshire, Con- Hon. C. F. Adams before the City necticut, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Authorities of Boston, July 4, 1843, New Jersey, jMaryland,'Vu-ginia, North p. 13. Cai-ohna, and Georgia. South Carohna ' Jefferson's Works, i. 18, 118. and Pennsylvania voted against it. Del- ^ Corresp. of J. Adams, in AVorks, aware had but two members, and tliey ix. 36, 415; Ram.say's Am. Rev. i. were divided. The delegates from 340, 341. " The List debate but one," New York declai-ed that they were for says Mr. Adams, " was the most co- it themselves, but had no authorityto pious and the most animated ; but the vote in its favor. Jefferson's AVciis, question was now evaded by a motion i. 1 8. to postpone it to another day ; some ' Jefferson's AVorks, i. 18. LETTER OP JOHN ADAMS. 115 nection between them and the state of Gi-eat Britain is, a^nd chap. ought to be, totally dissolved." ^ ^^'¦ " The delay of this declaration to this time,'" wrote John 1776. Adams, " has many great advantages attending J t. The hopes July 3. of reconciliation which were fondly entertained by multitudes of honest and well-meaning, though weak and mistaken peo ple, have been gradually, and at last totally, extinguished. Time has been given for the whole people maturely to consider the great question of independence, and to ripen their judgpient, dissipate their fears, and allure their hopes, by discussing it in newspapers and pamphlets, by debating it in assemblies, con ventions, committees of safety and inspection, in town and county meetings, as well as in private ponversations — so th9.t the whole people, in every colony of the thirteen, have now adopted it, as thqir own act. This will cement the union, and avoid those heats, and perhaps convulsions, which might have been occasioned by such a declaration six months ago. " But the day is past. The second of July, 1776, will be the most memorable era in the history of America. I am apt to believe that it will be celeb^'ated by sjicpeeijing generations as the great anniversary festival. It ought to be coiiimpmo- rated, as the day of deliverance, by solemn acts of devotion to God Almighty. It ,ought to be solemnized with pomp and parade, with shows, games, sports, guns, bells, bonfires, and illuminations, from one end of this continent to the other, from this time forward, forevermore." " You will think me," he adds, " transported with enthusi asm ; but I am not. I am well aware of the toil, the blood, and treasure that it will cost to maintain this declaration, and support and defend these states. Yet, through all the gloom, I can see the rays of ravishing light and glory. I can see that the end is more than worth all the means, and that pos- ' Jour. Cont. Cong. ii. 227; Boston son's Works, i. 18; Obs. on the Am. Gazette for July 15, 1776 ; J. Adams's Rev. 53-57. Corresp. in Works, ix. 418; Jeffer- 116 UNANIMITY WITH DIFFICULTY SECURED. CHAP, terity will triumph in that day's transactions, even although _3J^ we should rue it, which I trust in God we shall not."^ 1776. It should be observed, in passing, that unanimity was not secured without great exertions on the part of the friends of independence. As we have seen, at the hour of adjournment, on the first of July, but nine of the colonies were in favor of the resolution, and two were opposed — the other two. New York and New Jersey, withholding their vote for the want of instructions.^ Of the seven Pennsylvania delegates, three voted for, and four against, the resolution. Two of the ad verse^ party were absent on the following day, so that the vote of that province was " accidentally, and by a majority of one, given in its favor." ^ Delaware, which had but two delegates, was divided — one being in favor, and the other opposed ; but by the arrival of Rodney, who was sent for by express, the vote of that province was given in the affirmative.^ The delegates from New York '' thought themselves not justifiable in voting on either side, and asked leave to withdraw fi-om the question ; which was given them." ^ South Carolina, when the question was taken, voted in the affirmative. Thus the resolution of Mr. Lee in favor of independence was passed ' Corresp. in Works, ix. 419, 420. who had hitherto constantiy voted Comp. Niles's Principles and Acts of agauist it, started suddenly upright, the Bev. 327-330. and, lifting up both his hands to heaven, ' Lett, of J. Adaras to W. Pluraer, as if he had been in a ti-ance, cried out, March 28, 1813, in Works, ix. 35. ' It is done, and I will abide by it'" " The measure," says he, " had been ' Reed's Reed, i. 187 ; Con-esp. of upon the carpet for months, and ob- J. Adams, in Works, x. 87. Among stinately opposed frora day to day. the opposers were Robert Moiris and Majorities were constantly against it. John IJicldnson. See Monis's Letter For many days, the majority depend- to Reed, July 20, 1776, in Reed's ed on Mr. Hewes, of North" Carolina. Reed, i. 201. Jeffei-son, Works,!. While a member was one day speak- 18, says " members of a different sen- ing, and reading documents from all timent " attended that morning, and the colonies to prove that the public changed the vote of Pennsylvania. opinion, the general sense of all, was ¦* Jefferson's Works, i. 18 ; "T. in favor of the measure, when he came M'Kean to J. Adams, Jan. 1814, in to North Carolina, and produced let- Adams's Works, x. 87, 88. M'Kean ters and public proceedings which de- was in favor, and Read was opposed. monstrated that the majority of that ° Jefferson's Works, i. 18; Sparks's colony were iu favor of it, Mr. Hewes, life of Gouverneur Morris, i. THB DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE CONSIDERED. 117 by twelve of the colonies — a majority of the delegates of chap. each colony voting in the affirmative.' The thirteenth colony, ,^}J^ New York, within a few days approved of the step, " and thus 1776. supplied the void occasioned by the withdrawing of her dele gates from the vote." ^ " Remember," wrote John Adams, " you cannot make thirteen clocks strike precisely alike, at the same second." But when they did strike, there was concord in their notes.^ On the same day that the resolution of Lee was passed, the July 2. Congress proceeded to consider the Declaration of Independ ence, which had be'en reported and laid on the table the Friday preceding, and on Monday referred to a committee of the whole. This, too, provoked discussion, and considerable com ment was made upon portions of it. Two passages, in partic ular, were vehemently opposed. " The pusillanimous idea," says Jefferson, " that we had friends in England worth keeping terms with still haunted the minds of many. For this reason, those passages which conveyed censures on the people of England were struck out, lest they should give them offence. The clause, too, reprobating the enslaving the inhabitants of Africa was struck out, in complaisance to South Carolina and Georgia, who had never attempted to restrain the importation ' Lett, of S. Adams to R. H. Lee, tem of 1774 ; that their subsequent July 15, 1776, in Lee's Lee, i. 183. resistance arose from refused redress ' Jefferson's Works, i. 18,19. and attempted coercion, and their con- ' Corresp. in Works, ix. 402. Bis- sent to the scheme of independence sett. Hist. Eng. i. 471, judiciously ob- from the total rejection of all their serves on the passage of this declara- applications, combined with elation for tion, " From the series of acts which the success of the forraer carapaign. the narrative has presented, it appears The independence of America, there- that the New Englanders, since the fore, whether wise or unwise, evident- commencement of the disputes, man- ly proceeded from no preconcerted ifested dispositions to republicanism, design, but was a natural consequence; from which we might fairly infer a de- of the measures which were pur.sued' sire, and even a design, of eventual by the mother country, and the prog- separation ; but that the middle and ress of human passions when they re- southcrn colonies were tbe votaries of fuse the admonitions of reason and loyal and constitutional connection wisdom — from disputes to quarrels, and subordination ; that their cooper- repeated with increasing asperity, un- ation with the colonies of tbe north til they terminated in a final rup- was the immediate , effect of the sys- ture." 118 DISCUSSION UPON THEl SAME. Chap, of slaves, and who, on the contrary, still wished td continue __F^ it. Our northern brethren, also, I believe, felt a little tender 1776. under these cSriSures ; for though their people had very few slaves themsdves, yet they had been pretty considerable car riers of them to Others." ' The original draught, in the autograph of Mr". Jefferson, of the Declaration of Independence, has been preserved and published ; and, by comparing that draught with the declara tion as passed, the changes made in it will be readily pe^ ceived. The alterations, however, were principally verbal ; and it speaks volumes in favor of the skill of the framer, that, where so many opinions prevailed, so few exceptions were taken to his work.^ The discussion upon the Declaration of Independence occu- pied the timte of the House for the greater part of three days ; July 4. but at length, on the evening of the third day, it was passed, " signed by every member present, except Mr. Dickinson ; " ' and copies of the same were ordered to be sent " to the sev eral assemblies, conventions, and committees or councils of safety, and to the several commanding officers of the conti nental troops ; that it be proclaimed in each of the United July 19. States, and at the head of the army." ^ A fortnight later, the Declaration was ordered to be engrossed on parchment ; and, when ready, it received the signatures of all the delegates, and became the act of the thirteen colonies.^ ' Jefferson's Works, i. 19 ; Lee's of Independence is given in Almon's Lee, i. 175 ; J. Adams's Letter to T. Remembrancer, iv. 28-41. Pickering, Aug. 6, 1822, m Works, ii. ' Jefferson's Works, i. 19, 120. 514; Cui'tis's Hist, of the donst. i. * Jour. Cont, Cong. ii. 233; Al- 87, 88. mon's Remembrancer, iii. 258. On * Jefferson's Works, i. 19-26, with the famous Mecklenberg Declaration, the fac-simile attached; Lee's Lee, i. of Alay 20, 1775, see Force's Am. 275-280. The alterations made iu Archives ; Niles's Principles and Acts the draught of Jefferson caused Frank- of the Rev. 132-136. Kn, who sat near him, to relate, with * Jefferson's Works, i. 120-122 ; his usual humor, the story of " John Secret Journals ; Webster's Eulogy, Thompson, the Hatter,'' given in 31 ; Austin's Life of Gen-y, i. 203,204. Sparks's Life of Franklin, 407. A Lord Malion, Hist. Eng. vi. 98, very series of strictm-es on the Declai-ation justly observes that, " among all the CHARACTER OF THB INSTRUMENT. 119 " This celebrated instrument," " regarded as a chap. legislative proceeding, was the most solemn enactment, by the "^• representatives of all the colonies, of a complete dissolution 1776. of their allegiance to the British crown. It severed the po- ' litical connection between the people of this country and the people of England, and at once erected the differenfr colonies into free and independe.nt states. The body by which this step was taken constituted the actual government of the nation at the time ; and its members had been directly in vested with competent legislative power to take it, a,nd had also been specially instructed to do so. The consequences flowing from its adoption were, that the local allegiance of the inhabitants of each colony became transferred and due to the colony itself, or, as it was expressed by the Congress, became due to the laws of the colony from which they derived protection ; that the people of the country became thence forth the rightful sovereigns of the country ; that they be came united, in a national corporate capacity, as one people ; that they could thereafter enter into treaties and contract alliances with foreign nations, could levy war and conclude peace, and do all other acts pertaining to the exercise of a national sovereignty ; and, finally, that, in their national cor porate capacity, they became knojrn and designated as the United States of America. This Declaration was the first national state paper in which these words were used as the style and title of the nation. In the enacting part of the instrument, the Congress styled themselves 'the representa tives of the United States of America in General Congress assembled ; ' and, from that period, the previously ' United Colonies' have been known as a political community, both coincidences of date which history re- in their native land, expire on the fif- cords, there is none, perhaps, so strik- tieth anniversary of the day on which ing as that John Adams and Jeffer- this their own handiwork, this the son, the two main movers of this dec- foundation of their own greatness, laration, should both, after filhng with was flrst sent forth." signal reputation the highest office ' Hist. Const, i. 87, 88. 120 REJOICINGS ON ITS PASSAGE. CHAP, within their own borders and by the other nations of the ^^^^ world, by the title which they then assumed." 1776. In accordance with the arrangements which had been made for that purpose, the Declaration of Independence was read publicly in all the states, and at the head of the army, and was welcomed with the liveliest demonstrations of joy. In July 8. Philadelphia, in particular, the bell in the State House rang for the first time the stirring peal of American liberty, and the enthusiasm of the people rose to the highest pitch.' Throughout the country, indeed, a change was visible ; and every thing, from this date, assumed a new form. " The Americans no longer appeared in the character of subjects in arms against their sovereign, but as an independent people, repelling the attacks of an invading foe. The propositi9n3 and supplications for reconciliation were done away. The dispute was brought to a single point — whether the late British colonies should be conquered provinces, or free and independent states." ^ July 18. The reading of the Declaration in Boston took place on the eighteenth of July, from the balcony of the Town House, which was thenceforth the State House, in the presence of a vast concourse of the citizens, of a number of military compa-" nies, of the officers of the militia and of the continental army then on the station, of the selectmen and other municipal officers of the town, and of many members of the Executive Council and the General Assembly. The parade on the occasion was unusually great ; the exultation of the people was unbounded. Tlie king's arms were removed from the place they had long filled ; and a public dinner was given, at which hundreds were seated. On the ensuing Sunday, the Declaration was read in most of the churches at the close of the religious services of the afternoon ; and the piety of the ' Gordon's Am. Rev. ii. 92 ; Al- ' Ramsay's Am. Rev. i. 346. mon's Remembrancer, iii. 337. . PROPRIETY OF- THIS STEP. 1 21 people consecrated the cause as the cause of God and of suf- chap fering humanity.' ^.^JL, It will be readily conceived that no step hitherto taken was 1776. more cordially approved by the patriots of New England than this, which severed forever their connection with Great Britain. Not that even the most zealous deprecated, under all circumstances, the continuance of such connection ; but they had long been satisfied of the hopelessness of effecting a reconciliation upon terms which would be alike satisfactory and honorable. If concessions were to be made, it was well understood that they would be expected to come from this side of the water. The ministers of the king had too much pride to acknowledge their errors, nor did they seem even conscious that they had done any thing which called for such an acknowledgment. In their own estimation, they had sought only to uphold the dignity of the crown, and to restore to obedience refractory subjects. If, in some cases, they had advocated measures of unusual severity, they were made neces sary, they thought, by the exigencies of the times ; and the responsibility of their passage must rest with the " rebels." Knowing that such feelings prevailed, and conscious that their resistance was grounded upon principle, and fell legitimately within the limits of constitutional authority, the statesmen of New England, who were in the forefront of tlie battle, and who looked over the field with a view to remote consequences as well as to immediate results, were convinced that war alone could decide the controversy, and that, to concentrate the ' Boston Gazette for July 22, 1776 ; Cro-wn, Heart and Crown, &c., to- Sparks's Corresp. of the Rev. i. 256 ; gether vrith every sign that belonged Austin's Life of Gerry, i. 206 ; Brad- to a tory, was taken down, and made ford, ii. 116,117. " The bells of the a general conflagration of in King town were rung on the occasion, and Street. The King's Arms, in this undissembled festi-vity cheered and town, was, on Saturday la.st, also de- lightened every face." " We hear faced." For the observances at that, on Thursday last, every King's Worcester, see Mass. Spy for July 24, Arms in Boston, and every sign with 1776, and Lmooln's Hist. Worcester, any resemblance of it, whether Lion 115, 116. and not only chap. did the towns cooperate with them in carrying out these meas- ^'^¦ ures,^ but private liberality was abuudantiy displayed, and 1776 those who had large means contributed of their affluence to those who had less.s Such generous conduct is worthy of all praise ; nor should it be forgotten that, as the clouds gath ered, and the storm in its fury swept over the land, the noble purpose which animated all so far outweighed inferior im pulses as to prompt philanthropy to succor the needy, and Christian liberality to answer with cheerfulness the numerous calls upon its benevolent regards. The treatment to which " tories," or " loyalists," should be subjected, was a point of considerable delicacy and difficulty. That most of those designated by these terms were sincere in their opinions, the candid of our day will doubtiess con cede ; for they proved their sincerity by submitting their persons to the severest indignities, and their property to confiscation.'* They were naturally regarded with suspi cion and dislike ; for how could they sympathize with the New Hampshire, at Providence, for opposed by many of the citizens. Real the adoption of measures for the pub- Farmer, No. 4, in N. Y. Jour. ; Pem- lic rehef; but the presence of the berton's Jour, in 1 M. H. CoU. ii. British prevented the meeting, and a 158; Bradford, u. 172; Jour. H. of new one was appointed at Springfield R. for 1778 and 1779. in the spring, at which New York was * See the pubhshed histories of the also represented, and a plan was re- different towns. Provisions of this ported which afforded some rehef. kind were made every year during the Trumbull MS. Letter Book B, 101, war, and were of great service to those under date Feb. 20, 1777 ; Austin's who would have otherwise perished Life of Gerry, i. 219-223, 264 ; Jom-. from absolute want. H. of R. for 1776, 1777 ; Bradford," = Comp. Boston Gazette for]\Iarch ii. 121 ; Holland's Western Mass. i. 10, 1777, where the liberahty of the ' Almon's Remembrancer, v. 57- citizens of Roxbury is commended. 62; Bradford, ii. 121. In 1777, an Instances of such liberality were not act to " prevent monopoly and op- uncommon ; and though there were pression " was passed in Massachu- occasional examples of individual seh- setts, and sanctioned by the towns ; ishness, they were sternly rebuked. and, in 1778 and 1779, regulating ¦* The admirable work of Lorenzo statutes were passed by the General Sabine, Esq., on the American loyal- Congress, and a plan was adopted and ists, is worthy of being consulted by carried into effect by most of the east- all who desire extended information em states, which was approved by the relative to this class of persons. legislature of Massachusetts, though 136 TREATMENT OF THE TORIES. CHAP, cause of their country ? and if not in its favor, they must ^.^^ certainly be opposed. In such case, the question arose. Should 1776. they be left unmolested, would not their countenance be given to the enemy ? And would it be politic to allow them to act in this manner ? It is not surprising, in view of these facts, that stringent measures should have been advocated and adopted. A different result could hardly have been expected. ... And if these measures, in some cases, appear to have been too stringent, and the remedial process to have savored of revenge, it should be remembered that there were often circumstances which aggravated resentment, and that inexcusable instances of treachery were detected which demanded to be promptly and summarily checked.^ Jan. 2. The General Congress, at a quite early date, feeling the importance of this subject, earnestly debated it ; and, while they advised that the honest but misinformed should be treat ed with lenity, " speedy and effectual measures " were recom mended to be taken to "frustrate the mischievous machina tions" of the "unworthy."^ The course of Massachusetts was in accordance with these resolves ; and when a number of tories, who had fled to Halifax upon the evacuation of Boston, ventured to return, and threw themselves upon the mercy of the government, for the public security they were taken into custody, and most of them were imprisoned for • Vigilance was required in all at least, not to oppose them. " He parts of the state to frustrate the that is not for us is ag-ainst us," was schemes of those whose loyalty went their maxim ; and the conduct of all so far as to lead them to act against nations has confirmed its necessity. the patriot cause ; and self-protection In the midst of the excitement inci- sanctioned the exercise of such vigi- dent to a revolution, speculative dis- lance. Our syrapathles raay prorapt tinctions have very httle power over us to deplore the misfortunes of those the mind, ileii act promptly, and whose chief offence was their lo)'alty ; take such measures as seem to bewai-- but this sympathy should not induce ranted at the time, -without stopping a forgetfulness of the fact that the to investigate indiridual or exception- patriots were equally honest, and that, al cases. as the Americans as a people had sol- ' Jour. Cont. Cong. ii. 6, 7. See emnly renounced their allegiance to also ibid. ii. 88 ; and comp. Galloway's the king, every resident of the coun- Examuiation, Lond. 1779, p. 6, note. try was expected to coincide with, or. TREATMENT OP THE TORIES. 137 several months. Their conduct was likewise jealously watched, chap. and it was some time before confidence was fully restored. ^ ^^' It was at a later date, however, that the greatest disturb- 1777 ances prevailed, and all who persisted in abetting the royal- ^78. ists were treated with a severity proportioned to their of fence. In some cases, they were seized by a company of armed men, and conducted to the " liberty pole," with which every town was graced, under which they were compelled to recant, and give bonds for their future good conduct.® In others, they were ingloriously tipped from the cart's tail, and commanded forthwith to depart from the neighborhood.^ In others, they were treated to a substantial coat of tar and feathers.^ The more obstinate were imprisoned ; and those who refused on any terms to yield were published in the papers as enemies to the country.^ Of all crimes, that of aiding the enemies of America was viewed with the greatest abhorrence ; and those who were guilty were sternly rebuked, and held up as objects of merited censure.^ As the condition of the army was exceedingly discouraging, and the necessity for recruiting it had been pressed upon Con gress, the provisions for the ensuing campaign, thanks to the energy of General Washington, were made on a larger scale than ever before — eighty-eight regiments, or seventy thousand men, being ordered to be raised for three years, or during the g^^^^g war.' The quota of Massachusetts was fifteen battalions ; ' Bradford, ii. 105. tories. In September, 1778, also, an " Thacher's Jour. 21. act was passed to prevent the return " Tar vet in embryo, in pino, f "^f^ ^«,%^es ; and in April and Shall run on toi-iea' backs to shine ; September, 1779, acts 01 Confiscation Trees, rooted fair in groves of fallows, •were passed. Jour. H. of R. for Are Krowin;' for onr future gallows; tj^to j i^rTn t> ^ r^ .... a And geese UNhatdu-d.whcnpluckedinfray, 1778 and 1779 ; Hoston bazette tor Sliaii rue the feathering of that day." May 19, 1777; Bradford, U. 171 J TRHMBULL-s M'Fingai. Brooks's Medford, 171, 172. 3 Boston Gazette for Apr. 21, 1777 ; ' Jour. Cont. Cong. ii. 336 ; Pem- Ban-y's Hist. Hanover, 1 13. berton's Jour, in 1 M. H. Coll. ii. 78 ¦1 Thacher's Jour. 2 1. Jour. Mass. H. of R. for Oct. 9, 1776 » Thacher's Jour. 21. GaUoway's Examination, Lond. 1779, " In May, 1777, an act of the Gen- p. 19; Stedman's Am. War, i. 228 eral Court was passed relative to the Marshall's Washington, ii. 457 138 A NEW ARMY RAISED. CHAP, and, soon after, a requisition was made for three more regi- ,^..J^ ments and a battalion of artillery — making, in all, about 1776. thirteen thousand men, or more than one sixth of the whole establishment.! To facilitate this arrangement, and to pro- Oet. 15. mote its effectiveness, a committee was appointed to visit Gen eral Washington, and, if necessary, to proceed to Philadelphia, to consult with Congress upon the subject of bounty and wages for the soldiers.^ The difficulty of enlisting men had been every where felt, and in few of the states was a similar course pursued.^ Hence, when tbe committee waited upon 3 battahons. 15 (( 2 U 8 ti 4 tt 4 it 12 tt 1 St 8 tt 15 tt 9 n 6 tt 1 tt says J. Ad- Works of J. Adams, iii. 82-84; Heath's Mems. 116 ; Thacher's Jour. 61 ; Bradford, u. 122. The propor tions of the different states were as follows : — New Harapshire, . Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island, . . Connecticut, . . . New York, . . . New Jersey, . . . Pennsylvania, . . Delaware, . . . Maryland, . . . Virginia, .... North Carolina, . . South Carohna, . . Georgia "The articles of war,' ams, " and the institution of the army during the war, were all my work." ' In addition to these 88 battal ions, 16 raore were ordered to be raised, and 6 "out of the continent at large," — in all, 110, — -with 3000 horse, 3 regiraents of artillery, and a company of engineers. Of the.se ad ditional battahons, three were to be raised by Massachusetts, which were known as Jackson's, Lee's, and Hen ley's regiments ; and the battahon of artiUery from Massachusetts was known as Arraand's legion. Heath's Mems. 116 ; J. Adams's Corresp. in Works, ix. 450 ; Jour. H. of R. for 1776, &c. " On the 20th of September, Con gress appointed a committee of three — Roger Sherman, Elbridge Gerry, and Lewis — to visit head quar ters at New York, to inquire into the state of the army ; and their report was made October 3, debated for sev eral days, and adopted on the 8th. Jour.. Cont. Cong. u. 359, 373, 379 ; Austin's Life of Gerry, i. 214, 215. The General Court of Ma.ssachnsett3 appointed their committees to rislt the camps at New York and Ticonde roga on the 15th of October. Jour. H. of R. for 1776, 120, 122, 131. ^ Galloway, Examination before the House of Coinmou,s, Lond. 1779, 19, 20, asserts that Congress actually raised in 1777 only 16,000 men, "not because the Congress had altered their resolution, but because the men were not to be had. They made every ex ertion, as usual ; but they had lost in the Canada expedition, at Boston, where they were extremely sickly, killed in battle in the several engage ments with the British troops, taken prisoners, and by deaths iu the mili tary hospitals southward of Xew York, I think I may safely say, upon good inquu-y, nearly 40,000 men. The peo ple, also, at that time, were more averse to the measures of Congress than the yeai- before." On p. 16, be also says, " I had very good opportu nities of knowing the state of the middle colonies, in which I include New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvaiiia, Maryland, the Delaware counties, and Virginia. Gentlemen of fortune and integrity, on whom I should rely, came to me at Pluladelphia, fi:oni BOARD OP WAR APPOINTED., 139 Washington, and inquired whether an enlistment for one year chap. would not suffice, he replied, with warmth, " Good God 1 gen- _^3^ tlemen, our cause is ruined if you engage men for only a 1776. year. You must not think of it. If we hope for success, we must have men enlisted for the whole term of the war." ' He had already suffered from the want of regular troops, and was determined, if possible, to prevent the recurrence of this evil in the future. The appointment of a board of war was another important Oct. 24. movement ; and this board was authorized to provide military stores and firearms for the use of the soldiers stationed in the state, as well as for those who were ordered abroad.^ Several further detachments of the militia were likewise called for before the year closed, to strengthen the army at the north Nov. and. in New York, and. to assist in protecting the state of Dec. Rhode Island, which was attacked by a party of British, six thousand strong, in a fleet from New York.^ To induce those Norfolk, in Virginia, AVilhamsburg, Fredericksburg, the distant county of Botetourt, Fort Pitt, and fi-om the intermediate parts of New York, New Jersey, Maryland, and the Delaware cotaitie.s, from whom I made it my particular business to learn the state of the disposition of the people of those eolome.'i, as well at that time as in the year 1776, when Sir William HoiVe was at Trenton. And I was informed by all of them that the pan ic extended through all those parts, and at that time very few indeed en tertained hopes of supporting the m- dependence." The reader wmst ob serve that these are not the state ments of a fiiend of America, but of one who was a loyahst at heart, and aUowance must be made accordingly. ' Bradford, u. 123 ; Winsor's Dux bury, 136. According to the latter, Mr. Partridge, of Duxbury, was one of the committee from Massachusetts ; and it was to him that the exclama tion in the text was made. « Jom-. H. of R. for Oct. 23 and 24, 1776; Heath's Mems. 116; Bradford, ii. 124. This board was found so serviceable that it was re newed annually for several years. The members for the year 1776-7 were James Bowdoin, George Whit comb, Joseph Palmer, Henry Brom- field, Samuel P. Savage, James Pres cott, Samuel A. Otis, Jonathan Jack son, and Jonathan Glover. Jour. H. of R. for Oct. 30, 1776. ^ Sh- Wilham Howe to Lord G. Germaine, Nov. 30 and Dec. 20, 1776 ; Lord George Germaine to Sir Wilham Howe, Jan. 14 and March 3, 1777; Sparks's Washington, iv. 161, 240 _; Bradford, u. 125, 126, 128. The British troops were commanded by General Chnton, Lord Percy, Major General Prescott, and others ; and tbe mihtia from Connecticut and Mas- sachusett-s, raised to oppose them, were placed under the command of Major General Lincoln, who had been sent on some time before to reenforce the continental army at New YorL 140 ENLISTMENTS IN MASSACHUSETTS. CHAP, who had enlisted from Massachusetts, and whose term of ser- __^3^ '^ic® would soon expire, to remain for a longer time, commit- 1776. tees were sent to New York and Canada ; but only a few could be persuaded to remain, and many returned as soon as the period of their enlistment was closed.* The departure of such numbers of the troops from Massa chusetts awakened apprehensions for the safety of its own borders ; and, as Boston was left comparatively defenceless, and a rumor was in circulation that the enemy designed to avail themselves of this opportunity to march through the country to its attack, the two regiments stationed'in the capi- Deo. tal and in the harbor were engaged to continue in the service for a short time longer, and two additional regiments were ordered to be raised. All these different establishments amounted to more than one half of the militia of the neigh borhood, besides a large number from other counties in the state.® The troops for the main army came in slowly ; and the General Court, to hasten their enlistment, proposed to offer an additional bounty ; but Congress discouraged the plan, as it would render it necessary for the other states to adopt a sinjilar course, and some of them, it was believed, would not consent. Congress, indeed, offered a bounty of twenty dol lars and a tract of land to each soldier enlisting ; but as the latter was a distant good, and not valued as it should have been, it produced little effect.^ Massachusetts, accordingly, 1777. assumed the responsibility of offering, in addition to the boun- &o. ' ty of Congress, the sum of twenty pounds, to be paid in two equal instalments, and provided that the depreciation of paper received in payment of their wages should be made up by the ' Smrks's Washington, iv. 172, ' Jour. Cont. Cong. ii. 336; Jour. 253; Bradford, h. 125. Mass. H. of R. for Oct 21, 1776; ' Gen. James Warren to E. Gerry, Stedman's Am. War, i. 228 ; Almon's Jan. 15, 1777, in Austin's Life of Ger- Remembrancer, iv. 239 ; Thacher's ry, i. 255; Bradford, u. 125, 128. Jour. 61. ORGANIZATION OP THE REGIMENTS. 141 state, and in many cases furnished the men with clothing at chap. a fixed price, which prevented the loss that would have been ^^• otherwise suffered, had their whole compensation been received 1776. in continental bills. * In pursuance of this arrangement, four regiments were or ganized, early in the new year, and, by the advice of Washing- j^^' ton, ordered to the northward, where the movements of the British indicated an intention of renewing the war, and where the American army had been reduced so low as to be scarcely adequate to the defence of Ticonderoga.^ The remaining regiments were filled with greater difiiculty ; nor were they completed until the following summer, although the people May were urged to enlist by all the considerations which could June. operate with free and patriotic citizens.^ The addresses of the General Court were fervid and earnest. " We entreat you," Jan- 26, was their language, " for the sake of that religion, for the en joyment whereof your ancestors fled to this country, for the sake of your laws and future felicity, to act vigorously and firmly in this critical situation of your country ; and we doubt not but that your noble exertions, under the smiles of Heaven, will insure you that success and freedom due to the wise man and the patriot." ^ The officers of the militia and the select- ' Resolves of March 22, April 30, ^ Boston Gazette for May 19, 1777; May 10, and June 4, 1777, in Jour. Austin's Life of Gerry, i. 257 ; J. Ad- H. of B. for 1777 ; Boston Gazette ams's Con-esp. in Works, ix. 464. In for Jan. 6 and Feb. 24, 1777; May, 1777, it was estimated that Mas- Sparks's Washington, iv. 317, note; sachusetts had in its pay 12,000 men, Bhss's Rehoboth, 147 ; Bradford, ii. besides mihtia and those engaged on 129, 130. Washington disapproved the sea coast within its own jurisdic- of this act. Sparks's Washington, iv. tion. Bradford, h. 138. 173. ¦" Niles's Principles and Acts of the = Heath's Mems. 116, 117; Al- Rev. 253-255; Bradford, u. 131. mon's Remembrancer, v. 70, 179 ; There were great complaints of the Sparks's Washington, iv. 279, 361. extortions of the sutlers during the General Knox was in Boston in Feb- previous campaign; and this was one ruary of this year, to expedite the reason why many soldiers were re raising of a battalion of artillery in luctant to enlist. Letter of S. Phil- Massachusetts. The four regiments hps, Jun., to E. Gerry, Feb. 22, named in the text were under the 1777, in Austin's Life of Gerry, i. 256 command of Generals Brewer, Fran- et seq. cis, Bradford, and Marshall. Brad ford, u. 130, note. , 142 PREPARATIONS FOR Dt.i'i!-ACE. CHAP, men of the towns were requested to assist in this work ; and, ^33l. ^s every seventh man was called for, the proportion of each 1777. town was definitely fixed, and a resolve was passed that the men should be raised. In some places, the citizens were draughted or taken by lot ; and all such were obliged to join the army in person or furnish a substitute.^ The apprehension that the British fleet, which was stationed at Newport, and which was preparing to leave, was destined for Boston, awakened for a time serious alarm, and led to the Junes, passage of an order that the forts in the harbor should be repaired and manned ; that a supply of provisions, intrench ing tools, and military stores of every kind should be obtained, and lodged in magazines for the security of the state, and that the militia of the neighborhood should be " put upon the most respectable footing," and called for the defence of the town without delay ; but, as the enemy went to a different -quarter, they were soon dismissed, though two regiments were retained, and several companies, in the service of the state, were sta tioned in the seaboard towns during the year.^ The naval armament of Massachusetts, including several privateers, and the larger vessels commissioned by Congress, were still successful in their cruises on the coast and in the latitude of the West Indies ; and richly-laden ships, bound • Boston Gazette for June 30, 1777; raised and stationed at different places Sparks's Washington, iv. 426, note ; round the harbor of Boston, and the Bradford, u. 131, 135. The troops two conthiental regiments on the sta- from Hampshire and Berkshire were tion. ordered to march by the Council Feb- ^ Jom\ H. of R. for 1777, p. 11; ruary 9 ; others, fi-om Berkshu-e, at Letter of Gen. Heath, of June 11, the request of General Gates, in April ; 1777. in ibid. p. 26; Boston Gazette others, from Hampshire, by the Coun- for May 19, 1777; Sparks's Wash- cil, iiiMav; and those for Ticondero- ington, iv. 395, note; v. 5, note; ga and Rhode Island, by the Council, Bradford, u. 132, 133, 135, 136. The April 12. In March, also, companies town garrison was commanded by were ordered to be raised, and sta- Major Andrew Symmes ; and Geiier- tioned at Falmouth, Cape Ehzabeth, al Heath took the place of General Kittery, Newbm-yport, Gloucester, Sa- Ward as commander-in-cliief — the lem, Marblehead, Plymouth, and Dart- latter baring resigned his commis- mouth, besidef the companies aheady sion, and been elected to the Council. SUCCESSES OP THB NATT. 143 from these islands to Europe, with others on their voyage chap from Great Britain to New York to furnish the enemy with ^^¦ stores and clothing, were captured by the Americans. By 1777. these successes, which were highly encouraging, the troops were supplied with necessary articles which could not have been otherwise easily obtained ; and a calculation was made, in England, that, from July, 1775, to January, 1777, the Amer icans had captured English merchant ships to the value of a million and a half sterling, besides a number of transports and provision vessels destined for the British troops.' Nor was it only from this quarter that supplies were received ; for, in consequence of the application of Franklin and Deane, who were at Paris, several ships arrived from France, laden with March ' ^ ' and woollen and linen goods, and large quantities of hardware, -A-p"!- firearms, and mihtary stores. One of these, the Amphitrite, which touched at Portsmouth, had on board sixty-one hundred stands of arms ; and, as the troops from Massachusetts were on the eve of marching for Ticonderoga, the General Court ap plied for these arms ; their request was granted, and the new recruits, many of whom had been delayed from the want of muskets, were speedily equipped and sent on their way.^ In the summer of this year, an expedition was projected for June, the defence and relief of the people of St. John and other places on the Bay of Fundy, who were friendly to the United ' Stedman's Am. War, i. 259; Al- ii. 133, 134, 136. But 5000 stands mon's Remembrancer, iii. 343 ; iv. were granted to Massachusetts ; the 312-318; V. 51, 108-110; Bradifoi-d, rest were otherwise disposed of. The u. 133. No towns, probably, did troops for Ticonderoga were from more than Salem and Beverly in fit- Hampshire and Berkshire ; and 1500 ting out vessels during the war ; and of the mihtia of those counties were it appears that, at a later date, fi-om ordered out in April, and mai-cbed to March 1 to November 1, 1781, there New York. Before this date, the were fitted out from these ports at struggling states received much for- least 52 vessels, mounting 746 guns, eign assistance, obtained both from ' and manned by 3940 seamen. Salem hidiriduals in France and fi'om the Gazette, passim ; Niles's Principles French govemment ; and private and Acts of the Rev. 376 ; Felt's Hist, merchants, in several of the sea- Salem, u. 267-278, where the partic- ports, sent secretly cai-goes of mil- ulars are given itary stores to this country. Diplo- = Heath's Mems. 117 ; Bradford, macy of the U. S. 19. 144 PERILOUS POSITION OP AFFAIRS. ICHAP. States, and called for assistance. This expedition was pro- ^^.^ posed with the consent of the General Congress, but was 1777. performed by the people and government of Massachusetts, and a regiment was raised in Maine, with a sufficient naval force to aid in its operations ; but unexpected difficulties arose, and the expedition was abandoned in its original form, though a single company from Maine, without exciting alarm in the British at Halifax, proceeded, some months after, to the head of the Bay of Fundy, took a small fort, and brought off sev eral families. The Indians in that quarter appeared to be friendly ; and some of them were taken into the pay of the state, and served with a battalion raised for the defence of the eastern frontiers.' July 4. The anniversary of the declaration of independence was celebrated in Boston with great parade. By order of the General Court, a sermon was delivered by Dr. Gordon, in the morning, before the representatives and councillors, and other public characters both civil and military ; a grand salute was fired on the occasion ; the militia were paraded ; a public din ner was given ; fireworks were exhibited in the evening ; and other demonstrations of gratitude and joy signalized the fes tivities, and attested the zeal and patriotism of the people.*' Yet the position of affairs was certainly perilous ; and the success of the British, under General Burgoyne, at the north ward and in Canada, had been such as to inspire the liveliest alarm. Hence, as it was justly apprehended that, should they succeed in reaching Albany, and be joined by the forces sta tioned at New York, the southern and northern states would be so separated that it would be easy to subdue them, no time was lost in laboring to prevent this catastrophe ; and it was , immediately resolved to send additional troops to reenforce July 2. Gates. Already had the General Court ordered thither a ' Jour. H. of R. for Aug. 8, 1777; ' Jour. H. of R. for, 1777, 45, Wilharason's Maine, u. 458; Brad- 51 ; Boston Gazette for July 7, 1777 1 ford, u. 138, 139. Bradford, u. 140. CAPTURE OP BURGOYNE. 145 portion of the troops from Hampshire and Berkshire, with chap. others from Worcester, Middlesex, Suffolk, Essex, and York, ,J3l. after the abandonment of Ticonderoga ; ^ and, relying upon 1777. " the public virtue, and the unbounded love of freedom and of their country with which the militia of the state had always been inspired," it was now ordered, at the solicitation of Wash- Aug. 8. ington, that the residue of the troops from the western coun ties should follow, — with the exception of those from the south part of Worcester, — and one half of ttose from Mid dlesex and Essex.^ In the absence of these forces, several companies of militia from Suffolk and Middlesex were called out to protect the capital, and to guard the military stores deposited there and at Cambridge and Watertown.^ This movement had the desired effect ; and, after Burgoyne • — the "favorite of the court of London, formed by nature with an active, enterprising disposition, and animated by a most extravagant love of glory "* — had penetrated the coun try so far that he could not retreat without disgrace, a detach ment from his army of fifteen hundred men, under Colonel Baum, was encountered by the gallant Stark near Bennington, Aug.16. with a body of two thousand militia, and defeated ; ^ subse quently a more general engagement took place near Saratoga, Sep. 19. in which the Americans were victorious ; a third encounter, a few weeks later, also resulted in favor of the Americans ; and, Oct. 7. ' Jour. H. of R. for June 27, 1777 ; and these interesting rehcs may still Holland's Western Mass. i. ; HamU- be seen on the walls of the senate ton's Works, i. 31. chamber, where they were placed by ' Jour. H. of R. for Aug. 6 and 8, order of the General Court. Jour. H. 1777 ; Sparks's Washington, v. 18, of R. for Dec. 4, 1777. The whole 30 ; Heath's Mems. 123 ; Thacher's army of BurgojTie is said to have con- Jour. 83, 84 ; Bradford, u. 141-143. siste'd of 7173 regular troops, Enghsh ^ Sparks's Washington, iv. 500. and German, exclusive of a corps of ¦* Abb6 Robins, New Travels artillery, and 700 or 800 raen under through America, 59. the orders of Colonel St. Leger. All * Stark sent to Massachusetts, as his ofiicers were men of approved a present, one brass drum, a firearm merit; and he was provided \rith a and bayonet, and a grenadier's cap , considerable train of artillery, and and Hessian sword, as part of the tro- ammunition of every sort. Abb6 phies taken by him at Bennington ; Robin's New Travels, 59. VOL. III. 10 146 SECRET EXPEDITION TO RHODE ISLAND. CHAP, twelve days later, the proud general, who had boasted of hig ^^- prowess, was compelled to surrender ; his troops were marched 1777. to the vicinity of Boston, and quartered in barracks on Win- ¦ ter and Prospect Hills. This was " the turning point of the war of revolution in America ; " and the greater part of the American army, after the victory, was ordered from Saratoga to join General Washington, and went into winter quarters at "Valley Porge.i Sep. 17. The secret expedition, planned by the legislature of Massac chusetts before the capture of General Burgoyne, was de signed for an attack upon the enemy at Newport, in the hope of forcing them to leave that place. To effect this purpose, three thousand men were raised, from the counties of Bristol, Plymouth, and Barnstable, and the southern parts of Suffolk, Middlesex, and Worcester ; and these, with the state regiment of artillery, under Colonel Crafts, and the militia of Massa chusetts, under Major General Hancock, were placed under General Spencer, of Connecticut, and marched to Providence, and from thence to Tiverton, where the stone bridge now stands ; but the expedition was unsuccessful, though the officer ' Jour. H. of R. for Deo. 12, 1777 ; were reluctarit even to raise men for Pari. Debates for 1779, 420 et seq. ; their own protection, -with the gallan- Boston Gazette for Aug. 25, Sept. 1 try of New York and the New Eng- and 29, Oct. 6, 13, and 27, and Dec. land States, who poured their troojis 1, 1777 ; Burgoyne's Narr. in Lib. into the northern department until Mass. Hist. Soc. ; Pemberton's Jour, the surrender of Burgoyne. The pris- hi 1 M. H. CoU. u. 109, 116, 122- oners taken at Saratoga, known as 124 ; Abb6 Robin's New Travels, 59 the " convention prisonei-s," were held -67 ; Stedman's Ara. War, i. 332, in dm-ess until the sprmg of 1779 be- 336, 344 et seq. ; Historical Anec- fore they were exchanged and pe> dotes relative to the Ara. War, Lond. mitted to return to England ; and ¦ 1779, 26 et seq. ; Gordon's Am. Rev. dming this time frequent difficulties u. 248-269 ; Almon's Remerabi-aiicer, occurred with them, which caUed for V. 391 et seq. ; 1 M. H. Coll. u. 25- the action of the General Court and 30 ; Niles's Principles and Acts of the Continental Congress. Jour. H. the Rev. 94, 95; Heath's Mems. of R. for 1778 and 1779; Jour. Cont 125, 127, 129-135; Sparks's Wash- Cong.; Heath's Mems.; Sparks's ington, V. 42, 104 ; Thacher's Jour. Waslungton ; Marshall's Washington, 91 et seq. ; Lord Mahon's Hist. Eng. &c. J^W. Thornton, Esq., has in ¦vi. 169 et seq. Washington, Writ- his possession the original document ings, V. 146, contrasts the conduct of signed by Biu-goyne and his officers. the middle and southern colonies, who EXPENSES OP THE WAR. 147 who conducted it "did his duty, and all power " 1 that was in his chap. IV. The prosecution of the war on the part of the Americans 1777. had thus far been attended with enormous expense, so that the country was burdened with debt ; and, to provide for its payment, the General Congress recommended to the states to Oct. 3. raise by tax five millions of doUars, and apportioned to Mas sachusetts eight hundred and twenty thousand dollars.^ To meet this demand, the General Court voted to raise seventy-five thousand pounds by loans, and two hundred and fifty-four thou sand seven hundred and eighteen pounds by tax ; and, as Massa chusetts had already advanced large sums to the United States, a committee was appointed for the adjustment of these claims.^ The enlistments for the army also required attention ; and, as the period for which the militia at Rhode Island and the companies on the sea coast had engaged was about to expire, it was ordered that two regiments should be raised for one ' Jour. H. of R. for Sept. 13 and 17, and Nov. 26, 1777; Pemberton's Jour, m 1 M. H. CoU. u. 126 ; Gor don's Am. Rev. u. 270, 271 ; Brad ford, ii. 143 ; Peterson's R. Island, 219; Wmsor's Duxbury, 137. A similar enterprise was projected iu Feb. 1777; but, after considerable preparation, it was laid €iside as im practicable mth the force then at command. Sparks's Washington, iv. 313, and note; Bradford, u. 137. ^ Jour. Cont. Cong. u. 374 ; Jour. H. of R. for Jan. 28, 1778; Pember ton's Jour, m 1 M. H. CoU. u. 127, 128 ; Stedman's Am. War, i. 228j ¦ Almon's Remembrancer, iv. 219 ; vi. 68 ; Niles's Principles and Acts of the Rev. 114; Bradford, ii. 152. The assessments were apportioned as fol lows : — New Hampshu-e, . . . $200,000 Massachusetts, . . . 820,000 Rhode Isknd and Provi- ) j„q „qq dence, $ ' Connecticut, .... 600,000 New York, 200,000 New Jersey, . 270,000 Pennsylvania, . 620,000 Delaware, . . 60,000 Maryland, . . 620,000 Virginia, . . 800,000 North Carohna, 250,000 South Carolina, 600,000 Georgia, . . 60,000 6,000,000 ' Jour. H. of R. for Jan. 28, Feb. 19, and June 18, 1778 ; Bradford, ii. 124, 152. On the 22d of October, 1777, a bUl was reported in the legis- latm-e of Massachusetts for assessing a tas of £305,642 14s. 3d. upon the several towns, &c., in the state, for defrajing the public charge, and also for assessing a tax of £8883 7s. 6d., paid the representatives for their travel and attendance in the General Court in 1776. Jour. H. of R. for 1777, p. 117. On the 19th of June, 1778, a bill was also passed for raising £120,000 additional to the £254,718 formerly voted. Jour. H. of R. for June 19, 1778. 148 NEW QUOTAS CALLED FOR. CHAP, year to serve in Rhode Island, or in any of the New England _.^^ States ; and some of the militia were called for the defence of 1777. the sea coast.^ This, however, was but one step taken, and for home de fence. It was necessary to provide for the common defence. Feb! 28. Accordingly, a committee of two was sent to confer with Washington relative to the expediency of raising more than the quota required of the state, and to consult as to the time for which the men should be engaged. ^ The instructions of this committee were characteristic of Massachusetts ; and they were requested to assure his excellency that " this state, in testimony of their peculiar affection and respect for him, which he had so highly merited by his incessant and unwea ried exertions in behalf of the country, as well as from what they owe to the common cause, will cheerfully cooperate with him as far as their ability will admit in endeavors to expel the enemy, and to free America from thraldom and slavery." ^ The Assembly, likewise, in further proof of their good will, voted to furnish gratis a full suit of clothes to every soldier from Massachusetts who joined the army ; and the field and other ofiicers who had been some time in the service, and who Mayi. engaged to continue, had an additional sum granted them — the former of one hundred and fifty dollars, and the latter of one hundred and twenty dollars.'* The delinquent towns were also urged to raise and equip the men required of them, and, in case of neglect, were heavily fined and subjected to ' Jour. H. of R. for Nov. 26, 1777, time in Massachusetts of enhsting de- and ibid. p. 130; Bradford, ii. 152, sorters from the army of Burgoyne, 153. For a hst of the muster mas- and employing them as substitutes to ters appointed in December, 1777, fiU up the regiments of the state; but see Almon's Remembrancer, v. 41. against this practice Washington ea^ ^ Hon. Daniel Hopkins, and Sam- nestly protested, and his remonstrance uel Phillips, Jun., Esq., were the per- had tbe desired effect. Sparks's Wash- sons chosen. Jour. H. of R. for Feb. ington, v. 287, 297 ; Jour. H. of E. 28, 1778. for 1777, 1778. ' Jour. H. of R. for Jan. 7 and * Jour. H. of R. for May 1, 1778; Feb. 27, 1778 ; Bradford, u. 153. It Bradford, u. 163. seems that a practice prevailed at this APPEALS TO THE PEOPLE. 149 prosecution. To fill up more speedily the sixteen regiments chap. of the state, two thousand men were further ordered to be _i3L- raised for eight or nine months, and apportioned upon the 1778 towns ; fifteen hundred additional troops were levied, agreea bly to a vote of the General Congress — thirteen hundred for the northern frontier, and two hundred for Rhode Island ; and the board of war was required to furnish arms and other accoutrements necessary for their equipment.^ The appeals to the people, to arouse them to exertion, were spirited and ardent. " Act like yourselves," it was said. " Arouse at the call of Washington and of your country, and you will soon be crowned with glory, independence, and peace. Present ease and interest we must part with for a time ; and let us rejoice at the sacrifice." " What words can paint the solid joys, the delightful recollections, which will fill the patriotic mind hereafter ! He who wishes for perma nent happiness, let him how put forth all his strength for the immediate salvation of his country, and he shall reap immortal pleasure and renown. It is good for us to anticipate the joy that will fill our minds when we shall receive the reward of our labors ; when we shall see our country flourisli in peace ; when grateful millions shall hail us the protectors of our coun try, and an approving conscience shall light up eternal sun shine in our souls." ^ As a large British force remained at Newport through the spring and summer of 1778, and their fleet had the command of the waters in the» neighborhood, the people of Massachu setts, especially near Rhode Island, were kept in a state of > Jour. H. of R. for April 23 and 1400 at Wilmington, and 1800 on the June 9 and 16, 1778; Sparks's Wash- North River. Hence tbe necessity ington, V. 359, 375 ; Hamilton's for recruiting the array, and the ur- Works, i. 37, 39, 43 ; Bradford, h. gency with which Washington ap- 154. At a council of war held on the pealed to Congress and to the states 8th of .May it appears that the Amer- for supphes. Sparks's Washington, can force then amounted to but v. 340, note. 15,000, besides horse and artillery. '^ Boston Gazette for Jan. 6, 1778; Of these, 1 1,800 were at VaUey Forge, Bradford, u. 155. 150 EXPEDITION TO RHODE ISLAND. CHAP, continual alarm. Hence the duty which devolved upon tho ^_J3^ General Court was peculiarly burdensome ; for, as there were 1778. but few continental troops then on the station, they were obliged to keep the militia in service in great numbers for the whole of this, as for the preceding year. Yet little damage, compar- May25. atively. Was done by the enemy ; though, once, a body of six or seven hundred British and Hessians, under Lieutenant Colonel Campbell, was sent up the river, and landed at War ren, where they burned the meeting house and parsonage, and a number of vessels and private dwellings, insulted and abused the inhabitants, and plundered them of their clothing, bedding. May 31. and furniture. A few days later, also, a party of one hundred and fifty, under Major Ayres, landed at Tiverton, and burned an old mill and some other buildings ; but the militia collect ed, and obliged them to retire. ' These incursions provoked resentment ; and, later in the Aug. 7. season, the plan of expelling the enemy was revived. Gen eral Sullivan, who had superseded General Spencer ,** was sta tioned in Rhode Island, with a considerable body of conti nental troops ; and, as a thousand of the militia of Massachu setts were on service in that quarter, two thousand more were ordered out, and enthusiasm ran so high that volunteer com panies from Boston, Salem, Beverly, Gloucester, Newburyport, and Portsmouth offered their services. The force thns gath ered amounted, in all, to nine or ten thousand men,^ while the British, under Sir Robert Pigot, had but about sixty-five hun dred, well fortified, at Newport.^ The Marquis de la Fayette, whose name is familiar to every reader, and Major General Greene, came from the American camp to serve as volunteers ' Pemberton's Jour, in 1 M. H. " Jour. Cont. Cong. Feb. 21, 1778 CoU. ii. 138 ; Gordon's Am. Rev. u. Sparks's Washington, v. 266. 350, 351; Almon's Remembrancer, " Heath's Mems. 190,191; Sparks's vi. 323, 324 ; Bradford, ii. 160 ; Pe- Con-e.sp. of the Rev. ii. 178. terson's Rhode Island, 220, 221. In * Spai-ks's Corresp. of the Rev. ii. Bristol, 22 houses were burned, among 177. which was that of Governor Bradford. EXPEDIilON TO RHODE ISLAND. 151 in this expedition ; and a number of distinguished citizens chap. followed their example. Major General Hancock under- ^J^L, took the command of one of the divisions ; and, as the four 1773. New England States were well represented, and Colonel Craft's regiment of state artillery was in the service, with Glover's and Varnum's brigades from the continental army, the project seemed likely to be crowned with success, and not a doubt was entertained of its happy accomplishment.^ In addition to the American force, which was superior to the British, aid was likewise expected from another quarter. A powerful French fleet, under Count D'Estaing, had recently arrived on the cOast, and was steering for Rhode Island ; and July 22. it was planned to make the attack in conjunction with the troops of which he had charge.^ For this purpose, on Sunday, Aug. 9. about eight thousand of the Americans landed on the island, and took possession of two of the enemy's forts, and the whole territory north of their lines, about two miles from Newport, without a gun fired on either side — the British retreating to their works nearer the town. The advance of the besieging army was composed of the light troops, independent compa nies, and fifty men from each brigade, commanded by Colonel Livingston ; the right wing was under Major General Greene, and the left under the Marquis de la Fayette ; General Han cock commanded the second line ; and the reserve was under the charge of Colonel West.^ In this position they awaited ' Sparks's Corresp. of the Rev. iL of 25 guns, and L'Aimable, of 26 174. guns. Pemberton's Jour, in 1 M. H. = Hamilton's Works, i. 65, 67. The CoU. ii. 146 ; Sparks's Corresp. of the fleet of D'Estaing consisted of the Rev. ii. 160, 170-175. M. G6rard, Languedoc, of 90 guns, which was the who had been appointed minister admiral's flag ship ; the Tonnant, the plenipotentiary to the United States Cesar, the Zel6, the Hector, the Mar- by the court of France, saUed in the seUles, the Protecteur, and the Guer- Languedoc, in April, with the Count rier, of 74 g^ns each ; the Fantasque, D'Estaing, and on the 6th of August the Provence, and the Vaillant, of was formally received by Congress. 64 guns each ; the Sagittaire, of 50 Diplomacy of tbe U. S. 47-50. guns ; L'Engageante, of 36 guns ; the ' Pemberton's Jour, in 1 M. H. Champion, of 30 guns ; L'Alcmene, CoU. u. 148, 149. 152 DISASTER TO THE FRENCH FLEET. CHAP, the action of the French fleet ; but, just at this juncture, a _^^^^ violent storm arose, which increased to a tempest, and which 1778. raged so fiercely, at sea and on land, that not only was the to^i4. fleet shattered, but the army suffered severely, and a number of soldiers perished with the cold.' By this disaster all hopes of foreign aid were reluctantly abandoned ; ^ and, though the besiegers pushed forward their Aug.29. works with vigor, towards the last of the month the British, who had recovered from their immediate panic, finding a large number of volunteers had left for Massachusetts, ventured to assault the American lines. But they were received with firmness ; and in the engagement, which lasted for several hours, many were killed or wounded on both sides. The Americans, however, retained their ground ; but as General Aug.30. Sullivan was apprised, on the next day, by a letter from Washington, that a reenforcement for the British was then on its way, it was unanimously agreed, in a council of war, to quit the island ; and the retreat was so skilfully conducted as to be attended with little loss.^ The failure of this expedition was exceedingly mortifying — the more so from the fact that it was the third unsuccessful attempt within eighteen months for the expulsion of the British from this part of New England. Aug.22. The French fleet, before the withdrawal of the forces under Sullivan, had sailed for Boston, where they remained for sev- ' Gordon's Am. Rev. ii. On the not, and the next day he sailed for 18th of August, orders were passed Boston. Gordon's Am. Rev. ii. ; by the Council for sending reenforce- Sparks's Corresp. of the Rev. u. 17a- ments to General Sullivan. Jour. H. 188. of R. for 1778; Bhss's Rehoboth, ^ Jour. H. of R. for Sept. 16, 154. 1778; Pemberton's Jour, in 1 M. H. ^ After the storm had abated, the Cnll. ii. 149 ; Gordon's Am. Rev. ii. French fleet reappeared on the coast ; 369-375 ; Heath's Mems. 188-195 ; and Generals Greene and La Fayette Thacher's Joiu-. 114; Sparks's Co^ went on board the Languedoc to con- resp. of the Rev. ii. 188-194, 201- sultwth D'Estaing; but, though he 205; Bradford, ii. 162-164; Petei- was personally willing to aid in the son's Rhode Island, 221-229. attack, his captains and officers were LA PAYETTE VISITS BOSTON. 153 eral weeks to repair their vessels and replenish their provis- chap ions. During this stay, La Fayette visited Boston, to confer _33l. with the French admiral, and to prevail with him, if possible, 1778. to return to Newport, or, at least, to remain on the coast to cooperate with Washington. But he was unwilling to hearken to either proposition, and sailed for the West Indies. Pre- Nov. 3. vious to his departure, the British squadron appeared in the bay, within Cape Cod, and it was believed that a general engagement was meditated. To provide for this contingency, nine regiments of militia were ordered into Boston ; but, as Howe left the coast without venturing upon an attack, they were soon discharged. ^ In the summer of this year, British commissioners arrived June 6. at New York, specially empowered by the English govern ment, in accordance with Lord North's " conciliatory plan," to make propositions for a suspension of hostilities, with an ulti mate view to reconciliation and peace.** As the defeat of ' Jour. H. of R. for Sept. 19,21,22, 1778; Gordon's Am. Rev. ii. 376, and Oct. 8, 1778; Lett, to Lord Vis- 377; Pemberton's Jour, in 1 M. H. count Howe, &c., Lond. 1779, 44-46 ; CoU. ii. 151 ; Sparks's Corresp. of the Heath's .Mems. 195, 197 ; Frankhn's Rev. ii. 196-201, 205, 213, 247 ; Works, vui. 307 ; Sparks's Corresp. of Bradford, ii. 186, 187. Before the the Rev. ii.; Staples's Annals of Provi- departure of D'Estaing, or Oct. 28, dence, 256. Pending tbe absence of 1778, an address. was issued, in the Lord Howe, several vessels fi-om New- name of the King of France, to " all port sailed up the river, and landed a the ancient French in North Ameri- body of ti-oo]js, under General Gray, ca." Niles's Principles and Acts of at Bedford Village, in Dartmouth, the Rev. 406, 407. who did much damage to the town ^ Lord Carhsle, Sir Henry Chnton, by burning the vessels at the wharves Governor Johnstone, and Wilham and on the stocks, a large number of Eden, Esq., were four of the commis- dwelling houses, and the pubhc mag- sioners, and Lord Howe and Sir Wil- aziiie. They then marched into the liam were the other two. Commis- country sorae four or five miles, and, sioners to negotiate with the colonies returning on the opposite side of the were appomted by the Enghsh gov- liver, .spreading devastation as they ernment in the spring of 1776, and went, embarked before the inhabitants an interview was held -with them, by could collect to oppose them. From the consent of Congress, but without thence they proceeded to Martha's ariiring at a-sati.sfectory result. Lett. Vineyard, where they destroyed a few to Lord Viscount Howe, &c., Lond. vessels, and made a requisition for 1779,4-10; Thacher's Jour. 51, 62, fiiearms, money, cattle, and sheep; 57-59 ; J. Adams's Corresp. in Works, and of the latter they took off nearly ix. 440-448 ; Sparks's Washingtou, 10,000. Jour. H. ol R. for Sept. 26, iv. ; Sparks's Corresp. of the Rev. iL 154 COMMISSIONERS SENT TO AMERICA FROM ENGLAND. CHAP. Burgoyne had '' awakened in England a desire for peace," ' __^^ and as it was believed that some of the Americans were 1778. wearied with the expense and trouble of the war, and Would gladly return to their allegiance, if pardoned, these gentiemen were authorized, not only to address the General Congress, but to treat with individual states. But the deceitfulness of the measure was easily seen through ; and, as it was regarded in all quarters as an artful plan to strengthen the enemy, and detach the Americans from their connection with France, Feb. 6. which had been recently consummated,^ or, at least, to disturb the public councils by introducing elements of discord and Jun. 17. confusion. Congress unhesitatingly rejected these offers, and the people of the states applauded their firmness. None were disposed to relinquish the claim to independence which had been asserted, or to throw themselves upon the clemency of a king and his ministers, of whom pardon could be obtained only upon the terms of absolute submission.^ The commissioners, as may well be supposed, were chagrined at their failure, and could ill brook the treatment which their 136, note ; Obs. on the Am. Rev. 68 for the King of France, for the friend- ^62 ; Lord Mahon's Hist. Eng. -vi. 91 ly European powers, and for the et seq. Lord North's conciliatory American States. Thacher's Jour. biU was passed March 21, 1778. 124, 125 ; Fi-anklm's Works, viii. ' Franklin's Works, via. 239, 240 ; passim ; Sparks's Diplomatic Corresp. Obs. on the Am. Rev. 72-78 ; Day's i. 355, 364 ; Lee's Arthm- Lee, pas- Reflections on the Present State of sim ; Sparks's Washington, v. 325, England, 67 ; London Chronicle for note ; Diplomacy of the U. S. 21, 28 Feb. 11, 1779; Lord Mahon's Hist. -45; Lord Mahon's Hist. Eng. vi. Eng. vi. 206. 119, 149, 208, 209. ^ On the 26th of September, 1776, = TrambuU MS. Letter Book B, Dr. Benjamin Frankhn, Silas Deane, 176, 177^ Obs. on the Am. Rev. 62 and Arthur Lee were appointed by et seq. ; CoUection of Papers, pub. by Congress as envoys to France ; and, Rirington at New York, in 1778; on the 6th of February, 1778, the Sparks's Washington, v. 318, and treaties of commerce and alhance note, 323, 401-403 ; Franklin's were signed by them, on the part of Works, riu. 237-248 ; Thacher's America, and by M. G6rard, secretary Jour. 133 et soq. ; Jour. Cont. Cong. of the king's council, on the part of iv. ; Day's Reflections, &c., 17 ; France. The rejoicings in America, Spai-ks's Corresp. of the Rev. ii. 114, on the reception of these tidings, were 141, 160, 195 ; Almon's Remembi-an- great ; and orders were issued to the cer, vii. 8 et seq. ; riii. 40-72 ; Lord army. May 6, to parade, with huzzas Mahon's Hist. Eng. vi. 215 et seq. CONDUCT OP THB COMMISSIONERS. 155 propositions had received. Hence, to cover their retreat, and chap. to put on it the best face, they issued a manifesto, couched in ^^• plausible but severe terms, declaring that persistency in the 1778. rejection of their offers would be " considered as crimes of the " ' ' most aggravated kind," and giving the people forty days to return to their allegiance, or abide the consequences.^ The reply of Congress was firm and decisive ; and, after briefly Oct. 30. reciting the causes which had led to the resistance of Amer ica, and the cruelties which had been practised by the enemy at different times, they declared that, " since their incorrigible dispositions could not be touched by kindness or compassion, it became their duty by other means to vindicate the rights of humanity." If, therefore, it was added, " our enemies presume to execute their threats, and persist in their present mode of barbarity, we do solemnly declare and proclaim that we will take such exemplary vengeance as shall deter others from a like conduct." And, appealing to God to witness the recti tude of their intentions, they closed by saying, " As we are not moved by any light and hasty suggestions of anger or revenge, 80, through every possible change of fortune, we shall adhere to this our determination." ^ The conduct of the ministry in sanctioning this commission was condemned in England, as well as in America ; and, when the subject was debated in Parliament, in the winter, the Mar- Deo. 4. quis of Rockingham, in the House of Lords, in speaking of the proclamation which the commissioners had issued, declared it to be " contrary to humanity, to Christianity, and to every ' Collection of Papers pnb. by Riv- ifestd, it was said, " England vrill now ington ; Pemberton's Jour, in 1 M. throw away the scabbard in earnest. H. Coll. ii. 153; Obs. on the Am. She wiU resolve never to treat with this Rev. 111-117. contemptible, this temporary thing, 2 Jour. Cont. Cong, for Oct. 13, called a Congeess ; and she -mil con- 1778 ; CoUection of Papers pub. by vince the world that, though she may Rivington; Obs. on the Am. Rev. be slow to anger, perdition waits on 118-120 s Pemberton's Jour, ui 1 M. him that dares insult her." Letter to H. CoU. u. 154 ; Austm's Life of Ger- the People of America, Lond. 1778. ry, i. 283-286. In reply to this man- 156 THE MINISTRY CONDEMNED. CHAP, idea of virtuous policy." The Bishop of Peterborough also ,^^3lw observed that he " saw, in the account of extraordinaries, 1778. charges were made for the tomahawk and scalping knife ; and that he supposed, from the terms of the proclamation, such expense would be continued." And Lord Camden, in still stronger terms, remarked that the proclamation " held forth a war of revenge such as Moloch in Pandemonium advised ; and that it would fix an inveterate hatred in the people of America against the very name of Englishmen, which would be left as a legacy, from son to son, to the latest posterity." In the House of Commons, the speeches were equally pointed ; and Burke exclaimed, " Against whom are these dreadful men aces pronounced ? Not against the guilty ; but against those who, conscious of rectitude, have acted to the best of their ability in a good cause, and stood up to fight for fireedom and their country." ^ Nov. 6. In the fall of this year, General Gates was appointed to supersede General Heath in the command of the forces sta tioned in Massachusetts ; and, on his arrival, with his lady and suite, he was welcomed by the people with flattering marks of affection and esteem. Distinguished for his energy, his ability, and courage, his presence reanimated the zeal of the soldiery ; and, as there was reason to apprehend an attack from the enemy, he remained at Boston and Providence through 1779. the winter, and, on leaving, iu the spring, publicly expressed his approval of the conduct of the citizens at large, and of the legislature, and particularly eulogized the battalion of state troops, formerly commanded by Colonel Crafts, but then under the charge of Lieutenant ©olonel Revere.^ ' Parker's Gen. Advertiser for Dec. Mems. 197, 198 ; Bradford, ii. 170. 12, 1778 ; Gordon's Am. Rev. ii. 336 ; A commendatory article on the con- Peraberton's Jour, in 1 M. H. Coll. u. duct of General Heath was also pub- 156, 157 ; Bradford, ii. 169, 170. hshed in the journals of tiie day, and ' Boston Gazette for Nov., 1778; is copied in liis memou-s. Gordon'' Am Rev. u. 397 ; Heath's OPENING OF THE NEW TEAR. 157 1778. It will be perceived that, up to this date, no serious engage- chap. ment had for some time occurred within the limits of Massa- _J3^ chusetts proper, and that the zeal of its citizens had been principally displayed in furnishing recruits to the army abroad, and in providing for the wants of the suffering at home. If the annals of this period, however, do not admit of a narrative glowing with the details of battle and siege, it must not be inferred that no active part was taken by this commonwealth in the series of movements which were reflecting such credit upon the American arms ; but, on the contrary, wherever a stand was successfully made against British aggression, and wherever valor was called for in the assault, there were found bodies of men sent out from Massachusetts, and none were more active and resolute than they. Yet it should ever be remembered that the independence of America was secured by the bravery of the thirteen United States, and that no one state can arrogate to itself the honor of sustaining single- handed and alone the burden of the war. It is a common inheritance that we have derived from our ancestors ; and as such we should transmit it as a legacy to our children.^ At the opening of the new year, the situation of affairs was 1779, discouraging and gloomy. The country was heavily burdened with debt ; soldiers and their families were subjected to in credible hardships and sufferings ; with the depreciation ^ in Jan. ' The following table may be use ful, for reference, to show the number of annual terms of service furnished to the contmental ranks by each state during the war : — New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, . New Jersey, Pennsylvania,Delaware, . Maryland, . Virguiia, . . 12,497 67,907 5,908 31,939 17,781 10,726 25,678 2,386 13,912 26,678 North Carohna, . South Carohna, Georgia, . . . 7,2636,417 2,679 231 791 HUdreth's U. S. iii. 441. -It will be seen, from this table, that Massachu setts alone bore at least one fourth of the whole burden of the war ; that the four New England States bore one half of the burden ; while Mary land, Virgmia, North Carohna, South Carohna, and Georgia, together, bore but one fourth of that burden. ^ The continental biUs were now 158 STATE OP AFFAIRS. CHAP, the currency, the salaries of the clergy, which remained aa ^33l^ before the war, were reduced to a mere pittance, utterly inad- 1779. equate to their comfortable support, and their parishioners were unable, and in some cases unwilling, to afford them re lief; lukewarm patriots were murmuring and complaining; symptoms of insubordination were manifested in various quar ters ; and thei utmost vigilance and prudence were required to steer the ship of state successfully through the breakers which threatened its destruction, and bring it in safety to the desired haven.' We, who live in more prosperous times, and who are blessed with an abundance of temporal goods, — whose com merce encircles the habitable globe, and whose appliances of industry and agricultural resources are infinitely superior to those which our fathers enjoyed, — can form but a faint idea of the difficulties and obstacles which were thrown in their way, and which awakened in the most resolute forebodings of evil which nothing but unconquerable energy could overcome. That they did succeed, in spite of these difficulties, in reconcil ing jarring interests, and in infusing a hopeful spirit into the people, is sufficient to convince the most sceptical of their worth, and is an ample atonement for occasional faults, which the discerning might point out, and for which it is needless to offer an apology. The heroes of the revolution were resolute so greatly depreciated, that they products of the country ; and meas- would not pass for more than one m-es were taken to prevent the great- tenth or one twentieth of their iiomi- er depreciation of the pubhc paper. nal value ; and, as the state had prom- A meeting was soon after held in ised its soldiers a bona fide compen- Boston to adopt regulations in con- sation, their famihes were provided for formity ^rith these arrangements ; and by the selectmen of the towns, and in October a general convention was clothing was furnished the soldiers held at Hai-tford, to devise a general themselves. plan of checking the miscliiefs of ex- ' To remedy the evUs alluded to in tortion and speculation. Bradford, ii. the text, conventions were held at 180, 181 ; Shattuck's Concord, 122, Concord in July and October, 1779, 123. On the condition of the our- which were attended by deputies from rency at tliis time, comp. Franklin's more than three fourths of the towns. Works, riii. 328-330, and Felt on the except Maine and the county of Berk- Cun-ency. shu-e; prices were fixed for aU the FINANCIAL EMBARRASSMENTS. 159 men ; and for all they accomplished they deserve to be remem- chap. bered with affectionate regard. ^^• The financial embarrassments of the country again demand- 1779. ed the attention of Congress ; and a call was made upon the several states to raise the sum of fifteen millions of dollars, to liquidate outstanding claims, and for the immediate expenses of the war.' Of this sum, two millions of dollars were ap portioned to Massachusetts ; and the amount was to be passed to the credit of the United States, to be accounted for at a future day, and was to be expended by the state for purposes of general concern and utility.® The usual provisions for home defence were likewise made by the legislature ; and, as a note had been received from General Gates requesting that Feb. 15. the militia should be called out to assist in fortifying the harbor, and to collect stores and provisions, a memorial was addressed to Congress upon the subject, desiring their advice, and soliciting aid from the continental army, if the enemy should invade the state.^ A resolve was likewise passed for April. men to be stationed in the towns on the sea coast liable to be approached by the enemy's ships, and at Falmouth, in Barnsta ble county, which had suffered from their depredations.* ' Jour. Cont. Cong, for Jan. 1779; Bradford, ii. 175. The committee Bradford, u. 172. At a later date, " to examine the present state of the it was voted to raise 45 mUhons of fortifications in and about Boston, dollars, to be paid in bills of a former and the harbor thereof, and report emission ; and of this sum Massachu- what may be necessary fiirther to be setts was to pay 6 milhons. Brad- done in addition thereto, or in the re- ford, u. 178. pairs thereof," consisted, on the part ^ Bradford, ii. 172. On the 27th of the House, of Colonel Coflin, Gen- of February, 1779, an engrossed bill eral Hancock, Colonel Dawes, and was read and passed to be enacted, in General LoveU. A note was ako re- the Massachusetts legislature, " for ceived from General Gates, Feb. 27, apportioning and assessmg a tax of " representmg the necessity of raismg £1,014,422 7s. 8d. upon the several men to guard the stores at Sjiring- towns and other places in this state field," which was " read, and thereup- hereinafter named, for defraymg the on ordered that Mr. Gorham bring m pubhc charges ; and also for assessmg a resolve empowering the CouncU to a further tax of £12,383 16s. 9d. paid make the necessary prorision and or- the members of the House of Repre- der for raising a guard." Jom-. H. of sentatives for then- travel and attend- R. for Feb. 27, 1779. ance in the General Court for the ' Jour. H. of R. for Feb. 15, 1779. year 1778." Jour. H. of R. for Feb. Comp. also ibid, for April 7 and 9, 27 1779. 1779, and Bradford, ii. 174. 3 Jour. H. of B. for Feb. 15, 1779 ; 160 EXPEDITION TO THB EASTWARD. These, however, were but preliminary steps ; for reinforce ments were called for by General Washington, and, after some 1779. discussion, it was voted to raise two thousand men, if neces- Mar 24 and sary, in addition to those already in the continental army and ' at Rhode Island, and those in Boston and the sea-coast towns. The distribution of these was as follows : fifteen hundred June yfere enlisted for nine months during the summer, by an appeal July- to the towns and the offer of a bounty, to fill up the incom plete regiments in the service ; and the remaining five hun dred were sent to Rhode Island, i A regiment of light infantry was also raised for a year to serve in Massachusetts or either of the New England States ; and a large quantity of military stores was conveyed from Boston to Springfield, to be depos ited in the arsenal recently established at that place.^ June. The expedition to the eastward was the principal incident of the war this year, so far as Massachusetts was concerned. This expedition was planned with the knowledge of the Gen eral Congress, and was designed for the expulsion of the British from the Penobscot, who had established themselves, under General M'Lean, at Castine, and erected a fort.' The force of the enemy was known to be small, — not more than a thousand men, — and the prospect of a reenforcement was conceived to be hopeless. Hence the undertaking was popu lar in Maine, and volunteers offered their services with klac- rity. Prominent merchants also favored the plan, and cha^ ' Jour. H. of R. for April 7, dition, &c., for encouraging the fixing 9, 15, 21, 26, 27, 30, 1779; Brad- out armed vessels to defend the sea ford, u. 176. Eight hundred of the coast of America, and for erecting a mihtia were also called out in June for court to ti-y and condemn all vessels six months, for the defence of Rhode that shaU be foimd infesting the Island, agreeably to an arrangement same." made .some time before at Springfield. ' Bradford, ii. 176. On the 16th of April, likewise, a bill ^ Two years later, or in 1781, the was passed " for the increase and en- Enghsh government again projected couragement of the marine of this operations on the sea coast of the state, and for raising the sum of New England prorinces, and the set- £50,000 for that purpose ; " and, on tiement of the country about Penob- the 26th, an act was reported in " ad- scot. Sparks's Washington, riii. S21. EXPEDITION TO THE EASTWARD. 161 tered their vessels for the conveyance of the troops ; and fifteen chap. hundred men were ordered to be raised by the General Court, ^J^^ in addition to the marines on board of the public vessels ; but 1779. only about nine hundred engaged, and of these some were pressed into the service. ^ The fleet consisted, in all, of nine teen armed vessels and twenty-four transports, carrying three hundred and forty-four guns, and was " as beautiful a flotilla as had ever appeared in the eastern waters." ^ Its commander, Richard Saltonstall, of New Haven, Connecticut, was " a man of good capacity and of some naval experience, but of an ob stinate disposition ; " and the commander of the land forces, Solomon Lovell, of Weymouth, Massachusetts, was " a man of courage and proper spirit, a true old Roman character, that would never flinch from danger," but unaccustomed to the charge of an expedition in actual service.^ Peleg Wadsworth, of Duxbury, also had charge of a portion of the troops, as adjutant general of the Massachusetts militia ; * and the super intendence of the ordnance was intrusted to Lieutenant Colonel Revere.^ The celerity with which this expedition was planned and July 20. set forth reflected much credit upon the parties concerned in it ; and in a very short time the armament made its appear- July 25. ance before the new fortress. Three days later, a landing was July 28. effected ; but the difficulties of the enterprise were more for midable than had been anticipated. A steep precipice, two hundred feet high, was to be scaled, in the face of an enemy securely posted ; but the parties succeeded in gaining the heights, and the engagement commenced. The conflict was ' Bradford, ii. 179 ; WiUiamson's son's Mame, n. 471. Maine, u. 471. ¦'He had been in actual sendee ° At the head of the armament was under General Ward, and commanded the Warren, a continental frigate of a regiment from Essex to Rhode Is- 32 guns. Of the others, there were land in the expedition under SuUivan. 9 ships, 6 brigs, and 3 sloops. Thach- WUliamson's Mame, ii. 471; Wmsor's er's Jour. 166 ; WiUiamson's Maine, Duxbury, 158. u. 470. * WiUiamson's Mame, u. 472. ' Thacher's Jour. 170; WUham- voL. m. 11 162 FRESH LEVIES RAISED. CHAP, short, but exceedingly sharp. The assailants, four hundred in ^_^3l^ number, lost one hundred ; and the enemy fled, leaving thirty 1779. killed, wounded, and taken. Unfortunately, the movements of the Americans were not properly seconded by the marmes from the fleet, and their situation became critical. All that could be done, therefore, was to throw up slight intrenchments within seven hundred yards of the fort ; and at a council of war, held the same day, it was decided to despatch messengers to Boston for aid. Before this arrived, the British were re- Aug.13. enforced by a fleet of seven sail, under Sir George Collier ; and the Americans, satisfied of the superiority of their oppo nents, abandoned the siege, and hastily retreated. So fruitless an enterprise awakened chagrin ; and the whole country was filled with " grief and murmurs." The pecuniary damage to the finances of the state was a great misfortune ; the loss of property was seriously felt ; and the conduct of the officers was severely reproved.^ The three years' term for which enlistments had been made for the national army was now about to expire ; and, aa the war yet raged, and but few had enlisted to serve tiU it ended, it was necessary to provide for this contingency by the reenhst- ment of those already engaged, or by raising fresh levies. A committee was accordingly sent to the army, to labor for the former purpose ; and they were furnished with funds, to ena ble them to accomplish the object of their mission.^ In the midst of these arrangements, Congress, at the instance of General Washington, applied to Massachusetts for a reenforce- • ' On this expedition, see Boston mission in the serrice of the state. Gazette for Mar. 18 and 25, and Apr. wliile LoveU and Wadsworth were 1 and 8, 1782 ; Thacher's Jom-. 166 honorably acquitted. -170 ; Heath's Mems. 235 ; Sparks's » Bradford, u. 183. The sum placed Corresp. of the Rev. u. 460-^162 ; in the hands of the committee was Peraberton's Jour, in 1 M. H. CoU. ii. $200,000 ; and they were autiiorized 172; Bradford, ii. 178-180; AVil- to otter a bounty of $300 to every harason's Maine, ii. 468^78. A court soldier reenhsting. The sum of of inquiry was held in the fall ; and $500,000 was also remitted to Gen- Commodore SaltonstaU was declared eral Heath for a simUar pm-pose. incompetent ever after to hold a com- THB NATIONAL DEBT. 163 ment of two thousand men ; and an order was issued to raise chap. them in the eastern and inland counties. But this could not ^^¦ be effected without some difficulty ; and the mustering com- 1779. mittees were authorized to offer a bounty in addition to that which the Congress allowed, and the towns were required to advance thirty pounds to every one enlisting. ^ The national debt had become enormous, and was nominally rated at two hundred millions of dollars. The depreciation of the paper currency had also reached such a point as to be " the burden of America ; " and, as all the states were respon sible for the payment of this debt, and the whole property of the country was virtually mortgaged, unless something could be done for immediate relief it was feared that the nation would be reduced to bankruptcy. In this sad posture of pub lic affairs, a circular was addressed to the people by Congress, Sep. 13 designed to convince them that the United States were " able and willing" to redeem the bills which had been put into circulation. " Suppose," it was said, " the emissions should amount to two hundred millions of pounds at the conclusion of the war, and that, exclusive of supplies from taxes, the loan should amount to one hundred millions : then the whole na tional debt will be three hundred millions. There are, at present, three millions of inhabitants in the thirteen states. Three hundred millions of dollars, divided amongst these, will give to each person one hundred dollars ; and is there an indi vidual in America unable, in the course of eighteen or twenty years, to pay that sum ? " The ability to meet these demands was further argued from a consideration of the sums formerly withdrawn from the country by the English government in the way of trade ; notwithstanding which, the colonies grew rich. And, in future, would not the whole world be open to their commerce ? And, as the population increased, and the ' Jour. H. of R. for 1779; Thacher's Jour. 178; Heath's Mems. 222; Bradford, ii. 184. 164 PROVISIONS FOR ITS PAYMENT. CHAP, industrial resources of the country were developed, would not JZL, the tide turn in their favor ? To violate their plighted faith 1779. would be ruinous to their credit. And it was the interest of all to siistain the country, and share its burdens.^ Happily for America, the cloud which lowered so darkly over its prospects was dissipated before irreparable damage was sustained. Their desperate struggle had awakened abroad the liveliest sympathy ; and, by the aid of their agents, who pleaded their cause with signal ability, loans were obtained jim 11 from Holland and France ; ^ and the nation, which appeared July 16. to be tottering to its ruin, though its embarrassments were still great, was inspired with fresh vigor to do battlje with Old England, and to wrest from her a speedy acknowledgment of independence. Had it not been for this change, so peculiarly favorable, it is difficult to say what might have been the re sult ; for if the case of Massachusetts may serve to illustrate the condition of the other states, the valuation of its whole ' Jour. Cont. Cong, for Sept. 13, we prosper. Another emission bore 1779 ; J. Adams's Letters to Dr. Cal- an anchor, with the words, In te,Dom- koen, 43, ed. 1786 ; Address of the ine, speramus, In thee. Lord, we Legis. of Mass. to the Inhabitants of trust. The eight doUar bUls dis- the Comraonwealth on Taxes, 1781 ; played a harp, -with the motto, JMo/o- Pemberton's Jour, in 1 M. H. CoU. ra minoribtis consonant. The great ii. 172-175. The " contmental cur- harmonize with the httie. The thirty rency," so called, " consisted of smaU dollar bills exhibited a wreath on an pieces of paper, about two inches altar, with the legend, Si recte fad- square. The one dollar bUls had an es, If you do right, you wiU succeed." altar, with the words, Depressa resur- Lewis's Lynn, 217. For an account git. The oppressed rises. The two of the expenses of the revolutionary dollar biUs bore a hand making a cir- war, araounting, in the whole, to at cle \rith corapasses, with the motto, least $135,193,703, see Pitkin's Sta- Tribulatioditat,Tiouh\eenrickes. The tistics of the U. S. 27, 28, ed. 1835. derice of the three dollar biUs was an ' Mem. to their High Mighti- eagle pouncing upon a crane, who was nesses the States General of the bitmg the eagle's neck, with the inotto. United Pro-rinces of the Low Coun- Exitus in dubio,The event is doubtful tiies ; Address and Recommendations On the five dollar bills was a hand to the States by Congress, Boston, grasjiing a thornbush, with the inscrip- 1783,28-38; Sparks's Franklin, ix. tion, Sustine vel abstine, Hold fast or passim ; Washington to Hamilton, touch not. The six dollar bUls repre- March 4, 1783, in Writings, viii. 388 sented a beaver felhng a tree, with the -391 ; Diplomacy of the U. S. 137- word, Perseverando, By perseverance 151 ; Bradford, ii. 210. SUFFERINGS OF THE WAR. 165 property was but eleven millions of dollars, while its debt was chap. five millions. 1 ^^^ The year 1780 was distinguished by few incidents bearing 1730. immediately upon the subject of this chapter ; ^ nor, indeed, from this date to the end of the war, did any thing remarkable occur in Massachusetts which deserves to be particularly men tioned in this place. It was at the south that hostilities were principally raging ; and the battle grounds of this period must be sought in that quarter. That the times were gloomy no one can doubt. Throughout the country, the sufferings of the people were almost incredible. The lifeblood of the nation had been poured out like water. There were desolate homes in every town. Family ties had been broken and sundered. The old had grown gray in military service ; and the young had shot up to a premature manhood. Cities and dwellings were falling to decay ; and the half-tilled soil, covered with weeds, and the ruined fences, which scarcely kept out starving cattle, told of the hardships the yeomanry had endured.^ ' The nominal debt was two hun- ly complained of being treated like a dred millions ; but, on the calcula- wilhng horse, whom its drivers were tion of forty for one, the actual debt compelhng to a fatal exertion. The was five milhons. The valuation of delegates accordingly opposed the as- the state, eleven miUions, is supposed sessment ; and Mr. Gerry moved a to have been too small, and that it recommitment of the report, which should have been double that amount, was refused. His treatment on this Bradford, u. 189. occasion was such as to cause great ' On the 19th Febi-uary, 1780, a oft'ence; and his complaint was laid report was under consideration in before the General Court, and the Congress for estimating the supphes House voted to sustain him. Austin's to be furnished by the several states Life of Gerry, i. 319-326. for the current year, and the prices at ^ In the spring of 1781, General which the several articles should be Heath, whom Washington character- credited to the states which furnished izes as " an oflScer whose high rank them ; and this subject, fruitful in and consideration entitle him to par- vexation as often as it occurred, led ticular notice and attention," was sent to difficulties between the Massachu- to the Eastern States to represent the setts delegates and Congress, which chstrcsses of the army for the want of resulted in the withdrawal of Mr. prorisions, &c., and to urge more rig- Gerry. Massachusetts, it seems, had orous measures for forwarding sup- become jealous of an attempt on the phes. Sparks's Washington, \ih. 36, part of the other members of the 39, 43, and Corresp. of the Rev. hi. confederacy to load her with an un- 312. Comp. also ibid. in. 222, on the reasonable weight, and had frequent- mission of General Knox, and ibid. 166 PRELIMINARIES OP PEACE. Finally, early in 1782, after the war, which had " proceeded on the grossest impolicy," ' had continued for seven years, and had been attended with the loss, on both sides, of thousands of lives and millions of property, the English government, wearied with the fruitless and desperate struggle, and hope less of success, began to think seriously of overtures of peace. The reverses her arms had sustained in America, the surren der of Cornwallis, the series of victories which had crowned with immortal honor the career of Washington, the embarrass ment of her finances, the difficulty of sustaining longer a burden of which all classes bitterly complained, and the con sciousness that by persisting in her course she would be involved in a continental war, already commenced, and far more disastrous to her interests than any profit which could possibly accrue from the reduction of the colonies, if effected,^ — all these considerations, joined to the remonstrances of influential citizens of the realm, and the change in the minis try which was evidently approaching, were weighty arguments in favor of a cessation of hostilities, and a retreat from the position she had so long maintained. The preliminary motion on the subject of peace was made by General Conway, who was respected on all sides as a gallant soldier and an accomplished gentleman ; but it was rejected by Feb. 27. a majority of one.^ Five days later, the motion was renewed ; iii. 220, on the mission of Laurens. 44, 45. In the spring of 1779, at- For the draughts from Massachusetts, tempts were made by Congress to ar- between 1780 and 1783, see Brad- range a commission for negotiating ford, u., Sparks's Washington, -viu., peace, and John Adams, of Massa- and Jour. Cont. Cong. chusetts, was chosen for that purpose ' Lord Mahon's Hist. Eng. vu. 124. by the votes of eleven states. Ad- Comp. also Day's Reflections upon ams's Works, ix. ; Sparks's Franklm, the Present State of England, 8, ix. ; Austin's Life of Gerry, i. 286, Lond. 1783. 295 ; Bradford, u. 156. ' France and Spain declared war ' Proridence Gazette for May 11, with England in 1779 ; difficulties 1782 ; Boston Gazette for May 20, with Holland and Russia occun-ed in 1782 ; Diplomacy of the U. S. 164; 1780; and the "ai-med neutrality" Lord Mahon's Hist Eng. rii. 136. The followed, which arrayed against Eng- vote stood 193 in the afiirmativei to land the Baltic powers. Lord Ma- 194 in the negative. hon's Hist. Eng. vi. 255, 263; vii. PRELIMINARIES OP PEACE. 167 and, so nearly were parties divided, the ministry did not venture chap. upon open resistance — Lord North only pleading for a tem- ^'^• porary delay. The opposition, however, were too sanguine to 1782. yield ; the resolution was pressed ; and, in the end, it was car ried, against the whole force of government, by two hundred and thirty-four against two hundred and fifteen.' The downfall of the old ministry speedily followed ; Lord North resigned ; Mar. 20. and in less than a week the new ministry kissed hands — the Marquis of Rockingham being first lord of the treasury. Sir John Cavendish chancellor of the exchequer, and Charles James Fox secretary of state. Admiral Keppel, with the rank of viscount, was raised to be first lord of the admiralty, and the Duke of Richmond became master general of the ordnance. These five were of the " Rockingham section ; " and, that the followers of Chatham might be duly represented. Lord Shelburne was appointed second secretary of state — , the third, or American, secretaryship being abolished ; Lord Camden became president of the council ; the Duke of Graf ton privy seal; General Conway commander-in-chief; and Lord Ashburton chancellor of the duchy of Lancaster. And, as if to "hold the balance" between these parties. Lord Thurlow, a high tory, retained the great seal.^ About the time of the fall of Lord North's ministry, and in Mar. 22. anticipation of that event, Dr. Franklin, who was at Paris, wrote to Lord Shelburne, the secretary of state, informing him of the appointment, on the part of the American government, of five ' Proridence Gazette for May 11, Hamilton's Works, i. 277; LordMa- 1782 ; Boston Gazette for May 20, hon's Hist. Eng. rii. 144. The death 1782 ; Sparks's Washington, -riii. 293, of the Marquis of Rockingham, which 294, 299, 540-542 ; Debrett's Pari. occuiTcd not long after, gave a shock Reg. ri. 310-341 ; Diplomacy of the to the new administration, and dis- U. S. 164 ; Lord Mahon's Hist. Eng. ordered its whole systera, and the ¦rii. 137. prospects of peace for a time seemed ^ Considerations on the Prorision- to vanish. But a new ministry was al Treaty with America, ed. 1783, 13 ; soon organized, and the negotiations Sparks's Washmgton, riii. 288, 359 ; were continued. Sparks's Washing- Boston Gazette for June 24, 1782; ton, viii. 344, 359, 371; Diplomacy Sparks's Frankhn, ix. 183, 200, 202 ; of the U. S. 164. 168 PRELIMINARIES OF PEACE. CHAP, commissioners, to open and conclude a treaty of peace, and of _^3l. t'l^i'^" readiness to attend to that duty. Accordingly, Richard 1782. Oswald, a London merchant, of respectable attainments, and a gentleman of the strictest candor and integrity, was commis sioned, as agent on the part of the English government, to treat for that purpose.' A conference was held soon after his. April, arrival ; and a paper was presented by Dr. Franklin, suggest ing that, in order to effect a thorough reconciliation, and to prevent any future quarrel on the North American continent, England should not only acknowledge the independence of the thirteen United States, but cede to them also the prov- Apr. 19. ince of Canada.^ With this paper Mr. Oswald returned to his employers ; but the proposition contained in it was unpal atable to Lord Shelburne ; and the cabinet decided that he Apr. 27. should return with the abstract of a treaty on a different basis, admitting the independence of the thirteen United States, but leaving other matters to be restored as they stood at the peace of 1763.^ At the same time, a second agent was sent by the government to treat with Vergennes on the part of France ; and Mr. Thomas Grenville, the friend of Pox, ' Sparks's Washington, rin. 371. Paris as secret agent to consult with " I dare say," adds Washington, " the Dr. Franklin. These propositions king felt some severe pangs at the were renewed in 1779. Hartley to time he put his hand to the letters Frankhn, April 22, 1779, in Frank- patent. It is not, however, less effi- lin's Works, -(iu. 330-337, and the cacious or pleasing on that account ; reply of Frankhn, May 6, in ibid. 345 and brealdng the ice is a great point -347. See also Jebb's proposal for gained." a federal union between America and ' Boston Gazette for Aug. 19, England, in ibid. 508-513, under date 1782; Edin. Rev. for Jan. 1854; of October 11, 1780. The subject of Fi-anklin's Journal, in Sparks's Frank- peace, indeed, was agitated and talked hn, ix. 238 et seq. ; Lord Mahon's of for a long time before any thmg Hist. Eng. vii. 179. The proposition definite was effected. Comp. Diplo- tiius made was not new with Frank- matic Corresp. of the Rev. riii. pas- lin, but had been suggested by him so sim ; Diplomacy of the U. S. chap. early as October, 1778, in a letter to \iu. Mr. Hartley. Works, viii. 301. See ^ Jom-nal, in Sparks's Fi-anklin, also ibid. 253-255, 268-270, 278- ix. ; Lord Mahon's HisL Eng. viL 287, relative to the terms of reooii- 180. In the spiing of 1779, and in cihation with America, discussed in the fall of 1781, tiie legislatui'e of the spring of 1778, when William Massachusetts addi-essed memorials Pulteney, Esq., M. P., was sent to to tiieir representatives hi Congi'ess A TREATY OF PEACE CO,NCLUDED. 169 was selected for that purpose.' Thus two treaties were in chap. progress at the same time, both of which aimed at an adjust- ^Ji^^ ment of difliculties and the restoration of peace. 1782. The separate negotiations, as might have been anticipated, clashed with each other in several particulars ; and that with America was delayed for a time by the illness of Franklin and points of form in the commission of Oswald. The cession of Canada was utterly refused ; but as this was not, with Frank lin, the sine qua non, it was quietly dropped ; a treaty was arranged upon different terms ; and the preliminary or provis ional articles were signed, at Paris, by the four American Not.30. commissioners, on one side, and Mr. Oswald, on the other.^ These articles were brought before Parliament in the winter, j^^^L and the opposition against them was peculiarly bitter. But government had gone too far to fall back with grace ; and the new administration labored so zealously and successfully that, early in the fall, three definitive treaties — with America, Sept. 8. France, and Spain — were signed ; the former at Paris, and the two others at Versailles.^ on the subject of the fisheries, in the definitive treaty was laid before which the New England States were Congress," says Austin, Life of Gerry, interested ; and these memorials were i. 380, " it was, with singular proprie- laid before Congress, and acted upon, ty, committed to those of its mem- and the subject refen-ed to their en- bers who, in 1776, had signed the voys in Europe. Spai-ks's Franklin, Declaration of Independence. Three ix. 128-141; Bradford, ii. 214; Aus- only remained. Mr. Jefferson, the tin's Life of Gerry, i. 287-293, 371. draughtsman of that Declaration, was ' Sparks's Washington, riii. 540 ; chairman of that committee. Mr. Sparks's Frankhn, ix. 270, 271 ; Bos- Gerry was next named, and after him ton Gazette for Aug. 19, 1782; Di- Mr. EUery, of Rhode Island. Mr. Elomacy of the U. S. 165 ; Lord Ma- Read, of South Carolina, and Mr. oil's Hist. Eng. \ii. 180. Hawkins, of North Carolina, complet- ^ Boston Gazette for April 7 and ed the requisite number. It was the 14, 1783 ; Heath's Mems. 362 ; Di- happy fortune of this committee to Elomacy of the U. S. 171; Lord Ma- report to Congress that the objects of on's Hist. Eng. rii. 200. their sacrifices were at length accom- ' J. Adams to E. Gerry, Sept. 3, plished ; that the sovereignty, free- 1783, in Austin's Life of Gerry, i. dom, and independence of tbe United 381; Sparks's Franklin, ix. 435; States were recognized ; and that the Diplomatic Con-esp. x. ; Diplomacy painful strugp^le which had thus far of the U. S. 171-174; Lord Mahon's attended their existence as a nation Hist. Eng. vii. 207, 208. " When was now happily at an end." 170' close OP THE WAE. Thus the war of the revolution was happily ended. The , colonies of England were wrested from her grasp, and the 1783. era of American Independence was established. Without doubt, there were some who regretted the prospect of the ces sation of arms. War, with the mercenary, is a trade which he follows with fiendish delight ; and to flesh his sword in the bodies of the innocent, to delight " in bloody deaths and rav ishments," — " Nor children's tears nor mothers' groans respecting," — to rove for plunder, and blast the earth with the mildew of famine, are to him more sweet than to behold " bruised arms hung up for monuments, stern alarums changed to merry meetings," and every man and every woman, freed from the fury and curse of the destroyer, singing with ecstasy the gay notes of peace. It should be remembered, however, that if war, to the Christian, is a " rank imposthume," and if the natural instinct of the benevolent heart revolts from its hor rors, there are cases in which it is justifiable ; and the aspira tions for a higher freedom than was attainable under the cir cumstances in which they were placed, and the consciousness that this could be effected only by resisting the aggressions of England, will probably be deemed a sufficient justification for the course of the colonists. It was " glad tidmgs " to America that peace was declared. Every countenance was radiant with smiles ; and the procla mation, when read in the different cities, was hailed by the people with tumultuous cheers. Bells were rung ; cannon were fired ; bonfires blazed ; and, in the evening, the houses ' The tented camps a soldier charm. Those sounds of war which mothers Trumpets and fifes his bosom wai-m ; fear. Their mingled sounds -with joy he Feancis's Horace, Ode L hears — close of THB WAR. 171 were brilliantly iUuminated. It seemed as if all were in- chap. spired with new life ; and, in the hour of triumph, how ^^^L. proudly the soldiery, who had fought for their country, re- 1783. counted the perilous scenes they had witnessed, and, looking to Heaven with grateful emotions, poured out their offerings of gratitude to God ! To view such a scene with indifference is impossible ; and if the story of the revolution, notwithstand ing its drawbacks, becomes to us ever a " thrice told tale," or ceases to arouse us to emulate the virtues and admire the heroism of those who achieved the independence of our coun try, then, may we be assured, the day of our downfall is rap idly approaching, and we are becoming unworthy of the con tinued enjoyment of the blessings of liberty, now so widely diffused throughout our land. CHAPTER Y. adoption of THE STATE CONSTITUTION. PEOCEEDINGS OF THE GOVERNMENT. MANNEES AND CUSTOMS. CHAP. The renunciation of allegiance to the crown of Great ^- Britain rendered it necessary for all the American colonies to 1776. establish, as soon as practicable, independent governments, for the protection of the people and the security of their inter ests. Hence, in the midst of the war of the revolution, the citizens of Massachusetts were called upon to deliberate upon their civil affairs. As the several states were considered sov ereign, as well as independent, and as the supreme authority resided in the legislature in each state, and each claimed the right to exercise sovereign power within its own jurisdiction, — yielding due respect to the advice and recommendations of the General Congress, — it became an important question what system of government should be adopted, and how that system should be framed and adjusted. In Massachusetts, there was no necessity for a hasty decision of this question. The charter, it is true, was no longer in force ; nor was there any obligation to abide by its requirements. But few altera tions had been made in consequence of the renunciation of allegiance to the crown, and the forms of the old government were substantially preserved. The office of governor was vacant ; but the duties of that oflBce were performed by the Executive Council, and no great difficulties had been hitherto experienced from the want of a chief magistrate. Defects were not felt as serious evils, while there were greater evils demanding attention. But these defects might increase ; and (172) a constitutional contention proposed. 173 it was proper that they should be remedied before they were chap. incurable. ^• In consonance with these views, at a quite early date a 1776. proposition was made in the General Court that a commit- ^^ tee should be appointed to prepare a form of government, and such committee was appointed ; but the business was not proceeded in, as the opinion was generally expressed that the subject should originate with the people, who were the proper source of the organic law.^ The House therefore con tented themselves with recommending to their constituents to choose their deputies to the next General Court with Sep. 17 power to adopt a form of government for the state ; and, to give greater effect to this recommendation, it was renewed 1777. May 5. more formally in the following spring.^ In this interval, a convention was held in the county of Worcester of the com- Feb. ' mittees of safety from a majority of the towns, who voted that it would be improper for the existing General Court to form a constitution, but that a convention of delegates from all the towns in the state should be called for that purpose.^ How far the decision of this convention influenced the action of the people does not appear ; but a majority of the towns in the state, it would seem, chose their representatives for the next annual session of the General Court with a spe- / ' Jour, H. of R. for June 4 and 6, ^ Bradford, iL 118; Lincoln's Hist. and Sept. 4, 1776; J. Adams's Cor- Worcester, 118. The town of Con- resp. in Works, ix. 429, 442 ; Brad- cord, in October, 1776, on the ques- ford, ii. 117. The committee appoint- tion of giring their consent that the ed consisted of Brigadier Palmer, Co- House of Representatives, with the lonel Pickering, Captain Stone, Major Council, should enact a constitution Hawley, Hon. Jaraes Warren, Mr. or form of govemment for this state, Nye, Captain Steams, Mr. Simp- voted in the negative, and assigned as son, Mr. Maynard, Mr. Mayhew, their reasons that the supreme legis- Colonel Wait, and Mr. Root. lature, in theur corporate capacity, ' Jour. H. of R. for Sept. 17, 1776, were by no means the proper body to and May 5, 1777 ; R. T. Paine to E. form and estabhsh such a constitu- Gerry, April 12, 1'777, in Austin's Life tion, and that a convention, or con- of Gerry, i. 223 ; A Constitution and gress, specially chosen, should be in- Form of Government, &c., 3-5 ; Brad- trusted with the business. Shattuck's ford, u. 117 ; Jackson's Hist. Newton, Concord, 127, 128. 190. 174 PROPRIETY OF THIS STEP. CHAP, cial view, or, at least, with an implied consent, to the forma- ^,.J,^ tion of a constitution by that body. The citizens of Boston, 1777. and of a number of other towns, as well as the committees of safety in the county of Worcester, were opposed to this pro ceeding, and favored the calling of a convention of delegates.' And, without doubt, this was the proper and the best course to have taken. It has been found, in nearly all communities where the experiment has been tried, that a constitution framed by a legislative assembly is open to more objections than a constitution framed by a convention of delegates. Whether it is that the members of a legislative body are too apt to be influenced by political considerations, and to lean upon precedents wherever they can be found, or whether it is that a convention of delegates, chosen directly by the people for the sole purpose of framing a constitution, are more likely to consult the general good, and to act independently of any official ties, certain it is that, in a majority of the states,^ the settlement of the frame of government has been intrusted to such conventions in preference to legislative assembhes ; and the result has been a better and more satisfactory system than could have been otherwise obtained — one in which the peo- ' Bradford, ii. 140. Comp. Ab- second constitution was established bott's Andover, 61. In the preamble by the state legislature. In New to the constitution offered in 1778, it Hampshire, Connecticut, New York, is said that the people, in accordance New Jersey, Maryland, Pennsylvania, ¦with the resolve of May 5, 1777, did Delawai-e, Virginia, North Carohna, appoint, authorize, and instruct their and Georgia conventions were held representatives, in one body with the as in Massachusetts. See The Con- Council, to form such a constitution stitutions of the several independent of government as they should judge States of America, pubhshed by or- best calculated to promote the happi- der of Congi-ess, Dec. 29, 1780, and ness of the state, and, when complet- reprinted at London in 1782. At a ed, to cause the sarae to be pubhshed later date, however. South Carolina for their inspection and consideration, adopted a new constitution, which See this instrument in the pamphlet was the work of a convention special- jjubhshed in 1778, and in Bradford, ly cnUed for that purpose; and sev- u. App. 350. eral of the other states, in a similar ' 5Rhode Island and South Carolina mamier, rerised their old constitutions are believed to be the only exceptions, or fi-amed new ones. Comp. Pitkin's In the former state, the old charter U. S. u. chap. xix. ; Hildreth's U. S. was in force ; and in the latter, the 2d series, chap. ni. rejection op the first constitution. 175 pie have more readily acquiesced, because better adapted to chap. their circumstances and wants.' ^" At the usual time the General Court was convened ; and, a 1777. few weeks after the opening of its sessions, a committee was appointed, consisting of four members of the Council^ and eight members of the House,^ for the purpose of preparing a constitution. Of the proceedings of this committee but little is known, as their records have not been published ; but the result of their deliberations was a draught of a constitution, Dec. which was debated at length, approved by the convention, 1778. presented to the legislature, and submitted to the people, by Mar. 4 whom it was rejected.* The objections to this instrument were, that it contained no , declaration of rights, which was an essential defect ; that the principle of representation was unequal, inasmuch as even the smallest towns were allowed to have one representative, and others, unless containing three hundred polls, were confined to that number ; and that the powers and duties of the legis lators and rulers were not clearly and accurately defined.^ ' The riews of the people on this •¦ Comp. Austin's Life of Gerry, i. point may be gathered from the in- 266. For tbe draught referred to, structions given by the town of Med- see the pamphlet, printed by J. GiU, ford to their representative in May, in 1778, and comp. Bradford, u. App. 1779 : " That said representative use 349-362. The vote stood, 10,000 his best endeavors and influence that, against the constitution, to 2000 in its if the General Com-t are empowered favor; and 120 towns made no re- by the majority of freeholders of said turns. The citizens of Boston voted state to caU a convention to form said unanimously against the constitution, constitution of govemment, said con- Snd were of opinion that a matter of vention may consist of no person or so much importance should not be persons belonging to said General hastily decided, but be postponed to Court." Brooks's Medford, 154. a period of more tranquilhty. The ' Oeremiah Powell, Thomas Cush- Result of the Ipswich Convention, ing, Daniel Daris, and John Taylor, held, by adjournment, at Ipswich, The .subject was discussed preriou.sly April 29, 1778, Peter Coffin, Esq., in by both Houses, and a conference was the chair, was pubhshed, in pamphlet held, June 17, "on the business of form, at Newbui^port; and the ob- forming a new constitution of govern- jections to the constitution were stat- ment." Jour. H. of R. for 1777, 28. ed in this document in eighteen arti- ' James Warren, Robert Treat cles. Paine, Azor Orne, Jeduthun Bhss, ^ Bradford, n. 158, 159; Hobart's James Prescott, John Pickering, Geo. Abington, 136. Partridge, and Joseph Simpson. 176 A CONVENTION CALLED. 1778. 1779.May. Feb. 20. Jun. 17. Sept. 1. Sept. 3. Sept. 7. Oct. 28. Nov.ll. Besides, the opinion was still current that a convention was the proper body to decide upon a constitution for the state, and that no other body could successfully discharge that duty. A majority of the people, therefore, favored the caUing of such a convention ; and, at the annual election in the follow ing year, by the advice of the General Court previously given, the returns from the towns were so conclusive that precepts were issued for the choice of delegates, to meet at Cambridge in the ensuing September.' These delegates met at the appointed time, and organized by the choice of James Bowdoin as president, and Samuel Barrett as secretary .^ A committee of twenty-six was speed ily chosen to draught a constitution ; ^ but, as the report of this committee could not be immediately made, the convention, after a session of about a week, was adjourned to meet again the last of October ; and, two weeks from that time, it was ' Jour. Convention, 5 ; Jour. H. of R. for Feb. 9, 16, 17, 1779; Brad ford, u. 177 ; Cushing's Newburyport; Coffin's Newbury, 255 ; S. Lincohi's Hist. Hingham, 107. Nearly one third of the to-\vns neglected to make returns ; but of those which were heard from, the larger portion were in favor of calling a convention. ' Jour, of the Convention, 7 ; Title Page of the Const, pubhshed by or der, and ibid. 51, 53; Bradford, ii. 177. ^ This committee consisted of the Hon. James Bowdoin, Hon^ John Ad ams, and John LoweU, Esq., from Suffolk; Theophilus Parsons, Esq., Jonathan Jackson, and Samuel Phil hps, Jun., from Essex ; Hon. James Sullivan, Nathaniel Gorham, Esq., and Hon. Eleazar Brooks, from Middle sex ; Hon. Noah Goodman, Major Hezekiah Smith, and Mr. John Bil- hngs, from Hampshire ; John Cotton, Esq., and Rev. Gad Hitchcock, from Plymouth ; Enoch Hallett, Esq., from Barnstable; Hon. R. T. Parae and Eev. Samuel West, fi:om Bristol; Hon. Benjamin Chadboum and Hon. Darid Sewall, from York ; Hon. Jed ediah Foster, Joseph Dorr, Esq., and Israel Nichols, Esq., from Worcester; H6n. SamueU Small, from Cumbe^ land; and James Harris, Esq., and Captain WUham Walker, from Berk shire. Jour, of the Convention, 26-29. "WeU might it be said," obse^^•es Mr. Winthrop, " that to this conven tion were retm-ned, fr-om aU parts of the commonwealth, as great a num ber of men of learning, talents, and patriotism as had ever been assem bled here at any earher period." Here were " Samuel Adams and John Ad ams, Hancock, the elder John Lowell, TheophUus Parsons, the elder John Pickermg, George Cabot, Nathaniel Gorham, James SuUivan, the elder Leri Lincoln, Robert Treat Paine, Jonathan Jackson, Hem-y Higginson, Nathaniel Tracv, Samuel Osgood, WUliam Cushing, and Caleb Strong;" and Maine was " represented, among others, by David Sewall and Benja min Chadbom-ne."' Wmthrop's Ad dresses and Speeches, 110. A CONSTITUTION DRAUGHTED. 177 adjourned to the following January.' In the mean time, the chap. subject was discussed in the papers and by different public _^,^^;^ bodies, to prepare the people for definite action ; and sugges- 1779. tions of the highest importance were made touching the form of government which it would be wisest to adopt.® At the reassembling of the convention, the draught, which 1780. had been revised, was presented, and, after considerable dis cussion, was adopted ; and eighteen hundred copies were Mar. 2. ordered to be printed, and distributed in the towns and plan tations in the state.* The votes of the people, for or against this constitution, were directed to be returned on the first Wednesday in June ; and at that date it appeared that more than two thirds of the votes were in its favor, and the conven tion was dissolved.* The vote of Boston was in the aflfirma- Jun. I6. tive ; but alterations were proposed, and the delegates from May 12. the town were instructed to present them. These alterations related to the third article of the bill of rights, which provides for religious instruction ; to the preservation of liberty of speech and the freedom of the press ; to the provision respect ing the privilege of the writ of Habeas Corpus ; and to em powering the governor, without leave of the legislature, to order the militia to an adjoining state in case of danger.^ On ' Jour. Convention, 34, 49 ; Brad- pages. The committee on this ad- ford, u. 177. Samuel Adams, John dress consisted of Hon. James SuUi- Pickeiing, Caleb Strong, and Wilham van, Hon. Samuel Adams, John Low- Cushing had been preriously appoint- ell; Esq., Rev. Mr. West, and Mr. ed to draught a constitution and dec- Gray. Jour. Convention, 130. This laration of rights. Jour. Convention, was approved Feb. 22, and Colonel 30, Thompson and Mr. Parsons were ' Boston Gazette for 1779 and added. 1780, passim. * Boston Gazette for June 19, 1780. ^ A Constitution, &c., pub. by Benj. On the 2d of March, the convention Edes and Sons, 1'780, 52 ; Jour. Con- adjourned to the 7th of June, then to vention, 192-216, 222-249; Boston receive the returns from the to-vms; Gazette for Jan. 31 and Apr. 17, 1780 ; and, after reassembhng on that day, Spark-s's Corresp. of the Rev. u. 430. it continued m session untU the 16th, The Addi-ess, in Journal, &c., 216- when it was dissolved. Jour. Conven- 222, sent out vrith the constitution by tion, 168, 170, 185. the convention, was printed by White * Boston Gazette for May 12 and and Adams, in a pamphlet of eighteen 22, 1780 ; Bradford, u. 186. VOL. III. 12 178 OBJECTIONS TO THIS INSTRUMENT. CHAP, the first of these points, though they expressed tnemselves ^^3;^ satisfied of the importance of religious teachers to the welfare 1780, of society and the morals of the people, they wished for a perfect toleration, so far as it could be secured, and for no degree of compulsion in religious sentiments or worship, Liberty of conscience, they apprehended, would be infringed by any other course ; and, though they did not object to the idea that all should be taxed for the support of religion, they suggested that the amount assessed upon those not connected with any organized society should be appropriated to the poor or to some other purpose of public utility.^ With regard to the writ of Habeas Corpus, they wished that its privilege should be more accurately defined and more liberally granted, so that citizens should not be subject to confinement on mere suspicion.^ And they were in favor of authorizing the gov ernor, without leave of the legislature, to order the militia to an adjoining state for the suppression of rebellions, and for such other purposes as might be required.^ Nor was it only in Boston that objections were made to th? provisions of the new constitution. Throughout the state, the subject was discussed ; and the third article, in particular, of the bill of rights called forth a number of elaborate essays, which were published in the papers of the day.^ Without doubt, it was intended, by the framers of this article, that lib erty of conscience should be enjoyed by every citizen ; nor was it supposed that any really religious persons would se riously object to the assessment of a tax for the support of public worship, since each one had the privilege of jommg • Bradford, ii. 186. Comp. Frank- * Boston Gazette for June 12, July hn's Works, riii. 505, 606, and the 3, 10, 24, 31, Aug. 14, 21, Oct. 23, pamphlet entitied Pohtical Sketches, and Dec. 18, 1780. Comp. W. Lin- msoribed to his Excellency John Ad- cohi's Hist. Worcester, 123, and S. ams, &c., Lond. 1787, 86 et seq. Lincoln's Hist, of Huigham, 108, •' Bradford, u. 186. 109. " Bradford, ii. 186; Brooks's Med ford, 155. DISCUSSION ON THE BILL OP RIGHTS. 179 what society and supporting what teacher he pleased. It was chap. expressly provided, also, that no one should be molested on ,^J^ account of his religious opinions, and that no one denomina- 1780. tion should have any exclusive or peculiar privileges. Yet it was well known that there were sects in existence inferior in numbers, as well as in wealth, to that which had hitherto been principally supported ; and the members of these sects were opposed to a course which seemed, even by implication, to discourage their existence, or to limit their resources. The Baptists, in particular, who had become quite numerous, were inclined to complain, inasmuch as individuals who wished to ally with them, and who were connected with other societies, could not do so without applying for a special license — an arrangement which was conceived to be peculiarly oppressive, as well as inconsistent with their natural rights.' But the article was retained, and continued to be a part of the consti tution until 1834, when it was abolished, and the " voluntary system," as it is commonly called, was adopted, which left each citizen at liberty to pay or not for the support of public worship, though every society, corporate or unincorporate, was authorized to tax its members, or the pewholders in its meeting house, for the support of public worship, by a majority vote of the members present at a meeting duly warned.^ Whether this change has, on the whole, been a benefit or an injury to the cause of religion, is not clearly settled ; and a difference of opinion now, as in former times, prevails as to the expe diency of sanctioning the idea that religion, as a matter of public utility, like the education of the young, should be sup ported by a general assessment on the people. Directly or indfrectly, it admits of no doubt that the benefits of religion ' Boston Gazette for Mar. 13, 1780 ; senators and two thirds of the House Bradford, ii. 187. for that year and the next, submitted « Senate Doc. No. 3, for 1834 ; to the people, approved by them, and Acts and Resolves of Mass. for 1834. ratified and confirmed by the General This amendment was proposed in Court in 1834. 1832, agreed to by a majority of the 180 ELECTION OF STATE OFFICERS. CHAP, are enjoyed by all, in the security of law, the protection of ,^^^^ property, and the prevention of crime ; and if such benefits 1780. are common, it is asked, why should not all be required, in some way, to contribute to the support of religion, as well as to the support of schools or of government? This is not the place, however, to discuss this subject, or to express an opinion which might be dissented from by more than would approve it. The decision of the question rests with the people.' As the constitution was adopted by the popular vote, and was henceforth to be the law of the state, notice of the same was officially given by the convention to the General Court, Oct. 25. and the last Wednesday of October was assigned as the day for the organization of the government.® The election of Sept. 4 governor, lieutenant governor, and senators took place in Sep Oct. 9. tember ; and the representatives were chosen in October, ten days, at least, previously to the last Wednesday in the month.' For the office of chief magistrate John Hancock was chosen — a gentleman who deserved well of the people for his sacri fices on their behalf, and who had already respectably fiUed a number of responsible stations.'* No person had a majority of the votes for lieutenant governor, and the General Court elected James Bowdoin to the office ; but he declmed it. ' For the debates on the rejection the convention and among the peo- of the third article of the biU of rights, pie, in the whole course of this great see the newspapers of the day. work, posterity wiU be happy and ' Boston Gazette for June 19, prosperous. The first citizen will be 1780 ; Jour. Convention, 186 ; Brad- one of two whom we know. Which- ford, n. 188. ever it may be, I wish him support ' Jour. Convention, 186; Bradford, and success. It is no light trust ii. 188 ; Jackson's Hist. Newton, 195 ; However ambitious any may be of it, S. Lincoln's Hist. Hingham, 110. The whoever obtains this distinction, if he election in some of the towns took does liis duty, wiU find it a heavy bm^ place in August See Shattuck's Con- den. There is nothing which I dread cord, 129. so much as a dirision of the republic ¦* " I want to hear of the elec- into two great parties, each an-anged tions," wrote John Adams to Jona- under its leader, and concerting meas- than Jackson, Oct. 2, 1780, Corresp. m-es in opposition to each other. This, in Works, ix. 511. "If these are m my humble apprehension, is to be made with as much gi-arity, wisdom, dreaded as the greatest political evil and integrity as were discovered in imder our constitution." VIEWS OP THE STATESMEN OP MASSACHUSETTS. 181 James Warren was then chosen ; but he also declined. After- chap. wards Thomas Cushing was chosen, and he saw fit to accept , ,J^ the post.^ 1780. It is evident that the new constitution was not adopted without opposition ; nor were there wanting individuals of considerable intelligence who doubted the permanence of the government to be established under it. Yet the statesmen of Massachusetts, whose knowledge of political science was the result of a long and painful experience, were not de sirous, in the progress of the institutions which they were called upon to frame, to make startling innovations in fa miliar forms ; nor was it necessary, or even expedient, that they should reject as worthless views which had been proved to be sound, and measures which were sanctioned by their obvious utility. So far, indeed, as changes were necessary for the interests of the community, they were unhesitatingly made, and in most cases with great unanimity. Beyond this, how ever, the spirit of innovation was rigidly restrained. They had no intention of embarking in schemes whose chief recom mendation was their novelty, and which might prove worse than those which had been tried. Hence deference was paid to the forms of the past ; and the dignity, and in some degree the ceremonial, of the royal government may be distinctly traced in the architecture of the new constitution. The titles given to the two first executive magistrates, and to councillors and senators, in the eyes of some savored of an inclination to imitate the governments of the old world. But the objections to these titles, though they have since been renewed,® were not seriously urged ; nor, indeed, did they affect any principle of vital importance.^ ' Boston Gazette for Oct. 30, 1780 ; lieutenant governor. Winthrop's Ad- Sparks's Corresp. of the Rev. in. 148 ; dresses and Speeches, 1 10. Bradford, ii. 198. Mr. Bowdoin was ^ See the Proceedings of the Con- at the same time elected a senator for vention to revise the Constitution, the county of Suffolk ; but he saw fit held in 1853, i. 986. to decline this office; as weU as that of ' Austin's Life of Gerry, i. 355, 356. 18'2 INCOEPORATION OF THB ACADEMY OP ARTS AND SCIENCES. CHAP. The position of Governor Hancock was somewhat peculiar. .„^^'Pov several months there had been a misunderstanding be- 1780. tween him and the delegates from Massachusetts to the Gen eral Congress, originating, among other things, in the suspicion that his conduct, as the favorite of the people, was too much guided by his love of popularity. They had, therefore, thrown the weight of their influence in favor of Mr. Bowdoin, a member of that party to some of whom Mr. Hancock had given the sobriquet of " the Essex junto ; " and the success of Mr. Hancock was not particularly gratifying to them, or in unison with their wishes.' The opposition, however, was not of such virulence as to embarrass the action of the govern ment ; and, though party feeling ran high at the time, and continued for many years to influence the conduct of even well-meaning patriots, no serious evils resulted, though occa sionally there were manifestations of individual resentment and of intemperate zeal. In the midst of th^ excitement of political concerns, the interests of science were not overlooked ; and the incorpora- May 4. tion of the Academy of Arts and Sciences, consisting of about fifty members, distinguished for their literary researches and attainments, is evidence of attention to intellectual improve ment. Of this society, James Bowdoin, its principal patron, was the first president ; throughout his life be was its pride and its ornament ; and at his death, he bequeathed to it a hundred pounds and his valuable library of twelve hundied volumes. Joseph Willard, of Cambridge, the president of Harvard College, was chosen vice president and correspond ing secretary of the society .^ ' Austin's Life of Gerry, i. 353. Bowdoin's Disc, before Am. Acad, See also S. Adams's Letter to Gerry, 1780 ; Boston Gazette for Jlay 22, of Nov. 27, 1780, in ibid. 362. On 1780 ; Bradford, u. 191 ; Austin's the personal appearance of Hancock Life of Gerry, i. 363 ; Quincy's Hist. m 1782, see Loiing's Hundred Ora- H. CoU. An academy was estab- tors, 105. lished at Andover in 1778, which Mems. Am. Acad. i. Pref. p. 1 ; was incorporated in 1780, for the in- THE DABK DAT. 183 May 19. The " dark day," which occurred on Friday, the nineteenth chap. of May, was the occasion of much alarm, and was the cause _J^ of much speculation among the common people and the 1780. learned. The morning was cloudy, and, in some places, a little rain fell. By ten o'clock the whole heavens were over cast ; and by noon, artificial lights became necessary in the dwellings, and birds and beasts repaired to their places of nightly repose. Before night, however, it gradually grew lighter. The darkness, it is said, did not extend beyond Con necticut, nor far at sea. It was generally attributed to a thick smoke, which had been accumulating for several days, occasioned by the burning of large tracts of wood land in the northern part of New Hampshire, where the people were making new settlements ; and, joined to the situation of na tional affairs, which was peculiarly discouraging, an unusual gloom settled upon the community.' stmction of youth in the higher branches of hterature. This was known as the PhUhps Academy, and afterwards as the Theological Semi nary. Abbott's Andover, 114-123; Bradford, u. 191. ' Boston Gazette for May 22 and 29, 1780 ; Mems. Am. Acad, i.; 1 M. H. CoU.i. 95-98; Bradford, ii. 192; Lewis's LjTin, 217 ; Coffin's Newbury, 257, from Bp. Edward Bass's MSS. ; Abbott's Andover, 189, 190, from MS. of Rev. J. French. Some of the ac counts say that the dai-kness extended aU over New England, and westward to Albany, and was observed south ward all along the sea coast ; but oth ers say that it did not extend to North River. Dr. Tenney atti-ibutes the darkness to an uncommonly thick sec ond stratum of clouds, probably occa sioned by two strong currents of mnd, from the southward and westward, condensing the vapors, and di-awing them in a north-easterly direction. The darkness, he says, was most gross in the county of Essex, the lower part of the State of New Hampshire, and the old Prorince of Maine. In Rhode Island and Connecticut, it was not so great, and still less in New York. In New Jersey^ the second stratum was observed, but not of any great thick ness, nor was the darkness very un common. In the lower parts of Penn sylvania, no extraordinary appearance was noticed. Throughout this whole extent, the lower stratum had an un common brassy hue, while the earth and trees were adorned with so en chanting a verdure as could not escape notice, even amidst the unusual gloom that surrounded the spectator. " To these two strata of clouds," he adds, " we may, without hesitation, impute the extraordinary darkness of the day." " The darkness of the follow ing evening," he fm-ther remarks, ' " was probably as gross as ever has been obser^'ed since the almighty flat first gave bu-th to light. It wanted only palpabihty to render it as ex- traordmary as that which overspread the land of Egypt in the days of Mo ses. ... I could not help con- cei-ring, at the time, ttat if every Iu- 184 REVISION OF THE LAWS. The sessions of the General Court, commenced in October, were continued until December, when an adjournment was 1780. made until the following January, after the appointment of a Deo. ' special committee " to revise the laws in use in the common wealth, and to select, abridge, alter, and digest them, so as they should be accommodated to the present government." The members of this committee consisted of the judges of the Superior Court, the attorney general, and James Bowdoin and James Pickering, gentlemen distinguished for their legal at tainments ; and, in addition to the duty of revising the laws, they were requested to prepare bills for the due observance of the Sabbath, and for the prevention of the vices of drunk enness and profanity.' By the terms of the constitution, the Supreme Judicial Court was to be the highest tribunal in the 1782. state ; and, as early as was practicable, a court with this title was established by law. The judges of the Superior Court of Judicature had previously exercised the functions assigned to this court ; and that had for some time been the highest judicial court in the state.® The establishment of a national bank, known as the " Bank of North America," — a project in which Hamilton was deeply M^ay 26. interested,^ — was authorized by the General Congress about this time, agreeably to a plan proposed by Eobert Morris, the minous body in the universe had been ^ Bradford, u. 217. The judges of shrouded in impenetrable shades, or this com-t were Wilham Cushing, stmck out of existence, the darkness Nathaniel P. Sargeant, James Sulli- could not have been more complete, van, and Darid SewaU. Robert Treat A sheet of white paper, held \rithin a Paine was attorney genei-al. In 1790, few inches of the eyes, was equaUy in- Wilham Cushing was appointed a visible with the blackest velvet." j"dge of the Supreme Com-t of the ' Bradford, h. 202, and note ; Win- United States, and ^ras succeeded by throp's Life and Serrices of James Judge Sargeant, at whose death, in Bowdoin, in Addresses and Speeches, 1792, Francis JDana was appointed 111. " I have seen in his pri-vate pa- chief justice. The other justices of pers [those of Mr. Bowdoin] ample the Supreme Judicial Court, at that eridence of the labor which he be- dute, wereR. T. Paine, Increase Sum- stowed on the duties of tills distin- ner, Nathan Cushing, and Thomas guished and most responsible posi- Dawes. tion." 3 HamUton's Works, i. 236-253. MASSACHUSETTS BANK INCORPORATED. 185 superintendent of finance ; and this bank went into opera- chap. tion in Philadelphia, when the legislature of Massachusetts '*^- passed a law giving currency to its bills within the state, 1732. instructing the treasurer and other officers to receive them for "^™' ^' payment of the public debts, and subjecting to severe punish ment those who should counterfeit them. This bank, however, continued in operation but four years, when its charter was 1735. repealed ; but, two years after, it was reincorporated for four- 1787. teen years ; and, by successive legislative acts of the State of Pennsylvania, it has been continued until the present time. The old United States Bank, incorporated in 1791,i continued 1791. in existence until 1811, when its charter expired; but, five'^^'"'^^ years after, a new bank was incorporated, which wound up its I8I6. affairs in 1836, under the presidency of General Jackson.^ The first bank in Massachusetts, under the state constitution, was established in 1784, and was known as the " Massachu- 1784. setts Bank," with a capital not exceeding five hundred thou sand pounds. Its charter had no limitations as to .its contin uance ; and for several years it was the only incorporated banking company in the state, yielding to its stockholders very great profits. Since then more than two hundred banks have beeu incorporated in Massachusetts ; but the first char tered bank still survives.^ The " Massachusetts Mint " was ' The delegates from Massachusetts and its connection with the national voted against the incorporation of this treasury ceased. It was located in bank. Jour, of Cong. ; Felt on the Pennsylvania, and had obtained a Currency, 193. charter from that state. Pitkin's Sta- ' Pektiah Webster's Essays on tistics of the U. S. 416; HUdreth's Banldng, PhUad. 1790 ; Carey's De- U. S. 2d series, i. 260 et seq. bates, &c., of the Assembly of Penn- ' The Path to Riches, &c., by a Cit- sylvania, 1786 ; Gouge's Hist, of izen of Massachusetts, Boston, 1792, Banldng, 12-14, ed. 1835 ; Felt on 47 et seq. ; Gouge's Hist, of Bank- the Currency, 193, 197 ; Pitkin's Sta- ing ; Felt on the Currency, 199 ; tistics of the U. S. 415, 416, et seq., Bradford, u. 216. The General Court, and Hist. U. S. u. 348, 349 ; Bradford, in their session of the winter of 1792, u. 216, and Hist. Fed. Gov. 36, 37. became alarmed at the operation of It should be observed that the Bank this bank, and sent a committee, who of North America, on receiving its inquired, but never exphcitly report second charter, became a state insti- ed upon its debts and credits. " It tution, on the retirement of Morris, seemed to be understood in the House 186 MASSACHUSETTS MINT. CHAP, established in 1786 ; but only sevaity thousand dollars, in ,_^.J^ Cent and half cent pieces, were coined ; and, after the adop' 1786. tion of the federal constitution, the mint was discontinued. It 1788. had been proposed by the legislature to have gold and silver °''' coined ; but Congress advised against the measure, on the ground that coining money was properly the prerogative of the national government, and that a uniform currency was neces sary for the convenience of the people in all parts of the country.! The election of Mr. Hancock as governor of the state was carried for several years without much opposition ; and he filled the office to which he was chosen to the acceptance of the public. The character of this gentleman has been vari ously estimated, and differently by the same pensons at differ ent times. That he was a man of wealth, fond of display, and withal somewhat vain, as well as ambitious, are facts which few will dispute. But when it is insinuated that his patri otism was selfish, and that his devotion to the interests of his country was insincere, it is only necessary to point to his correspondence, both public and private, and to his conduct in of Representatives that it was a mat- with the word " Massachusetts ;" and ter which ought not to be spoken up- at the bottom were the figures " 1787," on ; and a bill was passed hmiting the the date of emission. On the obverse issues of then- credits to double their side was an Indian, grasping with his capital." Path to Riches, 50. right hand a bow, one end of which ' Bradford, u. 328 ; Felt on the rested on the ground, and with his Currency, 205-207. Joshua Witherel left an ai-row, with the barb pointing was empowered by tbe General Court to the earth. Near his forehead is a to have the needed buildings erected single star, and on the edge is circum- for the mint in Massachusetts, and scribed the word " Commonwealth." suitable machinery provided ; and A few of these coins are stiU m exist- from the works erected on the Neck ence, but they are not very common. and at Dedham cents were issued, in For a description of tiie early United 1787, which bore on one face a rep- States coins, see Felt on the Curren- resentation of an eagle grasping in the cy, 205, 206, note. An " act for in- right talon a bundle of seven arrows troduciiig the doUai- and its pai-ts as and in the left an olive branch — the the money of account in this corn- emblems respectively of defence and monwe.ilth " was mssed February 25, peace. On the breast of the eagle 1795 ; and the United States, about was a shield, in the centre of which the same time, adopted a similar law. the word "cent" was inscribed; the Mass. Laws for 1794-6, chap. xlL; outer edge of the piece was encircled HUdi-eth's U. S. CHARACTER OF GOVERNOR HANCOCK. IST every emergency to disprove the charge ; and when the arts chap. of the demagogue and of the adventurer are ascribed to him, ^J^ it is only necessary to say that, judged by the same rule, a 178O like charge may with equal, if not greater, force be brought 17I1. against his accusers. Whoever, indeed, expects to find in political life an entire exemption from the frailties of human ity, may with perfect propriety engage in the search for the philosopher's stone, and with a like prospect of success. All have their failings ; and faultless characters are exceedingly rare. A man must be judged by his aims and his deeds, rather than by his failures or his idiosyncrasies. On this ground, few, it is believed, will hesitate to concede to Gov ernor Hancock the praise of meaning and doing well, of amply atoning for his errors when known, and of meriting richly the approval of posterity by his manifold sacrifices and his gener ous devotion to the interests of his country.' ' Comp. Quincy's Hist. H. Coll. ; Bradford, ii. 234, 331 ; iii. 27 ; AUen's Biog. Diet. ait. Hancock; Loring's Hundred Orators. Mr. Hancock was governor of Massachusetts, in all, eleven years, viz., from October, 1780, to February, 1785, and from 1787 to 1793. He died October 8, 1793, aged 66 years. John Adams, whose char- aeter has also been the subject of much illiberal comment, bears noble testimony to the worth of Governor Hancock. " You never profoundly admired Mr. Hancock," he virote to William Tudor. " He had vanity and caprice. I can say with truth that I profoundly adnured him, and more profoundly loved him. If he had vanity and caprice, so had I. And if his vanity and caprice made me some times sputter, as you know they often did, mine, I well know, had often a similar effect upon him. But these Httle fliokerings of httle passions de termine nothing concemmg essential characters. I knew Mr. Hancock from his cradle to his grave. He was radically generous and benevo lent. . . . Though I never in jured or justly offended him, and though I spent much of my time and suffered unknown anxiety in defend ing his property, reputation, and hb erty from persecution, I cannot buj; reflect upon myself for not paying him more respect than I did in his lifetime. His hfe will, however, not ever be written. But if statues, obe- hsks, pyramids, or dirine honors were ever merited, by men, of cities or na tions, James Otis, Samuel Adams, and John Hancock deserved these from the town of Boston and the United States. . . . Mr. Han cock had a delicate constitdtion. He was very infirm ; a great part of his life was passed in acute pain. . . . Yet it was astonishing with what pa tience, perseverance, and pimctuahty he attended to business to the last. Nor were his talents or attainments inconsiderable. They were far supe rior to many who have been much more celebrated. He had a great deal of pohtical sagacity and penetra tion into men. He was by no means a contemptible scholar or orator." Adams's Cor. m Works, x. 259-261. 188 THE QUESTION OP SLAVERY DISCUSSED. The question of slavery had for many years attracted the , attention of patriots and philanthropists, and pamphlets and 1780 essays had been published to discourage the holding the black to 1784. race in bondage. The odious traffic in human beings, indeed, was never sanctioned in Massachusetts ; and, under the colo nial and the provincial charters, the slave trade was deprecated J^'^g ^s ^ disgrace to humanity.' Hence, when, in 1645, two Afri cans, supposed to have been kidnapped, were brought into the colony by " Captain Smith," to be sold as slaves, they were Nox%. ordered to be liberated ; and a law was passed prohibiting the buying and selling of slaves, " except those taken in law ful war, or reduced to servitude for their crimes."^ Yet slaves were owned by the wealthier class until the opening of the revolution ; ^ but the General Court continued to express their abhorrence of the slave trade, and endeavored to dis countenance the practice of holding slaves. In conventions, also, the subject was agitated ; and the convention at Worces- Jua!i4. t^^ resolved " that we abhor the enslaving of any of the hu man race, and particularly of the negroes in this country ; and that, whenever there shall be a door opened, or opportu nity presented, for any thing to be done towards the emanci pation of the negroes, we will use our influence and endeavor that such a thing may be brought about." * At the opening Oct^iV ^^ *^® revolution, likewise, the people of Massachusetts de clared their intention to " take into consideration the state and circumstances of the negro slaves in this province;"' ' Belknap, in 1 M. H. CoU. iv. * Lincohi's Hist. Worcester, UO. 196, 201. 6 gge ,.(,!_ ^_ 490^ j^^ comp. jour. ^ Mass. Rec's, u. 168 ; iii. 46 ; Sav- Prov. Cong. 29. In many of the age's Wintlu-op, h. 298-300, 462 ; to^vns, votes were passed against sla- 1 M. H. Coll. iv. 195. very ; and a number of blacks enhst- ' In the wills of the wealthy, slaves ed in the army, and did good serrice are frequently named, and they were during the war. 1 M. H. Coll. iv. bequeathed as legacies to ehildi-en or 203 ; Lincoln's Hist. Worcester, UO. friends. For the statistics of slavery An able " Address to the Inhabitants in Massachusetts before and after the of the British Settlements in Ameri- revolution, see 1 M. H. CoU. iv. 198, ca upon Slave Keeping" was printed 199 ; Aimals Am. Statist. Association, at Philadelphia, and reprinted at Bos- ABOLIITION OP SLAVERY IN MASSACHUSETTS. 189 and, in the fall of 1776, when several blacks were brought chap. into Salem, who were found on board a British prize ship ^" from Jamaica, and were advertised to be sold, the legislature 1776. interfered, and ordered them to be liberated.^ And the new ^^' constitution, in the first article of the declaration of rights, 178O. based upon the noted axiom of the Declaration of Independ ence, declared that " all men are born free and equal " — a clause which was inserted by Judge Lowell, with special refer ence to the subject of slavery. Under these circumstances, a public expression of opinion could not be long delayed ; and, in 1783, a judgment of the 1783. Supreme Judicial Court given in the county of Worcester was a final decision unfavorable to the existence of slavery in Massachusetts. The case then decided originated some time before, and was occasioned by a citizen's beating and imprison- l78l. ing his negro servant, whom he claimed as his slave. This offence the public would not overlook ; and the defendant was adjudged guilty of an assault, and was sentenced to pay a fine of forty shillings.^ The abolition of slavery was thus virtually effected. The slave trade was prohibited in 1788 ; j/^^^ and, though many who had been held in bondage continued as servants in the families of their masters during their lives, at the opening of the nineteenth century there were few such left, and the institution died a natural death.^ ton m 1773 ; and a second edition was and of the progress of emancipation, printed at Philadelphia in the same see Kent's Commentaries, ii. 347, and year. Author, Dr. Benjamin Rush, compare Bancroft's U. S. i. chap. 5, " A Forensic Dispute on the Legali- and Walsh's Appeal, 306^24. ty of enslaring the Aft-icans, held at ' Jour. H. of R. for Sept. 13, 1776 ; the pubhc Commencement in Cam- Felt's Salem, u. 417 ; Bradford, iL bridge, N. E., July 21, 1773, by 124. On the 9th of June, 1777, a two Candidates for the Bachelor's De- biU was reported m the House of gree,"— Theophilus Parsons and Ehph- Representatives "for preventmg the alet Pearson, — was printed at Bos- practice of holding persons in slave- ton in 1773. The argument m the ry." Jour. H. of B. for June 9, 1777. case of James Somersett, a negro, " 1 M. H. CoU. v. 203 ; Bradford, before the Court of King's Bench, u. 226. For an account of a suit m was reprinted ui Boston in 1774. For 1770, which also terminated in favor John Adams's opinion on slavery, see of the slave, see 1 M. H. ColL iv. Works, ix. 92. For a condensed his- 202, and Coffin's Newbury. tory of slavery in the United States, ' Bradford, ii. 329 ; BeUuiap, in 190 CENSUS OF THE STATE. 1785. Jan. The census of the state, taken in the spring of 1784, showei an aggregate population of three hundred and fifty-eight thou sand souls, of whom four thousand three hundred and seventy- seven were blacks. The census of 1776 gave three hundred and forty-nine thousand inhabitants ; and this small increase in the period of eight years is doubtless to be attributed partly to the removal of many families to Vermont and New York, but principally to the losses sustained in the war, during which thousands of the citizens of Massachusetts perished.' The health of Mr. Hancock, wliich was never firm, had been failing for some time, in consequence of his cares and his manner of living. Hence, in the winter of 1784-5, he de clined a reelection to the chair of the chief magistracy ; and, in the following spring, James Bowdoin, though failing to receive a majority vote, was chosen by the legislature to fill his place. Mr. Bowdoin belonged to one of the first families 1 M. H. CoU. iv. 197, 205. For an account of the attempt to discom-age the slave trade, see ibid. 201 et seq. ; ¦and for an elaborate note on slavery in Essex county, see Coffin's New bury, 334-350. See also Jackson's Newton, 87-98. An action was tried in 1791, in the county of Bristol, which manifested the feehngs of the people relative to the slave trade. See Bradford, in. 31. A valuable essay " On the Slavery and Com merce of the Human Species," &c., was read before the University of Cambridge, England, printed in Lon don, and reprinted in Philadelphia, in 1786. Clarkson's Essay on the ImpoUoy of the African Slave Ti-ade, and Brissot de War\ille's Oration on the Abohtion of the African Slave Trade, were also reprinted at PhU adelphia in 1788. The Pennsyl vania Abohtion Society, begun hi 1774, and enlarged in 1787, printed their Constitution, -vrith the Acts of the Pennsylvania Assembly, in the same year. St. George Tucker's Dis sertation on Slavery, and Proposals for its Abohtion in Virginia, was pub hshed at Philadelphia m 1796. The memorials of several of the states for the abohtion of slavery were sait to Congress, and printed in 1792. The Proceedings of the Convention at Philadelphia were pubhshed in 1795. Noah Webster, Jun., Esq., of the Con necticut Society for the Promotion of Freedom, published a pamphlet on the Effects of Slavery on Morals and Industry, at Hai-tford, in 1792. The discussions upon slavery in the Con gress of the United States from 1790 to 1792 were quite excituig. Comp. Hildi-eth's U. S. 2d series, vols. i. and u. Numerous pamphlets on slavery were pubhshed in England from 1784 to 1796. ' Pitlun's Statistics of the U. S. 583 ; Bradford, u. 228. The popu lation in 1790 gave for Massachusetts 478,000 souls, of whom 100,000 were m the District of Mame, and 378,000 iu Massachusetts proper. Not a sin gle slave was then returned from Mas sachusetts. Bradford, iii. 30. charactbb op soternor bowdoin. 191 in the state, and was eminent for his dignity, his integrity, chap. and the amiableness of his character.' His political oppo- ,^J^ nents, of course, were numerous ; nor did they fail to intimate 1785. doubts of his loyalty to the principles of freedom. But his whole life had been a continuous proof of his sympathy for liberty; and, if he was " less ardent in his disposition, and less desirous of conforming to merely popular sentiments, than many others, who became therefor the greater favorites of the com mon people," there are not a few, probably, who will esteem this a venial offence, more than counterbalanced by that cor rectness of judgment and prudence of conduct which seldom fail to command respect, and which are, indeed, among the best and noblest qualifications for the serious duties of public life. He who seeks the permanent welfare of the people by "reminding them of their obligations, and by giving them in his own person an example of all the social virtues," it should seem, is quite as worthy of confidence and support as- he who builds upon more showy qualities.^ During the administration of Governor Bowdoin, a con- ' Mr. Bowdoin, who was bom in ways active in the serrice of his na- Boston, August 7, 1726, and graduat- tive land, and devoted himself, heart ed at Harvf^rd CoUege in 1745, was a and soul, to the promotion of its in- descendant of Pierre Baudouin, the terests. For sixteen years prerious Huguenot exile, who settled on the to the opening of the revolution, he high road fi'om Portland to Vaughan's was a member of the Council of Mas- Bridge in 1687, and who in 1690 re- sach-asetts. moved to Boston. " He was of that ' Bradford, ii. 236, 237. " The same noble stock,'' observes Mr. best security of a governor," says the Winthrop, Addresses and Speeches, author of Cato's Letters, " is the af- 92, " which gave three pre.sidents out fections of the people, which he raay of nine to the old Congress of the always gain by making their interests Confederation ; which gave her Lau- his own. They will then, as they love renses and Marions, her Hugers and themselves, love him, and defend him Manigaults, her Prioleaus and Gail- who defends them. This is the nat- lards, and Legares to South Carolina ; ural basis of superiority and distinc- whicb gave her Jays to New York, tion." Such were the riews of Gov- her Boudinots to New Jersey, her ernor Bowdoin. For a valuable sketch Brimmers, her Dexters, and her Pe- of the life and services of this distin- ter Faneuil, with the Ci-adle of Lib- guished patriot, see the .able address erty, to Massachusetts." The public of Hon. R. C. Winthrop before the hfe of Governor Bowdoin extended Me. Hist. Soc. Sept. 5, 1849, in Wm- over a period of more than thu-ty throp's Addresses and Speeches, 90- years, during which time he was al- 137. 192 CONVENTION AT PORTLAND. CHAP, vention was held in Falmouth, now Portland, to discuss tho _J^^ propriety of forming into a separate state the District of 1785. Maine. The want of a separate government had long been " felt in those parts ; and, as a number of persons of probity and wealth were desirous of a separation, they had prevailed with others to meet and consider the expediency of the meas ure.^ But their proceedings were believed to be " irregular ; " Oct. 20. and the governor, in his speech to the General Court, referred to the call of the convention, and represented the course taken by its friends as having " an evil tendency towards dismem bering the commonwealth." The House, in their reply, con curred in these views, censured the " attempts by individuals or bodies of men to dismember the state," which, in their esti mation, were " fraught with improprieties and danger," and, in conclusion, observed that the " social compact, solemnly entered into by the people of this commonwealth, ought to be guarded with the utmost care ; and it will," they added, " ever be the aim of the legislature to prevent all infractions of it, and to preserve the constitution entire." JaD^\ Yet, notwithstanding these declarations, the convention met a second time, and chose a committee of nine to prepare a statement of evils and grievances, and an estimate of the ex pense of a separate government.^ Their report was presented Jan. 6. on the following day ; and, after it had been ordered to be signed by the president, and sent to every town in the district,^ a third convention was appointed to be holden on ' The Falmouth Gazette, the only 1, 1785 ; but only thfrty persons were paper then published in Mame, was present, from different towns in the crowded with addresses to the people district, Comp. 1 M. H. CoU. iv. 27, 35. onthis subject; and clergymen, phy- = This convention consisted of thir- sicians, lawyers, and fai-mers seemed ty-three members from twenty of the engaged in accelerating tbe event towns in the district, and was or^an- " They aU employed both their pens ized by the choice of Hon. William and their private mfluence in conriii- Gorham as president, and Stephen cmg their fellow-citizens of the pro- Longfellow, Jun., as secretary. 1 M. priety and advantages of becoming a H. (JoU. iv. 27, 28. distinct member of the Union." The ' For this report, see 1 M. H. ColL notification for a meeting was pubhshed iv. 36-38. in the Gazettes for Sept. 17 and Oct. PROJECT OP A SEPARATE GOVERNMENT. 193 the first Wednesday in September. This convention, which chap. consisted of thirty-one persons, from the counties of York, .^^l^ Cumberland, and Lincoln, renewed the complaints of the 1786. former assembly, and appointed a committee to petition the ^^ ' General Court for a separation, after which it was adjourned Sept. 8. to the following January.^ In the mean time, the opposition began to be formidable, and remonstrances were sent in against the petition. But this did not discourage the friends of the measure ; and, on the reassembling of the convention, t^'^^T;, ' • ' ° ' Jan. 31. though only about a third of the towns were represented, it was found that, of the whole number of votes cast, amounting to nine hundred and seventy, six hundred and eighteen were in favor of a separation, and three hundred and fifty-two were opposed ; or, reckoning by towns, of the thirty-two out of ninety-three which were represented, twenty-four voted in the affirmative, and eight in the negative.® The motion, however, that the petition for a separation should be sent to the legisla ture, was unexpectedly negatived ; and, though the vote was reconsidered by a majority of two, and the subject was kept alive by adjournment for more than a year, in the end it was dropped, or " rocked into a slumber," from which it was not aroused for several years.^ In the midst of these difficulties, the General Court, " always disposed to administer justice towards the eastern people in a spirit of conciliatory generosity and affection," devised meas ures to " cool and abate the high separation fever." To this end, wild lands were exempted from taxation for the period ' There were two conventions as- - the affirmative. He also says that sembled at this time, but a " coales- this meeting was held on the 3d of cence " was effected, and they acted January, whereas, fi-om the statement in conjunction. 1 M. H. CoU. iv. 30. in 1 M. H. CoU. iv. 32, it appears that The petition to the General Court, the former convention was adjourned ¦with the accompanying address, is to the last Wednesday in January, in ibid. 38-40. which was the 31st of the month. » 1 M. H. CoU. iv. 32. WiUiam- ' 1 M. H. CoU. iv. 25 ; Bradford, son. Hist. Me.n. 531, says there were u. 249; WiUiamson's Mame, ii. 521- 994 votes cast, of which 646 were in 532. VOL. III. 13 194 RE-ELECTION OP GOVERNOR BOWDOIN. CHAP, of ten years from the date of the execution of the state's deed _^3;_^ to grantees ; the fee bill was revised ; the law for the relief 1787. of poor debtors was amended ; roads were laid out at the public expense ; a term of the Supreme Court, and an addi tional term of the Common Pleas and Sessions, were estab lished at Pownalborough ; the laws of the state were ordered to be published in the Falmouth Gazette ; permanent inhabit ants, settled upon the public lands prior to 1784, were quieted by a deed of one hundred acres, on the payment of five dol lars ; a college was established and patronized in the District ; and every thing was done that could be to evince a wilhng ness to treat the people with suitable liberality.i 1786. Upon his reelection to the chief magistracy, in 1786, by the vote of three fourths of the people of the state, Governor June 2. Bowdoin, in his annual message, took occasion to refer to the interests of education, and urged upon the legislature special attention to the wants of the time-honored college at Cam bridge. Alluding to the article in the constitution which required the General Court to provide for its support and prosperity, and to the difficulties under which it had labored, he proposed that the grants of land which had been made for its benefit should be fully secured, and, in addition, that a portion in the new township should be reserved for its use. He reminded them that this institution had been dear to their fathers, and had been held in esteem by the Enghsh gov ernment, and expressed his confidence that a republican legis lature could not neglect the interests of science. Nor was this appeal without effect ; and the action of the General Court furnishes satisfactory proof that a liberal spirit still guided its counsels, and that piety and learning were still esteemed by the people of New England.'^ ' Address to Inhabitants of Maine, " Worcester Mag. No. U,for Juaer Portland, 1791 ; WiUiamson's Mame, 1786 ; Bradford, ii. 254, 255. u. 532, 533. PROGRESS OP MANUFACTURES. 195 Domestic manufactures, amidst the bustle of war, had fallen chap. into decay ; and the people, unable to attend to their improve- _3l_ ment, had become accustomed to depend for their supplies 1786. upon imports from Europe. A heavy debt was thus incurred, of the burden of which all classes complained. Hence, to remedy this evil, and at the same time to give a new stimulus to industry in the state, an agreement was entered into by a number of the wealthiest and most respectable citizens, to dis courage the use and importation of foreign goods by wearing homespun clothes. The governor himself subscribed to this agreement, with Lieutenant Governor Cushing, and a number of members of the Council and Senate ; and, influenced by their example, in the most fashionable circles it was the pride of those who wished to be thought patriotic to appear in gar ments of American fabrics ; and the spinning wheel and loom were busily plied in all parts of the state.^ It was, however, at a later date, and after Governor Han cock had resumed the chair, that the legislature of Massachu setts acted officially, and, by special enactments, gave public encouragement to such branches of industry as promised to be ' Bradford, ii. 270. Comp. Wil- the state of manufactures in Massa- Hamson's Maine, u. 533. President chusetts, see the Messages of Gov. Washington, it is said, on dehvering Bowdoin, and comp. Winthrop's Ad- his speech to Congress, in January, dre.5s on the Life and Serrices of 1790, was dressed in a suit of broad- James Bowdoin, in Addresses and cloth from the woollen factory of Speeches, 119-122, and the Mem. of Colonel Jeremiah Wadsworth, recent- Slater. On the 20th of August, 1788, ly estabhshed in Hartford, Connect!- the tradesmen and manufacturers of cut. Pitkin's Statistics of the U. S. Boston issued a circular letter to 469. For an account of the " spin- " then- brethren in the several sea- ning match" in Newbury, April 4, ports in the Union," which was pub- 1787, see Coffin's Newbm-y, 261, and hshed in Carey's American Museum, the Essex Journal for April 4, 1787. iv. 347. The same work also con- The Rev. Mr. Murray, at whose house tains several valuable articles on Amer- the " match " took place, dehvered a ican manufactures, especially of cot- discourse upon the occasion, selecting ton, and on the introduction of the as his text the words recorded in Ex- culture of cotton into the United odus XXXV. 25 : " And all the women States, which had not then been com- that were -wise-hearted did spin with menced, but which has since revolu- their hands." Doubtless similar scenes tionized the history of the Southeirn were witnessed in many parts of the States, and proved one of the strong- state. For valuable information upon est bulwarks of slavery. 196 PROGRESS OP MANUFACTURES. CHAP, useful, and for the prosecution of which the requisite materials ^^^^^ could be procured. Hence a duck manufactory was estab- 1789. lished in " Frog Lane," in Boston, and a cotton manufactory in 1790. Beverly, both of which received pecuniary aid from the General Court — the former in the way of a bounty upon the duck manufactured, and the latter by a grant of eastern lands.* The manufacture of pot and pearl ashes was likewise increased in the interior of the state, and the two hundred and forty establishments which sprang up supplied those who traded to England with a valuable article for exportation.^ Nails were also manufactured in large quantities ; and it is said that, m many dwellings, small forges were erected, at which even boys worked with their fathers, in the long winter evenings— thus contributing an appreciable quota to the income of the family.^ ' Mass. Laws for 1789, chap. xlii. ; 1 M. H. CoU. iu. 279 ; Bradlbrd, h. 329.' Comp. Abb6 Robin's New Travels, 16. So early as 1780, an as sociation was formed in Worcester for the pm-pose of spinning and wearing cotton; a subscription was raised for defraying the expense of a jenny; on the 30th of April, it was announced in the Spy that " on Tuesday last the fu-st piece Of cor duroy made in the manufactory in this town was taken fi-om the loom ; " and, in 1790, fustians, jeans, cordu roys, and "federal rib and cotton" were advertised for sale by Samuel Brazier. The site of the first mtU was on the stream below the Court Mills. Lincoln's Hist. Worcester, 321. For an account of the exertions of Mr. Orr, of Bridgewater, in introducing the cotton manufacture into the Old Colonv, see Mitchell's Bridgewater, 59, arid 1 M. II. CoU. ix. 266. The first cotton factory in America is said to have been estabhshed at North Proridence, R. I., under the auspices of Almy and Brown, by Samuel Sla ter, the father of this branch of busi ness in the United States; and his old mill is yet standing. Mem. of Slater; Pitkin's Statistics of the U.S. 468. On the factory in Beverly es tabhshed in 1789 or 1790, see Stone's Beverlv, Felt's Salem, u. 162, and Pitidn's Statistics of the U. S. 468. On the manufactm-e of lace, of thread, and sUk, in 1790, see Felt's Ipswich, 101. Onthemanufectureofwoolcards in Boston, see 1 "SI. H. CoU. m. 279, and !Mass. Mag. for May, 1791. ^ Mass. Laws for June, 1791, chap. ix.; Bradford, u. 329; Lincohi's Bist. Worcester, 321. For -valuable hints on the manufactures of Massachusetts, see 1 jM. H. CoU. ui. 276-286. On the general commerce of Jlassachu- setts before the year 1800, see Pit kin's Statistics, passim ; Abbfe Eobin's New Travels, 15-17. ^ Mass. Laws for 1790, 1791, and 1794; Bradford, u. 329. The statis tics of the h-on manufactm-e in Massa chusetts prerious to 1790 ai-e quite imperfect. It is known, however, that a number of furnaces and forges had been estabhshed both m the Old Col ony and in the Massachusetts Bay— the princiiial establishments being at Norton, Easton, Dighton, Weymouth, SETTLEMENT OP THE MASSACHUSETTS AND NEW TORK CLAIM. 197 The settlement of the claim between Massachusetts and chap. New York was amicably effected during the administration ^^J^ of Governor Bowdoin. This claim was to a part of the ter- 1784. ritory to the west of the Hudson River ; but it was resisted by New York ; and the subject was referred to the General Congress by the authorized agents of both the states, and commissioners were appointed to settle the controversy. These commissioners held several meetin'gs, but without arriv ing at a satisfactory conclusion ; and the agents of the two states met at Hartford, where it was agreed that Massachusetts ^8^- ' ° Deo. should have the preemptive right to two large tracts of land, ' containing about five millions of acres, within the bounds claimed, a portion of which was situated near the centre of the state, and the rest to the westward, bordering on Lake Erie. The jurisdiction over these lands, however, was contin ued in New York ; and Massachusetts, on her part, relinquished forever the residue of her claim, excepting the most western part, which had been previously granted and ceded to Con gress, and which formed a part of the northern and western territory bordering upon the British possessions. The boun dary line of the two states, which was likewise in dispute, was 1787. adjusted by skilful mathematicians and the geographer of the United States, who were employed with the consent of the General Congress.' Hanover, Bridgewater, Lynn, &c. The opening of the revolution ; and, dur- " Federal Furnace," in Carver, was ing the war, the same gentleman was • established in 1794. Hugh Orr, Esq., employed in casting cannon and balls. a native of Scotland, was one of the Hobart's Abington, 90. John Noyes earhest edge tool manufacturers in is alluded to in the messages of Gov- Massachusetts. He also manufactured ernor Bowdoin as a person interested flreai-ms and cannon for the United in the iron manufacture, who, in con- States during the revolution. The junction with Paul Revere, his part- shovel factory at Easton was estab- ner, offered to erect works in this hshed quite early, and, under the con- state, if they could obtain sufficient duct of tbe Mes,si-s. Ames, is at pres- encom-agemeiit from the legislature. ent one of the most extensive manu- The manufacture of axes, hoes, and factories in the United States. 1 M. other industrial implements, had also H. Coll. ix. 264 ; MitcheU's Bridge- been mtroduced. 1 M. H. CoU. ui. water, 58. Meeting-house bells are 282. On the manufacture of glass, said to have been cast in Abmgtou, see Mass. Laws for 1793, chap. iu. by Colonel Aaron Hobart, before the ' Case of the Prov. of Mass. Bay 198 MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. Of the manners and customs of the people it is proper that something should be said in this place, in order to show the 1781. state of society at the close of the revolution, and the prog ress which had been made within a few years. It is to be regretted that our statistics are so imperfect, since the labor of collecting information is thus greatly increased. To be obliged to rely upon detached hints and occasional allusions is exceedingly annoying ; yet, as the field has never been fully explored, there is no alternative but to follow such guides, however inadequate, until better can be found. Boston is described by a French traveller, in 1781, as presenting "a magnificent prospect of houses, built on a curved line, and extending afterwards into a semicircle above half a league." " These edifices," he adds, " which were lofty and regular, with spires and cupolas intermixed at proper distances, did not seem to us a modern settlement so much as an ancient city, enjoying all the embellishments and population that never faO to attend on commerce and the arts." " The inside of the town," he continues, " does not at all lessen the idea that is formed by an exterior prospect. A superb wharf has been carried out above two thousand feet and N. Y. fol. 1764 ; Bradford, ii. 283 men of busmess — testified their af- -285, iu. 32, 33. A portion of these fection and respect by joining in the New York lands was sold in 1787, solemn procession; and crowds of and brought into the treasury of tbe spectators fined the sti-eets through state the respectable sum of a niiUion wliich it passed, whilst an uncommon of dollars ; and the balance was sold silence and order every where marked in 1791 for $100,000. The death of the deepness of theu: soitow." Win- Governor Bowdoin, which took place thi-op's Addresses and Speeches, 130. on the 6th of November, 1790, less " It may be said," observes Judge than seven months after the death of LoweU, hi his Eulogy on Bowdoin, the illustrious Franklin, between whom " that our counti-y has produced many and Bowdoin a long and genial fiiend- men of as much genius, many men of ship had existed, should not pass un- as much learning and knowledge, noticed here. " Great and respecta- many of as much zeal for the hber- ble," we are told, " was the concourse ties of then- country, and many of as which attended his funeral ; every great piety and vhtue ; but is it not species of occupation was suspended ; rare indeed to find those in whom they all ranks and ordei-a of men — the have all been combined, and been clergy and the laity, the magistrate adorned with his other accomplish- and the citizen, men of leisure and ments ? " MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. 199 into thtf sea, and is broad enough for stores and workshops chap. through the whole of its extent.^ It communicates at right _J^^ angles with the principal street of the town, which is both 178I. large and spacious, and bends in a curve parallel to the har bor.^ This street is ornamented with elegant buildings, for the most part two or three stories high ; and many other streets terminate in this, communicating with it on each side. The form and construction of the houses would surprise an European eye. They are built of brick and wood — not in the clumsy and melancholy taste of our ancient European towns, but regularly, and well provided with windows and doors. The woodwork, or frame, is light, covered on the outside with thin boards, well planed, and lapped over each other, as we do tiles on our roofs in France.^ These build ings are generally painted with a pale white color, which renders the prospect much more pleasing than it would other wise be. The roofs are set off with balconies, doubtless for ' Long Wharf is here referred to, of the early-fiamed houses at the west which was 1743 feet in length, and had no other external covering than 144 feet in breadth. In 1794, it is these " weather boards," sawed, or said, there were eighty wharves and roughly spht from the log, and nailed quays, chiefly on the east side of the upon the studding. New England town. For an account of these, see houses, however, were more substan- Description of Boston, m 1 M. H. tiaUy buUt, and had not only an out- CoU. ui. 248, 249. ward covering of boards and clap- ^ Washington Street is doubtless boards, but the walls were often lined meant, a portion of which was then -with brick between the studdm^, called Marlborough Street. The enu- which made the building warmer in meration in 1794 gave 97 streets, 36 the winter and cooler in the summer. lanes, 26 alleys, 18 com-ts, a few The smaU, lozenge-shaped panes of squares, and some short passages glass, once fashionable in the -windows from wharves, and from one street to of country dwelhngs, are not alluded another. These streets were paved to by this author. Here and there •with beach stones, and were " mostly one of these old-fashioned buUdings u-regular." See 1 M. H. CoU. ui. 248. may be found standing, off from the Glass lamps were then placed in the main road, in some by and neglected principal streets, which were hghted path, in a dilapidated condition, and at dark. The lamp fighters were ap- with nearly aU the glass broken, but pomted by the selectmen; and the with a few panes left m the gable wm- famps, oU, and attendance were paid dow, set in a leaden sash, which the for by the town. stones thro-wn by mischievous boys ^ CaUed " clapboards," or " weath- have not succeeded in demohshing. er boards," at the nresent day. Many Comp. Felt's Hist. Salem, L 408-416 200 MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. CHAP, the more ready extinguishing of fire. The whole is supported ___3i^ by a wall about a foot high. It is easy to see how great an 1781. advantage these houses have over ours in point of neatness and salubrity.^ " Their household furniture is simple, but made of choice wood, after the English fashion, which renders its appearance less gay. Their floors are covered with handsome carpets or painted cloths ; but others sprinkle them with fine sand. The city is supposed to contain about six thousand houses, and thirty thousand inhabitants.^ There are nineteen churches for the several sects here,^ all of them convenient, and several finished with taste and elegance — especially those of the Presbyterians and the Church of England. Their form is generally a long square, ornamented with a pulpit, and flu> nished with pews of a similar fabrication throughout. The poor as well as the rich hear the word of God in these places, in a convenient and decent posture of body. ' " AU the parts of these buUd- both pubhc and private. The census ings," he adds, " are so well joined, of 1791 gave 2376 dwelhng houses, and their weight is so equally cUrided, and 18,038 inhabitants. Comp. 1 M. and proportionate to their bulk, that H. CoU. in. 249-254, for a fuller de- they may be removed from place to scription of the pubhc and private place with little difficulty. I have buUdings in Boston. seen one of two stories high removed ' For statistics of the churches of a quarter of a mile, if not more, Boston, see 1 INI. H. CoU. iu. 256 et fi-om its original situation ; and the seq. ; Snow's Hist. Boston, . 337 et whole French army have seen the seq. ; Drake's Boston. The nineteen same thing done at Newport. AVhat aUuded to iu the text were, probably, they tell us of the travelhng habita- the First, which then stood onWash- tions of the Scythians is far less won- ington Street ; that hi Brattle Street; derful." Many houses in the country the Old South ; the Fii-st and Second were painted red, and many were un- Baptist ; the church in Federal Street; painted, save by tbe storms, which the New Brick Church, with which had stained the walls of a dark, gray- the Old North had been recently unit- ish hue. ed ; Christ Church ; King's Chapel i ' On the map of Boston pubhshed Trinity Church ; the Roman Catho- in 1769, the number of houses in the he ; the Now Xorth, and Xew South ; town is set down at about 4000, and the Methodist Chra-ch ; tbe First Uni- the population at 20,000. Comp. vorsalist; that in Holhs Street; the Drake's Boston, 772. For an enu- Sandemanian ; the Quaker or Friends meration of the buildings in Boston meetinghouse; and the West Church. in 1789, see 2 j\I. H. Coll. ix. 204- The Old North was desti'oyed by the 222. The number was 2639, in aU, British in 1775. MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. • 201 " Sunday is observed with the utmost strictness. All busi ness, how important soever, is then totally at a stand, and the most innocent recreations and pleasures are prohibited. Bos- 178I. ton, that populous town, where at other times there is such a hurry of business, is on this day a mere desert. You may walk the streets without meeting a single person ; or if, by chance, you meet one, you scarcely dare to stop and talk with him.i Upon this day of melancholy, you cannot go into a house but you find the whole family employed in reading the Bible ; and, indeed, it is an affecting sight to see the father of a family, surrounded by his household, explaining to them the sublime truths of this sacred volume. " Nobody fails here of going to the place of worship appro priated to his sect. In these places^there reigns a profound silence ; an order and respect are also observable which have not been seen for a long time in our Catholic churches. Their psalmody is grave and majestic ; and the harmony of the poetry, in their national tongue, adds a grace to the music, and contributes greatly towards keeping up the atten tion of the worshippers.^ ' " A Frenchman that lodged -with ing schools were also estabhshed ; and me took it into his head to play on the churches in Boston, Roxbm-y, Dor- the flute on Sundays for his amuse- Chester, Cambridge, Taunton, Bridge- ment. The people, upon hearing it, water, Charlestown, Ipswich, New- were greatly enraged, collected in bury, and Bradford were among the crowds round the doors, and would first to reform and improve their mu- have canied matters to extremity in sic. The first American organ, it is a short time with the musician, had said, was built by Edward Bromfield, not the landlord given him warning Jun., of Boston, in 1745. Dr. Frank- of his danger, and forced him to de- hn, in 1741, pubhshed an edition of sist." Dr. Watts's Hymns in Philadelphia ; ' On the history of church music and, the same year, an edition of the in New England, see the exceUent Psalms was pubhshed in Boston, for manual of George Hood, entitled A J. Edwards. Tate and Brady's ver- History of Music in New England, sion was introduced about the same &c., Boston, 1846, and comp. Felt's date ; and from this book the psalms Hist. Saleni, i. 497-505. The " re- used in the Protestant Episcopal form " in singing was commenced in Church in the United States were 1720, and was advocated by the cler- taken. Barnard's Psalms were pub- gy with great spirit — calling forth lished in 1752, and a rerised edition essays and chscourses from Symmes, of the Bay Psalm Book, by Thomas Walter, Chauncy, and others. Sing- Prince, m 1758. " Urania, a CoUeo- 202 MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. " All these churches are destitute of ornaments. No ad dresses are made to the heart and the imagination. There is 1781. no visible object to suggest to the mind for what purpose a man comes into these places, who he is, and what he will shortly be. Neither painting nor sculpture represent those great events which ought to recall him to his duty, and awaken his gratitude ; nor are those heroes in piety brought into view whom it is his duty to admire and endeavor to imitate.' The pomp of ceremony is here wanting to shadow out the great ness of the Being he goes to worship. There are no proces sions to testify the homage we owe to him, that great Spirit of the universe, by whose will nature itself exists, and through whom the fields are covered with harvests, and the trees are loaded with fruits. " Piety, however, is not the only motive that brings the American ladies in crowds to the various places of worship. Deprived of all shows and public diversions whatever, the church is the grand theatre where they attend to display their extravagance and finery. There they come, dressed off in the finest silks, and overshadowed with a profusion of the finest plumes. The hair of the head is raised and supported on cushions to an extravagant height, somewhat resembling the manner in which the French ladies wore theu' hak some years ago.2 Instead of powdering, they often wash the head, which tion of Psalm Tunes, cfec," was pub- from the Cathohc standpoint. How hshed in 1761, in Philadelphia, and fiir Protestants have erred in the re- Flagg's CoUection of Church Music speets named in the text, different in Boston, in 1764. The celebrated opinions would probably be enter- Bilhngs pubhshed his American Chor- tained. Simphcity in worship is ister in 1770. The author's grand- doubtless preferable to pomp and pa- father was BiUings's teacher. From rade, and is more in accordance with this date to the year 1800, a large the genius of Christianity, as weU as number of books were pubhshed, and more serriceable to the cause of ti-ue great improvements were made in and unfeigned piety. singing and in the character of chm-ch " An idea of this style of head music. dress may be gathered from the splen- ' The -writer, it will be observed, did engraving representing Frankhn speaks here as a Cathohc, and looks at the court of France, surrounded by at the churches of New England abevy of beautiful ladies, and crowned MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. 203 answers the purpose well enough, as their hair is commonly chap. of an agreeable light color ; but the more fashionable among _^ them begin now to adopt the present European method of 178L setting off the head to the best advantage. They are of a large size and well proportioned ; their features generally regular, and their complexion fair, without ruddiness. They have less cheerfulness and ease of behavior than the ladies of Prance, but more of greatness and dignity. I have even imagined that I have seen something in them that answers to the ideas of beauty we gain from the masterpieces of those artists of antiquity which are yet extant in our days. The stature of the men is tall, and their carriage erect ; but the make is rather slim, and the color inclining to pale. They are not so curious in their dress as the women ; but every thing about them is neat and proper. At twenty-five years of age, the women begin to lose the freshness and bloom of youth ; and at thirty-five their beauty is gone.' The decay of the men is equally 'premature ; and I am inclined to think that life is here proportionably short. I visjted all the burying grounds in Boston, where it is usual to inscribe upon the stone over each grave the name and age of the deceased, and found ¦with a laurel wreath by the hands of hands, and stamping their feet, during one of their number. It is said to the intervals of the serrice, and at have been the custom, before the open- pauses or breaks in the good pastor's ing of the revolutionary war, for fe- discourse. Some old ladies took smaU males to sit in meeting covered ; but, footstoves -with them, filled -Hith coals on the 25th of May, 1775, the good from a neighboring house. people of Abington seem to have ' The style of dress recently in- been struck with the impropriety of troduced, which gives such a peculiar this cusitom, and voted " that it was rotundity to the fashionable lady, was an indecent way that the female sex not unknown in those days, and is, do sit in their hats and bonnets to indeed, but a rerival of the famous worship God in his house, and of- " hooped petticoats," which were such fensive to many of the good people an abomination in the eyes of the Pu- of this town." Hobart's Abington, ritans. I have met -vrith some lines 135. In the -winter season, meeting in an old paper, pubhshed in 1781, houses were not warmed by wood " On seeing a young lady with very fires in huge iron stoves ; but the short stays, and a wide hoop ; " but worshippers managed to keep from it would hardly be proper to insert freezing by threshing their arms and them here. 204 MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. CHAP, that few who had arrived to a state of manhood ever advanced ^_^.J^__ beyond their fortieth year, fewer still to seventy, and beyond 1781. that scarcely any." ^ Of the residents in the country our author speaks on this wise : " Scattered about among the forests, the inhabitants have little intercourse with each other except when they go to church. Their dwelling houses are spacious, proper, airy, and built of wood, and are at least one story in height ; and herein they keep all their furniture and substance. In all of them that I have seen I never failed to discover traces of their active and inventive genius. They all know how to read ; and the greater part of them take the gazette printed in their village, which they often dignify with the name of town or city. I do not remember ever to have entered a sin gle house without seeing a large family Bible, out of which they read, on evenings and Sundays, to their household. They are of a cold, slow, and indolent disposition, and averse to labor ^ — the soil, with a moderate tillage, supplying them with considerably mgve than they consume. They go and return from their fields on horseback ; and in all this country you will scarcely see a traveller on foot. The mildness of ' Contrary to the idea which gen- the bulk of the people more die from erally prevails, that the proportion of care than fr-om either of these causes. those who live to old age in the nine- The many sudden deaths of active teenth centuj-y is less than that of . business men may doubtless be ascrib- those who hved in the eighteenth ed to this cause — over-eagerness and century, I am satisfied, from a careful over-anxiety. survey of the statistical tables of dif- " This remark is incon-ect, as a ferent periods, that a larger pi-opor- more active and mdustrious race can tion now hve beyond the bounds of scarcely be found than the yeomani-y " threescore years and ten " than at- of New England. It is only to be tained to that age a century ago. Of regretted that the fault of former the native population, less die in in- days should stiU prevail in many fancy now than then, and more sur- places — a want of euferprise and of vive the ti-ying crises of hfe. Exces- a desu-e for improvement in the mat- sive devotion to business and exces- ter of farm management. The agri- sive mental anxiety are the two great- cultural societies of the state, howev- est foes to longevity; and though er, are rapidly remedying this eril, there are doubtless many who dig and infusing a sphit of emulation into their graves with their teeth, and the young. many who are slain by then- lusts, of MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. 205 their character is as much owing to climate as to their cus- chap. toms and manners ; for you find the same softness of disposi- .^J^l^ tion even in the animals of the country. 1781. " The Americans of these parts are very hospitable. They have commonly but one bed in the house ; and the chaste spouse, although she were alone, would divide it with her guest without hesitation or fear. What history relates of the vir tues of the young Lacedemonian women is far less extraordi nary. There is here such a confidence in the public virtue, that, from Boston to Providence, I have often met young women travelling alone, on horseback or in small riding chairs, through the woods, even when the day was far upon the decline.^ In these fortunate retreats, the father of a fam ily sees his happiness and importance increasing with the number of his children. He is not tormented with the ambi tious desire of placing them in a rank of life in which they might blush to own him for a father. Bred up under his eye, and formed by his example, they will not cover his old age with shame, nor bring those cares and vexations upon him that would sink his gray hairs with sorrow to the tomb. He no more fears this than he would a fancied indigence that might one day come upon him, wound his paternal feelings, and make the tender partner of his bed repent that she was ever the mother of his children. Like him, they will bound their cares, their pleasures, and even their ambition, to the sweet toils of a rural life — to the raising and multiplying their herds, and the cultivating and enlarging their fields and orchards. These American husbandmen, more simple in their manners than our peasants, have also less of their roughness ' This trait of New England char- dresses them. If one of the other acter is stiU preserved, to a great ex- sex passes by, he passes in silence, or tent, in many of the inland settle- vrith the greeting of " Good even- ments. There, women seldom fear to ing," uttered in a pleasant and re- return alone, in the evening and at a spectful tone. Long may this con- late hour, from a risit to a neighbor, tinue to be the case. No one molests them ; no one ad- 206 MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. CHAP, and rusticity. More enlightened, they possess neither their ^' low cunning nor dissimulation. Farther removed from luxu- 1781. rious arts, and less laborious, they are not so much attached to ancient usages, but are far more dexterous in inventing and perfecting whatever tends to the conveniency and comfort of life. Pulse, Indian corn, and milk are their most common kinds of food. They also use much tea ; and this sober infu sion constitutes the chief pleasure of their lives. There is not a single person to be found who does not drink it out of china cups and saucers ; and, upon your entering a house, the great est mark of civility and welcome they can show you is to invite you to drink it with them." ^ "What a spectacle," he continues, "do these settlements even now already exhibit to our view, considering that they are of but little more than a century standing, and have been constantly under the control of English policy, — always sus picious and tyrannical, — which seized the fruits of theh industry, and rendered itself the sole possessor of their com merce ! Spacious and level roads already traverse the vastly- extended forests of this country. Large and costly buildings have been raised, either for the meeting of the representatives of the states, for an asylum to the defenders of their country in distress, or for the convenience of instructing young citizens ' The "china cups and saucers'' re- rials of the past. The author from ferred to in the text were quite differ- whom I quote seems to be of opmion ent in appearance, as weU as in size, that the use of tea is prejudidal to from the articles known by those health, and says, " The loss of tbeh names at the present day. Both cups teeth is also attributed to the too fre- and saucers were very small, scarcely quent use of tea. The women, who holding half as much as our modern are commonly very handsome, are cups ; the " sugar bowl," " teapot," often, at eighteen or twenty years of and " cream pitcher " were aU on the age, entirely deprived of this most same diminutive scale ; and even the precious ornament ; though I am " china tea plates " were of quite of opinion this premature decay may moderate size. Very few rehcs of tbe be i-ather the effect of warm bread ; " tea serrices " of our grandmothers for the Enghsh, the Flemish, and the have been preserved, and these few Dutch, who are great tea drinkers, are rapidly di.sappeai-ing. Specimens preserve their teeth sound a long should be collected before they en- time." tirely vanish, and preserved as memo- MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. 207 in language, arts, and science. These last, which are, for the chap. most part, endowed with considerable possessions and reve- ^" nues, are also furnished with libraries, and are under the 1781. direction of able masters, invited hither from different parts of Europe. Ship yards are established in all their ports, and they already rival the best artists of the old world in point of naval architecture.^ Numerous mines have been opened ; ^ and they have now several founderies for casting cannon, which are in no respect inferior to our own. And if the' height of the architect's skill has not yet covered their waters with those prodigious bridges which are wont to be extended over the waves, and unite the opposite shores of large rivers, as with us, still industry and perseverance have supplied the want thereof. Planks, laid upon beams, lashed together with stout rings, and which may be taken apart at the pleasure of their builders, are, by their buoyancy, as solid and useful as our firmest works designed for the same end. In other places, where a river is too deep for fixing the foundation of a bridge on its bottom, a stout mass of timber work is thrown over, in a curved line, supported only at the extremities — the ' The French early predicted the more perfectly equipped, furnished, maritime greatness of the United or armed." J. A(kms's Corresp. in States ; and Mons. Thevenard ob- Works, x. 25-27. For hints on ship served to John Adaras, in June, 1779, buUding in Massachusetts prerious to " Your country is about to become the opening of the present century, the first naval power in the world." see Abb6 Robin's New Travels, 16 ; The Count de Sade lUiewise remarked, Brooks's Hist. Medford, 357-381; " Your Congress will soon become Deane's Scituate, 27, 28 ; Barry's one of the great maritime powers. Hanover, 156-166 ; Winsor's Dux- You have the best of timber for the bury, 349-351 ; Felt's Salem, ii., &c. hulks of ships, and best masts and On the trade and navigation of Bos- spars ; you have pitch, tar, and tur- ton in 1794, see 1 M. H. CoU. hi. 286 pentine ; you have iron plenty ; and I -288. am informed you,grow hemp ; you ' " The Province of the Massachu- have sldlful ship builders. What is setts Bay," says the Abbe Robin, wanting ? " See also the comphment " has mmes of iron and copper. The of an Enghsh captain, in 1778, on one iron is of a superior quahty to any of the American fiigates : " He had other in the world, and wiU bear ham- never seen a completer ship ; there meriiig to a surprising degree." New was not a frigate m the royal nnvy Travels, 17. Comp. also 1 M. H. better built, of better materials, or CoU. ix. 253 et seq. 208 MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. CHAP, internal strength of the structure supporting it in every other V— -v-^ part.' 1781. " Every house and dwelling contains within itself almost all the original and most necessary arts. The hand that traces out the furrow knows also how to give the shapeless block of wood what form it pleases ; how to prepare the hides of cattle for use, and extract spirit from the juice of fruits. The young rural maiden, whose charming complexion has not been turned tawny by the burning rays of the sun, or withered by blasting winds, — upon whom pale misery has never stamped its hateful impressions, — knows how to spin wool, cotton, flax, and afterwards weave them into cloth." 2 Such is the picture of Massachusetts and America given by a foreigner three fourths of a century ago.^ The sprightli- ' These " floating bridges," as they were caUed, were once quite common in Massachusetts, but are now rai-ely seen. The fii-st pier of the Charles River bridge, from Boston to Charles town, was laid June 14, 1785 ; and June 17, 1786, the bridge was opened for joubhc travel with gi-eat parade. The proprietors of the West Boston or Cambridge bridge were incorpo rated March 9, 1792 ; and the bridge was opened in Noveraber, 1793. 1 M. H. CoU. ui. 245 ; Boston Ga zette for 1786 ; Snow's Hist. Boston, 316-318; Worcester Mag. for 1786. " " You have hitherto," he justly observes in another place, " seen the Americans acting rather from an im pulse of cool reason than sentiment — better pleased with reflecting than thinldng, and taken up with useful rath er than agreeable things. And for this reason, legislation, politics, natural and mechanical philosophy may raake con siderable progress among them, wliile the fine arts remain unknowTi, and while even poetry, M'hich in all other nations has preceded the sciences, foi^ beai-s to raise her lofty and animated strains. Their towns, their villages, their places of abode may afford ease, health, and regularity, but wUl pre sent nothing that interests and re freshes the imagination. Here are no trees planted through the country hi straight lines, or bent into bowers, to refresh the traveUer with their shade. Here are no gardens, con trived with ingenious airangements, where a pleasant sjTumetiy and a happy mixtm-e of flowers mebriate the senses and enchant the soul. Nei ther have they any tiieatrical shows or dances, or those pubhc exhibitions which might give us an idea of their fehcity and cheerful disposition." ^ The extracts in the text are from a scarce tract, i-arely seen or quoted, entitled " New Ti-avels through North America, in a Series of Lettei-s, ex- hibituig the Histj^-y of the VictoiiouB Campaign of the Allied Armies, un der his Excellency General Washing ton and the Count de Rochambeau, in tiie year 1781. 'Ti-anslated from tiie Original of the Abb6 Robui, one of the Chaplains to the French Army in America. Boston : prhited by E. MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. 209 ness of the narrative is not more pleasing than the good chap. sense of the writer ; and rarely does a stranger give so just ^" and glowing a description of manners and customs which may 1781. strike him by their novelty, but which, from their dissimilarity to those with which he has been familiar, he is often inclined to look upon with contempt. Pleasing, however, as this pic ture is, it has its defects ; and many points of interest are touched but slightly. Travelling by stage coaches was a recent improvement, though pleasure carriages had been in use among the wealthy for nearly a century. The stage routes were not very numerous ; and the arrival of a coach at dif ferent points was quite an incident in the history of the day. The driver was a noted character, and was looked up to as a man of no little importance. His appearance upon the scene was usually preceded by sonorous blasts from a " horn " which he sported, closely resembling the " fish horn " of the present day ; and, as he descended the hill, and rounded up to the tavern door, with a smart crack of his whip, and with his horses at a gallop, the loungers of the bar room regarded him with amazement. He who could drive his " four in hand " was quite a genius — the envy of those who had never attempted so wonderful a feat.^ The departure of the coaches was duly announced in the papers of the day, and in terms which excited the curiosity of many.® Post oflSces were likewise established in the prin cipal towns ; and the mails were conveyed by persons called Powars and N. WUhs, for E. Bat- Drake's Boston, 664, 758. teUe, and to be sold by him at his ' See the volumes of the Boston Book Store, State Street. M.D.CC. Gazette for 1780 et seq. ; also, the LXXXIV." pp. 96. Mass. Spy and Essex Gazette. Sev- ' Comp. Felt's Hist. Salem, i. 316 eral advertisements appeared in the -319, and Kidder and Gould's Hist. Worcester Mag. for 1786, of a hne N. Ipswich, N. H. A stage coach oft stages from Portsmouth, in New began to run regularly from Boston Hampshire, to Savannah, in Georgia. to Portsmouth in 1761 or 1763 ; The charge for passengers was three- and in 1769, a stage, afterwards dis- pence a mUe, -with hberty to carry 14 continued, commenced rimning be- lbs. of baggage. tween Boston and Marblehead. TOL. HI. 14 210 MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. CHAP. " post riders." The Provincial Congress settled this plan in ^_3l^ 1775, and it was now in successful operation.^ The rates 1781. charged were much higher than at present. On single letters, for any distance not exceeding sixty miles, the charge was five pence one farthing ; upwards of sixty,, and not exceeding one hundred miles, the charge was eight pence ; and for a letter conveyed one thousand miles the charge was two shil lings and eight pence. Double letters were double these rates ; treble letters were treble ; and for every ounce weight, four times as much was charged as for a single letter.^ Newspapers had become quite numerous ; but they were usually printed upon coarse paper and with poor ink, so as in many cases to be nearly illegible. All the paper, indeed, man ufactured in Massachusetts, was coarse, but strong ; and very little, even of the best, was of a snowy whiteness.^ That upon which books and pamphlets were printed was equally rough ; though there were occasional specimens of typography quite creditable to the publishers. The art of engraving was still in its infancy ; and the woodcuts which embellished the heads ' On the subject of mails and post from Plymouth on Friday at four offices, see 1 M. H. CoU. in. 276, and o'clock, P. M., and leave his letters Pelt's Salem, i. 326-332. The fol- with Mr. James Winthrop, postmas- loiring was the plan from Cambridge ter in Cambridge, on Saturday even- to Falmouth, in the county of Bam- ing." Thacher's PljTnouth, 336. On stable : " To -set off fi-om Cambridge the post route to Portsmouth, N. H., every Monday noon, and leave his see Felt's Ipsirich, 64 ; and for a de- letters mth Wilhara Watson, Esq., scription of the " mail bag " then used, postmaster at Plvmouth, Tuesday, at see Felt's Salem, i. 327. fom- o'clock, P. M. To set off from = Thacher's Plymouth, 336. Plymouth Wednesday, .\. M., at nine ^ The first paper mUl at 'Wate^ o'clock, and leave his letters -with Mr. tomii -svas buUt by Darid Bemis, about Joseph Nye, 3d, postmaster in Sand- the vear 1760 ; and the first at New- wich, Wednesday, at two o'clock, P. tou Lower FaUs was built about the M. To set off fi-om Sandwich at four year 1790. Jackson's Hist. Newton, o'clock, and leave his letters mth Mi: 105. The first paper miU in Ando- Moses Swift, postmaster at Falmouth, ver was built by Hon. S. PhUlips, in Thursday, A. M., at eight o'clock. 1788. Abbott's Andover, 195. On To set off on liis return Thursday the paper mUls at Milton, see 1 M. H. noon, and reach Sandwich at five CoU- ih. 282. There are said to have o'clock; and set off from thence at been twelve paper miUs in operation six o'clock on Friday A. M., and m M, poses in the United States, is now in the 64th year of its age, and its pros pects were never more flattering than at present. Its invaluable coUections number 32 vols., and contaui a mass of important documents iUustrating the early history of New England. Its hbrai-y, with the addition of the recent munificent bequest of Thomas Dowse, Esq., of Cambridge, numbers at least 10,000 vols. ; its rooms, wliich are open to the pubhc at all times, are fitted up neatly ; and every possible facihty, under the rules, is afforded to those who wish to avail themselves of the privilege of access to its treasures. The officers of the society have been among our most distinguished citizens ; and its efforts to preserve the fading memorials of the past \rill ever entitle it to a grate ful remembrance. The Ii-ish Chari table Society was uistituted in 1737 ; the Massachusetts Marine Society in 1754; the Massachusetts Cliaritable Society m 1779; the Medical So- MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. 217 changes have since been made ; but of these due notice will chap. be taken hereafter. There is a disposition in all to look back _J^:^ to the past, and invest it with the garb of fiction and romance. 1781. Its manners are portrayed as of artless simplicity ; its customs are described as peculiarly pleasing. Thus has it been from the time of Solomon, whose advice is, " Say not thou. What is the cause that the former days were better than these ? for thou dost not inquire wisely concerning this." It is no mark of Ecol.7: wisdom to underrate the present ; and it should be the aim of those who wish to form just views to look at the world, not from the deceptive position with which the imagination is ever inclined to invest the past, but from that broader standpoint which looks at man, not as a beast of burden alone, having a body to feed and a back to clothe, but as an intellectual and a moral being, capable' of unlimited advancement in the exalted career which God has marked out for him, and of making con tinued improvements tending not only to increase his physical comforts, but to open the way for nobler pursuits and purer joys, in the expansion of the intellect and the culture of 'the heart. ciety in 1781 ; the Society of the tural Society in 1792 ; the Boston Cmcinnati in 1783 ; the Boston Epis- Library Spciety in 1794; and the copal Charitable Society in 1784 ; Massachusetts Charitable Fire Socie- the Humane Society in 1785 ; the ty in 1794. Most of these societies Scotch Charitable Society in 1786; are stiU in existence. See Mass. Laws the Massachusetts Congregational for 1789, 1794, 1795 ; 1 M. H. CoU. Society in 1787; the Society for hi. 273-275; Snow's Hist. Boston; Propagating the Gospel among the Drake's Hist. Boston ; Hurd's Hist. Indians and others in North America, St. Andrew's Lodge, and the pubhoa- in 1787 ; the Massachusetts Agricul- tions of the different societies. CHAPTER VI. SHAYS'S REBELLION. Six years after the inauguration of the new government, , and three years from the settlement of the preliminaries of 1786. peace, civil disturbances broke out in Massachusetts, which threatened for a time the utter subversion of law and order, and which were quieted only by the firmness of the chief magistrate and the hearty cooperation of the friends of free dom. The history of these disturbances tends to show that, in popular tumults, reason is often dethroned, and that the passions of the multitude, when highly exasperated, overleap the barriers of outward restraint, and riot in suicidal and hid eous excesses. The vast expenses incun-ed during the war ; the depreciation of the currency, which had long been increas ing ; the heavy taxation to which all classes had been subject ed ; the extent of public and private indebtedness ; and the legal efforts made for the collection of claims,^ were the pre disposing causes of the outbreak referred to ; and the spirit of discord, feeble in its beginnings, was nurtured by dema gogues, until it ripened into a sturdy and disgraceful rebellion. 1781. So early as 1781, conventions of delegates from different towns began to be held in the sparsely settled western coun ties, to consult upon public grievances, and seek their redress. " Persons inimical to American independence " are said to ^ In 1784, more than 2000 actions 1700. Lincoln's Hist. Worcester, 131; were entered in the county of Wor- Ward's Shrewsbm-y, 91. See also cester alone j and ia 1785, about Pitkin's Statistics of the U. S., 31. (218) GATHERING AT NORTHAMPTON. 219 have been the instigators and abettors of these movements — chap. secret foes of the liberties of their country, whose object it ^^¦ was to weaken the government, and spread abroad anarchy 1782. and confusion in the state.^ But a more charitable construc tion of their motives and conduct might induce the opinion that the hardships incident to all new settlements, and the extraordinary embarrassments under which they were labor ing, had created an unusual restlessness and jealousy, and awakened suspicions that an unequal share of tbe expenses of the war would be assessed upon them in their poverty, and that the claims of their creditors would be pressed beyond reasonable bounds while they were unable to meet their demands. If, however, an apology of this kind may be pleaded with justice for a portion of the disaffected, for others no valid excuse can be offered. Among the latter was Samuel Bly, a disappointed clergyman, lacking in judgment as well as in principle, who had been compelled to relinquish the functions of the ministry, and who abounded in hypocritical professions of piety .^ This man assumed to be the ringleader of the malcontents ; and, through his misrepresentations, a large number of citizens were persuaded to league with him to ob struct the regular course of justice. Their first attempt was made at Northampton ; and for his April. connection with this affair, Ely was arrested and lodged in jail. A. rescue was attempted by his misguided followers, which proved successful ; but three of the rioters were seized and imprisoned.^ A mob next gathered for their release, who ' Address to the People, 1786, fications. Bradford, ii. 211; Hol- 4; Bradford, ii. 203; HoUand's land's Western Ma,ss. i. 230, 23 L Western Mass. i. 230. ' These were Capt. Dinsmore, ° He had been settled for some Lieut. Paul King, and Lieut. P. years in Somers, Conn., but was dis- BardweU. HoUand's Western Mass. missed by a councU, who pronounced i. 231. For an account of the Con- him unfit for his calling; on account vention at Worcester, April 14, 1782, of his hterary and moral disquah- see Lincohi's Hist. Worcester, 132. 220 GATHERING AT HATFIELD. CHAP, assembled in Hatfield to the number of three hundred. The ja^^ militia, to the number of twelve hundred, were called out for 1782. the protection of the jail ; but General Porter, who com manded this force, unwisely yielded to the demands of the rioters, and the prisoners were released on their parole of honor — agreeing to deliver up the body of Ely to the sheriff, or, in default thereof, their own bodies, on the order of the General Court.' This conduct of General Porter was cen sured by the prudent ; and it admits of little doubt that the Not. leniency of the Court in pardoning the rioters, which they did shortly after, was the proximate cause of the diflSculties which followed, by emboldening the lawless to place upon that le niency the construction of weakness, which it seemed to war rant.® Clemency is, indeed, the best policy in a free govern ment ; and though it does not invariably follow that " the certainty of punishment is the truest security against crimes,"^ there are cases in which decision and energy are imperatively demanded. Unfortunately for the community, however, there were some who feared that the grounds of complaint would be increased by asserting too strictly the supremacy of the laws ; and a difference of opinion existed even in the legis lature relative to the measures it would be, safest to adopt. There was, likewise, a feeling that the taxes were indeed heavy, and that it was difficult for many in the rural districts, whose resources were limited, and who had little to spare, to meet the demands made upon their purses. Hence it was thought best- to satisfy the citizens, if possible, that their riders were disposed to afford them relief; and the legislature ordered the treasurer of the commonwealth to suspend for a time the executions against collectors.'* ' Minot's Hist, of the Insun-ection, ture of" Lucius Junius Brutus," in'the 16 ; Holland's Western Mass. i. 232. Independent Clu-onicle for Oct 12, " Minot's Hist, of the Insurrection, 1786, and Works, p. 3, ed. 1809. 17 ; Holland's Western Mass. i. 232. ¦• Bradford, u. 212, 257. ' Fisher Ames, under the signa- CONVENTION AT DEERFIELD. 221 This, however, was but a temporary check ; for, the very chap. next year, a mob assembled in the town of Springfield, to J!^ prevent the sessions of the County Court, and, after carousing 1783. at a neighboring tavern, and resolving themselves into a gen- *'' eral convention, adjourned to an elm tree near the court house, armed with bludgeons.' The bell rang for the assembling of the court ; but when the judges appeared, headed by the sher iff, they were opposed as they endeavored to enter the build ing. The sheriff remonstrated, but without effect ; and it was only by the intervention of the friends of order that the riot ers were repulsed.^ The convention at Deerfield, in the fall of this year, was a Sep. 29. more peaceful gathering. Delegates from seven of the towns assembled, to " take into consideration the deplorable state of the county and commonwealth ; " and, professing apprehen sions of a general bankruptcy, but without presuming to show how it might be prevented, they demanded relief by a division of the county, or the removal of the courts from Springfield to Northampton. There were others, however, entitled to be heard on these points ; and at a subsequent convention, held Oct. 20 in Hatfield, represented by delegates from twenty-seven towns, the subject of the state and national debts was discussed, and, while the people of the county were recommended to acquire by honest industry the requisite money for the payment of their debts, the opinion was expressed that it would be impos sible to do so while the claims of the government were so imperious, and the demands for an immediate revenue so urgent.^ ' HoUand's Westem Mass. i. 232. majority; but no judicial proceedmgs No Probate Courts had been held in were had until 1780. Hist. Berk- Berkshire fi-om 1774 to 1778 ; from shfre, 125, 126 ; HoUand's Westem 1776 to 1778, no deeds were record- Mass. i. 243. ed ; and in the last-named year the ° Holland's Westem Mass. i. 232. toTTOS, by a large majority, negatived Several of the most forward were a proposition for the reopening of the seized, and afterwards examined and Courts of Common Pleas and of bound over for trial Quarter Sessions. In 1779, however, ' Holland's Westem Mass. i. 233. this decision was reversed by a small 222 STATE OP AFFAIRS AT THE CLOSE OF THE WAR. Such was the posture of affairs at the close of the revolu tion. The private debt of the state amounted to the consid- 1783. erable sum of one million three hundred thousand pounds, besides two hundred and fifty thousand pounds due to oflScers and soldiers in the army ; and the proportion of the national debt amounted to the further sum of a million and a half of pounds.' The interest on these debts, which was to be paid in specie, was by no means small ; and when it is considered that the credit of the state was pledged for their cancelment, that the ordinary expenses of government were to be met, and that Cjach family had its private debts and expenses, while towns were embarrassed by advances to the soldiers, the mar kets for produce were closed or lessened, and the various branches of industry were cramped, it will be perceived that the questions, how these difficulties could be successfully sur mounted, and how these claims could be satisfactorily adjust ed, were difficult to answer, especially for men who were inexperienced in the management of financial affairs, except on a limited scale, and who were but slightly acquainted with political economy. It is not surprising, therefore, that the timid should have been seized with trembling and dismay, and that the wisest should have been filled with anxious sohei- tude. It was a state of affairs which no one had anticipated, the product of circumstances over which the people had little control. And to punish them because they were reduced to such straits, or because their views were crude and impracti cable, it was thought, would only aggravate the public distress, and strengthen tbe spirit of discontent. Besides these, however, there were other causes of com- ji782.^ plaint. The "tender act" of 1782, passed for the benefit of private debtors, and which made neat cattle and other articles • Address to the People, 1786, 5- em Mass. i. 233 ; Curtis's Hist, of 17 ; Minot's Hist, of the Insun-ec- the Const, i, 266, 267. tion; Bi-adlwd, ii. ; Holland's West- CAUSES OF COMPLAINT. 223 a legal tender for debts, by its retrospective operation served chap. only to suspend lawsuits for the space of a twelvemonth ; and, ^^' as it was obnoxious to constitutional as well as to equitable 1782. objections, in the end it increased the evil it was designed to obviate, and was the first signal for hostilities between the rich and the poor, the few and the many.' The "pay act" of the same year, passed by Congress, commuting the half pay Mar. 22. promised to officers for life to full pay for five years, was also censured ; and objections were made to it on tbe ground that the discrimination was unjust, and the officers were to be paid " at the expense of the sufferings of their fellow-citizens." ^ The costs in civil suits had likewise increased; and it was claimed that the lawyers, who had greatly multiplied, had an undue influence, and were growing rich at the expense of their clients.^ Some even objected to the Courts of Common Pleas as an unnecessary burden. The prevalence of luxury, consequent upon habits acquired in war, and the importation of British goods, for which specie was paid, were also cen sured as a check upon home manufactures, and the encourage ment of extravagance, which could benefit only the merchant. ' Minot's Hist, of the Insun-ection, serrice. It was a part of then- hire. 15 ; Bradford, u. ; Cm-tis's Hist, of I may be allowed to say, it was the the Con-5t. i. 268; HoUand's West- price of their blood, and of your in- ern jSIass. i. 234. dependency ; it is, therefore, more ^ Minot's Hist, of the Insurrection, than a common debt — it is a debt of 18, 27 ; Bradford, ii. 219, 225 ; Aus- honor; it can never be considered as tin's Life of Gerry, i. 395-398 ; Hoi- a jJension or gratuity, nor be cancelled land's Western Ma.ss. i. 234. Comp. until it is fairly chschai-ged." the Boston Gazette for Oct. 20, 1783, ^ Mniot's Hist, of the Insurrection, and Writings of Wasliington, viu. 448, 29 ; Bradford, ii. 258 ; Jackson's Hist. 551-566. " As to the idea," .says tbe Newton, 208, 209 ; Abbot's Andover, latter, " that the half pay and com- 64, 65. Tbe papers of " Honestus," mutation are to be regarded merely pubhshed in the papers of the day, in the hght of an odious pension, it were the principal instruments in ought to be exploded forever. That directing jealousy towards the judicial provision should be riewed, as it really tribunals, and the anathemas tliun- was, a reasonable compensation of- dered against lawyers led to then- fered by Congress at a time when they exclusion, by the popular voice, from had nothing else to give the officers the House and the Senate. Lincoln's of the ai-my for services then to be Worcester, 131 ; Ward's Shi-ewsbury, performed. It was the only means 91 ; Holland's Western Mass. i. 236. to prevent a total derehotion of the 224 CONDUCT OF THE SEDITIOUS. CHAP, while it impoverished the artisan.' Objections were likewise _X-L, niade to the constitution of the state ; and the Senate was 17S2. declared to be superfluous, or worse.^ Without doubt, the excitement created by this levelling spirit was confined, at first, chiefly to those who were ignorant of the principles of civil government, and to demagogues, who endeavored to persuade the people that they had a right, even in irregular conventions and by force, to throw off the re straints of burdensome laws. A majority of the citizens, — at least, of the intelligent, — it should seem, were too well informed and too patriotic to resist the operation of necessary laws ; but when the infatuated resorted to arms, and refused to pay the price of their privileges, nothing but vigilance could oppose their fury, and quell the tumult created by their mis conduct.' The machinery resorted to by the seditious to accomphsh their ends was artfully calculated to impose upon the weak. It was contended that the right to assemble in conventions to consult upon the common good was recognized distinctly in the constitution itself; and, construing this right with the utmost latitude, and forgetting the restrictions which good sense imposes, and that the sovereignty which had been dele gated by the whole people could not be resumed at the option of a part, advantage was taken of the present opportunity to inflame the passions and prejudices of the dissatisfied, by holding irregular and tumultuous gatherings. At first, indeed, the conventions were respectable, and disclaimed all connec tion with mobs ; but the mob, in a short time, acquired the ' Minot's Hist, of the Insurrection, hons ; leaving a balance of 21 mil- 10, 12 ; Bradford, u. 234 ; Hildi-eth's hons agamst tiie U. States. Comp. U. S. hi. 466. Comp. also Franklin's Pitkin's Statistics of the U. S. 30, ed. Works, rin. 327. The imports fi-om 1835. Great Britain, m 1784 and 1785, ' Bradford, u. 258. amounted, in value, to 30 miUions ' Bradford, u. 269; Butier's Groton of dollars, while Jhe exports to the and Shfrley, 132. same country did not exceed 9 mil- CONVENTION AT WORCESTER. 225 ascendency, and the conventions became the abettors of vio- chap. lence. In this state of things, as the conventions increased, ^^' the evils resulting from them likewise increased ; the respecta- 1786. ble were mixed up and incorporated with the mob ; and at length they stood on even ground, and acted together to over awe others.' The first symptoms of the rising storm appeared at the con vention in the county of Worcester. This convention, which Aug.15. met at Leicester, was composed of delegates from thirty-seven towns, who voted, at the outset, that the body was " lawful and constitutional," and then proceeded to discuss the causes of the public discontent. These, as enumerated in their pub lished memorial, were, " 1. The sitting of the Geheral Court in Boston ; 2. The want of a- circulating medium ; 3. The abuses in the practice of the law, and the exorbitance of the fee table ; 4. The existence of the Courts of Common Pleas ¦ in their present mode of administration ; 5. The appropriat ing the revenues arising from the impost and excise to the payment of the interest of the state securities ; 6. The unrea sonable and unnecessary grants made by the General Court to the attorney general and others ; 7. The servants of the gov ernment being too numerous, and having too great salaries ; and, 8. This commonwealth granting aid or paying moneys to Congress, while our public accounts remain unsettled." ^ The tendency of such measures, it was seen by the discern ing, would be to distract the public councils, and foster the evils it was desired to redress. For, out of the convention, there were not wanting many who viewed things in a different light, and who insisted with equal confidence that the evils ' Bradford, ii. 260 ; Holland's were present. The insurrection in Westem Mass. i. 235. N. Hampshire was contemporaneous " Lincoln's Hist. Worcester, 133, with that in Massachusetts, and origi- 134 ; Ward's Shrewsbm-y, 94 ; Hoi- nated fi-om simUar causes. An ac- land's Westem Mass. i. 236. A count of the same is given in the previous meeting was held in May, Worcester Mag. for Sept. 1786, and at which delegates fi-om but 17 to'svns in Barstow's Hist, of N. H. VOL. III. 15 226 CONVENTION AT HATFIELD. CHAP, complained of were mostly imaginary, and that the real cause ^_J^^ of the public distress must be attributed to the luxurious hab- 1786. its of the people and the large consumption of British fabrics, the dangers of which could not well be over-estimated.' Hence the discussion in the papers took a wide range ; and the pro ceedings of the remonstrants were not only satirized, but the knavery of their leaders was freely exposed.^ Aug.22. The convention at Worcester was followed, a week later, by another at Hatfield, in the county of Hampshire, of dele gates from fifty towns, which continued in session three days. The list of grievances put forth by this body was swollen to a catalogue of seventeen articles ; among which were, the existence of the Senate, the mode of representation, the inde pendence of officers on the people for their salaries, the embar rassments of the press, and the neglect of the settlement of important matters between the commonwealth and Congress relative to moneys and averages.' The passage of such reso lutions, as may well be supposed, was exactly calculated to encourage the lawless ; and, four days after the rising of the Aug.29. convention, a mob of several hundreds,* some of them armed with guns and swords, and others with bludgeons, assembled in Northampton, at the time appointed for the sitting of the ' "JVuper diviti °"''^- 7^^^^ *''>f ° *"^ ' They vented their complainings." " They said they wore an hungry ; sighed forth CorioUmus, Acli i. So. 1. proverbs PROCEEDINGS IN HAMPSHIRE COUNTY. 241 The courts adjourned, satisfied that resistance would other- chap. wise be offered. Previously, however, the judges were insult- _J^^ ed, and one of them was apprehended by the mob. But the 1786. insurgents themselves were speedily alarmed ; for General Shepard, with a body of twelve hundred men, had taken the field, ready to attack them at a moment's warning. They accordingly left Worcester, greatly to the relief of the well- Dec. 9. disposed citizens ; and, though they did not disband, nor even disperse, quiet was, for a short time, partially restored.' The proceedings in Hampshire were equally disgraceful. Addresses were published in the Gazette and the Herald, pro fessing to set forth " the principal causes of the late risings of the people, and of their present movement," and calling upon the people to contend without ceasing until redress should be obtained.^ The insurgents, likewise, remained under arms, and talked even of marching to Boston, for the release of Shattuck and the other prisoners confined there. Meas ures were also instituted to embody their forces, by the ap pointment of a committee of seventeen,^ who were to write to the different towns, directing them to meet, organize their companies, and form them into regiments. Yet the courage of the malcontents was fast oozing out, and there was evident trepidation in council and camp. The staid and respectable were disgusted with their movements ; for the most illiterate presided at their gatherings, and so weak were their demon- j^. 2. strations that the newspaper wags found ample scope to launch at them their shafts ; and, in one of their lampoons, the funeral obsequies of the " Eobin Hood Club " were described with a gravity which excited the risibles of many a person.* Shays ' Lincoln's Worcester; Ward's ' Their names are given in Hol- Shrewsbury, 109, 110 ; HoUand's land's Westem Mass. i. 257. Westem Mass. i. 255. * Holknd's Western Mass. i. 257, ^ Hampshire Gazette ; HampsMre 258. " The corpse was preceded by Herald ; Mhiot's Hist, of the Insur- the httle man in the east, -with a long, rection, 83-87; Bradford, U. 278; white wand, to clear the streets of HoUand's Westem Mass. i. 255, 256. httle boys, who coUected m great TOL. III. 16 242 TROOPS RAISED TO SUPPRESS THE REBELLION. CHAP, himself was beginning to waver, and was " ready in a moment ^,.,,..;^ to accept of a pardon." ' And, as many of his associates 1786. were in a similar condition, it is probable that, had the crisis been seized, the malcontents might have been effectually routed. But matters had gone too far to be peaceably settled. The Dec. 26. courts were to meet at Springfield in a few weeks ; and, as the courage of Shays in the mean time revived, he marched to that town, with three hundred of his followers, to obstruct the sessions. The court house was seized, and guards were posted in military form ; and, after these preliminaries, a committee was appointed to wait on the judges with a petition, requhing them to desist from further proceedings. This petition would doubtless have been instantly rejected, had it not been backed by scores of bayonets and hundreds of hickory clubs. Such arguments were too strong to be overlooked by wise men; and the dignitaries of the bench were constrained to yield.^ There was no alternative for the gqvernment but to act. This " inundation of distempered humor " must be checked, or serious, if not fatal, consequences would ensue. It would be impolitic to '' outsport discretion." If the "som-est points" had been hitherto met with the " sweetest terms," and tender rebukes had been substituted instead of the sharp-edged sword, it was time to take a firmer stand. Accordingly, the advice of the Council was sought ; and, with their approval, orders Jan'' '^sre issued for the raising of a body of forty-fom' hundred rank and file from the different counties, with four regiments numbers, gazing at the wondrous covered with a white cap, suggestive novelty. At his right hand, the great of what death he expected soon to die. and only remaining member of the . . . The few remaining members council of war, weeping over the pe- closed the procession." tition of the men at arms, addressed ' ^Minot's Hist, of the Insurrection, to the governor and council, wliich 90; Bradford, ii. 281. he carried open in liis left hand. ^ Minot's Hist, of the Insurreotioii, . . . The chah-man foUowcd the 91; Bradford, u. 282; Holland's corpse as chief moiu-ner, with his cap Westem Mass. L 259. under his arm, and his venerable locks THE ARSENAL AT SPRINGFIELD ATTACKED. 243 of artillery from Suffolk and Middlesex.' The command of chap. the whole was intrusted to General Lincoln, as the first major ^^" general in the state, whose character, as a gentleman and a 1787. military ofScer, peculiarly qualified him for the delicate trust ; supplies for the troops were speedily procured ; and an address Jan. 12. to the people was prepared and circulated, calling upon them once more to refrain from violence, and assuring them that, in case of resistance, all the insurgents would be dealt with in a summary manner.^ Quiet, by these means, was restored at the east. But the counties at the west were in a vehement flame. Day had assembled a company of four hundred, with glittering muskets and sharp-pointed bayonets, who were billeted upon the in habitants, and exercised daily. The arsenal at Springfield was to be the point of attack ; for there the arms of the United States were lodged, and cannon and powder were stored in quantities. Shays was active to secure this post, and to secure it before the arrival of Lincoln. To frustrate his purpose was of the utmost importance, for the welfare of the state would be jeoparded by his success. General Shepard accordingly took possession of the post, with nine hundred men, and was reenforced with two hundred more, aU of whom were from Hampshire. Day, with his men, was stationed at West Springfield ; Eli Parsons, with four hundred from Berk shire, was posted at Chicopee, in the north part of the town ; and Shays, with his forces, eleven hundred in all, approached the arsenal by the Boston road. The number of the insur- ' Of these, 700 were to be raised " MS. Letter of General Lincoln in SuffoUi, 500 m Essex, 800 in Mid- to General Washington, 70 ; Minot's dlesex, 1200 in Hampshu^e, and 1200 Hist, of the Insiu-rection, 93-102; m Worcester. MS. Letter of General Bradford, ii. 287-290; Holland's Lincohi to General Washington, 70 ; Western Mass. i. 259. The mstruc- Sparks's Washington, ix. 221; Mi- tions to General Lincohi are given net's Hist, of the Insurrection, 93; m his MS. Letter to Washmgton, Bradford, u. 288; MarshaU's Wash- 71-73. mgton, V. 121 ; Holland's Westem Mass. i. 259. 244 SITUATION OP SHEPARD. CHAP, gents was at least eighteen hundred, and a considerable pro- _J[^1^ portion of them were " old continentals." ' 1787. The twenty-fifth of January, at four in the morning, was ' assigned for the attack ; and Shays wrote to Day requesting his assistance ; but, whether it was inconvenient for him to be present at that time, or whether he coveted personally the honor of Shepard's surrender, he was induced to delay the projected plan. The reply of Day was intercepted by Shep ard ; and, acquainted with the movements of the " regula tors," he prepared to receive them. Ignorant of the fate of his letter, Day sent an insolent message to Shepard, demand ing that the troops in Springfield should lay down their arms, and return to their several homes upon parole. Shays, on his part, sent a " petition " to General Lincoln, averring his unwill ingness to be accessory to the shedding of blood, and his desire for peace, and proposing indemnity for himself and his associates, and the release of the prisoners confined in Boston.^ The situation of Shepard was exceedingly critical. Not withstanding his hypocritical professions of peace. Shays was advancing on the Boston road, and approached to within two hundred and fifty yards of the arsenal. Shepard had pre viously despatched an order to General Brooks to march to Springfield with the Middlesex militia as speedily as possible ; and General Lincoln, aware of his need of assistance, pre pared to march from Worcester to join him. Obliged, there fore, for the time being, to depend upon his own resom-ces, a message was sent to the insurgents by General Shepard, m- forming them that he was acting under the authority of the state and of the Congress, and that he was determined, at all nazard, to defend his post ; but they were undeterred by this • MS. Letter of Lincoln to Wash- ' MS. Letter of Lincohi to Wash ington, 74 ; Mmot's Hist, of the In- ington, 74 ; Mmot's Hist, of the In surrection, 107, 108; Bradford, ii. sm-rection, 109; Bradford, ii. 291, 291-293; HoUand's Westem Mass. 292; HoUand's Westem Mass. i. L 261, 262. 262-264. PURSUIT OF THE INSURGENTS. 245 announcement, and continued to advance. Further parley chap. was useless ; and orders were given to discharge two cannon _^^ over their heads. This quickened their approach ; and they 1787. pressed forward, with an unbroken front, to within fifty yards of his line. The artillery was then pointed at the centre of their column ; the order was given ; and, as the smoke rolled up, a pitiable scene of confusion was exhibited. The cry of " Murder " was heard from the rear of the mob ; three, at least, lay dead on the ground, and a fourth, in his agony, was writhing in the snow. In vain did Shays attempt to rally them ; they retreated in disorder, and fled to Ludlow, ten miles distant.' Day, in the mean time, more irritated than dismayed, re mained in inglorious inactivity ^t West Springfield ; nor was the report of the cannon suflicient to arouse him. The army of Lincoln was a day's march distant, but was advancing rap idly to the scene of strife. To avoid a collision with him. Shays, with his followers, withdrew to Chicopee, where Par sons was posted, with the rebels from Berkshire ; but, while on his way, two hundred men deserted his ranks. The arrival of Lincoln was greeted with joy,® and pursuit and aggression Jan. 27. were immediately counselled. Every thing favored the success of his plans, for the camp of the enemy was filled with confu sion. Wearied, therefore, as were his soldiers, they were marched towards West Springfield, while the Hampshire troops, under General Shepard, were sent up the river to the rendezvous of Shays. The troops of General Lincoln crossed on the ice ; and, at the ferry, the guard, after a feeble resist ance, hastily fled. The infantry, on reaching the shore, marched up " Shad Lane," while the cavalry, under Major BufBngton, - MS. Letter of Lincoln to Wash- were thrown into Shepard's camp on ington, 74 ; Marshall's Washington, the night of the 26th. MS. Letter of V. 122 ; Minot's Hist, of the Insur- Lincoln to Washington, 75. General rection. 111; Bradford, ii. 293,294; Lincoln himself arrived at noon on HoUand's Western Mass. i. 265. the 27th. ' One regiment, and some horse, 246 PURSUIT OP THE INSURGENTS. CHAP, who was distinguished for his gallantry, went up the middle _J^^ of the river, to prevent the crossing of the force under Day.' 1787. The retreat of the latter speedily followed ; and so hastily did his troops flee, that bread 'and pork and beans were left baking in the ovens, and their path to Northampton was strewed with cast-off muskets and knapsacks.® The flight of Day was a signal for his associates to shift for themselves ; and, alarmed for his own safety. Shays, whose courage had nearly deserted him, hastily marched through South Hadley to Amherst, supplying the hunger of his men Jan. 29. by plunder. Lincoln pursued him ; but, before his arrival, the discomfited leader pushed forward to Pelham, and shel tered himself amidst its hills.^ The public, by these victories, were relieved of their fears ; domestic tranquillity was re stored to the agitated inhabitants of Springfield ; and General Lincoln passed over to Hadley, to find a shelter for his wea ried troops. The alarm of the same day called out the Brook field volunteers, to the number of fifty, under Colonel Baldwin, and one hundred horse under Colonel Crafts ; and at Middle- field they succeeded in capturing the party which had occa sioned the disturbance.* The insurgents, though defeated, were posted in Pelham in considerable numbers, and had taken possession of two high hills, which were difiScult of access from the depth of the snow. Further hostilities, therefore, seemed to be threatened ; and, to prevent these, if possible. General Lincoln addressed j-an. 30. a letter to Shays and his associates, counselling them to dis band. The reply of Shays was in his customary vein ; and • MS. Letter of Luicoln to Wash- ' :MS. Letter of Lincoln to Wash mgton, 75; Minot's Hist, of the In- mgton, 76; Minot's Hist, of the In- smTection, 112, 113; Bradford, ii. surrection, 114, 116; Bradford, h. 294, 295 ; Holland's Western Mass. 296; HoUand's Westem Mass. i. i. 266. 266, 267. ' Worcester Mag. No. 46, for Feb. ¦* Minot's Hist, of the Insm-rection, 1787; HoUand's Westem Mass, i. 117, 118; Bradford, u. 296; Hol- 266. land's Western Mass. i. 267. SESSION OF THE GENERAL COURT. 247 the assertion was repeated that, however unjustifiable their chap. measures might appear, their paths were marked with " a de- ^^• gree of innocence," and that they were willing to lay down 1737. their arms " on the condition of a general pardon," and return to their homes. A " committee of reconciliation " was also appointed to wait upon the general, and receive his answer ; Jan. 31. but their request was declared to be '' totally inadmissible," as no powers had been delegated to him which would justify a delay of his operations.' Communications from the towns were similarly treated ; and the malcontents, conscious of the weakness of their party, petitioned the legislature that hostili ties might cease.® The session of the General Court was to take place in January ; but it' was the third of February before a quorum Feb. 3. appeared. The speech of the governor, which was full, con tained a review of the proceedings of the insurgents, and insisted upon a vigorous suppression of the insurrection. ^ Entire satisfaction with the conduct of the executive was expressed by both branches ; and, to signalize their readiness to sustain his authority, a declaration of rebellion was adopt- Peb. i. ed-, accompanied by a resolve approving the offer of clemency to the insurgents, and empowering the governor, in the name of the General Court, to promise a pardon, under such dis qualifications as should afterwards be provided, to all privates and non-commissioned officers in arms against the common- ' MS. Letter of Lincoln to Wash- 1787 ; Minot's Hist, of the Insurrec- ingtbn, 76-79, 83; Worcester Mag. tion, 123; Bradford, u. 299; Hol- No. 44, for Feb. 1787 ; Minot's Hist, land's Westem Mass. i. 271. " The of the Insm-rection, 118-122; Brad- moment is important," wrote Wash- ford, u. 298, 299 ; Holland's Western ington to Knox, Feb. 3, 1787, in Mass. i. 268, 269. The letter to Sparks's Washmgton, ix. 228. " If Shays was dehvered by Gen. Put- the government shrinks, or is unable nam, and two other oflScers, who to enforce its laws, fresh manteuvres were of the family of Lincohi. wUl be displayed hy tbe insm-gents, ' MS. Letter of Lincohi to Wash- anarchy and confusion must prevaU, mgton, 81, 82 ; MarshaU's Washing- and every thing wiU be turned topsy- ton, V. 123. turvy in that state, where it is not ' Worcester Mag, No. 44, for Feb. probable the mischief wiU end." 248 PURSUIT OP SHATS. CHAP, wealth, unless excepted by the general officer commanding the J2l^ troops, upon condition of surrendering their arms and taking 1787. the oath of allegiance within a fixed time.' A bill was also ' passed appropriating the sum of forty thousand pounds of the impost and excise duties for reimbursing the moneys borrowed for suppressing the rebelhon, and a resolve approving the spirited conduct of General Shepard.^ Pending these movements on the part of the General Court, and in the face of. the petition forwarded to that body ac knowledging their error and promising to disband,^ Shays, as if determined to place his men beyond the temptation to desert, withdrew his forces from Pelham to Petersham, a num ber of the towns in that vicinity having engaged to support him. A pursuit was commenced by Lincoln at eight in the evening ; and, though the weather was exceedingly cold, and the path before him was "bleak and drear," and a violent snow storm overtook him on his route, he pushed on without halting, to the infinite surprise of the discomfited rebels, whom he found reposing in fancied security.' • Hardly had they time to snatch up their arms, when the whole army under General Feb. 4. Lincoln — cavalry, artillery, infantry, and all — came pom'ing into the town. The frightened rebels precipitately fled, throng ing the back road leading to Athol, and scarcely discharging a gun in their retreat. Lincoln might have slain many, had such been his policy ; but he contented himself with routing them, and taking one hundred and fifty prisoners, whom he dismissed to their homes, after administering to them the oath of allegiance. Shays, however, effected his escape, and was next heard of at Winchester, New Hampshire, with three ' MS. Letter of Lincoln to Wash- ington, 97, 101 ; Minot's Hist, of the ington, 87-95 ; Worcester Mag. Nos. Insurrection, 126. 45 and 46, for Feb. 1787 ; Mmot's ^ For this petition, see Worcester Hist, of the Insurrection, 124; Brad- Mag. No. 47, for Feb. 1787; Minot's ford, u. 371-373; Holland's Western Hist, of the Insurrection, 127, 128; Mass. i. 271. Bradford, n. 300. ^ MS. Letter of Lmcoln to Wash- VIGILANCE OF THE GOVERNMENT. 249 hundred of his men, while the rest had fled to Vermont and chap. New York.' J^ The tidings of this defeat reached Boston on the sixth ; and i787. Feb. 6. the friends of the government were encouraged to hope that the rebellion was at an end. The order for raising twenty-six hundred men, which had just been passed, was accordingly so far countermanded as to provide for raising fifteen hundred Feb. 8. for four months, unless sooner discharged ; the petition of the insurgents was rejected ; the conduct of Lincoln was approved ; a proclamation was issued offering a reward of one hundred and fifty pounds for the apprehension of the leaders of the rebellion ; and the governor was empowered to write to the neighboring states, where the fugitives were secreted, request ing their concurrence in measures for their capture.^ Compelled to change their mode of warfare, the remaining insurgents determined to harass the inhabitants in small par ties, and to accomplish by these means what they had other wise failed to effect. But the vigilance of the government was fully aroused, and in all their incursions they were suc cessfully repulsed. Patriots rallied for the defence of the constitution ; and in Worcester, in Hampshire, and in Berk shire, the rebellion was checked, and the insurgents were routed. Parties of volunteers offered their services, and men of the first rank were filled with enthusiasm. Driven to des peration. Parsons and his allies breathed rash vows of " re- Feb. 15. lentless- bloodshed," resolved to " Burgoyne Lincoln and his army," and declared their determination to carry their point, if " fire, blood, and carnage " would effect it.^ ' MS. Letter of Lincoln to Wash- 46, for Feb. 1787 ; Minot's Hist. ington, 84-86; Minot's Hist, of the of the Insurrection, 129-131, 135; Insurrection, 131-135 ; Bradford, n. Bradford, u. 303, 305 ; HoUand's 301 ; Holland's Western Mass. i. 270, Westem Mass. i. 271; Lincoln's Worcester; Ward's ^ Minot's Hist, of the Insurrection, Shrewsbury, 113. 136-148; Bradford, u. 303-305; ¦ MS. Letter of Lincoln to Wash- Holland's Westem Mass. i. 272-275. mgton, 96-98 ; Worcester Mag. No. 250 DISQUALIFYING RESOLVES. The question, what disqualifications should constitute the conditions of indemnity to the rebels, was debated by the 1787. General Court for several days. A subject so new was at tended with a great many difficulties and perplexities. It involved the character of the insurgents and their cause ; and, as the effect of their punishment would depend on the convic tion of the public of its justice, and on the exactest proportion between the penalty and the crime, it was easy to foresee that, if the penalty exceeded the most moderate limits, numbers, instead of being deterred by their fate, would excuse their crimes, and become their advocates as the victims of power. Feb. 16. The decision of the Houses was as mild as could have been expected ; and the instituted conditions were, " that the offenders, having laid down their arms, and taken the oath of allegiance to the commonwealth, should keep the peace for three years, and, during that term, should not serve as jurors, be eligible to any town office or any other office under the government, should not hold or exercise the employment of schoolmasters, innkeepers, or retailers of spirituous liquors, or give their votes for the same term of time for any officer, civil or military, within the commonwealth, unless they should, after the first day of May, 1788, exhibit plenary evidence of their having returned to their allegiance and kept the peace, and of their possessing such an unequivocal attachment to the government as should appear to the General Court a sufficient ground to discharge them from all or any of these disqualifi cations." To such of the privates among the rebels as had taken up arms on the side of the government before the first of February current, the governor was empowered to extend the release of all or any of these conditions, as also to certain others designated. And those absolutely excepted from the indemnity were " such as were not citizens of the state, such as had been members of any General Court in tho state, or had been employed in any commissioned office, civil or mili tary ; such as, after delivering up their arms, and taking the VIEWS OP GENERAL LINCOLN. 251 oath of allegiance during the rebellion, had again taken and chap. borne arms against the government ; such as had acted as .^J^ committees, counsellors, or advisers to the rebels ; and such 1787. as, in former years, had been in arms against the government, in the capacity of commissioned officers, and were afterwards pardoned, and had been concerned in tbe rebellion."' Judicious, however, as these measures appeared in the eyes of many, there were not wanting others who " could not but suppose that, if the number of the disfranchised had been less, the public peace would have been equally safe, and the gen eral happiness promoted." Among these was General Lincoln, who was thoroughly acquainted with all the circumstances of the rebellion, and whose statesmanlike views, which do equal honor to his head and his heart, were freely expressed in a communication to a "private friend in Boston," and in a voluminous epistle to General Washington. " The act," he observes, " includes so great a description of persons, that, in its operation, many towns will be disfran chised. This will injure the whole ; for multiplied disorders must be experienced under such circumstances. The people who have been in arms against the government, and their abettors, have complained, and do now complain, that griev ances exist, and that they ought to have redress. We have invariably said to them, ' You are wrong in flying to arms ; you should seek redress in a constitutional way, and wait the decision of the legislature.' These observations were un doubtedly just ; but will they not now complain, and say that we have cut them off from all hope of redress from that quar ter? for we have denied them a representation in that legisla tive body by whose laws they must be governed. While they are in this situation, they never will be reconciled to govern ment, nor will they submit to the terms of it from any other > MS. Letter of Lmcoln to Wash- of the Insurrection, 138 ; HoUand's ington, 104-112; Worcester Mag. Westem Mass. i. 275, 276. No. 47, for Feb. 1787 ; Mmot's Hist. 252 VIEWS OP GENERAL LINCOLN. CHAP, motive than fear, excited by a constant military, armed force __^ extended over them. 1787. " While these distinctions are made, the subjects of them will remain invidious, and there will be no affection existing among the inhabitants of the same neighborhood, or families, where they have thought and acted differently. Those who have been opposers of government will view with a jealous eye those who have been supporters of it, and consider them as the cause which produced the disqualifying act, and who are now keeping it alive. Many never will submit to it. They will rather leave the state than do it. And if we could reconcile ourselves to this loss, and on its account make no objection, yet these people will leave behind them near and dear connections, who will feel themselves wounded through their friends. " The influence of these people is so fully checked, that we have nothing to apprehend from them now but their individ ual votes. When this is the case, to express fears from that quarter is impolitic. Admit that some of these very people should obtain a seat in the Assembly the next year, we have nothing to fear from the measure ; so far from that, I think it would produce the most salutary effects. For my own part, I wish that those in general who should receive a pardon were at liberty to exercise "all the rights of good citizens; for I believe it to be the only way which can be adopted to make them good members of society, and to reconcile them to that government under which we wish them to live. If we are afraid of their weight, and they are for a given time deprived of certain privileges, they will come forth hereafter with redoubled vigor. I think we have much more to fear from a certain supineness which has seized on a great proportion of our citizens, who have been totally inattentive to the exercise of those rights conveyed to them by the constitution of this commonwealth. If the good people of the states will not exert themselves in the appointment of proper characters for. VIEWS OP GENERAL LINCOLN. 253 the executive and legislative branches of government, no di^- chap. franchising acts will ever make us a happy and well-governed ^^" people. 1787. " I cannot, therefore, on the whole, but think that, if the opposers to government in general had been disqualified, on a pardon, from serving as jurors on the trial of those who had been in sentiment with them, we should have been perfectly safe. For, as I observed, these people have now no influence as a body, and their individual votes are not to be dreaded ; fqr we certainly shall not admit that the majority is with them in their political sentiments. If they are, how, upon republi can principles, can we justly exclude them from the right of governing." ' The opinions thus expressed were cherished by others, and the friends to lenient measures " began again to advance their sentiments." Already had petitions appeared from more than twenty towns to request the liberation of the state prisoners, and, in some instances, the recall of the state's army, under the humane idea of preventing the shedding of blood ; and attempts were made to mitigate a punishment which the perse verance of the rebels had rendered it difficult to delay or avoid ; but the advocates for the insurgents had so often pledged themselves for their reformation on condition of their pardon, and these pledges had so often failed or been violated, that little inclination was felt to continue a forbearance which had proved ineffectual, and which had tended. rather to em bolden than to reconcile those towards whom it had hitherto been extended.^ ' MS. Letter of General Lincoln such as they are. Upon my first to General Washington, dated at seeing it, I formed an opinion pei^ Pittsfleld, February 22, 1787, in a MS. fectly coincident with yours, riz., that volume in the possession of his grand- measures more generaUy lenient son, Benjamin Lincoln, Esq., of Bos- might have produced equaUy as good ton. Comp. Sparks's Washington, an eflFect, -without entirely ahenating ix. 240. " I am extremely happy," the affections of the people from the says Washington to Lincoln, March govemment." Comp. also ibid. 249. 13, 1787, " to find that your senti- ' Mmot's Hist, of the InsmTection. ments upon the disfranchising act are " I hope," wrote Rufus King to El- 254 SUBSIDENCE OP THE DISTURBANCES. The governors of Connecticut, Vermont, New Hampshire, New York, and Pennsylvania cheerfully offered to assist the 1787. executive of Massachusetts in suppressing the rebellion ; and the General Assemblies concurred in these offers. The course of Rhode Island was less decided ; and a motion for a procla mation for the' apprehension of the insurgents was rejected by a large majority, and " one of the very refugees was allowed a seat in their chamber." ' As disturbances had now in a great measure subsided, the legislature turned its attention to the trial of those who had Feb. 26. been seized and imprisoned. For this purpose, the Supreme Judicial Courts were directed by law to hold a special session in the disaffected counties of Berkshire, Hampshire, and Mid dlesex ; and, in order that the trials might be impartially conducted, instructions were sent to the towns for revising the jury boxes ; and three commissioners — the Hons. Benjamin Lincoln, Samuel Phillips, Jun., and Samuel A. Otis — were appointed, with authority to promise indemnity to those who returned to their allegiance, and to make remission of the conditions of the disqualifying act wherever, in their judg ment, the parties were entitled to the same. From the pro tection of this commission, however, the four rebel leaders — Shays, Wheeler, Parsons, and Day — were excluded, together with all persons who had fired upon or killed any of the citi zens in the peace of the commonwealth, and the commander of the party to which such persons belonged, the members of the rebel council of war, and all persons against whom the Governor and Council had issued a warrant, unless liberated on bail.2 bridge Gerry, February 11, 1787, in tensive. A few, and those of the Austin's LU'e of Gerry, u. 7, "the most consequence, should be the ric- most extensive and minute attention tims of law." wUl now be paid to the eradicathig ' IMinot's Hist, of the Insurrection, of every seed of msm-gency. Re- 152-160; Bradford, ii. 305. member, however, that punishment, ' MS. Letter of Lincoln to Wash- to be eflScacious, should not be ex- ington, 102-104 ; Minot's Hist of the REFORMATORY MEASURES ADOPTED. 255 Agreeably to the system which had been begun at the last chap. session, several reformatory measures were adopted, at this ^^^l^ time, by thq General Court ; and a bill was passed for 1787. reducing the number of terms of the Courts of Common Pleas and General Sessions of the Peace, a new fee bill was enacted, and a committee was appointed to inquire " whether there were any real public grievances under which the people of the commonwealth labored." The report of this committee, which consisted of three articles,' gave rise to debate ; and on one of the articles, relative to a reduction of the governor's sal ary, a bill was passed, which his excellency returned with his objections ; and, as it failed to receive the vote required by the constitution, it was dropped, and the legislature was pro- Mar.io rogued to the next annual election. During this recess, the commissioners were busy in the mild exercise of the authority which had been intrusted to them, and the Supreme Judicial Court was employed in the " no less necessary, though less thankful, office " of trying the offenders. Nearly eight hundred persons took the benefit of the commis sion ; and, of the prisoners tried, six were convicted of treason in the county of Berkshire, six in Hampshire, one in Worces ter, and one afterwards in Middlesex, all of whom received sentence of death ; while a number of others, convicted of seditious words and practices, were variously sentenced ; and one, in particular, a member of the House of Representatives, was subjected to the ignominious punishment of sitting on the gallows, with a rope about his neck, was fined fifty pounds, and was bound to keep the peace and to be of good behavior for five years.® Insurrection, 161-164 ; Bradford, u. ' For these articles see Minot's 306; Holkmd's Western Mass. i. 282, Hist, of the Insurrection, 166 ; Hol- 283. As an additional precaution land's Westem Mass. i. 284. against feigned converts, the select- " Minot's Hist, of the Insurrection, men and other town ofiicers were re- 171, 172; Bradford, ii. 307, 308; quired to take and subscribe the oath and HoUand's Westem Mass. i. 284 of allegiance to the commonwealth. 285, where the names are given. 256 APPROVAL OP GOVERNOR BOWDOIn'S POLICY. In the mean time, the Governor and Council, in the exercise of that lenity which had hitherto distinguished their course extended a free pardon to eight of the condemned, leaving only two in each of the counties of Berkshire and Hampshire to suffer the extreme penalty of the law. But even to these May 17. a reprieve was granted, though they were taken to the gallows impressed with the conviction that no mercy would be shown to them. Yet, notwithstanding this leniency, a few remained in the attitude of defiance, and continued to act against the government.' The unexpected death of the treasurer of the commonwealth rendered it necessary to convene for the fourth time the Gen- Apr. 27. eral Court. The chief magistrate, Governor Bowdoin, had found his position peculiarly unpleasant — partly from the policy which he had been compelled to adopt, and partly fi'om the disaffection of many to his administration. He. availed himself, therefore, of this opportunity to express his satisfac tion that the people had seen fit to relieve him of his burdens by the choice of a new executive, and to declare that he should have sooner resigned his office could he have done so without the imputation of deserting his trust at so critical a period. In taking leave of the legislature, he assured them of his affection for the commonwealth, and expressed the hope that juster notions of liberty might prevail, without which licen tiousness and despotism must ensue.® The Court, in reply, forgetting for the time their personal piques, accorded to his excellency the warmest praise for the measures he had adopt ed, declared their confidence in his integrity and good will, expressed regret for his retirement from office, and gave utter ance to their wish that he might receive from a grateful peo ple those marks of affection and esteem which were the proper ' Minot's Hist, of the InsmTection, " Minot's Hist of the Insurrection, 172; Holland's Westem Mass. i. 173; Brachbrd, u. 311, 312; Hoi- 286, 287. land's Western Mass. i. 287. EXPECTED CHANGE OP MEASURES. 257 rewards for his services and merits.' Nothing, however, mate- chap. rial to the rebellion was transacted at this session, which con- ._^^ tinned but nine days, save that the report of the commissioners 1787. was rendered. In this document, the causes of the outbreak were specifically alluded to, as arising from public and private debts, and a delusion with respect to the proceedings of the legislature, and the true situation of affairs in the state. The severest statement it contained was a reflection upon the con duct of those members of the General Court who had failed to enlighten their constituents when it was in their power to have silenced the unreasonable complainer, and who had, by their conversation, as well as by their conduct, irritated and inflamed the restless and uneasy, and alarmed the peaceable but uninformed citizen.® By the choice of Governor Hancock in the place of Gov ernor Bowdoin, and by the return of a new House chosen by the suffrages of the citizens at large, an opportunity was offered to determine to what, extent the people were dissatisfied with the state constitution, and the nature of the grievances which demanded redress. How great were the expectations that extraordinary demonstrations would be made it is needless to say ; for three fourths of the new representatives had not served in the old court. But, to the utter discomfiture of those who had been loudest in their complaints, the new gov ernment, so far from retracting what their predecessors had done, found themselves necessitated to sanction their measures, and a proposition for a general indemnity was negatived by a vote of one hundred and twenty to ninety-four.^ But some thing must be done to justify the grounds on which they had been elected ; yet, while they indorsed and continued the ten der act, recently passed, and condemned' the issue of paper ' Minot's Hist, of the Insurrection, 174 ; Holland's Westem Mass. i. 288. 174; Bradford, ii. 314; Holland's ' Minot's Hist of the Insmrrection, Western Mass. i. 288. 176, 179; Bradford, u. 314; Hol- ' Minot's Hist, of the Insurrection, land's Western Mass. i. 288, 289. VOL. IH. 17 258 SUPPRESSION OF THE REBELLION. CHAP, money, they were obliged to comply with the usual measures ^^J^ for the suppression of rebellion and the supply of the troops ; 1787. though the governor consented to relinquish a portion of his salary " for the benefit of the state," he did so with the under standing that a precedent should not be established thereby ; and all that could be effected in favor of the insurgents was the passage of a resolution, in general terms, that, until the end of the next session, no prosecution should be commenced or proceeded on for sedition or seditious practices.' Shortly Jun. 16. after, however, the convicts who had been reprieved, but who remained under sentence, were reprieved for a still longer time ; and, in the end, when quiet was restored, a full pardon was granted to all but one, whose sentence was commuted to hard labor for seven years. ^ Thus, chiefly through the vigilance of Governor Bowdoin, and the concurrence of Governor Hancock, with the sanction of the " sober second thought " of the community, were dis turbances quieted and order restored. If any thing was want ing to complete the success of the measures of government, it was furnished by the criminals themselves, the hardiest of whom implored the mercy they had so often rejected ; and even Par- Feb.' sons and Shays, at a subsequent date, preferred petitions for indemnity and pardon. It is to the honor of Massachusetts that this prayer was granted ;*for it proved beyond question the confidence of the people in the stability of their govern ment, and their willingness to forgive injuries rather than to gratify a thirst for revenge upon men whose guilt had been precipitated by a delusion which was shared with thousands of others.^ Well may the citizens of this commonwealth ' Minot's Hist, of the Lism-rection, consent ; the other by force : one 179-186; Bradford, u. 315; Hoi- gahis then- hearts; the other holds land's Western Mass. i. 289, 290. ' then- hands. The first is always chosen " Minot's Hist, of the Lisurrection. by those who design to govern for the ' " There are but two ways," says people's interest ; the other, by those the author of Cato's Letters, " to gov- who design to oppress them for their em a nation : One is by their o^vn own." Shays died in Sparta, N. Y., WISDOM OP THE GOVERNMENT MEASURES. 259 pride themselves upon the wisdom of their rulers, and upon chap. that reliance which, even in the darkest hour, has been placed ^^• upon the virtue and integrity of the masses.' In no other 1737. country, it may be safely affirmed, could a crisis so formidable have been passed through so easily. The widest liberty is not incompatible with peace ; and excesses, if threatened, may be left, in a free government, to be checked by the salutary restraints of moral power, whose voice will be heard in the midst of the tumult, and whose thrilling appeals will seldom be rejected.® It would be unwise, at this day, to rake up the ashes of a fire that has died out, and to revive animosities whose influ ence was long felt, by arraigning and condemning with undue severity the motives and conduct of the unhappy participants in the struggle which has been sketched in this chapter. It is the province of the historian, indeed, to deal impartially with every subject he is required to discuss ; nor is he to con ceal the errors and follies of the past for fear of offending a sensitive pride. But it will doubtless be conceded that men may honestly differ in opinion in matters of state as well as of national policy, without being obnoxious to the imputation of seeking their own ends by the ruin of others. In all dis putes, there are faults on both sides ; and rarely does it hap pen that even the best are free from blame. Let us rather Septehiber 29, 1825, aged 78, baring, -without the intervention of a munici- ui 1820, received a pension from the pal monitor." Pohtical Sketches, &c. United States government. W. Bar- 34. ry's Hist. Framingham, 391. ' There is matter for profound con- ' "The majorities of aU societies sideration in the observation of the act as if they were not governed. Marquis of Beccai-ia, that " the coun- There is in the human heart a princi- tries and times most notorious for pie of rectitude, that acts independ- severity of punishments, were always ently of ciril regulation. The same those in which the most bloody and sympathies which knit the first bands inhuman actions, and the most atro- of society, and formed man a social oious crimes, were committed ; for the bemg, attend his moral character hand of the legislator and of the as- through all its progressive stages ; sassin was dhected by the same spirit and, as they existed without compact of ferocity." or choice, so they continue to operate 260 WISDOM OP THE GOVERNMENT MEASURES. CHAP, rejoice that the consequences of a strife, which was pushed to ^_^^ undue extremities, and which threatened to deluge the country 1787. with fratricidal blood, were happily averted by a moderation unsurpassed in the annals of any nation ; and that, whatever errors were committed by the headstrong, and whatever rash vows were uttered under the impulse of overheated pas sions, excited to madness by real or conceived wrongs, few lives were lost and few homes were desolated ; that the tot tering government lost not at any moment its just equihbrium ; and that, to restore public confidence, it was not found neces sary to enact upon the scaffold the terrible scenes which have sometimes disgraced civilized nations, and which more often aggravate than mitigate the evil it is wished to remove. In this case, if in no other, judgment and mercy were happily blended ; the limits of forbearance were not overstepped ; and peace and tranquillity were once more restored. CHAPTER VII. ADOPTION OF THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION. DEBATES IN MASSACHUSETTS. The insurrection in Massachusetts, during its progress, chap excited in all parts of the country the liveliest interest ; and, J}]^ as the confederation had neither the power nor the means to 1787. interfere for its suppression, its indirect effect was to hasten the adoption of a national government. The impression, which had been gaining ground in every state, that a political change was absolutely necessary, was strengthened and con firmed. The gateway of political perdition had been opened ; and, as they gazed into the gulf which yawned at their feet, where the elements of discord were seething and simmering, the most resolute shrank back aghast at the prospect of civil disturbances which threatened to convulse society to its cen tre, and which could be checked only by conceding to the Union adequate powers for the conservation of peace and order. " Heu, miseri eives ! Non hostes, inimioaque castra, Vestra spes uritur," was the exclamation of the prudent. The nation, it is true, had been delivered from the yoke of foreign domination ; but, ': to the thoughtful and considerate, it was evident that, " to achieve the independence of a country is but half of the great undertaking of liberty," and that, after freedom, to perpetuate its blessings "' there must come security, order, the wise dis posal of power, and great institutions, on which society may (261) 262 DEFECTS OF THE CONFEDERATION. CHAP, repose in safety." ' To provide such security, and establish ^_J^ such institutions, was the arduous duty of the statesmen of 1787. America ; and promptly and effectively did they proceed to its discharge. The Articles of Confederation, prepared from the models nVv 15 °f ^^^ Batavian and Helvetic confederacies, and adopted in the midst of the war of the revolution, were found, at an early date, imperfect in detail, and inadequate to the wants of a growing republic. Not only was the public debt a source of embarrassment, and not only was it difficult to manage, under the old articles, the commerce of the country, especially with foreign parts, but the impracticability of remedying these dif ficulties was also apparent, so long as tbe states, actuated by local jealousies, refused to concede to the General Con gress the power to enforce the requisite laws, and negotiate the requisite treaties.® The vast domain of the nation at the west, ceded by New York, Virginia, Massachusetts, and Con necticut, for the use of the United States, and embracing a territory exceeding in dimensions, as well as in fertility, the whole of that occupied by the thirteen original colonies, needed attention ; and, as the power was wanting to ascertain and fix the boundaries of such states as claimed to the Mississippi or the South Sea, and to erect beyond those boundaries new ' Curtis's Hist of the Const, i. 273, the people — ciril, judicial, comme> 274; N. Am. Bev. for July, 1841, cial, religious, and pohtical — mdely 60; Hildreth's U. S. in. 477. The chfferent but in Rome an aristocracy assertion of the Abbci; Mably, that the possessed all tbe dignities, ofiices,and situation of America immediately after emoluments of the state, while the the declaration of independence was plebeians were excluded from aU shai-e similar to that of Rome immediately in the government ; nor could the body after the expulsion of the Tarquins, of the citizens claim a title to govem, does more credit to his scholarship who possessed few rights either of than to his sagacity. There was, in- property or person. deed, no resemblance in the cases ; ° For a fuU discussion of this point, for constitutional hberty seems to have see MarshaU's Washington, v. 65-80 ; been as httle understood with the Curtis's Hist, of the Const i. 276- former as it would have been enjoyed, 288 ; Pitkm's Statistics of the U. S. had they adopted a system superior to 28 et seq., and Hist U. S. ii. 225 et then: manners and comprehensions, seq. ; HUdreth's U. S. in. 450, 45 L Not only were the ch-cumstances of * DEFECTS OF THE CONFEDERATION. 263 and independent states, to be incorporated with the rest, diflfi- chap. culties had arisen in consequence of conflicting claims, which _3^ became a cause of irritation an^ alarm.' The question of 1787. slavery had likewise been agitated ; and whether this institu tion, which was regarded with favor by few of the wisest and most intelligent statesmen, should be suffered to spread beyond the limits to which it had hitherto been confined, and how far provision could be successfully made with a view to its gradual and general abolition, were points upon which differences of opinion existed, which could be amicably settled, in the esti mation of many, only by the adoption of a system of compro mises, trenching but slightly upon the " rights " of the south, and harmonizing with the "free principles " and "prejudices" of thfe north.® But the point, above all others, which excited the most serious alarm, was the general ineflficacy and impo- tency of the confederation. The federal treasury, from the lack of an established impost, was in an impoverished condi tion ; the federal authority was but little respected ; its ambassadors abroad were " the mere pageants of mimic sov ereignty ; " and it was admitted, on all hands, that, as the sovereignty of the states was as powerful as ever, and the sovereignty of the nation was in comparison but a shadow, the situation of the country was critical and perilous ; that the government, which "the foot of a child might over throw, but which the hands of giants could not rebuild," was tottering to its fall.^ In this agitation in the councils of ' On the North-west Territory, see also Curtis's Hist of the Const i. 299, Madison Papers, u. 639 et seq. ; Brad- 306 ; Hildi-eth's U. S. ui. 450. ford's Hist Fed. Gov't 42, 43; Cur- ' Madison Papers, ii. 620, 710- tis's Hist of the Const i. 291-30:2; 714; Atcheson's Reports, 55; Ham- Spai-ks's Washington, ix. 58-68; Hil- Uton's Works, i. 150-168, 189, 223- dretb's U. S. hi. 426, 449, 458, 462. 257, 331-337 ; NUes's Prmciples and Comp. also the Federahst, No. vu., Acts of the Rev. 402-404 ; Letters and Communication of Madison, in from the. Federal Farmer, 5, 6; the Spai-ks's Washington, viu. 547-549. Federahst, Nos. xv. and xxi. ; N. Am. ' On the question of slavery, see Rev. for Oct 1827, and July, 1841 ; Madison Papers, i. 28 et seq., where Cm-tis's Hist of the Const i. 326. the discussion of 1776 is given. See "No man in the United States," wrote 264 DEFECTS OP THB CONFEDERATION. CHAP, the nation, with a suspected leaning, in some parts, towards __^ monarchy, and an open prediction, in others, of a partition of 1787. the states into two or mor^ confederacies, and the fear that' the project of closing the Mississippi, in accordance with the views and wishes of Spain, would sever at least the great west from the Union, which would be acceptable to the English government, the only remedy which presented itself to those who had deliberated upon the aspect and retrospect of the affairs of the nation was a general convention, to revise the Articles of Confederation, and, if necessary, to frame a consti tution " adequate to the exigencies of the Union." ' Should the inference be drawn from the statements just made that the people of America were capricious and fickle, and that the variety of opinions which was current alnong them was indicative of an impatience of salutary control, that inference wpuld be as unjust as time has proved it to be illu sory and deceptive. Nearly three fourths of a century have passed since the close of the revolution ; yet, though variety of opinion is as prevalent as ever, no serious disturbance has hitherto arisen; and, through all the crises of our national history, some of which, certainly, have been sufficiently peril ous, the good sense of the community, joined to an unusual spirit of forbearance, has enabled us to avoid the shoals upon which others have been wrecked, and to resist the pressure of Washington to Hamilton, March 31, interested. tVoi-ks, viii. 412, 443, and 1783, in Writings, viu. 410, " is or can ix. passim. be more deeply impressed with the ¦' Madison Papers, ii. 590-594, necessity of a reform in our present 599-602, 606-613, 620, 623-625; confederation than myself. No man, Sparks's Washington, ix. 173, 205, perhaps, has felt the bad eflfects of it 261; MarshaU's Washington, v. 91, more sensibly; for to the defects 92; Curtis's Hist of the Const i. thereof, and want of power in Con- 326-331 ; Hildreth's U. S. ui. 460, gi-ess, may justly be ascribed the pro- 464. The eai-liest sketch on paper longation of the war, and consequently of a constitutional govemment, is said tbe expenses occasioned by it" All to have been given by Madison, in his writings, indeed, from this date, his letters to Jefferson," of March 19, are fuU of this theme, — the neces.sity to Randolph, of April 8, and to Wash- of a liberal and extensive plan of gov- ington, of AprU 16,1787. Madison emment, — m which he was deeply Papers, u. 714. PREPARATORY STEPS TO A CONVENTION. 265 outward aggressions and of inward commotions.' Whether chap our government is established beyond the possibility of danger "^^i^- irr the future, the wisest prophet cannot tell ; but it may be 1787. said that, so long as the principles of freedom are cherished, and so long as our statesmen are actuated by a prudence as great, a patriotism as fervent, and a moral principle as sound as in former days, it may be reasonably inferred that, what ever dangers may threaten us for a season, they will be happily surmounted, and that the fears which have been expressed of the stability of the Union will give place to a confidence based upon the virtue and intelligence of our citizens. The preparatory steps to the calling of a convention were taken in Massachusetts, during the administration of Governor Bowdoin. Deeply interested in the commerce of the country, ji^^g, his excellency, in his message to the General Court, suggested the appointment of special delegates from the states, to settle and define the powers with which the national Congress should be invested ; and, as the proposal was approved, resolutions were passed declaring the inadequacy of the Articles of Con federation, and recommending a convention of the states for their revision. A letter was accordingly addressed by the governor to the president of Congress, and another to the executive of each of the states ; and the resolves were enclosed and forwarded to the delegates from Massachusetts, with ' " In other revolutions, the sword temper of enthusiasm. It is this has been drawn by the arm of ofiend- union of refinement with the active ed freedom, under an oppression that state of civU hberty that wiU distract threatened the rital powers of society, the false theories to which unhappy But the American revolution took fortunes have subjected the human place as a necessary result of long- character. It is this fact that wiU estabhshed opinions. The occasion justify the ways of Heaven, by prov- advanced with the progress of usur- mg the consistency of the social na- pation; not sudden, not blown into ture with the political happmess of existence by the breath of mcendia- man. And, from the study of the ries ; flowmg from the source of sys- American democracies, sophistry wUl tem, and supported by the energies be disarmed of the argument agamst of well-weighed choice, it was moder- pure hberty m the natural endowments ate, resolute, u-resistible. Hence is of man, which a state of luxury dis- to be proved the force of that sense plays." Pohtical Sketches, &c., ed. of ci\il hberty which requires not the 1787, 48. 266 PREPARATORY STEPS TO A CONVENIION. CHAP, instructions to lay them before Congress at the earliest oppop- _J^ tunity, and to make every exertion to carry them into effect.^ 1785. These resolutions, however, were never presented ; for not ^ ' only was Congress unprepared for such a step, but the dele gates from Massachusetts opposed it as premature. It is, perhaps, true, as has been suggested,® that " a deep-seated jeal ousy of the radical changes likely to be made in the system of the government lay at the foundation of these objections," arising from " an apprehension that the convention might be composed of persons favorable to an aristocratic system ; or ¦ that, even if the members were altogether republican in theu- views, there would be great danger of a report which would propose an entire remodelling of the government." Hence the delegation from ifassachusetts, influenced by these fears, retained the resolutions of the state for two months before replying to the governor's letter ; and the legislature, at their Nov.25. instance, annulled their resolutions. 1785. The course of Virginia, in the adoption of measures^ re- Nov.30. and ferring more immediately to the commerce of the country, and Jan. 21. the sagacious and watchful forecast of Hamilton in pressing upon New York the appointment of commissioners to attend 'Bradford, u. 241-244. iii. 21; recommendation of Bowdom, and the Curtis's Hist, of the Const i. 336, strong resolutions of Massachusetts, 837. Mr. Wintbi-op, in his Address (then one of the thi-ee great states of on the Life and Services of James the confederacy,) in 1785, were most Bowdoin, Addresses and Speeches, important steps in this momentous 117-119, discusses the question as to federal movement They preceded, " who is entitled to the honor of by more than a ye.-u-, the resolutions having first urged the enlargement of Virginia, to wliich so deserved a of the powers of Congress for regu- prominence has always beeu given; lating commerce witb foreign coun- and they should not be suftered to b^ tries, and for raising a revenue fr-om omitted, as they too often hitherto it to support the public credit ; " and have been, fi-onl "the histoiy of the rise though he does not expressly claim and progress of the constitution of this honor for Governor Bowdoin, in the United States." riew of " the danger of setting up " Cm-tis's Hist of the Const i. 338. pretensions of priority in gi-eat ideas, ' Madison Papers, u. 694, 695 ; whether of state pohcy, philosophical .Sparks's Washington, ix. 507, 508 ; theory, scientific discovery, or me- MarshaU's Waslungton, v. 90, 91; chanical invention," he observes, " no Cm-tis's Hist of the Const, i. 340, one can doubt that the earnest oflBoial 343. preparatory steps to a convention. 267 a convention to be holden at Annapolis,' aided in calling chap attention afresh to the defects of the government ; but this ^^^" convention, when gathered, was found to be too small to 1786. accomplish any desirable result, and ended with a formal g^^[ 14'. proposal to the states, draughted by Hamilton, for calling a general convention to take into consideration tbe situa tion of the country.® This recommendation was variously received. In Congress, it at first met with very little favor ; ° . ¦' ' Nov. 9 but in Virginia, it was immediately and cordially approved.^ and 23 The delegates from Massachusetts objected to it on the ground that the legislatures " could not adopt any scheme which might be proposed by a convention ; and if it were submitted to the people, it was not only doubtful what degree of assent on their part would make it valid, but it was also doubtful whether they could change the federal constitution by their own direct action." To these difficulties, it was also urged, was " to be added the further hazard that, if the report of the convention should be made to Congress, as proposed, and if it should be rejected, fatal consequences would ensue." * ' Life of Hamilton, u. 374, 375 ; pointed commissioners, w^ho neglected Austin's Life of Gen-y, u. 4; Brad- to attend; and the remaining four — ford, u. 253 ; Curtis's Hist, of the Connecticut, Maryland, South Caro-, Const, i. 345, 346. hna, and Georgia — made no appoint- ' Madison Papers, ii. 697-703 ; ments. Tbe delegates from Massa- Worcester Mag. Nos. 27 and 28, for chusetts were " Lieutenant Governor Oct 1786 ; Elhot's Debates, i. 116; Cu,shing, Elbridge Gerrj', Francis Letters of the Federal Farmer, 7 ; Dana, and Stephen Higginson." Aus- Hamilton's Works, i. 432, ii. 336; tin's Life of Gerry, u. 5. Sparks's Washington, ix. 223, 226, ^ Madison Papers, h. 703-706. 513; Marshall's Washington, V. 97; The resolutions of Virginia were Statesman's Manual, u. 1501-1505 ; draughted by Madison, passed in the the Federalist, No. xl. ; Pitkm's House November 9, and in the Senate Statistics of the U. S. 32 ; N. Am. November 23, and delegates were Rev. for Oct 1827, 261-266; Hil- appointed December 4, 1786. dreth's U. S. ui. 478 ; Bradford, u. '' Madison Papers, u. 587 ; Joiimal 253 ; Curtis's Hist of the Const i. of the Confederation ; Abstract of an 347. Five only of the states — New Address to the Legiskture of Mass. York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Del- by Rufus King, m the Boston Mag. aware, and Virginia — were represent- for l786, 406 ; Curtis's Hist of the ed UI this convention ; four others — Const i. 355. The proposal for a Massachusetts, N. Hampshire, Rhode convention was not a new thing, but Island, and North Carohna — ap- had been suggested so early as 1781, 268 CONGRESS consents to call a convention. CHAP. The fact, however, that the confederation needed amend- .^.^ ments was becoming more evident every day ; and that the 1787. proposed convention was the most eligible means of effecting these changes was equally evident. Congress itself admitted these truths ; but, when the report of the grand committee Feb. 21. was presented embodying these views, it was objected to by many members, and a variety of propositions was submitted to obviate these difficulties.' A resolution was at length introduced by the Massachusetts delegation, and passed, sanc tioning the calling of a convention ; and delegates from all the states were chosen to attend it.® The point thus gained was of great importance. It was not the design of the statesmen of America to act precipi tately, and cut loose from one form of government, however imperfect, without making provision for the establishment of a better. The old confederacy, notwithstanding its defects, was still revered by the wise and thoughtful for the good it had done. In the history of the country, it had proved more by Pelatiah Webster; in 1783, by Cob 619; Joumals, xu. 15-17; Sparks's HamUton; by R. H. Lee, in 1784, Washington, ix. 246, 247, notes; El and by Noah Webster, in the -winter hot's Debates, v. 96 ; MarshaU's Wash- of 1784-5. Madison Papers, ii. 706 ington, v. 125 ; Hildretii's U. S. iii. -708. 478; Statesman's Manual, u. 1506; ' Madison Papers, u. 587 ; Jour- Curtis's Hist of the Const L 358. nal of the Confederation; Madison's Several of the states — as Xew Jer- Notes, in Elhot's Debates, v. 96; sey, Pennsvh-ania, North Carolina, Sparks's Washmgton, ix. 510, 513; and Delaware — had appomted then: Statesnian's Manual, ii. 1505 ; Cur- delegates to the convention before it tis's Hist of the Const i. 355, 356. was sanctioned by Congress ; and this. The report of the grand committee, probably, had some influence upon it should be observed, was agreed to the decision of that body. Madison by a majority of one only, though the Papers, h. 617 ; Elliot's Debates, i. subject had been long under consider- 126-137. It has been asserted in ation. The principal objections to the reference to tills convention, that the proposed convention were, that it members were chosen " for the sole tended to -wealten the federal author- and express purpose of rerising and ity, by lending its sanction to an extra amending .the confederation ; " " not constitutional mode_ of proceeding, a word was said about destroring and that the mterposition of Congress tbe old constitution and making a would be considered by the jealous as new one." Letters fi-om tlie Federal betraying an ambitious wish to get Farmer, 7 ; Austin's Life of Gei-ry, power into their hands. jL 9. 3 Madison Papers, ii. 589, 590, wisdom op this measure. 269 than " a name with which to conjure ; " it had brought into chap. existence and established the independence of the thirteen _J3L- United States, and as such was entitled to respectful consider- 1737 ation. Had it been hastily set aside, and had the nation embarked upon the uncertain sea of political experiment, anarchy and confusion might have ensued ; for who could tell, in such case, " what projects, what schemes, and what influ ences might arise to jeopard those great principles of republi can liberty on which the political fabric had rested from the declaration of independence to ^he present hour of danger and distress " ? ' But if there was wisdom in the policy which approved the convention, it was felt and admitted by the most discerning that the failure of that body to agree upon a well-balanced system of government adapted to the preexisting system of confederated states, capable of pervading the entire country with an efficient control, and essentially republican in its prin ciples and form, would result immediately in a dissolution of the Union, and an attempt to establish a monarchical govern- ¦ " Madison Papers, ii. 689, 590 ; due energy to the govemment of it. Curtis's Hist of the Const, i. 363, 364. Mr. Bingham alone avowed his wishes " It appeared fi-om the debates," says that the confederacy might be dirided Madison, " and still more fr-om the into several distinct confederacies, its conversation among the members, great extent and various interests be- that many of them considered this ing incompatible with a single govem- resolution as a deadly blow to the ment The eastern members were existing confederation. Dr. Johnson, suspected of leaning towai-ds some who voted against it, particularly de- anti-repubhcan estabhshment, (the ef- clared himself to that efiect Others feet of then- late confusions,) or of riewed it in the same hght, but were being less desirous or hopeful of pre- pleased with it as the harbinger of a serving the unity of the empu-e. For better confederation. The reserve of the first time the idea of separate many ofthe members made it difficult confederacies had got into the news- to decide their real wishes and expec- papers. It appeai-ed to-day, under tations from the present crisis of our the Boston head. Whatever the views affaha. AU agreed and owned that of the leading men in the Eastern the federal government, in its exist- States may be, it would seem that the ing shape, was inefficient, and could great body of the people, particularly not last long. The members from the in Connecticut, are equaUy mdisposed Southern and Middle States seem either to dissolve the confederacy, or generally anxious for some repubhcan to submit to any anti-repubhcan in- organization of the system, which novations." would preserve the Union, and give 270 CONSEQUENCES OP THE FAILURE OF THE CONVENTION. CHAP. ment. The consequences of such an attempt it was frightful _J^ to contemplate. Civil war and social convulsions must inevi- 1787. tably ensue ; for could it be supposed that the people, who had long been jealous of arbitrary power, and who had fought seven years to secure their freedom, would surrender it at the dictation of a portion of the community? To count upon such surrender by peaceable means was to charge the people with preposterous madness ; nay, it would have been an evi dence of such imbecility on their part as to have proved them unworthy of the blessings of liberty.' Happily for the coun try, the views of those whose hopes predominated over their fears were not doomed to be disappointed, nor was the con vention itself destined to fail. The talent it enibraced was a pledge of its success ; for if a Washington, a Madison, a Ham ilton, a Franklin, a Morris, a Pinckney, a Randolph, a WilsoH, a Gerry, a Strong, a Dana, a King, a Sherman, a Livingston, a Dickinson, were incompetent as '' cunning artificers," to whom could the country look with more confidence ? They were the men who had shared in its perils. Their own inter ests and the interests of their posterity were involved. And if they failed, it was hopeless — nay, useless — to expect others to succeed.® Under these auspices, though many were doubtful of the ¦ HamUton's Works, i. 435 ; Mar- whether they are agreed to or not shaU's Washington, v. 94—97, es- A conduct of this kind wiU stimp pecially 96 ; Letters of the Federal wisdom and dignity on their proceed- Farmer, 6. " It gives me great pleas- ings, and hold up a hght which sooner m-e," wrote Washington, Writings, ix. or later wUl have its influence." 250, " to bear that there is a proba- ^ Comp. Sparks's Washington, ix. bihty of a fuU representation of the 223-236, 258, 260, 508-520 ; Ciff- states in convention ; but if the dele- tis's Hist, of the Const, i. 336-370 ; gates come to it under fetters, the the Federahst No. u. For a hst of salutary ends proposed will be greatly the delegates, see Statesman's Man.- embai-rassed and retarded, if not al- ual, u. 1507 ; Cra-tis's Hi.-;t. of the together defeated. I am deshous of Const i. 516-518. The members from knowing how tliis matter is, as my Massachusetts were Francis Dana, wish is that the convention may adopt Elbridge Gorry, Nathaniel Gorham, no temporiring expedients, but ])robe Ruins King, and Caleb Strong; but the defects of the constitution to the Mr.' Dana did not attend. bottom, and proride a radical cm-e, THB CONVENTION ASSEMBLES IN PHILADELPHIA. 271 tendency of the experiment, and some questioned the legiti- chap. macy of the meeting, the convention assembled in Phila- '^"¦ delphia, and, on the mption of Robert Morris, of Pennsylva- 1787. nia, was organized by the choice of George Washington for ^^^ ^' president.' There was little for the statesmen of that day to look to, in the history of other nations, in the way of theories which had been practically proved to be sound and useful.® They must originate for themselves a consolidated system adapted to the wants of their country. And it is proof of their wisdom, and of the extent of their political knowledge, that time and experience have abundantly demonstrated the general excellence of the system devised, and that few altera tions have since been required in it. They came to the task with a consciousness of the difficulties besetting their path, but with a full determination to act for the interests of the entire republic. Personal preferences might be urged, and the freest interchange of opinion was desirable. But no one could insist upon, nor did any one press, the adoption of his own views, to the exclusion of all others. It was the council of the nation, the arbiter of the destinies of unborn millions. Every thing depended upon the wisdom of its measures, and upon the con ciliatory spirit which governed its deliberations. The assem- ' Madison Papers, n. 635, 643, as that on which the revolution took 721 et seq. ; Marshall's Washington, place in America, where the people, v. 98 et seq. ; Statesman's Manual, ii. by their own act, without any usiu-- 1506. Sixty-five jiersons were elected patioii or turn of parties, on a sudden members of the convention; and of found themselves in a state of the these, fifty-five attended its sessions, most cirilized and complicated asso- Six of the number had atfixed their ciations, without government ; and in eignatm-e to the Declai-ation of Inde- that state formed the origmal con- pendence. Austin's Life of Gerry, vention, on grounds of undisputed li. 9. equahty ; framed a form of ciril gov- ° " Never was there, before the emment, founded in the rights of American revolution, an instance of a iiatm-e, unobscured by charters, priri- nation forming its own government leges, or monopolies of power; and on the original foundations of human then bound themselves by the thfrd rights, revealed by a study of the laws and last tie of aUegiance. The demo- of nature, and creating every oi-ril cratic form was the only one a people organ agreeably to the thi-ee acts so situated could adopt." Pohtical which constitute just government. Sketches, inscribed to his Excellency Never did there exist such a scene John Adams, &e., 5, 6, ed. 1787. 272 RULES OP THE CONVENTION. CHAP, bly could be useful only in proportion to its superiority to VII. partial views and interests, 1 1787. The rules of the convention were copied chiefly from those of Congress. No state was allowed to cast more than one vote, and seven states constituted a quorum for business. The sessions were to be held with closed doors ; and the whole proceedings were to be kept secret — so much so that the members were prevented from corresponding freely and confi dentially with eminent political characters in the different states upon the subjects under consideration ; nor were they allowed even to take copies of resolutions, or of the entries on the journal, " without formally moving for and obtaining permission, by a vote of the convention for that purpose." ® Delegates from less than seven states were present on the May 14. day appointed for the opening of the convention, nor was it May 25. Until eleven days after that that number appeared ; but early June 2. in June, eleven states were represented by about fifty dele gates, who were among the most distinguished men of the country.3 Three parties, it was soon found, existed among ' Comp. Madison Papers, ii. 621. accident" that the new constitution There is a shght degree of rhetorical was framed. It was something more embeUishment in the statement of than an accident, nor would it have Judge Jay, Federahst, No. u., that, occurred had there not been -wisdom " in the mUd season of peace, with at the bottom. Comp. N. Am. Rev. minds unoccupied by other subjects, for July, 1841, 43. they passed many months in cool, un- ' Madison Papers, ii. 724^726, 728; interrupted, and daily consultations ; Martin's Speech before the Legis. of and finally, without having been awed Md., in Secret Proceedings, &c., 4, by power, or influenced by any pas- 32 ; N. Am. Rev. for July, 1841, 53 ; sion, except love for their country, Marshall's AVashington, v. 128 ; HU- they presented and recommended to dreth's U. S. in. 482. Notwithstand- the people the plan produced by their ing these restrictions, several of the joint and very unammous counsels." members took notes of tbe pi-oceed- It was a season of peace in one sense ; ings of the convention; and those of but the waves were surging as at sea Yates, of New York, and Madison, of after a storm. The debates were not Virginia, have since been pubhshed. always " cool and uninterrupted ; " The Journal has also been published, passion was not always dormant and by order of Congi-ess. quiet ; nor was the plan produced by ^ The states represented on the a "very unanimous counsel." If, 25th were New York, New Jersey, however, aU this is admitted, it was PennsylTOnia, Delawai-e, Vh-gmia, not altogether " so much of a lucky North Carohna, and South Carolina, DIVISION OP PARTIES. 273 the members, of exceedingly different sentiments and views, chap. To the first belonged those " whose object and wish it was to ^"• abolish and annihilate all state governments, and to bring 1737. forward one general government, over this extensive conti nent, of a monarchical nature, under certain restrictions and lunitations." The second " was not for the abolition of the state governments, nor for the introduction of a monarchical government under any form ; but they wished to establish such a system as could give their own states undue power and influence in the government over the other states." And the third, which was " considered truly federal and republican," was " nearly equal in number with the other two, and was composed of the delegates from Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Delaware, and in part from Maryland, also of some individuals from other representations." ' It is foreign to the province of this history to relate circum stantially the proceedings of this convention. It is only necessary to say that its sessions were continued for the space of four months ; that its debates were spirited, and occasion- with one each fr-om Massachusetts and as the constitution reported proposes Georgia ; the other delegates from to vest in them. The young, visionary Massachusetts, and those from Con- men, and the consohdating aristocracy, necticut, and other states, appeared would have been more restrained than on the 28th; and the rest took their they have been." seats from the 29th of May to the 9th ' Martin's Speech to the Legis. of of June. Madison Papers, u. 721 et Md., in Secret Proceedings, &c. 13, seq.; Yates, in Secret Proceedings, 14. Comp. N. Am. Rev. for July, &c., 99-101, 103, 105 ; Letters from 1841, 52, 53 ; Austin's Life of Gerry, the Federal Farmer, 8. "The non- ii. 19, 20; the Ohve Branch, by M. attendance," says the latter authority, Carey, 81, ed. 1817. The favorers of " of eight or nine men, who were ap- a monarchical govemment were not pointed members of the convention, very numerous, nor did they press I shaU ever consider as a very un- their riews -with great pertinacity. fortunate event to the United States. " The ideas of men who speculate upon Had they attended, I am pretty clear the dismemberment of the empire," that the result ofthe convention would as is said in the Federahst, No. xui., not have been that strong tendency " seem generaUy turned towards three to aristocracy now discernible in every confederacies ; one consisting of the part of the plan. There would not four Northem, another of the four nave been so great an accumulation Middle, and a third of the five South- of powers, especiaUy as to the internal em States." poEce of the country, in a few hands, VOL. ni. 18 274 DIFFICULTY OF FRAMING A PERFECT SYSTEM. CHAP, ally spicy ; that, in more than one instance, there was danger J^^ of a dissolution without the accomplishment of the business 1787. for which it had assembled ; ' and that nothing but the cool ness and gravity of the prudent, and the consciousness of the necessity of a spirit of compromise, persuaded the members to yield punctilious points of honor, and to forget the mdividiial and the inordinate pride of state importance for the one great purpose of national union.® It is easy for the philosopher to frame, in his study, a theory of government which shall seem to himself a perfect Utopia ; but practical statesmen find some difficulties in attempting to harmonize the visions of specu- latists, and in evolving from the Babel-like " confiision of tongues " a judicious, a well-balanced, and pertinent system, adapted to the wants of a living community, and capable of being carried into efficient operation. It is a mistake to sup pose that the science of government can be learned by the brightest mind in a few hours' study. For its just compre hension, a varied experience is needed — an experience based upon a life-long acquaintance with the nature of man ; a liberal culture, which has sprung from the survey of the history of the past, of all the great nations of ancient and modern times; ' HamUton's Works, i. 437. able articles into the new system, inr ^ Marshall's Washington, v. 129 ; stead of ingrafting the latter on the Letters from the Federal Farmer, 8. former. I am not sme that it will be " The plan proposed," says the latter, practicable to present the several parts " is a plan of accommodation ; and it of the reform in so detached a man- is only m this way, and by giring up ner to the states, as that a partial a part of our opinions, that we can adoption -wUl be binding. Particular ever expect to obtain a government states may riew different articles as founded in fi-eedom and compact" conditions of each other, and would Madison also ivrote to Edmund Ran- only ratify' them as such. Others dolph, AprU 8, 1787, in Madison Pa- might ratify them as indepen(}eBt pers, u. 631, "I am perfectly of your propositions. The consequence would opinion, that, in fi-aming a system, no be that the ratifications of both would material sacrifices ought to be made go for notiihig. In tmth, my ideas to local or temporary prejudices. I of a reform strike so deeply at the old think, -with you, that it wiU be well to confederation, and lead to such a retain as much as possible of the old systematic change, that they scarcely confederation, though I doubt whether admit of the expedient" it may not be best to work the valu- DIFFICULTY OF FRAMING A PERFECT SYSTEM. 275 and that intuitive discernment and keen-sighted sagacity which chap. can hold in their grasp the subtilest elements of political power, '*'^^^- until the whole are resolved into definite forms. No one man 1737. can be expected to possess such various knowledge in so emi nent a degree as to entitle his opinions to be regarded as infallible. The combined experience of a number of men is Heeded to frame a system of government adapted to a free country, with its diversified interests. " Hence it is," as has been truly observed, " that, wherever this mighty work is to be successfully accomplished, there must be a high sense of jus tice ; a power of concession ; the qualities of magnanimity and patriotism ; and that broad moral sanity of the intellect which is farthest removed from fanaticism, intolerance, or self ish adhesion either to interest or to opinion." ' Happily for the country, these qualities were possessed in ah eminent degree by the members of the federal convention and the framers of the constitution. That instrument was the product of their raited deliberations. It was not hastily and blindly project ed. It was matured and perfected by the suggestions of all. Every point in it was subjected to scrutiny ; every article was thoroughly scanned. And when the scheme was completed, it was concurred in by the whole.® ' Curtis's Hist of the Const i. 387. » Comp. N. Am. Bev. for July, "Hi|h quahties of character are 1841, 52, and Letters of the Federal requisite to the formation of a system Farmer, 4. " Whatever," says Mad- of govemment for a vride country ison. Papers, u. 718, 719, "may be with different interests. Mere talent the judgment pronounced on the com- wUl not do it. Intellectual power and petency of the architects of the con- ingenuity alone cannot compass it. stitution, or whatever may be the There must be a moral completeness destiny of the edifice prepared by in the characters of those who are to them, I feel it a duty to express my achieve such a work ; for it does not profound and solemn conriction, de- consist solely in derising schemes, or rived from my intimatei opportunity creating offices, or parceUing out ju- of obserring and appreciating the risdictions and powers. There must riews of the convention, coUectively be the recognition and admission of and indiridually, that there never was great expedients, and the sacrifice, an assembly of men, charged -with a often, of darhng objects of ambition, great and arduous trust, who were or of local pohcy, to the -vast central more pure in their motives, or more purpose of the greatest happiness of exclusively or anxiously devoted to the greatest number." the object committed to them, than 276 POINTS OP DEBATE. CHAP. The principal points of debate in the convention related _Jj[^ to the ratio of representation and the rule of voting in the 1787. national legislature ; the term for which officers should respec tively be chosen, and the mode of their choice ; the constitu tion of the executive — whether of one person or more, the grounds of eligibility, and tbe mode of election ; the constitu tion of the judiciary, with the appointment of the judges ; and the general powers which should be conferred upon the gov ernment in its relations to the states, and for national pur poses.' On the first of these points, the debates took a wide range, and the interests involved were found to be so compli cated that the utmost prudence was required to effect even an approximation to unity. One disturbing element was the question of slavery ; a northern and a southern party were speedily developed ; and the discussion was marked with con siderable rancor. Should slaves be recognized as persons in the constitution ? Should the institution of slavery be sanc tioned by the government ? Should the slave trade be toler ated, and the evils resulting from it be continued and perpetu ated ? These questions, though not specifically raised, were involved in the discussion, and in their decision the south had a special interest. Negroes were esteemed a portion of their wealth, as valuable to them as the wealth of a freeman. With out them, they contended, it would be impossible to live. And if, it was urged, the north expected " those preferential dis tinctions in commerce, and other advantages," which they would derive from the connection, they " must not expect to receive them without allowing some advantages in return. Eleven out of the thirteen states had agreed to consider slaves were the members of the federal con- and best secure the permanent hberty vention of 1787, to the object of de- and happiness of their country." rising and preparing a constitutional ' Comp. Madison Papers, ii. 631- system which should best supply the 634, and 747 et seq. defects of that which it was to replace, * THE QUESTION OP SLAVERY DISCUSSED. 277 in the apportionment of taxation ; and taxation and represen- chap. tation ought to go together." ' vn. Tcmeet this point, it was at first proposed, by Mr. Butler, 1787. of South Carolina, to consider blacks as equal to whites in the apportionment of representation ; but this was rejected by a vote of seven to three, and the three fifths clause was pro posed as a compromise. To this, however, Mr. King objected, and " thought the admission of them along with whites, at all, would excite great discontents among the states having no slaves." Mr. Wilson " had some apprehensions, also, from the tendency of the blending of the blacks with the whites, to give disgust to the people of Pennsylvania." Gouverneur Morris " could never agree to give such encouragement to the slave trade as would be given them by allowing them a rep resentation for their negroes." -And when the question was taken, Delaware, Maryland, and even South Carolina, with Massachusetts, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania, voted in the negative. Davie, of North Carolina, then " thought it was high time to speak out. He saw that it was meant by some gentlemen to deprive the Southern States of any share of rep resentation for their blacks. He was sure that North Caro- ' Madison Papers, u. 686 et seq. ; should have any weight M. Le 1054 et seq. ; Hildreth's U. S. ch. xlrii. Poivre, late envoy from the King of The question of the necessity of France to the King of Cochin China, slave labor at the south is ably dis- and now intendant of the Isles of cussed by Benjamin Rush, in his Bourbon and Mauritius, in his obser- pamphlet pubhshed at Philadelphia, vations upon the manners and arts of in 1773, entitled " An Address to the the various nations in Africa and Inhabitants of the British Settlements Asia, has the following remarks : ' It UI America upon Slave Keeping." is worthy of observation, too, that the " It has been urged," he says, " by sugar cane is there cultivated by free- the inhabitants of the Sugar Islands men, and all the process of prepara- and South Carolina, that it would be tion and refining, the work of free impossible to carry on the manufac- hands. Compare, then, tbe price of tures of sugar, rice, and indigo, with- the Cochin Chinese production with out negro slaves. JVo manufactory the same commodity which is culti- can ever be of consequence enough to vated and prepared by the wretched society to admit the least violation of slaves of our European colonies, and the laws of justice or humanity. But judge if, to procure sugar from our I am far from thinking the arguments colonies, it was necessary to authorize used in favor of employing negroes, by law the slavery of the unhappy for the cultivation of these articles AJfricans transported to America.' ' 278 DISCUSSION ON THB SLAVE TRADE. CHAP. Una would never confederate on any terms that did not rate ^^^- them' at least- as three fifths. If the Eastern States? meant, 1787. therefore, to exclude them altogether, the business was ^t an end." On this, the motion for the three fifths clause was renewed by Ellsworth, of Connecticut, modified by Randolph, and, in the end, it was carried by a vote of six to two.' On the question of the slave trade, there was less difference of opinion ; for the sentiment was common to Virginia and the Northern States " that slavery was cruel and unjust — in plain violation of the rights of man proclaimed as the founda tion of the revolution, and inconsistent with the doctrines assumed as the basis of the American constitutions." ® Vir ginia and Maryland, indeed, were especially " opposed to the African slave trade ; " and, as the delegates from the Middle and Eastern States concurred in these views, there seemed, at one time, a reasonable prospect that the trade might be pro hibited. But Georgia and South Carolina entertained a dif ferent opinion, and were " fully determined to maintain, not the institution of slavery only, but the African slave trade also ; " and, as Massachusetts was anxious " about navigation laws," and Pennsylvania was concerned " about the taxation of exports," and Connecticut was " willing to make almost any sacrifice for the sake of getting others to agree," a " bar- ' Martin, in Secret Proceedings, it would be with the horses and mules &e., 42, 43 ; Yates, hi ibid. 122 ; of the Eastern." Biid. 43. And Mr. Madison Papers, h. 1076-1087; Hil- Patterson very pertinently asked, "if dreth's U. S. iii. 499-501. It was negroes are not represented in the said, in the debate on this clause, that states to which they belong, why the taking of slaves into computation should they be represented in the in apportioning the number of repre- national government ? " Madison sentatives, "involved the absurdity of Papers, u. 1055. increasing the power of a state m ^ " Future ages," obsei-ves Benja- making laws for freemen, hi propor- min Rush, in his Address on Slave tioli as that state riolated the rights Keeping, 9, " when they read the ac- of freedom." Secret Proceedings, counts of the slave trade, if they do &c., 42. One of the Massachusetts not regard thera as fabulous, will be delegation also observed, that "he at a loss which to condemn most, considered it as dishonorable and hu- our foUy or-om- guUt m abetting tliis miliating to enter into compact -with dfrect riolation of the laws of nature the slaves of the Southern States, as and rehgion." RENDITION OP FUGITIVES. 279 gain " was struck up between " the Northern and the Southern chap. States," which, until the year 1808, allowed the unrestrained _^^ migration or importation of such persons as the states might 1787. see fit to receive — subject, however, to the imposition of a duty by Congress, the maximum of which was fixed at ten dollars.' One other measure was desired by the south, relating to the rendition of fugitive slaves. The motion to include such with fugitives from justice was introduced by Butler, of South Car olina, and seconded by his colleague, Charles Pinckney ; ^nd, availing themselves of the phraseology of one of the old arti cles of the New England confederation of 1643, with shght alterations to adapt it to their purpose, the " famous clause " was presented, which provides that " no person held to service or labor in one state, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein. ' Martin, in Secret Proceedings, &c., 62-06 ; Madison Papers, hi. ; Hildreth's U. S. hi. 508-520. It is worthy of notice in this connection, that the Continental Congress had resolved "that no slave be import ed into any of the United States;" that Delaware, by her constitution, and Virginia and Maryland, by special laws, had prohibited the importation of slaves ; and that similar prohibi tions were in force in all the more northern states, though they " did not prevent the merchants of those states from carrying on the slave trade elsewhere, and already some New England ships were engaged in an infamous traffic from the coast of Africa to Georgia and the Carohnas." The views of Madison on this clause of the constitution may be learned from the Federahst, No. xhi. "It were doubtless to be wished," says he, " that the power of prohibiting the importation of slaves had not been postponed untU the year 1808, or rather, that it had been suffered to have immediate operation. But it is not difficult to account, either for this restriction on the general govem ment, or for the manner in which the whole cause is expressed. It ought to be considered as a great point gained in favor of humanity, that a period of twenty years may terminate forever, within these states, a traffic which has so long and so lopdly up braided the barbarism of modem pol icy ; that within that period, it wiU receive a considerable discouragement from the federal govemment, and may be totally abohshed, by a concurrence of the free states which continue the unnatural traffic, in the prohibitory example which has been given by so great a majority of the Union. Happy -would it be for the unfortunate Afh- caiis, if an equal prospect lay before them, of being redeemed from the oppression of then- European breth ren." The " vexed question " of the slave trade was early agitated in the new Congress, and debated vrith some warmth. Hildreth's U. S. 2d series, i. 91-96 280 DIFFICULTIES OP THE SLAVE QUESTION. CHAP, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be deliv- ,_J;^ ered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor 1787. may be due."' Thus the question of slavery had been presented in a three fold form, and on each the south had carried their point. The legality of slavery in the slave states was virtually recog nized ; the slave trade itself was licensed for twenty years ; and fugitive slaves, were to be returned to their masters.^ How far such compromises were justified by circumstances wise men have found it difficult to decide. It should be re membered, however, that, if the measures were wrong, involv ing a sacrifice of moral principle, the north was to blame for sanctioning that wrong, and is justly obnoxious to the conse quences of its misconduct. Ellsworth was no true prophet in predicting that, in time, " slavery will not be a speck in our country." It has multiplied sevenfold, and is, without doubt, one of the most serious evils in the nation. Whether it will ever be peaceably abolished, or whether it' will continue to expand and increase, diffusing abroad a moral miasma, to taint and corrupt the whole body politic, are questions which are certainly of vital importance. But may we not hope that a merciful God will open a way, in accordance with the spirit of the gospel of Christ, by which the country may be rid of this evil, without the intervention of a violence which could end only in the dismemberment of the Union, or in an exas peration of feeling which would rankle so deeply as to banish forever brotherly love ? This is the problem for the statesmen of the nineteenth century : who does not pray that it may be happily' solved ? To a certain extent the issue is sectional ; nor can this be avoided while slavery exists. The antagonism of freedom and slavery is perpetual. Fire and water are not ' HUdreth's U. S. in. 522. m the constitution itself; for not a ° These statements are to be under- word about slavery is said in that stood rather of the effects of the meas- instrument. m-es adopted than of specific clauses RESULf OP THE CONVENTION. 281 more opposite. And as one or the other must gain the chap. ascendency, which shall it be ? There is force in the opinion ^^^• which is fast gaining ground, that " freedom is national, while 1737. slavery is sectional." ' The result of the convention was the adoption of a constitu- Sep. 17. tion, which was laid before Congress, and submitted to con- Sep. 28. ventions of the people in the different states for adoption or rejection.^ The convention in Massachusetts " for the purpose of assenting to and ratifying the constitution recommended by the grand federal convention," convened at Boston, on the ninth of the following January, and continued in session for 1788. nearly a month. Th6 members of this body, over three hun- Feb. 7. dred and fifty in number, were among the most eminent men in the state — comprising as well a portion of those who had served at Philadelphia as many who were engaged in the con vention for framing the constitution of Massachusetts, and others, not inferior in intellectual ability, from the various walks of social life.^ The first business was to organize ; and this was effected by the choice of Governor Hancock as president. Judge William Cushing as vice president, George Richards Minot, Esq., as secretary, and Jacob Kuhn as messenger, who for nearly fifty ' ' " It is a truth denied by few, at The ratification of the conventions of the present day, that political and nine states was to be sufficient for the domestic slavery are inconsistent with estabhshment of this constitution be- justice, and that these must neces- tween the states so ratifying the same. sarily wage eternal war; so that, For Arthur Lee's opinion of this wherever the latter exists in perfec- instrument, see his Letter to John tion, the former must fly before her, Adams, October 3, 1787, m Adams's or faU prostrate at her feet." Dis- Works, ix. 554, 555. course ofRev. Samuel Miller, preached ^ For a hst of the delegates, see mNewYork, July4, 1793, 19. the Debates, &c., 225-229. This ' Statesman's 'Manual, u. WOO; convention was recommended to be Sparks's Washington, ix. 267-269. held by the Senate, October 20, and For tbe draught of the constitution by the House, October 25, 1787 ; and as thus submitted, see the Pamphlet the date assigned for its assembling published in 1787, to be circulated in was the 2d Wednesday in the follow- Massachusetts, and comp. Madison mg January. See the Const, of the Papers, u. and iii., and Debates in U. S., pubhshed in 1787, 18-20. the Mass. Convention, ed. 1808, 3-20. 282 THE MASSACHUSETTS CONVENTION MEETS. CHAP, years served as messenger to the General Court.' By the ^_JJ^ kindness of the church, the sessions of the convention were 1788. held at first in the meeting house still standing on Brattle Street — a venerable edifice, in the walls of which is fixed a cannon ball discharged by the Americans during the siege of Boston, and which is said to 'be inserted in the place where the ball struck.^ This house, however, " on account of the diffi culty of hearing," was " found inconvenient," and the conven- Jan.ii. tion adjourned to the representatives' chamber, in the Old State House, at the corner of State and Washington Streets, and from thence, at a later date, to the " meeting house in Long Lane."* The motion preliminary to the general discussion was made by Caleb Strong, afterwards governor of the state ; and, at his instance, it was voted " that this convention, sensible how important it is that the great subject submitted to their deter mination should be discussed and considered with moderation, candor, and deliberation, will enter into a free conversation on the several parts thereof, by paragraphs, until every mem ber shall have had opportunity to express his sentiments on the same ; after which the convention will consider and de- ' bate at large the question whether this convention will adopt and ratify the proposed constitution, before any vote is taken expressive of the sense of the convention upon the whole or any part thereof." ^ Upon the first section of the first article there was '' a short conversation ; " but the first paragraph of the second section, ' Of this venerable man, all who gentlemanly sergeant-at-arms, has knew him spoke in terms of the ut- held his oflice for twenty-two years, most respect. Quiet and unobtru- and has recently entered upon his sive, yet gentlemanly in his manners, twent)--tbird term. and distinguished for his courtesy and " Lotiu-op's Hist of Brattle Street his impartiahty, he retained his post Chm-ch. through various pohtical changes, and ' Debates, &o., 25, 61. "Long his death was lamented as a public Lane " is now known as Federd loss — the loss of an able and useful Street ; and the meeting house re man. His successor, Mr. Benjamin ferred to is the Federal Street Church. Stevens, the present courteous and * Debates, &c., 25, 26. DEBATE ON BIENNIAL ELECTIONS. 283 relating to the constitution of the House of Representatives, chap. and especially the matter of " biennial elections," caused " a ^J^ lengthy debate." ' In Massachusetts, annual elections had been 1788. " the practice of the state ever since its first settlement ; " and it was contended by Dr. Taylor that this " had been consid ered as the safeguard of the liberties of the people, and the annihilation of it the avenue through which tyranny would enter." ^ The Hon. Mr. White also " thought the security of the people lay in frequent elections," and declared that, for his part, " he would rather they should be for six months than for two years." * Mr. Turner, of Scituate, thought that " nature pointed out the propriety of annual elections by its annual renewal ; " but it was observed, in reply, by Governor Bow doin, that, " if the revolution of the heavenly bodies was to be the principle to regulate elections, it was not fixed to any period ; as, in some of the systems, it would be very short, and in the last discovered planet it would be eighty of our years."* The friends of biennial elections were more numerous than the opponents of the measure, and argued in its defence with signal ability. Mr. Sedgwick observed that " annual elections in a single state might be best, for a variety of reasons ; " but when the great affairs of thirteen states were considered, such a period, in his estimation, was too short.^ Mr. Dawes re marked that " the right of electing representatives in the Congress was the acquisition of a new privilege by the people, and therefore in their favor, even if the representatives were chosen for forty, instead of for two years." ® The speech of ' Debates, &o., 26. like usurpation. He considered an- " Debates, &c.', 27, and comp. ibid, nual elections as the only defence of 46. See also the remarks of Elbridge the people against tyranny. He was Gerrj', in the federal convention, in as much against a triennial house as Madison Papers, u. 847. " The peo- against a hereditary executive." pie of New England wUl never give ^ Debates, &o., 28. Comp. ibid. up the point of annual elections. They 45,54. know of the transition made in Eng- ¦* Debates, &c., 35. Comp. ibid. 38. land from triennial to septennial * Debates, &c., 27. elections, and will consider such an ° Debates, &c., 28. innovation here as the prelude to a 284 DEBATE ON BIENNIAL ELECTIONS. CHAP. Fisher Ames is reported in full, and was an eloquent plea in _JJ^ favor of the clause, based upon the ground, that, whatever 1788. reasons could be urged in favor of annual, as good, if not bet ter, could be offered in favor of biennial, elections.' The speech of General Heath was eminently characteristic. He " consid ered himself a citizen of the United States," and his " ideas and views were commensurate with the continent — extending in length from the St. Croix to the St. Maria, and in breadth from the Atlantic to the Lake of the Woods ; for over all this extensive territory was the federal government to be extend ed." Still, although he was of opinion — quoting from Mon tesquieu — that " the greatness of power must be compensated by the brevity of the duration ; most legislators have fixed it for a year ; a longer space would be dangerous," he was ready to favor the clause as it stood, because Congress was to " sit but once annually," and as much business in each session would be left unfinished, for the same representatives to con sider and complete such business would be " a great saving of expense, which would otherwise be lost." ^ General Brooks, with a comprehensive wisdom, observed that no instance had been cited in which biennial elections had proved " destructive to the liberties of the people ; " that the Parliaments in Eng land had been triennial and septennial, " yet life, liberty, and property, it was generally conceded, were nowhere better secured than in Great Britain." * Mr. Gore took another view of the subject, and thought the term "frequent" was as justly applicable to biennial as to annual elections, if the extent of the interests involved was remembered ; and that two years was " a short time for the representatives to hold their office."^ The Hon. Rufus King, one of the mem bers of the federal convention, and a gentleman of distin- ' Debates, &c., 30-35 ; Ames's * Debates, &c., 36-38. Works, ed. 1809, 20-25 ; Carej's » Debates, &c., 38, 39. Am. Museum for 1788, hi. 358-362. * Debates, &c., 40-42. CHOICE OP REPRESENTATIVES. 285 guished ability and talent, explained the grounds on which ne chap. favored the clause, and concurred with Mr. Gore that two ^^^• years was " short enough for a representative in Congress. 1788. If one year was necessary for a representative to be useful in the state legislature, where the objects of his dehberation were local, and within his constant observation, two years did not appear too long where the objects of deliberation were not confined to one state, but extended to thirteen states." ' Judge Dana took the same view, and pleaded from his own experience in favor of the expediency of " biennial elections of federal representatives," as "preferable to annual elec- -tions." 2 The discussion thus far had developed the fact that the fourth section of the first article was intimately connected with the second ; and both were, accordingly, considered together.3 The principal objection to this section was, that it did not- limit the power of Congress. It might be well enough, it was said, to concede the power to direct the time and place of choosing representatives, in case of neglect or failure on the part of any state ; but, if no limit was assigned, great inconveniences, and even grievances, might arise ; nay. Congress might control the election of representatives. But it was urged, in reply, that the power to regulate the election of representatives must be lodged somewhere ; and where could it be more safely lodged than in the General Congress ? The democratic branch of the national government, chosen by the people, was designed to be a check on the federal branch, chosen by the states. Hence, if the state legislatures were allowed conclusively to regulate the elections of the democratic ' Debates, &c., 42-44. of; but the Congress may at any time ' Debates, &c., 45. See also the by law make or alter such regulations, Federalist, Nos. hi. hii. except as to the places of choosing ^ This section read as follows : senators." Hence a uniform rule was "The times, place, and manner of early estabhshed for aU the states, holding elections for senators and proriding for the choice of represen- representatives shall be prescribed tatives on the second Monday in No- in each state by the legislature there- vember. 286 PROPERTY QUALIFICATION. CHAP, branch, they might, by such an interference, at first weaken, and _J^ at last destroy, the federal branch, and diminish and annihilate 1788. that control of the general government which the people ought always to have through their immediate representatives. The possibility of the abuse of a measure, it was said, was no argument against its adoption, unless the measure itself was absolutely dangerous. But this was not contended, that the measure was dangerous. No power is conceded of wresting from the people the right of regulating the elections. Con gress could not, in any case, strip the people of this right. It was theirs inalienably. They could only regulate the exercise of this right ; and this it was properthey should do, or other and greater evils might eventually ensue. An argument that proves too much proves nothing. And might not this be said of the argument against the fourth section ? ' The question of a property qualification was next referred to ; and some contended that such a qualification ought to have been inserted ; for, " when men have nothing to lose, they, have nothing to fear." ^ But to this it was justly replied, ' Debates, &c., 46-62. See also ocratic simpUcity. No reverence pe- ibid. 76-80, and comp. Letters from cuhar to themselves is paid them. the Federal Farmer, 17, and the Fed- The name, wdiichis aristoci-atical,may, erahst. No. In. " Foreigners have indeed, confound a paraUel hunter ; erroneously blended the idea of aris- but the robes of Cj-rus, -with the ma- tocracy with that dirision of the legis- gical power by which his rirtues were lative branches of some of the Amer- imparted to the wearer, have long ican democracies which is seen in the since perished." Pohtical Sketches, Senates. . . . But observe, that &c., ed. 1787, 52. 53. the Senate is derived mediately from ^ " The argument used in behalf the people. It represents the people, of such practice is, that men who are It represents no particular order of indigent, and low m circumstances, men or ranks. It is a weight in the ai-e more hable to jield to tempta- ..-powers of legislative dehberation and tions and bribes, and, therefore, more argiiment, but not of property, of likely to betray the pubhc trust. But pnrileges, of orders, of honors, or at experience proves, that none are more all descriptive of that solecism which msatiable than the rich ; perhaps the presupposes a dirision of interests hi truth is, that those of moderate es- a state, of rights, and of honors. It tales are least to be corrupted. But in fine hath notliing in its original there are men of -rii-tue in aU stations idea, in its relative action, or m its of hfe ; and shall we, on account of object, correspondent or analogous to the unequal distribution of fortune, the House of Lords in England. In exclude such from exerting them- this American Senate prevails a dem- selves to their o-wn credit and the THB "three FIFTHS CLAUSE" DEBATED. 287 that the " objection was founded on anti-democratical princi- chap. pies," and that a good man should not be excluded from the ^^^" federal govemment because he was not rich. Property is not 1788. necessarily an index of ability. "We often see men," ob served Mr. King, "who, though destitute of property, are superior in knowledge and rectitude. The men who have most injured the country have most commonly been rich men." ' In the debate upon the third paragraph of the second sec tion, relating to the apportionment of representatives, and in- eluding the " three fifths clause," the remarks of the members were somewhat discursive ; yet serious objections were made to this clause, on the grounds of its injustice to the free states, and its favor to the slave states. True, there were some who defended the clause, and with a reasoning that was plausible, if it was not convincing. " The members of the Southern States," it was said, " like ourselves, have their prejudices. It would not do to abolish slavery, by an act of Congress, in a moment, and so destroy what our southern brethren consider as prop erty. But we may say, that although slavery is not smitten by an apoplexy, yet it has received a mortal wound, and wiU die of consumption." ^ The question of slavery, however, vriU serrice of others ? " Rudiments of opinions -wUl probably be entertained. Law and Government, particularly It may be true that the rich have addressed to the people of South Car- often injured the govemment ; but olina. Charleston, 1783, 24. Comp. perhaps not oftener than the poor and also ibid. 25. " To annex pri-^aleges ignorant " Faction and enthusiasm," and immunities to men of certain for- as Mr. Ames has weU said, " are the tunes, is to allow of different ranks and instraments by which popular gov- difl'erent interests among us ; which ernments are destroyed. We need is the subversion of a free system, not talk of the power of an aristoc- . . . As there can be no inherit- racy. The people, when they lose ance of good deeds, there ought to their hberties, are cheated out of them. be none of honors. Whatever poh- They nourish factions in their bosoms, tics set aside the observance of this which -wUl subsist so long as abusing maxim, are destructive of hberty ; their honest creduhty shaU be the because none can be made great, in means of acquiring power." the sense of powerful, without a pro- ' Remarks of Mr. Dawes, in De- portionate debasement of the rest" bates, &c., 68. See also, the Fed- ' Debates, &c., 62. Upon the cor- erahst. No. hv. The symptoms of rectness of this assertion, different consumption are a wasting ofthe flesh, 288 CONSTRUCTION OF THE SENATE. CHAP, be found to have been more fully discussed in the debate on ^_33^ the ninth section of the first article. 1788. Upon the third section of the first article, relating to tho construction of the Senate, and upon the fifth, sixth, and sev enth sections, the debates were short. The principal objection to the third section was to the length of time for which the senators were chosen ; but it was replied that, as one third of the members were to go out every two years, the average of service would be but four years ; and, besides, the checks upon senators would be sufficient to prevent them from devi ating widely from the wishes of their constituents. "The state legislatures," said King, "if they find their delegates erring, can and will instruct them. Will not this be a check ? When they hear the voice of the people solemnly dictating to them their duty, they will be bold men indeed to act contrary to it. There will not be instructions sent to them in a private letter, which can be put in their pockets ; they will be public instructions, which all the country can see ; and they will be hardy men indeed to violate them." ' The eighth section, relating to the powers of Congress, was deemed of great importance, and its discussion took up more time than was devoted to any other section. It was objected to the confederation, that it was lacking in power to enforce a weakness of the lungs, a paleness spirited and hot-blooded, they are of the countenance, and an indispo- impatient of restraint; hke to have sition to active exertion. The patient their own way ; and are reluctant to complains of lassitude, of weariness ; submit to outward control It is left takes httle interest in worldly affairs ; for the reader to decide how far this and is marked by timidity of temper, description is apphcable to the slave and a shrinking from notice. The power ; and if that power is apoplee- slave power has never as yet exhibited tic rather than consumptive, it wiU such symptoms. Apoplectic subjects, die, when it dies, as apoplectic sub- on the other hand, are ftiU fleshed, jects die, — with a prehmmary wam- with flushed cheeks, a devouring ap- ing of its fete, to denote that its end petite, strong passions, and a love of is meritably approaching. excitement They are, usually, also, • Debates, &c., 75. For the dis- of an ambitious temper, fond of dis- cussion on the other sections, see tinction, and like to make a bustle ibid. 80-83. and a noise in the world. High- POWERS OP CONGRESS. 289 its demands. This objection the constitution was designed to chap. obviate. And, for this reason, it conferred powers not too ^^j^ large, but only sufficient for its successful administration. 1788. There was certainly a necessity that such powers should be granted ; otherwise the new government would be no better than the old.' It would be equally lacking in energy and efficiency. It should possess the power of the purse and the , sword ; for no government, without this, could long exist, or afford a rational security to its subjects.^ For an efficient national government large powers were necessary. There was more danger in restricting the government than in strengthening its hands.^ Since it was to act for the people, it must be able to protect them at home and abroad. For this an army and a navy must be provided. The interests of agriculture, of commerce, and of manufactures were also to be looked to ; and how could these be better secured than by a wise system of national laws ? * Without such laws, we should be slaves to Europe — slaves to every rival power. There would be no uniformity in duties, imposts, excise, or prohibitions. Treaties and alliances could not be made. It would be in the power of a single state to render the whole treaty of commerce a nullity, unless the general government was allowed to conclude such treaty — to settle its terms and determine its restrictions. With regard to a revenue, expe rience had taught that little dependence could be placed on ' " The sovereignty of the nation, ton, " of investing Congress, consti- vrithout coercive and efficient powers tuted as that body is, -with ample to coUect the strength of it, cannot authorities for national purposes, always be depended upon to answer appears to me the very chmax of the pui'poses of government ; and in popular absurdity and madness." acongress of representatives of foreign Marshall's Washington, v. 95. states there must necessarily be an ¦* Comp. " An Address to an As- unreasonable mixture of powers in the sembly of the Friends of American same hands." Letters from the Fed- Manufactures," by Tench Coxe, Pbila- eral Farmer, 10. delphia, 1787, 5 ; and on the army ' Compare Letters from the Fed- and na-vy, and other powers of the eral Farmer, 13. govemment, see the Federalist, Nos. ' "To be fearful," says Washing- xi. xh. xxiu. xxxi. xxxui. VOL. IU. 19 290 POWERS OP CONGRESS. CHAP, requisitions, unless they could be enforced. And if needed __33i„ foi" the benefit of the nation at large, who would say they 1788. should not be enforced ? In a word, the laws of the United States, to be of real value, must comprehend and embrace alike all the states in the Union ; they must be binding upon all ; and the power to enforce them must be vested in the cen tral government. In no other way could the national dignity be supported and preserved. It would be better to have no union than a feeble and effeminate one — one that would drag out a miserable and puny existence. Against the grant of powers so great, it was contended that it was equivalent to an entire surrender of sovereignty from the hands of the people to the hands of their rulers ; and that what was now granted from motives however well grounded would be exacted of posterity as a prerogative. The wisdom of this age would then be pleaded by those in authority ; and the cession thus made would be clothed with the venerable habit of ancestral sanction.i In reply to this reasoning, it was observed, that the checks and precautions which the con stitution itself provided must, in a great measm-e, prevent an abuse of power, — at least, in all flagrant instances, — even if Congress should consist whoUy of men who were guided by no other principle than their own interest. Under the influ ence of such checks, this would compel them to a conduct which, in the general, would answer the intention of the con- stitution.2 One other point was alluded to in this discussion — that no religious test was provided in the constitution. Mr. Smgle- tary "hoped to see Christians" in power; "yet, by the con stitution, a papist or an infidel was as eligible as they." But Mr. Parsons, in reply, justly observed that " it must remam with the electors to give the government this security ; an » Speech of Mr. Symmes, in De- = For tiie whole discussion, see bates, &c., 103, and Cai-ey's Am. Debates, &c., 83-143 Museum for 1788, ui. 344. DISCUSSION ON THE SLAVE TRADE. 291 oath will not do it. Will an unprincipled man be entangled chap. by an oath ? Will an atheist or a pagan dread the vengeance ^^^¦ of the Christian's God — a being, in his opinion, the creature 1788. of fancy and credulity ? It is a solecism in expression. The only evidence we can have of the sincerity and excellency of a man's religion is a good life ; and I trust such evidence will be required of every candidate by every elector. That man who acts an honest part to his neighbor will most prob ably conduct honorably towards the public." ' The ninth section of the first article called forth a spir ited debate relative to the slave trade and its prohibition. Yet it is a noticeable circumstance, however it may be ac counted for, that, though the speakers were numerous, the reporters have enlightened us but slightly as to their sayings. " Mr. Neal, from Kittery," we are told, " went over the ground of objection to this section, on the idea that the slave trade was allowed to be continued for twenty years. His profes sion, he said, obliged him to bear witness against any thing that should favor the making merchandise of the bodies of men ; and, unless his objection was removed, he could not put his hand to the constitution. Other gentlemen said, in addi tion to this idea, that there was not even a provision that the negroes ever shall be free ; and General Thompson exclaimed, ' Mr. President, shall it be said that, after we have established our own independence and freedom, we make slaves of others? 0 "Washington 1 what a name has he had 1 how he has immor talized himself ! But he holds those in slavery who have as good a right' to be free as he has. He is still for self ; and, in my opinion, his character has sunk fifty per cent.' " " On the other side," it is added, '' gentlemen said that the step taken in this article towards the abolition of slavery was one of the beauties of the constitution. They observed that, in the confederation, there was no provision whatever for its ' Debates, &c., 72, 123, 124. See also ibid. 155-158, 190. 292 discussion on the slave trade. chap, being abolished ; but this constitution provides that Congress __^^ may, after twenty years, totally annihilate the slave trade ; 1788. and that, as all the states, except two, have passed laws to this effect, it might reasonably be expected that it would then be done. In the interim, all the states were at liberty to prohibit it." This is all that is said of the discussion on the ninth sec tion, except the significant passage that, on Saturday, the debate " continued desultory, and consisted of similar objec tions, and answers thereto, as had been before used. Both sides deprecated the slave trade in the most pointed terms. On one side, it was pathetically lamented by Mr. Nason, Major Lusk, Mr. Neal, and others, that this constitution pro vided for the continuance of the slave trade for twenty years. On the other, the Hon. Judge Dana, Mr. Adams, and others, rejoiced that a door was now to be opened for the annihila tion of this odious, abhorrent practice, in a certain time." ' On a subsequent page, there is a report of a speech of Gen eral Heath at a later stage of the convention, in which the question of slavery is hinted at ; and, as every thing relating to this subject is of interest at the present day, his remarks are given, not as concurring in every particular in the views presented, but on the ground that every one should speak for himself. " The paragraph," he observed, " respecting the migration or importation of such persons as any of the states now existing shall think proper to admit, &c., is one of those considered during my absence, and I have heard nothing on the subject save what has been mentioned this morning ; but I think the gentlemen who have spoken have carried the mat ter rather too far on both sides. I apprehend that it is not in our power to do any thing for or against those who are in slavery in the Southern States. No gentleman within these walls detests every idea of slavery more than I do ; it is ' Debates, &o., 143, 144. GENERAL heath's VIEWS. 293 generally detested by the people of this commonwealth ; and chap. I ardently hope that the time will come when our brethren in ^^^' the Southern States will view it as we do, and put a stop to 1788. it ; but to this we have no right to compel them. Two ques tions naturally arise, if we ratify the constitution : Shall we do any thing by our act to hold the blacks in slavery ? or shall we become partakers of other men's sins ? I think neither of them. Each state is sovereign and independent, to a certain degree ; and they have a right to, and will, regulate their own internal affairs as to themselves appears proper. And shall we refuse to eat, or to drink, or to be united with those who do not think or act just as we do ? Surely not. We are not in this case partakers of other men's sins ; for in nothing do we voluntarily encourage the slavery of our fellow- men. A restriction is laid on the federal government, which could not be avoided and a union take place. The federal convention went as far as they could. The migration or importation, &c., is confined to the states now existing only ; new states cannot claim it. Congress, by their ordinance for erecting new states, some time since, declared that the new states shall be republican, and that there shall be no slavery in them. But whether those in slavery in the Southern States will be emancipated after the year 1808, 1 do not pretend to determine ; I rather doubt it." ' The debate upon the remaining articles was much more summary, and occupies less space in the journal of the con vention. Objections were made to the suspension of the writ of Habeas Corpus, on the ground that the time was not lim ited, as in the constitution of Massachusetts. But to this it was replied, that the writ would probably never be suspended ' Debates, &c., 152, 153. There the argument embraced in it is not is one other speech on record eon- eminently lucid, its insertion would cerning this section ; that of Rev. not particularly enhghten the reader. Isaac Backus, a respectable Baptist It is given m the Debates, &c., 191, clergyman of Middleboro'; but as 192. 294 CLOSE OF THE DEBATE. chap, save on " the most urgent' and pressing occasions ; " and, in ^_^^ such cases, it was proper that Congress should determine for 1788. how long its suspension would be necessary.' The " powers of the judiciary " were likewise discussed ; and an elaborate speech against the provisions of the constitution, as " inquisi torial," was made by Mr. Holmes, of Rochester, and replied to by Mr. Gore and Mr. Dawes.^ The fifth article, prescrib ing the method in which amendments should be made, was generally apj)roved ; ^ but the sixth, which provides that " no religious test should ever be required as a qualification to any office," was briefly discussed — the objections to it being that it was " a departure from the principles of our forefathers, who came here for the preservation of their religion, and that it would admit deists, atheists, &c., into the general govern ment." But the liberality of the clause was " applauded on the other side," and " the impropriety, and almost impiety, of the requisition of a test, as practised in Great Britain and else where," was " represented in striking colors." * The " conversation on the constitution by paragraphs " was now ended ; and, as each article had been separately and fully considered, Mr. Parsons " moved that this convention do assent to and ratify " the same.^ The whole subject, by this motion, was brought before the assembly ; and remarks were made upon the importance of the question they were called upon to decide — "a question as momentous as ever invited the attention of man." " We are soon," said General Heath, " to decide on a system of government, digested, not for the people of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts only, — not for the present people of the United States only, — but, in addi tion to these, for all those states which may hereafter rise into ' Debates, &c., 144, 145. * Debates, &c., 155-157. See also " Debates, &c., 146-152. Comp. ibid. 158, and comp. Carey's Am. Letters from the Federal Farmer, ISIuseum for 1788, ui. 343. 19, and the Federahst, No. xxxvii. ' Debates, &c., 157. " Debates, &c., 153-155. importance op the question. 295 existence within the jurisdiction of the United States, and for chap millions of people yet unborn ; a system of government, not ¦^^^' for a nation of slaves, but for a people as free and as virtuous 1788. as any on earth ; not for a conquered nation, subdued to our will, but for a people who have fought, who have bled, and who have conquered — who, under the smiles of Heaven, have established their independence and sovereignty, and have taken equal rank among the nations of the earth. In short, sir, it is a system of government for ourselves, and for our children — fpr all that is near and dear to us in life ; and on the decision of the question is suspended our political prosper ity or infelicity, perhaps our existence as a nation. What can be more solemn ? What can be more interesting ? Every thing depends on our union. I know some have supposed that, although the union should be broken, particular states may retain their importance ; but this cannot be. The strong est-nerved state, even the right arm, if separated from the body, must wither. If the great union be broken, our country as a nation perishes ; and if our country so perishes, it will be as impossible to save a particular state as to preserve one of the fingers of a mortified hand." ' It was evident, from the objections which had been urged by many members, that the opponents of the constitution were nearly, if not quite, as numerous as its friends, and might prove more so ; ^ yet it was desirable to secure unanimity, if ' Debates, &c., 158, 159. The this convention have the distinguished remarks of Governor Bowdoin were honor of erecting one of its pillars on equally to the point " If the consti- that lasting foundation." Winthrop's tution should be finally accepted," Addresses and Speeches, 127. said he, " and established, it wUl com- " Madison Papers, u. 668, 669 ; plete the temple of American hberty. Letter of Knox, hi Sparks's Washing- and, like the keystone of a grand, ton, ix. 311, note; King to Hamilton, magnificent arch, be the bond of union June 12, 1788, in Hamilton's Works, to keep all tbe parts firm and com- i. 456, 457 ; N. Am. Review, for Oc- pacted together. May this temple, tober, 1827, 273 ; Austin's Life of sacred to liberty and rirtue, — sacred Gerry, u. 69 ; Hildreth's U. States to justice, the first and greatest poht- 2d series, i. 36. Madison's Letter to ical vhtue, — be dissoluble only by Washington, February 3, 1788, gives the dissolution of Nature ; and may the foUowmg extract fi'om the letter 296 PROPOSALS TO SECURE UNANIMITY. CHAP, possible, or at least a majority, in favor of the instrument ; for _J^ if Massachusetts rejected it, other states would follow her ex- 1788. ample ; and, in the end, the labors of the convention, and the wishes of the people, might be defeated. A government was desired by all ; but what it should be they could not agree. Entire unanimity upon any system proposed can never be ex pected ; for, while the human mind is constituted as it is, a whole nation can no more think than see alike. Men have ever differed, and probably ever will. And these very differ ences, so far from being an unmixed evil, are, in fact, the safe guards of freedom, and the educators of society.' With a view to promote unity, and to secure the vote of Massachusetts in favor of the constitution, a proposition was made by Governor Hancock, the president of the convention, which was instantly concurred in and approved.^ The sub- of a Massachusetts correspondent : " Never was there an assembly in this state in possession of greater abUity and information than the present con vention ; yet I am in doubt whether they wUl approve tbe constitution. There are, unhappily, three parties opposed to it : first, all men who are in favor of paper money and tender laws - — these are more or less in every part ofthe state ; secondly, all the late insurgents and their abettors — hi tbe three great western counties they are very numerous ¦ — we have in the con vention eighteen or twenty who were actually in Shays's army ; thh-dly, a great majority of the members fr-om the Province of Maine. . . . Add to these the honest, doubting people, and they make a powerful host. 'Ihe leaders of the party ai-e Mr. Widgery, Mr. Thomson, and Mr. Nason, from the Prorince of Maine, Dr. Taylor, from the county of Worcester, and Mr. Bishop, fr-om the neighborhood of Rhode Island. To manage the cause against these ai-e the present and late governors, three judges of the Supreme Court, fifteen members of the Senate, twenty fr-om among the most respectable of the clergy, ten or twelve of the first characters of the bar, judges of probate, high sheriffi of counties, and many other respecta ble people, merchants, &c., Generals Heath, Lincoln, Brooks, and others of the late army. With aU this abUity in support of the cause, I am pretty weU satisfied we shall lose the ques tion, unless we can take off some of the opposition by amendments. I do not mean such as are to be made conditions of tbe ratification, but rec ommendations only. Upon this plan, I flatter myself we may get a majority of twelve or fifteen, if not more." ' " Tbe difiiculty," savs John Ad ams to R. Price, April 19, 1790, in Works, ix. 564, " of bringing mU- lions to agree in any measures, to act by any rule, can never be conceived by him who has not tried it. It is incredible how small is the number, in any n.ition, of tho.se who compre hend any system of constitution or administration, and those few it is wholly impossible to unite." ^ Governor Hancock was mdis posed dining a large part of the time of the sessions of the convention, and DISCUSSION ON THESE PROPOSALS. 297 stance of this proposition was, that if, in the judgment of the chap convention, there were defects in the constitution, and amend- ^^^' ments were deemed necessary, it might be advisable to define 1788. these amendments, and forward them to Congress with the vote of ratification, as a signification of the wishes of the state, and an intimation of their desire, before the subject was fully disposed of, that the whole instrument should be carefully revised.' Four or five of the states had assented to the con stitution without amendments, though with evident reluctance. In six of the states, conventions had not yet been held. Hence, if, at this juncture, Massachusetts stepped in, and defined her position, as her resolutions had ever had their influence, " the necessary amendments would be introduced more early and more safely " than by any other course. The discussion on this proposition was continued for several days, the best men in the convention taking part in the de bate ; a committee was likewise appointed to draw up the Judge William Cushing filled his his excellency, and tendered to him place as acting president. The charge the honor of proposing them in con- has been made, that unfair means vention. " The charm was irresisti- were, to some extent, resorted to, to ble. Wrapped in his flannels, Han- effect the passage of a vote in favor of cock, in a day or two, took the chair the constitution. " The newspapers," of the convention, and a scene ensued it has been said, " teemed vrith essays more in the character of a dramatic in every variety of form ; and what representation, than of that serious argument was unable to effect, satire, and important business which was lampoon,andscurrihty were exhausted the occasion ofthe assembly." Aus- to accomphsh. Some arts were re- tin's Life of Gerry, u. 70-78. sorted to, which were supposed to be ' Debates, &c., 161 et seq. Comp. justified by the greatness of the ob- Madison Papers, ii. 643-672. " The ject Personal addresses, not un- intelligence from Massachusetts be- mixed -with threats, were made to gins to be rather ominous to the con- some of the members, and a marked stitution. The interest opposed to it distinction in private intercourse was is reenforced by all connected with observed towards the ' irreclaimable the late insurrection, and by the Prov- mahgnants,' and those who might be ince of Maine, which apprehends dif- persuaded to change their opinions." Acuities under the new system in The course of Governor Hancock has obtaining a separate government, also been the subject of severe re- greater than may be otherwise ex- flections ; and it has been insinuated perienced. Tbe decision of Massa- that the amendments referred to in chusetts, hi either way, will decide the text were draughted by the friends the vote of this state, [Virginia.] " of the constitution, who waited upon 298 THE QUESTION TAKEN. 1788. Feb. 6, CHAP, amendments ; and, on the sixth of February, the main ques- ^^^' tion was taken, and decided in the affirmative by a vote of one hundred and eighty-seven to one hundred and sixty-eight. The delegates from Suffolk county, which then embraced the present county of Norfolk, voted thirty-four yeas to five nays ; ' in Essex, the vote stood thirty-eight to six ; ^ in Middlesex, seventeen to twenty-five ; ^ in Hampshire, thirty-three to nine teen ; ^ in Plymouth, twenty-two to six ; ^ in Barnstable, seven to two ; ^ in Bristol, ten to twelve ; '^ in York, six to eleven ; in Duke's, both towns voted in the affirmative ; in Worcester, seven to forty-three ;^ in Cumberland, ten to eight ; in Lin- ' Captain Southworth, of Stough ton, Mr. Comstock, of Wrentham, Mr. Randall, of Sharon, Mr. Richard son, Jun., of Medway, and Rev. Noah Alden, of Bellingham, were the five dissentients. One each of the dele gation from Stoughton and Wren tham voted in the affirmative, and all of the delegates fr-om Boston, Rox bury, Dorchester, Milton, Weymouth, Hingham, Braintree, Brookline, Ded ham, Needham, Medfield, Walpole, Frankhn, Chelsea, Foxboro', and HuU. ' In the affirmative, Salem, New bury, Newburyport, Beverly, Ips-wich, Marblehead, Gloucester, Lynn and Lynnfield, Haverhill, Topsfield, Salis bury, Amesbm-y, Bradford, Wenham, Manchester; in the negative, Dan vers, Andover, Rowley, Boxford, and Methuen. One of the three delegates fi-om Andover voted yea. ' In the aifirmative, Cambridge, Chai-lestown, Concord, Newton, Fra mingham, Lexington, Shelbm-ne, Sud bury, Maiden, Weston, Medford, Stow, Waltham, Dracut, Dunstable, Lincoln ; in the negative. Water- town, Woburn, Reading, Marlboro', BiUerica, Chelmsford, Hopldnton, Westford, Groton, Shirley, PeppereU, Townsend, Bedford, HoUiston, Acton and Carlisle, Wilmington, Tewksbury, Littleton, Ashby, Natick, Stoneham, and East Sudbury. " In the aflfirmative, Springfield, Northampton and Easthampton, Southam])ton, Hadlev, South Hadley, Hatfield, Westfield, Northfield, Brim- field, Charlemont, Chester, Worth- ington, Chesterfield, Norwich, West- hampton, Cunningham and Plain- field, Buckland. and Longmeadow ; m the negative, West Springfield, AVU- braham, Amherst, Granby, Whately, WUliamsbm-g, Deerfield, Greenfield, Shelburne, Conway, Sunderland, Mon tague, S. Brimfield, Monson, Pelham Greenwich, Blandford, Palmer, Gran- •\-Ule, New Salem, Belchertown, Cole- rain, Ware, Warwick and Orange, Bernai-dston, Ashfleld, Shutesbm-y, Southmck, Ludlow, and Leverett * In the affirmative, Plymouth, Scituate, Marshfield, Bridgewater, Duxbm-y, Pembroke, Kingston, Han over, Abington, Halifix, and Ware- ham ; iu the neg.itive. Rochester and Plympton; divided, Middleboro'. '^ In the affirmative, Bai-nstable, Yarmouth, Harwich, Wellfleet, and Falmouth ; hi the negative, Sand wich. ' In the affirmative, Attleboro', Dighton, Freetown, New Bedford, Westport ; in the negative, Reho both, SMianzey, Dartmouth, Norton, Easton, and Mansfield; dirided, Taunton. * In the affirmative, Lancaster, Southboro', Bolton, Leominster, RESULT OP THE VOTE. 299 coin, nine to seven ; and in Berkshire, seven to fifteen.' The chap. strongest negative vote, it will be seen, was cast in the coun- ^^^• ties in which the disturbances had recently occurred, and in 1788. the District of Maine. The strongest affirmative vote was cast in the first settled towns and counties in the state — Bos ton and Plymouth, in this respect, standing shoulder to shoul der, the descendants of the Pilgrims and the descendants of the Puritans acting together. The larger towns, the seats of trade and mechanical industry, with very few exceptions voted in the affirmative ; the smaller towns, inhabited by a rural population, by a large majority voted in the negative. Thus is it often the case, — and experience confirms the conclusion, — that the rural districts are jealous of the commercial, and that apparent difference of interest separates men widely from each other in their political views.^ Western, Athol, and Sterling ; in the negative, Worcester, Mendon, Brook field, Oxford, Charlton, Sutton, Leices ter, Spencer, Rutland, Paxton, Oak ham, BaiTe, Hubbardston, New Brain tree, Westboro', Northboro', Shrews bury, Lunenburg, Fitchburg, Ux bridge, Harvard, Dudley, Upton, Sturbridge, Hardwick, Holden, Doug las, Grafton, Petersham, Royals- ton, Westminster, Teinpleton, Ash- bumham, Whichendon, Northbridge, Ward, Milford, and Boylston. ' In the affirmative, Sbefllield and Mt Washington, Great Barrington, Stockbridge, WiUiamsto-wn, Becket, and New Marlboro' ; in the negative, Pittsfleld, Richmond, Lenox, Lanes- boiK)', Adams, Egremont, W. Stock- bridge, Afford, Tyringham, Loudon, Windsor, Partridgefield, Hancock, Lee, Washing-ton, Sandisfield. ' Comp. Sparks's Washington, ix. 310, 311, note, 333, note; Cai-ey's Am. Museum for 1788, hi. 347-358. In nearly all the great commercial cities, as Boston, New York, Phila delphia, Baltimore, and Charleston, the acceptance of the new system was celebrated with no Httle pomp ; and in Philadelphia, in particular, the pro ceedings were on a scale of unusual magnificence. In Proridence, how ever, an attempt to add to the cere monies of the fom-th of July rejoicings that the constitution was to go into effect, was defeated by a mob of a thousand men fi-om the neighboring country towns, some of them armed, and headed by ajudge ofthe Supreme Court, who compeUed the citizens to strUce out fi-om then- progi-amme aU reference to the constitution. The proceedings in New York were like- ¦vrise sneered at in Greenleaf s Pohtical Register, and a disparaging account of the procession was given ; and in Albany a riolent coUision took place, in which clubs and stones, and even swords and bayonets, were fr-eely used. Comp. Carey's Am. Museum for 1788, hi. 163-165, u. 57-78; Hildi-eth's U. S., 2d series, i. 25-30. "The triumph of the constitution party in Massa chusetts," says Austin, Lffe of Gerry, u. 79, "was celebrated -with aU the pageantry of conquest. No rictory of the revolution was announced with greater enthusiasm, and on no occa sion was the exultation of success 300 NATURE OP THE AMENDMENTS PROPOSED. The amendments to the constitution were embodied in nine articles, the substance of which was, that all powers not ex- 1788. pressly delegated to Congress should be reserved to the states ; that there should be one representative to every thirty thou sand inhabitants until the number reached two hundred ; that the powers of the fourth section of the first article should be exercised only in case of the neglect or refusal of any state to make the regulations mentioned in it ; that direct taxes should be laid only as a last resort, in the failure of other sources of revenue ; that no commercial monopolies should be created ; that trials for capital offences should be preceded by an indict ment by a grand jury, except in a few specified cases ; that the Supreme Judicial Court should have no jurisdiction of causes between citizens of different states, unless the matter in dispute was of the value, at the least, of three thousand dol lars ; that civil actions between such citizens should be tried by a jury, if the parties requested ; and that Congress should at no time consent that any person holding an office of trust or profit under the United States should accept a title of nobility, or any other title or office, from any king, prince, or foreign state.' more offensively displayed. The van- its control, and to secure by apparent quished in battle had been treated acclamation what had been carried ¦with gi-eater kindness than those in with exceeding difficulty through the debate. Instead of the com-teous de- forms of debate." meanor which the gaUant conqueror ' Debates, &c., 223, 224 ; Elhot's of a foreign foe deems it honorable to Debates ; Cai-ev's Am. :^Iuseum for assume, there was a display of that 1788, hi. 161, 162, iv. 146-158. For supercihous superiority which marks the aihendments proposed by the the triumphs of a serrile wai-. The other states, see Hist. Cong., 146 et state of pai-ties, neither m the con- seq. ; Elhot's Debates ; Hildreth's U. vention nor among the people, could S., 2d series, i. 112-118; Pitkm's have justified this most extravagant U. S., ii. 331-335. Pennsylvania pro- rejoicing, had it not been considered posed fom-teen ; Maryland, twenty- the most effective measm-e to sweU eight; South Carohna, fom-; New the actual strength ofthe majority, Hampshire, twelve; Virginia, twenty ; and to exftnd the mfluence of Massa- New York, thu-tv-two ; North Cai-o- chusetts into states where conventions hna, twenty-six ; ' and Rhode Island were yet to assemble. Doubtful ofthe twenty-one'; — but in many cases the real state of pubhc opinion, the con- suggestions were identical or very stitution party determined to assume shnilai-. None of them seriously af- CLOSE OP THE CONVENTION. ^1 The assent and ratification of the state, with the recommen- chap. dation and injunction attached, was ordered to be engrossed J^^^ on parchment, signed by the president and vice president of 1788. the convention, countersigned by the secretary, and transmit ted " to the United States in Congress assembled ; " and, after several gentlemen, who had formerly opposed the constitution, had expressed their intention to concur in the action of the state, and to endeavor to promote unity, the pay roll was passed, and a vote of thanks to the president, the vice presi dent, and the reverend clergy who had officiated as chaplains ; and it was " voted, that, when the business of the convention shall be completed, the members will proceed to the State House to take an affectionate leave of each other." ' Thus closed the Massachusetts convention for the ratifica tion of the constitution. The small majority in favor of that ratification is proof that the constitution did not meet the approval of all ; and the fact that, in every state, many oppo nents were found,*^ shows how difficult — nay, impossible — it is, even under the most favorable circumstances, for the wisest and best to frame an unexceptionable system of government. It will be conceded, however, by those who look at the sub ject in its broadest relations, that perhaps, upon the whole, it was better for the interests of the country, and more conducive fected the practical operation of the merits of the instrument would not new govemment, or interfered -with have secured its adoption. Indeed, the great compromises on which the it is scarcely to be doubted that, in whole system was based. some of the adopting states, a ma- ' Debates, &c., 224, 231. jority of the people were in the oppo- ' Marshall's Washington, v. 132. sition. In all of them, the numerous " So balanced were parties in some of amendments which were proposed, them," says the latter, "that even demonstrate the reluctance -with which after the subject had been discussed the new govemment was accepted ; for a considerable time, the fate of the and that a dread of dismemberment, constitution could hardly be conjee- not an approbation of the pairicular tm-ed; and so smaU, in many in- system under consideration, had in stances, was the majority in its favor, duced an acquiescence in it" See as to afford strong ground for the also HUdreth's U. S., 2d series, L opmion that, had the influence of 29, 35. character been removed, the intrinsic 302 ACTION OF CONGRESS. CHAP, to a spirit of submission, that there should have been doubts ,J^3^ of t'l^ success of the scheme, rather than an overweening con- 1788. fidence in its triumph. This, of itself, was a check against innovations and all rash attempts to subvert the government. It strengthened that conservative element, without which soci ety rapidly degenerates. It fostered a jealousy of both measures and men. The bounds of authority were watched with vigi-* lance. Encroachments and usurpations were speedily checked. And the people, to this day, cherish a reverential regard for that union, effected at the cost of so much treasure and blood, and around which the hopes of the nation are clustered.' " Our constitution," wrote John Adams, " was made only for a moral and religious people. It is wholly inadequate to the government of any other." ^ Such has ever been, and such, it is to be hoped, will continue to be, the general character of the people of this country. The ratification of the constitution having been made by the vote of the requisite number of states,^ the General Con- Sep. 13. gress passed a resolve " that the first Wednesday in January next be the day for appointing electors in the several states which before the said day shall have ratified the said constitu tion ; that the first Wednesday in February next be the day for the electors to assemble in their respective states, and vote for a president ; and that the first Wednesday in March next be the time, and the present seat of Congress [New York] ' Comp. N. Am. Rev. for July, Massachusetts, FebnuuT 6, 1788. 1841, 53. Marvland, AprU 28, 1788. = Letter of Oct. 11, 1798, to tiie South Carohna, :\Iav 23, 1788. Officers of the First Brigade of the New Hampshire, June 21, 1788. Third Dirision of the Mihtia of Mass., Virginia, June 26, 1 788. in Works, ix. 229. New York, July 26, 1788. ^ The ratUication by the different N. Cai-olina, November 21, 1789. states took place as follows : — Rhode Island, May 29, 1790. Delaware, December 7, 1787. Tbe dates vary in' dift'erent tables, Pennsylvania, December 12, 1787. as Delaware, December 3 ; Pennsyl- New Jersey, December 18, 1787. vania, December 13 ; New Jersey, Georgia, January 2, 1788. December 19; Vu-ginia, June 26 Connecticut, January 9, 1788. North Carohna, December 21. WASHINGTON LOOKED TO FOR PRESIDENT. 803 the place, for commencing proceedings under said constitu- chap. tion." 1 J^ All eyes, from the beginning, were turned to General Wash- i788. ington as the one who, above all others, was preeminently qualified to fill so important a station as that of first president of the United States. It was believed, by those who knew him best, that he might be placed at the head of the nation without exciting the spirit of envy ; that he alone possessed, m an unlimited degree, the confidence of the people ; and that, under his auspices, the friends of the new government might reasonably hope to see it introduced with a firmness, and con ducted with an ability, a prudence, and a forecast, which would enable it to resist the assaults of its foes and the plots of its adversaries. But Washington was inclined to domestic retire ment, and earnestly desired to spend the evening of his life in the bosom of his family, aloof from the scene of political con tention. Could any inducements prevail with him to relin quish these views, and to gratify the wishes of his friends and the public ? " We cannot do without you." " You must be the president. No other man can draw forth the abilities of ' Statesman's Manual, ii. 1507. trial, but fom- were chosen — Fish- The buUding in which Congi-ess was er Ames, George Partridge, George to meet, and which the Continental Leonard, and George Thatcher. The •Congress had preriously occupied, was vacancies were subsequently flUed by the old City HaU, of New York, situ- the choice of Elbridge Gerry, Benja- ated on Wall Street, opposite Broad min Goodhue, Jonathan Grout, and Street — the site of the present Theodore Sedgwick. Bradford, u. United States Custom House ; but, 335 ; Austin's Lffe of Gerry, u. chap. as this structm-e had faUen into de- ui. ; Hildreth's U. S., 2d series, i. 42, cay, repah'S were necessary; the funds 43. Samuel Adams was the com- for the same, in the exhausted state petitor of Fisher Ames ; Grout, from of the treasury, were advanced by the Worcester district, was an anti- several wealthy citizens ; andthereno- federahst, and a partisan of Shays; vated edifice, caUed " Federal Hall," Theodore Sedgwick was a federah,st ; was placed by the city at the dis- the opponent of Gerry, in the Middle- posal of the govemment. HUdi-eth's sex district, was Nathaniel Gorham ; U. S., 2d series, i. 46. By the terms and Benjamin Goodhue was from the of the new constitution, Massachu- Essex district Partridge was chosen setts was entitled to eight representa- from the Plymouth district, and Leon- tives in the General Congi-ess : and the ard and Thatcher from the others. first election, which was warmly con- Tbe senators chosen were Tristram tested, took place m 1789. At the first Dalton and Caleb Sti-ong. 304 acceptance op the trust urged upon him. JHAP. our country into the various departments of civil life." " With- __J^ out you, the government can have but little chance of success, 1788. and the people of that happiness which its prosperity must yield." Such was the burden of the letters he received from his companions in arms, and from distinguished civilians.' Nor were these persuasions without their effect. At first, his scruples seemed to be insurmountable. Distrust of his own abilities, and the modesty which had always distinguished his character, led him to fear that, amidst so many obstacles as must necessarily arise, and the conflict of opinion which had not yet subsided, it would be difficult, if not impossible, for the best intentioned to manage so prudently as to escape all censure ; and though he was ready to sacrifice, at the call of his country, personal ease and domestic tranquillity, he coidd not conceal from himself the fact, that, to extricate the coun try from its financial embarrassments, and to establish a gen eral system of policy which, if pursued, would insure permanent felicity to the nation, required a more than ordinary degree of patriotism, and an abnegation of self and of the motives which are often most powerful with the aspiring, to discharge successfully the arduous duties which his station would im pose.® ' Sparks's Washington, ix. 371 et sonable compact in civU society. It seq. ; Marshall's Washington, v. 133 was to be, in the first instance, in a -150 ; Hamilton's Works, i. 474. considerable degree, a govemment of " See his letters to different friends, accommodation, as well as a govera- in Sparks's Washington, x. " Al- ment of laws. Much was to be done though," he wrote to Catharine Ma- by prudence, much by concihation, caulay Graham, January 9, 1790, much by firmness. Few, who are not " neither the present age nor posterity pbUosophical speculators, can realize may possibly give me fuU credit for the difficult and dehcate part which a the feehngs wmch I have experienced man in my situation had to act AU on this subject, yet I have a conscious- see, and most admire, the glare which ness, that nothing short of an absolute hovers round the external happiness conriction of duty could ever have of elevated office. To me, there is brought me upon the scenes of pubhc nothing in it beyond the lustre which hfe again. The estabhshment of om- may bfe reflected from its connection new government seemed to me to be with a power of promoting human the last great experiment for pro- fehcity." moting human happiness by a rea- HIS ACQUIESCENCE AND CHOICE. 305 Happily for the country, he did not long remain in suspense, chap. Convinced as he was that " nothing but harmony, honesty, ^^'¦• mdustry, and frugality " were " necessary to make us a great 1789. and happy people," he was at the same time ready to acknowl edge that " the present posture of affairs, and the prevailing disposition of his countrymen, promised to cooperate in estab lishing these four great and essential pillars of public felici ty;"' and when he was informed by Charles Thompson, the Apr. 14. secretary of the old Congress, that, by the unanimous and uninfluenced vote of an immense continent,® he was called to the chief magistracy, he left his home, where his hopes had Apr. 16. been garnered, to " embark again on the tempestuous ocean of pubhc life." ^ John Adams, of Massachusetts, who had re ceived the next highest vote, was to be associated with him in the office of vice president ; and, two days before the arrival of Washington at New York, — whither he was attended by the prayers of the people, and by warm demon strations of unbounded respect, — Mr. Adams took his seat in the Senate, and addressed that body in a dignified speech, con- Apr. 2t gratulating them upon " the formation of a national constitu tion, and the fair prospect of a consistent administration of a government of laws."* ' Marshall's Washington, v. 150. Jun., and Moses GiU. Bradford, ii. ' The electors met in the different 335. states in February, 1789, to cast their ^ Washington to Edward Rutledge, votes for president, &c. ; and the May 5, 1789, in Sparks's Washing- elections of senators and representa- ton, x. 1. tives to Congi-ess took place about ¦• Jour. Sen., 14, 15 ; J. Adams's the same time. Washington received Works, ix. ; Hist Cong., 25-27; sixty-nine votes — the whole number Marshall's Washington, v. 161,162; cast ; and John Adams tlurty-four, Sparks'.s Washington, x. App. 1 ; thus lacking one of a majority, but Hildreth's U.. S., 2d series, i. 53-58. suflicient, as the constitution stood, to It should be observed that, on the day make him rice president Hildreth's appointed for the assembling of Con- U. S., 2d series, i. 40, 48, 49. The gress, — March 4, 1789, — only eight electors from Jlassaohusetts were Wil- senators and thirteen representatives liam Cushing, Wilham Shepard, Wil- appeai-ed, — not a quomm of either liam Sever, Walter Spooner, David body; nor was it untU the first of SewaU, Caleb Daris, Francis Dana, AprU that a quorum of the House Samuel Henshaw, Samuel PhiUips, was present, and it was the sixth be- VOL. m. 20 306 CEREMONIES OP INAUGURATION, The ceremonies of inauguration were adjusted by Congress ; and, on the day assigned, the illustrious Washington appeared 1789. in the senate chamber, to take, in the presence of both Houses '"' ' of Congress, the solemn oath prescribed by the constitution. Great preparations had been made for this event. Public curiosity was fully aroused ; and, to gratify the wishes of the multitudes who had thronged thither to witness the imposing scene, an open gallery, adjoining the senate chamber, was selected as the place in which the oath should be administered. The oath was taken ; the chancellor exclaimed, " Long live George Washington ! " the first message was delivered, and listened to attentively ; the replies of the Senate and the *t^y I House were returned ; and, amidst the hearty congratulations of its friends, the government of the United States was peace ably established.' It is impossible to reflect upon the incidents described in this chapter without being impressed with a sense of devout gratitude, that the crisis, which threatened for a time to be attended with disastrous results, should have been passed through so safely, and that the issue should have been the revival of confidence and of public security. The agitation^ indeed, had been too great to be instantly calmed ; and that the active opponents of the new system should immediately become its friends, or relinquish the fears of its stabihty they had so often expressed, would have been a victory of reason fore a quorum ofthe Senate appeared, ident, and members of Congress pro- Jour. Sen. and House ; Hist. Cong. ; ceeded to St. Paul's Chapel, to hear Statesman's Manual ; Hildreth, &c. dirine serrice, performed by the Right ' Jour. Senate, 10-20, 22, 23, 26, Rev. Samuel Provost, chaplain of 27; Jom-. H. of R., 11, 12, 15, 19, Congress, lately ordained bishop of 20, 24, 27, 28 ; Sparks's Washing- New York. In the evening tiiere was ton, X., App. i., and Life of AVash- a dispky of fh-eworks at the Battery, ington ; Marshall's Washington, v. and the houses of the French and 167-175; Hist of Congress, 28-37 ; Spanish ministers were iUiuninated. Pitkin's Hi.st U. S., ii. 318-325 ; HU- The legislatm-e of Massachusetts for- dreth's U. S., 2d series, i. 56-58. At warded an address to Washington the conclusion of the ceremonies of soon after his inaugm-ation, which is hiauguratioD, the president, rice pres- given in Bradford, u. 336, 337. character op *HE CONSTITUTION. 307 over passion, or a surrender of individual judgment to the chaP. decision of a majority, examples of which are rarely given in ^^^' the conduct of human affairs.' Yet, whatever misgivings were 1739. cherished in secret, and whatever murmurs were openly ut tered, there was a general acquiescence in the will of the peo ple, and a general readiness to cooperate in sustaining the government, that the experiment of its utility might be fairly tried, and that its failure, if it did fail, might result from its inherent defects rather than from external opposition. That it has not yet failed, is proof, not only of the wisdom of its framers, but of the virtue of the people. Had the people been fickle, the government could never have subsisted to this time. There are grave questions connected with our great national compact which have long excited the attention of the thought ful. Whether the system, in all its parts, is adjusted in the best manner ; whether there are defects which it is possible to remedy ; whether innovations have not crept in, which have tended to- divert it from its original intention ; and whether the evils it was designed to obviate have not, to some extent, appeared in a new form, and with a promise of increasing and dangerous growth, are points upon which the wisest have differed in opinion. It should be borne in mind that, if no human system of government is, or can be, absolutely perfect, checks and balances, however useful, are like two-edged swords, capable of doing great mischief ; and that the passions of men are often their executioners, and always to be dreaded when heated and inflamed. Yet confidence is necessary in the suc cess of our " experiment " — a confidence based upon the arrangements of Providence. If we are true to ourselves, true to our country, and true to our God, we have nothing to fear. Recreancy to such principles, a selfish imprudence, and con- ' MarshaU's Washmgton, v. 176, 177. 308 QUESTIONS CONNECTED WITH IT. CHAP, tempt of an authority superior to all human enactments, and _^.^ binding upon all nations, will assuredly result in our signal 1789. defeat.' ' " If," says the author of Pohtical Sketches, 12, " a theatre for the dis play of the great drama ofthe human character was ever fondly formed in the brain of a Locke, or a Sidney, the United States, at this moment, and iu that indeed preceding their rev olution, realized the philosophical expectation. So nearly have they approached perfection, that the great and unexceptionable correctness and purity of their democracies are the only objections raised agauist their practicabUity and duration. But in this objection a number of false prem ises are assumed ; premises which the history of mankind -wUl by no means warrant; which the indolence of some, and the deprarity of others, have ad mitted for purposes of speculative ar gument." For exceUent remarks on the constitution and its value, see Story on the Const. ; the Writings of Wash ington, and John Adams ; Webster's Works, passim ; Curtis's Hist, of the Const. ; Austin's Lffe of Gerrj-, vol. iL chap, u., &c. In 1791, James Sulhvan, Esq., afterwards Governor Sulhvan, pubhshed, at Boston, a series of " Ob servations upon the Govemment of the U. S. of America," in a pamphlet of flfty-six pages, to which a reply -was pubhshed at Charleston, S. Carohna, in 1792, by a citizen of that state, in a pamphlet of fifty pages. CHAPTER VIII. PROM THE ADOPTION OF THE FEDEEAL CONSTITUTION TO THB ELECTION OF ELBRIDGE GERRY. Bt the adoption of the state constitution, in 1780, Massa- chap. chusetts, as an independent commonwealth, secured for her J^^^ citizens an admirable system of internal government, eminently i789. adapted to promote their prosperity ; and, by the adoption of the federal constitution in 1788, her relative position in the Union was established. Her history, therefore, from this time forth, is of a twofold character — internal and external. It is impossible to do justice to- the conduct of her statesmen, or to sketch in full the part she has taken in developing the greatness of the country, without speaking as well of her actions abroad as of her measures at home — of the strength she has lent to the national councils, and of the steps by which her own progress has been essentially promoted. In both these respects she has ever maintained a commanding posi tion ; her views and her principles have been of vital impor tance ; the weight of her influence has been every where felt ; and no state in the Union stands higher, this day, in the esti mation of intelligent foreigners and intelligent Americans, than Old Massachusetts. Soon after his inauguration as president of the United States, General Washington, desirous to revisit the spot where he had first served as commander-in-chief of the army of the revolution, and anxious to observe personally the condition of the country, and the disposition of the people towards the government and its measures, as well as to recruit his health, which was feeble, availed himself of the opportunity which tho (309) 310 - Washington's visit to boston. CHAP, recess of Congress afforded for a respite from official cares to J}^ make the tour of the Eastern States. The resolution once 1789. taken, it was carried into effect. He commenced his journey ' in company with Major Jackson and Mr. Lear, gentlemen of his family ; and, after passing through Connecticut and Mas sachusetts, and as far to the north as Portsmouth, New Hamp shire, he returned by a different route to New York, where he Nov.13. arrived in the following month. The incidents of this jour ney are detailed in the papers with considerable fulness ; and the reception of his excellency by the citizens of Boston, the executive of the commonwealth, and the inhabitants of the towns which he visited in his progress, was such as had never before been given to any individual.' Oct. 24. The procession in Boston was of unusual length, and all classes were represented in it — the highest ofiicers in the state, as well as those in the humbler walks of life, uniting in expressions of respect to their visitor. The people, indeed, were " universally animated with the liveliest sentiments of gratitude and veneration," and manifested their feelings " by various demonstrations of joy and exultation." ^ " We meet ' MarshaU's Washington, v. 224, in the Massachusetts Magazme for 225 ; Bradford, u. 342 et seq. The January, 1790. This arch, which was State of Rhode Island had not, at considered as a model of elegance and this time, ratified the federal consti- beauty, was designed by ISIr. C. C. tution ; and it was, probably, for this Bulfinch, and tiie colomiade by Mr. reason, that Wasliington did not visit Dawes. The former was eighteen it during his torn-. Comp. Sparks's feet high, and was composed of a Washington,^ x. 39, 41, 46, note, 76. central arch, fom-teen feet wide, and a The enthusiasm of the people is smaller ai-ch on each side, seven feet gi-aphlcally portrayed in a letter of wide, " witb an Ionic pUlai- and proper Trumbull to AVolcott, of Connecticut, imposts between them." The frieze "We have gone through," says he, exhibited thh'teen stars, on a blue "aU the popish grades of wor.ship, gromid, and a handsome white cor- and the president returns aU fr-agraiit nice was cai-ried to the height of the -vrith the odor of incense." Hildreth's platform. Above was a painted bal- U. S., 2d series, i. 150. ustrade, of mteriaced work, in tiie ^ For an account of the proceed- centre of which was an oval tablet, ings in Boston, see INIass. Mag. for inscribed on one side, " To the man 1789, and the Boston newspapers. \\ho unites aU hearts," and on the A " description of the triumphal arch other, " To Columbia's favorite son." and colonnade erected in honor of the At the end adjoining the State House president of the U. States," appeai-ed was a panel, decorated -vrith a trophy. address op the governor and council. 311 you, sir, at this time," was the language of the address of the chap. Governor and Council, " with our hearts replete with the 2^^ warmest affection and esteem, to express the high satisfaction 1789. we feel in your visit to the Commonwealth of Massachusetts. We can never forget the time when, in the earliest stage of the war, and the day of our greatest calamity, we saw you at the head of the army of the United States, commanding troops determined, though then undisciplined, by your wisdom and valor, to prevent a sanguine and well-appointed army of our enemies from spreading devastation through our country, and, sooner than we had reason to expect, obliging them to aban don the capital. We have since seen you in your high com mand, superior to the greatest fatigues and hardships, success fully conducting our armies through a long war, until our enemies were com-pelled to submit to terms of peace, and acknowledge that independence which the United States, in Congress assembled, had before asserted and proclaimed. We now have the pleasure of seeing you in a still more exalted station, to which you have been elected by the unanimous i suffrages of a free, virtuous, and grateful country. Prom that attachment which you manifestly discovered while in your composed of the arms of the United of the State House was the door States, of the Commonwealth of Mas- through which the president passed sachusetts, and of France, cro-wned to the balustrade, descending from a with a lam-el wreath, over which was platform, by four easy steps, to the the inscription, " Boston, relieved floor of the gaUery, which was fur- Mai-ch 17, 1776." Over the central nished with armed chairs, and spread arch a rich canopy, twenty feet high, with rich carpets. On this platform was erected, with the American eagle was a pedestal, covered with green, perched above. The colonnade was supporting the flgm-e of Plenty, with erected at the west end of the State her cornucopiae and other emblems. House, adjacent to the arch. It was As soon as the president entered this composed of six large columns, fffteen colonnade, he was saluted by three feet high, and a balustrade hung in huzzas from the citizens, and an ode, front, with Persian carpets, on which -written for the occasion, was sung by were -wrought thfrteeu roses. The a select chou- of singers, seated under cu'cle of this colonnade measured the canopy erected over the arch. forty-four feet, and projected boldly " The whole," it is said, " formed an mto the main street, so as to exhibit agreeable spectacle, and heightened in a strong hght, " The man of the the pleasm-e of the day." people." The central west -window 312 REPLY OP WASHINGTON. CHAP, military command to the civil liberties of your country, we _3^ do assure ourselves that you will ever retain this great object 1789. in your view, and that your administration will be happy and prosperous. " It is our earnest prayer that the divine benediction may attend you here and hereafter ; and we do sincerely wish that you may, through this life, continue to enjoy that greatest of earthly blessings, to be ' accepted by tbe multitude of your brethren.'"! The reply of Washington was in a similar strain ; and he congratulated the citizens upon the prosperity of their com monwealth, and the evidences of plenty which were every where visible.® The proceedings in the otber towns were equally patriotic ; and each seemed to vie with the other in expressions of unbounded respect and good will.^ By the adoption of the constitution of the United States, the citizens of Massachusetts, as well as of the rest of the Union, were divided into two parties, which, with various for- , tunes and under different names, have continued to our own day, and which were known at that time as federalists and anti-federalists. The former of these titles was assumed by the friends of tbe new constitution, and the latter was em ployed to designate its opponents. Those opponents, however. ' Bradford, ii. 343, 344. On the 227 ; and for the reply of Washmg- reception of Waslungton by Govem- ton, ibid. 228. or Hancock, and tbe embarrassment ^ For the proceedings at Newbmy- wbich the conduct of the latter occa- port, see Cusbhig's Newburyport; sioned, see Sparks's M'ashington, x. and Coffin's Nt-wbrn-y, 262-264. 47, 48, and App. No. \ii. The address there dehvered was ^ jMar.shall's Washington, v. 226. written by John Quhicy Adams, after- " Your love of hberty," said he, " yom- wards president of the United States, respect for the laws, your habits of who was a student at law in the industry, and yom- practice of the office of Theopliilus Pai-sons, Esq., moral and rehgious obhg-ations, ai-e and who had been appointed to pre- the strongest claims to national and pai-e it by a vote of the tow-ii. For indiridual happiness. And the)- wiU, the proceedings in other towns, see I trust, be fii-mly and lastingly estab- Felt's Salem, li. 60, 67, and Ips-vrich, hshed." For the Address 'of the 206; Lewis's Lynn, 224; Brooks's Cincinnati of Mass., see MarshaU, v. Medford, 69. DIVISION OF PARTIES. 313 insisted that these appellations were not rightly used, and chap. that the names, if interchanged, would have been much more ^^^^' appropriately applied. So far from being inimical to the Union, 1789. or unfriendly to its interests, they declared themselves as ready as others to support and defend it ; and they repudiated the charge of disloyalty to the government, or of wishing to prevent its peaceful administration.' Yet the friends of the new constitution, flushed with success, in the hour of their tri umph may possibly have forgotten, in some cases, to wear their honors with becoming meekness ; and, according to their opponents, " past political services, and the character of those revolutionary patriots, which should have been considered the property of the nation, were of no avail in the all-absorbing interest of the present divisions." ® " The vigilant enemies of free government," wrote Elbridge Gerry to one of his 178& friends, "have been long in the execution of their plan to hunt down all who remain attached to revolution principles. They have attacked us in detail, and have deprived you, Mr. S. Adams, and myself, in a great measure, of that public con- , fidence to which a faithful attachment to the public interest entitles us ; and they are now aiming to throw Mr. Hancock out of the saddle, who, with all his foibles, is yet attached to the whig cause. There seems to be a disposition in the dom- ' N.Am. Rev., for July, 1840, 82; have hved long enough to see our Austin's Life of Gen-y, ii. 90 ; Brad- miserable infatuation, and to depre- ford, iii. 57, 58, and Hist Fed. Gov't, cate and deplore its consequences." 60 ; HUdreth's U. S., 2d series, i. ^ Austin's Lffe of Gen-y, ii. 83. It 31, " We were caUed anti-feder- should be observed, that this state- ahsts,'' says Matthew Carey, Ohve ment comes fi-om one whose sympa- Branch, 26, ed. 1817, "because we thies were -vrith the repubhcan party, were eager to have the federal con- and it must be taken accordingly, as stitution amended prerious to its an expression of his opinion rather ratification — doubting the practica- than as proof positive of the truth of bihty of amendments afterwards. We the charge. It is but fair, however, were wild and extravagant enough to that each pai-ty shouM be allowed to see despotism iu raany of its features ; state its o-mi riews in its own way; and were so fatuitous and bhnd as and it must be left to the reader to not to have the slightest idea of dan- decide upon their correctness. ger from the state governments. We 314 DIVISION OP PARTIES. CHAP, inant party to establish a nobility of opinion, under whose 2J^ control, in a short time, will be placed the government of the 1788. Union and of the states, and whose insufferable arrogance marks out for degradation all who will not submit to theu" authority. It is beginning to be fashionable to consider the opponents of the constitution as embodying themselves with the lower class of the people, and that one forfeits all title to the respect of a gentleman unless he is of the privileged order. Is this, my friend, to be the operation of a free government, which all our labors in the revolution have tended to pro duce?"' It should be observed, however, with reference to this sub ject, that parties were by no means new in America, and that the rancor of political resentment, even among otherwise amia ble characters, had often prompted to a misrepresentation of the views and opinions of those who were its subjects.^ When will it be conceded that men may differ from each other in opinion in politics without impeaching their integrity or intel ligence ? Under proper restrictions, parties are necessary in a free commonwealth. They are the positive and negative poles of government, equalizing the temper of the people, pre venting the encroachments of usurped authority, and provok ing discussion, which elicits truth.^ So far, therefore, from 1 Austhi's Lffe of Gerry, ii. 85, 86. Thomas M'Kean, September 20, ^ " You say," -wrote John Adams to 1779, " is highly useftd and necessary, Wilham Keteltas, November 25, 1812, to balance mdiriduals, and bodies, and Corresp. in Works, x. 23, " om- di- interests, one against another, and visions began mth federahsm and anti- bring the ti-uth to light, and justice federahsni. Alas ! they began with to prevail." Washington also wrote human nature. They have existed in to HamUton, August 26, 1792, in America from its fhst plantation. In Sjiai-k.^'s Washmgton, x. 2AS, " Dff- every colony dirisions always pre- ferences in pohtical opinions are as vailed." Jefferson also -wrote to John miavoidable as, to a certain point, Adams, " The same pohtical parties they may, perhaps, be necessary. But which now agi|p.te the United States it is exceedingly to be regretted, that have existed through aU time." Ad- subjects cannot be discussed with ams's Works, &c., 50. temper, on the one hand, or decisions ' " An opposition in Parhament, in submitted to without baring the mo- a House of Assembly, in a CouncU, tives which led to them improperly in Congress," -wrote John Adams to imphcated, on the other. And thu DIVISION OF PARTIES. 315 ^ndemning indiscriminately either federalists or anti-federal- chap. ists, let it rather be conceded that both were honest, and acted ^^^^" conscientiously in the advocacy of their measures. It is only 1739. when parties degenerate into factions,' ripe for rapine and eager for spoils, that their influence is dangerous and positively to be dreaded. In a healthy state, and in the exercise of their normal and legitimate functions, they are no more to -be dep recated than the differences of opinion which are elsewhere to be found — the parties in philosophy and in morals which have sprung up. Yet how often have the most reputable characters had reason to exclaim, — « The httie dogs, and aU, — Tray, Blanche, and Sweetheart, — see, they bark at me ! " " " Every difference of opinion," said Jefferson, in his inaugural address, " is not a difference of principle. We have called by different names brethren of the same principles. We are all republicans ; we are all federalists." ^ And the remark, how- regret borders on chagrin when we and now are, the fear that they shall find that men of abihties, zealous pa- lose the elections, and, consequently, triots, baring the same general object the loaves and fishes, and that their m riew, and the same upright inten- antagonists vn\l get them. Both par- tions, wiU not exercise more charity ties have excited artificial terrorism ; in deciding on the opinions and actions and, ff I were summoned as a witness of one another. When matters go to to say, upon oath, which party had such lengths, the natm-al inference is, excited the most terror, and which that both sides have strained the cords had really felt the most, I could not beyond their bearing, and that a mid- give a more sincere answer than in die course would be found the best, the vulgar style, ' Put them in a bag until experience shall have decided and shake them, and then see which on the right way, or (which is not to -wUl come out first' " be expected, because it is denied to ^ King Lear, Act iu. Sc. 6. mortals) there shall be some infaUible ^ Message, in Works ; Statesman's rulebywhichwecanforejudgeevents." Manual, i. 150; comp. also N. Am. ' Parties degenerate into fections Rev. for July, 1840, 84. " Both when then- aim is solely to secure parties," says Guizot, Essay on Wash- theh- o^vn triumph ; and, in this sense, ington, 83, " were sincerely friendly federahsts and anti-federahsts, fed- to a repubhcan govemment and the erahsts and repubheans, whigs and union ofthe states. The names which democrats, have aU, at times, been they gave one another, for the sake fectious. " The real terrors of both of mutual disparagement were stiU parties," says John Adams, Corresp. more false than their original denomi- in Works, x. 48, " have always been, nations were imperfect and improperly 316 BENEFITS OP THE ADOPTION OF THB CONSTITUTION. CHAP, ever intended,' was perfectly just ; for both parties, "practi- J^ cally, and so far as the immediate affairs of the country were 1789. concerned, differed less than they either said or thought, in their mutual hatred." ^ It may be that "the federal party was, at tbe same time, aristocratic — favorable to the prepon derance of the higher classes, as well as to the power of the central government ; "'and that "the democratic party was also the local party — desiring at once the supremacy of the majority and the almost entire independence of the state gov ernments." 3 But if such a difference did exist, the lines of demarcation were not closely drawn, and they were frequently overstepped on one side and on the other. The benefits to all the states from the adoption of the federal constitution were immediate and substantial. Order promptly arose out of confusion. Mutual confidence was strengthened. The arts and employments of life were en couraged. Commercial enterprise rapidly increased. The credit of the government, by wise and efficient provisions in the finances of the country, the regulation of foreign trade, and the collection of the revenues, was speedily restored. And the nation, from a state of embarrassment and weakness, made steady advances to wealth, to power, and to vital prosperity.^ opposed to each other." On the June 15, Washington very truly says, composition of the two parties, see " The misfortune is, that the enemies Tucker's Lffe of Jefferson, i. 483-485. to the government, always more ae- ' What does Mr. Jefferson mean, tive than its fi-iends, and always on when, in spealung of his fu-st inaugu- the watch to give it a sti-oke, neglect ral address, he says, it " was, from the no oppoi-tmiity to aim one. If they natm-e of the case, all profession and tell the truth, it is not the whole promise"? Tucker's Lffe of Jeffer- truth, — by which means one side son, u. 183. only of the ])ictm-e is exliibited; ' Guizot's Essay on Washington, whereas, ff both sides were seen, it 83. Comp. " Falkland," by Fisher might, and probabh- would, assume a Ames, in Works, 147, ed. 1809. dift'erent form in the opinion of just ^ The Correspondence of AVashing- and candid men, who are disposed to ton shows at how early a date these measure matters by a continental dirisions appeared ; and Dr. Stuart, scale." A\''ritings, x. 97. in a friendly letter of June 2, 1790, * Ames's Eulogy on Washington, opened the "catalogue of pubhc dis- m Works, 122; Bradford, iu. 17, 18. contents." In his reply to tliis letter, Comp. Tucker's Lffe of Jefferson, i. 354. RESUMPTION OP THE STATE DEBTS. 317 • The public debt was still large ; and the most intelligent chap. acknowledged the difficulty of removing it at once. At the ^^^^' close of the revolution, the continental or national debt was 1790. upwards of forty-two millions of dollars ; and every state had a large demand on the general government for services ren dered for the common defence, amounting, in all, to twenty- five milhons of dollars more.i Each state, likewise, was burdened with private debts for expenses incurred for its own protection ; and the debt of Massachusetts, on this account, was nearly five millions of dollars, without taking into the estimate its liability to pay the demands of those who held the paper money emitted during the war. The available resources of the state were inadequate to discharge this debt ; and for several years the interest had not been paid. Hence notes were issued to creditors, which were sold at a ruinous discount by those whose necessities required the sacrifice.^ To remedy these difficulties, and at the same time to revive public confidence, the General Congress, in the sessions of 1790, at the instance of Hamilton, the secretary of the treasury, who Aug. 4. had made a report on the subject, agreed to assume nearly twenty-two millions of dollars of the debts of the states, which were considered to be properly chargeable to the government ; and this sum was apportioned among the states according to the expenses which each had incurred — four millions of dol lars of the debt of Massachusetts being thus assumed.' With ' The national debt, in 1790, was and Expenditures of the U. S., 2d $54,000,000, exclusive of the state ed., Philad., 1801. debts, which had not then been as- " Bradford, hi. 18, 19. An act for Bumed — an increase of $12,000,000 bringing to a speedy settlement aU m about seven years, principally o-vring accounts subsisting between to-wns, to the failure to pay the interest which and such persons as may have been had accrued. Of this sum, nearly employed by them in enhsting and $12,000,000 were due to foreign pow- paymg soldiers and furnishing sup ers, — to the court of France, and to phes for the late continental army,- was private lenders in Holland, -vrith a passed Febraary 13, 1789, in order to smaU sum to Spain ; and to this debt ascertain the state of pubhc affairs. a preference was given, to sustain the Mass. Laws for 1788-9, chap. hv. national credit Comp. GaUathi's ' On the national debt see Jour- Views of the Pubhc Debt, Receipts, nalsSenateandHouseofReps. ; Hist 318 RESUMPTION OP THE STATE DEBTS. CHAP, this arrangement, however, the people were not fully satisfied ; J^ and the General Court, at a subsequent date, prayed the fed- 1791. eral government to assume the residue of the debt of the' commonwealth of a similar character ; but this was not imme- Nov. 1. diately done, though commissioners were appointed to consider the subject, and report at a future time. When this report pYb^? ^^^ made, it was found that six out of the thirteen states had advanced more than their just proportion of the current ex penses of the war, and seven less. The largest balance is said to have b.een in favor of South Carohna ; and as Massachu- 1794. setts stood next, after the lapse of nearly two years, a million and a quarter of dollars, in addition to the former sum, was credited to the state — making, in all, between five and six millions assumed by the general government. It would ap pear, therefore, in fact, that Massachusetts, which had expend ed, in all, eighteen millions of dollars, bore the expenses of the war of the revolution to the large amount of eleven and a half millions more than was reimbursed,' though her debt was actually but five milhons, the rest having been paid by almost incredible exertions and sacrifices during the war and after its close.^ Cong., chap, in., iv., and vu. ; Sparks's 000, $2,000,000 had been ad-v^nced Washington, x. 98 ; Pitkin's U. S., u. by Congress dm-ing the war ; and as 337-345, 538 ; Tucker's Lffe of Jef- $5,250,000 were afterwards assumed, ferson, i. 324-332 ; Hildi-eth's U. S., the balance unpaid, and for which 2d series, i. 152-174, 206-216, 323, the state was solely responsible, was 392, 493; Bradford, hi. 19, 20, and $11,750,000. Hist Fed. Gov't, 32, 70. Theodore ° A portion ofthis money was raised Sedgwick, Elbridge Geny, and Fisher by an excise on vai-ious articles of Ames, three of the representatives consumption, — chiefly such as were from Massachusetts, took part in the considered as luxm-ies ; but as the fed- debate on the assumption of the state eral govemment took this matter in debts ; and the principal opposition hand, and adopted a general system to this measure is said to have come of excise for tiie country, Massa- from those states wliich had expended chusetts was deprived of the benefits the least- dm-ing the war. Jefferson of her own system, and was obhged was like-vrise opposed to this measm-e, in some other manner to provide for and, indeed, to nearly all the other the payment of her debt For the measures of which Hamilton was in discussions in Congress on the tariff, favor. see Journals Senate and House of ' Oftliisdisbm-sement of $18,000,- Reps.; Hist Cong-., chap, in.; Aus- INTERNAL IMPROVEMENTS. 319 The assumption, however, of a portion of the debt of the chap. state did not entirely relieve the people ; and the burdens ^^^^¦ which remained were, among some classes, a cause of loud and 1790 frequent complaint. The credit of the general government, 1792. principally from its position and its conceived effectiveness, of course exceeded the credit of the state governments. The former had matured a system of finance, while the latter had not. Hence the paper of Massachusetts was offered in the market at depreciated rates ; and such was the distrust, real or professed, of the ability of the government to m^t its de mands, that few calculated with certainty upon the payment of the interest, much less the principal, of the sums for which it was indebted at- any fixed time. An expectation was, indeed, cherished of obtaining large sums from the sale of the wild lands in the Province of Maine ; but, as the value of these lauds was merely nominal, and the expense of their sur vey was great, little was realized from this source. The lottery system had also its advocates ; but Governor Hancock, who was opposed on principle to this mode of raising money, had the wisdom and firmness to discourq,ge the speculation, and the General Court soon became satisfied of its impolicy and folly.' Public embarrassments, however, did not wholly check pri vate enterprise ; and a system of internal improvements was 1792. commenced in Massachusetts, which spread in a short time over the whole state. Several turnpikes were projected, and some were completed with despatch.^ The public roads were tin's Lffe of Gerry, u. ; HUdreth's U. 1788, chap. xrii. So late as 1794, S.,2dseries,i. 65-91, 96-l01. Mad- the debt of the state was not fuUy ison introduced this subject; and in cancelled; and an act was passed at the debate which ensued Elbridge that date for its hquidation. Mass. GeiTV, Benjamin Goodhue, and Laws for 1793-4, chap. xxix. Fisher Ames actively participated. ^ Laws of Mass. u. In 1796-7, Lloyd's Congressional Debates. For additional acts were passed for esteb- the'Mass. Excise law, see Laws of hshing turnpike corporations, luiown Mass. for 1790, chaps, xiv. and xv. as the First Second, and Thhd Mas- ' Bradford, in. 25. Comp. Mass. sachusetts TumpUiies, which were lo- Laws for 1786, chap. xL, and for cated in different parts of the state. 520 INTERNAL IMPROVEMENTS. CHAP, repaired at the expense of the towns.' And a canal was pro- ^35^1 Jscted from Boston to the Connecticut River, and even to the 1792. Hudson. General Cobb and General Knox were the principal "¦ ¦ advocates of this measure ; but as the enterprise, from its magnitude, was not duly appreciated, there was little disposi tion to engage in it with effect.** Shortly after, however, the Jul^ii Middlesex Canal was projected and constructed, chiefly through the influence of James Sullivan, Loammi Baldwin, and the Hon. James Winthrop.* The proposal for a canal across ' Bradford, iu. 34. An act, pro- riding " for the erecting guide posts upon pubhc roads," was passed Feb raary 28, 1795; and February 28, 1797, an act was passed in addition to the several acts then in force respect ing highways. Mass. Laws for 1794 -5, chap. Ixu., and for 1797, chap. Iri. On the condition of roads gen eraUy in the U. S., in 1796, see Am. Annual Eeg. for 1796, 34-40. ^ Mass. Laws for 1792, chap. 1-vii. ; Hildreth's U. S., 2d series, i. 635 ; Bradford, in. 34. A short canal, a mile and a quarter in length, was dug between Newburyport aftd Hampton, N. H., m 1791. CoflSn's Newbury, 265. Several acts were also passed, incorporating companies to open ca nals and build bridges, from 1791 to 1796. Mass. Laws for 1791, chaps. rii., xxi., xxxvi., bd., Ixiu., and for 1792, chaps, xxh., xxxv., lih., Ix., briv., Ixxi., Ixxxviu. ; Mass. Mag. for Feb. 1793, 125. The canals referred to were fr-om the head of New Meadow River to Merry Meeting Bay, in Maine, and the bridges were over the Men-imac, between Chelmsford and Dracut, Andover and Methuen, Haverhill and Bradford, and in the county of Essex ; over the Connecti cut, between Montague and Green field ; over Charles River, fi-om West Boston to Cambridge ; across New Meadow River ; and over ISliller's River, in Hampshh-e county. In 1796, an act was likewise passed for " giving a new appellation to a corporation in stituted A. D. 1795, for brmgmg fr-esh water into Boston by subterranean pipes ; " and an act was passed, Feb raary 15, 1797, incorporating Joshua Thomas, Esq., and others, for con veying fresh water by pipes into the to-wn of Plymouth. Mass. Laws for 1796-7, chaps, i. and xhi. For fur ther remarks on canals in the U. S., see the Am. Annual Reg. for 1796, 24-34 ; and for a hst of canals in France, in 1811, see NUes's Weekly Register, L 98. ^ MS. Records of the Corp. in the possession of T. C. Amorj', Jun., Esq.; Mass. Laws for 1793, chap. xxi. ; Bradford, in. 35. The first meeting of the company was held May 9, 1793, and the act of mcorpo- ration was passed June 22. Addi tional acts were passed in 1794, 1798, 1799, 1802, 1812, 1814. Mr. John L. SuUivan, of Boston, a son of Gov ernor Sulhvan, yet hvhig iu New York, was early interested in steam naviga tion, and, being employed by a " re spectable incorporation to manage and finish their canal and consti-uct others," he turned bis attention to the invention of a steam tow boat, to be used on these canals, and so far " de monstrated the practicabihty of em ploying steamboats thereon," that he memoriahzed the legislatine of Massa chusetts, m 1814, for the fonnation of a company to narigate the Connecti cut, having already a boat in operation on the Merrimac. Comp. Mass. Laws for June, 1811, chap. xxui. ; and see his Answer to Colden, Troy, 1823. On the subject of steam narigation. EEVISION OP THE LAWS. 321 Cape Cod, to unite the waters of Buzzard's Bay, on the south- chap. west, and of Barnstable Bay, on the north-east, was of an "^^^^• earlier date ; and a committee was appointed, by the author- 1791. ity of the General Court, to survey the grounds and ascertain the practicability of the work; but, though they reported favorably, the plan was not prosecuted, as several intelligent men had* doubts of its utility, particularly at the season of the year when such a passage would be most needed ; and the state was not in a condition to engage in so expensive a work.' The revision of the laws of the state was a matter of primary importance; and, mainly through the influence of Governor Hancock, the criminal law was ameliorated — con- '^'^^^• „ Feb. 13. finement to hard labor being substituted, in some cases, for disgraceful punishments in public.^ An experiment of this kind was made on Castle Island, in the harbor of Boston ; and the state prison at Charlestown was built a few years 1802. after.3 A change was likewise made in the law for the due i792. observance of the Sabbath, though substantially but a reenact- "' ment of former laws, which had been in force from the settle ment of the country. The provisions, however, were less comp. Doc. Hist N. Y. u. 101 1-1 102 ; a more salutary as weU as a more hu- Fahfax's Memorial, Washington, mane punishment. He also expressed 1816 ; and Niles's Reg. hi. Add., and the opinion that capital punishments V. Add. The idea of steam navigation should be few. Bradford, in. 37. was certamly suggested in the United ^ Bradford, ui. 37, 85. The first States as eai-ly as 1788. appropriations for this purpose were ' Bradford, ui. 33. This project $100,000, for the purchase of lands Was rerived in 1818, and a route was and the erection of buildings. Tbe surveyed by Loammi Baldwin, at the valuable labors of the Prison Disci- expense of Israel ThonidUie, Thomas phne Society should not be forgotten H. Perkins, and other gentlemen of in this connection ; and its able re- Boston ; but no canal was dug. N. ports embody a mass of facts relative Am. Reriew for Jan. 1827, 13. to the treatment of criminals of the ' Laws of Mass. for 1788-9, chap, highest importance to the public wel- liiL Governor Hancock, in his speech fare. This society was organized in to the legislatm-e, in January, 1792, Boston, June 30, 1825, and is now, condemned pubhc whipping and crop- consequently, in the 32d year of its [ling for theft, which were stUl prac- age ; and it has embraced, among used m the state, and recommended its members, many distinguished citi- confinement to hard labor as probably zens and true-hearted phUanthropists. VOL. IH. 21 322 EDUCATIONAL LAWS. CHAP, severe in prohibiting all kinds of secular employment ; but 2^ travelling on business was forbidden, as well as all traffic, and 1792. keeping open of shops and stores ; and public recreations were prohibited under a pecuniary mulct. But the law was fre quentiy disregarded ; and then, as previously, it was found difficult to enforce, by penal enactments, a strict observance of the Sabbath or a regular attendance on public wotship.' The laws for promoting public education were attended 1789 1 o J. Jun. 25. with more favorable results ; and recommendations were made 1790. i3y ^jie governor for the appropriation of lands in the District of Maine, for the support of schools and of the gospel minis try in that part of the state, and for a grant to Harvard Col lege, whose funds were inadequate for the support of its 1791 instructors.^ The establishment of academies, also, dates from to 1793. this period ; and a number of these seminaries were mcorpo- 1^89. rated by the legislature.^ By the law of 1789, aU towns in Jun. 2a. ./ o the state having two hundred families were required to sup port a grammar school, agreeably to former usage, and, in addition, were ordered to employ for instructors of youth those who had been educated at some college, and were able to teach the Greek and Latin languages. ' In towns where the inhabitants were less, it was required that such as were quah- fied to teach the English language correctly should be engaged ' Mass. Laws for 1792, chap. 1-viii. ; ton, IMarblehead, Hallowell, Westfield, Bradford, hi. 38. In 1796, and in Groton, Portland, &c. It was at first 1800, other laws were passed on the apprehended that the estabhshment subject of pubhc -worship, and for the of these academies would be unfavor- mamteuance of teachers of rehgion able to the support of the grammar and morality; and, in 1811, fui'tber schools, as the towns in their ricmity changes were made. Laws of Mass. would a"vail themselves of the advan- for 1796, 1800, and 1811 ; Bradford, tages afforded by such semuiaries for hi. 72-76. a classical education, to the neglect ^ Bradford, in. 29. of the humbler temples of learmng; ' Mass. Laws ior 1791, 1792, and but the evil -vvas remedied by sub- 1793 ; Bradford, ih. 47 ; Mass. JNIag. sequent legislation, though it has for 1792; W. Barry'.s Hist. Framing- never beeu whoU\- removed. Wil ham, 79 ; J. S. 15:u-ry's Hist. Haiio- hams College, in the comity of Berk- over, 93 ; Brooks's Hist. Mt-dford, shhe, was incorporated m 1793. 291. Academics were incorporated Mass. Laws for 1793, chap. xv. in Berwick, Fryebm-g, Machias, Taun- ESTABLISHMENT OP SUNDAY SCHOOLS. 323 in the business of education.' By a " traditionary blindness," chap. as has been "charitably assumed," " our early fathers did not ^^^^¦ see that females required and deserved instruction equally 1739. with males ; " hence the " first provisions for primary schools were confined chiefly to boys." But light soon broke in, and girls were " allowed to attend the public schools two hours per day." With this point gained, the revolution in public opinion was rapid and encouraging ; and, before the close of the eighteenth century, in nearly every town provision was made for the education of girls, especially in the summer.^ The first Sunday school in America seems also to have 1790. originated about this period in Philadelphia ; but so little and were the advantages of such schools appreciated or understood, March. that it was said to be a " pity " the benevolence of their found ers " did not extend so far as to afford them tuition on days when it is lawful to follow such pursuits, and not thereby lay a foundation for the profanation of the Sabbath." ^ The precise period when Sunday schools were established in Massachusetts ' Mass. Laws for 1789, chap. xix. ; another change was made, and girls Bradford, u. 339, 340. Further at- were aUowed, equaUy -vrith boys, to tention was paid to the subject of attend the pubhc schools, both in education under the administration -vrinter and summer. of Governor Strong, and a more efla- ^ MS. Communication of Levris G. cient system of instruction was in- Pray; Newburyport Herald, for Jan. troduced. 12, 1791 ; Mass. Mag. for May, 1793 ; ' Brooks's Hist of Medford, 281 ; Coffin's Newbury, 265. The cele- Coffin's Hist. Newbm-)', 265 ; Felt's brated Matthew Carey was interested Ipswich, 90. In Boston, girls ai-e said in the estabhshment of this school, not to have attended the pubhc schools -vrith Bishop White and Benjamui for some years before and after the Rush; and in his Am. Museum for revolution; but in 1790, a reform was 1788, iv. 32, note, Mr. Cai-ey ex- introduced, thi-ough the instrumen- pressed his regret that "no Sunday tality of Caleb Bingham, a native of schools have yet been estabhshed Salisbm-y, Ct., and one of the earliest here." I have been informed, how- graduates of Dartmouth College, after ever, by Mr. Lewis G. Pray, that a its removal to Hanover. The basis Sunday school was estabhshed in of this -reform w'as the admission of Ephrata, Lancaster comity. Pa., as girls to the free schools during the early as the middle of the last cen- warmer months, or from April to Oc- tury, by Ludwig Thacker. In 1783, tober, and this plan was carried into also. Bishop Asbury is said to have effect for about thirty years, when, in estabhshed a Sunday school in Han- 1820, or vei-y soon after, through the over, Va. exertions of Mr. WUliam B. Fowle, 324 SAMUEL ADAMS CHOSEN GOVERNOR. 1793. Oct 8. CHAP, is not settled ; but there were several in existence before the J^ year 1820.' Upon the death of Governor Hancock, which occurred in the fall of 1793, the functions of the chief magistracy de volved upon Samuel Adams, the lieutenant governor of the state, then in the seventy-third year of his age, who was chosen governor in the following year and in the two years succeed ing. The character of Mr. Adams has been elsewhere alluded to ; ^ and, as one of the firmest patriots in the state, he was every way worthy the confidence of the people. For fifty years; " his pen, his tongue, his activity were constantly exerted ' Before the year 1700, it was cus tomary, in several, ff not aU, the churches of New England, to cate chise children, male and female, on Sunday, at the close of the moming serrice ; and this custom was foUowed both in the Plymouth colony and the colony of the Massachusetts Bay. MS. Communication of Levris G. Pray; EUis's Hist. Roxbury ; Records of the Plymouth Church. Subsequent to this date, the first Sunday school in Boston is said to have been estabhshed in April, 1791, and embraced in its objects " the instruction of both sexes, under a certain age, who were de barred from week-day instruction by condition of hfe, habits of industry, or other cheumstances." It was sup ported by a liberal subscription of many gentlemen, but how long it was continued is not known. In 1797, a Sunday school was estabhshed at Pawtucket, R. I., under the auspices of Samuel Slater, Esq., the "father of cotton manufactures in the United States," in connection -vrith his fecto- ries, and was under the superintend ence of the Rev. Mr. CoUier, af terwards weU known as a Baptist clergyman of Charlestown, Mass., and a minister to the poor for that denomination in the city of Boston. In 1793, 8,11 article appeai-ed in the Mass. Mag. for March, signed " A.," advocating Sunday schools. The first movement on this subject in Salem was m 1807. Felt's Salem, i. 495. In the foregoing schools, secular instruction was the 'predominant, whUe the rehgious element -vras only a secondary element The first school on the strictly modem and American plan, whoUy devoted to the rehgious instruction of the young, is said to have been estabhshed in Beverly, in 1810, by !Miss Prince and Miss HUl, who were connected ¦vrith the societv under the charge of the Rev. Dr. Abbott In 1812, a school was estabhshed in connection -vrith the society of the Rev. Dr. LoweU, in Boston; and in 1814, another in Cambridgeport m the so ciety of the Rev. Thomas B. Gannett. The Salem Street, or Christ Church Sunday school, in Boston, was estab hshed in 1815, and was conducted on the monitorial plan, by the late Joseph W. Ingraham, Esq. The school con nected with the society of the Rev. Dr. Sharp was estabhshed in 1816, and, in the same year, the " Society for tiie Moral and Religious Instruction of the Poor " was estabhshed in Bos ton, under whose auspices Sunday schools were organized and brought into general favor among the Ortho dox chm-cbes hi that city, and through out New England. MS. Communi cation of Lewis G. Pray. ' Vol. i. 259. CHARACTER OP SAMUEL ADAMS. 325 for his country, without fee or reward." Some have called chap. him " the first in the resolute band of patriots who contem- 2^^ plated and effected the independence of the United States." 1793. But whether this honor is conceded to him or not, — as it is difficult to say certainly who first advanced this idea, — cer tain it is that he was one of the most active of that band, and that he contributed materially to the success of the revolution. "James Otis, Samuel Adams, and John Hancock," says one who knew them well, and who was himself not lacking in devotion to liberty, ' " were the three most essential charac ters ; and Great Britain knew it, though America does not. Great, and important, and excellent characters, aroused and excited by these, arose in Pennsylvania, Virginia, New York,, South Carolina, and in all the other states ; but these three were the first movers — the most constant, steady, persevering springs, agents, and most disinterested sufferers and firmest pillars of the whole revolution." " Without the character of Samuel Adams," he adds, '' the true history of the American revolution can never be written." The man of whom such things could be said deserved well of his country ; and though the " ingratitude of republics " has been a theme of frequent and bitter complaint, in this instance, at least, the charge was not justified, for the public was not ungrateful to its servant. Mr. Adams, it is true, was known as a democrat; and democracy, with many, then as since, was a term of reproach. He was not, at first, an ardent admirer of the federal constitution, being one of the stanchest advo cates of state rights ; and he had joined with Governor Han cock, in the Massachusetts convention, in the proposition for ' John Adams, Corresp. in Works, all others, for inexorable vengeance, X. 263. " He was born and tempered tbe two men most to be dreaded by a wedge of steel, to spht the knot of them — Samuel Adams and John lignum vitfB which tied North Amer- Hancock ; and had not James Otis ica to Great Britain. Blunderheaded been dead, or worse than dead, his as were the British ministry, they had name would have been*t the head sagacity enough to discriminate from ofthe TEIUMVIBATE." 326 FRENCH REVOLUTION. CHAP, amendments to the constitution, to prevent the national gov- 3^ ernment from assuming undelegated powers.' Yet, on taking 1790. the oath of lieutenant governor, he did not hesitate to declare his fealty to the laws of the land. " I shall be called upon," said he, "to make a declaration — and I shall do it most cheerfully — that the Commonwealth of Massachusetts is, and of right ought to be, a free, sovereign, and independent state. I shall be called upon to make another declaration with the same solemnity — to support the constitution of the United States. I see no inconsistency in this ; for it must be intended that these constitutions should mutually aid and support each other." 2 1789-93. Previous to the commencement of the administration of Mr. Adams, the French revolution, whose progi'css was watched with the deepest interest, and which was " constant in nothing but its vicissitudes and its promises," ^ burst forth in Europe, and soon reached a crisis which threatened the peace of the civilized world. In the earliest period of this revolution, the citizens of Massachusetts, and of the United States generally, notwithstanding there were sturdy doubters and sceptics, were in favor of the social and political reform which it was ex pected would take place in that country ; and even in England there was a large and respectable class which entertained similar views. Hence, in Massachusetts, as well as in other states, public festivities were held, in which all classes united " to manifest their joy for a regenerated nation which had long been governed with despotic sway." At some of these meet- Jan. 2t. ings, ludicrous scenes occurred ; and the behavior of the clergy, and even of " potent and honorable senators," iu more than one instance, was difficult to be reconciled to that dignity of ' N. Am. Reriew for Oct. 1827, sir, is my misfortune, not my fault" 274 ; Bradford, in. 28 ; Debates in the " Bradford, hi. 29, 46. Mass. Convention, 162. " I have ' Ames's Eulogy on Washington. had my doidjts of the constitution. I Comp. also his speech on the British could not digest every part of it as treaty of 1794, in Works, 71. readily as some gentlemen. But this. July. FRENCH REVOLUTION. 327 deportment which was becoming their station.' " Citizen chap. Cuff " and " Citizen Cato " were familiar appellatives given to ^^^^• servants ; and they, in their turn, retorted the compliment by 1793. addressing executive officers as " Citizen A," or " Citizen B." But the height to which this extravagance was carried wrought its cure ; and those who " Threw their caps As they would hang them on the horns o' the moon, Shoutmg their emulation," were among the first to repent their folly.® The evils, however, which sprang from this source, were far less serious than others which followed. The conduct of the French minister, " Citizen Genet," in his demands upon the May government, and his attempts to exercise within the national to jurisdiction powers which were at once both improper and mischievous, was opposed by the prudence and wisdom of Washington, who had recently entered upon his second presi dential term,^ and who foresaw the consequences which must mevi tably ensue should the nation be swerved from the neu- ' The celebration referred to in the also marshaUed in State Street, on text was in honor of the repulse of the occasion ; and to each child was the Duke of Brunswick, and of Du- given a calce, stamped with the words mom-ier's temporary conquest of the " Liberty and Equahty." A subscrip- Austrian Netherlands. An ox, roasted tion was hkewise raised to hberate whole, and covered -vrith decorations, prisoners confined for debt. And, in vrith the flags of France and of the the evening, balloons ascended, boii- United States displayed from its fires blazed, and the State House and horns, was elevated on a car, drawn other buildings were splendidly illu- by sixteen horses, and paraded through minated. Hildreth's U. S., 2d series, the streets, foUowed by four carts, i. 412. drawn by twenty-four horses, and ^ Comp. Marshall's Washington, v. contaimng sixteen hundred loaves of 423, and Bradford, in. 44, note. bread and two hog.sheads of ])unch. ^ His second term commenced WhUe diese viands were distributed March 4, 1793 ; and, at this, as at the among an immense crowd collected in former election, he received the unan- State Street a select party, of three imous vote of the electors. Mr. Ad- huadi-ed persons, sat do-wn in Faneuil ams received 77 out of 132 votes cast HaU, to a civic feast, over which Lieu- for rice president — the rest being tenant Governor Adams presided, dirided between Clinton, Jefi'erson, assisted by the French consul. The and Aaron Burr. chUdren from aU the schools were 328 CONDUCT OP GENET. CHAP, tral position which it was its policy to maintain.' Genet, JJ^ whose secret instructions were in danger of being thwarted,^ 1793. resented this conduct of Washington, and appealed to the people in behalf of "repubhcan Prance," in whose freedom America had an interest ; and, influenced by their attachment to the principles of liberty, many were inclined to sustain him in this appeal. But the zeal for " equality," thus professed, was carried to an excess closely bordering upon licentious ness ; and the publications, in particular, in Freneau's and Bache's papers, reflecting upon the conduct of Washington, were " outrages upon common decency." * Dissensions in the cabinet likewise arose, and were the occasion of political dis putes and resentments which disturbed the peace of the nation for years. Then was it that "democratic societies" were organized ; * and then was it that Jefferson, in the warmth of his zeal, if not from less reputable motives, brought against Washington the unjust accusation of being a monarchist.* It 'Washington's proclamation of government, and the officers of it, are neutrahty was issued AprU 22, 1793. to be the constant theme for news- Sparks's Washington, x. 535 ; Aus- paper abuse, — and this, too, -vrithout tin's Life of Gerry, u. 167 ; Pitkin's condescending to investigate the mo- U. S., h. 358, 359; Hildreth's U. S., tives or the facts, — it -wUl be impos- 2d series, i. 415. "This act of firm- sible, I conceive, for any man firing ness," says Fisher Ames, " at tbe haz- to manage the hehn, or keep the ai-d of his reputation and peace, en- machine together." titles him to the name of the fii'st of * On these societies, see Sparks's patriots. Time was gained for the Washington, x. 454, 562; Tucker's citizens to recover their -rirtue and Life of Jeflferson, i. 488 et seq. ; Pit- good sense; and they soon recovered kin's U. S., u. 387 ; Hildreth's tj. S., them. The crisis was passed, and 2d series, i. 524 et seq. " Although America was saved." Tucker, Life a democrat myself," WTote Patrick of Jefferson, i. 422, 442, says this proc- Henry to Hem-y Lee, June 27, 1795, lamation was not cordially received by " I hke not the late Democratic So- tbe people, and their discontents were cieties. As httie do I like their sup- soon openly manifested. pression by law. Silly things may ' For these instructions, see Am. amuse for a whUe, but in a httle time State Papers, i. ; Pitidn's U. S., h. men wUl perceive then- delusions." 360, 361. ° Comp. Hildreth's U. S., 2d series, ^ Wa.shiugton to Henry Lee, July i. 341-344. " I do believe," he after- 21, 1793, in Sparks's Washington, x. wards -wrote, "that General Washing- 359 ; Marshall's Washington, v. 410 ton had not a firm confidence in the et seq. See, also, Washington to durability of our govermiient He Edmund Randolph, Aug. 26, 1792, was naturaUy distrustful of men, and in Sparks's Waslungton, x. 287. " K inclined to gloomy apprehensions ; and charges against WASHINGTON. 329 1793. was on this occasion that the illustrious patriot was so far chap. moved by the taunts of his persecutors as to become excited, ^^^^• and lose his self command. " He had never but once," he said, " repented having slipped the moment of resigning his office ; and that was every moment since." But he speedily recovered his accustomed equanimity, and no one more deeply than himself regretted this misstep.' The difficulties between Hamilton and Jefferson, which had been brewing for some time, seemed to threaten serious consequences, and the latter contemplated resigning his seat in the cabinet ; but he was solicited to remain, and readily agreed to postpone his resig nation to the close of the year, in spite of the " immense diffi culty " of his equivocal position.^ I was ever persuaded that a behef that we must at length end in something like a British constitution, had some weight in his adoption of the cere monies of levees, birthdays, pompous meetings with Congress, and other forms of the same character, calcu lated to prepare us graduaUy for a change, which he believed possible, and so let it come on mth as httle shock as might be to the pubhc mind. These are my opinions of General Washington, which I would vouch at the judgment seat of God, haring been formed on an acquaintance of tUrty years." Comp. Tucker's Life of Jefferson, i. 388 et seq., u. 349 ; Austin's Life of Gerry, h. 62, 63. Yet the same gentleman, in his letter to Van Buren, attempted to prove that he had retained Washington's confidence to the last, though it is erideiit from his own writings, es peciaUy his Mazzei letter, that he " hated him -vrith as much energy as he did all the other distinguished fed eralists " who had stood in the way of his pohtical advancement See further Sparks's Washington, x. 432, 433, 561, and xi. 137-140 ; Picker ing's Review, 24; Tucker's Life of Jefferson, i. 510-528; ii. 25. "It must be admitted," says the ktter, Life of Jefferson, u. 43, " that if Mr. Jefferson experienced the most -viru lent hatred and the most unfounded calumnies of his adversaries, he was, occasionally, not far behind them in credulity and injustice, and that he did not hesitate to attribute to them pur poses which no honest mind could form, and no rational mind would at tempt." For a note on Mazzei, see Tucker's Life of Jefferson, u. 168, 169. He was an Itahan gentleman, of good education, who came to America a httle before the revolution, for the ostensible purpose of cultivating the rine, bringing with him twelve labor ers, and beginning his experiment at a little farm called ColM, in Albe marle, which he obtained from Mr. Jefferson by purchase or loan. At the time this letter was written, he had left the United States, and re turned to Europe. ' Hildreth's U. S., 2d series, i. 432. On the Langhorne letter, of 1797, which seems to have again imphcated Jefferson in an attempt to defame Washmgton, see Sparks's Washing ton, xi. 218, 220, 227, 289, 292, 601 et seq.; Hildreth's U. S., 2d series, u. 122-124. ^ Sparks's Washington, x. 306, 307, 365, 390, 515-526; MarshaU's 330 INSOLENCE OP GENET. CHAP. The conduct of Genet, in the mean time, became more J^^ insolent, and his letters to Washington were conceived in 1793. terms of great disrespect. Indeed, so far did his violence extend, and so far was he deluded by the flattery of his fol lowers with the hope of achieving a victory over the presi dent, that he had fully persuaded himself be should soon be able to have every thing his own way. But the people were not idle or indifferent spectators of his course. Their national pride was touched ; and their feelings of reverence for one who had served them so long and so faithfully led them, at length, to side with the government in silencing the noisy enthusiasm of the demagogue. His recall was, therefore, insisted upon ; and though the more zealous partisans of France labored, in the newspapers and by other means, to check the tide of public sentiment, and defend the course of the humbled minister, their efforts were unavailing. Yet the determination which was expressed, to allow no foreign inter ference between the people and the government, was coupled with assurances of friendship for Prance ; nor did any forget their indebtedness to that nation for its valuable aid in the war of the revolution.' Washington, v. 359 ; Jefferson's objects of severe attack ; and HamU- Works, u. 290 ; iv. 492 et seq. ; ton, who was considered as the author Tucker's Life of Jefferson, i. 333 et of these schemes, was opposed by seq. ; i. 363-369 ; N. Am. Reriew JeflFerson and liis adherents. With for Oct 1827 ; Bradford's Hist. Fed. John Adams Jefferson was apparentiy Gov't 53-55 ; Statesnian's jNIanual, on more friendly terms ; tiiough both L 83 ; Hildreth's U. S., 2d series, i. Adams and Hamilton were, in his 291 et seq., 357 et seq., 434, 453 ; estimation, leagued in a consphacy to Pitkin's U. S. u. 353. A modification overturn the republican institutions of of parties had taken place by this the United States, and to substitute a time — the federahsts haring become monai'chy and an aristocracy in then- the advocates of the financial scheme place — the monarchy being princi- recommended by the secretary of tbe pally patronized by Hamilton, and the treasm-y, and of the great and im- aristocracy by Adams. Tucker's Life portant measures of the administia- of Jefferson, i. 349. Comp. also, on tion, and the anti-federahsts ha-ring this subject, the pamphlet entitled subsided into opponents of those meas- " An Enquiry into the Principles and ures. The funding system generally. Tendency of Certain Pubhc Mea-sures," the assumption of the state debts, tlie printed at Philad., in 1794, and aimed incorporation of a national banli, and agauist HamUton's measures. the duties on domestic sphits, were ' True Picture of the U. S. of Am., DIFFICULTIES WITH ENGLAND. 331 Difficulties with England likewise occurred at this time, in chap. consequence of depredations upon the commerce of the United ^^"• States, and the passage of the, celebrated " orders in council." 1793. Instead, however, of resorting to force for redress, — though ^^''j'g/" an embargo for thirty days and sequestrating resolutions were ^^^- ^• advocated by some, — a special embassy was instituted by Apr. 16. Washington ; and John Jay, a man of the loftiest and most disinterested patriotism, was despatched to the court of St. May 13. James's, for the purpose of negotiation.' This prudent meas ure was censured by the opponents of the administration as betraying a pusillanimity unbecoming the executive of an independent republic ; and when a treaty was concluded, NovJ9. it was deprecated, before its articles were known, as a politi cal evil which ought not to be suffered. Hostility to the mother country, which had been fostered by the revolution, was far from being eradicated ; and there was quite a large class, " clad in English broadcloth and Irish linen, who import ed their conveniences from England and their politics from by a British Subject, London, 1807 ; ' Sparks's Washington, x. 404- Sparks's Washington, x. 387, 401, 410, and App. xxii. ; Pitkin's U. S. u. and message of Washington, in ibid. 396-416; Tucker's Life of Jefferson, xii. 96 ; Pitkin's U. S. h. 362-385 ; i. 481 et seq. ; Austm's Life of Gerry, A Pohtical Sketch of America, 19, 20 ; u. 174 ; Bradford, ui. 49, 50, and Hist Tucker's Life of Jefferson, i. 424-438 ; Fed. Gov't. 60-66 ; Hildreth's U. S., Statesman's Manual, i. 85 ; HUdreth's 2d series, i. 440-556 ; Ames's Works, U. S., 2d series, i. 434-441. " The 140 ; Carey's Ohve Branch, 84, 85. best thing," wrote Washington to R. On the prerious order, issued by tbe H. Lee, October 24, 1793, " that can King in council, June 8, 1793, see be said of this agent [Genet] is, that Sparks's Washington, x. 408 ; Pit- he is totally unfit for the mission on kin's U. S. ii. 396, and Hildreth's U. whichheis employed, unless, — which S., 2d series, i. 440. For the meas- I hope is not the case, — contrary to ures moved in Congress, in conse- the express and unequivocal declara- quence of these orders, see Sparks's tion of his country made through Washington, x. 409; and for a dis- himself, it is meant to involve us in cussion ofthe conduct of Great Britain, all the horrors of a Em'opean war. see the pamphlet of Juriscola, entitled This, or mterested motives of his own, " An Examinatioii of the Conduct of or haring become the dupe and the Great Britain respecting Neutrals." tool of a party, is the only solution Phikd., 1807; also, "Pohtical Ob- that can be given of his conduct." servations," pubhshed in 1795 ; Ers- After his recaU, Genet settled m kine's View of the Causes and Con- America, and married a daughter of sequences of the Present War with Governor Chnton, of New York. France. 332 MEETING IN BOSTON. CHAP. Prance," who considered Great Britain as the principal ag- J^^ grosser, and as" designing to monopolize all the advantages 1795. of commercial intercourse between the two countries.' The citizens of Boston, who in all periods of the history of the commonwealth had been accustomed to lead in political affairs, and whose views and opinions were generally, though not invariably, in unison with those of the people, assumed, on this occasion, to pass judgment upon the conduct of Washing ton, and censured it more freely than circumstances warranted. July 10. Hence a public meeting was called for the purpose of remon strating against the treaty, and, by a petition to the Senate, of preventing its ratification. Dr. Charles Jarvis was the principal speaker ; but there were not wanting those who objected to his views, and who considered the step inexpedient and improper. The constitution, it was said, had given to the President and Senate the exclusive power of concluding trea ties ; and in the exercise of that power every good citizen was bound to acquiesce. Dawes, and Tudor, and Eustis were in favor of postponing the subject, or of referring it to a com mittee to report at a future meeting, after a more perfect knowledge of the treaty. But the popular prejudice was July 13. strong on the other side ; and, at an adjourned meeting three days after, resolutions were passed to the effect that the treaty was " injurious to the commercial interests of the United States, derogatory to their national honor and independence, and might be dangerous to the peace and happiness of them and 16. citlzeus."^ The Chamber of Commerce, which was soon after ' Mr. Jay anived in England June ington, xi. 32, note, and App. No. 2 ; 15, 1794, and concluded the treaty Hamilton's 'NA'orks, vi. 2 et seq. ; Pit- ¦vrith Lord Grenrille, November 19, kin's U. S. u. 442 et seq. ; Marshall's which was received by the president Wasliington, v. ; Tucker's Life of Jef- March 7, 1795, submitted to tbe ferson, i. 498; Statesman's Manual, Senate June 8, and its ratification i. 86. The treaty was pubhshed in adrised June 24, with the exception tbe Am. State Papers, and in pam- of the 12th ai-ticle,, relating to the phlet form for distribution. West India trade. See Journals ' Sparks's AVashington, xi. 40, 57, Sen. and H. of Reps. ; Sparks's Wash- 71 ; Tne Treaty Discussed, &c., 28 et MEETING IN BOSTON. 333 convened, took a more liberal view, and expressed their acqui- chap. escence in the adoption of the treaty ; and Washington, in his ^^"• reply to their memorial, while he declared his regret at the 1795. " diversity of opinion which had been manifested on this occa sion," expressed his " satisfaction to learn that the commercial part of his fellow-citizens, whose interests were thought to be most deeply affected, so generally considered the treaty as calculated, upon the whole, to procure important advantages to the country." " This sentiment," he added, " I trust, will be extended, as the provisions of the treaty become well un derstood." ' seq., 73 et seq. ; Boston Centinel for July and Aug. 1795 ; Boston Chron. for July 13 and 16, 1795 ; Bradford, iii. 50, 51 ; Hildreth, 2d series, i. 540, -548. SimUar meetings were held in New York, PhUadelphia, and Charles ton, S. C. ; and resolutions were passed 'denouncing the treaty and protesting agamst its ratification. The New York Chamber of Commerce, however, con curred with the Boston Chamber in leaving the decision of the question ¦vrith the constitutional authorities ; and it was, doubtless, this prudence of the conserva,tive class which pre vented the country from being plunged into a war. Comp. Sparks's Wash ington, xi. App. X. ; Bradford's Hist Fed. Gov't. 81. " It is indeed to be regretted," wrote Washington to Pick ering, July 27, 1795, "that party disputes are now carried to such a length, and truth is so enveloped in mist and misrepresentation, that it is extremely difficult to know through what channel to seek it. This diffi culty, to one who is of no party, and whose sole wish is to pursue, -vrith underiating steps, a path which would lead this country to respectabUity, wealth, and happiness, is exceedingly to be lamented. But such — for wise purposes it is to be presumed — is the turbulence of human passions in party disputes, when victory more than truth is the palm contended for, that the post of honor is a private station." ' The Treaty Discussed, &c., 138, 139 ; Bradford, in. 52. In the news papers, speeches, and resolutions of the day, the treaty was opposed -vrith considerable virulence; and it was condemned as " prostituting the dear est rights of freemen, and laying them prostrate at the feet of royalty ; " — "a wanton sacrifice of the rights of this free nation ; " — " insulting to the dignity, injurious to the interests, dangerous to the security, and repug nant to the constitution of the Unit ed States ; " — containing " conces sions incompatible with the objects of the embassy, derogatory to the honor and injurious to the interests of Amer ica, and openly and pointedly hostile to the cause of France ; " — pregnant with "many evUs that threaten our ruin ; " — " injurious to the agricul ture, manufactures, and commerce of the' United States ; " — " invading the constitution and legislative au thority of the country; abandoning their important and well-founded claims against the British govern ment ; imposing unjust and impohtic restraints on their commerce; con ceding, without an equivalent, im portant advantages to Great Britain ; hostile and ungrateful to France; committing our peace -vrith that gi-eat repubhc ; unequal in every respect to America ; hazarding her internal peace and prosperity, and derogating from her sovereignty and mdependence." 334 REPLY OF WASHINGTON. The reply to the citizens of Boston was couched in different terms. " In every act of my administration," said he, " I have 1795. sought the happiness of my fellow-citizens. My system for the ^'^^^' attainment of this object has uniformly been, to overlook all personal, local, and partial considerations ; to contemplate the United States as one great whole ; to confide that sudden impressions, when erroneous, would yield to candid reflection ; and to consult chiefly the substantial and permanent interests of our country. Nor have I departed from this line of con duct on the occasion which has produced the resolutions con tained in your letter. " Without a predilection for my own judgment, I have weighed with attention every argument which has at any time been brought into view. But the constitution is the guide which I can never abandon. It has assigned to the President the power of making treaties, with the advice and consent of the Senate. It was doubtless supposed that these two branches of government would combine, without passion, and with the best means of information, those facts and principles upon which the success of our foreign relations will always depend ; that they ought not to substitute for their own convictions the opinions of others, or to seek the truth through any channel but that of a temperate and well-informed investigation. Under this persuasion, I have resolved on the manner of exe cuting the duty before me." ' Happy for all parties had these wise counsel.^ been properly heeded. But the prejudices and passions e.-icited by the rati- Comp. Charleston Gazette for July Ames, of Massachusetts, dehvered a 14, 1795 ; Rutledge's Speech, in ibid, powerful speech in Congress, in favor for July 17, 1795 ; Savannah Reso- of tbe ratification of the ti-eaty, which lutions; Richmond Resolutions ; Pe- is given iu his Works, 58 et seq., tersburg Resolutions ; N. York Reso- and wliich was warmly commended lutions; Philad. Memorial; Trenton by President AVasiiingtou. , Sparks's Resolutions, &c. Wasliington, xi. 127. Cor.ip. HU- ' Boston Chron. for Aug. 17,1795; di-eth's U. S., 2d series, i. 605-615. Sparks's Washington, xi. 42 ; The For an able defence of the treaty, see Treaty Discussed, 137 ; Pitirin's U. S. Harper's Adthess to his Constituents, u. 446, 447 ; Bradford, hi. 52. Fisher m Works, i. 1-16. increase SUMNER CHOSEN GOVERNOR. 335 £cation of the treaty were too deep-seated to be immediately chap. removed, and riots among the lower classes were the natural _3^^ result. These were continued in Boston for several nights ; 1795. houses were attacked ; the attorney general and sheriff were .grossly insulted, and, in one instance, personally assaulted ; and Mr. Jay, the negotiator of the treaty, was burned in effigy. The governor, who was himself opposed to the treaty, unwisely, as it would seem, declined to interfere for the sup pression of the tumult, alleging that it was " a mere watermelon frolic — the harmless amusement of young persons ; " but a number of citizens voluntarily associated to prevent the con tinuance of excesses, and their efforts were successful.' In the spring of 1797, another change took place in the 1797. government of Massachusetts — Increase Sumner, for several years a judge of the Supreme Judicial Court, being elected to the chief magistracy in the room of Mr. Adams, who, pleading the infirmities of age, had declined the suffrages of his fellow- citizens previous to the election.^ Earlier in the same year. Mar. 4. a similar change had taken place in a higher quarter — John Adams, of Massachusetts, having succeeded Washington as president of the United States.^ The sympathies of Mr. ' Bost Chron. for Oct. 1, 1795, and He was a member of the General Mar. 14, 1796 ; Hildreth, 2d ser., i. 576, Com-t in 1776, and the three foUow- 598 ; Bradford, iu. 53 ; N. E. Gen. mg years, when he was chosen a sen- Hist. Reg. for April, 1854,119. After ator for the county of Suffolk. He the ratification of the treaty, Aug. 18, was a member of the convention which petitions against it were circulated formed the state constitution, in 1780, throughout the United States, and a and, in 1782, was made an associate number of these were presented, in justice of the Supreme Judicial Court. the winter of 1796, from different In 1789 he was a member of the con- parts of the Union. Pitkin's U. S. u. vention for ratifjang the federal con- 454, 4.55. James SuUivan, Esq., stitution, and in 1797 was chosen afterwards Governor Sulhvan, was at- governor. Knapp's Biog, Sketches tomey general of Massachusetts at of eminent Lavvyers, &c. ; .Mem. of this time ; and the riots aUuded to in Gov. Sumner, in N. E. Gen. Hist the text took place in Liberty Square. Reg. for April, 1854. The other ^ Mr. Sumner was bora in Rox- candidates at this time were Moses bmy, November 27, 1746, and gradu- Gill and James Sulhvan. ated at Harvard College, m 1767. In ^ Elbridge Gerry, the pohtical fi-iend 1770 he was admitted to the bar, and of Jefferson, seems to have _ foreseen opened an office in his native town, the consequences ofthis election ; and 336 JOHN ADAMS CHOSEN PRESIDENT. CHAP. Sumner, as they had ever been enlisted in favor of Washing- J^^ ton and his administration, were cord:ally tendered to the new 1797. incumbent of the national chair ; and, in his first address to the General Court, he publicly expressed his confidence in the talents and patriotism of Mr. Adams. In this declaration, he did but echo the sentiments of a majority of the people of Massachusetts ; for, as the new president was known to be friendly to commerce, and to the interests of the Southern as well as of the Eastern States, it was believed he would pursue the wise and prudent policy of his predecessor, the benefits of which were beginning to be felt and to be generally acknowl edged.' Unfortunately, however, for the peace of his own mind and for the tranquillity of the nation, notwithstanding the ac knowledged abilities of the president, and his life-long devotion to American liberty, his opponents were soon busied in tra ducing his character and impugning his measures, under the plea that he was an aristocrat at heart, and was too much attached, for a chief magistrate of the American republic, to the government of Great Britain and its hereditary honors.* And it must be admitted that, on some points, the conduct of Mr. Adams was calculated to countenance and encourage such in a letter to Jefferson, dated March of state, see Tucker's Life of Jefi'er- 27, 1797, he says, "The consequences son, i. 467-472. of this election -vriU be repeated strat- ' Bradford, hi. 62. agems to wealien or destroy tbe " Writings of HamUton, i. 489, confidence of the president and rice 490 ; Bradford's Hist. Fed. Gov't 87, president in each otber, from an assur- 88. That Mr. Adams repudiated the ance that, if it continues to the end of charge of being in favor of an heredi- the present administration, the vice tary aristocracy, appears from his let- president wiU be his successor ; and, ter to Jefi'erson, July 13, 1813, m perhaps, from a dread of your pohti- Works, x. 54. " I will forfeit my hfe, cal influence." Austin's Life of Gerry, if you can find one sentiment in my u. 136. See also the Reply of Jef- Defence of the Constitutions, or the ferson, in ibid. u. 136 et seq. How Discourses on DavUa, wliicb, by a fah prophetic these words were, time soon construction, can favor the idea of the proved. On the conduct of Jefferson, introduction of hereditary monarchy his interest iu public affairs, and his or aristocracy in America." They were ultimate riews, from the date of his all written to strengthen and support resignation ofthe office of secretary the Constitution of the United States." VIEWS OP MB. ADAMS. 337 Buspicions. He had never been averse to outward display — chap. to the use of titles and ceremonial distinctions ; and his notions ^^^' on " birth " and " blood " were not very agreeable to those who 1797. derived their lineage from a humble source.' Not that he can be said to have advocated in any of his writings the doc trine of indelible hereditary excellence, — " Propped by ancestrj', whose grace Chalks successors then- way." Yet he seems to have favored the idea of a derivative excel lence, which was transmissible, also, to a certain extent, though it would doubtless be unjust to impute to him the intention to detract from real worth, from whatever source it sprang. " From lowest place when -rirtuous things proceed. The place is dignified by the doer's deed. Where great additions swell, and -virtue none. It is a dropsied honor. Good alone Is goodj-vrithout a name. VUeness is so. ' Comp. Sparks's Washington, x. state in the Union, and from the his- 20 ; Adams to Jefferson, July 9 and tory of every nation, ci-vdhzed and 13, Aug. — , and Sept. 2 and 15, 1813, savage, from all we know of the time in Works x. 49, 52, 58, 64, 69. of the creation of the world. . . . " Bu-th and wealth together have pre- We may call this sentiment a preju- vailed over -virtue and talents in all dice, because we can give what names ages." " Has science, or morals, or we please to such things as we please ; philosophy, or criticism, or Christian- but, in my opinion, it is a part of the ity, advanced, or improved, or en- natural history of man, and pohticians lightened manldnd upon this subject, and phUosophers may as well project and shown them that the idea of the to make the animal hve -vrithout bones 'weU born' is a prejudice, a phantom, or blood, as society can pretend to a Point-no-Point, a Cape Flyaway, a fi-ee government -vrithout attention to dream. 1 say it is the ordinance of it." A curious " Essay on Hered- God Almighty, in the constitution of itary Titles and University Degrees, human nature, and wrought into the particularly Doctorates in Dirinity, fabric of the universe. PhUosophers by a New England Farmer," was and pohticians may nibble and quib- printed in Boston, in 1798, " by Man- ble, but they will never get rid of it. ihng & Loring, for Caleb Buigham, Their only resoiu-ce is to control it No. 44 ComhiU." The author of this • . . If you deny any one of these pamphlet -wrote against such dis positions, I wUl prove them to demon- tinctions, unless " conferred for actual stration, by examples dra-wn fi-om your merit." ovrn Virgmia, and fi-om every other TOL. HI. 22 338 VIEWS OF MR. ADAMS. 1797. The property by what it ia shovdd go. Not by the title." ' To those, however, who did not perceive this distinction, or who wished to overlook it, Mr. Adams was the counterpart of a genuine republican — tainted with conceits and affected with a vanity which entirely disqualified him for the station he filled.^ Hence the rancor of his opponents was increased by his success ; and though it might, perhaps, be unjust to them to question their sincerity, it can hardly be doubted that too much stress was laid upon trifles, and that, for party pur poses, they were by no means reluctant to disparage his patri otism and impeach his intentions.^ It is not affirmed that Mr. Adams was perfect ; and it would be too much to assert that he was never mistaken.'* If he was " often liable to ' AU's WeU That Ends WeU, Act n. Sc. 3. " Hamilton, in his letter on John Adams, ed. 1800, 7, whUe he did not deny his integrity or patriotism, spoke of him as possessing " an imagination subhmated and eccentric — propi tious neither to the regular display of sound judgment, nor to a steady per severance in a systematic plan of con duct ; " — "a vanity -vrithout bounds; " — "a jealousy capable of discoloring every object;" — "disgusting ego tism and ungovernable indiscretion." " There ai-e great and intrinsic defects in Ills character, which unfit him for the office of chief magistrate." See also HamUton to Carroll, July 1, 1800, iu ^Vorks, vi. 446, and BaAard to HamUton, Aug. 18, 1800, hi ibid. 457. A reriew of Hamilton's pam phlet, by Caius, was pubhshed at Baltimore, entitled " A few Remarks on Mr. HamUton's late Letter concerning the Public Conduct and Character of the President," which is worthy of perusal by tho.se who wish to see both sides of a question, though the pamphlet itself is somewhat tart. ' " No man, perhaps," says Pick ering, Reriew, 6, " has ever suffered more from disappointed ambition and mortified vaihty than 'Mi. Adams; for in no man were these passions ever more highly sublimated." * As a general thing, ISIr. Adams, though free in the expression of his opinions, and indulgmg occasionaUy in a petulant humor, spoke of his bitterest opponents, in his calm and dispassionate moods, vrith commend able moderation, and did ample justice to their talents and rirtues. The only instance in which be seems to have departed fi-om this rule- — and that not -vrithout strong provocation — was in his ti-eatment of HamUton, whom, to the last, he could never forgive, and whom he held up to the world as a loathsome hbertine. See the Cun ningham Corresp., and comp. Hil dreth's U. S., 2d series, u. 384 et seq. When gi-eat men thus spar with each other, and forget the rales of Christian charity, we may lament their error, and -vrisli it had been otherw-ise with them. But the sun shines notw-ith- standmg the spots w-hicli may be ob served on its surfiice. These eclipse but a portion of irs brightness. It is still the great reservoir of light and of heat And so is it with great men. DIFFICULTIES WITH FRANCE. 339 paroxysms of anger," ' were there not others who were guilty chap. of similar excesses ? And why should he be singled out as JJ^ exclusively an object of censure ? Pew, it is believed, can 1797. read his writings, and few can review the history of his life, without awarding him the praise of acting conscientiously, and of being as free from gross and palpable faults as is often allotted to the weakness of humanity. It would be invidious to compare him with his distinguished associates ; but, with out disparaging them, it may be safely affirmed that, if he was not their superior, he was at least their equal.^ The difficulties with France, commenced under the adminis tration of Washington, had not ceased when' Adams took the presidential chair ; and, as the rulers of that nation were jealous of the " increasing activity of the commercial relations 1796. betwixt the United States and England,"^ and seemed desirous, \nd' ' . . 1797. by their decrees against American commerce and their capture Mar. i They have their faults ; but their virtues overbalance, and commend them to our respect. ' Hamilton's Letter, ed. 1800, 38. "Most,' if not all his ministers, and several distinguished members of the two Houses of Congress, have been humiliated by the effects of these gusts of passion." On the character of John Adams, see his Life, by his grandson, Charles Francis Adams ; Webster's Eulogy ; Hildreth's U. S., 2d series, i. 293- 296, &c. ' That France, as a nation, fi-om the outset ofthe revolution, sided -vrith America, in the contest with England, more from a desire , to cripple the commerce of Great Britain, than from any real regard to the hberties of the United States, and that, so soon as the independence of the United States was declared, she sought to divert the commerce of this country into a new channel, and secure its benefits to her self, is erident from the writings of her eminent statesmen, and is, indeed. distinctly avowed in the " Mem. con cerning the Commercial Relations of the U. States with England, by Citi zen TaUeyrand," republished at Bos ton, in 1809. " If, after the peace," says he, p. 5, " which secured the in dependence of America, France had been sensible of the fuU advantages of her position, she would have con tinued, and would have sought to multiply, the relations which, during the war, had been so happily estab hshed betwixt her and her alhes, and which had been broken off -vrith Great Britain ; and thus, the ancient habits bemg almost forgotten, we might at least have contended with some ad vantage against every thing wliich had a tendency to recall them." Speak ing, also, of the causes which had tended to reconcile America to Eng- leuid, arising from sympathy of lan guage, rehgion, customs, &c., he adds, p. 13, "They have taken such deep root, that it would, perhaps, require a French establishment in America to counteract their ascendency with any 340 DIFFICULTIES WITH FRANCE. CHAP, of American vessels,' to force this country into a war with 2^^ England, it became necessary, in the opinion of the executive, 1797. to remonstrate decisively, and prepare for the support of the rights of America. Hence measures were adopted for the protection of the shipping interest, by building vessels of war, . fortifying the sea coasts, and augmenting the forces of the nation.^ These measures were naturally attended with ex pense ; and the opponents of the administration condemned them as extravagant. But the governor of Massachusetts June, seems to have concurred in them ; and, in an address^ to the hopes of success. Undottbtedlt SUCH A POLITICAL PEOJECT SHOULD NOT BE OVERLOOKED." ' Instructions to the Envoys, &c., Philad., 1798; Hildreth's U. S., 2d series, ii. 50, 55. The latter decree, reviring that of May 9, 1793, was in tended — so -wrote Barlow — "to be httle short of a declaration of war ; " and, in its practical application, it proved more fetal to the interests of the United States than might have been supposed from its terms. An other decree, stUl more sweeping, was issued January 18, 1798, which for bade the entrance into any French port of any vessel which, at any pre rious part of her voyage, had touched at any Enghsh possession, and de claring good prize aU vessels having merchandise on board the produce of England or her colonies, whoever the owners of the merchandise might be. = Speech of Jvlay 16, 1797, in Ad ams's Works, ix. 116; Bradford's Hist Fed. Gov't., 94, 95 ; Hildreth's U. S., 2d series, u. 66, 88 ; Hai-per's Obs., in Works, i. 47-154. Tucker, Life of Jefferson, u. 10, 11, judiciously observes on this point, "The blame of this state of things was thrown by many on the unwise councUs of the government, which were attributed to its predilections for Great Britain over France. But they seem rather due to the confhct between those nations ; for, when we consider the bitter ani mosity which was felt by both nations. it was scarcely practicable how the government could have steered clear of a war -vrith either England or France, and the question only to be considered was, which would have most affected the honor, and most im peded the prosperity-, of the country. Had the government not firmly re sisted and dUigently counteracted the popular sentiment towards France, or had not many of the causes of col- h.sion been removed by the British treaty, a war -vrith Eiigland would have been ineritable ; but after that treaty, no course of mere neutrahty would probably have restored the con fidence and fr-iendly feelings of France. In short, encouraged by the kno-wn partiahty of the American people, nothing would have satisfied France, appai-ently, but war against Great Britain ; and her unfriendly senti ments were yet further excited by the recaU of Mr. Monroe, whose only of fence was supposed to be bis too kind feehngs towai-ds France." ^ 1110 last session of the legisla ture hi the Old State House was held tliis year; and January 11, 1798, the General Com-t took possession of the New State House, stiU standing near the Common, the erection of which was commenced in 1795. On this occasion, the governor and legislature, flith the different officers of the gov emment, moved in procession to the representatives' room, where the Rev. Dr. Thacher, as chaplain of the Gen COMMISSIONERS APPOINTED. 341 General Court, in the following year, he recommended the chap. adoption of similar measures for the defence of the sea coasts ^^^^• of the state, which are quite extensive. Castle Island, with 1797. his sanction, was likewise ceded to the United States, to be repaired and extended, with a view to prevent the entrance of foreign vessels which might blo'ckade the town.' The appointment of commissioners to the court of Prance May 31. was another of the measures of President Adams, in which he was opposed by a portion of his cabinet, between whom and his excellency there was not an entire harmony of views ; and the difficulties which sprang from this source were lasting and violent.^ Elbridge Gerry, of Massachusetts, was one of these commissioners^ — a gentleman distinguished for his intellec tual ability, and for his attachment to the republican party. His associates were Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, of South Jun, 21 Carolina, the head of the federal party, who was still at Amsterdam, and John Marshall, of Virginia, afterwards the biographer of Washington, beloved for his private and public virtues, and admired for his unrivalled powers of argument. The reception of these agents,^ however, was not such as eral Court, dedicated the building " to 14, 19, 23 ; Hamilton's Works, ri. the honor of God and the people's 195, 209, 214, 216, 218, 22L 242, good." For a description of the 247 ; Bradford's Hist Fed. Gov't. building, and the ceremonies of dedi- 96 ; Hildreth's U. S., 2d series, ii. cation, &c., see Fleet's Register for 94 et seq. " The preference of Mr. 1799, 39, 40 ; Bradlbrd, in. 56 ; Mem. Gerry to Mr. Cabot" wrote John of Gov. Sumner, in N. E. Gen. Hist. Adams, " was my first mortal offence Register for April, 1854, 120. against my sovereign heads of depart- ' Bradford, ih. 63-65. That Wash- ments, and their disciples in all the ington approved the measures of Mr. states. It never was, or has been, Adams, is erident from his Writings, forgiven me bj- those who call them- xi. 205, 262. " Beheve me, sh, no selves, or are called by others, the one can more cordially approve the 'leading men' among the federal- wise and prudent measures of your ists." administration. They ought to in- ^ Works of J. Adams, ix. 150 ; spire universal confidence ; and will. Statesman's Manual, i. 130. Francis uo doubt combined -vrith the state of Dana, of Massachusetts, was nomi- ihings. call fi-om Congress such laws nated before Mr. Gerry ; but as he and means as vriU enable you to meet deohned, Mr. Gerry was appointed in the full force and extent ofthis crisis." his place. ¦ A\'oriis of J. Adams, ix. 288. ¦* Mr. Gerry, who embarked for Comp. Tucker's Life of Jefferson, ii. Europe August 9, and arrived at 342 RECEPTION OF THE COMMISSIONERS. CHAP, evinced a willingness on the part of the Directory, confirmed ,35^ by the revolution of the eighteenth Fructidor, tO treat with the 1797. United States on liberal terms. Indeed, the conduct of the Sept 4 ' French rulers, with Talleyrand as secretary of foreign affairs, justified the remark of an eminent patriot, that " resistance or unconditional submission w'as the only alternative left to a nation within reach of their arms." For the commissioners were received with coldness and disrespect ; they were not publicly accredited ; and persons were sent, in a private and informal manner, to ascertain their views, and learn upon what terms the United States were willing to purchase the friendship of Prance.' In consequence of this treatment, which was condemned alike by federalists and republicans, two of the commissioners, April'. Pinckney and Marshall, left the court. But Mr. Gerry re mained, in the hope, it is said, of averting a rupture, and opening the way for a reconciliation. If in this he was un- Paris October 4, in a letter dated Oc tober 9, in Austin's Life of Gerry, u. 159, note, gives a rather ludicrous account of his reception at the court. " The morning after my arrival," says he, " I was waited upon by the mu sicians of the executive, and, the suc ceeding morning, by a deputation of poissardes, or fisherwomen, for pres ents. Major Rutledge was kind enough to negotiate for me, by which means I avoided the kind caresses ofthe ladies, and an interriew with the gentlemen. They expected fifteen or twenty guin- , eas, which each of us, according to cus tom, was obhged to give them. When the ladies get sight of a minister, as they did of my colleagues, they smoth er him with their dehcate kisses ! So much for the dignity of the coi-ps di plomatique." ' What is our Situation, and What our Prospects, by an American ; Hani- ihon's Works, ri. 274-277 ; Tucker's Life of Jefferson, h. 20, 28 ; Bradford, hi. 68 ; Harper's Speech of May 29, 1797, in Works, i. 165-208. The French Directory had preriously de clared " qu'il ne reconnaitra, et ne re- cevTa plus de miuistre plenipotentiaire des Etats Uuis, jusqu'apr^s le redresse- meiit des griefs demande au gouverne- ment Americaine, et que la Repubhque Francaise est en droit d'en entendi-e.'' HamUton's A^'orks, ri. 216. For a fuU account of tliis embassy, see the pamphlet pubhshed at Pliiladelphia, by an order of Congress of the 22d Jiine, 1798, entitled •' Instructions to the Envoys Extraordinarj- and Min isters Plenipotentiary fi-om the U. S. of America to tiie French Repubhc, theu- Letters of Credence and FuU Powers, and the Despatches received fr-om them relative to tiieir Mission." For cm-ious pamphlets on the French side of the question, see the Second Warning, pubhshed at Pai-is, hi 1798, and Fauchet's Sketch of om- Pohtical Relations, printed at Paris, and re printed at PhUadelphia, in 1797. RETURN OP PINCKNEY AND MARSHALL. 343 ¦successful, the president, it would seem, did not entirely disap- chap. prove of his course,' though many of the citizens of Massachu- ^^^^' setts, and the federalists generally, condemned his vanity in 1798. " thinking he could negotiate favorably for the country, when his colleagues were convinced that no just or reasonable condi tions would be admitted."^ Previous to the return of Pinckney and Marshall, the gov ernment of the United States, satisfied that its course must be prompt and decided, was busied in devising measures to bring things to a head ; and, after the despatches of the envoys had May 4. been presented to Congress, which served to open the eyes of many, and to silence for a time the favorers and apologists of Prance,^ an act was passed authorizing the president to raise May 22. ' Comp. J. Adams to T. Pickering, Aug. 3, 1799, in Works, ix. 7. " He was nominated, and approved, and fiiiaUy saved the peace of the nation. He alone discovered and fm-nished the eridence that X, Y, Z were employed by TaUejTand. And he alone brought home the direct, formal, official as surances upon which the subsequent commission proceeded, and peace was made." Yet Pickering w-as allowed, at the ensuing session of Congress, to .send in a report, — pruned, indeed, by Mr. Adams, — in which the conduct of Mr. Gerry was criticised severely. ^ Comp. Hamilton's AVorks, vi. ; Bradford, iu. 70 ; Pickering's Review, 77-100 ; Hildreth's U. S., 2d series, ii. 262, 263. That Mr. Gerry was " tenacious of his own pecuhar projects, and estimated, with great self-com placency, tbe plans which originated with himself," seems to be admitted by Mr. Austin, his biographer, to gether with the " habitually suspicious tendency of his mind." Austin's Life ef Gerry, u. 307. That Mr. Gerry, however, did not voluntarily enter upon this separate negotiation, but for the reasons assigned in the text, is evident from his Letter to TaUeyrand, m Austin, il 209. Washington had aless favorable ojimion of Mr. Gerry's course than President Adaihs, and wrote to Pickering, October 18, 1798, Writings, xi. 325, "With respect to Mr. Gerry, his own. character and the public satisfaction require better eri dence than his letter to the minister of foreign relations to prove the propriety of his conduct during his en- voysbip." Com]). Pickering's Review, 110-143, and Hamilton's Works, ri. 322. The treatment of Mr. Gerry's family during his absence, as detaUed in Austin's Life of Gerry, u. 266, 267, reflects httle credit upon the parties concerned, and speaks httle in favor of the cause they had espoused. To insult a lady, by insinuating doubts of her husband's fidelity, by erecting a guillotine before her window, on which was tbe effigy of a headless man, smeared with blood, and by savage yells during tbe night, to disturb her repose, were unmanly and disgraceful acts, for which no apology should be offered, and which every good citizen must concur in condemning. " "The infiuence," says Tucker, Life of Jefferson, h. 33, " which these despatches had on public sentiment is well recollected. Those who had been previously ahenated from the French nation, and were prepared to resist her lawless com-se on the ocean. 344 MEASURES OP THE GOVERNMENT. CHAP, a provisional army of twenty thousand men, the command of _21!^ which was intrusted to Washington. Authority was also 1798. given to the navy of the United States to seize vessels under mV28. ths flag of France which had committed encroachments on Jun. 13. American commerce ; commercial intercourse between the two countries was suspended ; the treaties concluded with France July 7. were declared no longer binding on the United States ; letters July 9. of marque and reprisal were empowered to be issued ; and other acts were passed, for increasing the navy, for direct and indirect taxation, and for appropriating the revenue among the ofiicers of government. Alien and sedition laws were likewise passed.' The adoption of these measures was censured by the oppo nents of the administration with all 'the virulence which passions inflamed beyond reasonable bounds have ever pro duced ; and tbe foundation was laid of personal piques and bitter resentments, which have not ceased with the passage of years. Whoever, indeed, speaks freely of the transactions of those days -^ of the intrigues of great men and the plots of partisans — is sure to touch some sensitive point, and to revive animosities which will not soon be forgotten. There is no alternative, however, for the impartial historian, but to move loudly triumphed at this undisguised HamUton's AVorks, ri. 309 et seq. ; manifestation of the baseness and cu- Tucker's Life of Jefferson, ii. 28-33 ; pidity of her rulers, w-hich at once Bradford, hi. 67, and Hist Fed. Gov't justified their previous course, and 97-102 ; Austin's Life of Gen-y, iu. was likely to strengthen their cause 271, 272; HUdreth's U. S., 2d series, with the people. AU the timid and u. 195 et seq. ; Harper's Letter of wavering of the other party, the neu- July 23, 1798, in AA''orks, i. 268-287. ter between both parties, and a few The fr-igate Co.nstitution was buUt in elevated minds, who forgot party dis- Boston at this time, wliich was coii- tinctions in their sensibility to the sidered one of the best ships beloiig- national honor, swelled the hst, and hig to tiie United States. The other thus gave to the adiniiiistration and two frigates voted by Congress, were anti-Gallicanparty a decisive majority the United States aiid the Constella-^ of the people." tion. Besides these, it appears from ' Works of J. Adams, ix. 159, the official reports, that not less than 160; Sparks's Washington, xi. 242 365 private armed vessels were com et seq., and App. Nos. 11 and 12; missioned, mounting 2733 guns, and Marshall's Wasliington, v. 735-746 ; maimed by 6874 seamen. RE-ELECTION OP MR. SUMNER. 345 straight forward in the discharge of his duty, dealing as fairly chap with the one side as with the other. It would not be diflScult, ^"'•• did the disposition exist, to find fault with both sides ; nor 1799. would it be difficult to substantiate, by copious quotations from newspaper pasquils, anonymous notes, and fatherless pamphlets, charges of misconduct against even the best char acters. But it is unwise to judge men by their splenetic humors, or by the foibles and passions which often betray them. Moods of misanthropy are common to all ; and impulse prompts to many a hasty censure and reproof, which is after wards regretted, if it is not retracted.' The reelection of Mr. Sumner as governor of Massachusetts was warmly opposed in this and the following year, in conse quence of his syrapathy with President Adams ; but he was chosen in the latter year by a very large majority, receiving -^-prUL at least three fourths of the whole number of votes cast.^ To the grief of his friends, he died before taking the oath of June 7. ' The .state of feeling in Massachu- their opponents, but, as to the great setts, and tbe riews of tbe people body of the people, and even of the relative to Mr. Adams's administra- politicians, it -v^as utterly unfounded. tion, may be gathered from the ad- Yet, as each one was persuaded that di-esses approving his course, from the the pohcy of our govei-nment, and legiskture of the state, the grand perhaps its character, was likely to be jury of the county of Plymouth, the affected according as the power of students of Harvard College, the citi- these nations in Europe and their in- zens of Boston, and from a number fluence here prevailed, each was led of other towns. The rephes to these to take an interest in French or Eng- addresses ai-q given in the Works of lish affairs, on account of the interest John Adams, ix. 1 89 et seq. Comp. they took in then- country's welfare ; also Hildreth's U. S,, 2d series, h. and it is not wonderfid that, -vrith '207 et seq. For the opmion of Ham- many, objects fu-st pursued on otber ikon on the situation of the country, accounts should be afterwards pm-- and the riews of those who were " de- sued for then- own ; and that, in a termined to go every length -vrith few instances, the secondary consider- France," see his AA^orks, vi. 289, ation became the fu-st in regard and Letter to AVashington, May 19, 1798, importance." and reply of W'a.shington, in ibid. ^ The whole vote was 33,000, of 290. Tucker, however. Lile of Jeffer- which .AL. Sumner received 25,000. son, n. 24, juchciously'observes, that One hundred and eighty to-tvns gave " this imputation of ' sacrificing the him a unammous vote. Bradford, interests of the United States to those iu. 65; Mem. of Gov. S., in N. E. of a foreign nation, was indeed habit- Gen. Hist. Reg. for April, 1854, 123. uaUy made by both parties against 346 CALEB STRONG CHOSEN GOVERNOR. May. CHAP, office ; and Moses Gill, the lieutenant governor, occupied the _^^ chair for the rest of the year.' The successor of Mr. Gill was 1800. Caleb Strong, a gentleman of "uncommon talents, of great political knowledge and experience, and of unblemished mor als." 2 His competitor, Mr. Gerry, was the candidate of the republican party ; and it is proof of the confidence of the people in his integrity that the vote for him was large, though insufficient to secure his election.^ The two parties, indeed, — the federahsts and republicans, — were quite nearly bal anced in Massachusetts at this time ; and such was the state of public feeling, that " ministers and judges entered the arena of political strife," and " the temples of devotion and justice became altars of desecration." * It is a sad illustration of the weakness of humanity to find a meeting of free citizens, preparatory to the election of national representatives, de- ' Moses GUI, the heutenant gov ernor of Massachusetts, had held this office for several years, and was " es teemed as an ardent patriot, and a sincere friend to the hberties of the people." He was a gentleman of re spectable talents, and discharged the duties of his office with commendable dihgence. His administration was too short, however, to be particulai'ly distinguished, nor is his name usuaUy given in the hst of the governors of the state, though it properly belongs there, as he served for a fuU year. The death of AA''aslungton, which oc- cmi-ed December 14, 1799, was a severe stroke to the nation, and to the federal party especially, with which he had been connected; and the downfall of this party and the triumph of its opponents may be dated fr-om this period. Public serrices were held in all the states on the occasion of the funeral of Wasliington, and numerous eulogies were dehvered and pubhshed. » Biog. of Gov. Strong, ed. 1820 ; Boston Centinel for M;u-ch 11, 1812; Bradford, ih. 77. Mr. Strong was bom at Northampton, in 1744, and entered early into pubhc Hfe, being a member of the Committee of Corre spondence of Northampton, in 1775, and of the Massachusetts legislature in 1776, -vrith tbe intrepid Hawley. He was a member of the Constitu tional Convention of 1780, and was chosen councUlor in the same year, and senator in 1781. He ivas one of the five delegates to the Federal Convention, in 1787. and a member of the Massachusetts Convention of 1788. From 1789 to ,1797, he was also a senator in the Congi-ess of the United States, after which he retired to private life, until chosen to the chief magistracy of Massachusetts m 1800. He was now, therefore, in the 56tli year of liis age ; and his abUities and experience abiindanth quahfied him for the responsible station to which he was called, and which he fUled with so much credit to himself mid the state. ^ Austm's Life of Gen-y, h. 302. * Austin's Life of Gerry, u. 296, note. FOURTH PRESIDENTIAL CANVASS. 347 scribed as " a convention of Parisian cutthroats, assembled in chap. solemn divan for the purpose of selecting some devotee of _^^ republicanized Prance as a candidate for the democratic 1798. suffrages in this district for federal representation at the ap- °°*" ^^' proaching election." ' But such excesses were not uncommon ; and all who participated actively in political affairs were alike subjected to sneers and reproaches. The fourth presidential canvass, in the mean time, was I800. approaching ; and, as dissatisfaction with the administration of Mr. Adams had been increased by his attempt to negotiate pj^% anew with Prance, — which was disapproved by a majority of the cabinet, and by the great body of the federalists in both Ilouses,^ — and by his dismissal of Pickering and M'Henry, his secretaries of state and war, which provoked their enmity against him, as well as by the defensive measures which were still pursued, and the enforcement of the obnoxious alien and sedition laws,^ the opposition became violent ; his conduct was condemned as " a heterogeneous compound of right and wrong. ' Boston Centinel for Oct 17, 1798; ering's Reriew, 44-77; Proceedings Austin's Life of Gerry, h. 296, note. of the Va. Assembly, Philad. 1800; " Desultory Refiections on the New Barlow's Letters ; Bradford, hi. 80. Pohtical Aspects, &c., N. Y., 1800 ; For Waslhngton's opinion of the Works of J. Adams, ix. 11,18,19,24 ahen and sedition laws, see Sparks's, et seq., 131, note, 162, 241 et seq. ; Washington, xi. 345, 387; and for HamUton's AVorks, ri. 471, and Let- HamUton's, see his Works, ri. 388, ter on J. Adams, 21 ; Glbbs's Fed. 389. " The alien law," says Carey, Admin, h. 243 et seq. ; Jay's Jay, u. Ohve Branch, 83, "I believe, was never 296 ; Tucker's Life of Jefferson, u. can-led into operation. It was held 68 ; Statesnian's Manual, i. 134 ; HU- in terrorem over several active and di-eth's U. S., 2d series, u. 180 et seq. ; influential foreigners, who, in the lan- Hai-per's Speech of INIarch 2, 1798, in guage of the day, were rank Jacobins, Works, i. 209-267. In this instance, and, of com-se, enemies of God and several of the cabinet were opposed to man. But the case was far different Senduig new commissioners to France, -vrith the sedition law. Sevei-al indirid- as " an act of humUiation not to be uals could bear testimony, fi-om ex- submitted to except mider the pres- perience, to the severity -vrith which sm-e of an extreme necessity, which its sanctions were enforced." Pick- did not exist." ering, Reriew, 11, asserts that one * AVorks of J. Adams, ix. 14, note, ofthe objects of the sedition law was 291 ; the Cunningham Correspond. ; " to protect him [Mr. Adams] fi-om HamUton's Letter, 2d ed. 37 et seq. ; the torrents of calumny pouring upon Pendleton's Address, Boston, 1799 ; him from aU the streams of democ- HamUton's Works, ri. 307, 398; Pick- racy." 348 CHOICE OF JEFFERSON. CHAP, of wisdom and error ; " and the result of the canvass, after a J^^ great deal of manoeuvring and not a little tergiversation, was the election of Mr. Jefferson by a vote of the House.' The vote of Massachusetts was given for Mr. Adams ; ^ but, as the electors were chosen by the legislature, at a special session, it is probable that, had the former mode of voting in districts been adopted, several votes would have been given for Mr. Jefferson.* Yet the governor, in bis annual address, expressed himself in a conciliatory manner towards the new adminis tration, although the result had not " corresponded with the wishes of many citizens of this commonwealth." " They wQl reflect," he observed, " that, in republics, the opinion of the majority must prevail, and that obedience to the laws and respect for the constitutional authorities are essential to the character of a good citizen." * Nor were these prudent counsels without their effect; for 1801. 1800. Nov. 1801. June. ' For these proceedings, see Ham Uton's Works, ri. 416 et seq. ; the Voter's Text Book, 7 ; Tucker's Life of Jefferson, u. 74-82; Bradford's Hist Fed. Gov't 117; Statesman's Manual, i. 219; HUdi-eth's U. S., 2d series, u. 402 et seq. That Jefferson took a deep interest in the result of this election, and did all in his power to insure the defeat of Mr. Adams, is erident from his own writings, and from the admission of his biographer ; and the pomts ing, the influence of England was as ished and suffering condition of the strong in Boston and some other parts country, and declaring their behef of New England as it was in Scot- that the war was unnecessary, and land, stronger tlian it was in Ireland, was to be attributed to the undue in- so far as hostile feelmg to France, and fluence of a foreign power over the every thing but hostile opposition to councils of the nation ; and before the Madison's administration, as connected adjoiu'nment of tiie General Com-t, or with France. There was, at least, in February, resolves were reported sympathetic affiance, offensive and by a committee appohited for the defensive, between England and parts pm-pose, condemning the embai-go as of New England." unwarranted by the constitution, and THB PARTIES ¦WHO WERE BENEFITED BT THE WAR. 403 Disastrous, however, as was the policy of the national gov- chap. ernment to the citizens of Massachusetts, there were not ^^' wanting some to whom it afforded a temporary and delusive 1814. pecuniary benefit. Especially that class who were engaged in privateering, and who were willing to run great risks in the hope of great gains, found their profit in eluding the vigilance of the enemy, and in carrying on a commerce which was re munerative, if it was not honest. A host of agents, contract ors, and officers of all sorts, had likewise been called into being by the war ; and these, as dependants upon the bounty of the president, were bound to return him the cheap meed of adulation, and to denounce Shu-ley, James, i. 139, 140, 146. Shirlev, Governor WUham, u. 135, 140, 143, "146, 147, 154, 158, 167, 170, 181, 184, 187, 189, 192, 195, 201, 206, 207, 209-211, 21,3. 216 219 220, 246, 252, 259. Shirley, town of, u. 4,'^* Short, ih. 31. Short, Captain, u. 67. Shrewsbury, iu. 9. Shrimpton, i 601. Shuldham, Admh-al, ih. 80. 450 INDEX. Shute, Rev. Daniel, ii. 351. Shute, Samuel, iL 104, 105, 119, 120- 122. SUhouette, M. de, ii. 168. SiU, Captain, L 442. Silsby's Alley, h. 412. Sinclair, Sir John, ii. 186. Singletary, Mr., in. 290. Six Nations, h. 176, 208. Skelton, Rev. Samuel, L 163, 166, 171, 189, 195, 213, 236-238. Slade's Ferry, L 115. Slaughter, Governor, i. 512. Slavery in Massachusetts, u. 6 ; in. 188, 189. Slavery, discussion upon, in the federal convention, ih. 276-281. Slavery, discussion upon, in the Mas sachusetts convention, ih. 291-293. SmaU, hi. 31. Small pox, U. 113-116. Smelt, hi. 31. Smith, i. 501. Smith, Captain John, i. 20 et seq. Smith, Lieutenant Colonel, u. 610, 512, 613. .-^Smith, Mr., of Warvrick, L 426, 505. .Smith, Nathan, ui. 228. Smith, Rev. John, i. 50, 52, 53, 57. Smith, Rev. Ralph, L 163, 164, 199. Smith, Sh Thomas, L 69. Smith, Sylvanus, iu. 228. Smith, WUham, u. 178. Snider, the German youth, iL 408. Society for Propagating the Gospel, &c., L 351,355, 357; h. 162. Socononoco, i. 264. Somers, Sh- George, L 16. Somers, Sir John, L 609, 612. SomerriUe, u. 489. Sons of Liberty, iL 327, 346, 346,363, 366, 381, 398, 412, 493. South Bay, u. 195. South Carohna, U. 461. South Hadley, u. 456. South, state of feeling at the, hi. 92- 96. Southampton, Earl of, i. 9, 16. Southampton, to-wn of, L 78. Southcote, Thomas, i. 156. Southworth, Ahce, i. 62. Southworth, Constant, i. 62. Spain, discoveries of, i. 2 ; truce -with, 1. 65 ; war with, ii. 181. Sparrow, the fishing vessel, i. 109, 110. Spectacle Island, ih. 56. .SpeedweU, the ship, L 75, 77-79. SpeedweU, Pring's ship, i. 12. SpeedweU, the ship, i. 363. Spelman, Sir Henry, L 286. Spencer, Colonel Joseph, iiL 7, 10, 21, 78, 146, 120. Spencer, Earl of, iL 348. Spencer, town of, h. 456. Spendlove, iu. 31. Spooner, h. 388. Sprague, Ralph, &c., I. 170. Sprii^eld, town of, L 215, 419,421, 422, 443 ; uL 242, 243. ' Squakeag, i. 419. Squantum, peninsula of, i. 101. Squeb, Captain, L 188, 192. St. Charies, u. 82, 83. St. CJlair, Lieutenant General, iL 155, 185, 207. St. George's Islaqd, L 14 ; River, iL 12L St. Germain, treaty of, i. 303. St Hel^ne, M. de, n. 82, 83. St. John, expedition to, iiL 143, 144. St. John, Lord Bolingbrdie, iL 100. St. Lawrence, i. 8. St. Louis, castle of, iL 80. St. Patrick, the ship, L 211. St Pierre, M. de, h. 174. St. Sacrament, Lake, ii. 194. Stagg, Captain, L 328. Stamp act, h. 252, 280, 287, 294, 299, 300, 308, 314, 318, 319, 321, 326. Stamp tax in Massachusetts, h. 255. Standing ai-my in tie colonies, ii. 253, 276. Stanhope, u. 104. Standish, MUes, i. 92, 94, 101, 103, 108, 112-117, 122, 135, 144. Stanley, Lord, u. 376. Stanton, Major, i. 434. Stanton, Robert, i. 440. Stanton, Thomas, L 347. StauTOx, u. 233, 235. Stark, General John, u. 196, 221, 231, 232; in. 3, 10, 22, 27, 30, 31, 145. Star Chamber Com-t, i. 152, 323. State Constitution, in. 172-181. State House, new, in. 340, note. State House, old, in. -282. State Prison, in. 321. States General, orders of, i. 19. Statute, bloody, i. 34. Steele, L 298. Stetson, Cornet Robert, i. 441, 442. Stevenson, Marmaduke, L 368. Stockbridge's garrison, i. 441. Stone, Captain, i. 218, 219, 221. INDEX. 451 Stone, Rev. Samuel, L 201. Stone, Thomas, in. 99. Stoneham, town ot; ii. 455. Stonmgton, L 424, 425, 434, 440. Story, Judge, quoted, i. 176. Story, Mr., ii. 300. Stoughton, Israel, L 213, -228. Stoughton, wilham, L 459, 460, 466, 468, 479, 482, 488, 501, 503; ii. 32, 36, 44, 68-62, 66. Strafford, Eari of, i. 161, 211, 323. Strawberry Bank, i. 302. Strong, Caleb, iiL 270, 282, 346, 349, 369, 387-390, 398, 422. Stuarts, overthrow of the, i. 499. Subercase, u. 99. Success, the ship, L 187, 190. Sufferings of the people, iii. 134, 158, 166. SuffoUi county, u. 4, 215. Sugar act, u. 286, 287. Sugar Loaf Hill, L 420. Sugar planters, complaints of, ii. 248. SuUivan, General, hi. 50, 68, 81, 150, 152, 349. SuUivan, James, in. 320, 349, 369,361. Sulhvan, William, in. 419. Sumner, Increase, ui. 335, 340, 3-45. Sunderland, Lord, u. 98. Sunk Squaw, L 427. Supremacy, acts o^ L 34, 42. Susannah, Island of, L 68. Sutchffe, Dr., i. 23. Swan, the ship, L 111-113. Swansey, town of, L 1 15, 409-414, 445. Sydney, L 323. Sylvester, Captam Joseph, i. 441. Symmes, Rev. Mr., i. 401, 451 ; ii. 30. Synod at Newtown, L 253. Taconnet FaUs, u. 182. Tadoussac, i. 13. TaUer, Colonel, U. 99, 100. Talbot, the ship, L 164, 169, 187, 190. Talcot, Major, L 445. TaUeyrand, m. 342. Tarratmes, i. 26, 1()2, 197. Tasker, Benjamin, ii. 178. Taunton, town of, L 99, 147, 416, 446, 488. Taunton River, L 413. Taylor, Dr., ui. 283. Tea tax, h. 396, 465 ; tea destroyed, iL 473-476. Temple, Lord, u. 324, 429, 504. Temple, Sh- Thomas, i. 386. Thacher, Anthony, i. 207. Thacher, Oxenbndge, h. 259, 264, 288. Thames River, L 19. Thanksgiring, L 103, 122. Thierish Harbor, L 86. Thomas, General, hi. 3, 9, 15, 21, 42, 78, 79. Thomas, John, i. 5. Thomas, Joshua, in. 413. Thompson, Charles, u. 490; iii. 305. Thompson, Darid, i. 122, 136, 19L Thompson, General, iu. 291. Thompson, Rev, Ml-., i. 326. Thornton, J..Wingate, L 133, 153. Three Rivers, u. 80. Thurloe, hi. 65. Thurlow, hi. 167. Ticonderoga, U. 194, 205, 209, 217, 229, 231, 235; hi. 62, 78. TiUey, John, L 223. TUly, John, L 133. TUlotson, Dr., i. 511. Tisquantum, L 26, 96, 97, 99, 101, 102, 108, 109, 112, 349. ' Titcomb, u. 197. Titicut, or Taunton, L 99. Tituba, ii. 32. Tiverton, R. L, hi. 146. Tokamabamon, i. 99-101. Toleration, progress of, L 373, 374; hi. 178. Tories, hi. 10, 40, 135-137. Tour, Etienne de la, i. 303-307. Townsheud, Charies, h. 251, 261, 277, 278, 293", 324, 327, 330, 331, 335, 338, 339. Towns of New England, i. 215. TraveUing, u. 22, 275 ; hi. 209. Treat, Major, L 421-427. Treby, Chief Justice, L 612. Trecothick, Alderman, u. 3, 86, 426, 427. Trep6z6e, M. de, h. 231. Trial by jury at Plymouth, L 128. Trial, the ship, i. 187, 190. Troops sent to Boston, h. 329, 370- 372 497. TrambuU, Governor, hi. 20, 68. Tudor, ui. 332. Tupper, Thomas, L 359. Turenne, MarshaL L 389. Turner, Captam, i. 443, 4-44. Turner, Hon. Charles, hi. 283. Turner, Mr., L 92. _ Turner, Nathaniel, L 221. 452 INDEX. Twelfth Parhament, u. 348. Twightwees, U. 174. Tyler, Royal, ii. 354, 418. U. Uncas, i. 224, 229, 231, 232, 415. UnderhiU, Captam John, L 220, 223, 225, 227, 257, 291, 300. Union proposed, h. 339. United States, the frigate, hi. 398. Unitarianism in Massachusetts, u. 274. Universalism in Massachusetts, iL 274. Usher, John, L 469, 486, 488, 603. Utrecht, peace of, iL 139. Valley Forge, iu. 146. Vane, Sh Henry, L 207-213, 246, 260 -263, 269, 323-325. Van TwiUer, Walter, L 200. Varick, Richard, ui. 393. Varnum, Mr., in. 151. Varnum, Mr., in. 417. VassaU, WiUiam, i. 196, 338. VaudreuiL M. de, u. 195, 222, 238. Vaughan, WUham, u. 140, 146. Vergennes, in. 168. Vernon, AdmiraL iL 131. Verrazani, i. 7. Vespucius, i. 4. Vetch, ColoneL n. 98, 99. Vigilance committees, u. 400. Villebon, M., h. 88, 96. Vmcent, i. 278. Vines, Richard, L 25. Vineyard, Mai-tha's, L 10, 12. Virginia, L 12, 16, 18, 66-88, 107, 342 ; h. 292, 296, 461; hi. 104, 266, 267. W. Wadsworth, Captain, i. 433, 438. Wadsworth, Peleg, iu. 161. Wahginacut, i 197. Waldo, ColoneL u. 146. Waldo, Daniel, hi. 413. Walford, Thomas, i 170. WaUey, Major, u. 61, 82, 83. Walker, Captain, ui. 26. WaUier, Sir Hovenden, u. 101-103. Walpole, Sh Robert, u. 127, 247, 332. Walter, Rev. Mr., n. 116. Waltham, town of, ui. 4. Walton, ColoneL of New Hampshi u. 99, 119. Wampanoags, L 95, 243, 404, 446. War of 1812, declaration of, in. 375, Ward, GeneraL u. 388; hi. 3, 8, 9, It. 22-29, 39, 44, 78, 84, 123, 124, 227. Ward, Rev. NathanieL L 284, 330, 332. Warde, Richai-d, i. 5. Warham, Rev. John, L 188, 190, 202, 219. Warner, iiL 30. Warren, James, iL 456, 484 ; iiL 181. Warren, Joseph, iL 165,349,353,36'), 415, 438, 450, 471, 506; hi. 3, 5, 31), 37. Warren, Sh Peter, u. 140, 142, 147, 191. Warwick, Earl of, L 105, 146, 168, 217, 265, 325, 327. Warwick, R. L, L 264, 425, 426. Washington, George, iL 174, 175, 186, 230, 239 ; hi. 9, 18, 40-46, 49-52, 56- 68, 68-76, 81-89, 105, 123, 134, 137, 141, 146, 162, 160, 162, 166, 270, 271, 303-306, 309-312, 327, 328, 330, 331, 333, 344. Wasp, the fiigate, hi. 398. Waterhouse, L 501. Watertown, i. 185, 188, 192, 194, 197, 202,214,272,438; hi. 2,4. Watson, h. 508. Watson's HiU, i. 95. Watts, Captam, L 424. Webb, Colonel, u. 216, 218, 223,224. Webster, Daniel, quoted, iu. Ill, 113. Wedderburne, iL 376, 463 ; hi. 65. Welde, Joseph, L 258. Welde, Rev. Thomas, L 200, 202, 325. WeUes, Samuel, u. 219. WeUs, town of, m Mame, i. 302. Wenham, L 215. Wentworth, Sh- Thomas, L 211. Wentworth, Governor, u. 143. Wequash, i. 225, 350. West, Captain Francis, L 123, 166. West, ColoneL iii- 151. West, Secretary, i. 486, 491,495,501, 503. Westabrooke, Colonel Thomas, u. 118. West Cambridge, u. 508. West India Company, Dutch, i. 20, 73, 74. Westfield, town of, i. 419, 422 ; u. 94. Westminster Assembly, L 326, 511. Weston, town of, h. 512. INDEX. 453 Weston, Thomas, L 76, 78, 109, 111, 112, 119, 14L West Springfield, in. 245. Wethei-sfield, town of, i. 219, 223. Weymouth, Captain George, L 14. Weymouth, Lord, u. 341, 360. Weymouth, town of, formerly Wessa- guscus, L 112-119, 127, 141, 190, 198,214,434. Whale fishery, i. 21. Whale, the ship, i. 187, 190. Whalley, General, L 375, 377, 386. Wharton, Richard, L 498. Wharton, Lord, L 506, 511. Whatelv, iL 462. Wheeler, hi. 228, 254. Wheeler, Captain, i. 416, 417. Wheeler, Sir Francis, u. 86, 87. ¦Wheelwright, Rev. John, L 246, 247, 251-259, 302. Whitalier, Rev. Mr., u. 439. Whitcomb, Colonel, uL 127. Whitcomb, Simeon, L 155. White, L 501. White, Hon. Daniel A., hi. 418. White, xMr., ih. 283. White, Mr., i. 92. White, Rev. John, L 133, 154-166, 167. Whitefield, Rev. George, u. 138, 142. Whitgift, Archbishop, i. 65. Whiting, Colonel, .of Connecticut, iL 99. Whitmg, Nathan, iL 196. Whiting, Rev. SamueL L 202, 401. Whiting, Mr., i. 395. Whitney, Colonel, hi. 127. Whitson Bay, i. 12. Whittingham, i. 41. Wickabaug Pond, i. 417. Wiggins, Captaiu,i. 281, 304. WUbur, Shadrach, i. 488. Wilde, Hon. Samuel S., hi. 413. WiUies, Francis, h. 126. Wilkes, John, iu. 62, 65. Willard, Rev. Joseph, hi. 182. WUlard, Rev. SamueL L 495, 501 ; u. 30, 4L WUlard, Major Simon, i. 347, 401, 418, 419. Willett, Thomas, L 82. Wilham of Orange, L 499. Wilham and Francis, the ship, L 187, 190. ^. . WiUiam and Nicholas, the ship, i. 389. WiUiams, i. 92. WUhams, Colonel Ephraim, ii. 196. Wilhams, General, u. 224. WiUiams, Jonathan, u. 471. WiUiams, Rev. Mr., u. 93. WiUiams, Mr., u. 346. Wilhams, Roger, i. 199, 202, 210, 213, 220, 222, 228, 230, 236-244, 263, 269, 317, 360, 365. Willoughby, i. 398, 451. Will's Creek, u. 185, 208. Wilson, Rev. John, L 192, 195, 198- 200, 212, 228, 250, 251, 360, 366, 367, 401, 451. WUson, James, ui. 108, 270, 277. Wilson's Lane, U. 412. Windsor, Connecticut, L 216-219, 229. Wingfield, Edward Maria, L 16. Winnicumet, or Hampton, L 300. Winnington, L 289, 460. Winnisimet L 190, 214. Wmslow, Edward, L 92, 99, 106, 109, 115, 126, 128-130, 135, 136, 216, 242, 284, 305, 338, 340, 343, 353. Winslow, Captain John, L 600. Winslow, John, h. 182, 198, 201, 202, 211,216,217,222. Winslow, Josiah, L 424-426, 434, 457. Winslow, in. 10. Wmter HiU, in. 21, 38, 41,49, 60. Winthrop, Adam, L 503; u. 51. Wmthrop, Captam Wait, L 601, 503 j u. 51, 67. Winthrop, Hon. James, iu. 320. Winthrop, John, L 170, 183, 184,187 -189, 192-205, 212, 213, 242, 243, 247, 254, 266, 269, 306, 314, 325, 336. Winthrop, John, Jun., L 187, 217, 219, 298, 365, 386, 39L WiswaU, Ichabod, i. 493, 511-513. Witchcraft, ii. 25-44. Wituwamat, L 114, 116, 117. Woburn, town of, i. 216. Wolfe, General James, u. 229, 233, 236-238. WoUaston, Captain, L 141. WoUaston, Mount, L 141, 214. Wolsey, Cardinal, L 150. Wolstenholme, Sir John, L 67, 68. Women of the revolution, u. 494. "Wood, Colonel Henry, hi. 238. Wood Creek, ii. 98, 189, 196, 214. Woods, iiL 32. 454 INDEX. Woods' New England's Prospect, L 214. Woodbury, John, L 154, 155, Woodcock's garrison, L 411, 412, 426. "Wooh-idge, Captain William, i. 164. Worcester, beittle of, i. 344. Worcester, town of, L 215 ; ii. 456, 488 ; hi. 237. Worthmgton, GeneraL h. 224. Wutamoo, i. 410. Wythe, George, hi. 95, 108. Yankees, iL 501. Yankee Doodle, tune of, u. 506, 513. Yarmouth, L 147. York, Archbishops of, L 50, 283. York, Duke of, i. 456. York River, i. 12. Youhiogeny River, u. 185. Young, Rev. Alexander, quoted, L 82. Young, Sir John, L 155. Young, u. 471,472. LIST OF SUBSCEIBERS. BOSTON. Andrkw. John A., Esq. Adams, Hon. Cbarles F. Andros, E. S. S. Appleton, Hon. Nathan. Appleton, Siimuel A., Esq. Andrews, Alfred A. Ammidown, Holmes. Adams, Charles, Jun. Andrews, WUliam T., Esq. Albree, John, Jun. Amory, Cbarles, Esq. Atwood, Gilbert. Amory, Williara, Esq. Allen, Samuel K. Adams, A. H. Ames, P. Adams. Adams, B. F. Avery, Edward, Esq. Appleton, William C. Appleton, C. T. Amee, John. Alexander, Eben. Abbott, James A., Esq. Aspinwall. Thomas, Esq. Andrews, F. M. Alloy, Dr. John B. Alline, Henry. Adams, Simeon P. Adams, George. Atwood, Charles H. Alley, Cbarles R. Atkins, Simon P. Aspinwall, Samuel. Abrahams, George S. Anderson, Joseph. Adams, Paul. Amory, Thomas C, Jun Esq. A.mmidown, P. R. Bartlett, Hon. Sidney Brinley, Hon. Francis Bates, Joseph L. 3eaL Benjamin. Jarry, Horace W. Barry, James. Brigham, William, Esq. Barry, Edward. Ballou, Maturin M. Bigelow, John. Bacon, Thomas C. Bartol, Rev. C. A. Bassett, Hon. Francis. Beal, Jairus. Bartlett, Dr. George. Bancroft, George, Esq Barker, James M. Blanchard, John A. Beebe, James M. Boston Athenseura. Burrage, Alvah A. Boott, Kirk. Bishop, C. J. Blanchard, L. Batcheller, T. Babcoek, Charles A. Bates, Ives G. Bates, Martin. Baldwin, Albert. Barstow, William C. Burgess, Edward P., Esq. Brewer, John R. Boyden, M. N, Bigelow, Horatio, Esq. Batcheller, A. H. Barnard, J. M., & Co. Bradford, R. B. Boutell, L. H., Esq. Beebe, Lucian. Boon, William C. Bradstreet, Samuel. Bowditch, J. IngersoU. Balch, Jamps W. Burgess, Benjamin. Bartlett, Homer, Esq. Bowker, Albert. Burbank, Hon. R. I. Bradlee, Josiah, Esq. Brooks, William G. Barker, Prescott. (455) 456 LIST OP SUBSCRIBERS. Binney, C. J. F. Barnes, W. L. Brewer, Otis. Bates, John D. Barry, Charles. Bates, Samuel W. Bumham, T. 0. H. P. Blanchard, Cbarles H. Brown, Frederick. Bowdlear. S. G. Bangs, Edward, Esq. Bridge, Hereman. Brewer, George A. Brown, Jeremiah, Esq. Bell, James B. Burridge, Ward J. Brigham, Peter B. Bolton, John B. Burr, J. T. Barnard, David. Brigham, Joseph L. Blanchard, William D. Burrill, Azariah S. Ball, Nahum. Barry, Richard. Brown, Joseph T. Bowker, William L. Boardman, Edwin A. Binney, Matthew. Brown, Francis. Beal, William L. Brownell, Gilbert. Bayley, Thomas J. Bates, RusseU. Burdett, J. D. G. Bemis, George, Esq. Barnes, Thomas H. Baker, Ezra H. Blake, Samuel W. Bonney, Pelham, Jun. Blake, Edward, Esq. Bachelder, J. G. Bickford, W. D. Brown, Jeremiah. Bayley, Dudley H. Brown, William. Bun-age, William. Baker, John B. Blake, George Baty. Brown, Jonathan, Jun. Blanchard, S. S. Bean, Leonard O. Bigelow, George N. Blake, Dr. Edmund. Burchstead, Benjamin. Bayley, James C. Bryant, David. Brooks, Peter C, Esq. Baldwin, William H. Blake, Charles. Bates, Samuel D. Beal, Thacher. Blake, James G. Baxter, John J. Billings, William G. Butler, Peter, Jun. Burr, Theophilus, Jun. Bacon, William B. Brown, Benjamin F. Bullard, William S. Bright, William E. Bates, Isaac C. Battles, Winslow. Bradley, D. F. Blanchard, F. H. Brimmer, Hon. Martin. Choate, Hon. Rufus. Colburn, Jeremiah. Clapp, Otis. Chandler, T. P., Esq. Cummings, Dr. John A. Collamore, John, Jun. Curtis, Joseph. Crowninshield, F. B., Esq. Converse, James C. Clarke, Henry W. Chamberlin, Mellen, Esq. Cushman, Charles. Curtis, Caleb. Crockett, George W., Esq. Campbell, Benjamin F. Comstock, William H. Callender, Benjamin. Cunningham Brothers, 2 copies. Cummings, A., Jun. Conant, Ezra S. Canterbury, Charles. Clark, Henrj'. Coolidge, Joseph, Esq. Cary, Thomas G., Esq. Codman, Edward. Clark, Dr. H. G. Crocker. Henry H. Copeland, William H. Cowing, Walter H. Cheever, Simon G. Cobb, Albert A. Cunningham, Frederick. Clarke, Nathan. Churchill, William. Cary, George B. Colesworthy, D. C. Chapman, J. N. Curtis, Hon. Charles P. ChUd, Addison. Coffin, Nathaniel W. Codman, Dr. Benjamin S. Carter, James W Cabot, J. Elliot. Crane, A. B. Cooper, Samuel. Chenery, W. W. Chamberlin, Henry B. Cushing, Samuel T. LIST OF SUBSCRIBERS. 457 Cabot, Edward. Cutter, Marshall, Jun. Coburn, Charles. Carleton, Guy. Coverly, George T. Cheney, J. H. Champney, H. T. Chandler, Hon. Peleg W. Covell, Robert S. Carter, Oliver. Clapp, John C. Child, Francis E. Clark, James W. Clayton, Henry C. Curry, Cadwallader. Curtis, Samuel S. Cragin, Lorenzo S. Cook, Justin E. Cook, William T. Cushman, Rufus. Coffin, WiUiam E. Carnes, George W. Cobb, Matthew. Cushing. Isaac. Comer, John H. Chickering, C. P. Carter, NathanieL Currier, Hugh M. Cahill, Thomas. Cook, A. N. Cothrell, John K. Curtis, George S. Child, George H. Crocker, Henry. Crowell, Nathan. Curtis, Thomas. Cotting, Amos. Carr, Nathaniel. Cotton, Joseph H. Chandler, Seth C. Cassell, Edward D. Cbace, George B. Deane, John K. Dean, John. Drake, Samuel Gardner. Dudley, Dean, Esq. Dexter, F. Gordon. Davis, Andrew. Derby, Hon. E. H. Dean, Kev. W. W. Demond, Cbarles, Esq. Davis, James. Dudley, E. G., Esq. Dale, Ebenezer. Demond, T. D. Douglass, Alfred, Jun. Davis, W. H. Dehon, William, Esq. Davis, Barnabas. Davenport, George. Dwight, William. Drake, Tisdale. Darling, G. A. P. Davis, F. S. Day, E. S. Dodd, James. Denton, William. Ditson, Oliver. Darrah, J. C. Duncklee, B. W. Dodd, Benjamin. Dimond, Oral. Dimond, George. Dudley, B. F. Donahue, J. S. Dyer, Dr. Henry. Dowe, George M. Dolan, M. F. Dana, Edward A. Dodd, Horace. Dale, Dr. WUliam J. Dexter, Thomas A. Davis, William N. Davis, Adolphus. Deblois, Stephen G. Darling, George B. Darracott, George, Jun. Dixon, B. H., Esq. Davis, John C. Everett, Hon. Edward. Eaton, William. Eaton, Charles F. Eldredge. Oliver. Eddy, Robert H. Elliot, M. P. EUenwood, J. W. Eayres, William 0. Ellis, Ebenezer. Ellis, Rowland. Emery, Francis F. Emmons, John L. Emery, F. W. R. Ellis, Jonathan. Emmes, Samuel. Eldredge, Ellery. Ellis, Dr. Calvin. Farrar, Hon. Timothy. Farrar, Abijah W. Fearing, Hon. Albert. FuUer, Rev. A. B. Fowle, James. Frothingham, Rev. N. L. Fletcher, Hon. Eichard. Freeman, William, Esq. Francis, Nathaniel. Flint, "Waldo, Esq. Frothingham, Theodore. Forbes, Eobert B., Esq. Fessenden, S. H. Fay, Richard S. French, Asa. Ferris, Mortimer C. Fearing, H. L. Freeman, Peter W. Fairbanks, LevL 458 LIST OP SUBSCRIBERS. Frothingham, James H., Jun. Fowle, Samuel. Fowle, William B., Jun. Fowle, Henry D. Fowle, George B. Fessenden, Charles B. Fitch, Jonas. Fletcher, WUliam. Fuller, Seth W. Ford, Daniel K. Foster, J. W. Fairbanks, Stephen. Farley, Gustavus. Forristall, P. J. Fox, Charles J. Foster, Archibald. French, Charles. Fisher, H. C. Fuller, John K. Fillebrown, Edward. Fowle, Henry. Fiske, Augustus H. French, William E. Fiske, George A. Fisher, Francis. FuUam, James F., & Co. Foiling, George. Fay, Luke. Fletcher, William. Folsom, P. F. Faxon, Francis B. Gaylord, Eev. N. M. Guild, Samuel E., Esq. Gray, Hon. John C. Gray, Hon. Francis C. Glidden, William T. Gould, Benjamin A., Esq. Goodrich, C. B., Esq. Gray, Horace, Jun., Esq. Glover, Joseph B. Goddard, Thomas A. Gookin, Samuel H. Gross, jazaniah. Gilmore, Sanford. Glover, Henry E. Goodwin, Albert G. Galloupe, C. W. Gardner, Joseph P. Giles, Joel, !Esq. Gould, Frederick. Gould, Dr A. A. Groom, Thomas. Greene, Otis. Gaffield, Thomas. Goddard, Thomas. Gilman, George W. Green, J. Henry. Greenough, James. Guild, Chester, Jun. Gregg, Dr. SamueL Gavett, Andrew J. Gordon, Dr. Charles. Gassett, Edward. Gordon, Solomon J. Grant, Moses. Gould, Thomas R. Hillard, Hon. George S. Hooper, Samuel. Howe, J. Murray. HaU, Osborn B. Heard, John T., Esq. Haven, Franklin, Esq. HaU, Timothy. Henchman, Daniel. HaUett, Hon. B. F. Howland, Ichabod. Howland, Edwin. Higgins, Peter. Holmes, John S., Esq. Healy, Hon. John P. Hooper, Frederick T. Howe, WiUiam E., Esq. Harris, Nathaniel. Hawley, F. A. Harwood, Daniel. Howe, Jabez C. HaU, Henry. Hall, Andrew T. Homans, George H., Esq. Hunnewell, H. H., Esq. Hutchings, Edward W. Horton, WUliam E. Horton, Lucius B. Hall, Andrew. Hitchcock, Henry. Hammond, Hon. NathanieL Hall, Isaac 0. Hayward, Dr. George. Hudson, Oliver. Howe, Joseph N. Hanaford, Dr. W. G. Howard, Edward. Heaton, Dr. George. Higgins, R. R. Harrington, W. C. Holton, Lemuel. Hale, George S., Esq. Holton, Samnel S. Hutchinson, Henry. Hapgood, "Vfarren. Harding, Newell. Hall, John K. Harris, Horatio', & Co. Harris^ Charles M. Huntress, Joseph F. Huckins, Charles A, Esq. Haskell, Charles. Howe, S. H. Horton, Henry K. Howe, Joseph. Harris, Thomas. Hilton, William. Harlow, Thomas S., Esq. Hovey, Joseph F. LIST OP SUBSCRIBERS. 459 Henshaw, J. L. Harlow, Dexter. Hammon, George. Holmes, Nathariiel Hazleton, J. E. Hews, George. Hall, Frank A. Hersey, Alfred C. Hersey, Cornelius. Hawley, F. A. Ireland, Thomas. Ireson, S. E. Inches, Dr. H. B. Jacobs, James M. Jackson, Abraham, Jun., Esq. Jarves, Deming. Jones, Nahum. Johnson, C. Bulkley. Jeffries, John, Jun. Joy, John D. W. Jacobs, David H. Johonnot, Andrew E. Jordan, A. S. Jewell, Harvey, Esq. Johnson, Earl W. Johnson, Daniel. Jordan, Eben D. Jenkins, G. and F. Jackson, Dr. Charles T. Jackson, E. S. Jackson, Dr. J. Jones, D. C. Jones, Dr. J. S. Jackson. Patrick T. Jones, Frederick. Kimball, Hon. Moses. Kendall, Charles C. Kimball, J. B. Keep, Dr. S. H. Kendall, David G. Kimball, .John R. Keys, EoUin W. King, Charles G. Kelley, Henry A. Kendrick, William W. Kidder, Jerome G. Knott, Eobert. Kimball, Edward. King, Eev. T. Starr KetteU, George A. Kinsley, Edward W. Kimball, Daniel. Lincoln, Albert L. Lincoln, Ezra, Esq. Lunt, Hon. George. Lewis, Dr. Winslow. Lawrence, Abbott, Esq Lincoln, Beza. Lombard, Ephraim. Lothrop, Eev. S. K. Lawrence, JTames, Esq. Lawrence, Ainbs A., Esq. Lincoln, F. W., Juu., Esq. Lincoln, Benjamin. Leavitt, David. Loring, Francis C, Esq. Leonard, George, Jun. Locke, Philip A. Lawrie, Andre-rtr B. Linzee, f . C. A. Lee, Thomas J. Lee, Henry, Jun. Lowell, John, Esq. Lovell, Cornelius. Lowell, Hon. John A. Lawrence, Samuel, Esq. Lombard, Ammi C. Lindsey, George J. Lee, James, Jun. Loring, Charles G., Esq. Lincoln, Joseph. Laughton, James C. Lincoln, WUliam. Lincoln, Charles S. Lovett, Augustus. Longley, James. Learned, William H. Lewis, Joseph. Lovejoy, Loyal. Loring, Benjamih. Lamb, Thomas, Esq. Long, Alanson. Loring, William H. Lawrence, A. Lyman, G. T. W. Lincoln, Noah, Jun. Larkin, Charles. Lyford, Thomas. Miner, Bev. A. A. May, John J. Meriam, Edward P. Mayo, Charles, Esq. Miles, Eev. H. A. MiUs, Charies H. McLean, Charles. Minot, Hon. William Messenger, George W. Messenger, 'V. A. Maguire, James. Mudge, E. E. Merriam, Charles. Morse, Sidney B., Esq. Mansfield, Charles H. March, Andrew S. Mason, William P., Esq. Mercantile Librai-y. May, F. W. G. Metcalf, Henry B. ^ Mudge, Lemuel D. Manning, F. C. McLellan, George W. Mason, Lyman, Esq. Myrick, J. H. Manning, Charles. Matthews, Nathan. 460 LIST OP SUBSCRIBERS. Maynard, Waldo. Mills, E. S. Martin, "Valentine. Mansfield, John. Meriam, Jonas. Moriand, Dr. William W. McCleary, Samuel F., Esq. Munroe, Otis. Morrill, C. J. Morse, Henry D. Masury, Samuel. Mooney, Williara M. McLean, Duncan. Magee, John A. Murray, Eichard F., Morse," Samuel T. Morrill, Dr. Sarauel. Mills, Lewis. Minot, Dr. Francis. Munroe, William. Moore, Charles W. Morse, Eev. Abner. Nash, Abner P. Norcross, Otis. Nash, Israel. Nash, Nathaniel C. Noble, John. Nichols, WiUiam F. NeweU, George A. Nye, Alfred. Norton, Jacob. Nichols, George N. Nickerson, Edward G. Nurse, Gilbert. Nutter, Charles C, Esq. Odin, Dr. John. Ober, John P. Osborne, F. O. Orne, William. Osgood, George. Ordway, J. M. Ordway, Thomas T. OHver, Dr. F. E. Pollard, M. E. Phillips, WendeU, Esq. Prescott, Hon. William H, Palmer, Dr. Joseph. Pulsifer, David. Plympton, Henry. Public Library. Phillips, Hon. Jonathan. Parker, Charles H. Parkman, William. Perry, Baxter E. Parker, James. Potter, Charies F. Parker, F. E., Esq. Plumer, Avery, Jun. Potter, Silas. Parsons, William, Esq. Perrin, Williara H. Park, Hon. John C. Putnam, John P., Esq. Page, Thomas. Parker, Charles H. Putnam, J. Pickering, Esq. Peirce, Jonathan. Perkins, Thomas H. Pierce, Carlos. Pierce, Charles W. Page, Harrison P. Perkins, Benjamin, Jun. Parker, Edward G., Esq. Powers, Daniel E. Pitman, Joshua H. Pitman, John H. Pitman, E. 'Pearce, Thomas, Jun. Pear, John S. Pierce, Samuel S. Pratt, Edward E. Prince, John T. Parker, Eev. Theodore. Packer, George. Plummer, William E. Pratt, Ebenezer. Parks, Dr. Luther, Jun. Pelletier, William S. Parker, Harvey D. Piper, George C. Piper, Solomon. Pope, William. Pearce, WUliam. Parmenter, W. E., Esq. Prescott, Eben C. Poland, Benjamin. Porter, Edward P. Parks, Luther. Parsons, John. Potter, John C, Jun. Poor, C. V. Payson, Samuel R. Poor, Benjamin. Perry, Dr. M. S. Preston, Joshua P. Peirce, Henry A. Perkins, William. Parkman, P. M. Preston, Jonathan. Pollard, J. Henshaw. Poor, Nathaniel C. Pote, Elisha. Pote, Jeremiah. Quincy, Hon. Josiah. Quincy, Thomas D. Rhoades, Jacob. RusseU, WiUiam G., Esq. Rogers, John H., Esq., 3 copies. Rice. Hon. Alexander H. Eitchie, Harrison. Ridler, Samuel P. Eichards, Joel. Eice, Charles. Eanney, Ambrose A., Esq. LIST OP SUBSCRIBERS. 461 Band, Isaac P. Riddle, Charies L. RusseU, Thomas H., Esq. RusseU, Hon. Charles T. Republican Institute. Rice, F. and F. Rice, George E., Esq. Robinson, J. D. Russell, Dr. George. Read, James. Rice, Thomas G. Reed, Sampson. Reed, Benjamin T., Esq. Resliaux, Thomas. Rice, James, Esq. Rogers, George B. Reynolds, William J. Raymond, Emmons. Reed, Timothy. Ray, Edwin. Riley, Hugh. Ruggles, George H. Richardson, Thomas. Rice, Henry A. Robinson, Wiggin, and Co. Ross, Joseph L. Eichardson, Joseph. Eobie, Levi. Eobbins, Benjamin. Reynolds, Edward. Robbins, Nathan. Shurtletr. Dr. Nathaniel B. Skinner, Rev. Otis A. Stone, Dr. James W. Stearns, Elijah. Savage, Hon. James. State Library. Saltonstall, Leverett, Esq. Sears, Hon. David. Siders, Charles. Sanger, Hon. George P. Shaw, Hon. Lemuel. Stetson, Joshua. Sawyer, Joseph. Sewall. Samuel E., Esq. Story, Isaac, Esq. Sargent, Horace B., Esq. Salisbury, D. W. Stearns, John. Jun. Swasey, George B. Strong, Alexander. Scudder, Charles. Starbii-d, N. W. Shute, Elijah. Saunders,'E. W. Sherwin, Thomas, Esq. Sampson, Hon. George R. Sleeper, Jacob. Slocum, William H. Skinner, George W. Stone, Eno3 J. Spooner, Hon. WiUiam B. Shattuck, George 0., Esq. Sprague, Hon. Seth. Simonds, James S. Simonds, William P. Sullivan, John W. Snelling, John. Sumner, Austin. Stickney, Josiah, Esq. Stevenson, Hon. J. T. Shirpsir, Isidore. Spring, Isaac H. Stackpole, D. D. Stevens, Benjamin F. Shelton, John. Southard, Zibeon. Saunders, William A. Smith, Charles. Studley, E. A. Storer, Eobert B. Snelling, Enoch H. Swallow, Calvin. Soule, George M. Smith, George G. Stevens, Benjamin, Esq. Saunders. George S. Stone, Milton J., Esq. Sohier, William D., Esq. Sumner, Hon. Charles. Smith, Thomas C. Smith, Chauncy, Esq. Sherman, C. J. F. Stedman, Daniel B. Smith, John H. Smith, M. P. Snow, Thomas. Sweetser, Isaac. Smith, Stephen. Smith, Hiram. Smith, William E. Southwick, P. E. Snow, Joel. Stetson, Sidney A. Stutson, William, Jun. Smith, Charles A. Skinner, Francis. Smith, Henry Q. Shepard. Isaac F. Skinner, Isaac B. Storer, Dr. D. H. Smith, Joseph M. Sargent, Hon. Lucius M. Swallow, Asa. Sumner, F. A, Soule, Eichard. Story, F. H., Jun. Slade, WiUiam J. Sanderson, J. G. "Ticknor, Hon. George. Turner, Dr. T. Larkin. Thacher, Hon. George M. Tucker, Dr. Elisha G. Thayer, J. EUot, Esq. 462 LIST OP SUBSCRIBERS. Thompson, Hon. N. A. Tappan, Lewis W. Towne, E. B. Tucker, Alanson. Thorne, EoUin! Tudor, Hon. Frederic, Thomas, William, Esq. Thaxter, David. Thacher, Isaac. Tappan, John 6. Treat, J. T. P. Thacher, WiUiam S. Train, Hon. Charles E. Tarbell, George G. Tyler, Warren P. Thaxter, Benjamip. Thornton, J. Wingate, Esq Tisdale, Mace. Thomas, Dr. Alexander. Tucker, Lyman. Twichell, Genery, Esq. Torrey, Henry W. Thorndike, S. L. Thresher, Dr. J. M. Thacher, Barnabas.' Thompson, Lewis. Tozier, A. S. Tenny, WUliam P. Tuttle, James. Taylor, Stephen G. Turell, Gariand. Thomas, Seth J., Esq. Tyler, Joseph C. Thayer, B. W. Thaxter, Adam W. Tufts, WUliam. Turner, Job A. Taylor, Charles. Thornton, Solon. Tolman, Henry. Tirrell, Minot. Twombly, Alexander H. Tuttle, Henry H. Thayer, Nathariiel, Esq. TarbeU, Luther L. Thayer, EU. Trull, Ezra. Treanor, B. S., Esq. Tarbell, Eben. Tompkins, Abe}. Upham, Henry. Underwood, A. B., Esq. Underwood, William J. 'Vinal, Otis. Veazie, Joseph A. Vila, James. "Vose, Thomas B. ¦yinton, Rev. A. H. Winthrop, Hon. E. C. Winthrop, W. W., Esq. Willard, Joseph, Esq. Whiting, Joseph J. 'Whiting, Albert. Williams, Alexander. WUlianis, Dudley. Warreui Dr. John C. Whitmore, William H. Warren, Hon. G. W. Whiton, Eoyal, Jun. Woodford, Philip B. Whiton, Lewis C. Worcester, Eev. Thomas. Walker, Henry W. Wines, Eev. 'William H. Woodbury, Hon. Charles L. Washburn, W. E. P., Esq. Whitney, Henry A. Williams, Moses. Weld, William G. Wakefield, J. H., Esq. Walker, 6. P. K. Wallace, John. Wood, Charies G. Wetherell, John G. Woolson, James A. Wheeler, MorriU S. White, George. Winchester, Stephen S. Warren, Alfred B. Whitney, H. L. Washburn, F. Wolcott, J. H., Esq. Wellington, Avery. Welch, Francis. Wentworth, P. H. Wildes, Solomon, Esq. Wetherell, H. R. Wells, John T. Wiggin, Eobert P. Wigglesworth, Thomas, Esq. Woodman, George. Woodman, James. Win ship, Henry A. Ward, Charles T. Waterman, Thomas. WUlis, Clement. Wales, Thom.as B. WeUs, Charies. Wetherell, H. W. Wainwright, Peter, Esq. Washburn, Alexander C. Ware, Dr. Charles E. Waterman. Nathaniel. Webber, Norman A. Walworth, James J. Wiggin, Charles E. Wilbur, H. B. Williams, Dr. Henry W. Worthley, Mark. Ware, Dr. John. Wheelwright, George G. Weld, Dr. Moses W. Withington, George W. Wright, Samuel T. LIST OP SUBSCRIBERS. 463 Wellington, David, Jun. WeUington, Hiram. Weld, Aaron D. Whiton, Frederick. Wright, William A. Wingate, William A. WUcox, M. F. Williams, Isaac. Webster, F. B. Whitney, WUliam. Welch, John P., Esq. Wentworth, George S. Wingate, John. Wyman, Abraham G. Ward, Samuel D., Esq. Warner, WiUiam A. Wadsworth, SamueL Wheeler, A. B., and Co. Wheelock, F. F. Weeks, A. G. Ware, George W. Wood, A. L. Ware, Leonard. ¦Whitney, Edward. Welton, Willard, Jun. Wentworth, F. B. White, B. F. White, Benjamin C. Wigbtman, Joseph M. Whipple, M. J. Young, Edward, Esq. Young, George. Yale, Eufus M. CHELSEA. Cheever, T. P., Esq. Cleland, Sarauel. Fay, Hon. F. B. Gerrish, B. J. Hunt, General Sylvester. Jones, J. C. Leonard, Rev. H. C. CAMBRIDGE. Agassiz, Professor Louis. Albee, Sumner, Esq. Bigelow, Alanson. BeU, Joseph G. Barry, Henry. Barbour, John N. Bancroft, Joseph H. Bond, Eichard F. Bullock, Colonel W.W. Bagley, C. F. Batchelder, SamueL Choate, Charles F., Esq. Carter, Luke. Callender, Joseph B. Cutter, James M. Deane, Charles, Esq., 3 copies. Dunbar, Eben M. Dyar, Ezra C. Davis, John W. Danforth, J. W. Dodge, Solpmon H. Dodge, John C. Dimick, Calvin. Davis, Edward W. Eaton, John J. Felton, Professor C. C. FarweU, Stephen T. Gatesf James W. Green, Nathan L. Goodwin, Joseph. Green, N. St. John, Esq. Gilbert, Henry. Hosmer, Zelotes. Hovey, C. M. Hopkinson, Thomas. Hodges, Eev. E. M. Humphrey, David. Homer, Charles W. HiUs, Henry S. Howe, Samilel S. Howe, Estes. Jones, Leonard S. Livermore, George, Esq., 2 copies. Livermore, Isaac. LongfeUow, Professor H. W. Levering, Professor Joseph. Morse, Charles H. Merrill, Jbhn. MerriU, J. S. Manson, Nathaniel G. McDuffie, John. Noyes, Eev. George E. Odiorne, William H. PhiUips, Hon. WUlard. Parsons, Hon. Theophilus- Eice, M. E. Richardson, George C. Eead, WiUiam. Read, Joseph S. Eice, Aaron. Skinner, Eev. C. A. Stone, P. E. L. Sparks, Hon. Jared. Sibley, Eev. J. L. "Towle, Ebenezer. Vaughan, W. M. Valentine, Lawson. Walker, Eev. James, D. D., LL. D 'Worcester, J. B., LL. D. WeUington, J. C. Whittemore, Thomas J. WUkinson, Arthur. 'Whiton, John P. Waterhouse, Mrs. Louisa. 'Washburn, Hon. Emory, LL.D. Whitman, E. P. Whittemore, G. W. 464 LIST OP SUBSCRIBERS. EAST CAMBEID6E. Dana, Thomas. "WEST CAMBEIDGE. Gould, Francis. Gray, George H. Hill, Eev. George. Lawrence, Henry L. Peck, Abel G., Esq. Eobbins, Nathan. CHAELESTOWN. Adams, James. Dana, James. Ellis, Eev. George E. Edmands, George D. Etberedge, John. Fuller, Jaraes G. Frothingham, Hon. Eichard, Jun. Foster, Charles. • Francis, John M. Foster, Jacob. Gassett, Charles R. Griffin, J. Q. A., Esq. Hutchins, H. 6., Esq. Heath, Nathaniel. Hurd, John. Huntington, Lyndes A. HunneweU, James. Lawrie, Eev. A. G. Lapham, Luther. Lyon, Henry. MerrUl, Nathan. Osgood, Isaac. Eugg, Samuel F. Robinson, C, Jun. Eanney, David G. Riddle, Edward. Sawyer, Hon. Timothy T. Sparhawk, George. Sawtell, Andrew. Seymour, Friend. Tibbetts, SewaU D. Turner, Henry. Thomas, John C. Thompson, Charles. Warren, Hon. George W. Wilson, WiUiam W. Wellington, Horatio. Winslow, WiUiam. SOMEE VILLE. GranviUe, 0. H. Snow, Henry A. Cutter, E. F. ROXBURY. Barry, Charles C. Bouv6, Ephraim W. Bell, Theodore H. Brinley, Edward. Blodget, John W. Bird, Charies G. Buffington, Jonathan. Bowman, Sylvester. Bray, Charles F. Boyd, Alexander. Bartlett, Edward. Childs, Albert. Games, William R. Carter, Henry L. Craft, Thaddeus C. Curtis, WiUiam. Converse, Deacon James W. Cutter, Mrs. E. G. Comins, Hon. Linns B. Cushman, Julius. Day, Moses. Davis, George F. Davenport, 'William W. Dunbar, Thomas J. Dunbar, W. H. Dodd, John A. Dudley, Joseph W. Decoene, Ferdinand. Duffy, James. Everett, George. Fuller, H. Weld, Esq. Fowle, Joshua B. Frost, George. Fauncfe, Stephen. Frost, George. Field, Ozias. Farley, Henry W. Freeman, Francis. Gray, Henry D. Goddard, David. Guild, Samuel. Greenleaf, Le-wis. Guild, Frederic. Gardner, Francis. Guild, Henry. Hunnewell, j. W. Hairingtou, Charles F. Herring, Thomas J. Hayward, James T. Hildreth, P. P. Huntington, E. B. Hooper, Henry N. Hewes, J. M. HiU, WUliam H. Hodges, Almon D., Esq Klons, Simon. Keith, Hon. James M. Knight, Cassander. Kennedy, Dr. Donald. KetteU, John B. LIST OF SUBSCRIBERS. 465 Lester, John H. Larrabee, William B. 1 Little, SamueL Lemist, Edwin. Lee, Hon. W. Eaymond. Low, Ariel. Leland, Hon. W. S. Lewis, George. Mackintosh, WiUiam H. May, John W., Esq. McBarney, Charles. Magee, James P. Morrill, George, Esq. Newton, John F. Newman, Andrew W. Nichols, Charles C, Esq. Parsons, Mrs. H. Parker, John. Pratt, Ebenezer. Pearson, John. Eitchie, Hon. James. Ryder, Eev. WiUiam H. Eising, Darius B. Rice, George Woods. Bicker, N. H. Eoxbury Athenaeum. Rupp, Mrs. Roxbury Mechanics' Institute. Simmons, Thomas. Stetson, CuShing. Streeter, Dr. Joseph H. Simmons, Hon. David A. Simpson, David. Savell, Charles E., and Co. Sweat, T. F. Tolman, James. Tjiylor, M. M. Tenney, Nathaniel F. Torrey, John G. Teulon, E. A. Whiting, WiUiam, Esq. Wyman, Edward. Walley, Hon. Samuel H. Wolcott, J. W. Wellington, Henry W. Winslow, Reuben. Wood, E. R. Wiley, Dr. Adams. Weld, James. Williams, Ebenezer. Williams, David W. JAMAICA PLAIN. Bond, George W. Brewer, Charles. Cary, Isaac H. Curtis, Joseph H. Dexter, Anson. Farrington, Eben T. Gorham, James L. Greenough, David S., Esq. TOL. III. 30 Hartt, John. Litchfield, Lawrence. Lambe, Reuben A. Pratt, J. C. Morse, Robert M. McCombe, C. H. Motley, Thomas, Jun. Spaulding, S. R. Weld, Hon. Stephen M. Wetherbee, John B. Winslow, Elisha D. Weld, John G. Young, Calvin. WEST ROXBURY. Austin, Arthur W. Billings, Joseph H. SALEM. Blake, George T. Browne, Albert G. Browne, Benjamm, F. Bertram, John. Battis, James H. Brooks, Henry M. Curwen, James B. Choate, Dr. George. Chamberlain, James. Chapman, George R. Daland, Tucker. Driver, Stephen P. Endicott, William C. EUis, Rev, Sumner. Emmerton, Ephraim. Edwards, Eichard. FuUer, B. B. Goldthwaite, WUlard. Goodhue, William P. Grove, Henry B. Hunt, Williara. Hunt, Thomas. Hanson, Elijah A. Haskell, Daniel C. Hatch, L. B. Huntington, Asahel. Ives, Stephen B., Jun. Jenks, Henry E. Johnson, Dr. Samuel. Kimball, James. Kimball, E. D. Loring, George B. Lord, Hon. Nathaniel J. Messervy, William S. McMuUen, William. Mechanics' Library. Neal, Theodore A. Osgood, Joseph B. F. Osgood, John C. Peabody, g. Endicott. 466 LIST OP SUBSCRIBERS. Peabody, Alfred. Peabody, George. Pickm.in, WUliam D. Prescott, W. C. Perkins, J. C. Peirson, Dr. E. B. Pirkins, N. B. Peirce, Jonathan. Peirce, William P. Payson, Edward H. Parker. John B. Pray, Isaac C. Eogers, Eichard S. Eogers, Eichard D. Ropes, Charles A. Ropes, Eipley. Eussell, Henry. Packer, 0. P. Secomb, E. Story, Augustus, Esq. Salem Athenaeum. Sljepard, Michael W. Upham, Hon. Charles W. Upton, James. Varney, Daniel. White, Hon. D. A. Wheaton, Henry. Webster, John. Wheatland, Henry. Webster, John. WUlett, J. H., Jun. * LOWELL. Adams, Joel. Avery, John. Bush, Francis. Brooks, A. L. Buttrick, John A. Burbank, SamueL Brown, A. R. Bangs Brothers. Crosby, Hon. N. City School Library. Carney, James G. French, J. B. Fletcher, L. J. Huntington, Dr. E. Howe, M. G. Mansur, Stephen. Morse. Isaac S. Mechanics Library. Nesmith, John. Nourse, P. H.' Patch, E. B. Stickney, S. W. Thayer, Rev. Thomas B. Talbot, C. P. Talbot, Thomas. Wright John. Wright, Hapgood LYNN. Alley, Hon. J. B. Austin, David. Buffum, James N. Baker, D. C. Baker, Ezra. Bartlett, George E. Bryce, 'WiUiam S. Bryce, Samnel, Bubier, Samuel M. Breed, Hiram N. Blethen, Dr. A. C. Bubier, E. T. Breed, Nathan. Bacheller, J. C. Brown, Nestor. Chase, George H. Dimmock, Daniel. Davis, Joseph, 2d. Frazier, L. B. Gwynneth, W. 0. H. Graves, James. Howard, T. F. Howland, William. Howe, H. B. Keith, Nathaniel. Keene, George W. Lovejoy, Elbridge. Lynn Library Association. Mudge, Ezra W. Merritt, Charles. Mudge, George W. Newhall, Thomas B. NewhaU, Lucian. Newhall, T. A. Newhall, Dr. Asa T. Newhall, George T. Oliver, Stephen, Jun. Oliver, Robert. Pratt. M. C. Patch, Joshua. Pratt, D. S. Pevear, H. H. Richai-dson, T. P. Richards, W. D. Story, Captain John. Sargent, James M. Stacey, Thomas. Sheldon, Edwin. Tapley, PhUip P. Tolman, G. B. Woodbury, Seth D. WUliams, John. NEW BEDFORD. Almy, B. E. Bartlett, Dr. Lyman. Barney, E. G., Esq. Clifford, Hon, J. H. LIST OP SUBSCRIBERS. 467 Congdon, Hon. James B. EUot, Hon. T. D. Grinnell, Joseph, Esq. Howland, George, Jan., Esq. Hunt, John. Pope, W. G. E. Public Library. Swain, WilUam W. Stetson, Thomas M., Esq. Sears, 'Willard. Van Campen, Eev. H. WOECESTER. Dewey, P. H. Davis, Isaac. Foster, Hon. Dwight. Green, John. Heywood, Benjamin F. Hoar, G. F. Lincoln, Hon. Levi. Newton, Rejoice. Rice, George T. Salisbury, Hon. Stephen. Washburn, Henry S. Brackett, Albert, Newton. Bruce, Jaraes S. Bowers, C. E. Chaffin, John C. Clafiin, WUliam. Claflin, Henry. Ely, Hon. A. B. Edmands, Hon. J. W. Horton, Williara R. Hitchcock, Hon. D. K. Howe, Jubal. Lord, George C. Lord, Hartley. Lombard, Israel. Nute, Lewis W. Porter, Robert. Rice, J. W. Shattuck, J. H. Sewall, Benjamin. Walker, George M. Ward, Andrew H., Jun. Allen, Nathaniel, West Newton. Bacon, F. W. Brown, Dr. J. H. Barker, Henry A. Cook, C. C. Crafts, Nathan. Davis, Seth. Day,, Albert. Mead, John, Meriam, Galen. Newton Athenasum. Peirce, Bev. Cyrus. Paine, Elias B., Esq. Pratt, Caleb., Jun. PUmpton, W. P. Sanger, D. C. Stacy, Philemon. Williams, George B. Withington, J. S. Ward, Hon. A. H. Wheeler, AsaheL Wilder, E. W. Burr, C. C, Auhurndale. Brown, Cbarles S. Comer, George N. Denny, George P. Pigeon, Rev. C. D. Rogers, William. Shumway, F. P. Swett, Charles A. Washburn, Henry. Perrin, Noah, Grantville. Almy, Frederick, Brookline. Bird, John A. Bramhall, W. T. Brodhead, D. D. De Wolf, John L. Foster, Charies F. Gooding, Josiah. Howe, Thomas. Jacobs, Elisha. Kendall, Hugh R. Sohier, B. D., Esq. BaUou, Rev. R. A., Medford. Barker, George W. Holman, Oliver. Lawrence, Daniel W. Maxham, Eev. G. V. Raymond, Thacher E. Talbot, Rev. J. W. Baldwin, Edward, Milton. Frothingham, Samuel, Juu. Pollock, A. F. Albee, Hon. 0. W., Marlboro. Boyd, John M. Carey, Thomas. Allen, Thomas J., Dorchester Barry, M. O. Jacobs, Benjamin. Prouty, Lorenzo. Preston, Jona. Pierce, George F. Eichardson, WilUam. Sears, Paul. Wilder. Hon. M. P. Wales, Thomas C. Young, Calvin. Pierce, Eev. J. D., Attleboro'. Richards, H. M. Richards, Ira. 468 LIST OP SUBSCRIBERS. Ames, Ellis, Esq., Canton. Dickerman, George H. Eldredge, J. S., Esq. Guild, Frederick. Field, Charles L., We-iton. Floyd, Andrew. Austin, Ivers J., Esq., Watertown. Barry, Charles J. Dimmock, J. L., Esq. Kendall, Francis. Stearns, George A. Wilkins, Charles. BoHvi, Thomas T., Esq., Hingham. Burr, Matthew H. Lincoln, Hon. Solomon. StoweU, Hersey, Jun., 2 copies. Stephenson, Luther. Sprague, Joseph. Whiton, William, Esq. WhUon, Thomas F. Whiton, David. Bigelow, George T., Quincy. Baxter, W. W. Lunt, Eev. W. P. Penniman, James S. Webb, T. C, Esq. Humphrey, William, Weymouth. Mellen, Eev. C. W. Tirrell, Alfred. Buck, Charles, Needham. Whittaker, Hon. E. K. Cnrtis, H. J., S. Scituate. Record, Rev. L. L. Robbins, Anson, Esq. Stetson, Eev. Caleb. Webb, Seth, Scituate. Prouty, Hon. C. W. Gifford, Hon. Stephen N., Duxbury. Wilde, Dr. Jaraes. Choate, Charles, Woburn. Manning, Uriah, and Son. Ellison, James, Waltham. Marsh, Thomas J., Esq. Porter, William. Stetson. Nahum, Bridgewater. State Alms House. Blake, Samuel, Jun., S. Abington. Hunter, WiUiam, Maiden. Damon, Eev. Calvin, Baverhill. Howard, Otis, Chelmsford. French, Hon. B. V., Braintree. Hoar, Hon. E. E., Concord. Melcher, Mrs. Levi, Stoughton. Simmons, Perez., Esq., Hanover. Tower, Isaac, Randolph. Peabody Institute, Danvers. Eand, B. S., Esq., Dedham. Brigham, Hon. Elmer, Westloro'. Prince, Hon. F. 0., Winchester. Aikin, John, Esq., Andover. Gunnison, Rev. N., Gloucester. Green, Joseph H., Melrose. Spaulding, Dr. S., Lexington. Stone, Joseph, Winchester. Lewis, Oliver, Reading. Norwood, James H., East Boston. Brewster, William. Manson, Thomas L. Manson, Samuel T. Studley, Charles. Manson, John L. KeUy, D. D. Walker, Gardner. Culver, L. Carlton, John K. Porter, Edward F. Campbell, Rev. J. H, Pawtucket. Dexter, N. G. B. Fales, David G. Reed, John B. Towne, N. P. Tucker, Elhanan. Brown, J. C, Esq., Providence, R. I. Barstow, John, Esq. Dorr, Sullivan. Dyer, EUsha. Fletcher, WiUiam. Ives, Robert H. Mechanics' Association. Smith, Amos D. Smith, James Y. Boyden, Rev. J., WoonsocJcet, R. I. Chapin, Rev. E. H., New York. Cozzins, Frederick S. Kidder, Frederic. Barry, Amasa S., Alton, III. Barry, Benjamin F. Greenwood, Rev. T. J., Dover, N. H. Barry, Eev. WUliam, Chicago, IU. Leonard, Eev. H. C, Waterville, Me. Borden, Eev. T., Troy, N. Y. Fletcher, Warren, Mendoza, S. A. YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY 3 9002 04073 0997