YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY 1936 THE rOKT OF I^ISBOK. o£jyWi/;! y:uHished ,^o^Jiifi ¦•<'¦. A, i .<:^r,^rA-/i,ilcJ?ucadmi: ZmYfiHIn r*W,'i* .«-.w that the Spaniards, at the bottom, were not either wilhng orable to join with us in any such undertak ing, it was laid aside. Other business interveuingj it does not appear that either the council or the Board of Admiralty thought any more of the plantations till towards the latter end of the year, when they were alarmed with the account of a brisk attempt made upon Jamaica by M. Ducasse, "the French go vernor of St. Domingo. He sailed in the month of June with three men of war, and twenty-three trans ports, having on board fifteen hundred men for the coast of Jamaica, where they arrived on the twenty fourth of the same month, and made a descent on Port Morant, which they found abandoned, and, marching from thence up the country, they plundered, burnt, and destroyed whatever they met, and carried off money and effects to a very great value. But they soon found, that the fine schemes of conquest which theyJiad formed to themselves were altogether imprac-. OF KL\G WILLIAM III. 17 ticable, and that the only thing they had to do was to return with what they had got. The people of Jamaica, when they found their property in danger, assembled readily for its defence, and beihaved them selves so well in an engagement with the French, that it contributed not a little to make the latter for the present sick of this design, and to hinder them from resuming any project hke it afterwards. The complaints that were sent home on this affair, joined to the representations of other colonies, the re monstrances of the West India merchants, and the fear of a parliamentary inquiry, which was then a thing of all others the most terrible, obliged the mi nistry to resume this long-neglected subject, and ro think seriously of sending to America such a force, and under such officers, as might do more than had hitherto been done. With this view they directed, that a squadron of five sail of men of war, and two fire-ships, with twelve transport-vessels, should be got ready, with the utmost diligence and secrecy, to rendezvous at Plymouth in the beginning of the year 1695. The command of the squadron was given to Captain Robert Wilmot, an officer of great reputation and experience. The command of the land-forces was intrusted with Colonel Luke Lillingston, and that they might be the more subject to orders, and better directed, they were reduced into a single regi ment, consisting of twelve hundred men ; and, be sides these, there were spare arms for another regi ment, and, in short, every thing else provided that could be desired for securing the success of such an expedition ; and all this was done with such secrecy, that even the officers who were to be employed had no distinct knowledge of the particular design they were to execute, but only knew in general, that they were to be sent to the West Indies to protect our planta tions, and annoy the enemy. When all things were ready, the commodore had his instructions given him sealed "P, with orders not VOL. III. c 18 NAVAL HISTORY to open them till he arrived in the latitude of forty degrees. Instructions were also given to Colonel Lillingston for the regulating of his conduct, and for giving him, a clear view of the extent of his com mand. Before they set out for Plymouth, both the commodore and the colonel were separately exhorted to be extremely careful in keeping up a right corres pondence, because that hitherto all our expeditions had suffered more through the weakness and misun derstandings of our own commanders, than through any extraordinary courage or conduct shewn by the enemy; and, 'that this might be the easier, their commands were made as distinct as, the nature of the service considered, it was possible. The squadron sailed from Plymouth the latter end of the month of January ; but, before they were in a condition to act, the commanders differed, and all things were in confusion. Colonel Lillingston in his account asserts, that the commodore opened his in structions in an unwarrantable manner, and that, after he had done so, he proposed to the colonel to take what care they could of themselves at the ex- pence of the public service. The colonel rejected this offer as became a man of honour, and the commo dore thenceforward prepared to execute his scheme iu spite of all that the colonel could do to prevent him.* Towards the latter end of March, 1695, they ar* xived before the city of St. Domingo, where the Spa nish governor, on the receipt of the king of Spain's letters, promised them all the assistance in his power;. but how he performed this promise, is not very well agreed. Mr. Secretary Burchet in his history, from the letters, no doubt, of Commodore Wilmot,, charges him with creating unnecessary delays, which ,•! * Reflections on Burchet's Memoirs. I have been the longer in my account of this business, that 'the reader may see what ar« the true reasons why conjunct expeditions never succeed, and how necessary it is to call oflficers strictly to account when they live to- return honxe, in order to put an aid to- such shameful practices. OF KING WILLIAM IIL 19 livere of great prejudice to the expedition.* On the other hand, Colonel Lillingston asserts, that the Spa nish governor behaved in every respect like a man of honour, concerted with him the measures necessary to be taken for attacking Cape Francois, and per* formed all he undertook with the utmost punctuality. It must be observed, that the fwrce of the allies then in Hispaniola was such, as that the ruin of the French settlements might have been well expected front it. The Spanish governor marched one thousand seven hundred men ; the commander of our land-forces was able to debark about twelve hundred; the commo dore promised to join his force with five hundred sea men ; the Spaniards actually added three men of war to our fleet, and, to prevent any disputes about the command, the Spanish admiral took dov/n his flag. The first thing that was attempted was the ruin of the French settlement at Cape Francois. When the fleet was arrived within sight of the place, the com modore absolutely prescribed the place where the land-forces should go on shore ; and though Colonel Lillingston represented to him, that it was extremely hard to oblige the troops to a march of five leagues and a half^ when, by only rowing one league and a half, the boats might land them close by the fort which they were to attack, the commodore gave him barely the hearing, but pursued his own project, and they soon discovered with what view^ The English and Spanish troops joiijed, and con tinued their fatiguing march till they arrived within five miles of Fort St. Francis, v/here they saw the French blow up their works, and abandon the place. * Burchet's Naval History. Indeed this gentleman seems to have had an extraordinary pic(ue against the Spaniards, whom, though our allies at that time, he never mentions but with reproach. This is the more injurious, since that writer, though ho had so great an opportunity, never supports what he advances by any authority. It would, however, be hard to set the judgment of a single man , so high as to sacrifice fo it the character of a whole nation. C 2 20 NAVAL HISTORY When the troops came up, they were surprised to find the English colours hoisted on the fort, and a single seaman left to attend them : but the mystery was soon explained ; Commodore Wilmot no sooner saw the place abandoned, than he rowed to shore with five hundred men, entered it, and carried oft' all that was worth carrying. This disgusted, as it well might, both the EngTish and Spanish forces ; and, if they had not been composed of veteran troops, and men who had a great respect for their officers, a mutiny must have followed, which would have destroyed the whole design. But Colonel Lillingston pacified them as well as he could, by promising to take care they should not be treated in this manner for the future, if it were in his power to prevent it. After this extraordinary exploit it was resolved to attempt Port de Paix, where M. Ducasse commanded in person ; but he quitted the place, leaving in it a garrison of six hundred men. On the first of June the English and Spanish troops marched by two different roads towards the place they were to attack, and the squadron sailed thither at the same time, but with this extraordinary circum stance, that, if the Spanish admiral out of pure hu manity had not left some transports to take in our sick men, they must have been left to perish ; for Commodore Wilmot had something else in his head than to take care of invalids, and had therefore sailed as soon as the resolution was taken. The march was very fatiguing ; it took up sixteen days before they arrived in sight of Port de Paix, and then there was a great deal of time lost in getting the artillery and ammuni tion on shore. At last this too was performed, and then the siege of the place was begun in a regular manner : and the commodore, to shew his willing ness to assist, lauded a great body of seanven, and invested it on the other side. On the third of July, /the breach being practicable, jand Colonel Lillingston employed in making the ne- OF KING WILLIAM lIL 21 ces&ary dispositions for a general storm, the enemy took a resolution of deserting the place, and forcing their way through the quarter of the commodore. Their force consisted of about five hundred and thirty men, of which about one hundred and fifty were ne groes, but well armed and disciplined. Their great est difficulty was to carry off their women, children, and the most valuable part of their effects. The latter they packed up fust, and put them in small bundles on the backs of the women, who, with the children, mardhed in the front, under a good escort, while three hundred men fell into the quarters of our seamen, ^nd, by exposing themselves to a very brisk fire, which lasted for a long time, gave the rest an opportunity to retreat. The affair was, conducted with equal resolution and address; but not without a very considerable loss. Colonel Lillingston, as soon as he heard the firing, guessed at the cause, and immediately detached his brother with two hundred and fifty men, to support the seamen. When Major Lillingston arrived, the affair was over, and he marched directly to take pos session of the fort, in order to secure whatever the French had left behind them ; and having posted centinels every where, and put the rest of his men under arms, he thought that all was safe, but in this he was mistaken ; Commodore Wilmot, at the head of his whole corps of seamen, followed him instantly. As soon as the commodore came up to him, he clap ped his hand upon his shoulder, with this familiar salutation, " Now, major, I am stronger than you." After which, he removed his guards, broke open the store-houses, and carried off every thing that was worth taking, " with a dexterity," .says Colonel Lil ¦ lingston, " very natural to seamen." This kind of proceeding was not likely to produce much good ; the commodore offered to carry the sick men to Jamaica, and to leave Colonel Lillingston to attempt, iii conjunction with the Spaniards, the taking ^2 NAVAL HISTORY Leogane and Petit-Guavas ; but they were wear/ of 6uch kind of treatment, and had so many men dis abled by the unnecessary hardships to which they had been exposed, that it was resolved, in a council of war, not to prosecute either of the designs beforcrr mentioned ; but to demolish the fort, ruin the adja? .cent country, carry off the artiUery they had taken, and sail witli all the English forces to Jamaica. To this the Spanish governor consented, because he saw the impossibility of their performing, in the condition they were in, what they had projected; and of this he was the better judge, because he had an exact account of the French forces that M., Ducasse was assembling at Cui de Sac, and with which, it was expected, he v/ould march to give thein batt}e, as having no other means of preserving the French settlements ; though in this there was a gre3.t deal of danger, It must not be supposed that, because tins expedi tion was ir] itself very iU managed, and far from be-? jug .glorious to those that undertook it ; it must not, J Sciy, be theitfoie S'.i]:)posed, that it did but very little prejudice to tlie French, The confederate army, in sixty days, ruined their plantations for a hundred miles round, carried off a thousand negroes, demolished two strong forts, whercr in they took one hundied and forty pieces of cannon, with a vast quantity of all sorts of ammunition and naval stores ; so that there seems to be no reason to think Colonel Lillingston exaggerated, whp com putes the loss of the French at 200,000/.* But what * It is necessary for me here to give the reader some account pf the authorities on which the facts mentioned iu the text ave founded. In the year ITO.i, Secretary Burchet published his Memoirs of Transactions at Sea, during the War with France, from less tp 1097. In these Memoirs, p. 305, ho gives a largo accputit of this expedition, Mhich is altogether in favour of Mr. WiLiiot, and was, very probably, transcribed from his letters. In 1704, 99!P"'-'I' I-'Ulie Lillingstpii published his Re|lectioQS q^i OF KING WILLIAM IIL 23 recompence is this for the expence which the nation was at in fitting out such a squadron, and in sending so great a body of land-troops so far ? What opinion must the commodore's conduct give our allies, the Spaniards, of English armaments, and what notions could they entertain of the significancy of our naval force, when they saw it so flagrantly misapplied; our commander in chief having regard only to his private views, and encouraging his seamen upon all occa sions to behave like pirates ? How much must this miscarriage at once disgrace and discourage an admi nistration, since it seemed to shew, that all attempts of this sort would prove as fruitless for the future, and serve only to exhaust the treasures of this na tion, in order to enrich such as least deserved it ? I am very sorry that I have been obliged to say so much ; but every reader will do me the justice to own, that this subject compelled me, to it. We suf- Mr. Burchet's Memoirs, in which he advances nothing but upon undeniable authority, producing instructions, letters, aflBdavits, and other necessary papers upon every occasion. Some months after, Mr. Burchet published a Justification of his Naval Memoirs, in answer to Colonel Lillingston, which are supported only by extracts from journals of persons, who were disposed to set their own proceedings in a good light, and, which is strange, acknow-- ledges he neither asked or desired any account from Colonel Lil lingston, in order to have an opportunity of comparing evidence on both sides. This was the ftiore extraordinary, as King Wil liam, prejudiced by the admiralty accounts, looked coldly on the colonel, till, upon examining the affair, he was undeceived, and granted him a pension of two hundred pounds a-year, which was cotttinued by Queen Anne. So that his Memoirs seemed a censure npoii their Majesties' bounty. Yet, notwithstanding all this, when Secretary Burchet came to publish his Naval History in 1720, he, in a manner, transcribed what he had before said in, his memoirs, correcting only a few facts from Colonel Lillingston's book, by which, however, he admits its authority, but without setting Any mark of ignominy upon this most scandalous expedi. tion. At this, Mr. Lediard very honestly expresses his surprise; but, for my own part, when I consider that the admii-alty never thought this aifair worth an inquiry, I do not at all wonder their secretary did not think proper to censure it. 24 NAVAL HISTORY fered very long for the misdeeds of those times, and the false pity that was shewn in letting slip the pub lic examination of a thing so scandalous as this was.* Reflections like these, on the faults of our ancestors, are proper lessons for the present generation ; and I think it my duty to inculcate them, in order to pre vent our being wanting, in the same manner to our selves and our posterity. The account given us of this affair, by French writers, agrees pretty well with our own. It is true, that they gave great commendations to M. Ducasse, governor of St, Domingo, who was certainly a very gallant man, but who, as certainly, had no opportu nity of shewing his bravery on this occasion. In the main, however, they agree, that a misunderstanding between the allies proved the ruin of the whole affair; and that nothing could more amaze, and at the same time oveijoy the people, than the news of the English troops embarking for Jamaica did M. Ducasse and his army. The same writers intimate, that the co lony of Jamaica was much wanting to itself, in not laying hold of this opportunity to make a descent on the French settlements, in revenge for the mis chiefs done them by the inhabitants of this colony, under M. Ducasse, the year before, which, if they had done, in all probability the French must have been driven out of Hispaniola; and, as things then stood, there is no great reason to doubt that the Spa niards would have been very well pleased to have * The general answer to what has been said upon this subject is, that all inquiry was prevented by the commodore's death.. But, surely, this is a very poor excuse. To an intelligent reader it will appear, that an effectual inquiry might have been more easily made after his death, than in the life of the commodore. His in fluence was then determined, he could not be hurt by the inquiry, all his creatures were at full liberty to speak ; and, as knowing the truth only was of importance to the public, in order to pre vent such detestable actions for the future, the burying all this villany, as far as possible, in oblivion, is inexcusable to the na tion. OF KING WILLIAM III, 25 seen an English colony settled in their room, as well knowing their own inability to preserve the island without such assistance. But all these views for the glory of England were effectually defeated by the sailing away of the Eng lish squadron frojn Hispaniola, on the 23d of July, 1695, with the land-forces on board. The governor and people of Jamaica gave the commodore a very indifferent reception, having had previous intelligence of his behaviour through the whole affair. Several councils of war were held, to consider how practica ble a second attempt might be in conjunction with a considerable force from this island. But, after much deliberation, this design also came to nothing. The commodore, in the mean time, followed his busi ness closely ; that is to say, he converted the plunder he had taken into money, which he vested in all sorts of merchandise fit for the English market, and took in the goods privately on the back of the island. When this was dotie, his next care was to get back to England with his squadron, with the great wealth he had amassed on board of it. He left Jamaica on the 3d of September, 1 695, but met with a very bad passage. On the shoals of Florida he lost a fourth-rate man of war, in a manner which gave great cause to sus pect he never intended to bring her home.* After this, an epidemic distemper broke out on board the * One may see by Colonel Lillingston's whole book, how much more jealous men of honour are of their reputation, than statesmen of a nation's glory. The colonel's account of this af fair was printed but seven years after the thing happened, and yet no search was made into the .matter. His words are these: " It would be a most diverting thing, abating for the disaster of it, and the lives lost in it, to hear a true particular of the loss of the Winchester man of war. If I am not misinformed, there would come to light a great many hidden circumstances, very use ful to the nation in general, if the loss of that man of war were inquired into. If due examination were made, whether all the stores and guns that were pretended to be in her, were really on 28 NAVAL HISTORY ships, which carried off a multitude of sailors and soldiers, and not a few oflficers, among whom, was the commodore himself This disease prevailed at last to such a degree, that there was scarcely found men enough to bring home the squadron, which did not arrive till very late in the year. I cannot help closing this account by observing, that Co'Wimodore Wilmot left sixteen thousand pounds in effects on board his own ship, which engaged his family in a long suit with Captain Butler, Such are the wretched effects of sacrificing pubhc concerns to the narrow views of private interest ! Towards the latter end of the year I696, the na tion was again alarmed with the report of an inva sion. It was known that the French were fitting out a strong squadron at Brest; and for what service, the intelligence that our secretaries had could not inform them. Sir Cloudesley Shovel, therefore, was sent with a considerable force to block them up, which, however, the French avoided ; and it was then given out at home, that our vigilance had disappointed the designs of the enemy, and obliged them to abandon all thoughts of a descent. In this we only deceived ourselves, for our merchants quickly came at the knowledge of the true scheme, which was, the send ing a strong squadron into the West Indies, to attack some of the Spanish plantations in those parts.* The board her ; and if the loss of that ship did not serve for a colour to pretend the loss of many things, w.hich were otherwise disposed of." Lillingston's Reflections. * In order to support this fact, I shall give the reader a pas sage from the Monthly Mercury for December, 16y6. " The great noise made about Poinlis's squadron that was equipping at Brest, and -s^hich, as it was furnished with a vast number of scaling ladders, bombs, pontons, and other materials for a descent, and for the attack of places on shore, had given the alarm to all the dominions of Great Britain, is at last over ; and those that were most frighted, are now most inclined to treat it with con tempt; for whether it was, that Pointis wanted a money-wind to carry him out of port, or that his project had not received the OF KING WILLIAM III, 27 Sieur Pointis was the person who formed the plan of this undertaking, and who had been no less than three years in bringing it to bear. The French king had suffered a great number of private persons to contribute towards this enterprise, and the strongest assurances were given them, that whatever profits accrued thereby, should be fairly divided amongst them. Orders were privately sent to M, Ducasse, in Hispaniola, to assemble as many buccaneers as he could, with vessels proper to sup port them ; and he was to have these ready to join M. Pointis's squadron, as soon as it appeared. The true design all along was upon Carthagena ; but such as pretended to be in the seciet at the French court, gave out, that the king intended this armament to execute a project, long ago formed by M. Ducasse, of driving the Spaniards entirely out of Hispaniola. But, notwithstanding this variety of reports, some of King James's adherents fancied that they had pene trated farther than any of these politicians, and that the true design of this mysterious armament was against Jamaica ; and of this, as Englishmen, . they thought it their duty to advise our court.* least sanctiijn of the court, so it was, that his Britannic Majesty had time enough to send Sir Cloudesley Shovel with a strong squa dron to inspe.ct this fleet, which, was reported to bo strong enough to attempt the invasion of his kingdoms ; and, on his looking into the port, it appeared there were but sixteen men of war of all sorts there ; so that, whatever the design of Pointis's squadron was, it seems to be vanished into smoke." * The political tracts of that year best inform us what the $entifnents of the world were upon that occasion, because later writers are apt to impose upon us, by pretending that this or that great minister had actually discovered the secret very early, though, for certain reasons of state, it was not published. Now jt clearly appears from those writings, that nothing of this kind happened; and it is as certain, from Pointis's journal, that he never had any other view than that of attacking Ciirthagena, not withstanding so many other projects were talked of. The infor mation I speak of from France, 1 know from unquestionable au thority ;. far, as the author of fie Jewish letters rightly observes^ 28 NAVAL HISTORY At first, this was considered as a very extraordi nary piece of intelligence, which alarmed us the more, because, considering the force we had in that part of the world, if they had really attempted this island, there was but too great probability of their succeeding. When this matter, however, came to be deliberated upon in council, and several of the most intelligent persons there seemed convinced that the blow was meant at us. King William declared himself of a con trary opinion, for a reason which shewed how well he understood mankind, and how justly , the French king dreaded his superior capacity iu the closet. His Majesty observed, that the basis of the French king's new expedition was private interest, not pubhc uti lity, or national glory, for which reason he concluded they would not either endeavour to conquer Hispa niola, or attack Jamaica, but attempt the taking the Spanish galleons, or the surprising of Carthagena. The good sense of this observation brought over every body to his Majesty's opinion, and the sequel will shew, that the Sieur Pointis and the rest of the French commanders, M. Ducasse always excepted, never considered, in this expedition, what was best to be done, but how much might be got, in which piratical kind of knowledge they proved much greater proficients than the buccaneers themselves.* the English refugees at St. Germain's were quite a different sort of people from the refugees in Soho ; for they loved their country, though they were banished from it, and, like the Greek exiles of old in the Persian court, shewed those who were inured to slavery, how great a blessing it is to be born and bred up free. * Bishop Burnet, in his'History of liis own Times, vol. ii. ex presses a good deal of dislike to the management of our affairs at sea in this critical conjuncture; but, whoever considers the matter strictly, will find all the reason in the world to commend the dis position made by our court for preventing the French from exe cuting their design in the West Indies, We ought always to dis tinguish between the laying of a scheme, and the carrying it into execution ; for the same praise is due to the contrivers of a good OF KING WILLIAM III. 29 To frustrate this blow, wherever it was intended, orders were given for a small squadron to assemble at Portsmouth under the command of Captain Meeze, and other orders were at the same time dispatched to Mr. Neville, who commanded our fleet in the Medi terranean, and who was now made vice-admiral, which he was directed to open, when he had taken due care of the homeward-bound fleet, and should be fifty leagues S. W. by W. from Cadiz, He found himself in this situation about the middle of the month of February, I696-7, and, then consulting his instructions, found that he was to join Captain Meeze's squadron at the island of Madeira, where, after cruising a long time, he was met by the captain, now made a rear-admiral, in his own ship the Bristol ; and, the Lightning fire-ship having lost company with the rest of his squadron in a fog, a little after he left the Isle of Wight. On the seventeenth of April Vice- admiral Neville arrived at Barbadoes, where he found most of the ships he expected, except the Dutch, who joining him, however, soon after, they bore away for Antigua, where they arrived the third of May, 1697. There it was resolved in a council of war to sail for Porto Rico, in order to take as much care as. possible of the Spanish galleons. Before he reached his intended port, he had intelligence, that M. Pointis had sailed from Hispaniola on the twenty-first of Marcli, N, S, with twenty-six ships small and great It was then resolved in a council of war to proceed forthwith to Jamaica, in order to take in a supply of water and provisions,* scheme, thougli it fails of its effect, as if it had met with the wished-for success. Here was a force superior to the French, who had been three years providing theirs, assembled in less than Uuee months; and, if the orders given to our admirals had been strictly complied with, they had been as early in the West Indies as the enemy ; if they were not, it was no fault either of the eouncii, or the board of admiralty, * Mr, Burchet tells up, both in his Memoirs and his Hisfwry, that Viee.admiral Neville cruized fifty-eight days about the Ma- ^0 NAVAL HISTORY ^ On the fifteenth of May, 1697, the admiral being off the east end of the island^ met with a sloop, the master of which informed him, there was a flymg report of the French squadron's being before Cartha^^ gena ; upon this he stayed no longer than was ab solutely necessary to take in water, but sailed from Port-Royal, and attempted to go through the Lee ward channel; but in that he was prevented by the dying away of the land-breeze, and -contrary to what had been ever known by all persons acquainted with those parts, the sea-breeze blew for six days and six nights together, during which time an English sloop came in, that left Porto-Bello the eighteenth of this month, in company with the galleons, which were fifteen in number, and two days after parted with them, steering away N, N, E, for Jamaica, where they intended to take in provisions, for v/hich they were so much straitened, that they had not enough to carry them to the Havannah. The vice-' admiral sent out two sloops to look for them, the one off the keys of Point-Pedro, and the other off those of Porto-Morant, and to let their general know, that he was going to Carthagena to see what could be done against the French, but that he would re-' turn to Jamaica in a shoft time. The twenty-fourth of the same month he took advantage of a small gale from shore to steer for Carthagena, in hopes of find ing the French either embarrassed in the siege of the place, or in embarking the plunder; for, according to the best accounts he could get, the Spaniards were very strong there, and had been so lucky also as to have pretty early intelligence of the visit that was- deiras, to which, if he thought himself bound by his instructions, he was justified ; but, however, this certainly proved the ruin of the whole affair ; for, if he had stood away for Barbadoes, instcaij of cruizing there, he might have come time cnoiigh to hate at- tacked the French before they left Hispaniola, or at least he might have followed them to Carthagena, where, if he had attacked their fleet while their army was engaged in the siege,, tlieir whole force must have been- destroyed^ • ' OF KING WILLIAM III, 31 designed them ; but the cross accidents, that kept the vice-admiral so long on the coast of Jamaica, frustrated his good intentions, and hindered our re taking from the French the best part of what they took from the Spaniards, which must otherwise pro-, bably have happened,* In order to give a distinct account of this extra ordinary affair, which is somewhat partially related both by English and French writers, I must pursue the history of Pointis's voyage, and shew how and when he executed the scheme which he proposed ; for this will naturally bring us back to this very point of time when Vice-admiral Neville sailed in search of him and his squadron. As the success of Pointis's expedition depended upon the assistance he was to receive at St. Domingo, he sailed thither directly, and arrived on the coast February ly, I697. The governor, M, Ducasse, had taken care to provide every thing pursuant to his instructions, so that the Sieur Pointis met with no retardment but what pro ceeded from his own imperious disposition, which hindered him from giving the buccaneers the satis faction they expected ; and thi« produced a mutiny or two, which nothing could have quieted but the presence of M. Ducasse, who was actuated wholly by public spirit, and exerted his utmost interest among these people to keep them steady ; at the same time he suffered as much as they did from the * The admiral's going to Jamaica was anotlier misfortune ; for, as it will be hereafter shewn, if he had sailed directly on the first intelligence he had for Carthagena, he must have surprised M. Pointis, and destroyed his whole force. But if, according to tha admiral's journal, he was under an absolute necessity of taking in water ; this is to be considered as an unavoidable misfortune. These are points I leave to the reader's judgment to determine ; for none of our accounts afford us sufficient light to decide posi tively on the matters of fact, though this is certainly in the ad miral's favour, that he was known to have had as much personal courage as any man, and that he afterwards shewed as great an inclination to fight upon this occasion as any man ever did, or indeed could do. 32 NAVAL HISTORY insolence of the general, who, proud of his commis sion, and full of himself, behaved without any re gard either to the rank or circumstances of others. After about a fortnight's stay to forward all neces sary preparations, the whole fleet sailed for Cartha gena, and arrived before that city on the third of April, The force brought from France by M. Pointis consisted of seven large ships of war, about ten fri gates, and small vessels of several sorts, on board which were two thousand two hundred and sixty sea men, and one thousand seven hundred arid fifty sol diers, in all four thousand and ten, to which M, Ducasse added another stout squadron, on board of which were fifteen hundred buccaneers, soldiers, and volunteers. They first attempted the strong fort of Boca-Chica, which was carried by assault; then they attacked Neustra Signora de la Popa, a monastery on a hill which commands the place ; they besieged and took likewise the fort of St, Lazarus, and at length stormed the suburbs, which forced the gover nor to think of a capitulation ; and this, being granted him on pretty good terms, was concluded April 24, 1697, when the city was surrendered to the French, who lost before it upwards of five hun dred men ; neither could it have been ever taken but for the assistance of M. Ducasse, and the troops he commanded, though Pointis used them very ill through the whole affair, and, after it was taken, actually shut them out of the city, putting off from time to time the distribution of the booty, and not allowing so much as to put a check on such as received it,* * In the whole of this'relation I reduce all the dates to the old style for the sake of comparing them readily, which could not have been otherwise done. As to the facts, we have a vast va riety of relations, though I think but two of any great authority ; vi:. Pointis's own Memoirs, and the History of St. Domingo, written by Father Charlevoix on the Memoirs of Father Pers, and from the Registers in the Public Offices of the Mafine in France, OF KING WILLIAM IIL 33 Many-disputes have been raised as to the value of the plate and other effects taken by the Sieur Pointis in this place. Some have carried this so high as forty millions of livres, and other.s, amongst whom is M. Pointis himself, reduce it to nine millions. There ar© several reasons which have induced different writers to impose upon their readers in this particular.* All the Spanish authors who have mentioned this, say, they had sent the nuns, together with one hundred and twenty mules, laden with gold and jewels, forty miles up into the countiy, before the P'rench arrived ; but then it is visibly their interest to abate, as much as possible, the credit of tliis expedition, and this perhaps is now become the French interest too. The Sieur Pointis, and his4 partizans, had also cause suf ficient to state this account as low as possible, be cause, the lower they brought it, the less they had to account for, which was what they wanted. Our historians in those days were desirous of lessening the success of all French expeditions, and therefore, as we see in the celebrated work of Bishop Burnet, that pre late affected to treat this as a miscarriage, by which the French, on the whole, could scarcely be called gainers, t But one who is solicitous only about truth will make proper allowances on such occasions, and, by where I find these differ too widely fo be reconciled ; therefore I prefer, without ceremony, the latter, because it is evident, that Sieur Pointis had views to serve, whereas Father Charlevoix writes without the least bias. Occasionally I have recourse to other authorities, which I refer to in their proper places. * Ilistoire de St. Domingne, vol. iv, Memoires de Pointis, &c. Father Daniel, in his Journal Historique de Louis XIV. com putes the riches brought home by Sieur Pointis at ten millions ;- and this, as I take it, was the commonly received calculation at that time, + Bishop Burnet might ' possibly be deceived by the second ac counts from France, which were all against Pointis; but if he had inquired into what followed, and how much money was recovered when this business came to be narrowly sifted, he would have al tered his opinion. The French do not .&u£fer a few great officers' VOt, III. D 84 NAVAL HISTORY comparing these different accounts together, will en* deavour to acquire a just notion of a thing, with which, for many reasons, surely both we and poste rity have a right to be acquainted. After taking all imaginable pains to this purpose, I venture to assert, M. Pointis carried home upwards of twenty millions of livres; I believe I should not err in saying, twelve hundred thousand pounds sterling.* But there is no need of lessening the profits to abate the gk)ry of this expedition. The Sieur Pointi*, certainly behaved very ill through the whole affair ; he disgusted the buccaneers ; he treated M, Ducasse excessively ill during the whole siege ; he made an un fair distribution of the effects taken : he took no kind of care of the sick and wounded, but left them in the hospitals not only without medicines but food; and, to complete his blunders, he loitered till the twenty- first of May, and did not embark his men till the sickly season came on, and they could scarcely crawl to their ships. The buccaneers were so irritated by the behaviour of Pointis, and his breaking the agree ment he made with them, to force upon them a di vidend of 40,000 crowns, that, as soon as they saw him and his squadron ready to sail, they returned back to Carthagena, in order, as they phrased it to look for their share of tbe plunder, which they did not fail of finding. It is very evident from this account, that if our vice-admiral, on his having the first information of the enemy's being sailed for Carthagena, which was to cheat their owners and the public by cooking up stories desti tute of proof; their government is arbitrary, and therefore, ia cases like this, generally speaking, just. * My calculation goes upon undeniable principles. The Sieup Pointis gave the Buccaneers 40,000 crowns, or 1 .'0,000 livres, for Iheir share, computing at tho rate of one tenth from the first mil lion, and the thirtieth from every othermillion ; and this by a very easy process, makes it clear that he estimated the whole booty a^ 9,000,000. But, when M. Pointis's behaviour came to be scruti nized in France, they had a decree for 1,400,000 livres more. OF KING WILLIAM IIL 85| on the fifteenth of May, had proceeded thither in stead of going to Jamaica, he had unquestionably surprised the French in the harbour of that place ; and, as the Spaniards had actually assembled an army to retake the city, it is not easy to guess how the French would have escaped, who were by that time split into factions among themselves, and at least on© half of them fallen sick, But though he missed them then, yet on the twenty-seventh of May, 1697, being half seas over from Jamaica, he saw the Sieur De Pointis's squadron, consisting of seven men of war, andto or three frigates, at no great distance; upon which he. endeavoured to engage them, but co^Id not. The Warwick indeed exchanged some shot with one of the Frenchmen ; but in spite of all the sail she could iinake, the ship got away from her, as the rest did from the admiral. The Warwick, perceiving this, bore down on a fly-boat belonging to the French fleet, and took her, having on board a vast quantity of arms and ammunition, with as much plate as made the prize worth two hundred thousand pounds, and is a pretty good sample of what mighty treasures were on board the rest. Five days the vice-admiral continued the pursuit,; in which five ships, among these his own and Rear- admiral Meeze's were included, sprung their fore-top masts, and their sails were so torn, that it was found impossible to continue the chace with any hopes of success. This again was a narrow escape ; the French themselves own it, they were much inferior in force, they were ill manned, most of their ships were foul; and, if they had fought, many of them m^ist have been taken without doubt, I see no manner of cause to censure the vice admiral's conduct on this occasion, as some have done, because it was beyond question his own and hi.s officers interests to have fought, upon the presumption that their own superior force would have put them in possession of all the plunder the French had obtained. d2 3& NAVAL HISTORY Besides, they all gave sufficient proofs afterwards,' that fighting was what they did not desire to avoid. I am therefore satisfied as to this point, that there was nothing of treachery or neglect of duty in this business, but that Pointis's squadron escaped by a concurrence, with respect to us, of unlucky and un avoidable accidents, unless there might be some fault in tliose who furnished our sails, which did not wear so well as those of the French, for which, however, the sea-officers were not to blame. The buccaneers, on their return to Carthagena, met with no resistance ; and therefore, having driven the inhabitants into the great church, they told them how General Pointis had treated them, which, as they alleged, obliged them, though against their will, to come back to make a demand of five mil lions, which once paid them, they promised to re tire without doing any kind of violence. The poor Spaniards did their utmost to rake together this sum ; but it was all in vain. The French took what they brought, and, as soon as they had done bringing, these miscreants had recourse to such cruelties, as are scarcely credible, tO force discoveries. After all, in the space of about five days, they amassed near 1,000,000 of crowns in money, and above as much more in rich goods ; after which they fell out amongst themselves as to the division of it, the buccaneers refusing the inhabitants of Domingo an equal share, because, as they said, they were at great expence oij that island before they sailed, when the inhabitants were at home in their own houses. This dispute, how ever, was soon adjusted on the arrival of a ship from Martinico, with advice that a strong Eng-lish squadron was in quest of them ; they instantly quitted the place, embarked their plunder with all imaginable diligence, and contrived to get to sea as soon as pos sible, and retire to St, Domingo. When our squadron found it impracticable to tn- gage the French, the vice-admiral thought it expe- OF KING WILLIAM Itl. 37 dient to proceed to Carthagena, in order to see jf the galleons were safe, and how far he could be use ful to the Spaniards. He arrived in the port in the evening of the thirty-first of May, and found the place quite abandoned ; for the inhabitants were so much afraid of the buccaneers returning a third time, that they were fled info the woods. Two days the vice- admiral remained in the port before he prevailed upon the governor and some of the principal inhabitants to return, and then sailed, after sending a frigate to St, Jago to inform the governor of the Havannah, and the general of the gallies, of what had passed, that they might the better piovide for the safety of the galleons. On the sixth he discovered eight sail of buccaneers close under the shore; upon which, a detachment was sent to destroy them. The enemy crowded all the sail they could, in hopes of escaping, but only four were so lucky as to effect it. One was forced upon the Spanish coast, not far from Carthagena, her crew taken by the inhabitants, and compelled to work in the repair of their fortifications. Another was forced on shore on St, Domingo, and beat to pieces. The Christ, a fine sliip, commanded by Cap tain Cofuy, who bad two hundred and fifty men on board, and about 350,000 crowns in silver, was taken by a Dutch ship, as was the Flying Hart of the same force and value, commanded by Captain Pierce, by Captain Dilkes, and her crew were brought into England. The governor of Jamaica at that time was Sir Wil liam Beeston, who, considering that the fleet must soon be obliged to return home, resolved to suggest the destruction of that nest of pirates, Petit-Guavas, to the vice-admiral, as the most important service that, as things were circumstanced, could be done to the English colonies in general, and Jamaica in particu lar. Vice-admiral Neville instantly complied with it, and left the execution of the scheme to Reai-adijiiral 38 NAVAL HISTORY Meeze, who was detached from the fleet, June 22,i 1697, for this very purpose, with nine ships of war, great and small. On the twenty-seventh he arrived at a small distance from Petit-Guavas, and debarked some of his forces, ordering the ships to come in next day. On the twenty-ninth he surprised Petit-Guavas, en tering the place before it was light, and seizing the guard. He had, at first, thoughts of remaining there some short time; but the seamen, and at last, through their example, the landmen began to plunder and drink so hard, that when the rear-admiral altered hia sentiments, and resolved to burn and abandon it, there was not above fifty sober men under his com mand, out of nine hundred. When he gave out this order, the whole was executed with such precipi tation, that, notwithstanding there was abundance of gold and silver in the place, yet very little was saved or brought away. However, the burning the town, and carrying off" a good number of negroes prisoners to Jamaica, was a great and seasonable service to the English colonies, and gave the enemy a remarkable check, which they did not soon reco ver : to say the truth, it was one of the most im portant actions done during the war. Vice-admiral Neville, having wooded and watered with all possible diligence, sailed to meet Rear- admiral Meeze, and then bringing away the home ward bound ships from Jamaica, resolved to proceed to the Havannah, in order to preserve the galleons. He sailed in the beginning of July, and, coming about the middle of that month on the coast of Cuba, the seamen became excessively sickly, and Rear-admiral Meeze died before they reached the Ha vannah, On the twenty-second of the same month, the vice-admiral arrived befi)re that port, and sent in advice to the governor of his want of water and other refreshments. The governor sent him a civil mes sage, but refused to admit his squadron, and did not OF KING WILLIAM III, 89 even supply his necessities, or at least not in all re spects. As for the general of the galleons, when he was informed that tbe vice-admiral came on purpose to convey that rich fleet home, wliich was the prin ciple point of King William's instruction^^ far from' being satisfied with those unusual acts of kindness to allies, he excused himself from putting his ships under our protection, supposing, or at least pretend ing, his orders would not warrant it. The true reason however, both of his and of the governor's conduct, might probably be, their fear of having the place of the greatest consequence in the West Indies, and the richest fleet of that age, for there were fifty millions on board the galleons, taken at once, since both had been left in the vice-admiral's power, if he had been admitted into the haven. This kind of treatment, after the pains he had taken to save the galleons, and to serve the crown of Spain on every occasion, broke the vice-admiial'sf spirits very much. He had always counted upon escorting the galleons, and believed so acceptable a service would entirely efface the memory of former misfortunes ; but being disappointed again, and re flecting on the little service that with so strong a squadron he had been able to do his country, it threw him into a kind of hectic fever, which hung upon him till he arrived in Virginia, on the twenty- second of August, and there he died, as much of grief as of his distemper, to the great regret of all who knew him, as he was a person of cOiuage, pru dence, and integrity ; who wanted not either will or abilities to do his country service, though his fortune fell short of his zeal. By his demise the command of the squadron de volved upon Captain Robert Dilkes, who, from Vir ginia, arrived safely in England on the twenty-fourth of October, 1697, with the whole squadron, though poorly manned, and the ships many of them foul and rotten ; so that, notwithstanding the great hopes that 48 NAVAL HISTORY had been entertained of our doing mighty things in the West Indies, all came to nothing; for, besides this, we met with other disappointments in that quar^ ter of the world, that were no less mortifying than fhose we have mentioned. The Sieur Pointis thought himself safe M'hen he ar rived oft' Newfoundland, as not having the least knowledge that we had a stout squadron there, under the command of the late Sir John (then Captain) Norris, so that he made no difificulty of going into the Bay of Conception, and of lying there carelessly enough, though we had a force suflficient, at St. John's to have given a good account of him and his Spanish plunder. It was on the twenty-third of July our squadron had advice, that five French ships were seen in Conception Bay, and they immediately con cluded it was M, Nesmond's squadron come to attack them; and, . therefore, instead of going to look for the enemy, they wisely considered how, in case they Jell upon St. John's, they should be best able to de fend themselves, and bent all their endeavours that way. Captain Norris was, from the beginning, a little sus picious that this was not the outward bound French squadron, and, therefore, sent the Mary galley, a clean tight ship, to discover what they were. But before they could have any news from her, he receivr ed a letter from one Mr. Alexander Cumberbatch, master of a ship taken bj^ the French at sea, and put on shore in Newfoundland, in order to procure fresh provisions. In this letter there was a distinct ac count of M, Pointis's strength, and of his .squadrpn'as having on board the rich plunder of Carthagena. Captain Norris was ravished with this epistle, called a council of war immediately, and pressed that no far-; ther time might be lost, but that withovit more ado, they might sail in quest of the enemy. Other peo ple, however, were in no such haste ; they doubted whether Cumberbatch's letter might not be intend^t^ OF KING WILLIAM III. 41 to draw them out of their strength, and thereby ex pose St, John's, and the whole country, to the French ; and accordingly, after a long debate, it was resolved in the council of war to remain where they were, and to expect the French in close quarters, without running unnecessary hazards.* * The reflections of Bishop Burnet on this business, are very ¦well worth notice. " Commodore Norris's squadron'', says he, •' might have fallen upon the French, and would probably have mastered them ; but as they had no certain account of their Strength, so, being sent out on another service, they did not think it proper to hazard the attacking them ; so the French got safe home, and the conduct of our affairs at sea was much censured," In Burchet's Memoirs, p. 378, and in his History, tho blame is thrown entirely on the land officers, who out voted the sea officers in the council of war. The whole is strangely skimmed over in our Gazette, No. 3319, as a thing not fit to be mentioned. I have with some difficulty recovered the minutes of this famous council of war : and, as I believe, a list of the names of those who sat in it, and their votes, cannot but be agreeable to the reader, I shal}' transcribe them, A council of war at St, John's, July 24th, 1697, at which were present, LAND OFneERS, John Gibson ........ No. Thomas Dore No. Thomas Handasyde No. CliflF. Brexton No. Griff. May , No. HughlBoyd r No. y. Smith No, Koh. Da7,yeU No, H. Petit No. 'George Watkins , No. Jos. Hargrave ........ No. Eleven. No's, all. SEA OFFICERS. Francis Dove ........ Yea. Robert Stapilton ...... Yea. James Littleton ...... No. Charles Desborow .... Yea. Co.operWade ........ Yea. John Roffey No. James Migbells ....... Yea. Thomas Day ........ Yea. John Cranby ..;..... Yea. .Tohn Drake No. Nicholas Trevannion .... No. John Norris ,..,.,.... Yea. Thomas Smith ........ No, Thirteen, Yea's 8, No's 5. This whole business was, in an ensuing session of parliament, examined in the House of Lords ; when, upon a full view of the evidence, their lordships came to the following resolutions : Die Lun(E, 17th April, 16?9. 1, It is resolved by the lords spiritual and temporal in parlia ment assembled, that the squadron commanded by Captain Norris, at St, John's in Newfquiidland, not going out tolight Ppintis, upon 42 NAVAL HISTORt^x About noon on the twenty-sixth, tliey received ad vice, that. the five French ships were seen, the night before, at anchor a little eastward of Belle-isle, by Portugal Cove, and the next day, upon a message from Colonel Gibson, there was another consulta tion, where this intelligence was read ; but it was re solved to remain till the two captains arrived, who were sent to make a discovery. Soon after, one of them came with twenty-one Frenchmen, that he had taken in a boat at Carboniere, who said they were sent by M. Pointis to procure fresh provisions. The other captain returned also from Portugal Cove, who saw the French ships at anchor, one of them of three decks, two from sixty to seventy guns, and two more of above fifty. The council adjourned till the next morning, and then calling the prisoners before them, they related all they knew, fearing that other wise they should be very ill treated. They said the squadron had not been at any other port since they left the West Indies, and that hearing of an Enghsh squadron in those parts, they had appointed Placen- tia, in Newfoundland, for the place of rendezvous ; but, through the haziness of the weather, were obliged to drop anchor in Conception Bay. But notwithstanding all this, and other corrobora tive evidence, to prove that this was in reality M. Pointis's squadron, the council of war still over ruled Captain Norris, who was eager for fighting, and obliged him to remain in the harbour of St. John's, which they fortified with such industry, that when M. Nesmond arrived, which was about two and thirty days after the other squadron had been first seen, the place was in so good a state of defence, that though the French squadron consisted of sixteen sail, the several intelligence given, was a very high miscarriage, to the great disservice of the king and kingdom. - 2, It is resolved, that the joining the land officers in the council »f war, on the 24th of July, 1697, was one occasion of the mig- tarriage in not fighting Pointis. OF KING WILLIAM III. 43 of which ten were of the line of battle, yet they were so well satisfied with the sight of the preparations jnade for th^ir reception, that they thought proper to retire without so much as firing a gun, and thereby left all Newfoundland in our possession, which was confirmed by the ensuing peace, M. Pointis, however, though he got so happily clear of this affair, met with another, which gave him a good deal more trouble; for, on the fourteenth of August, 1697, he fell in with a squadron com manded by Captain Harlow, whom he boldly engag ed about three in the afternoon. After a brisk dis pute of two hours, the French made a signal for tack ing, when one of their ships, being disabled, escap ed with much difficulty, and put the rest into some confusion. They bore away as fast as possible, and by ten at night the English squadron lost sight of them. The fifteenth, being a clear day, the enemy was discovered, by four in the morning, at the dis^^ tance of four leagues ; upon which Captain Harlow x;ontinued the chace till evening, but with very httle advantage, our ships being fouler than theirs, though they were returned from so long a voyage. The next day they got clear away, and the day following en tered the harbour of Brest, having as happily and as strangely escaped a variety of dangers, as any squad ron that ever went to sea,* It is not easy to account for M. Pointis's bearing down upon Captain Harlow's squadron; nor can one readily apprehend, how the English ships, just come out of port, came to sail so much worse than the French. Some nlystery there was in this, which was never revealed to the public, though, in all pro bability, something might be discovered to the lords of the admiralty, which it was not proper should * M. Pointis confesses this in his Memoirs, A Dutch Gazet teer says pleasantly, Ill-luck put on leaden boots to pursue bim. See Captain Harlow's own account, in the London Gazette, No. 3317* 44 • NAVAL HISTORY come abroad,*- Thus we have run through the histo ry of what passed in the West Indies during this war, and are now returned to the naval transactions in Eu rope, in the year 1697, where we shall find not many extraordinary actions to detain us. His Majesty going in the spring of the year to Holland, he was pleased to declare Edward Russel, Esq. then at the head of the admiralty, one of the lords-justices in his absence ; and soon after, it was known, that his Majesty had created him baron of Shingey, Viscount Barfleur, and earl of Orford. These honours seemed not only fit but necessary, since his lordship, as Bishop Burnet well observes, had the whole authority of high admiral, though not the title. His presence, therefore, being requisite at the board. Sir George Rooke was declared admiral of the fleet, and actually went down, in the beginning of June, to Portsmouth, in order to take upon him the command of it. On his arrival, however, he found things but in a very indifferent condition; for though the ships made a handsome figure enough in the list at the admiralty, yet they were in fact not half man ned, and worse victualled ; so that if a Dutch squad ron had not happily joined them, it is on all hands agreed, they could not have put to sea. But by the latter end of the month, his force being augmented by two squadrons, which had been under the com mand of Vice-admiral Mitchel, and Rear-admiral * I ground what I advance in the text, on the following adver tisement, which appeared first, Thursday, September 23, 1697, London Gazette, No. 3325. " Admiralty office, September 23. Whereas the right honour* able the lords commissioners of the admiralty, did receive a letter by the post, signed A, B. which contains several things relating to the late action of Captain Harlow : these arei to give notice, that,' if the person who writ the said letter 'h'ill apply himself to one of the secretaries of the admiralty, his name shall not be made known, without his own consent, and he shall likewiie be rewarded, and preferted by their lordships. William Bhidgemak." OF RING WILLIAM III. 45 Benbow, the admiral found his strength increased to forty-four sail of the line, and, therefore, he put to sea for some time, but was obliged to return sooner than he intended, for want of provisions. In the month of September he detached Vice-admi ral Mitchell with a squadron, to meet and sustain Vice-admiral Neville, who was expected home with tbe galleons from the West Indies ; but before he reached the cape of St, Vincent, he had notice of the return of that squadron, and did not, therefore, think proper to continue any longer at sea. He was after wards ordered out again in October, when he per formed nothing worthy of remark, except the bring ing in fifteen Dutch East India ships, which had lost most of their anchors and cables, and must otherwise have been in great danger of perishing themselves. Soon after, he received the king's orders, to bring over the Czar from Holland, which he did ; that monarch arriving in England on the eleventh of January fol lowing, and was so acceptable to that great prince, that, with the king's leave, he attended him during the whole time he stayed in England, and had the ho nour also to command the squadron which escorted him on his return to Holland, in his way back to his own dominions. His behaviour towards that great and glorious prince, was such as gave him entire sa tisfaction, so that he retained a grateful remembrance of it many years after, when he came a second time into Holland, and expressed it by taking notice of many points in naval discipline, in which he was in structed by Admiral Mitchel, Rear-admiral Benbow sailed from Spithea.cl on the eleventh of April, 1697, with a squadron consisting of seven third rates and two fire-ships,* and instruc- * London Gazette, No. 3279. Mr. BurcTiet says, April lOth, but I prefer the author of the Gazette, in which 1 find an article that deserves a place here, and therefore I shall transcribe it," ''' Newcastle April 10th, Yesterday morning came to our bar eight colliers from London j one of them belonging to this town, 46 NAVAL HISTORY tions to protect the trade of this nation in every in stance in his power, aud to annoy the enemy. With this view, he was stationed from ten to fourscore leagues from-Scilly, but was able to perform nothing* remarkable during the best part of the month of May, though hewas joined by five ships ol war more, and therefore he returned to St. Helen's about the twenty- first of that month, from whence he sailed again on the twenty-fourth, with four' third rates and two firei- ships, for his former station ; and, after having seea two East India ships pretty far out to sea, he receiv ed such intelligence as to our homeward liound Ja maica ships, as induced him to repair to Plymouth^ in doing which, he had the good fortune to join the Virginia and West India fleets, and their particular convoys, off the I.izard ; and, soon after meeting Vice-admiral Mitchel off the Start, he was by him di rected to repair to Plymouth with the merchant-shipsj where he received orders from Sir George Rooke to repair to the fleet then passing westward, and to take care for sending eastward a convoy with the trade. But these orders were contradicted by others from tbe lords of the admiralty, dated the tenth of July, and he, in obedience to them, proceeded to the squadron before Dunkirk, which Captain Beaumont had commanded a con.'iderable time before, consist-- ing ofsix third rates, besides the Newark, two fourth, one fifth, and two fire-ships ; but three of those third Charles Newton, master, laden with merchants goods, and carry ing twelve guns, was, in her voyage here, attacked by a French privateer of fourteen guns and four patererocs : Captain Newton made a vigorous defence, and another of the merchant-ships com ing to his assistance, they boarded the said privateer, took her, and have brought her into this harbour : of the French, twenty.three were killed in the fight, and (he rest, sixty.six in number, are brought ashore, several of whom are wounded, and the captain so dangerously, that it is thought he will hardly recover. There wa« another privateer in his company, v. ho, seeing his companion coma off so ill, fell astern, and stood off to sea." OF KING WILLIAM III. 47 rates were ordered away to the Downs by the lords of the admiralty. The rear-admiral, as soon as he arrived with his squadron, went in person with his boat before the pier-heads of Dunkirk, where, though he discovered not one vessel in the road, yet he saw fifteen or six teen sail of great ships within, one of which bore a flag. With Captain Beaumont he found two orders from the lords of the admiralty, the first directing him to pursue and burn Du Bart's ships wherever he could find them, except under the protection of the forts in Norway or Sweden : the other, to obey any orders he might receive from his Majesty, who was then in Holland. On the thirtieth of July, Rear-ad miral Vandergoes joined him with eleven Dutch ships, and itwas proposed, that one of the squadrons should lie so, as that Dunkirk might be south of them, and the other in or near Ostend road ; that, if Du Bart should attempt to pass out either at the north or east channel, they might the better discover him : but no other answer was made by the Dutch flag, than that his ships were foul, and not in a condition to pursue him. The French ships at Dunkirk were in all eleven, from fifty to twenty-six guns ; and about the begin-» ning of August they were all, except M. Du Bart's own ship, hauled into the bason to clean, so that it was judged they were making ready to come out the 'next spring tide. But since our ships, as well as the Dutch, were all foul, little service could be expected from their chacing, and it was almost next to an im possibility to block up clean ships at Dunkirk with foul ones. The rear-admiral, therefore, proposed, that four of his best sailers might be ordered to Sheer-. ness to clean, and that the others might come to the Downs, not only to take in water, which they very> much wanted, but to heel and scrub ; and this he judged might be done before the approaching spring could afford the French an opportunity of getting 48 NAVAL HISTORY over the bar. But at this time it was not thought advisable, though afterwards he received orders to do it; so that for the present he only sent the ships from time to time to the Downs to water, as they could best be spared. It is evident enough from this large account of the matter, that our disappointments '(vere frequently owing to the want of proper orders, and the not paying a due attention to such pieces of advice as the commanders of squadrons thought them selves, in duty obliged to offer. On the twenty-third of August Du Bart left Dunkirk with five sail, having the prince of Conti on board, whom the French at tempted to make king of Poland. The rear-admiral pursued him, but to no manner of purpose ; and, be fore he returned to his station, eight other ships were gone, which he pursued likewise, but with the same want of success : and this was the last action of the war : for, on the tenth of September following, peace was concluded between England, Spain, and Holland, on the one side, and the crown of France, on the other, at Rysw^ick, by which the French king ac knowledged King William's title, and, as the French historians say, gave up more towns than the confede rates could have taken in twenty years ; but this was not from any principle either of justice or moderation, but with views of quite another sort, as was fore seen then, and in the space of a few years fully appeared. We have now brought this long war to a conclu- * sion, and it is but just that we should offer the reader some reflections on the consequences of it to the naval power and commerce of England, First then, with respect to our navy, we have seen that the war opened with a very bad prospect ; for though we had an excellent fleet, a vast number of able seamen, and perhaps as good officers as any in tlie world, yet the French got earlier to sea than we did, appeared with a greater force, and managed it better, though we, acted then in conjunction with Holland, and, ac*^ OF KING WILLIAM IH. 4$ cording to the general rule of political reasoning, ought to have had it in our power to have driven the French out of the sea. All this proceeded from the sudden change in our government, which perhaps left many of our officers disaffected, and many more without having anv pror per degree of credit at court, Want of confidence between the administration and the commanders of our fleets is always destructive to our maritime power, and therefore, instead of wondering that things went on so ill in the three first years of the war, we may with niore justice be surprised, that they went no worse. Our party divisions not only enervated our own strength, but created such jealousies between us and the Dutch as blasted the fruits that must have been otherwise produced by this close and fortunate union of the maritime powers. Of this we have the fullest proof in the case of the earl of Torrington, whom even the enemies of the government made it a point to support, because they knew that preserving him must give distaste to our allies, and who on thp other hand was prosgcu,ted by many who believed hiin jnnocent,* But when once the government was thoroughly settled, and we acted cordially in conjunction with the ; States, it soon became evident, that we were much . more than a match for France at sea. Our misfoiv tunes at the beginning of the war created inquiries and censures, which were, and always will be, fol lowed with victories ; for, when officers find thein- selv.es in danger for acting ill, they will endeavour to * The reader will easily discern the force of this argument, ifhe ,f;onsiders the share the earl of Torriugton had in the revolution, .and the warmth with whiph, pijhis prosecution, he was supp,p,rted by those W^o were least pleased with th^t event. This sljews the .^ifects of party spirit upon national affairs ; for though it might ,be right in them to espouse the earl pf Tprrington, who probably acted according to the best of his judgment, yet they did it appa^ rently from wrong motives, and with no better intention, than t^ piortify and distress the court. yOL, III. E 50 NAVAL HISTORY escape it by doing well; whereas, if they once find that they may prefer private profit to that duty which they owe the public, "with impunity, they will not fail to run into that broad road. This accounts for our success in the middle of the war, and the declen sion of it afterwards, when the Board of Admiralty beo-an to feel its own strength, and the management of naval affairs was reduced to a court-system, by which such men were sure of protection, as could be depended on in other respects than their commands in the fleet,* But notwithstanding these and some other miscar riages, no less prejudicial to the interest of the nation, yet, on the whole, the French suffered much more in their maritime power than we, as Mr. Burchet has shewn us; and consequently, if we consider the situ ation of both nations, the ease with which it was in our power to repair our losses, and the almost insu perable difficulties the French had to struggle with in this respect, we must conclude, that not only they but the whole world had full evidence, from thence, of their being no way able to struggle against the Diitch and us in a maritime war. To make this still * It may possibly be thought, that I dsifer in my sentiments here from what I have said elsewhere as to inquiries, and therefore I take this opportunity of sayingj that I would be understood so as to distinguish between proper inquiries and peevish inquiries. I call proper inquiries such as begin with things and end with men, and I take such to be peevish as presume things to be wrong, be cause they were done by this- or that set of men. In this reign we had frequent examples of both : inquiries were set on foot in par liament, and, when they did not answer the intentions of a party, they were dropped. This certainly was very scandalous. On tha other hand, Commodore Wilmot's disgraceful expedition, and se veral others of the same Itind, were passed over without any se.. rious inquiry at all. This, undoubtedly, was very suspicious dealing in the Admiralty, 'who ought to have vindicated their own uprightness by justifying the characters of such as they employed^ which appears to be the judgment of Bishop Burnet himself, who, tholigh he loved the ministers, yet could not help s^oing tbeiF faults. OF KING WILLIAM IIL 51 more apparent, I must observe, that King William, in his speech to both Houses of Parliament at the conclusion of the war, asserted our naval force to be nearly double what it was at his accession ; whereas I do not find in any of the French historians, that they attempted fo build new ships duriug the progress of the war, or to do any thing more than finish such as were then upon the stocks, purchasing, as occasion required, large merchantmen, which they converted into frigates. In this light, therefore, we were gainers by the war, of whrch the French seemed to be very sensible, since they avoided all general engagements ; and, in particular actions between small squadrons or single ships, the strictness of their discipline gave them great advantages, since their vessels, generally speaking, were much cleaner than ours, and consequently were able to leave us whenever thev found themselves too hard pressed, of which several instances have l)eei\ given in the foregoing sheets, At the same time, however, it must be confessed; that the French fleets, generally speaking, behaved very well at sea, and that we suffered considerably even in those actions where we were victorious, as well as where our ships were taken by surprise, or beaten as convoys, by a superior force,* * The loss sustained by the English in their navy, during the war, from the year 1688 to 1697: No. ships. 1 1 2 I 3 3 (5 2 4 23 ofofof of ofof of of of Force. Total guns. 70 guns, 70 ' 64 484642 36 32 30 24 64 96 46 126108192 60 96 84S jVfo. ships. Bt. over 23 2 2 11 5 1 4 Tot. 50 E 2 of of ofof of of of Force. 18 16 1210 8 64 Total guns. 848 36 32 24 110 40 6 16* 53 ' NAVAL HISTORY But, with respect to our trade, it is certain, that we suffered infinitely more, not only than the French, for that must have been expected, but than ever we did in any former war, where there was a nearer ba lance between our trade and that of the enemy. This proceeded in a great measure from the vigilance of the French, who, as we have already shewn, made it their choice, nay, their great monarch made it his glory, to carry on the war in a piratical way, on pur pose to distress our merchants, and excite a loud cla mour here for a peace. Another reason why our commerce suffered so much was, that spirit of ava rice which prevailed, and which engaged many mer chants to attempt making a sudden fortune by suf fering their ships to run, instead of waiting for a con voy. It cannot indeed be denied, that a third prin cipal cause of our miscarriages was, the want of proper attention at the board of Admiralty, where officers were generally heard with too much, and merchants with too little favour. To this we may add that spirit of rapine and corruption which prevailed among the sea-officers at this time, and which too often in duced them to consider their commissions rather as powers given them to provide for themselves and their families, than as trusts received for the benefit of the public. We must not forget, in this enumeration of the causes of our losses in this respect, the ill conduct of our governors abroad, who were likewise totally em ployed in amassing fortunes, while the strictness of the French discipline obliged such as had the care of their plantations to pay a proper regard to the public service, to which alone was owing their preserving their settlements at St. Domingo, from whence they might have been driven with the greatest ease by the EngTish and Spaniards, and yet were suffered to re tain their possessions, though both nations were con tinually distressed by their invasions ; and, in respect OF KII^G WILLIAM IIL &a to this, it is no less evident, that the Spaniards were not so much to blame as we.* But, after all, the principal source of these mischiefs was, the necessity that both the Dutch and we were under of fitting out such great fleets every year, whereby all our sea men were, in a manner, employed in the public service; so that, on the one hand, the merchants were forced to send their ships to sea worse manned than formerly, and, on the other, our grand fleet and annual squa drons required so many ships, that it was impossible to furnish the necessary convoys for the security of our ta-ade. At least this was pretended, and the very pretence, perhaps, was another cause of our losses. This, however, is out of doubt, that, taking all to gether, our traffic suffered excessively, our merchants were many of them ruined, and though inquiries into the mismanagements, which heightened these mis fortunes, were not prosecuted with that vigour they might have been, yet such discoveries were made as produced an absolute distrust of, and distaste against those who had the direction of naval affairs, a loud clamour against the war, and an universal desire of peace at any rate. After this impartial representation of the state of our affairs at its conclusion, we need not wonder that a peace, and a peace so advantageous as that of Rys- v/ick was, should give the greatest satisfaction to the nation in general, and to the trading part in particu lar. That it did so, may appear from the govern ment's causing a special gazette to be published, on purpose to make known the French king's ratification and proclamation of the peace at Paris two days sooner * This appears plainly from the French history of that island, where it is owned, that a storm delivered them, in the beginning of the year 1698, from a descent from Jamaica, and that the news of the peace of Ryswick came so opportunely as to preserve them from being totally destroyed "by the Spaniards, who had already passed the mountains with a body of between five and six hundred men, Ilistoire dc St. Domingue, vol. iv. 54 NAVAL HISTORY than it would have otherwise been ; * and by the nu merous arldresses of thanks and congratulation, which were sent up from all parts of the kingdom to felici tate his Majesty upon that occa^'on, and to express their just sense of being delivered from the burden arid expence of so bloody and destructive a war. Neither ought it at all to abate the merit of this treaty, that the French struck medals, magnifying their success in the war, and their demonstrating themselves thereby a match for all the rest of Europe, since, if they had really been so victorious, and had gained such advantages, the wonder was so much greater that they should stoop to such a peace. But though it may be true, that, in many respects, the French had the advantage in this war, yet undoubt edly they foresaw they were unable to support so vast an expence as it brought upon them, and as their weakness increased much faster in proportion than that of the maritime powers, this, in a few cam- .paigns, would have quite changed the face of things, and either brought on the total ruin of France, or obliged her to make peace upon still worse terms than were demanded now. It must therefore be allowed, to the honour of this reign and of this administration, that, however they managed the war, they gained by the peace all, and indeed more than could be expected. By the fourth article the French king engages his word and faith not to disturb the King of Great Britain in any of his dominions ; not to assist, directly or indirectly, any of the enemies of the said king, nor to give shelter to any rebels or conspirators against him. By the fifth, * The Gazettes came out in those days on Mondays and Thurs. days. This paper, said to be printed by authority, is dated, Whitehall, October 26, which was Tuesday. It is printed but on one side, and the French king's proclamation is in Italic, in order to render it the more remarkable. The same thing had been done on the e'schange of the ratifications, October IS, 1697. Butthat •was in the nature of a post-gazette. OF KING WILLIAM III. 65 the free use of commerce or navigation is restored be tween the subjects of both kings. By the seventh all places taken during the war, either in Europe or in America, are restored. As great care was taken of our allies, every thing was stipulated for them which Avitli any shew of justice they could desire ; so that, by the conclusion of this treaty, the general peace of Europe was restored,* and we were left at full liberty to improve the advantages, afforded thereby, for the rectifying whatever was amiss in our domestic eco nomy, extending our commerce, and easing our peo ple. How far these points were studied or neglected, shall be our business to examine in the next chapter. * Amongst other medals, struck on the occasion of this peace, there was one very remarkable. On the face of the medal was re presented a temple, thedoorsof which are shut by the plenipoten tiaries. Before th« temple there is an altar, on which a sow is of fered ; alluding to the custom of the Romans, who, on the con clusion of a peace, sacrificed a swine. On the reverse are the arms of the several powers comprehended in the treaty, and in the centre the royal castle of Ryswick, with this inscription, Ryswick, GuUelmi III. Dei gratia Magnce Britannice regis palatium, i.e. " The palace of William III. by the grace of God king of Great Britain." Gerard Van Loon Hist. Metallique des Pays Bas, tome iv. se NAVAL HISTORY CHAP. XlX. the Naval History qf Great Britain, continued thfdugh th remaining part of the Reign of King William III. comprt-> hending the most remarkable Transactions in relation to our Commerce and Plantations, with the Memoirs of such emi nent Seamen as flourished in this period of time* The affair of the East India Company in Scotland has been mentioned in the former chapter ; but I did not insist upon it then, because it would have inter rupted the thread of our history, arid because I ap prehended it would come in more naturally here. It is certainly, even at this distance of time, a very de licate subject, especially for one who professes to fol low trutli in defiance of all parties and characters whatever. But the pleasure which results from act ing fairly in matters of this natute, is a sufficient compensation for any risk that a writer can run by his impartiality ; and therefore I shall lay, without reserve, the true state of this matter before the reader, as it appears to me, The revolution brought back to Scotland several worthy patriots, whom the jealousy of forriier reigns had driven into Holland, Germany, and other coun tries. These, from the time of their return, thought of nothing so much as the putting the trade of Scot land, which had been hitherto in a manner totally neglected, on a proper footing. With this view they procured, in 1693, an act of parliament, that is, of the patTiament of Scotland, for the encouragement of foreign commerce, and, in consequence of that law, procured another in ]6g.5, for setting up an East India Company. When this was done, it was OF KING WILLIAM IIL 57 found requisite to take in subscriptions : and as it was not easy to find money enough in Scotland for the carrying on so expensive a design, the company's agents endeavoured to procure subscriptions abroad, particularly at London, Hamburgh, and Amsterdam, in which they were certainly sufficiently supported both by the royal and legislative authority. But as the carrying this scheme into execution gave great umbrage to the East India Companies in England and Holland, they took, as it was very na tural for them to do, the best measures they could to hinder the success of these applications. This, however, had some very untoward consequences, since these companies could effect nothing but by , the interposition of their respective governments ; and by this means his Majesty's name, as king of England, and Stadtholder of Holland, came to be made use of, to thwart those designs which actually had his sanction as king of Scotland. This as might have been easily foreseen, embarrassed King William prodigiously ; for it forced him to act in a manner little suitable to his inclinations, since, on an appli cation of the Scots, he was obliged to promise that he would not countenance any such attempts to their prejudice ; and, to gratify the English and Dutch, he found himself obliged to part with two very use ful and able ministers, the Marquis of Tweedale and Secretary Johnston, because the former had given the royal assent to the law which established the Scots East India Company, in which, however, he had only followed his instructions ; and the latter for promoting the design, which, no doubt, he took to be, what it really was, an act of duty to his coun try. Yet these steps served only to palliate things for the present, and, instead of healing the breach, widened it, as will be seen hereafter. In the ensuing session of parliament, in I698, the government found itself not a little embarrassed with tlie affairs of the English East India Company. A m NAVAL HISTORY scheme had been offered for erecting a new Com pany, which was to advance two millions for the public service at eight per cent, and they were to carry on this trade by a joint stock. To make way for this, it was proposed to dissolve the old com pany, though they had very lately a new charter granted them upon an address from the House of Commons, and, in virtue of that charter, had in creased their capital by a subscription of so consider able a sum as seven hundred thousand pounds. The pretence for dissolving it was, a xlause in that very charter, reserving such a power to the crown. But as it was not so much as asserted, that, since the granting this new charter, they had done any thing which ought to subject them to a dissolution, by mo derate and impartial people, who knew nothing of stock-jobbing, this was thought not a little hard. The real cause why this step for erecting a new company was taken, as Bishop Burnet and other in telligent writers fairly own, Avas the pubhc's wanting and having no way so ready to get, money. How ever, the dissolving scheme, notwithstanding it was powerfully supported, did not take place ; the new company had large privileges given them, and Sir William Norris was sent, by his Majesty, ambassa dor to the Great Mogul, on purpose to promote this scheme; which, notwithstanding, miscarried in re spect to trade : for the old company, being possessed of the forts' and factories in the East Indies, took care to prepossess that monarch, and indeed all the other princes in those parts, so strongly against the new- company, that the ambassador was but very indiffe rently received, and the whole affair, instead of im proving our commerce, tended only to hurt both it and the credit of the nation in those parts, at the same time that the acts for establishing this new company, created very great discontents at home.* * Bishop Burnet, in his History of his own Times, has treated this subject very fairly, and, as far as 1 can judge, set this matter OF KING WILLIAM III. 59 Tbe managers of the East India Company in Scot land, finding their designs for carrying on that trade so vigorously opposed, and having, as they conceived, very large powers vested in them by the late act of parliament, resolved to turn their endeavours another way for the present, and to attempt the settlement of a colony in America, on the Isthmus of Darien. Every body knows, that this is a very narrow tract of country, which unites the two great continents of North and South America, and that consequently it must be very advantageously seated for commerce. As the inhabitants had never been conquered by the Spaniards, and as the new colony sent thither actu ally purchased their lands from the native proprie tors, and settled there by consent, it was apprehend ed that the Spaniards had no right to dispute this establishment; and that, if they did, the planters might defend themselves Avithout involving the na tion in a war. The colony was accordingly settled at a vast ex- pence ; but it was soon found, that great mistakes had been made in relation to the consequences ex pected from it. For the Spaniards not only con- sidfered it as an invasion on their rights, and began to take our ships upon it ; but the English also grew very uneasy, and made warm representations to his Majesty on this subject, which produced private or ders to the governors of Jamaica, and other neigh bouring plantations, not only to avoid all commerce with the Scots at Darien, but even to deny them provisions. As it was foreseen that these measures Avould naturally occasion great disturbances in that part of the world, it was found requisite to send a in a true light. It is a great misfortune, that we have not any HISTORY of public companies, which would be both a useful and entertaining work. What I have offered is very succinct, as the nature of this history obliged me to make it. To give the reader an accurate account of tliis business would take up some sheets^ and indeed the business deserves it. 60 NAVAL HISTORY 'squadron thither to protect our trade, to awe the Spaniards, and to hinder the increase of pirates, which had been very great ever since the conclusion of the peace, occasioned chiefly by the multitude of priva teers that Avere then thrown out of employment; and having been long used to live by plunder, had not either the will or the means to procure a subsistence for themselves by any. honest employment. There were also some other reasons which made the send ing such a naval force requisite, as will appear in the subsequent account of its proceedings. Rear-admiral Benbow was made choice of to com mand this squadron, Avhich consisted of three fourth rates, and a small French prize. He sailed from Portsmouth on the twenty-ninth of November, I698, and arrived at Barbadoes the twenty-seventh of Fe bruary following. He executed there, and at the Leeward Islands, what he Avas directed by his in structions to do, and being informed that the Spa niards at Carthagena had seized two of our ships, Avith an intent to employ them in an expedition they Avere then meditating against the Scots at Darien, he, like a brave and public-spirited commander, as he really Avas, resolved to prevent it, and restore these ships to their right owners. With this view he stood over to the Spanish coast, and coming before Boca-Chica castle, he sent his men on shore for wood and water, which though he asked with great civility of the Spanish governor, he would scarcely permit him to take.* This highly nettled the admiral, who thereupon sent his own lieutenant to the governor, with a mes- * London Gazette, No. 3450. Most people thought this squa dron too small, too weakly manned, and sent too late in the year; and many reflections to this purpose were thrown out in pamph lets, to disturb fhe minds of the people, and alienate the affections of the seamen. But Rear-admiral Benbo w's conduct was irreproach able, and, though he Was a downright sailor, his manner of acting was so engaging, that he not only performed more than was expect ed, but returned with ample commendations from all onr colonics. OF KING WILLIAM III. ei sage, importing, that he not only wanted these ne- cessariesj but that he came likewise for two English ships that lay in the harbour, and had been detained there some time, which, if not sent to him immediate ly, he would come and take by force. The governor ansAvered him, in very respectful terms, that if he would leave his present station, in which he seemed to block up their port, the ships should be sent out to him. With this request the admiral, without the least hesitation, complied ; but finding that the go vernor trifled with him, and that his men were in danger of falling into the country distemper, Avhich doubtless the Spanish governor foresaw, he sent him another message, that if in twenty-four hours the ships were not sent him, he would come and fetch them, ' and that, if he kept them longer than that time, he would have an opportunity of seeing what respect an English officer had to his Avoid. The Spaniards, however, did not think fit to make the experiment, but sent out the ships within ihe time; with which the admiral returned to Jamaica, Avhere he was received with much kindness and respect. There he received an account, that the Spaniards at Porto-Bello had seized several of our ships em ployed in the slave-trade, on the old pretence, that the settlement at Darien was a breach of the peace. At the desire of the parties concerned, the admiral sailed tliither also, and demanded these ships ; but received a surly answer from the admiral of the Bar- lovento-fleet, who happened to be then at Porto-* Bello, Rear-admiral Benbow expostulated with him on this head, insisting, that, as the subjects of the crown of England had never injured those of his Catholic Majesty, he ought not to make prize of their ships for ' injuries done by another nation. The Spaniards re plied shrewdly, that since both the crowns were placed on the same head, it was no wonder he mis took the subjects of one crown for the other. Af ter many altercations, however, and when the Spa» 62 NAVAL HISTORY niards saw that the colony of Darien received no assistance from Jamaica, the ships were restored. The admiral, in the mean time, sailed in quest of a person named Kidd, a pirate, who bad done a great deal of mischief in the East and West Indies, and of Avhom we shall have here after occasion to speak more largely. On his return to Jamaica, towards the lat ter end of the year, he received a supply of pro visions from England, and, soon after, orders to return home ; which he did Avith six men of war, taking New England in his way. While Rear-admiral Benbow was thus employed. Vice-admiral Aylmer was sent with a strong squa-^ dron into the Mediterranean, in order to confirm our treaties with the governments of Algiers, Tunis, and Tripoli, which he performed very effectually ; for, being a man of a generous temper, he executed all things with such magnificence, and treated the de puties sent on board him in a manner so well suited to their tempers, that they were easily drawn to do those things for him, which an officer of another dis position would never have obtained.* It was intended, too, that he should have secured the galleons, in case the French attempted to seize them on the death of the king of Spain, which was daily apprehended ; but for this he certainly capie too late, and though no body pretended to fix any inir putation on his character in this respect, yet there was great blame laid on the board of admiralty, for not fitting out this fleet sooner. This, among many other things, made up part of the charge brought against the management of the navy by the House of * London Gazette, 3427, This fleet sailed from Portsmouth, September 13, 1698. But Mr. Burchet's account is so indistinct^ that Mr. Lediard, in transcribing it, thought this fleet was fitted out in 1700, and under that year has placed it in his Naval History, I ftm the more surprised at this, becauseJie takes notice of the Com. inons address in 1699, which actually took its rise from an inquiry into tli8 late fitting out of this squadron. OF KING WILLIAM IIL ea Commons, in their address to the king, presented in the month of April, 1699; wherein, after taking notice of the late sending of this fleet, they add, " That the victualling any of his Majesty's ships by others than by the victuallers appointed for that seiv vice, or their agents, Avas contrary to the course of the navy, and might be of ill consequence. That many and new unnecessary charges had, in an ex traordinary manner, been introduced into the navy, which Avas a great mismanagement. That the de ductions of poundage, taken by the pay-masters of the navy, for slop-cloths, dead-men's wages, tobacco, chest at Chatham, chaplain, and surgeon, Avas with^ out Avarrant, and ought to be accounted for. That it was inconsistent with the service of the navy, for the same person to be one of the commissioners for executing the office of lord high-admiral and trea surer of the navy at the same time. And that the passing of any account of monies impressed for the contingent uses of the navy, without regular vouch- taking forty shares to his own use. Here ninety of his crew, who were a hundred and fifty-one in all, left him, and went on board the Mocha Merchant, an East India Company ship, which had turned pi rate ; and there was every grain as much reason to charge that company Avith the piracies the Mocha Merchant's crew committed, as there Avas to charge Kidd's adventurers Avith his. He and his men burnt his own ship the Adventure galley at St. Mary's, and they all went on board the Quedah Merchant, and sailed for the West Indies, Being denied succour at Anguilla and St. Thomas's, he sailed to Mona, lying between Porto-Rico and Hispaniola, and there, by the means of one Bolton, got some provisions from Curacoa. He bought a sloop of Bolton, in which he loaded part of his goods, and left the Que dah Merchant, with the rest of the goods, in trust .with Bolton, and seventeen or eighteen men in her. In this sloop he touched at several places, and dis posed of a great part of his goods, and at last came to Boston in New England, where the earl of Bella- 68 NAVAL HISTORY mont seized him and what goods he had left ; for this fellow either had, or pretended to have, a notion that the Quedah Merchant, being manned by Moors, was a lawful prize, though there was no proof that the commander of her and his crew had committed any piracies on the Enghsh or any other European, or indeed Indian nation. As soon as this was done, his lordship sent advice, of his taking Kidd, to England, and desired that a ship might be sent to bring him home. This wa* accordingly comphed with ; but the Rochester, Avhich was the ship employed in this service, being disabled, was forced to return, which heightened the clamour that had been already raised about this transaction, and which was outrageous in the very same propor tion that it was groundless. Thesource of this clamour was undoubtedly a private pique to particular persons, which induced some Avarm men to put a question in the House of Commons, " That the letters-patent, granted to the earl of Bel lamont and others, of pirates' goods, were dishonour able to the king, against the law of nations, contrary to the laws and statutes of this realm, an invasion of property, and destructive to commerce," This was carried in the negative, but it did not hinder those who supported the question from charging Lord Somers and the earl of Orford Avith countenancing pirates ; and to give some colour to this groundless and most improbable charge, as soon as it was known that the Rochester was returned, it was suggested that the sending that ship was mere collusion ; that the earl of Bellamont was as deep in this affair as the rest ; and upon this a motion Avas made, and carried in the House of Commons, for an address to his Ma jesty, that Kidd might not be tried till the next ses sion of parliament, and that the earl of Bellamont might be directed to send home all examinations and other papers relating to this business, Avhich the king^' promised very readily. OF KING WILLIAM III, C3 This affair must naturally give his Majesty, and indeed the whole Avorld, a strange opinion of the pa triotism of those times. He knew the whole matter better than any body, and Avas pleased to say, Avith great truth and justice, that, ifhe might be admitted as a witness, he could vindicate, from his own know ledge, the noble persons now attacked, in all they had dojie. He must, therefore, be thoroughly per suaded, that this Avas a very unjust and iniquitous prosecution, in relation to which, he had reason to think himself happy, that he Avas not able to perform his promise of contributing towards this design, since that might have gi\'en a handle to some warm mem ber for calling him pirate, as Mr. Howe actually called him a. felon, for making the treaty of parti tion, to which we shall speedily come. Bnt, how clear soever the king and other impartial judges might be, this spirit was still so prevalent in the House of Commons, that, even after making some inquiries into this fact, aud having not only his examination, but Kidd himself in their power, Avhom they ordered to be brought to their bar, and questioned him there, very little to their credit or to the purpose, yet, Avhen they afterwards found an op portunity of attacking the earl of Orford and Lord Somers by impeachments, they did not fail to throw in their encouragement of Kidd as part of the charge.* In the articles against the earl of Orford, they make the fifth and sixth, Avhicb, for the satisfaction of the reader, I shall throw into the notes, to shew with * It was pretended that Kidd would make discoveries, and upon this he was sent for to the bar of the House of Commons, where he behaved very meanly : and Sir Edward Seymour, who Bent for him, said, " The fellow was not more a knave than a fool." But the true intent of bringing him thither was, to set up another discovery, viz. That, before he returned to Newgate, he went to the house of thfe earl of Halifax, and conferred there with the lords who were said to be concerned with him j but of this the proof was as weak as the story incredible. 70 NAVAL HISTORY how great solemnity the most trifling affair may be made to appear.* The earl of Orford's answer will sufficiently declare * " V. And whereas complaints were made to the commis sioners for executing the office of lord-high admiral of England ; where the said earl at that time presided, by the company trading to the East Indies, of divers piracies committed in the South Seas to the destruction of their trade, desiring they might have letters of marque granted to them, whereby to be empowered, though at their own charge, to suppress such piracies : but the said earl, preferring his own interest, discouraged and rejected their request and proposal, and in some short time after, jointly with others, did procure a commission for one William Kidd, as likewise a grant under the great seal of England, to and for the use of him the said earl and others, of the ships and goods of certain persons therein named, and also of all the goods found on board the said ships. And the said company having intimation of a commission granted to the said Kidd, being apprehensive of the ill consequences of the same, did apply themselves to the said board of admiralty, desiring to know what powers and instructions were given : but such their reasonable request was denied, and Kidd, who was known to be a person of ill fame and reputation, ordered to pur sue the intended voyage, in which he did commit divers piracies and depredations on the high seas, being thereto encouraged through the hopes of being protected by the high station and in terest of the said earl, in violation of the laws of nations, and the interruption and discouragement of the trade in England, " VI. That the said carl, within the time aforesaid, when an horrid conspiracy was discovered against his Majesty's sacred person, aud the kingdom was under an apprehension of an im mediate invasion from P' ranee, and divers ships of war, particu larly the ship Duchess, were armed out, and equipped and manned in defence of ijhe realm, to oppo>e the intended invasion, did his utmost endeavour to prejudice his office, being the first commis sioner for executing the office of lord-high admiral of England, without the privity of the other commissioners, contrary to his oath and duty, and preferring his hopes of gain to himself to the safety of the public, did order Captain Stew.ard, commander of the ship Duchess, to deliver over, and put on board, the said Kidd, mentioned in the foregoing article, out of the said ship the Duchess, a great number of able seamen, levied and provided at the expence of the public, and then discharging their duty in de fence of their country, and against their own consent, to the pre. judice of the public security, and to the endangering the said ship the Duchess, if it had boen attacked by the enemy," OF KING WILLIAM IIL 71 hoAV little foundation there Avas in fact for what the commons advanced, and, therefore, I shall give what he offisrs, as to these two articles, in his own words : "As to the fifth article," says his lordship, " the East India Company, about the beginning of March, 1696, did apply to the admiralty-board, of which the said earl was one, to empoAver their ships and officers to seize and take all pirates infesting the seas within the limits of their charter, and likewise to erect a court of admiralty in those parts, to try and condemn such pirates as they should take. Upon which ap phcation, the board of admiralty did take advice, and were informed they had no authority to grant the same, and denies he, the said earl, ever discouraged or rejected the Company's request therein, unless it Avere by telling thein, that the admiralty by laAV, could not grant the same ; and denies that the Com pany was ever denied letters of marque in common form, to the knowledge of the said earl: and saith, as to the matter of Kidd in this article mentioned, he was gone upon his expedition about twelve months before that time; and as to his commission, and the grant in the said article mentioned, the said earl humbly conceives, and is advised, the same were not contrary to laAV, but sure he is the said expedition was intended for the public good and service; and saith, the said Kidd had no powers or instructions from the board of admiralty, other than the ordinary and common letters of marque, the contents Avhereof are common and well known to merchants ; and the said earl doth deny that he kncAV the said Kidd to be of ill fame and reputation. But, in case the said Kidd had committed any piracies, he the said Kidd is answerable, and ought to answer for the same, he never being ordered by the said earl so to do, nor had he ever any the least encouragement given him by the said earl, or any other, to his know ledge, to expect or hope for any protection therein, or in any illegal action done or committed by him," 73 NAVAL HISTORY But his lordship's answer to the latter article is still stronger. In that he says, " He believes it to be true, that there was a horrid and barbarous plot and conspiracy against his Majesty's sacred person, and that there was an apprehension of an immediate invasion. But tbe said earl hopes, no neglect of duty in his station can be imputed to him to prevent the same. And as for the ship Duchess, which w^ amongst many others, armed and equipped in de fence of the realm, the said earl saith, that the men, in the said article mentioned to be taken from on board her, were but some ef the very persons that Avere just before taken from on board Captain Kidd, and returned by their own consent on board Captain Kidd again, not being above twenty in number; and saith, all fisars of the invasion were then over, and at an end ; and denies that the same Avas intended to weaken, or did Aveaken, the said ship, or the navy- royal, or that the said seamen, so returning on board the said Kidd, Avere levied or provided at the ex- pence of the pubhc, or did return, or were put on board the said Kidd against their own consent, or to the prejudice of the public security, or that the ship Duchess was thereby endangered, if she had been attacked, as in the said article is alleged," These articles Avere agreed to by the Hous^ of Commons on the Sth of May, I701, the very day that Kidd was brought upon his trial for piracy at the Old Bailey, Avhere he Avas convicted, with many of his companions, and soon after executed; but could never be prevailed upon, as weak and as bad a man as he was, to charge any of the noble persons, who were his owners, with having any thing to do with his proceedings. Yet, even after his death, the Cotnmons, in an impeachment by them preferred against John Lord Somers, charge him as lord-keCper of the great seal of England, in conjunction with the earl of Orford, first commissioner of the admiralty, and Richard earl of Bellamont, governor of New OF KING WILLIAM III. ' 73 York and of Ncav England, and of others then in great stations, and in high power and authority, for sealing a commission to one William Kidd, a person of evil fame and reputation, since convicted of piracy, and with procuring a grant of pirates' goods to be taken by the said "Vi^illiam Kidd, under colour of the said commission, in trust for himself and other per sons, with abundance more to the same purpose, in tended purely to hurt that lord's character, and ren der it impossible for his Majesty to employ him longer in his service ; though his lordship, conscious of his own innocence, took every measure possible to have this matter brought to a fair, open, and speedy trial. But while things were thus carried on at home, the nation suffered exceedingly for want of due care being taken to put an end to those depredations committed by pirates abroad, and, therefore, several experienced officers were sent to Madagascar, where they had made a very strong settlement, in order to root out and destroy them ; but Avith so little success, that the government began at last to despair of ef fecting any thing in this Avay, till Mr. Secretary Burchet, and I speak it to his honour, devised a me thod \yhich answered the end very speedily. This was, sending a proclamation by Captain James Lit tleton, who Avas afterwards a flag-officer, and com missioner of the navy, promising pardon to all the pirates who surrendered, and a leward in case they would secure and deliver up any of their commanders. This soon brought in many of the private men, and made the rest, especially their chiefs, so jealous of each other, that they could not hold together, or venture upon any new enterprises : so that Captain Littleton, having brought off some, and separated the rest, very soon destroyed such as were most refrac tory, and re-established that free navigation which had been so long interrupted in those parts, I know that this will seem to some a very trivial affair to be 74 NAVAL HISTORY so long insisted on ; but as it shews the spirit of those times, and accounts for a very famous persecution, I hope the majority of those who peruse this work, will not think it impertinent, especially as it has some connection throughout with the subject of this book. But we now return to matters of a more public concern. A war had arisen between the kings of Denmark and Sweden, which greatly affected the peace of the north; a thing that can never happen Avithout interesting the maritime powers. It will be necessary to say something as to the grounds of this war, because the 'part we took in it was very much to the honour of the English nation, and ought to establish it as a maxim, that whenever it is really ne cessary to assist our allies, we ought to do it vigo rously, and at once ; Avhich is the Avay not only to serve them, but to save a very considerable expence to us. There was, towards the close of the year 1699, a private treaty made by several princes for attacking the king of Sweden, afterwards the famous Charles the Twelfth, but then a perfect youth, and even for dismembering the Swedish monarchy. Ac cording to this scheme, the king of Denmark was to invade Holstein, the elector of Brandenbourg Avas to fall into the Swedish Pomerania, the king of Poland Avas to attack Livonia, and in case the dukes of Zell and Hanover moved to the assistance of the Swedes^ the Landgrave of Hesse, and the duke of Wolfen- buttle, were to fall upon them. This was an aUiance founded intirely upon interest and ambition, for the Swedes had 'done nothing to deserve this treatment ; and therefore, upon the "first breaking out of this confederacy, his Swedish Ma jesty addressed himself to King William and the States-General, as guarantees of the treaties made for securing the tranquillity of the north, by preserving there a proper balance of power. At first it was thought requisite to interpose only our good offices* OF KING WILLIAM JII. 75 But when the king of Denmark over- ran Holstein, and the king of Poland first attempted to surprise, and then besieged Riga in Livonia, it became necessary to take other measures, especially when it was known that the Czar was inclined to enter into the confede racy. The point in debate with his Majesty was, whether he should do what was necessary, and what he was obliged to by treaties, without consulting the House of Commons ; or whether he should lay the whole matter before the parliament, and leave the decision of it to them. Some of the ministry were for taking the latter method, but the king was for the former, and with good reason; he said, the execu tive part of the government was in him, and there fore he would do Avhat was fit for him to do, and ac- tjuaint the parliament Avith it at their next meeting. His Majesty, inthe spring of the year 1700, sent over a strong squadron to Holland, under the com mand of Sir George Rooke, who, in the latter end of May, was joined by a Dutch squadron; and, hav ing the command of the whole fleet, he sailed for the Sound, where he arrived about the middle of June. There he found the Danish fleet, consisting of twenty- eight sail of line-of-battle ships, ranged athAvart the narroAV passage, under the guns of their castle of Cronenburgh, opposite to Helsingburg ; and here also he received assurance from Count Wutchtriieister, admiral-general of Sweden, that he Avould take the first opportunity of joining him AA'ith the squadron under his command. Not long after, a signal was made, as had been agreed, from Helsingburg, that the Danish fleet were under sail ; whereupon our ad miral weighed anchor, and advanced into the Sound, to prevent any mischief which might otherwise hap pen to the Swedes. But the Danish ships anchored "~ again on this side of the grounds, not only to guard the passage, but to , prevent our joining Avith the Swedish squadron, which were now come down to the south-side of that channel. 76 NAV^VL HISTORY In this posture the fleets lay for some time, Sir George Rooke expecting that the Swedes Avould, ac cording to what had been promised, have pushed through ; which in all probability they might haA-e done in less than tAvo hours, for it had blown fresh at S. S. E, But the opportunity being lost, he got under sail, and came nearer to the island of Huen. Meanwhile the Danes plyed towards him in a line of battle, but anchored about noon nearly three leagues off, in the mouth of the channel leading up to Co-* penhagen, and the Swedes were much about the same distance on the other side of the grounds. The Danes then endeavoured to amuse the admiral Avith an account of a treaty, in .hopes that, Avhile it Avas negociating, he would suspend hostilities; but he pursued the spirit of his instructions, Avhich required him to promote not a negociatlon, but a peace ; and therefore, being informed that the Swedish fleet had passed the channel of Flinterena on the third of July, he sailed the next day, and anchoring off Landscroon, the Swedish fleet joined him on the sixth ; upon Avhich the Danes retired into their harbour, Avnere they Avere very Avell secured ; and though the united fleets pretended to bombard them in the port of Co penhagen, yet either they could not, or Avould not, do them much mischief. The confederate fleet consisted of fifty-two ships of the line ; but as so great a strength was not necessary to keep in the Danes, part was detached for other purposes; for there were sent to Gottenburga fourth and a fifth rate of the English, and three ships of the States-General, to cover the forces which the king' of Sweden intended to transport to Tonningen, on the river of Eyder, and three English, with six Swedish, together with three Dutch ships, were ordered into the south channel going into Copenhagen, with the bomb-vessels, from whence they bombarded the Danish fleet some hours, but not with much greater success than before ; nor did those on our side receive OF KING WILL|^M III. 77 any damage from their shells, or the shot from the town, the ships and the puntoons. Preparations were now making for a vigorous descent in Roge-bay, and between Copenhagen and Elsinore at the same time ; but the winds being contrary, those troops which embarked at Udstedt, being chiefly horse, could not get over to the bay before-mentioned, as was intended, so that they were put on shore, and ordered to Land scroon and Helsingburg, to be transported from thence ; and the latter end of July, the king of Sweden landed with about five thousand foot, near four miles on this side Elsinore, without any great loss, although the Danes had brought down a body of horse and foot, and three or four field-pieces, to oppose them. This quick motion was intended to accelerate the negociations that were then carrying on, and it had the desired effect ; for the Danes, excessively alarmed at so unexpected a proceeding, sent orders to their plenipotentiaries at Travendale to sign the prelimi naries on the terms proposed by the mediators ; and this being signified to Sir George Rooke, he refused to let the combined fleet cover any longer the descent of the Swedes, there being enough already done to se cure a peace, which Avas signed on the eighteenth of August, 1700, and left the king of Sweden at liberty to act against the Czar and the king of Poland, Avho had both invaded his dominions in this critical junc ture. This Avhole transaction was extremely honourable, and at the same time very advantageous to the ma ritime powers, who cannot, as I observed, be at any time, consistent with their interests, tame spectators of a war in the north. If they had not assisted the Swedes, Avho were then the weakest, the Danes would have drawn the negociation into a great length, Avhile their allies Avere distressing the king of Sweden in different parts of his dominions ; and, on the other hand, if the co^ibined fleets had acted as vigorously 78 " NAVAL HISTORY as the king of Sweden Avould have had thcni, thft island of Zealand must have been reduced, and per haps the city of Copenhagen taken, which would have inclined the balance too much the other way. This was the true reason that the bombardment had so little effect, and Sir George did not affect to con ceal it: for when King Charles complained to him, that the Enghsh bombs flew over, and the Dutch fell short of the Danish fleet, and that he wondered the maritime powers sent so great a strength to do nothing ; Admiral Rooke answered him very calmly, " Sir, I Avas sent hither to serve your Majesty, but not to ruin the king of Denmark," " Why then," replied the King, smiling, " you have certainly ex ecuted your commission, and have made such a war as will make a peace." When the business was done, the combined fleets returned, and the States-General were so sensible of the prudent management of the English admiral, that they thanked his Majesty for having intrusted him with the commission, I cannot help observing upon this occasion, that when Sir George Rooke, Avas so unlucky as to labour under the displeasure of a pow erful party in England, he was known and acknow^ ledged in Holland to be the best officer, and the greatest seaman of the age. This, perhaps, was the reason, that, notwithstanding the difference of par ties. King Wilham always preserved a good opinion of this gentleman, and employed him as long as he lived in the most important commands. In Scotland things ran very high on the old subject of complaint; viz. the ruin of the Darien colony. Things were printed on both sides on purpose to in flame the minds of the people, and many thought that it would at last have created a breach between the two nations. The coldness of the king's temper prevented this; he could not either be heated by the Enghsh representations, or blown into a passion by the hasty resolutions of. the Scots parliament; ao.d OF KING WILLIAM IIL 79 bis moderation towards each of them, if it did not bring them both to a good temper, which was indeed never effected in his reign, yet it gave him an oppor tunity to keep the wisest people iu England and in Scotland firm to his government, Avhile, in the mean time, many unforeseen accidents brought about the ruin of the Scots company ; so that the ends of their English adversaries Avere ansAvered, without their having recourse to any harsh means ; for after Cap tain Drummond ran avpay with the Rising Sun, and engaged in some exploits which had too much the air of piracy, it was found impracticable to restore the affairs of the company, though the matter hung in suspence, and the fire of dissension lay raked up under the embers as long as King William lived, and had nearly blazed out in the reign of his successor; as will be hereafter shewn in its proper place. We are now td return to affairs nearer home. The death of the king of Spain changed all the affairs of Europe, and forced us, who had so lately made a- very necessary peace, upon a new, expensive, and dangerous war, contrary to the genius, at least, if not, as the patriots of those times asserted, to the in terest of the nation.* It is certain that the King did * In order to be sensible of this, we need dnly cast our eyes on the following passage of my Lord Somers's letter to King William, dated from Tunbridge- wells, August 28, 169S, in answer to one written by the King in relation to the first treaty of partition. " The second thing considered was the very ill prospect of what was likely to happen upon the death of the king of Spain, in case nothing was done previously in providing against that accident, which seemed probably to be very near, the king of France having so great a force in such a readiness, that he was in a condition to take possession of Spain, before any other prince could be able to make a stand. Your Majesty is the best judge whether this be the case, who are so perfectly informed of the circumstances of parts abroad. " But, so far as relates to England, it would be want of duty not to give your Majesty this clear account : That there is a dead- ness and want of spirit in the nation universally, so as not at all to be disposed to tlie thought of entering into a new war ; that they 80 NAVAL HISTORY all he could to avoid it, and that this was the great,; if not the sole foundation of the two famous partition treaties, which were so much exclaimed against by those, whose steady opposition to a Avar had first brought the king and his ministry to think of them. It bas been much disputed, whether the French king or the confederates meant least to keep these treaties Avhen they were made ; but it so falling out, that the French king had a fairer opportunity of breaking the last than the confederate princes, this furnished them with an opportunity of charging him' Avith breach of faith, and forging the king of Spain's: Avill, which, hoAvever, were things believed by such only, as knew little of the matter, since ithere never Avas a state-resolution taken with better advice, and more deliberation, than that of King Charles the Se cond's, calling the duke of Anjou, afterwards King Phihp V. to the succession. It has been also said, that the proclaiming the prince of Wales on the death of King James II. by the French king Avas one of the causes of the war ; and whoever looks upon the public acts of those' 'times, I mean declarations, addresses, votes, &c. will think the fact certain. Yet I am pretty confident" it was t|uite otherwise, since King William signed the grand alliance at the Hague a Aveek before King James died. But this pretence of the French king's breach- of treaty and of his word was very plausible, and' therefore it was very prudent to lay so great stress upon it, because it served to raise the resentments of ^ the nation, and to excite that spirit that was Avant ing, and which much better motives never would have raised.* eeemed to be tired out wkh taxes, to a degree beyond what was discerned, till it appeared upon the occasion of the late elections. This is the'truth of the fact, upon which your Majesty will deter-' mine what resolutions are proper to be taken." * The citation in the last note sufficiently shews the king's sen.' timents, and those of his minister, upon this subject ; and there-' i'ore, as I write at such a distance of time, when truth must be' OF KING WILLIAM III. 81 • I would by no means be understood to censure this war as unreasonable or unjust ; in doing this I should: quit my. character as an historian, and at the same time write contrary to my opinion. ' All I aim at is, to distinguish grounds from pretences, and to justify. King William's measures in this respect from their true motives, rather than from those \vhich were used only. to colour them in compliance Avith the nation's tem per at that time. The king, who Avas a very wise man, and a consummate poUtician, saw plainly, that) the Spanish succession, if it fell entirely into the hands: of the house of Bourbon, would leave it absolutely in the . power of that house to give law to the rest of Europe, and to destroy that independency so neces sary to Great Britain and Holland, which yet results from the balance that had hitherto been kept betAveeii; that family and the House of Austria. He ,saw, too, that the sense which other powers had of their parti cular ,grievances and immediate danger from the power of tbe French king, afforded the means of com bining such a, force as might be able to bring that monarch to reason, and to consent to such an es-ta- bhshment as would leave things in their former state, i and secure the several potentates of Europe in the pos-. session of their just rights. serviceable, and can do no hurt, I think I have a right to speak plainly, otherv»ise I should not have exercised it. As to the ad dresses from all parts of England, in which tho French king's cha racter is very roughly treated on account of his proclaiming a per son whom some call prince of Wales, and others an impostor, I can only say, that it was politically right at that time to encourage' them. But as to the perfidiousness of the French king, it is not so clear in this case, because, he knew at the ti,mc, King William.' had • negociated a new grand alliance, and consequently stood to him in the light of his capital enemy. The excuse, indeed, he made for proclaiming the son of King James was trifling and disin genuous. He said it was no breaqh of the treaty of Ryswick, be cause he gave him the titles only of king- of England, &e. but did not assist him to recover them. On the otlier hand. King AVil liam wrote a letter to thgnew king of Spain, to felicitate him on his accession, though he never intended to own him. These ar* act* A)f policy, .not of perfidy, • , . ¦ ¦ ' VOL, III. G 82 NAVAL HISTORY • This induced him to engage reciprocally Papists and Protestants to support each other's pretensions ; for, by the grand alliance. Great Britain and the States undertook to procure satisfaction to the Pope, as, on the other hand, the emperor and other Catholie princes stipulated to support the Protestant interest, and maintain the rights of the maritime powers in res pect to their commerce. This it was that made the whole a common cause ; and, though these articles exposed the alliance to very popular objections amongst party men at home and abroad^ yet to per sons of judgment and sagacity, of clear heads and candid hearts, nothing could recommend it more. In all confederacies the good of the whale must be regarded, and to this the particular views of all the separate princes and powers Avho compose it must give way ; and therefore if, considering things in this light, the general alliance formed against France in 1701, was right and well founded, all the cavils, raised against it from the party-spirit that prevailed here, Avere equally frivolous and unjust.* When the resolution Avas once taken to have re course again to arms in order to preserve tbe balance of power, the first care was for the fleet, Avhich his Majesty resoh^ed should be much superior to that of the enemy, his Majesty being extremely sensible of tlie ill consequences that attended the want of this salutary precaution at the beginning of the last Avar. Preparatory to this Avas the new commission of the admiralty in the spring of the year 1 70 1, at the heatji of which Avas placed the earl of Pembroke, a man uni-^ versally beloved and esteemed. The command of the fleet Avas very judiciously be stowed upon Sir George Rooke, who on the second * This is the substance of all the Starte Tracts that were written iw tl>ose times, and which served, as they generally do, only to pu2- zlc and confound people ; whereas we, being now out of the reach of their influence, see things as they were, and are able to crowed the substanes pf many pamphlets intp » SHigle paragraph. OF KtNG WILLIAM IIL 8* of Julj/j Avent on board the 'Triulhph in the Downs, where he hoisted the flag. He soon after sailed to Spithead, where he was speedily joined by the rest of the fleet, consisting of forty-eight ships of the line^ besides frigates, fire-ships and small vessels. He had Under him some of the greatest seamen of the age ; ¦viz. Sir Cloudesley Shovel, Sir Thomas Hopson, John Benbow, Esq. and Sir John Munden : he Avas, not long after, reinforced by fifteen Dutch men of Avar of the line, besides frigates and small vessels, under the command of Lieutenant-Admiral AllemOnde, Vice- admiral Vandergoes, and Rear-admiral Waessenaan The Avhole fleet Avas obliged to wait at St. Helen's until the middle of August for want of provisions J and when he put to sea, the wind blew in a few hours so high, that he was constrained to put back again into Torbay, Towards the latter end of the mouthy he sailed from thence, and on the sedond of September he detached Vice-admiral Benbow Avith a stout sfciua-^ dron for the West Indies : and as this was the princi pal business of the fleet, and indeed a thing in itself of the highest importance, the admiral detached a Strong squadron of English ships under the command of Sir John Munden, and ten sail of Dutch men of War, besides frigates, under Rear-admiral Waesse- naar, to see the West India squadron Avell into the 6ea. The French expected that this fleet AifOuld have actually proceeded to the Mediterranean, and it Avas to confirm them in this belief, Ave had demanded the free use of the Spanish harbours ', btit this was only to conceal things, and to gain an opportunity of sending a squadipn early to the West Indies, without putting- it in the power of the French to procure any exact: ac count of its strength: the admiral, after performing this, cruised according to his instructions for some time, and then returned with the largest ships into the Downs.* ' * Some of these people seem to find fault with Sir George Rooke «n account of his doing little while he was at sea with so great a G a 84 NAVAL HISTORY After this fleet was sent to sea, his Majesty, on the 18th of January, thought proper to revoke his letters-patent to the commissioners of the admiralty, and to appoint the right honourable Thomas earl of Pembroke and Montgomery, lord high-admiral of England and Ireland, and of the foreign plantations. The design of this promotion Avas to be rid of the dis advantages attending a hoard : and this end it an swered perfectly ; for his lordship immediately sent away Captain Edmund Loades to Cadiz to bring home the sea stores, and the merchants' effects be fore the Avar broke out, as also two hulks that had been left in that harbour, from the time of the last Avar, for the greater conveniency of careening our ships Avhich remained in that port. This the captain, Avith his small squadron, consisting but of three fri gates, effectually performed. His lordship also took the like care of our trade in ' all other parts, and, by his extraordinary prudence, remarkable patience, and being very easy of access, gave much more satisfaction to the merchants and to the officers of the fleet, than any of the boards of ad miralty, since they Avere first introduced, had ever done. Indeed his lordship's merit and success in this arduous employm his reign, to the prejudice of" our affairs, were not s« much owing to any mistakes in his conduct, as to the circumstances of the tifiies, our own unfortunate divi? sion.s, and the fatal consequences of both. The only thing now left to be performed, before av© proceed to another chapter, is, the collecting, as far as the slender memoirs-that have come to our hands AviU allow, some account of the most eminent seamen Avho died in this reign ; and in treating of these, the reader is desired to remember, that no party is espous-. ed ; that every man is considered as a person of Avorth and honour, so far as he pursued his principles, and was just to the prince he served, and faithful tO' the interest of his country. By the help of this ner cessary and Avell fountled distinction, avc shall be able to do strict justice to all those brave men who. exposed their lives in their country's service at sea, of what party soever they were, or were reputed ; which, however, hath been seldom done in a work;- of this kind, where, generally speaking, the heroes are all on one side, and there are none but indifferent people on the other : Avhereas, in truth, there is no foundation for such characters, honest and brave men being found alike on both sides, though they have sometimes had the misfortune to be hated and defam ed by such as have less regard to merit than opinion, and who thought it excusable to raise a clamour against a great man in an opposite interest, though they Avere sensible this clamour sprung from prejudice, and not any love to justice. These reflections I thought necessary, to prevent the reader's being sur prised by what he meets with in the following pages, Avherein I have as much disregarded the common cry, as I have been careful, by an accurate comparison of of pure zeal, would make King William more than man ; and others, blinded by malice, refuse to see, what his actions made visible to all the world, that he was one of . the greatest men, and one of the wisest pringcs, in every respect, of the age in Avhich hft lived, . . HISTORICAL MEMOIRS OF GEORGE LEGGE, 89 facts, to come as near, in every instance as I could, to the naked truth, which, when discovered, I have not either exaggerated or concealed. GEORGE LEGGE, baron of DARTMOUTH, &c. If remarkable loyalty, and a steady adherence to- the interest of the prince who raised him, joined with all the abilities requisite to fill the many high employ ments he possessed, ought to render the memory of a man valuable to posterity, then the memoirs of Lord Dartmouth deserve our utmost attention ; for he was, even in the opinion of such as were not his friends, one of the ablest and best men of the ao-e in which he lived, or, to express it in the words of a writer who ought always to meet with credit when he speaks Avell of the dead, " The worthiest nobleman of the court of King James II."* to whose fortunes he ad hered, though he had always opposed with firmnes? the councils which were the causes of his distress, . The family of Legge came over hither from Italy, Avhere to this day the eldest branch are nobles of Venice, Here in England there are two flourishing- families of this name; onejn Herefordshire, the other' s^ettled at Legge 's Place, near Tunbridge, in Kent, : f. The author mentioned in the text is Bishop Burnet, whose character of this noble lord is to be found towards the end of his, first volume. What he says of him is so just and generous, that it deserves the reader's notice. That prelate, speaking"of the un easiness King James was under on the fitting out of the Dutch fleet in 1688, and of the preparations he made for the defending him self, proceeds thus : " He recalled Strickland, and gave the com. mand to the Lord Dartmouth, who was indeed one of the worthi est men of his court. He loved him, and had been long in his ser- ¦^iceand in his confidence, but was much against all the conduct of ^lisafifairs; yet he resolved to stick to him at all hazards,'' 00 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS from whom the present'earls of Dartmouth are lineal descendants, as coming in a direct line from Thomas Legfj-e, of that place, Avho Avas sheriff of London in, 1344. twice lord-mayor, and twice representative for the city in parliament. In the reign of Henry VII. the family settled in Ireland, where Edward Legge, Esq. Avas vice-presi dent of Munster, and died in the year 1616, leaving behind him a very numerous posterity; viz..s\x sons and seven daughters, all of them distinguished by their great merit, and several of the daughters espe cially, by living to a very extraordinary age ; Eliza beth, the eldest, to 105, Margaret, who married Mr. Fitzgerald, to upwards of 100, and Anne, the wife; of William Anthony, Esq. who died in 1702, aged 102.* But let us now return to the person Avhose ac tions we are to record. He was the eldest son of the famous Colonel William Legge, groom of the bed-chamber to King Charles I. and a most constant folloAver of all his fortunes. Soon after the restoration, his father thought proper to send him to sea, under the care of that great and gallant admiral; Sir Edward Spragge, in the first Dutch war, in 1665, when Mr. Legge was barely seventeen. I He distinguished himself in all the ac tions of that and the succeeding year by such re markable testimonies of conduct as well as courage, that in those days Avhen naval preferments were earn ed before they were enjoyed, he was without envy raised to the command of the Pembroke in 166/, Avhen he v^as yet short of twenty, a preferment Avhich did him as much honour as any he afterwards obtained. * These particulars are chiefly collected from the memoirs of the family, though they are likewise confirmed by several monumental inscriptions. t The reason of his going to sea under Sir Edward Spragge was, because of his near relation to the Legge family, his mother being' second sister to Colonel Willjam Legge, this gentleman's father. . OF GEORGE LEGGE. 91 ^ After the peace, he applied himself assiduously to the study of the mathematics, especially to such branches of that extensive science as have any relation to the mihtary art; and, having attained to great skill as an engineer, he was employed by his Majesty in that character, and in I669 succeeded his father in the command of an independent company of foot. In 1671, he Avas made captain of the Fairfax, and, in 1672, of the Royal Catharine, in which he served Avith the highest reputation, having beat the Dutch out Avho boarded her while she Avas sinking, and, after he had stopped her leaks, brought her safe into harbour; in Avhich desperate service he received seve ral AVOunds. In acknowledgment of this and other marks of military virtue shewn in that memorable year, he Avas, towards the end of it, made lieutenant governor of Portsmouth, under his royal highness James duke of York ; in 1673, he Avas made governor of that place, and at the same time master of the horse, and gentleman of the bed chamber to the duke. In 1677, he Avas added as an assistant in the board of ordnance, with a salary of 300/. per annum, and the same year Avas promoted to the rank of lieutenant general of the ordnance, and had also a regiment of foot bestowed upon him. These extraordinary marks of royal favour were soon followed by still greater tes timonies of esteem and confidence; forin I68I he was sworn of the privy council to King Charles IL and in 1682 had a special commission to review all the forts and garrisons throughout the kingdom of England, and AA'as ^Iso constituted and appointed commander in chief. On the second of December, in the same year, he was, by letters patent, raised to the dignity of a peer of this realm, by the title of baron of Dartmouth in the county of .Devon; with remainder, in case of failure of his issue male, to, his brother William Legge, Esq. and his issue; and, jii the piea|nbl^ of the patent; bis own a^d hisi farr g? HISTORICAL MEMOIRS ther's services are very justiy and gratefully acknoAv ledged.* In 1683, the king finding it impossible to support the garrison of Tangiers out of his own revenue, and having little hopes of obtaining any supply for that purpose from a pariiament, his last haying shewn a remarkable dislike to the keeping up of forces there, resolved, notAvithstanding the immense sums it had cost him in fortifying the place, and in building a mole, which rendered the port both convenient and safe, to destroy the Avhole, and to bring back the troops he had there into England. The management of this affair required great secrecy, and much con duct in the commander in chief, and this probably de termined the king to make use of Lord Dartmouth, Avho was appointed governor of Tangiers, and general of his Majesty's forces in Africa, as well as admiral, of the fleet, iu order to enable him to execute his instruc tions, which he did very exactly and effectually ; so that, on his return home, the king was pleased to make him a grant of 10,000/. as a reward for that ser vice, besides other acknovvledgments.f * The preamble of this patent recites, " That his Majesty re, roembering the great merits of William Legge, one of the grooms of the royal bedchamber to his late father King Charles I, especi ally in that unparalleled rebellion raised against him, in which, be ing a person of singular skill and experience in military affairs, as also a valiant and expert commander, he faithfully served him in' most of the battles and sieges of those unhappy times: also'per- formed several eminent services to the said king, since his most happy restoration : and farther considering that George Legge, eldest son of the said William, following his father's steps in divers military employments, especially in sundry sharp and dangerous naval fights, wherein he did freely hazard .his life ; for which res pect, being made general of the ordnance and artillery, and one of his most honourable privy council, his Majesty thought fit to dig nify him with some farther honour." &c. + Particularly a grant of a fair to be held twice a year, and a market twice a week, upon Blackheath,' in the parish of Lewis. ham, in the county of Kent. It may not be amiss to observe here, that the greatest difficulty in executing his commission in Tangiers OF GEORGE LEGGE. ' &» Upon the accession of King James IL his lordship met with all the testimonies of royal favour and friend ship which his many services, and unspotted fidelity to that prince, deserved; for he not only continued him in all the offices he then possessed, but raised him also to posts of still greater consequence ; so that he was at once master of the horse to the king, gene ral of the ordnance, constable of the Tower of Lon don, captainof an independent company of foot, and one of the privy council. ' These employments he executed with such great di'* ligence and reputation, that he stood as high in the fa- vour of the people, as he did in that of his prince, and Avas always considered as the greatest encourager of merit, and the most upright man in tlje administra tion of public affairs, that the age produced. " He preserved the affection and confidence of his master to the last, and yet he was so far from giving in to the king's fatal inclinations to Popery and arbitrary go vernment, that he opposed all councils looking either Avay, with much firmness and .freedom, though he took care to restrain all l|is remonstrances within the just bounds of decency and duty. In 1687, King James making a short progress, and Lord Dartmouth attending him therein at Co ventry, the city presented his Majesty Avith a large gold cup and cover, which he immediately gave to his lordship, and that too with a compliment as gene rous and as acceptable as the present, "I would have your lordship," said he, "receive this cup and cover as a mark of the city of Coventry's concern for the sufferings of your father in it," For, in the time of the civil wars, old Colonel William Legge had re mained long a prisoner in Coventry gaol, after being taken at the battle of Worcester,* was, to blow up all tho works there, without exposing the garri son to the Moors ; which service he performed with equal caution xnd success. * This stnry of his father's sufferings at Coventry certainly de* 94 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS When it was absolutely certain that the prince of Orange intended to invade England, King James saw the necessity of employing some more consider* able person than Sir Rogei- Strickland, Avho had hi therto commanded the fleet, and whose being a Pa pist, though it recommended him to that trust, ren dered him very disagreeable to the seamen. In this situation of things, his Majesty certainly made a very proper choice of Lord Dartmouth, for the important ofifice of admiral, since no man had greater abilities, scarcely any so great an affection for his Majesty's person, or so hearty a zeal for his interest. His lordship was much beloved by the seamen, and so universally esteemed by the officers of the navy, that he very soon put his fleet in a posture fit for ser vice ; and though, as I have shcAvn elsewhere, it has been strongly reported, that his lordship declined fighting the Dutch fleet, yet it is certain that it was never in his power, and that^ if it had, both he and his oflScers Avould have performed what they took to be their duty. But, after being severely ruffled by the storm, the fleet Avas forced into Portsmouth, Avhere his lordship quitted the command to Sir John Berry^ and returned to London. Aftgr the revolution. Lord Dartmouth lived quietly. Serves the reader's notice; and, therefore, not fo be v^anting eithe* to his entertainment, or to the illustration of the history, I subjoin ithere. The great share Colonel William Legge had in the favour of King Charles I, made him so obnoxious to the rump, that they intended to have executed him, as they did the earl of Derby, for being in arms against them, and with that view they confined him in Coventry gaol. His lady, knowing their cruelty, and having tried all her interest with the people in power in vain,. Ut last con^ trived a very artful method for making his escape, which was aa successfully executed. With this view, she hired an old woman to lend him her clothes, which he put on ; and, having a close stool pan well filled between his hands, the smell kept the keepers at such a distance, that he vralked fairly off^ without their makihg any enquiries. After the murder of King Charles I. he was much about the x>erson of the Duke of York, which inspired his Majesty with a great tenderness for him and all his family. OF GEORGE LEGGE. 94 .'and submitted to the new government, yet was al- Avays suspected to retain his old sentiments for the person who had been so long, and withal, so kind a master. For this reason, and on account of some suggestions that he carried on a secret correspond ence with the exiled king, he Avas committed prisoner to the Tower of London. While he continued there, some rumours flew abroad of his being ill treated, which had such an effect on the sailors, who loved him as their father, that they assembled in great bo dies on Tower-hill, where they expressed their re sentment in such language, that it was at length found expedient to desire Lord Dartmouth to confer with them ; and, on his assuring them that the report they had heard was void of any foundation, they gave a cheerful huzza, and dispersed immediately. It is thought, however, that his confinement, and the want of his usual exercise, might contribute to the shortening his days; for, on the Slst of October, 163], he Avas seized with an apoplexy, which put au end to his life in the forty-fourth year of his age.* His relations applied themselves, on his decease, to the constable of the Tower, then Lord Lucas, for leave to remove his body in order to its interment; which his lordship scrupled, Avithout receiving ex press directions from the king. But, upon applica tion made to his Majesty, he not only ordered that the body should be immediately dehvered to his lordships relations, but, upon his being informed that they intended to bury it near the remains of his father in the Little Minories church, in a vault be longing to his family, his Majesty gave further orders, that such marks of respect should be paid at his funeral, as would have been due to him, if he had died possessed of all his employments. Which is a * King James recaived the news of his death with great con cern, and said, with a deep sigh, "Then faithful Will Legge'8 Ifonest son George is dead 1 J have few such SBrvants now '," 96 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS circumstance equally honourable to the merhory of King William and Lord Dartmouth, since it shewsf impartiality and greatness of soul in the former, and the true merit of the latter, which produced such a testimony of respect from so penetrating a judge, A monument of white marble, adorned with a pro per inscription, was erected to the memory of his lordship, by his consort Barbara, baroness of Dart-^ mouth, whoAvas the daughter of Sir Henry Archbold; of Staffordshire, who died in 1718, and lies buried there by him. His lordship had by her an only son William, af-' terwards earl of Dartmouth, so created by her Ma jesty Queen Anne, in the tenth year of her reign. His lordship had also the honour of being secretary of state and lord privy-seal in the same reign, and: discharged both those high offices with that integrity hereditary in his lordship's family, and deceasing De cember 15, 1750, at his house on Blackheath, in Kent, in the seventy-ninth year of his age, was suc ceeded in his honour and estates by his grandsonv William. SIR JOHN BERRY, Knt. EEAR-ADMIRAL of ENGLAND. There cannot be a stronger testimony of real ability, than a man's sunnounting, by bis spirit and diligence, a long series of crosses and misfortunes, and thereby forcing himself, as it were, into an easier situation, and, by degrees, into a condition Avorthy of his merit. Fortitude in suffering is a virtue nO lesis honourable than courage in achieving, and the distresses of heroes, like the shades in a fine picture, afford a graceful relief to the brighter parts of the piece, and thereby considerably heighten its beauties. This observation cannot more fully be illustrated,-. OF SIR JOHN BERRY. 97 than it will be by the account we are to give of the life and actions of Sir John Berry, who, without any assistance other than resulted from the contemplation of his courage and conduct, arrived at the dignity of rear-admiral of England, and shared the confidence of three succeeding kings. The family of the Berries in Devonshire were seated at Berry-Nerber, near Ilfracorab, where they had flourished for some hundreds of years,* But the fa ther of our gallant sea-officer Avas never in any extra ordinary circumstances. He owed his reputation, Avhich long subsisted i'n his neighbourhood, not to the goods of fortune, but to his learning and abilities, and above all, to his courage and loyalty. He was a clergyman, and vicar of Knoweston and Molland in that county, where he discharged his duty with equal fidelity to the church and to the state. For this, the saints of those times not only turned him out of his livings, but plundered his house, and took even his bed from under him ; all Avhich they sold by public auction, except his books, which being a large and valuable collection, they, to shew their modera tion and generosity, bestowed them upon an Inde pendent preacher. Soon after this, the truly reverend Mr, Daniel Berry, a victim to his honest principles, died of grief and want, in the forty-fifth year of his age, and left behind him a widow, Elizabeth, daugh ter of John Moore of Moorhays, Esq. and nine small children, of Avliich seven were sons and two daugh ters, f The eldest, Robert, betook himself to the sea, * Pole's Survey of Devonshire, MS. This village lies in Bran. ton-hundred, in the middle between Combe Merton and Ilfracomb, at a small distance from the sea, and about twenty-seven miles from Exeter. + Most ofthese particulars are taken from a monument erected in the year 1684, by Sir John Berry, to the memory of his father. His two churches of Knoweston and Molland were not above two miles asunder, lying both in Moulton hundred, at the distance of about eighteen miles from Exeter. VOL. III. H 08 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS where he succeeded very well. The second, John, of whom Ave are to speak, and who was born in his father's vicarage-house at KnoAv.eston in the year 1635, being at the good old man's death about seven teen, went to Plymouth, Avhere he bound himself ap prentice to Mr. Robert Meeting, a merchant in that town, and part-owner in several ships. He went to sea in his service, and was extremely unfortunate in setting out, being twice taken by the Spaniards, and suffering a long imprisonment, which, however, did him no great hurt in the main. On his return to England, he found his master in very bad circum stances ; jvhich was no prejudice to him ; for, in a short time after, ]\Ir. Meering told him, that, having now no farther occasion for his service, he Avould, in reward of his past diligence, give him the remain der of his time, which he did freely.* Mr, Berry, thus at large and at liberty to act for himself, immediately came up to London, where, by the help of some friends, he Avas preferred to be boat- SAvain of a ketch belonging to the royal navy, called the Swallow, which, under the command of Captain Insam, was ordered to the West Indies in company with two of his Majesty's frigates, both of Avhich were lost in the gulf of Florida; but the Swallow, by cutting down her masts, and heaving her guns over board, as also her provisions, got clear, and, in the space of sixteen weeks, during which they had no thing to eat but the fish they caught, or to drink but rain-water, they arrived at Campeachy, There they furnished themselves Avith provisions, and then sailed for Jamaica, Avhere they arrived in three AATeks. Sir Thomas Muddiford, who Avas a native of De vonshire as well as Mr. Berry, Avas then governor of that island, and he ordered the Swallow to be re- * The particulars mentioned in this life were most of them col- lected by Mr, Daniel Berry, brother to the admiral ; but, as he wrote at a considerable distance of time, he often omits dates,' aud sometimes mistakes theot. OF SIR JOHN BERRY. 99 fitted, put eight guns on board her ; and having in telligence that a pirate, who had taken one Mr.. Peach, bound from Southampton to Jamaica, and marooned him and alibis crew, was still in those seas, he ordered the Swallow, now well victualled and manned, to put to sea in quest of her, and gave his countryman Berry the title of heutenant. In three weeks after they sailed from Jamaica, they found the pirate at anchor in a bay off the island of Hispaniola. He- had about sixty men and twenty. guns, whereas the Swallow had but forty men and eight small guns. Captain Insam having considered the enemy's strength, and compared it with his own, called up all his men, and addressed them in these words : " Gentlemen, the blades we are to attack are men at arms, old buccaneers, and superior to us in number and in the force of their ship, and, there fore, I would have your opinion, whether" — "Sir," interrupted Lieutenant Berry, " we are men at arms too, and which is more, honest men, and fight under the king's commission ; and, if you have no stomach for fighting, be pleased to walk down into your ca bin," The crew applauded this motion, and decJ-ared one and all for Captain Berry, Avho undertook this affair with great disadvantage, • The pirate rode at anchor to the Avindward, by which the Swallow was obliged to make two trips under her lee, in which she received two broadsides,, and two volleys of small shot, without returning a gun, Mr, Berry then boarded her on the bow, pour ing in his broadside, which killed the pirate and twenty-two men on the spot: they then fought their Avay, to the main-mast, where they called to the doc tor and his mate to get overboard, and hfing by the rudder, which they did ; and soon after the pirate was taken, having only seven men left, and those all. wounded, though they lived long enough to be exe cuted, afterwards in Jamaica; and, which is still more H 2 100 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS remarkable, there was nobody killed on board thi Swallow but the boatswain's mate. On their return to Jamaica, Captain Insam con fined his lieutenant, and Brought him to a court- martial, where, on the evidence of the men, the court declared he had done his duty, and ordered the cap tain to live peaceably Avith him in their voyage to England, which he did; and Mr. Berry, notwith standing what was past, behaved towards him with' all imaginable modesty and submission. In a short time after he came home, the Dutch war broke out, and Mr. Berry had a sloop given him, called the Maria, of fourteen guns, with the king's commission. He held this small command for about four months, in vvhich space he took thirty- two prizes, and, for his extraordinary diligence, had the com mand given him of the Coronation, a hired ship of Avar of fifty-six guns. In this ship he was soon after sent to the West Indies, where our colonies were in no small danger, as having both the French and Dutch upon their hands. On bis arrival at Barbadoes, the governor bought some large merchant-ships, converted them into men of war, and having made up nine sail, in cluding the Coronation, manned andput them under the command of Commodore Berry. With this little fleet he sailed for Nevis, in order to protect it from the French, who had already made themselves mas ters of St, Christopher's, Antigua, and Montserrat. He was scarcely arrived, before he had inteUigence that the French were preparing at St. Christopher's a very great force, Avhich was intended for the con' quest of Nevis. They had twenty-two men of war, and frigates, six large transport-ships of their own, and four Dutch, With these they sailed towards Nevis as to a certain victory. Commodore Berry sailed with his nine ships to^ meet them; and, as he turned the point of tlie ©F SIR JOHN BERRY. loi island, one of his best ships blew up, Avhich struck his men with astonishment. " Now you have seen an English ship blow up," said the commodore, "ilet us try if we can't blow up Frenchmen. There they are, boysl and if we don't beat them, they will beat us." Having said this, he immediately began the ,%ht with the French admiral, and, after a brisk en gagement of upwards of thirteen hours, he forced this mighty fleet to fly for shelter under the cannon of St, Christopher's, whither he pursued them, sent in a fire-ship, and burnt the French admiral : seeing her in flames, he said to his seamen, " I told you iu the morning, that we should burn a Frenchman be fore night; to-morrow avc will try Avhat we can do Avith the rest." But, while hcAvas refitting his ships, the enemy Avisely stole away, the French to Marti nico, and the Dutch to Virginia,* Sir John Harman being sent Avith a squadron to relieve him, Commo dore Berry returned to England, and .served with great honour in the channel and in the Mediterra nean. In the second Dutch war, as it was called, though properly speaking it was the third, he had the com- * We are, in some measure, enabled to fix tlie date of this en terprise by the following remarkable passage, preserved in the Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society : " On the I Sth pf August, 1667, there was a terrible hurricane in this island, at which time Sir John Berry, captain of the Coronation man of war, was in the harbour with that and several other ships, of which, one was commanded by Captain Langford, who, having learned some of the prognostics of a tornado from a Caribbean, perceiving them, he told Sir John and the other commanders of it, who, depending on his intelligence, made their ships ready for sea, and in the morning, about four of the clock, the wind Coming very hard northerly, they put to sea, and came all back, in four or five days time, safe to the road again. Captain Lang. ford was ashore, and being confident of the hurricane's coming, took such care before-hand to secure his sugars and goods in tho store-house, that, when the hurricane had carried away the roof of the house, all, except one hogshead of sugar, remained safe." Low thorp's Abridgment^ vol. ii. p. 106. 10* HISTORICAL MEMOIRS mand of the Resolution, a seventy-gun ship, in which he was present at the famous action in South wold- bay, on the twenty-eighth of May, 1672, In this battle, the captain observing that his royal highness the duke of York, then lord high-admiral of Eng land, was very hard pressed, he left his station, and came in to his relief, Avhere the service proved so hot, that in less than tAvo hours he had no fewer than one hundred and twenty men killed, as many more wounded, and his ship scarcely able to float : upon this he was towed out of the line, stopped his leaks, and fell into his place again in an hour, and there did such service, that when his Majesty came to meet the fleet, and dined on board the lloyal Sovereign at the Buoy in the Nore, he, of his own motive, called for Captain Berry, and, having knighted him, said very graciously, "As our thoughts have been now upon honour, we will hereafter think of profit; for I Woiild not have so brave a man a poor knight." / In the year 1682 it AA'^as thought expedient to send the duke of York down to Scotland, and for this pur pose the Gloucester frigate, under the connnand of Sir John Berry, Avas ordered to be ready : and ac cordingly, on the twenty-eighth of April, the duke of York embarked on board that ship. In their pas sage Sir John observed on the third of May, Avhen in the inouth of the Humber, as he apprehended, an error in the pilot's conduct, though he was looked upon as a man of great abilities in his employment. ()f this he informed the duke, and desired they might lie to, at least for that night, Avhich the pilot op posed ; and, being a great favourite of the duke, his advice prevailed. But his royal highness was soon convinced of the superiority of Sir John Berry's jtidgment, since, in three quarters of .an hour after wards, the ship was lost, and about three hundred people in her, amongst Avhom were some persons of the first rank; and the duke himself narrowly escaped in the long boat, Sir John Berry standing" with his OF SIR JOHN BERRY. lO* .sword drawn in the stern of the boat to hinder people from crowding in, which undoubtedly saved the duke, since a very fcAV more would have overset the long-boat,* For the loss of this ship Sir John, according to the rules of the navy, Avas tried by a court-martial ; but, it appearing clearly to have happened through an other man's fault, he was not only acquitted, but continued still in as great favour as ever both with the king and duke, Avho frequently consulted him as to the management of the navy. When a resolution was taken in 1683 to blow up Tangiers, and a considerable fleet was sent thither under the command of Lord Dartmouth, Sir John Berry was made choice of to be his vice-admiral, and had the sole command of the fleet Avhile his lordship Avas on shore directing the blowing up of the works. In this critical expedition Sir John gave such re markable testimonies of his courage and conduct, and took such care in bringing oft' all the English and their effects, that, upon his return home, he was * This accident happened by their striking upon the sand called the Lemon and Ore, sixteen leagues from the mouth of the Hum ber, Two things were very remarkable, that the duke took ex traordinary care of Colonel John Churchill, afterwards duke of Marlborough, and called him first into the boat. The other was, that the mariners aboard the sinking vessel gave a loud huzza, when they saw the duke in safety. Bishop Burnet's account of this matter is too remarkable to be forgotten, "The duke," says he, " got into a boat, and took care of his dogs, and some unknown persons, who were taken, from that earnest care of his, to be his priests. The long-boat went off with very few in her, though she mighT: have carried off above eighty more than she did. One hundred and fifty persons perished, some of them men of great quality," The Gloucester frigate vras a ship of forty guns, there were upwards of fifty persons saved with the duke, and that eighty more should be able to go into het long-boat, is a fact that will gain but little credit at Wapping, Besides, the keeping the people out was Sir John Berry's act, and, if there had been any such circumstances of cruelty, one can scarcely believe the sailors ¦would have testified so much joy at his royal highness's escape. 104 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS made a commissioner of the navy, in which post he continued to the day of his death. Under the reign of King James II. he was in ai; high favour as he could desire, the king constantly consulting him in matters relating to the manage ment of the fleet; and he was one of the commis sioners called in on that great reform of the navy, mentioned in the close of the 17th chapter, and had the chief hand in bringing things into that ex quisite order in which they were found when tliQ king withdrew to France, He was not, however, considered solely as a commissioner, and as a man no longer fit for active employment ; for when it Avas known that the Dutch meditated an invasion, and ^ fleet was fitted out to defend our coasts. Sir Johi^ Berry was appointed vice-admiral, and hoisted his flag on board the Elizabeth, a third rate, the admiral, Lord Dartmouth, being in the Resolution, and thei rear-admiral. Lord Berkley of Stratton, first in the Montague, and then in the Edgar, After the landing of the prince of Orange, when Lord Dartmouth thought fit fo leave the fleet, the sole command of it de volved on Sir John Berry, who held it tmtil it; was laid up. The change of the governrnent wrought none in the condition of our admiral. An experienced offi cer, and a man of honour will be a welcome servant to every prince. King William Avas one who valued abihties, and uiiderstood them, and therefo're he often sent for Sir John Berry to confer with him on navaV affairs ; and once, particularly, the king engaged witli' him in so close and earnest a conversation, that it took up the whole night, and Sir J^ohn was not dis missed the royal closet, until it was pretty far ad A'anced iri the morning, Yet this favour brought him no accession either of post or profit; lie kept; what he had, and probably thought that sufficient, being commissioner of the navy, governor of Deal Castle, aud captain of an independent company. OF SIR JOHN BERRY. |0& We now hasten to the last scene of his life, over which such a curtain has been drawn, as leaves it pot in our power to let in the light. He was ordered in the beginning of the mopth of February, I691, to Portsmouth, to pay off some ships there ; and, while he was employed in the discharge of this office on board one of them, he was suddenly taken ill, and thereupon carried on shore to Portsmouth, where, in three or four days, it was given out that he died of a fever; but, upon opening his body, it appeared clearly to the physicians and surgeons who were pre sent, that he did not die a natural death, but that he had been dispatched out of the world by poison, though by whom, or for what reason, never ap peared, or at least it was never made public. In his private life his wisdom, beneficence, inte- frity, and unfeigned attachment to the church of .ngland, were as conspicuous as his courage and other military virtues in his public character : so that he died equally lamented, by all who knew him, either as a private gentleman or as an English admi ral. His corpse, according to his own direction, was carried from Portsmouth to London, and decently interred in the chancel of Stepney church, Avhere a noble monument is erected to his memory, all of white marble, adorned with his bust in alabaster. Over his head are the arms of his family ; viz. in a field, gules, three bars, or ; and, on a white marble ^able underneath, the following inscription : " Ne id nescias, lector, D, Johannes Berry, De- " voniensis, dignitate equestri clarus, mari tantum " non imperator, de rege et patria (quod et barbari " norunt) bene meritus, magnam ob res fortiter ges- " tas adeptus gloriam, famse .satur, post multas repor- " tatas victorias, cum ab aliis vinci non potuit, fatis " ce-ssit 14mo, Feb, I69I ; baptizatus 7nio. Jan. « 1635." The lady of Sir John Berry survived him many years, but he left no issue by her, nor, so far as I have been able to learn, ever had any. 108 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS ARTHUR HERBERT, "BARON HERBERT OF TORBAY, EARL OF TORRINGTON, AND ADMIRAL AND COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF OF THE FLEET OF ENGLAND. It is the duty of historians to report things fairly, and to speak of men impartially, without exagger ating their virtues, or extenuating their vice.s, by exhibiting their characters to posterity in that light, in which, after the best inquiry they are able to make, they appear to themselves ; for, as water never rises higher than its source, so it is impossible that an au thor should do more for his reader than his talents and his information will permit. The latter was so inconsiderable Avhen this AVork was first written, that it was thought more expedient not to attempt a hfe of this noble person, than to repeat a few facts and dates, so indifferently connected, as that it could not be presumed they would give even the most indul gent peruser any satisfaction. After much pains and search, some better materials have been found; and as almost every remarkable transaction of this great man's life fell within the compass of King William's reign, or at least not much later, and is more or less allied to those trans actions of Avhich we have been speaking, it seemed more natural to place Avhat we have to say of him here, than at the time of his death, Avhen they could not fail of making an apparent breach in the order of our history. He was the son of Sir Edward Herbert of London, knight, of the noble family of Herbert of Cherbery, a branch of that of Pembroke, which suffering se verely for the loyalty of Sir Edward, obliged his sons to think of making their fortunes by their industry aud merit. Arthur, the eldest, though he had a small estate of his own, made the sea his choice, as his OF ARTHUR HERBERT. lOT younger brother Edward did tiie laAV ; and both at tained the highest stations, the latter becoming chief- justice of the king's bench, as well as the former admiral of the fleet of England, . Our young seaman, immediately after the resto ration, was much taken notice of by his royal high ness James duke of York, by whose favour he was very early promoted to the command of one of his Majesty's ships of war ; and, in the first Dutch war in the reign of Charles II, he commanded the Pem broke in the Straits. He distinguished himself there, according to the manner of those times, in a very high degree, as appears from the following extract of a letter from Cadiz, dated in March 1667, which I chuse to produce in the same plain and artless lan guage in Avhich it was wrote, rather than hazard any variation in the facts, by attempting to give it a better dress, " Captain Herbert in the Pembroke is uoav in this port, being newly returned from a fresh dispute with a Zealand man of war, of thirty-four guns, and one hundred and eighty men, with Avhom he fought some days before, in sight of that bay, from tAvo in the afternoon, till the night put an end to that day's work. All that night the Pembroke frigate carrying out a light for the Zealander, and the next morning, being to the windward, fired a gun, and bore up to re-engage her; but the Zealander, being the nimbler sailer bore away once or twice before the A\'ind, de clining any farther dispute, which the frigate per ceiving, and fearing to be put to leeward of the port by a fruitless pursuit, the wind then blowing a strong Levant, came again for the bay, Avhich the Zealander wanted not the confidence to boast of as a mark of his victory. Since this, the frigate being put ashore to wash and tallow, the Zealander made several challenges, but went out again to sea, before the frigate could get ready. Yesterday morning the Zea lander coming in, the frigate, being ready, went out lOe HISTORICAL MEMOIRS to meet him, and passed five times upon him Avithin pistol-shot, until the Zealander, finding the service too hot, bore in for the bay, pursued for a long time by the frigate, which, being unable to overtake him, fired her chace gun, and stood out again to sea, tiie Zealander answering her challenge Avith a friendly salute of three guns to leeward, but yet thought it convenierit to put into the bay, where he triumph antly fired all his guns, leaving the Pembroke at sea in vain attending him till the next morning. The captain of the Zealander afterwards came ashore, en deavouring to persuade the people tbat his main-mast was disabled, and that he wanted shot for his guns. In this dispute the frigate had seven men killed, and five hurt, but none mortally, and her fore- mast some what disabled, but Avill speedily be refitted and made serviceable. He continued after this affair in the Straits for about six weeks, till he had advice that Rear-admi ral Kemptborne had sailed with his squadron for the Straits mouth, where he took care to join him Avith a small fleet of sixteen or seventeen merchantmen under his convoy, in order to proceed Avith the rear- admiral to England. They met with nothing extra ordinary in their passage till about the middle of the month of May, when, being off the island of Port land, the Pembroke ran foul of the Fairfax in the night, and sunk at once ; but Captain Herbert and most of bis crew Avere happily saved, there being none lost in the vessel but a few sick men, who were not able to help themselves, and Avhom the sudden ness of the accident, and the confusion every body was hi, hindered from being assisted by others. After this narrow escape. Captain Herbert "went on board another ship of the squadron, and arrived safely at Portsmouth. It Avas not long before he had another ship given him, and both in that, and in the second Dutch war, he behaved upon all occasions with great spirit OF ARTHUR HERBERT. lo» and resolution, receiving several wounds, and losing the sight of one of his eyes in his country's service; all which considered, it must seem very strange, that, when he fell afterwards under misfortunes, his cou rage should be disputed. In one of the last sea-fights in the second Dutch war, he had the command of the Cambridge, in which Sir Fretchville Hollis had been killed in the battle of Solebay, and, as Captain Herbert succeeded in his command, he was very near succeeding also to the same disaster, being desperately wounded in the action, and his ship so disabled, that, together with the Resolution, which was in as bad a condition, she was, by PrinceRupert, sent home to refit. After that war was over. Captain Herbert had lei sure to attend the court, and to sohcit the rewards that were due to his services, in which he met with all possible kindness from the duke of York, who, as he had been hitherto careful of his fortunes, thought himself obliged to assist him in his preten sions ; so that in the year 1680 or 1681 he A\'as made rear-admiral of the blue, and from tbat time was con sidered as a person who had as much probability of rising as any in the service. It was not long before an occasion offered which justified this conjecture; for it being found necessary to send a supply of troops and military stores to Tangiers, then in our hands, as also a squadron to curb the insolence of the Algerines, Avho, notwithstanding the treaties that had been concluded but a few years before, began again to disturb our commerce, it was resolved, that the command of this armament should be given to Ad miral Herbert, who was accordingly instructed to contribute as much as possible to the raising the siege of Tangiers, and, when that was done, to use his best endeavours to bring the Algerines to a sub- inission, and to a new treaty, upon better and more Cxplicif terms than were contained in that they had ktely broken, which they pretended to explain in snch a manner as to justify their piracies. 110 ' HISTORICAL MEMOIRS In 1682, Rear-admiral Herbert sailed into the Me diterranean with a strong squadron, and a consider-? able number of tenders and store-ships, which arrived. very safely under his convoy at Tangiets. He found that fortress not a little straightened by the Moors, by whom it was so closely blocked up, that nothing could enter it by land. Mr, Herbert not only re lieved the garrison by the seasonable supply tha,t he brought of provisions and military stores, but re solved also to restore his countrymen to liberty as Avell as plenty, by compelling the enemy to raise the blockade. He landed, with this view, as many sea men out of the fleet as he could possibly spare, formed them into a battalion, and by attacking the Moors on one side, while the garrison made a brisk sally, and drove them from most of their posts, on the other, obliged them to leave the neigh bourhoocj of the place, and to retire farther within land. He executed the other part of his charge with re spect to the Algerines, Avith equal spirit and success,, destroyed some of their ships, and disposed things in such a manner to disturb and distress that state by, sea, as obliged the Dey to summon a divan, in which it was resolved to enter into an immediate negociation with the English admiral : the terms were very speedily settled, without any of those ambiguities, which left them pretences for breaking their treaties when they pleased ; and, the business of his expedi tion being happily over, he returned home safe, with the squadron under his command, towards the latter end of the same year.^ * Some time after this, but whether in the reign of King Charles II. or King James, I am not able to say, he was promoted to the rank of vice-admiral, and was as much esteemed by the seamen, and in as high credit at court, as any officer in the service. He was also appointed one of the commissioners for ex ecuting the office of lord-high-admiral of England, in conjunction with Daniel, earl of Nottingham, Sir OF ARTHUR HERBERT. m Humphry Winch, Bart. Sir Thomas Meeres, Knt. Sir Edward Hales, Bart. Henry Saville, Esq. Sir John Chicheley, Knt, and John Lord Vaughan, on the se venteenth of April, 1684, his name appearing in the ^mmission, after that of Sir John Chicheley, The favours he had received from the duke of York gave him room to expect farther preferments upon the ac cession of that prince to the throne ; nor was he de ceived in his expectations, since, in the beginning of the new xeign, he was made vice-admiral of England and master of the robes, there being at that time no man of his rank who was more heartily attached either to the government or to the person of that prince. But when the scheme for repealing the test-act came under consideration, and King James thought fit to closet such of his officers in the army and fleet as had seats in the House of Commons, it quickly appeared, that Vice-admiral Herbert was none of those complying spirits, who for the sake of private profit would sacrifice the interest of the public. His brother, the Lord-chief-justice Herbert, had exposed himself to public odium by giving judgment in his court, in favour of the king's dispensing power, upon an action brought against Sir Edward Hales, who had accepted an employment, without qualifying himself for it by taking the oaths the law required; and, though this seemed in some measure to have done all that the king wanted,- he still persisted in his design of having the test-act repealed, wliich, among other extraordinary consequences, produced the dis grace of Vice admiral Herbert, who, to that hour had never done any thing to disoblige the king, or had perceived the least coldness in his Majesty towards him. We have this story at large in Bishop Burnet's History of his own Times, Avith some inferences from it that are very just; I shall give it the reader, there fore, in his own AVords. " So little regard," says that prelate, " had the chief- 112 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS justice*s nearest friends to his opinion iilthis particu lar, that his brother, Admiral Herbert, being pressed by the king to promise that he would vote for thfe repeal of the test^ answered the king very plainly, that he could not do it either in honour of consci ence. The king said, he knew he was a man of ho* nour, but the rest of his life did not look like a man that had great regard to conscience. He answered boldly, he had his faults, but they Avere such, that other people who talked more of conscience were guilty of the like. He was indeed a man abandoned to luxury and vice : but though he was poor, and had much to lose, . having places to the value of four thousand pounds a-year, he chose to lose them all ra ther than comply, This made much noise ; for, as he had great reputation for his conduct in sea affairs so he had been most passionately zealous in the king's service, from his first setting out to that day. It ap- , peared by this, that no past service would be consi dered, if men were not resolved to comply in every thing/* The bishop bears very hard, in the beginning of this account of the vice-admiral's behaviour, upon that of his brother the chief-justice, as he does like wise in many other places ; it is therefore but com mon justice to the character of that gentleman, Avho Avas a great laAvyer, and in private life a very generous worthy man, to take notice, that he was very far from being so absolute a time-server as he is fre quentiy represented ; for the truth is, that he suffered as well as liis brother for his regard to the public, and there seems to be no reason that this truth should not be as Avell known. When King James found it was in vain to think of attaining his purposes by a parlia ment, he placed all his hopes in what Avas certainly a fitter instrument for answering his design, and that was his standing army. Yet in the management of this there AA'as some difficulty; for, being composed of Englishmen, they shewed an inclination rather to OF ARTHUR HERBERT. 113 desert their colours than to act agaitlst their country. To prevent this, it was resolved to make use of an act of Parliament, by which it was made felony for any soldier to quit his Colours, after being duly in- listed in the king's service, in tbe time of war, either in parts beyond the seas or in Scotland. But, to make this law operate in England was not very consonant to law, how much soever it might be to the king's will in this point; therefore the Lord-chief justice Herbert was as far from complying in this, as his bro ther the admiral had been in that of the test , upon which he Avas removed, and was succeeded in his high office by Sir Robert Wright, who not long after hanged a poor soldier upon that statute. It is true, that Sir Edward Herbert followed the fortunes of his master, and remained with him in France, which shewed that Avhat he did upon the bench, proceeded purely from conscience, and not from any private reason of hope or fear Whatever. But this conduct of the chief-justice, in succeeding times, was thrown in the teeth of his brother, and ill- natured people took occasion to suggest, that it was very unlikely one should be faithful to King William, while the other was excepted out of all acts of in demnity for his adherence to King James. But let us now quit this short digression, Avbich, however, shews what sentiments the soundest lawyers had of a standing army in those days, in order to return to the conduct of Vice-admiral Herbert after he Avas re moved from his employments, and reduced to the .state of a private man, with no very considerable for tune to support even that. The small appearance there Was of his being able to live with honour, or even with safety at home, and his inclination to follow many persons of great reputation, who, at that juncture, chose to retire abroad, induced him to withdraw to Holland, whither he was either accompanied or quickly followed by his brother Colonel Charles Herbert, and by his cou- VOL. HI. I 114 HISTORICAL MEMOIR* sin Henry Herbert, Esq, whom King William after Avards created Lord Herbert of Cherbery, Upon his arrival at the Hague, the vice-admiral Avas exceed ingly well received, and not long after tak^en into the service of the States, which Avas a very prudent, and, in its consequences, beneficial step, numbers of Eng lish seamen following, and entering for his sake, into the Dutch service, which convinced the States that things Avere come to a crisis in* England, and that the king had lost the affections of the subjects to a strange degree, when the seamen, who, of all others, had shewed themselves most hearty in his cause, be gan to forsake him. At the prince of Orange's court. Vice-admiral Her bert was very sincerely welcomed ; he Avas known to be a man of great weight and experience, one that perfectly understood the state of the English fleet, and the temper and characters of the officers who commanded it ; so that there is no colour of reason to wonder that he Avas treated Avith very high' re spect, and received into the most entire confidence, more especially as he took care to maintain his dig nity by a very cautious and reserved behaviour, con trary to that heat and vehemence expressed by ^me other persons, Avho thought to make their court by representing an attempt upon England as a thing that might be easily accomplished ; whereas the vice- admiral understood and spoke of it as an undertaking that required a very considerable strength, exceed ingly discreet management, and much deliberation. The same prelate we have before quoted gives us, on this occasion, a very different character of Mr. Herbert from that Avhich he had drawn before, in order to shew how great his own merit Avas in ma naging a man who was altoge'ther untractable in the hands of others, and even of the prince himslslf ; the passage is very curious, and, therefore, the reader shall see it in the bishop's own words: "Admiral Herbert came over to Holland, and was received with OF ARTHUR HERBERT. lis a particular regard to his pride and ill-humour; for he was on every occasion so sullen and peevish, that it was plain he set a high value on himself, aud ex pected the same of all others. He had got his ac counts past, in Avhich he complained, that the king had used him not only hardly, but unjustly. He was a man delivered up to pride and luxury ; yet he had a good understanding, and he had gained so great a reputation by his steady behaviour in England, that the prince understood that it was expected he should use him as he himself should desire, in Avhich it was not very easy to him to constrain himself so far as that required.. The managing him was in a great measure put on me ; and it was no easy thing. It made me often reflect on the providence of God, that makes some men instruments in great things, to which they themselves have no sort of affection or disposition ; for his private quarrel Avith the Lord Dartmouth, Avho he thought had more of the king's confidence than he himself had, was believed the root of all the suUenness he fell under toward the king, and of all the firmness that grew out of that." It must appear more wonderful than any thing ob served by our historian, if this was the real character of the man, that the States-general and the prince of Orange should give him the title of lieutenant- general-admiral, and entrust him Avith the supreme command of their fleet. It is true our author savs, that this was not very easy to the States, or to the prince himself, who thought it au absurd thing ; but why did they do it then? Nothing less, says he, Avould content Heibert. If this was so, we have some reason to believe, that the States and the prince of Orange had a very high opinion of his talents, or of his interest, in taking so extraordinary a step, merely because he would not be content without it. But it was more probable that he was put at the bead of the fleet, because there Avere many reasons that made him the proptrest man for that command, I 2 116 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS such as the nature of the design itself, his interest among the officers of the English navy, his perfect acquaintance Avith our coasts, his being most likely to engage the governors of sea-port towns to come in to the prince, and, above all, the necessity they Avere under of having some Englishman in a high post, to prevent the people from considering this as a hostile invasion. Now, if we view this matter in these lights, it is no difficult thing to see, that, of all the English who Avere about his royal highness. Vice- admiral Herbert was,' in every respect, the fittest man to be entrusted with that command ; and, therefore, if nothing else would content him, it might not pro ceed from pride, from ambition, or ill-humour, but from his making a right judgment of things, and knowing that nothing could contribute so much to the success of the enterprise ; yet,- of the tAvo, it is infinitely more probable, that he did not insist upon this himself, but that the States and the prince of Orange conferred the command upon him as a thing which they saw to be very expedient, or rather ab solutely necessary, , It was certainly a very extraordinary undertaking in all respects, and will appear so, if Ave reflect that a great army was to be embarked ; that seven hundred transports Avere to be prepared for that embarkation ; that provisions, ammunition, and every thing requi site for the service, as Avell of the army as Of the fleet, was to be procured in a short time, and with the utmost secrecy ; all which was actually done by the indefatigable diligence of four commissioners, •viz. Bentinck, Dykvelt, Van Hulst, and Herbert: it is plain, therefore, that his skill in directing what Was requisite for the fleet Avas entirely relied on; and, if he had been such a haughty, morose, overbearing person, he could have hardly maintained a fair cor respondence with his colleagues for so long a space as they were engaged in making these preparations; as to which, our historian tells us, that they were OF ARTHUR HERBERT. 117 two months constantly employed in giving all the necessary orders, which they did with so little noise, that nothing broke out all that time. After such an instance of his capacity and inde fatigable care, they might well expect that the rest of his conduct would be of a piece. But what seems farther to explain the real intention of the States and the prince of Orange in trusting Vice-admiral Herbert, though a stranger, with so high a command was, the publishing his letter to the commanders of the Eng lish fleet at the very same time with the prince of Orange's declaration; for, if they had not placed very strong hopes upon that, without question it had never been published at all, and, it' they had such hopes, this alone will sufficiently account forthegiving him the chief command under the prince of Orange, to whom, by the nature of his commission, he was lieutenant-general by sea. Neither were these hopes of influencing the English seamen slightly grounded, since the pamphlets written in those times univer sally agree, that the seamen had a very general and warm aversion to Popery, disliked and despised such of their officers as had embraced that religion, (and were very prone in their ciipa to drink Admiral Herbert's health ; so that these were very strong in dications of their ill-will on one side and their good will on the 'other. It is however true, that this letter bad not the effect that was expected from it, or rather had not such an effect so soon as it was expected ; but this was chiefly owing to unforeseen and inevitable acci dents ; neither can any thing be affirmed about it with much certainty: but as the letter itself incu rious, and as it is not commonly to be met with, un less in a French translation, it may not be disagree able to the reader to find it in the note below; and there is the more reason to insert it, because nothing can have a closer relation to this noble person's me moirs, since it must be allowed to have been the 115 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS most remarkable and most important paper that ever fell from his pen.* When every thing was ready, the troops were em barked with so much speed and secrecy, that no ad vices could be given in England that could be of any use ; but notwithstanding this care, the fleet was « TO ALL COMMANDER-9 OF SHIPS AND SEAMEN IN HIS MAJESTY'S FLEET. Gentlemen, I HAVE little to add to what his highness has expressed in gene ral terms, besides laying before you the dangerous way you are at present in, where ruin or infamy must, inevitably attend you, if you do not join with the prince in the common cause for the de fence of your religion and liberties ; for should it please God, for thesinsof the English nation, to suffer your arms to prevail, to what end can your victory serve you, but to enslave you deeper, and overthrow the true religion in which you have lived, and your fathers died, of which 1 beg you as a friend to consider the conse quences, and to reflect on the blot and infamy which it will bring on you, not only now, but in all after-ages, that by your means the Protestant religion was destroyed, and your country deprived of its ancient liberties ; and if it pleases God to bless the prince's endeavours with success, as I do not doubt he will, consider then what their condition will be that oppose him in this so good a de sign, where the greatest favour they can hope for is, their being suffered to end their days in misery and want, detested and de spised by all good men. It is, therefore, for these and for many other reasons, too long to insert here, that I, as a true Englishman, and your friend, exhort you to join your arms to the princo for the defence of the common cause the Protestant religion, and the liberties of your country. It is what I am well assured, the major and best part of the army, as well as the nation, will do as soon as convenience is of fered. Prevent them in so good an action while it is in your power, and make it appear, that as the kingdom has always de* pended on the navy for Us defence, so you will yet go further, by making it, as much as in you lies, the protection of lier religion aud liberties ; and then you may assure yourselves of all marks of favour and honour, suitable to the merits of so glorious an action. After this I ought not to add so inconsiderable a thing, as that it will for ever engage me to be in a most particular manner. Your faithful friend, and humble servant, On board the Leyden, Ar, Heuberi. in the Goree. OF ARTHUR HERBERT, 119 obliged to return. They sailed on the nineteenth of October, 1688, and Avere forced back into port on the twenty-second. This was a great disappoint ment; and, Avithout doubt, had things been managed by a prince of less firmness, or by an admiral of less experience, their expedition would have been lost. It is reported that Admiral Herbert advised putting off the business to that late season of the year, be cause he jutlged that the winds would be more favour able ; that the king's fleet would be less able to act ; and that, when the enterprise was so long delayed, it would be concluded in England lobe given over. His serene highness came into this proposition for the reasons before assigned, and for one as weighty as any of them, which was more immediately known to, and more fully comprehended by, himself, and this was, that the season of the year for a campaign being over, the French were not likely to make any attempts, and conseq>?ently the States-General ran little or no hazard by their troops being thus employ ed at this juncture. It is on all sides acknovA'ledged, that it was owing to reasons suggested by Admiral Herbert, that the prince of Orange laid aside his iiir tention of sailing northward to the Humber, Avhich must have been attended with great inconveniences, as no fleet could lie long with safety on that coast ; but it is not certain whether he gave the advice, Avhich, however, was followed, of publishing in all the Dutch gazettes, that the fleet had been very roughly handled by the storm ; that abundance of horses had been thrown overboard ; that, many per sons of distinction, and particularly Dr. Burnet, were cast away and drowned, which had the effect that Was expected from it, of persuading such as were not in the secret, that the expedition was totally overthrown, or that it must be postponed for some months at least. It is very certain, that this unexpected check made many people mighty uneasy, and occasioned some no HISTORICAL MEMOIRS very extraordinary proposals to the prince. Among the rest, one was, that Admiral Herbert, with a stout squadron, should proce^ed to the English coast, and fight the king's fleet, to which he was not at all averse ; but the weather rendered it impracticable. The prince of Orange, however, never altered his intention in the least; but having given the necessary orders for repairing the ships, and refreshing the troops, which was soon done, the fleet sailed again upon the first of November, and, as we have shewn elsewhere, arrived speedily and safely on the English coast, where, by the skill and care of Admiral Her-r bert, the troops were very soon landed, and, by his intelligence with sever^ persons of distinction in the neighbourhood, amply supplied with provisions and otlier necessaries. In a very few days after, the good effects of the admiral's letter appeared by the coming in of several ships, the first of which was the New castle, lying at Plymouth, under the command of Captain Churchill; and, the way being once broken, the seamen declared in general for the prince ; from ^]\ which it fully appeared, hoAV much the success of this great affair Avas owing to the valour, vigilance, and prudence of this noble person. On the 8th of March, 1688, King William grant ed a commission for executing the office of lortl high admiral to the following persons; viz, Arthur Her bert, Esq. John, earl of Carbery, Sir Michael Wharr ton, Sir Thomas Lee, Bart. Sir John Chichely, Knt. Sir John Lowther, of Whitehaven, Bart, and Wil liam Sacheverel, Esq but the last declined accept ing that post, declaring, that, as he understood no thing of maritime affairs, he could not accept the salary with a safe conscience. As for the command of the fleet, that Avas entrusted with Admiral Herbert from the beginning, and he had hkewise the honour of bringing over the neAV queen. We have already given au account of his behaviour in the business of Bantry-bay, of the motives Avhich OF ARTHUR HERBERT. 121 induced him to fight the French fleet, and of the consequences of that action, collected as well from the French, as our historians : but after all, perhaps the reader will not be displeased to see the account pubhshed by authority, drawn from the admiral's own letter, from on boaid the Elizabeth, dated May the second, I689, and which imported, " That Admiral Herbert, having refitted at Milford- HaA'en the damages which some of his ships had sus tained by ill weather on the coast oflreland, intend ed to go directly for Brest ; but the wind coming easterly, which might bring the French fleet out, he stood, oil the twenty-fourth past, over to Kingsale, which he judged the likehest way to meet them. " That accordingly, on the 29th, our scouts made signal, that they discovered a fleet keeping their wind, which made us, likewise, keep our own all night, to hinder them from getting into Kingsale. The thii-tieth, they heard the enemy Avas gone into Baltimore, being forty-four sail ; whereupon ours bore away to that place, but found there was no sign of them. That in the evening, our scouts got sight of them again to the westward of Cape Clear ; we steer ed after them, and found they were got into the Ban- try ; we lay off the bay all night, and the next morn ing, by break of day, stood in where we found them at anchor. That they got presently under sail, and bore down upon our fleet in a line composed of twen ty-eight men of Avar and five fire-ships. That when they came Avithin musket shot of the Defiance, the headmost of our ships, the French admiral put out the signal of battle, which was began by them, they firing their great and small shot very furiously on the Defiance anti the rest, as we came in our line. That then we made several boards to gain the Avind, or at least to engage them closer ; but, finding that Avay of working very disadvantageous. Admiral Herbert stood off to sea, as well to have got our ships into a line, as to have gained the wind of the enemy, but 132 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS found them so cautious in bearing down, that Ave could never get an opportunity of doing it ; and in this posture continued battering upon a stretch until five in the afternoon, when the French admiral tack ed from us, and stood away farther into the bay, " That Admiral Herbei't's ship, and some of the rest, being disabled in their rigging, Ave could not follow them ; but Ave continued some time after be fore the bay, and our admiral gave him a gun at part ing. In this action. Captain Aylmer in the Portland, Avho came in soon enough for the battle, Avith others of the squadron mentioned, and ninety four seamen were killed, and about two hundred and fifty Avound ed, as appears by a survey taken after the fight ; and our ships received little damage^ except in their sails and rigging. " That, as for our officers and seamen, that right must, be done them, they behaved themselves with all the courage and cheerfulness that could' be ex pected from the bravest men: and that, on the other side, without lessening the enemy, it may be said, tbat they either wanted courage or skill to make use of the advantage of the place, the wind, their fire- ships, and their number, being at least double our force, they having eighteen ships, the least of which was as big as the Elizabeth ; and it so happened, at tbe time of the engagement. Admiral Herbert had Avith him but eight third rates, ten fourth rates, one fifth rate, and two tenders'. And that the fleet de signed to rendezvous and refit at Scilly." As to the personal behaviour of Admiral Herbert in this action, it was altogether unexceptionable ; he was in the hottest of the service hiriiself, had several of the largest of the enemy's ships upon him at a time, notwithstanding Avhich he continued to expose himself to encourage the seamen, sword in hand up on the quarter deck, and to do all that lay in his power to continue the engagement, insomuch, that many thought, that, if the rest of the officers had OF ARTHUR HERBERT. 123 done their duty as well as he, they had given abetter account of the French than they did : for which some officers were called to a court martial, and broke ; so much Avas the admiral a lover of disci- phne. On (he fifteenth of May, when the king dined on board his ship, he Avas pleased to express great satisfaction in his conduct, and declared his intention of creating him a peer, as he afterwards did ; viz. on the twenty-ninth of the same month, by the title of Baron Herbert of Torbay, and earl of Torrington. The House of Commons also were pleased to give him thanks for the service he had done the nation, in taking the first opportunity to fight the French iu Bantry Bay. The reader will, \vithout doubt, be pleased to see this matter set in the mo.st authentic light from the journals of the house, in which it appears that, Arthur Herbert, Esq, then Burgess for the town of Ply mouth, in the county of Devon, being in his place, had their thanks in consequence of an order made the Saturday before.* * Martis 21° die Mail, primo Willielmi et Mariae. Mr. Speaker gave Admiral Herbert the thanks of the house ac- cording to their order of Saturday last, to the effect as follow- eth ; viz, " Admiral Herbert, " This house hath taken notice of the great service you have performed in engaging the French fleet; they do look upon it as one of the bravest actions done in this last age, and expect it will raise the reputation of the English valour to its ancient glory, I do, therefore, by the command of this house, return you their hearty thanks, for this service, and desire that you will communi. cate the like thanks, in their name, to the officers and seamen that served under your command, and to let them know, that this house will have a particular regard of their merits, and take care, as much as in them lies, to give them all due encouragement," Whereupon Admiral Herbert spake to the effect as followeth : " Sir, *' I am in some confusion at this great and unexpected honour, aud the more, because I want words to express my sense of it. 124 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS As he was at this time possessed of all that a man could Avell desire, the esteem of his prince, the favour of the people, and the love of the seamen, so it is allowed that he behaved in a manner every way wor thy of his station, living very magnificently when in town, and shewing a great respect for his officers Avhen at sea, which gained him a wonderful interest in the fleet ; to this, though some have given a sinis ter turn, as if it was the chief cause of his acquittal by the court martial that tried him, yet impartial judges will hardly believe, that he could have gained such an interest but by an extraordinary degree of merit, and by a readiness to distinguish it in other men, for Avhich, while it was not iu some degree cri- The best return I think myself capable of making is, to assure this honourable house, that, with my utmost hazard I will endea. vour, by my future actions, to deserve it, and will not fail to obey their commands, in acquainting the officers and seamen, who •were with me, of the favourable acceptation, by this house,, of their services. And, since the house have so favourable an opi. nion of their actions, I would beg their leave to make an humble motion, and I think it is a thing becoming the greatness of this na. tion, and, indeed, has been the''^care of almost all nations that have any commerce at sea ; it is, ^o assign some place and reve nue for the support of such as are maimed in ihe service and de fence of their country. There is no sufficient provision made at ; present in this kingdom, and indeed it is too great a charge for tha crown, I, therefore, humbly move, it may be ordered by this house, that an act may pass, that they may have a support and subsistence, after they have, by wounds, been made incapable of farther service." Resolved, That the house will take care to make a provision for such seamen as are, or shall be wounded in their Ma jesties' service, and for the wives and children of such as arc, or shall be slain therein ; and that a committee bp appointed to consider how the same may be done. And it was referred to Admiral Herbert, Mr, Hales, Mr, Bos. cawen, Mr, Ashburnham, Sir AVilliam AVilliams, Mr. Garway, Mr. Elwel, Lord Cooke, Mr. Holies, Mr. Papillon, Mr. Gwyn, Lord Falkland, Lord Sherrard, Mr. Bickerstaff, Mr. Henry Herbert, Mr. Edward Russel, Mr. Bromley, Mr. Thomas Fo ley, Sir Duncan Colchester, Mr. Lcvcson Gower, Mr. P, Fo- l?y, Sir Henry Capell, Sir Christopher .Musgrave, Mr, Sachevc. rel, Mr, Cooke, and Sir Thornas Littleton. OF ARTHUR HERBERT. 125 ininal to affirm it, he was generally famous in the navy. When he went down to take the command, in the spring of the year I69O, of the confederate fleet, his character stood as fair as any officer's could do ; and even the Dutch, in their relations, allowj that his conduct was very great in shifting and avoid-^ ing an engagement in pursuance of the advice of a touncil of war, founded upon the enemy's great su periority, till such time as he received positive orders to fight ; and then he shewed, likewise, great judg^ ment in the disposition he made for an engagementi We have little to add to the account we have already given of the action off Beachy-head on the 30th of June, except that in the battle there was not so much as one English man of Avar lost, and but one of the Dutch ; that, iu the whole course of the retreat, the earl of Torrington gave his orders with great pru dence, and in such a manner as prevented the French from making any great advantage of what they called a victory, notwithstanding the inequality of the fleets, and some unlucky, accidents that happened in spite of all the precautions that could be takeui Nei ther Avas his lordship at all discomposed, when upon his being sent for up to town^ he found so general a clamour raised against him, but, on the contrary, gave a very clear account of matters before the coun cil; insisted, that he had done all that was in his power to do, Avhich made him easy in his mind as to the consequences, being persuaded, that, of the two, it was much better for him to ruin himself than to ruin the fleet, as he absolutely must have done, ifhe had acted otherwise than he did. All he could say, however, had little effect at that time : so that he was committed to the Tower, aud commissioners were sent down to examine into the condition of the fleet, and to make tlie necessary enquiries for framing a charge against him, it being held absolutely requisite to bring him to a trial, that tlie justice of the nation might not suffer in the opi? 126 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS nion of her allies, the resentment of the Dutch having' ri.sen so high as to threaten pulling down the house' of Lord Dursley, who then resided at the Hague. When the parliament met, October the second, I69O, his Majesty was pleased to take notice in his speech, in a very particular manner, of the disaster that had happened off Beachy-head : and the para graph being but short, we shall insert it ; "I can not conclude without taking notice also how much the honour of the nation has been exposed by the ill conduct of my fleet in the last summer's engagement against.the French, and I think myself so much con cerned to see it vindicated, that I cannot rest satisfied = till an example has been made of such as shall be found faulty upon their examination and trial, which was not practicable Avhile the whole fleet was abroad, but is now put into the proper Avay of being done as soon as may be." But, notwithstanding this, the' proceedings against the earl of Torrington were not very expeditious, and, therefore, he applied himself by way of petition to the House of Peers, who took his case into consideration; but, after having fully debated itj left him to the ordinary course of pro ceedings, or, in other words referred him to a court martial. Yet, in order to the constituting of such a court,, as we have elsewhere observed, there were some difficulties to be got over, and those of such a nature as demanded the attention of the legislature, in order to effect which, a bill was brought in for vesting in the commissioners of the admiralty the same power in regard to granting commissions, Avhich Avas already vested by law in the lord high admiral of England, _ It may not be amiss to observe, that on the twen tieth of January, 1689, the king had appointed ^ n'ew board of admiralty, in which Thomas earl of Pem broke and Montgomery, was first lord instead of the- earl of Torrington, and Sir Michael Wharton Avas left out. On the fifth of June, I690, the board Avas OF ARTHUR HERBERT. 127 again changed, and augmented from fiv^e to seven. These were Thomas earl of Pembroke and Montgo mery, John, earl of Carbery, Sir Thomas Lee, Bart. Sir John Lowther, Bart, Edward Russel, Esq. Sir Richard Onslow, Bart, and Henry Priestman, Esq. and to this board it was that the intended act gave the power of appointing court martials for the trial of any officer of Avhat rank soever, as a lord high admiral might do. When this bill came to be read a third time in the house of peers, it occasioned very Avarm debates, many lords being of opinion, that it would have been better, if, instead of a new board, his Majesty had appointed a lord high admiral, in which case there would have been no need Avhatever of a new law; but at length, however, it was carried by a majority of two only ; upon which many of the lords entered their protests for the reasons given in the note below,* * " Because this bill gives a power to commissioners of the ad miralty to execute a jurisdiction, which, by the act of the thir teenth of Charles II, entitled. An act for establishing articles and orders for the regulating and better government of his Blajesty's navy, ships of war, and forces by sea, we conceive they had not; whereby the carl of Torrington may come to be tried for his life, for facts committed several months before this power was given or desired ; we think it reasonable that every man should be tried by that law that was known to bo in force when the crime was com mitted, " It is by virtue of the said act of the 13th of Charles II. that the earl of Torrington was judged by this house not to have the pri vilege of a peer of this realm for any offences committed against the said act ; and there is no other law, as we conceive, by which the said earl could have been debarred from enjoying the privilege of a peer of this realm ; which act making uo mention of commissioners of the admiralty, hut of a lord high admiral only, by whose autho- rity all the powers given by that act are to be exercised, and with out whose consent singly no sentence of death can be executed, we think it of dangerous consequence to expound a law of this capital nature otherwise than the literal words do import : and as we con. ceive it without precedent to pass even explanatory laws, much less such as have a retrospect in them in cases of life and death, so we think it not at all necessary to make such a precedent at this 128 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS As soon as the bill had passed both houses, and had received the royal assent, the earl of Torrington was removed out of the Tower into tbe custody of the marshal of the admiralty, where he had not been lono- before he brought his case into the House of Commons. This was done by a member's acquaint ing the house, that this noble peer was desirous of bemg heard at their bar in respect to the matter for which he Avas in custody. Upon this an order was made for his lordship's being brought thither the next day, the serjeant at arms Avas directed to serve the marshal of the admiralty with a copy of it, which he did accordingly; and, November the 12th, the house being informed, that his lordship was in the lobby,- directed him to be brought in by the serjeant, Avith the mace, to a chair set for him Avithin the bar on the left-hand of the house as he came in ; and having Sat down thereon for some time covered, and the mace being laid upon the table, his lordship rose, and stood at the back of the chair uncovered, and was heard before the house ; after which his lordship withdrew^ the mace attending him. This is all AVe meet Avith in the journal; but a writer of those times assures n§, that his lordship found himself so much embarrassed in the presence of that assembly, as not to be able to express himself as he intended ; upon which he acquainted the Com^' times there being an undoubted legal way already established tflf bring this earl to a trial by a lord high admiral. "Thirdly, the judges having unanimously declared, that the law marine was no where particularized in their books, whereby- the power or jurisdiction of the lord high admiral tnay be ascertain. ed, so that practice is all that we know of it; we conceive it un precedented, and of dangerous consequence, that the jurisdiction exerdsed by the lord high admiral should, by a lat^, be: declared to be in the commissioners of the admiralty, whereby an iJriknown and therefore Uiilimited power mdy be established in thettii *' Rivers, Huntingdon, Rochester, Weymotith, Stamford, Dartmouth, Oxford, Maccl^field, Thomas Rpffen, Crew, Bath, Grinville, Herbert, Craven, J. Eiton, Bolton, J, Bridgewater." OF ARTHUR HERBERT. 121^ n5ons, that, being- accustomed ratiier to act than to speak, he found himself at a loss for words, and there fore desired to make use of his papers, which was allowed him. He then took notice how early he had entered into his country's service ; how many years he had spent therein, and of his having spilled much blood, as well as been deprived of his eye, in their quarrel. He proceeded next to the loss he had sus tained for supporting*the Protestant religion, and the laws and hberties of England under King James II. Last of all, he spoke of the engagement Avith the French fleet off Beachy- Head, in respect to which he excused his not fighting, from the want of intelli gence, Avant of ammunition, shortness of wind, ine quality of numbers, and, in support of what he said, produced some letters ; but all this Avas of little or no use to his lordship. The house remitted him to that trial for Avhich the late act had made way, and of which the highest expectations were raised at home and abroad, the king being resolved not to embark for Holland till it was all over. Accordingly, Saturday the sixth of December, J 690, his lordship Aveut down to Sheerness in his yacht, the court-martial sitting there on board the Kent: on Monday, December' 8, Sir Ralph Dela\-ai, being in the chair as president, the commission Avas opened and read, and other prelimiuaries adjusted; after which the court adjourned to Wednesday the JlOth, when the Avitn esses were heard on the part of the crown, as well Dutch as English : bnt, notwith^ standing the loudness of the common reports, there was very little appeared in proof, though the court took all the pains they could to sift things to the bottom; his lordship then made his defence iu the manner that has been before-mentioned, insisted largely on the superiority of the French fleet, on the i^hjfting of the Avind, Avhich put it out of his power to succour the Dutch, on the care taken on securing i^ retreat, and the small advai)tage th^t the enemy \QL. III. K 130 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS reaped from their so much boasted success in this action, Avhich had drawn upon their admiral, Count Tourville, as many censures as upon himself, and Avith pretty much the same reason. After mature consideration, both of the charge, of his defence, and of the evidence offered, the court, nemine contra- dicente, acquitted him Avholly of any imputation what ever, from his conduct on that occasion. To which, Avhen required to sign it, they most steadily adhered. It is said, that a certain Dutch rear-admiral, who was present, expressed his resentment very Avarmly, and it is certain, the proceedings were quickly after printed in Dutch, with some animadversions. On Thursday, December the eleventh, the earl of Torrington returned to toAvn in his barge, with the union flag flying, as bearing still the king's commis sion of admiral and commander in chief. He re turned to his own house, where he received the com pliments of his friends, and the news, Avhich could not much surprise him, that his commission was su perseded. He was almost the only victim in that reign, for he never received any mark of favour, much less enjoyed any command afterwards. He came, however, in a few days to the House of Peers, Avhere he constantly attended for above tAventy years. after, Avithout altering his conduct in the least, which is a manifest proof that he Avas not governed by ca-price, but by principle. He was always on the side of the Crown, and very rarely in an opposition to its ministers ; sometimes, however, he Avas, and then he commonly protested, that the reasons of his opposi tion might appear, and that the Avorld might not ascribe his disagreement with men in power to pre judice or spleen. In matters tiiat related to the navy, he Avas generally most forAvard, and in respect to them, the house heard him with respect and atten tion, and upon such occasions he shewed himself commonly a' friend to strict discipline, and a frugal management in the navy. OF ANTHONY HASTINGS. I3l He raised, Avhile in employment, a considerable fortune, upon Avhich he lived in a manner becoming his rank, during the remainder of his life. His lord ship was tAvice married, but never had any children ; and at length, after having spent the latter part of his fife in as much privacy and quiet as he had done the fprmer scenes of it in action, he breathed his last, April the 13th, 1716, in a good old age, leaving the bulk of his estate to the right honourable Henry, earl of Lincoln, merely out of respect to that noble person's steady adherence to the same cause which the earl of Torrington supported during his Avhole life. These particulars, Avhich had hitherto lain scat»- tered in a variety of authors, we have, Avith the ut-? most diligence, gathered and digested according to the natural order of time, that the memory of so brave a man might not be altogether buried in ob livion, or that the clamour, which the best of judges thought without foundation, be as fatal to his fams after death, as while living it was to his poAver, ANTHONY HASTINGS Was descended from a very noble family \yhich derives its origin from'Robert De Hastings, the father of William, Steward of the Household to King Henry i. The grandson of WiUiam, who was also a Wil liam, was among the barons summoned to parliament by King John in the first year of his reign. This illustrious race intermarried with the immediate de- iscendants of sovereigns, both of England and France, In the year 1529, George, Lord Hastings, Avas created carl of Huntingdon. Anthony Hastings having entered into the navy, Avas, on the 17thof April 1666 appointed first lieutenant of tlv Assurance. On the commencejnentof the second Dutch war in 1,672, he •was made second lieutenant of the Cambridge; in which station he continued to serve till its conclus- 133 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS sion. In November I676, he was promoted to the command of the Quaker ketch : and when the rup ture Avith France Avas expected in I678, he became again a lieutenant, being appointed to the Harwich ; from which he Avas, on the 2d of May following, re moved to the same station in the Royal Charles, the ship on board which Sir John Kemptborne had hoisted his flag as vice-admiral of the fleet destined for Chan nel service.. The prospect of hostilities vanishing soon afterwards, and a life of inactivity not suiting Mr. Hastings's gallantry, he again solicited employment, which he procured, being appointed, on the 4th of November 1679, lieutenant of the James galley, one of the vessels soon afterwards stationed in the Medi terranean under Admiral Herbert. This commander, on the 23d of August I68O, removed bim into the Bristol; and on the 22d of April I68I, promoted him to the command of the Sapphire, In September fol lowing in company AA'ith the James galley, com manded by Captain Shovel, he fell in with and cap tured a large Algerine Corsair, called the Half-Moon, carrying thirty-two gTins, and three hundred and eighty men. Engagements with pirates, had always been long and desperate. This was rendered par ticularly obstinate from tlie lieutenant's being ati English renegado, Avho, knew, he could exjject no mercy. He Avas hanged immediately after the ene my's ship Avas taken possession of. From the time Captain Hastings quitted the command of the Ad venture, Avhich is a period not known, he does not appear to have been employed "till tlie very eve of the Revolution. On the 12tli of October 1688, he Avas appointed commander of the Woolwich, and had the fortune to capture two of the vessels of the Dutch armament which the fleet of Jaines, powerful as it Avas, Avas able to intercept. Notwithstanding he had thus faithfully adhered to the interest of his sovereign while he retained possession of the throne, he had patriotism sutficient to assist heartily in the revolution. OF JOHN NEVILLE, 133 and arrangement of government, which took place immediately on his deserting it, William was so Avell assured of his honour and integrity, that he pro moted him, after his accession, to the command of the Essex, of seventy guns. In the following year he Avas removed into the Sterling Castle, which he commanded at the battle of Beachy Head. The year 1691 ingloriously passed away without any engagement, the French avoiding a second trial of their prowes,s, in which they might probably lose the little temporary credit they had gained the preceding summer. The year I692 Avill ever be remembered, by Englishmen, as the £era of one of those victories Avhich have established, on a foundation not to be shaken, her naval ci'edit and consequence. At the battle of La llogue Captain Hastings commanded the Sandwich, of ninety guns, and fell, towards the con clusion of the first day's fight, having deservedly ac quired, and uniformly supported the character of a bra\'e and fuly honest man. His body was brought a-shore at' Portsmouth, and conveyed to London for interment. JOHN NEVILLE Was, as it were, by descent a naval commander, his ancestor being Gilbert Dq Neville, a Norman, who Avas admiral of the fleet to William, surnamed the Conqueror. John Ne\'ille was the great-grandson of Henry Neville, seventh Lord of AbergaA'enny ; and going early in life to sea, Avas, in the year I673, made lieutenant of the Ruby, a ship of fifty-four guns taken from the French Jby Sir Thomas Allen. After various removals he was, on the 14th of August iGi^d, commissioned to the Crown, in which ship he sailed for Cadiz ami tlie Mediterranean on the 26th of the same month, under the command of Sir Roger Strick land; and he returned to Europe with that admiral in 184 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS the beginning of the folIoAving year. On the ^5th of September 1688, he Avas appointed to command the Elizabeth. The preparations of the prince of Orange- alarming all the fears of James, he adhered strenuously to the former, AVhich is the less to be wondered at in him, as, independently of every other consideration, he had a strong personal attachment to Herbert, after Avards earl of Torrington, the first and most zealou^ among the partizans of William, At the battle off BeachyTHead he commanded the Sovereign, being chosen by Torrington as an officer of Avhose abilities he entertained the highest opinion, and in whose friendship, he placed the most unlimite'd and wel^ deserved confidence, a confidence lie appears to have merited, as Avell by his gallantry, as by the clear and honest testimony he bore, in spite of clamour, to the earl's prudence, ability and fortitude. The services of Captain Neville were not confined to the duties of a naval command, for, in the month of October l690j following the example of the brave duke of Grafton, he landed, as a volunteer, at Cork, Avhich Avas then besieged by the English army under the earl of Marlborough. He Avas present at the attack of the breach made by Brigadier Churchill, and, as the post of most honour and danger, marched, with the grena diers under Lord Colchester, who led the assault. In the month of July 1693, he A\'as promoted to be rear- admiral of the blue ; and having hoisted his flag on board the Neptune, sailed with a small squadron into the North sea, to counteract any equipment the French might make from Dunkirk. He Avas soon recalled and sent, in the month of December follow ing, to- the Straits under the command of Sir Fran^ eis Wheeler. He hoisted his flag on board the Royal Oak, and narrowly escaped destruction in that dread ful storm, on the lt)th of February, Avh en Sir Francis perished, Avitli his ship, the Sussex, and several others of his squadron, Neville saw the danger and used ^very means to acquaint his companions of it, but OF JOHN NEVILLE, 135 unhappily Avith little success. He having the Straits open, stood through them to the westward; and run ning over to the Barbary shore, under Avhich he had smooth water and Av^as protected from the violence of Avind, here he continued in safety till the Aveather be came moderate, and he Avas enabled to stand back to Gibraltar, Avhere he received the melancholy intelli gence of his admirafs misfortune. The shattered re mains of the squadron being collected, it was resolved to return to Cadiz to refit. The latter end of June Admiral Russel arrived from England, and dispatched a frigate into Cadiz, with orders to Mr, Neville to join him off Cape Spartel ; Avhich he did on the 30th of June. The fleet continued its course to the Medi terranean. In the month of February, 1694, or early in March, Rear-admiral Neville was detached, Avith a strong squadron, to cruize off Cape Spartel, that he might intercept any squadron Tourville might attempt to send through the Straits to Brest. The French admiral having too much caution to risk so hazardous a measure, the cruise was fruitless. On his return, the Avhole fleet sailed again for the Mediterranean ; and the rear-admiral Avas detached with a squadron to Final, to convoy from thence to Catalonia several thousand German and Italian troops which Avere to serve in that province. He sailed from Final on the 23d of June, and Avas met by the main fleet, under Russel, off Toulon, Thej' proceeded together to Bar celona, Avhere they arrived on the 19th of July. The dilatoriness of the Spaniards proved a severe impedi ment to the operations, .so that, notwithstanding every possible assistance that could be rendered them by Neville, Avho had been connected with them, as Avell as every other aid on a larger scale that could be afforded them by Russel, the campaign ended as dis gracefully to them as their want of energy and spirit could render, it. No probability existing of farther service, the allied fleet returned to Cadiz. In the month of October Sir George Rooke, who was 150 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS appointed to relieve Russel, arrived at Cadiz; &M Neville having removed his flag into the Neptune continued to serve with him in the same station he had under his predecessor. During the ensuing sum mer Mr. Neville was employed as commander of a small cruising squadron stationed between Cape Clear and Cape Finisterre for the protection of our com merce, Avhich commerce having sustained no signal disaster during this period, as it is a convincing proof of the vice-ad mirars attention, so is that attention an object of sufficient consequence and praise. In the month of October he Avas promoted to be a vice- admiral, and appointed commander-ii>chief in the Mediterranean, He accordingly sailed on the 3d of November, with a squadron of fifteen English and Dutch ships of war, having a fleet of merchant-men bound for Cadiz under, his conA'oy. During his passage he met with such unfavourable weather, that his whole fleet Avas separated and dispersed. Several of the merchant-vessels were lost ; and the remainder, together vi'ith the ships of war, arrived at Cadiz, at different periods, and in a shattered state. The fleet had scarcely sailed from England, when intelligence was receiA^ed in England^ that the French court had formed a project, of surprising the Spanish galleons. This Avas to be executed by a squadron dispatched from Europe under the command of the Sieur Pointis, to co-operate Avith IM. Du Casse, Avho Avas already at Hispaniola and had himself planned the expedition. The Spaniards being at that time the allies of Eng land, it became necessary to support, and, protect them, A small force Avas dispatched, under Com modore Mees, to Madeira ; and the vice-admiral Avas directed, by secret instructions, to join it with the Mediterranean squadron, after he had convoyed a fleet of homcAvard bound merchant-ships to a certain latitude. This junction being effected, the admiral arrived safe at Barbadoes on tlie 17tii of April l6g7; but the fleet was dispersed, though without any ill- OF JOHN NEVILLE- tS7 Consequence attending the separation, for the greatest part of the ships, the Dutch excepted, arrived in the West Indies before the commander-in-chief. The Dutch joining him afterwards, he went down to An tigua, which he reached on fhe 3d of May. It Avas here resolved, in a council of Avar, to proceed to Porto Rico Avith all possible dispatch, in order to protect the galleons. However, before the fleet could reach its destination, intelligence AA'^as received that M. De Pointis had sailed from Hispaniola Avith a force of twenty-six ships of different rates. This news occa sioned an alteration of measures ; and it Avas unani mously agreed to proceed to Jamaica, to protect the island, which was now thought one of the first ob jects of the French attack. On the 15th of Ma}-, the squadron being off the east end of the island, the vice-admiral received information by a sloop, that a report prevailed of the French squadron having attacked Carthagena : in consequence of Avhich in telligence he stayed no longer at Port Royal than was necessary to take on board a supply of Avater. This being done, he sailed for Carthagena, attempting to pass through the leeward passage. Contrary Avinds blowing from a quarter very unusual in that part of the Avorld, retarded his progress many days, During the interA'al a sloop came in, that left Porto Bello with the galleons, which were fifteen in number, and Avere then making for Jamaica to get a supply of provisions, of Avhich they were much in want. The vice-admiral dispatched two sloops in search of them, Avith infor mation that he was then on the point of proceeding to Carthagena in search of De Pointis, and shoukl from thence soon return to Jamaica. On the 27th of May, the allied squadron being about half channel over in its Avay to Carthagena, got sight of De Poin tis, Avho was on his return to Europe laden Avith plun der. *' The vice-admiral immediately gave chace ; and the^Warwick, one of the squadron, got so near as to engage, one of the French ships, which being the 138 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS better sailer of the two unfortunately effected his escape. The Warwick, hoAvever, captured a fly-boat, on board Avhich was found plate to the value of two hundred thousand pounds, a most unequivocal proof of the immense treasure Avhich the French were bear ing off. The pursuit was continued five days Avith out effect, Avhen five of the ships, among which Avere those of the two admirals, having sprung their top masts and sustained damage in their sails and yards, the vice-admiral very reluctantly discontinued a pur suit, from which there was so little prospect of suc cess. Disappointed in his hope of engaging the enemy, and depriving them of their ill-acquired Avealth, he turned his thoughts to Carthagena, Avhi ther he resoh'ed to shape his course, to see if the galleons Avere safe, and ifhe could render any service to the Spaniards, in their then distressed state. The fleet next proceeded to Hispaniola, and on its passage thither had the good fortune, which was almost the only instance iu which any had attended it during the voyage, to capture several vessels and some of the enemy's privateers, tAVO or three of which Avere of considerable force. Three days after the fleet arriA'ed at Hispaniola, the governor of Jamaica suggested an expedition against Petit-Guavas ; Rear-admiral Mees Avas accordingly detached on that service, in which he Avas completely successful. Mr. Neville having Avooded and watered his squadron, sailed in search oi Mees, Avhom he joined the 50th of June. He then steered for Jamaica, intending, to proceed to the Havannah in quest of the galleons, of Avhich he had as yet received no authentic information. On the 17th of July Rear-admiral Mees died, an event, which was the less extraordinary as a most dismal mortality prevailed both among the officers and men. On the 22d of the same month IMr. Neville, Avith the squadron, arrived oft' the Havannah. He imme diately made his situation and Avants known to the governor, Avho not only peremptorily refused the fleet OF JOHN NEVILLE. 139 admittance into the port, but denied that relief to necessitous distress Avhich, putting every other con sideration aside, humanity alone ought to have taught him to administer. As an additional affront to the honour of the British nation, when the A'ice-admiral informed the general of the galleons, Avhich had reached the Havannah in safety, that he was arrived there in order to conduct and convoy them to Europe, for Avhich purpose alone the expedition had been under taken, the Spaniard in plain terms, excused himself from accepting the protection offered, by returning for answer, that he had received no instructions that warranted him in accepting his protection. The be haviour of the Spaniards, added to the ill-success that appears uniformly to have attended this expedition, brought a dejection of spirits on the vice-admiral Avhich at last terminated in a fever. This encreased during bis passage to Virginia, Avhither he repaired Avith his squadron, to seek that refreshment which the allies of his country had denied him ; although the ships he commanded had many of them, been pur posely equipped, and all of them dispatched to en counter an enemy, and, what Avas much more for midable, disease, for the special succour of those allies, and to preserve their property from destruc tion. The death of the vice-admiral, Avhich took place soon after he reached Virginia, closes this melancholy scene : a death, occasioned more by grief than distemper. He had flattered himself that the protection of the Spanish treasure, as it formed the principal object of his instructions, would obli terate the remembrance of those disappointments Avhich he had before encountered, and which he knew Avere fully sufficient to excite the clamour and discontent of his countrymen. Disappointed in this, his last hope, and reflecting, Avith heart-felt sorrow, on the Httle service efiected by a squadron, so strong as that put under his command, feelingly sensible of the fruitless expenditure of his country's treasure on 149 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS this occasion, and truly commiserating the many brave men Avho had ignobly fallen a prey to an inhos pitable, and unwholesome climate, he sunk under this accumulated grief, regretted by all who knew him, as a man of courage, ability, and integrity, and against whom the only charge the bitterest of his enemies could with propriety make, Avas, that he was unfortunate. SIR FRANCIS WHEELER. This gentleman Avas the descendant of a family of some antiquity and very respectable possessions in the county of Kent, HaA'ing early attached himself to a sea-faring life, he Avas, on the 30th of April 1678, appointed second lieutenant of the Rupert, by Vice- admiral Herbert, who was second in command on the Mediterranean station. On May Jth, 1679, he was promoted by Sir J, Narborough, commander-in-chief on that station, to be first lieutenant of the same ship. He appears to have long continued on the Mediterranean station, as we find him removed by Admiral Herbert, Avho had attained the chief com mand there, to be first lieutenant of the Bristol on the 6th of April 1680. On the 1 1 th of September following he was promoted, by the same admiral, to be commander of the Nonsuch. In May 1681, while captain of this ship, a circumstance occurred, in it self, indeed, inconsiderable, but from the singular consequences that attended it. The Adventure, Cap tain Booth, Avas engaged with an Algerine corsair, who was on the point of submitting when the appearance of the Nonsuch, Avhich was conceived by the enemy to be a ship of their own nation, induced a longer and very gallant resistance, till, at the daAvn of the following day, Captain Wheeler, having hoisted Eng lish colours, took possession of the pirate, Avho made not the least resistance. On the 9th of August foi- OF SIR FRANCIS WHEELER. 141 lowing, Captain Wheeler was removed into the Kings- fisher, a ship of the same rate, but superior force and size. In the month of October he fell in with the Admiral of Sally, a stout ship and commanded by a man who behaved with a resolution worthy of a more honourable cause than tbat in which he fought. The engagement was obstinate ; but after it had continued some hours the corsair struck, and had in the action received so much damage that she sunk very soon after Captain Wheeler had taken possession of her. On the 25th of August 1683, he was made com mander of the Tyger, and Avas re-commissioned to the same A'essel on the 4th of May 1688, In Sep tember 1688, Avhen the attack about to be made by the prince of Orange, Avas raised from suspicion to almost an absolute certainty. Captain Wheeler Avas appointed, by King James, to command the Cen turion, and, as one of the last public acts of his sovereignty, Avas removed by the same prince, on the l6th of November following, into the Kent, He received the honour of knighthood about this time, and did not long continue in the Kent, as we find him, in the month of April, commanding, as Sir .Francis Wheeler, the Rupert. He Avas dispatched from Portsmouth, to join Admiral Herbert; but the action Of Bantry Bay had taken place, and Herbert was on his return to port before Sir Francis was clear of the channel. He had, however, the good fortune not to return unsuccessful, having captured a large and valuable merchant-ship from St. Domingo, bound to Brest. In the month of July he Avas detached by Admiral Herbert, lately created earl of Torrington, with twelve ships of Avar of different sizes, to look into Brest harbour and watch the motions of the French fleet in that port. He had the good fortune during the short time he Avas employed on this ser vice, to capture a French ship of war, bound Avith dispatches from the late King James to France, and twenty-six other A'essels, from France, bou^nd to Ire- 142 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS ' land, laden Avith stores, provisions, and ammunition, for that prince's army. At the battle off Beachy Head he commanded the Albemarle of ninety guns, the tenth ship in the Bri- tish line, and had now attained so high a character, that, in 1692, he Avas, although a very young offi, cer, made rear-admiral of the blue, and appointed commander-in-chief of a squadron sent to the West Indies, Avith a privilege, which had been for some years disused, of wearing the union flag at his main top-mast head as soon as he was clear of soundings. The squadron, arrived on the 26th of January 1692-3 at Madeira, but did not reach Barbadoes till the 1st of March, It Avas there resolved in a council of war that Martinico should be immediately attacked ; and information Avas, in consequence, dispatched to General Codrington, of the arrival of the squadron, that he mijiht collect the forces, intended to be raised by the colonies as auxiliaries to the regular troops sent from Europe, The fleet, having taken on board the troops raised at Barbafloes, sailed from thence on the ^Gth^of March, and anchored in the Cui de Sac Marine at Martinico on the 1st of April, The necessary dispositions for landing the troops being made on the l6th, they were all put on shore on the following day, and after a few inconsiderable skir mishes with the enemy, possessed themselves of an eminence which gave them the command of all the adjacent country, On the following day the field- pieces were landed, and on the 19th the enemy hazarded a sally on some of the out- posts : they Avere, however, driven hack with considerable loss, and in pai-ticular that of their commanding officer. Thus far every thing appears to ha\'e worn a favourable aspect ; but, as is almost universally the case in ex peditions of this nature, the troops began at this time to grow sickly, and in so gieat a degree that, at a 'Council of Avar held on the 20th, it was resolved not to attempt the fort, Avhich Avas a regular fortification, OF SIR FRANCIS WHEELER. 143 but to re-embark the troops, and repair with them to Dominica, Avhere they might get water; and where, it Avas hoped, the mortality Avhich prevailed, might be, in some degree, stopped. Such Avas the end of an expedition, on the success of which the greatest ex pectations had been formed at home, and in which the loss by the sword did not exceed one hundred and twenty men, while, during fhe same period, nearly a thousand either absolutely fell miserable victims to disease, or Avere rendered incapable of service. On his return, Sir Francis, was almost immediately pro moted to be rear-admiral of the red, and soon after wards to be commander-in-chief in the Mediterranean, a preferment which he obtained purely by his merit. The squadron destinedfortheStraits, Avhich Avasput un- -der his command in the month of November, consisted of twenty ships, of war and frigates: but Sir Francis was still the child of misfortune ; he was detained a month by contrary Avinds and the want of stores, so that he did not sail till the 27th of December ; and even then is said, to have been obliged to leave be hind two or three of his smaller ships to convoy the store-ships and victuallers, which were destined to attend him but were not ready to sail. On die 29th he was joined, off Plymouth, by the Warspight and Chatham, with about twenty merchant-ships from the same port bound to the Straits, This passage was very favourable and expeditious, for on the 4th of January, the fleet had advanced as far as Cape Finisterre; at which time Sir Francis detached the ships bound to Oporto, Avitli a proper convoy to attend them. Two days afterwards, having received information that five French ships of Avar were Cruising between the rock of Lisbon, and Cape St. Vincent, he ordered, five third and fourth rates, together vvith a fire-ship, to attend the Lisbon and St. Ubes ships into those ports. After this, the fleet being then near Cape St. Vincent, four large French ihips were seen at the close of the evening; Sir 144 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS Francis instantiy made the signal for a proper num ber of his ships to chace; but the French ships out sailing those which were detached in pursuit of them, and very foul, thick Aveather coming on, a signal was made for the ships to discontinue the chace, in order that they might not lose company Avith the fleet. In consequence of the enemy's too successful flight, it Avas immediately resolved, in a council of Avar, that Rear-admiral Neville, in the Royal Oak, with. the Warspight, York, Chatham, and two Dutch ships of seventy guns each, with two fire-ships, should stand away for Cape St, Vincent in hopes of faUing in with the French and haA'ing cruised in that station some days they should endeavour to join the ships of war which were expected to return about that time, from convoying the Lisbon and St. Ubes fleet. They Avere, all to proceed in company for Cadiz. The admiral arrived at Cadiz, having had the good fortune, which appears to have been the greatest instance of it that ever attended him through life, of carrying safe into Cadiz one hundred and sixty-five merchant-ships under his convoy, the whole number except one that had sailed with him from England, Sir Francis, having appointed the convoy which Avas to return to England under the command of Vice-admiral Hop- son, put to sea on the 10th of February, intend ing to sail for the Mediterranean ; but the Avind coming contrary, he Avas obliged to bear away for the Bay of Bulls, Avhere he anchored, On the 17th he sailed again, and lay 'to the same evening off Gibraltar Avith the Aviiid at west; about two the next morning he again made sail Avith the Avind northerly. About seven the wind suddenly came round to the southward, but soon flew back to the northward again. Before eight it blew hard from the east-north-east, accompanied Avith much thunder and rain ; and soon increased to such a storm that the fleet was obliged to bear, away to the southAvard. In the course of the following night the ships of th^ OF HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON. J45 squadron were all dispersed ; many of them misr taking the Bay of Gibraltar for the Straits' mouth, were driven on shore and totally lost; others, who escaped that species of destruction, experienced a fate no less horrible, by foundering at sea. Among this number was the Sussex, the admiral's ship, every person on board of which perished, twb Moors ex cepted. " Thus perished," says his biographer, "and in a way which even his enemies must have la mented, the brave, though unfortunate. Sir Fiancis Wheeler, a man, from the undeserved clamour raised against him, most truly entitled to universal com passion; but that the calumny of discontented men leaves behind it no stain. The sponge of time washes off the temporary soil, nor suffers the smallest trace to remain of its having ever existed. The body was embalmed, and sent to England for interment." HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON. Henry, Duke of Grafton, the first Avho bore that title was the natural son of King Charies II, by Barbara Villiers, duchess of Cleveland, and was born on the 20th of September 1 663. He was made a peer of England in August 1672, by the titles of Baron of Sudbury, Viscount Ipswich, and Earl cf Euston, all in the county of Suffolk; and in Sep tember 1675, was created Duke of Grafton, in the county of Northampton. Discovering great propen sity to the naval service, he went early to sea as a volunteer under Sir John Berry ; so that, having been on the 31st of August I68O, elected knight-com panion of the most noble order of the garter, being then at sea, he was obliged to be installed by his proxy, Sir Edward Villiers, knight, afterwards Earl Jersey, This ceremony took place on the 30th of September following. On the 15th of December VOL. Ill, L lid HISTORICAL MEMOIRS 1681, he was elected, by the corporation of the "rri- nity House, one of their elder brethren; and was ap pointed colonel of the first regiment of foot guards! His promising talents, and zeal to distinguish him self, were such as to induce his royal father to de clare him, on the 13th of January 1683-4, when he Avas not yet twenty years old, vice-admiral of Eng land. This office was merely honorary, and of a civil nature, so that we are not to be surprised at finding him appointed a private captain, as com^ mander of tbe Grafton, a third-rate of scA'enfy guns, on the 18th of April 1683, In the same month he Avas constituted admiral and commander-in-chief of his Majesty's fleet in the narrow seas. On the 20th of October 1664, he Avas sworn recorder of St, Ed- mondsbury, in Suffolk, an honorary, and introduc tory appointment to that more eminent one of lord'^ lieutenant of the same county, which he received on the 6th of May 1685, He was also invested with the otfices of remembrancer of the first-frilits, ranger of Whittlebury-forest in Northamptonshire, and game keeper at Newmarket, He was constituted lord high-constable of England for the caronation of his natural uncle, King Jaines If, When his half- brother, Monmouth, landed in the Avest, the duke's regiment formed a part of the army, sent down to oppose him. His grace accompanietl them as their colonel, and behaved with great gallantry at the ac tion in Philips-Norton-lane, in Somersetshire, where he had a very narroAv escape. Soon after the landing of tlie prince of Orange,' the duke A\'as one of the Protestant peers, then iri London, who, in conjunction with the archbishops of York and Canterbury, signed a petition to King James, "that in deep sense of the miseries of war, &c, they thought themselves bound in conscience; and out of the duty they OAve to God, their -holy re ligion, &c. most humbly to offer to his Majesty, that, in' their opinions, the only visible way to preserve his OF HENRY, DURE OF GRAFTON. 147 Mjyesty, and his kingdom Avould be the calling a par liament regular and free in all respects." His grace, Avith the Lord Churchill, were the first who resorted to the standard of the prince of Orange. This they ef fected on the 19th of November, at the time King James was at Salisbury. The early countenance shewn to a weak and infant cause was repaid by the prince with his most unlimited confidence; so that when James withdrew from Whitehall, the duke Avas disr patched from the camp, at Henley, to take possession of Tilbury-Fort with his regiment of foot-guards. As a proof of the moderation of the duke's principles, and his hope that some future alteration of conduct might reconcile the people of England to their former sove reign, Avhen, after the meeting of the convention it came to be debated in theHouse of Peers, " whether, the throne being vacant, it ought to be filled up by a regent or a king ?" the duke was one of the forty- nine Avho voted for a regent. The sense of his countrymen was against him ; and, too wise to op pose the general wish, he hesitated not, and, indeed, he appears to have been influenced by the foregoing considerations only, to acknowledge the prince and princess of Orange, king and queen of Great Britain. His example Avas immediately followed by the, duke of Ormond, the duke of Northumberland, and others of scarcely less honourable note. At the coronation of his new soA'ereigns he carried the orb : and soon afterwards returning to the naval service, after haA' ing, more than once, been appointed admiral of the fleet, and having held for, several years the commis sion of vice-admiral of England, we find him in the station of a captain as once more commander of the Grafton, at the battle off" Beachy-Head, He distin guished himself during this unfortunate and unequal contest in. no less eminent a degree than might well be expected from a man of great courage and gal lantry. He sailed in the month of September folloAV- ing for Cork, still holding the same station and com- l2 148 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS "mand as before. His active spirit, and thirst of glory led him to head the troops which were landed at Passage on the 23d of the same month. A breach being effected by the 28th, and the enemy shewing no disposition to capitulate, four battalions, under Brigadier Churchill, were ordered to stonn it. The grenadier companies, commanded by Lord Colches ter, ledithevan. The duke of Grafton, and several other naval officers, inspired by his example, ac companied them, as volunteers, on this desperate service. The attack was too violent to leave room for long resistance : the enemy abandoned their works, and beat a parley, though not before the brave and unfortunate duke had received a desperate wound, of which he died on the ninth of October following. As soon as the city of Cork had capitu lated, the greatest part of the fleet returned, and the duke was left Avith the chief command, a trust which he did not, as has been just related, long enjoy, and which, indeed, he was never in a condition to under take. His corpse Avas brought to England in the ship be had comrnanded, and buried at Euston, in Suffolk, His grace married the Lady Isabella, only daughter, and, at length, heiress to Henry Bennet, earl of Ariington, viscount Thetford, &c. By this lady he had issue one son only, Charles, earl of Eus"- ton, born the 25th of November 1683, Avho succeeded his father as duke of Grafton. SIR JOHN ASHBY Was descended from a family in a mercantile line, which had been, for a considerable time, settled at Lovvestoffe, in the county of Suffolk. His first ap pointment in the navy Avas as lieutenant of the Ad venture : this Avas in the year 1665. In 1667 he Avas removed, in the same station, on board the Princess: OF SIR JOHN ASHBY. 149 and in October 1668 was promoted, by the duke of York, to the command of the Deptford ketch. In 1670 he was still farther promoted to the Advice, a fourth rate. In 1671 he was removed into the Rain bow; and in the following year into the Pearl, a frigate of twenty-eight guns. In February 1 672-3, on his re turn from Jersey, whither be had carried Sir Thomas Morgan, newly appointed governor thereof, he fell in with a large privateer, of equal force, belonging to Middleburgh, An action took place; and conti nued upwards of two hours, when the Dutchman was completely vanquished : but the wind Avas at that time so violent as totally to prevent the Pearl's boats from boarding her ; Captain Ashby Avas con sequently robbed of his prize. As some consolation under this disappointment, he next day retook the RubA', a ship of two hundred tons and twenty guns, that had been captured a few days before by a Dutch privateer off Scilly. On the 21st of June following he was promoted, by Prince Rupert, to command the Lyon,- as successor to Captain Fowles, Avho had fallen in the action of the 28th of May. Early in the year 1685, he Avas made captain of the Mon tague ; from Avhich ship he was, on the 27th of Sep tember in the same year, removed into the Henrietta guard-ship ; and again, on the 6th of March follow ing into the Mordaunt. On the 15th of September 1688 he Avas appointed to the Defiance, one of the ships fitted for channel service, under Lord Dart mouth, Warmly attached to the constitutional li- lierty of his country, immediately on the revolution taking place he became a firm adherent to William 111, He continued to qommand the Defiance, and led the van of the squadron, at the battle of Bantry Bay. His gallantry was so conspicuous on this occasion, that Avhen King William Avent to Portsmouth for tiie special purpose of thanking all, and rewarding those whose behaviour had been more particularly noticed, he conferred on Captain Ashby the honour of knight- 150 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS hood ; and, as a farther token of his esteem, pre sented him Avith a Avatch set Avith diamonds. In the month of July following, he was promoted to be rear-admiral of the blue, and went to sea in that sta tion Avhen the fleet sailed under Lord Torrington : but no action took place during the remainder of the yeaf. In the foUoAving spring the French, elated with the trivial appearance of advantage, that they had recently gained, left no effort untried to fit out a fleet so formidable as to bid defiance to the force of the English, and pursue, at least in idea, that scheme of conquest which Louis XIV. so chimerically pleased himself with the hope of The fleet of France consisted of eighty-two ships of the line, besides frigates, fire-ships, and small vessels. The com bined fleets of England and Holland, Avhich were to oppose this formidable force, consisted of no more than fifty-six ships under the chief command of Herbert, earl of Torrington., Sir John. Ashby; who had been raised to the rank of vice-admiral of the red, served in that station during this engage ment, and led the van of the earl of Torrington's division ; but he was totally free from any part of that censure which Avas so loudly excited by the failure of success, and Avhich roused the indignation and violence of party against the great but unfortunate earl of Torrington. When the earl of Torriugton had effected his retreat, he left the command of the fleet witb Sir John Ashby, and repaired to London, having first given the necessary instructions how to act in case the French should attempt to force their way up the Thames, There was no necessity for this precaution, for the French, satisfied with a no- minal triumph, retired to their own coasts, and were seen no more in the Channel. But to have been honoured with such a command, and at so critical a period, is a convincing proof how high the abili ties of Sir John were estimated both by his comman der-in-chief, and the piiblic. ¦'It was thought neces- •OF SIR JOHN ASHBY. 151 .-^ary, Avhen the fleet again put to sea, to invest the chief command in three persons Avho should jointly execute the office ; these Avere Sir Richard Haddock, Vice-admiral Killegrew, and Sir John Ashby; they hoisted their flag on boaixl the Royal Sovereign, But no enemy appearing, the first and second rates Avere sent into port in consequence of the near approach of winter ; and the joint admirals, Avith the remain der of the fleet, having taken on board the earl of Marlborough and a body of land-fpices, steered for Ireland, where they quickly reduced the city of Cork and town of Kingsale, the two principal posts held for King James in the southern part of that kingdom. In the following year every exertion Avas made to re trieve the disgrace of the preceding one, by sending a powerful fleet to sea early in the spring. The chief command of it was bestowed on Admiral Russel; ^nd Sir John Ashby AVas appointed to serve under him as vice-admiral of the red. But the French, sa tisfied with the honour they had already gained, gave the combined fleets of England and Holland no pos sible opportunity of r;etaliating upon them, for their temporary triumph and much-boasted victory. Early in the year 1692 Sir John Ashby was promoted to be admiral of the blue; and the French court having projected an invasion of England, in order to pro mote the cause and interests of the late King James, Admiral Russel put to sea on the 1 6th of May, in order to counteract and defeat their intentions. The two fleets met on the 19th of the same month,' an epoch ever to be remembered as the day ou which the French fleet were totally defeated, and a final period put to the hopes of the exiled sovereign. Hazy Aveather, and a calm, prevented a considerable part of the combined fleet, Avhich was much more numerous than that of the French, from closing with them; so that the force actually brought into action with tiie enemy, was considerably inferior to them. The blue squadron in particular, never had any op- 1.M HISTORICAL MEMOIRS portunity of engaging till six o'clock in the CA'cning, an hour after the French line was broken. Joining at that time in the pursuit, the squadron under Sir- John Ashby had the merit of completing that con fusion which the gallantry of their companions had so successfully been the first occasion of. The pur suit continued on the twentieth, and on the twenty- first, several of the enemy's ships being closely pressed by Sir John, ran, at the utmost hazard, through the race of Alderney. It was not deemed advisable to pur sue them, as the pilots refused to take charge of the ships any longer if their commanders should persist in steering: so dangerous a course. This broken rem- nant of the French fleet made good its retreat into St. Maloe's ; and ^heir good fortune exposed Sir John. to much obloquy : but he had the happiness to clear himself in the handsomest manner, from every pos sible imputation both on his courage and his general conduct. A few day.-^ after the action, he was de tached, by Admiral Russel, Avith tweh'e ships of the line and three fire-ships ; to which were added an equal number of Dutch ships, to scour the coast of France, and endeavour to destroy such ships of their broken squadrons as might have taken refuge in their inferior ports. He returned soon afterwards without having met Avith any success, owing, merely, to the very advantageous situation of the enemy; and what Avas, perhaps, a still greater protection to them, a series of storms and tempests. Certain intelligence having been received thatxthe French vice-admiral of the blue had got safe into St. Maloe's with twenty^ five ships besides the flag, Sir John Ashby was again detached, with one first-rate, six second-rates, ser ven teen third-rates, one fourthTrate, and four fire- Ships, together with several Dutch ships ofwar. He Avas ordered over to the coast of Fiance, and irt- fctructed to cruisp abouj fifteen leagues north from the west end of the Isle of pas, so that, by station ing some of his ships nearer the shore, he might OF SIR JOHN ASHBY. 163 intercept any of the enemy's ships that should en deavour to pass from St. Maloe's to Brest. He re mained on this station, as long as the weather permit ted him, but again without success. When the parlia ment met, the late memorable action, and its conse quences, were among the first subjects of discussion. On the 19th of November he was examined at the bar of the House of Commons relative to the escape of the French ships into St. Maloe's, and gave so sa tisfactory an account of the proceedings of the ships under his command both in, and after the engage ment, that the speaker, by direction of the House, informed him they were much pleased with his very ingenuous behaviour. Honourably acquitted from the A'ery unfounded charge of misconduct, he return ed, in the ensuing spring, to his coUimand, The office and rank of admiral of the fleet M'as again vested in three persons, Henry Killegrew, Esq. Sir Cloudesley Shovel, and Sir Ralph Delaval, as it had been in the year I69O, after tbe action off Beachy Head, Experience shewed, that however, high the three joint commanders-in-chief might individually stand in the opinion of the people, and howevt-r ca pable each of them, separately, might liave been to so extensive a charge, the office is of such a nature as does not admit of its being divided, or executed vvith propriety and energy by more than one person. The possibility of shifting the charge of any supposed misconduct from one to the other is, by that means, totally obviated ; the nation can resort at once to the author of its di.sgrace and misfortune; and the ad miral-in-chief himself, while he is conscious of the high trust vvith which he is invested, exerts, in their utmost extent, his abilities and spirit, knowing that the smallest failure iu his enterprise endangers, for ever, his credit and honour. The misfortune which marked the naval transactions of this year; •viz. the capture of the Tm-key fleet has prevent ed, ever since, a repetition of the same absurdity.' 154 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS Thedeath of Sir John prevented the mortification of his hearino- the misfortune which befel his very gal lant brother commander, Rooke, in Lagos Bay, the news of which did not arrive till four days after his decease. His body was interred at Portsmouth, where he died ; but being afterwards taken up, Avas finally buried in Lowestoff church, where a hand some monument has been erected to his memory, with the following inscription : Sacred to the memory of Sir John Ashby, Knight, Prefect at the courts of Sandgate ; On ¦whom, for his unshaken fidelity and approved' of Valour, in the engagement with the French, at Bantree Bay, Where he gloriously fought for his king and country, His Majesty conferred the honour of knighthood. He afterwards gave many signal examples of his bravery and skilfulness in naval affairs ; By which he obtained the post of admiral and commander In chief of the royal navy, and general of marines. Adorned with these honours. He exchanged earthly glory for immortality, 12th July, 1693, EDWARD RUSSEL, EARL OF ORFORD, Was the son of Edward Russel, fourth son of Francis, earl of Bedford, by Penelope his wife, daughter of Mo.ses Hill, Esq, and widow of Sir Wil liam Brooke, Knt, Being destined by his father for the sea-service, he received an education suitable to the pursuit ; and, entering at a very eariy age into the navy as a volunteer, Avas, Avhen nineteen years old, appointed lieutenant of the Advice ; this was in the year 1671. On the commencement of the .se cond Dutch war, he Avas appointed third lieutenant of the Prince, at that 'time fitting for the flag of OF EDWARD RUSSEL, isS Sir Edward Spragge. On the 15 th of February, 1675, he was appointed commander of the Reserve, and soon afterwards sent on the Mediterranean station. He continued there several years, but without having an opportunity of achieving any considerable exploit. On the 15th of December, 1677, he was removed into the Defiance ; and, in March following, into the Swiftsure, He was appointed, on the lOth of August, 1680, commander of the Newcastle; and, from the time he quitted the command of this ship, a period not exactly known, till after the revolution, there is a total vacancy in his naval, though not in his political life. Soon after the accession of King William, Mr. Russel was promoted to be admiral of the blue squadron ; and having hoisted his flag on board the Duke, served in that capacity under the earl of Torrington, when he put to sea, after the bat tle of Bantry-bay. Nothing memorable, however, took place during the time it was prudent for it to keep the sea. On the 1st of December he sailed for Holland with a small squadron of five sail, but con trary winds and stormy weather compelled him to return. Finding the duke, and the, third rates of his, squadron too large to trust on the Dutch coast at that advanced season of the year, he shifted his flag into a yacht, and sailed again on the 1 1th, with only three fourth-rates, two frigates, and the Mary yacht. The object of this mission was, to conduct the queen of Spain to the Groyne; and it is thought to have been extremely prejudicial to the interests of the English nation, as the fleet was so long retarded by contrary winds, that the opportunity was lost of blocking up the Toulon squadron, a service that was to have been executed by this fleet. Whether this be true, is not our business to enquire. Admiral Russel arrived in safety at Schonevelt, on the coast of Zealand, but the queen did not embark till the middle of January. The squadron returned to the Downs on the 18th, and Admiral Russel removed 15« HISTORICAL MEMOIRS into his old ship the Duke. He was detained by contrary winds, and did not sail from Torbay till the 7th of March. After a stormy passage of nine days, he arrived in safety at the Groyne, where, having landed his charge, and made the detachment for Ca diz under the command of Vice-admiral Killegrew, he prepared to return to England, and arrived at Ply mouth on the 25th of April, He is said, by all his^ torians who have entered into particulars, to have commanded tbe blue squadron at the battle oft' Beachy Head. This is a mistake; the admiral himself was ia London at the time, and the blue squadron, was commanded by Vice-admiral Delaval. In December 1690, Mr. Russel was appointed commander in chief of the fleet which had then returned into port for re- equipment against the ensuing summer. When ready for sea, its appearance was truly formidable; it con sisted of fifty-seven English and seventeen Dutch ships of the line. Yet such was the delay occasioned by contrary winds, and such was the caution of the French, that the summer passed over in a fruitless repetition of projected attacks on their ports, none of which were ever attempted to be carried into execu tion. In the following year, the eyes of all Europe Avere turned, with the utmost anxiety, on an enter prise which was to complete the triumph, or totally defeat the expectations of the miserable and unfortu nate exile, James, still styled by the French, King of Great Britain. The preparations for war, which had been languid, or, at least, not exceeding the ordinary course of national contest, on a sudden assumed an appearance of vigour worthy of the great stake for which two nations were to contend. The appearance of victory at Beachy Head, the promised coynte- nance of the numerous partizans of James, who re sided in England, the many capricious exceptions taken by persons of the first rank to the conduct of William, all appeared to prognosticate, and even to ensure success. They infused additional spirit into OF EDWARD RUSSEL. 16T the French nation, till enthusiasm made each indivi dual almost think himself the arbiter on whom the fate of Europe depended. The equipment, destined to carry into execution the projects of Louis, was immense, was worthy a better cause, and an abler conductor. Its force has been variously stated; some representing it as not more than forty-four ships, while others have swelled the account to sixty-three and upwards. The combined fleet evidently out-numbered them : they reckoned no less than ninety-nine sail in their Hne of battle. Many persons contemplating the force of the allied fleet, and considering the vast in equality of the enemy, may attribute less merit to the English admiral than he really deserves. Superior as was his force, it was not possible to bring into that part of the action, in which the French Avere first discomfited, numbers equal eVen to those which they put to flight. Admiral Russefs account, which has been already given in the second volume, is wonder fully plain and modest, as well in respect to the fleet he commanded as the loss of the enemy. We shall, however, add the following short and political ac count of this ever-memorable action from the pen of Sir John Dalrymple; and we are induced to do it in consequence of the very strong and justificatory re mark he makes on the character and conduct of Rus sel, Tourville, who was in the Royal Sun, carrying one hundred and ten guns, the finest ship in Europcj passed all the Dutch and English ships Avhich he found in his way, singled out Russel, and bore down upon bim ; but by the reception which be got, be was soon convinced of his mistake, in thinking that an English admiral could, in consideration of any in terest upon earth, strike to a French one: yet, though conscious of the inferiority of his fleet, hewas ashamed to abandon a situation which his officers in vain ad vised him to avoid. And the rest of the admirals and the captains, ashamed to abandon their head, joined in the action as fast as they came up, and 158 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS maintained it, not so much hoping to gain honour, as striving to lose as little as they could. The battle Avent on, in different parts, Avith uncertain success, from the vast number of the ships engaged, which sometimes gave aid to the distressed, and at other tinies snatched victory from those who thought they Avere sure of it, Allemond, the Dutch admiral, who Avas in the van, and had received orders to get round the French fleet, in order that no part of it might escape, attempted in vain to obey ; and a thick fog at four in the afternoon, separated the combatants from the view of each other," Signal as was the defeat of the enemy, enough had not been done to content the minds of all. The tem porary fury, notwithstanding the want of proper ma terials to feed and supply it, raged with the utmost violence against Russel. A serious scrutiny into his conduct was commenced in parliament during the winter, and ended highly to his honour. The" popu lar heat wa.s, however, not to be allayed by any mea sure short of his dismission from his command. This took place in the spring; and Avith it he resigned also the treasurer-ship of the navy, an office which he had held ever since the year 1689, The ill success of our naval operations during the summer of l693r occasioned his recall to the service soon as ever the fleet returned into port for the winter : and William, as if to palliate his former dismission, appointed him, in addition to his other trust, on the 2d of May fol lowing, first commissioner for executing the office of lord high-admiral. The fleet being ready, Russel hoisted his flag, as commander in chief, on the 1st of May, The operation to be first attempted was, an attack on Brest ; a resolution fatal as well as disr graceful to tiie British arms, and which ended in the destruction of Lieutenant-general Talmash, who com manded, by land, the forlorn hope sacrificed on this melancholy occasion. The grand fleet, under the command of Russel, did not sail from Spithead till OF EDWARD RUSSEL, 159 the 6th of June. The French failing to render them selves masters of the European seas, had turned their efforts towards the Mediterranean, Avhere the Count De Tourville was ordered to collect all the naval force of Fiance. Thither Russel Avas sent Avith a fleet composed of one hundred and thirty-six ships, eighty- eight of which were of the line, and the admiral of France retiring with precipitation to the harbour of Toulon, convinced the neighbouring states of their error, after every means had been used, with tempo rary success, to impress them with an idea of the naval supremacy of Louis. During the time the fleet continued in the Mediterranean, Russel Avas attacked by a fever, and reduced so low, that he was obhged to leave the chief command of the fleet for a time, Avith Vice-admiral Aylmer. But having recovered his health towards the autumn, he resumed the com mand, and sailed for Cadiz, Avhere he arrived on the Sth of November, Having wintered there, he re- tiirned to his former station the following year, where he kept the French in awe. He convinced the na tions of the world of the inferiority of the French naval power, when compared to his own ; and pre vented the detachment of any force sufficient to dis turb the tranquillity of the European seas. He re turned to England in the autumn, and appeared no more in the character of a naval commander. In 1697, when King William was preparing to go to Holland, Admiral Russel, then first commissioner of the admiralty, was appointed one of the lords justices during his absence, and created a peer by the title of Baron of Shingey, Viscount Barfleur, and Earl of Or ford, In 1669 he resigned all his employments, and from this period, till the eighth year of Queen Anne, he concerned himself no fartiier with public business, than persons of his elevated rank usually do, whether connected with the administration of government or not, Avhich may be readily accounted for, by recollecting that the direction of all naval af- 160 NAVAL HISTORY fairs were confided by Queen Anne, in Prince George of Denmark, who, immediately on her accession, was declared lord high-admiral, a post which he conti nued to hold till his death. On tbe Sth of Novem ber, 1709, the earl was once more called into public life, being appointed first commissioner for executing the office of lord high-admiral. He was offered on this occasion, the very honourable post of lord high- admiral : this he positively refused taking, though Jie expressed himself perfectly willing to accept of a share in the direction of it. He did not long, how ever, continue to hold the post he had accepted, for, soon after the removal of the earl of Godolphin from the office of lord high-treasurer, the earl of Orford resigned his post of first commissioner of the admi ralty, and again retired from pubhc life, till the de cease of the queen, when he was chosen one -of the lords justices to act till the arrival of King George I. from Hanover, This monarch immediately appointed him one of his privy council; and on the 13th of October, recalled him to his former post of first com missioner of the Admiralty, which he continued to hold till the i6th of April, 1717, when he retired al together from public employment. He died at his house in Covent Garden, on the 26th of November, 1727, in the seventy-fifth year of his age. He mar ried the lady Mary, tiiird daughter of William, duke of Bedford ; but, leaving no issue, the title became extinct. We cannot shut up our account of this reign better than by an abstract of the royal navy, as it stood at the decease of King William, that the reader, by comparing it with the abstract at the end of Chapter XVII. may from thence discern how far, notwith; standing so long a war, and so many other interrup tions and misfortunes, our naval force increased in the space of thirteen years. OP KING WILLIAM. 161 ABSTRACT OF THE ROYAL NAVY, AS IT STOOD DECEMBES 25, iroi. Rates. Number. Guns. Men, First 7 714 5,312 Second 14 1,276 8,824 Third 45 3,199 18,561 Fourth 63 3,253 15,329 Fifth 36 1,094 4,680 Sixth 29 194 542 1,215 10,078 53,921 Fire-ships 8 Tonnage Romb.yessejs 13 In Dec. 1688 101,032 yachts 10 In Dec, 1701 Jjicr 158,992 ease 57,,96gi vol. Ul. %% 1^ NAVAL HISTORY CHAP. XX. Containing the Nasal History of Great Britain, from the Accession of her Majesty Queen Anne, to the Union (f the two Kingdomsi W E are now come down to that reign, under which the nation was extremely happy at home, and her re putation carried to the greatest height abroad, A reign that will always be remembered with honour, and make a shining figure in our histories, as long as histories shall last : a reign, in, the beginning of which all party animosities Avere buried in oblivion, and the Tories seemed as sensible of the necessity of a Avar, as the Whigs, and as ready to cany it on ; which was the true reason why it was prosecuted for so many years Avith such vigour and success as had never at tended our arms since the glorious days of Queen Eli zabeth ; and Avhich ought therefore to convince us, that we are never to hope for a thorough domestic settlement, with an effectual support of our just claims to respect and freedom of commerce abroad, until there is a new and undissembled coalition of parties, founded not in private views, but arising from public spirit, and all men are taught to think that he is a public enemy, who avows any other or narrower in terest than that of his country. Queen Anne succeeded to the throne on the eighth of March, 1701-2, in the flower of her age, if we consider her dignity, being then about thirty-eight. She had shewn a very just moderation in her conduct from the time of the Revolution, and knew how to temper her relation to the state, with that Avhich she bore to her family j of Avhich she gaA^e 3. remarkable OF QUEEN ANNB. lfl» instance in the latter part of her life, by procuring the island of Sifcily for lier cousin the duke of Savoy. _ She opened her reign by a very wise and well-con-' sidered speech to her privy-council, in which she de* dared, how sensible she was of the unspeakable loss that the nation had sustained by the death of the late king, and the burden it brought upon herself, which nothing, she said, could encourage her to undergo, but the great concern she had for the preservation of the religion, laws, and liberty of her country ; and that ho pains should be wanting on her part, to de fend and support them, and to maintain the Pro testant succession. She expressed plainly her opi nion for carrying on the preparations against France, and supporting the allies ; and, said, she would coun tenance those who concurred with her in maintaining the present constitution and establishment.* In pursuance of this declaration, the queen wrote to the States-general to assure them, that she would follow exactly the steps of her predecessor, in the steady maintenance of the common cause, against the common enemy: and as a farther proof of her since rity, she appointed the earl of Marlborough, vvhom the late king had sent ambassador and plenipotentiary to the States, captain-general of her forces, and gave him a blue ribband. She likewise declared Sir George Rooke vice-admiral of England, and Geo. Churchill, Esq, admiral of the blue, in the room of Matthew * It is very remarkable, that the conduct of the queen at tha beginning of her reign was such, as gaye the highest satisfaction to all parties ; for she avoided the error of Nero, by not either sprew. jng up the strings of government too high, or letting them run too low. , It had been happy for her, and for her subjects, if she had steadily pursued this conduct through the course of her reign, in stead of putting herself into the hands of one party first, and then of another ; both which had very ill consequences, with respect to her Majesty's quiet, and to the good of her subjects. This re, flection I thopght necessary here, because, by inserting it, I shall .avoid being obliged to say something like it, on several other oc casions. i64 NAVAL HISTORY Aylmer, Esq. afterwards Lord Aylmer, whom we have mentioned already, and of whom Ave shall have occasion to speak very honourably liereafter. These steps were sufficient to demonstrate the reality of the^ queen's intentions ; and therefore we have all the rea son in the worid to believe, that her Majesty had a very good design in placing her consort, George Prince of Denmark, al the head of the Admiralty ; though to do this it was found requisite to remove the earl of Pembroke, then lord high-admiral, Avho was actually preparing to go to sea. It is true, a large pension was offered him ; but his lordship answered, Avith great generosity and public spirit, that however convenient it might be for liis private interest, yet the accepting such a pension was inconsistent with his principles ; and therefore, since he could not have the honour of serving his countiy in person, he would endeavour to do it by his example.* The new lord high-admiral had a council appointed him by his commission, viz. Sir George Rooke, Sir David Mitchell, George Churchill, Esq. and Richard Hill, Esq. who were to assist him Avith their advice, * The advancement of the earl of Pembroke to this eminent dig nity of lord high-admiral of England, was not owing at all to court favour, bnt merely as I have hinted before, to the expedi ency of laying that board aside, and lodging the power of it in a single hand. There were few of onr nobility who could have been competitors for siich an office, and none with justice who could be preferred to the earl of Pembroke. He had much prudence, which tempered great vivacity in his constitution, and zeal for tho service of his country, which was very observable in all his actions, thougl^ he did not make so much shew of it, as others might do in words. ile had a steadiness of mind, not to be shaken by power or titles, and a virtue so heroic, as not either the vices of these, or of worse times could corrupt. He shewed, on this occasion, his loyalty as well as spirit; for though he refused a pension, yet, through thej course of her reign, he served the queen with the same cheerfulness and fidelity, as if he had retained his post ; and therefore, in 1708, when Prince George of Denmark died, her Majesty restored him to it. A full proof of her removing him at this time, from no other motive than that of making way for her consort, who had been »e» veral times mentioned for that high post in .the late reign. OF QUEEN ANNE. 165 and also in the execution of his office. How far all this was legal, has been, and, I believe, ever will re main, very doubtful ; but at that tihie no body ques tioned it, and therefore we shall proceed to shew what .was done unrler it, observing, as near as may be, the order of time in which events fell out, and thutme- ,thod in relating them, wliich is most likely to set them in a proper point of light.* The first expedition in the new reign, was that of Sir John Munden, rear-admiral of the red, vvhich Ava,^ intended for intercepting a squadron of French ships, that were to sail from the Groyne, in order to carry the new vice-roy of Mexico to the Spanish West Indies. This design was concerted by the earl of Pembroke; and Sir John was made choice of, on account of the proofs which he had given of both courage and conduct, as well as zeal and diligence, in the service. He' sailed on the twelfth of May, J 702, with eight ships of the third rate, the Salis bury, a fourth rate, and two frigates ; when he was at sea, he communicated his orders to his captains, which hitherto had been absolutely secret. On the si.Kteenth he found himself on the coast of Galicia ; Avhereupon he sent tlie Salisbury and Dolphin to gain intelligence, in which they failed. He then sent them * It is not easy to find a reason why, since ths illegality of this commission was so quickly suspected, it should afterwards lie so long asleep, and then be revived again, as soon as complaints were made to parliament of tho conduct of the navy. Those vpho ad vised this commission, and those who drew it, wore certainly very much to blame; and since this is a charge of a high nature, and against great men, 1 think myself obliged to explain it particularly. As King William's creating a lord high-admiral, was a benefit to the public, so Queen Anne's commission was an injury to it. For by appointing Prince George of Denmark a couucil, sheestablishe.i again that evil which King William took away ; and whereas, the powers of the lords commissioners of thj Admiralty were settlod'by an express act of parliament, here vvas a new board established, vested with like powers; but those unknown to the law, which could take notice only of the lord high-ad^niral, notwithstanding that this council of his vvas appointed by his commission. 160 NAVAL HISTORY a second time, and they brought off a Spanish boat and a French bark, with several prisoners, who as serted, that tiiere Avere thirteen French ships of war, bound from Rochelle to the Groyne ; and therefore Sir John issued the necessary orders for keeping his squadron between them and the shore, that he might be the better able to intercept them. These orders were issued on the twenty-seventh, and the very next day he discovered fourteen sail between Cape Prior and Cape Ortugal, close under the shore, to whom he instantly gave chace; but they outsailed him very much, and got into ,the Groyne before he could pos sibly come up vvith them. These dates are settled from the minutes of the court-martial, which will be hereafter mentioned. Upon this he called a council of war, wherein it was concluded, that, since the accounts they had re-s ceived from their prisoners agreed perfectly well, and seemed to make it clear, that there were no less than seventeen of the enemy's ships of war in the harbour, which was strongly fortified, and had a narrow and dangerous entrance, it was therefore most expedient for them to follow the latter part of their instructions, by which they were directed, in case they could do nothing on the coast of Spain, to repair into the Soundings, there to protect the trade, and to give notice of their return to the Board of Admiralty im-s mediately. This Sir John accordingly did, about the middle of June ; but then the squadron being much distressed for provisions, it was found neces-. sary, ofl ttie twentieth of that month, to repair into port,* * Biirchet's Naval History, p. 613, where he observes, that after chacing these fourteen sail into the Groyne, Sir John Mun den called a pouncil of war, in which his captains toqk into coni sideration ; " 1st. The intelligence from a person lyho belonged to a French mcrchant-ship, from Rochelle, and some Spaniards taken from tha shore j the former affirming, that, when he came from Rochelle^ OF QUEEN ANNE. 167 The miscarriage of this design made a very great noise : it Avas discovered that only eight of the twelve ships that had been chaced into tiie Groyne, were men of war, and that tiie rest were only transports : it was also said, that Sir John Munden had called off the Salisbury, when she was actually engaged with a French man of 'vvar, and that he had discharged the prisoners he had taken very precipitately. To quash these reports, and to explain the Avhole affair to the Avorld, which, is, to be sure, the best method in all such cases, the high-admiral. Prince George, issued his commission for a court-martial, for the trial of Sir John Munden, at Avhich several persons of distinc tion, for their own satisfaction, were present. This court sat on board her Majesty's ship the Queen at Spithead, on the thirteenth of July, 1702, Avhere Avere present Sir Cloudesley Shovel, admiral of the white, president, and the captains following ; viz. Cole, Myngs, Leake, Greenhill, Turvill, Swanton, Good, Mayne, Kerr, Clarke, Ward, Cooper, Bridges, Maynard, Crow, Littleton, and Hollyman, who be ing all sworn, and having examined the several arti cles exhibited against Rear-admiral Munden, gave their opinion, that he had fully cleared himself tiom the whole matter contained in them ; and, as far as he left there twelve ships of war in the road, ready to sail to th? Groyne with the first fair wind ; that one of them had seventy guns, one fifty, and all the rest sixty ; and that the Faulcon (a fourth rate taken from us the last year) was going thither before them, " 2d, That the Spaniards are very positive the duke of Albu querque was at the Groyne with two thousand soldiers, and (hat there were already in that port, three French ships of war of fifty guns each, and twelve more expected from Rochelle ; and since both these accounts so well agreed, and it was judged there were seventeen ships of war in the port, that the place was so strongly fortified, and the passage thereinto very difficult, it was unani mously determined, that they could not be attempted therewith any probability of success ; and that, by remaining in the station, they could not have any prospect of doing service : so that it was judged' proper to repair into the Soundings for protecting the trade," 1^3 NAVAL HISTORY it appeared to the court, had complied with bis in-' structions, and behaved himself with great zeal and diligence in the service. But, notwithstanding this acquittal, it was thought necessary* to lay himaside^ that the strictness and impartiahty of the new admi nistration might the better appear. Bishop Burnet indeed charges Sir John Munden roundly with stupidity and cowardice, and blames Sir George Rooke still more, for having recommended such a man.f But Mr. Oldmixon, who was of the same party with the bishop, is pleased to suggest, that it Avas not so much for any fault he had com mitted, but because he was not in Sir George Rooke's * in the London Gazette, tio. 3835, ive find the following ar. tide: " Windsor, August 9th, The queen having required the J)roceedings, upon the trial of Sir John Munden, rear-admiral pf Ihe red squadron, to be laid before her, and having considered all the circumstances relating to the expedition to Corunna ; her Ma. jesty finding thftt Sir John Munden has not done his duty pursuant to his instructions, does not think fit to continue him in her ser vice, and has therefore declared her pleasure, that his royal high. ness the lord high.admiral of Fngland, should immediately dis charge him ffom his post and command in the royal naVy, and his toyal highness has accordingly given the necessary orders for it." See also Sir John Munden's justification of himself in a letter toa worthy friend, dated August 9th, 1702, in the appendix to the first volume' of the Annals of Queen Anne. + This is so harsh a charge, that I find myself obliged to support it, by citing the bishop's own words, which are these : " Advice was sent over from Holland, of a fleet that hadsaiM from France, and was ordered to call in At the Groyne. Munden was recommended by Rooke, to be sent against this fleet, but though he came up to them, with a superior force, yet he behaved himself So ill, and So unsuccessfully, that a council of war was ordered to sit on him. They, indeed, acquitted him ; some ex. cusing thertiselves, by saying, that if they had condemned him, the punishment was death; whereas, they thought his ertors flowed from a want of sense, so that it would havebcdn hard to condemn him for a defect of that, which nature had not given him. Those who recommetided him to the employment, seemed to be more in fault," But Mr, Seci'etafy Bnrchct, who was better acquainted with all the proceedings on this aftair, than the bishop could possi bly be, delivers his judgment in these words: " This Was a very Unlucky accident; yet the same misfortune might have happenijtl OF QUEEN ANNE, 169 good graces, that Sir John Munden was dismissed,* For my own part, I am inclined to believe what the president and council of war declared upon their oaths, that this officer did his duty as far as he pos sibly could, and it would be a very great satisfaction to me, if I could account as well for every miscar riage that I shall be obliged to relate in the course of this work. On the fourth of May 1 702, her Majesty declared war against France and Spain; and I mention it, be cause this declaration was thought necessary before the grand fleet sailed ; the design of which, as far as I am able to judge, has been hitherto very imperfectly accounted for. The great A'iew of King William, for it Avas by him the Cadiz expedition had been con certed, was, to prevent the French from getting pos session of the Spanish West Indies ; or at least to pre- A-ent their keeping them long, if they did. With this view he resolved to send a grand fleet, under the command of the then high-admiral, the earl of Pem broke, Avith a body of land forces under the com mand of the. duke of Ormond, on board, tb make themselves masters of Cadiz. By this means, and by the help of a squadron he had sent into the West In dies, and which was to have been followed by ano ther, as soon as Cadiz was taken, he hoped this might to any other good ofllcer as well as Sir John Munden, who, to do Lim justice, had, during his long service in the fleet, behaved him. self with zeal, courage, and fidelity ; and though himself and all the captains in his squadron, did unanimously conclude, that at least twelve of the fourteen ships which they chaced into the Groyne were men of war, their number agreeing exactly with the intelligence from several persons taken from the shore ; yet, even in that case, it is reasonable to think, that he would have given a very good account of this affair, could he possibly have come up with them." Naval History. * Oldmixon's History of England, vol, ii. It is very remark able that though these two 'writers flatly contradict one another ; yet they agree in having each a stroke at Sir George Rooke ; but as their poisons are opposite, so they very happily prove antidotes to eaoh other. 170 NAVAL HISTORY be effected ; and he knew very well, if this could be once done, an end Avould be put to all the French designs, and they must be obliged to terminate the matter, to the satisfaction, at least, of the maritime powers. „ The scheme was undoubtedly very well laid, and the secret surprisingly well kept ; for though the pre paring of so great an armament could not be hidden, yet the intent of it was so effectually concealed, that not only France and Spain, but Portugal too, that crown being then in alliance with France and Spain, had equal cause to be alarmed ; which had conse quences very favourable to the grand alliance in all those countries, as will hereafter fully appear. In some cases, delay does as much, as dispatch in others. All the maritime provinces in the Spanish and French dominions were alarmed, the Italian States were inti midated; in short, it every where emboldened those who were inclined to the high allies to declare, and on the other hand heightened the fears of those who, but for them, would have espoused the interest of King Philip. After the queen's accession, Sir George Rooke, as we observed, Avas declared admiral of this fleet, vice- admiral, and lieutenant of the Admiralty of England, and lieutenant of the fleets and seas of this kingdom : the duke of Ormond remained, as before, general of the land-forces, and the Dutch having joined the fleet Avith their squadron, which had also its quota of troops on board, the admiral hoisted the union flagon board the Royal Sovereign on the thirtieth of May, 1702; and on the first of June, his royal highness the prince of Denmark dined on board the admiral, and took a view of the fleet and army, which was soon in a condition to sail. Besides Sir George Rooke, there were the following flags, viz. Vice-admiral Hop- son, who carried a red flag at the fore top-mast-head of the Prince George ; Rear-admiral Fairbourne, who carried the white at the mizen-top-mast-head of the OF QUEEN ANNE. 171 St. George ; and Rear-admiral Graydon, who carried the blue flag in the same manner in the Triumph. There were five Dutch flags, viz. two lieutenant-ad mirals, two vice-admirals, and a rear. The strength of this fleet consisted in thirty English, and twenty Dutch ships of the line, exclusive of small vessels and tenders, Avhich made in all about I60 sail. As to the troops, the Enghsh consisted of 9f^63, including of ficers, and the Dutch of 4138, in all 13801,* On the nineteenth of June, the fleet weighed from Spithead, and came to an anchor at St, Helen's. On the twenty-second, the two Rear-admirals, Fair- bourne and Graydon, Avere detached with a squadron of thirty English and Dutch ships, Avith instructions first to look into the Groyne, and in case there were any French ships there, to block them up ; but if not, to cruize ten or twelve leagues N. W. off Cape Finis terre, till they should be joined by the fleet. On the tenth of August the fleet reached the rock of Lisbon, where the next day they held a council of Avar. On the twelfth they came before Cadiz, and anchored at the distance of two leagues from the city. Sir Thomas Smith, quarter-master-general, having viewed and sounded the shore on the backside of the Isle of Leon, in which Cadiz stands, and reported, that there were A'ery convenient bays to make a d'e- scent ; the duke of Ormond A'ehemently insisted in a council of war, upon landing in that isle, in order to * That this was a very great force, and that the public had rea. son to frame sanguine expectations to themselves, as to its success, all the world must allow : but, on the other hand, our expectations ought never to prejudice us so far, as to resolve not to be satisfied with a just account of their disappointment. Bishop Burnet says, that Sir George Rooke spoke coldly of the expedition before he sailed ; and this he tells us, to prove that Sir George intended to do the enemy no hurt. But the mischief lies here, that Sir George sus, pected they should do no great good, because this expedition was pf 6, doubtful nature: for on the one hand they were enjoined to speak to the Spaniards as friends, and at the s^me time were ordered ^g §ct against them as foe^, 172 NAVAL HISTORY make a sudden and vigorous attack upon the town, where the consternation was so great, that in all pro bability the enterprise Avould have succeeded ; but se veral of the council, especially the sea-officers, op posing the "duke's motion, it Avas resolved, that the army should first take the Fort of St. Catharine, and Port St, Mary, to facilitate thereby a nearer approach to Cadiz, The next day the duke of Ormond sent a trumpet Avith a letter to Don Scipio De Brancacio, the gover nor, whom the duke had known in the Spanish ser vice, in the last confederate Avar : but in answer to the letter, inviting him to submit to the house of Austria, Brancacio declared, he would acquit himself honourably of the trust that was reposed in him by the king.* On the fifteenth of August, the duke of Ormond landed his forces in the Bay of Bulls, above a mile on the left of St, Catharine's Fort, the cannon of which fired on his men all the while, but with little execution. The first that landed were twelve hundred grenadiers, led by Brigadier Pallant, and the earl of Donnegal ; they were obliged to wade to the shore, and were all very wet when they reached it. In the mean time Captain Jumper in the Lenox, and some English and Dutch light frigates, kept firing on the * The reader will be better satisfied as to this matter, if he con. suit the collections of I^amberti, tom. ii. When the duke of Or. mond summoned Fort St. Catharine, he declared, that if the go vernor did not accept his terms, he should be hanged, and none of his soldiers receive quarter. To this the governor answered with great spirit and justice, " That if he must be hanged, it was all one to him, whether by the duke of Ormond, or the governor of Cadiz ; and therefore he desired leave to send to him for his orders,' which was refused." These quick proceedings, instead of drawing the Spaniards to declare for the house of Austria, rendered thera averse to it. At least, this was Sir George Rooke's sentiment, who did all he could to serve the common cause without provoking thcpeopleof that country, whom his instructions directed him to protect. OF QUEEN ANNE. 173 horse that appeared near the coast, and they Avere soon after repulsed by the English foot.* The duke of Ormond, as soon as the troops were landed, sent to summon Fort St. Catharine ; but the governor replied, he had cannon mounted, with pow der and ball sufficient to receive him. On the six teenth the whole army marched to a camp marked oiit for them near La Rotta, a town within a league of the place, where they landed, from which most of the inhabitants were fled ; but strict orders being- given against plundering, many of them returned ; and, had the Spaniards given due attention to the duke's declaration, published at his first coming on the Spanish coast, they needed not to have been in any consternation. The duke of Ormond having left a garrison of three hundred men in La Rotta, marched on the twentieth of August towards Port St. Mary's. Some squadrons of Spanish horse, about six hundred in number, fired upon the duke's advanced guards, and killed Lieute nant-colonel Gore's horse, amongst the dragoons, but retired on the approach of the Enghsh grenadiers, of whom a detachment under Colonel Pierce, of the guards, Avere sent to take Fort St. Catharine ; Avhicli they did, and made a hundred and twenty Spaniards prisoners ofwar. The duke entered Port St. Mary's, attended by most of the general officers, viz. Sir Henry Bellasis, lieutenant-general ; the earl of Port- more, Sir Charles O'Hara, and Baron Spaar, majors- general ; Colonel Seymour, Colonel Lloyd, Colonel Matthews, Colonel Hamilton, and Colonel Pallant, now brigadiers-general : and notw'ithstanding the strict orders the duke had issued against plunder, * The prince of Hesse D'Armstadt was the principal mover of this expedition. He persuaded the ministers at Vienna, London, and the Hague, having first persuaded himself, that the Spaniards in general were zealous for the house of Austria. The conse« quences by no means made this good, as the duke and admiral iouud. 174 NAVAL HISTORY there was a very great failing in the execution of them, for which Sir Henry Bellasis and Sir Charles O'Hara were put under arrest. When they came to England, Bellasis was dismissed the service ; and though O'Hara escaped public censure, he did not private, Mr, Methuen, her Majesty's envoy in Portugal, in a letter to the duke of Ormond, dated August the 1st, gave this wholesome advice concerning the con duct of the army : that the point of greatest import ance was, to insinuate to the Spaniards, and shew by their proceedings, that they came not as enemies to Spain, but only to free them from France, and give them assistance to estabhsh themselves under the go vernment of the house of Austria, It being found too difficult to approach Cadiz while the Spaniajds were in possession of Matagorda fort, over against the Puntal, it was ordered to be attacked, and a bat tery of four pieces of cannon erected against it ; but upon every firing, the guns sunk into the sands, and, after a fruitless attempt, the design was given over, and the troops ordered to embark, Avhich was done accordingly, with an intention to make the best of their Avay home. The Spaniards did, indeed, endea-- vour to disturb them in their retreat, but AvTth very little success ; a detachment of English and Dutch troops, under the command of Colonel Fox, having quickly repulsed them, Avith the loss of a few of their horse, who were the most forward in the attack, which discouraged the rest so, that few or none of our people wCre lost in getting aboard their ships,* * The truth of the matter was, that the confederates found Cadiz in a much better situation than they expected, themselves worse received than they hoped, and the general oflicers so much divided in their opinions, that a retreat was thought more advisa* ble than any other measure in a council of war. If Sir George Booke, before he put to sea, foresaw any of the difliculties they ithen met with, few people at this time of day, I believe, think such a foresight a discredit to him, either as a statesman- or an OF QUEEN ANNE. 175 In most of our historians, the Cadiz expedition is treated as not much to the reputation of the nation in general, and of Sir George Rooke in particular. As to the disorders at St, Mary's, of which avc shall hear much more in another place, they did not at all affect Sir George Rooke, Avho had nothing to do with them, nor was ever charged with them. That he did not pursue with great eagerness the burning the ships, or destroying the place, has, indeed, been imputed to him as an act of bad conduct. Bishop Burnet charges him with it flatly, and says, that, be fore he went out, he had in a manner determined not to do the enemy much hurt, I believe this prelate spoke as he thought; but as to Sir George, I am thoroughly persuaded that when he went out, and while he was out, he intended nothing more or less, than to obey his instructions. As to the spirit of these, we may easily guess%t it from the passage in Mr, Methuen's letter before cited, which very fully shews that this expedition Avas ori ginally concerted on a supposition, that t^e Spaniards had a natural affection for the house of Austria, and Avould join with us in their favour against the French. But in this it seems we Avere mistaken; and yet it was not thought proper to make this conclusion too hastily, especially after what passed at Port St, Mary's, which,. considering the disposition of the nation, might be presumed to have provoked the Spaniards to a degree not to be appeased by all the fine words we gave them in our manifesto. A candid reader Avill, there fore, easily discern the true reason of Sir George's conduct. He thought it madness to expose the lives of the qi^een's subjects, where they might be spared to better advantage; and, therefore, was not over fond of burning towns, and cutting throats, to con- admiral. As to his own conduct, he was called to an account for it before the House of Lords, aud, as. we shall see elsewhere, de. fended it so well, that no imputation eould be fixed upon him. 176 NAVAL HISTORY vince the Spaniards of our hearty affection for them ; which, however, was the language of our declarations' and his instructions.* Mr, Oldmixon therefore con cludes, after a candid relation of facts, very justly, and hke a man of honour, that however the nation's expectations might be disappointed in the Cadiz ex pedition, yet there was nothing blameable in the conduct, either of the duke of Ormond or Sir George Eooke.f Foreign Avriters do the same justice to our commanders, and even such of those authors as are visibly in the French interest ; so that, if we decide according to evidence, it is impossible for us to join in that clamour, which discontented people raised upon this occasion.^ While the admiral was intent on bringing the fleet and forces safely home. Providence put it in his * This is the substance of Sir George Rooke's defence before the House of Lords, who inquired into this affair, and addressed the queen, that the duke of Ormond and Sir George Rooke might lay the whole transaction before them, Avhich was done in the be ginning of the next year, and what I have ofiered in the text is, only to avoid repetitions, A more distinct account of the inquiry ¦will afterwards be found in the memoirs of Sir George Rooke, + The reader will observe, that I lay hold of every oppor tunity of doing justice to our historians, and, therefore, I hope will believe, that whenever I differ with them, it is purely out of respect to truth, J The French historians say, that the prince of Hesse D'Arm stadt, whom the emperor had appointed general and commander in chief of such Spaniards as should manifest their fidelity to the house of Austria, did little or no service by the violent memorials which he published, filled with personal reproaches and warm threats against such as adhered to King Philip, At first, how ever, it is admitted, that the Spaniards did not shew any great zeal for their new prince ; but after they were provoked by the barba rities committed at the port of St. Mary, they lost all patience, and fought with such bitterness and indignation, as is scarcely to be expressed. The same historians say, that the duke of Ormond and his forces, when they attacked Matagorda fort, were exposed to a prodigious fire from the place, while they were able to form no better battery than two field pieces, and two small mortar's,- the ground being so swampy as not to bear heavy artillery. His* toire Militaire, tom. iii. OF QUEEN ANNE, l77 power to do his country a more si,gnal and effectual service, than even the taking of Cadiz would have been. Captain Hardy, who commanded her Majesty's ship the Pembroke, was sent to water in Lagos Bay, where he understood from his conversation with the French consul, who industriously sought it in order to boast of their good fortune, that they had lately received great news, though he would not tell him Avhat it was.* Soon after arrived an express from Lisbon, with letters for the prince of Hesse and Mr, Methuen ; vvhich, when he was informed they Avere no longer on board the fleet, he refused to deliver, and actually carried them back to Lisbon, In dis course, however, he told Captain Hardy, that the galleons, under the convoy of a French squadron, put into Vigo' the 1 6th of September. Captain Hardy made what haste he could with this news to the fleet, Avith which, however, he did not meet until the 3d of October, and even then the wind blew so hard, that he found it impossible to speak with the admiral till the 6th, when he informed him of what he had heard. Upon this. Sir George called a council of war im mediately, composed of the English and Dutch flag- officers, by whom it was resolved to sail, as expedi tiously as possible, to the port of Vigo, and attack the enemy. In order to this, some small vessels were detached to make a discovery of the enemy's force, which was done effectually by the Kent's boat ; and the captain understood that Mons, Chateau Renault's squadron of French men of war, and the Spanish galleons, were all in that harbour; but the wind blowino' a storm, drove the fleet to the northwards as far as Cape Finisterre, and it came not before the * Captain Hardy, on hi? arrival in England, was presented to the queen, who was pleased to confer the honour of knighthood on him, in consideration of his good service, in gaining and giving to Admiral Rooke the intelligence, which was the occasion of the great success at Vigo, London Gazette, No, 385S. VOt, III. N 178 NAVAL HISTORY place till the 1 1th of October. The passage into the harbour was not above three quarters of a mile over, with a battery of eight brass, and twelve iron guns on the north side, and on the south Avas a platform of twenty brass guns, and twenty iron guns, as also a stone fort, with a breast-work and deep trench be fore it, ten guns mounted, and five hundred men in it. There was, from one side of the harbour to the other, a strong boom composed of ships'-yards and top-masts, fastened together with three-inch rope, very thick, and underneath with hawsers and cables. The top-chain at each end was moored to a seventy- gun ship, the one was called the Hope, which had been taken from the English, and the other was the Bourbon. Within the boom were moored five ships, between sixty and seventy guns each, with their broadsides fronting the entrance of the passage, so as that they might fire at any ship that came near the hoom, forts, and platform. The admirals removed the flags from the great ships into third rates, the first and second rates being all too big to go in. Sir George Rooke went out of the Royal Sovereign into the Somerset ; Admiral Hopson out of the Prince George into the Torbay ;. Admiral Fairbourne out of the St, George into the. Essex ; and Admiral Graydon out of the Triumph, into the Northumberland. A detachment of fifteen English and ten Dutch men of war, Avith all their fire-ships, frigates, and bomb-vessels, were ordered to go upon the service.* * It is perfectly clear from his manner of making this attack,. that Sir George Rooke had the honour of his country as much' at heart as any man could have ; and it is very strange, that among so many observations, no body should take notice of the great prudence shewn in the forming this disposition, and the courage and alacrity of the admirals in quitting the large ships, that they might have a share in the danger, as well as in the reputation of this action. If it had miscarried, we should have had reflections enough on the admiral's mistakes in this matter ; and methinks,. it is a little hard to pass in silence this extraordinary mark of his ''of queen ANNE. 179 The duke of Ormond, to facilitate this attack, landed on the south side of the river, at the distance of about six miles from Vigo, two thousand five hundred men ; then Lord Shannon, at the head of five hundred men, attacked a stone fort at the en trance of the harbour, and having made himself mas->- ter of a platform of forty pieces of cannon, the French governor, Mons. Sozel, ordered the gates of the place to be thrown open, with a resolution to have forced his way through the English troops. But, though there was great bravery, yet there vv^as but very little judgment in this action ; for his order was no sooner obeyed, than the grenadiers entered the place sword in hand, and forced the garrison, con^' sisting of French and Spaniards, in number about three hundred and fifty, to surrender prisoners of war. This was a conquest of the last importance, and obtained much sooner than the enemy expected, who might otherwise have prevented it, since they had in the neighbourhood a body of at least ten thou=- sand men, under the command of the prince of Bra- baufon. It was, likewise, of prodigious consequence in respect to the fleet, »since our ships would have been excessively galled by the fire from that platform and fort,* As soon, therefore, as our flag vvas seen flying from ihe place, the ships advanced, and Vice-admiral Hop^ son,^ in the Torbay, crowding all the sail he could, ran directly against the boom, broke it, and then the Kent, with the rest of the squadron, English and Dutch, entered the harbour. The enemy niade a prodigious fire upon them, both from their ships and conduct, and leave it to be commended, as it is, by the Dutch his torians only; as if they alone knew how to value merit, and ve were concerned only to lessen and traduce it, * The French writers say, that, at the first appearance of the doke of Ormond's grenadiers, the Spanish militia threv/ down theip .krms and fled ; and they likewise admit, that they forced their >yay^ on the Qpening the gate, as is asserted in our accounts., N g 180 NAVAL HISTORY batteries on shore, till the latter was possessed by our grenadiers, who, seeing the execution done by their guns on the fleet, behaved with incredible resolution. In the mean time, one of the enemy's fire ships had laid the Torbay on board, and would have certainly burnt her, but that luckily the fire ship had a grea| quantity of snuff on board, which extinguished the flames when she came to blow up : yet the vice-ad miral did not absolutely escape. Her fore-top-mast was shot by the board, most of the sails were burnt Or scorched, the fore yard consumed to a coal, the larboard shrouds, fore and aft, burnt at the dead eyes, several ports blown off the hinges, her larboard side entirely scorched, one hundred and fifteen men killed and drowned ; of Avhom about sixty jumped overboard, as soon as they were grappled by the fire ship. The vice-admiral, when he found her in this condition, went on board the Monmouth, and hoist ed his flag there. In the mean time. Captain William Bokenham, in the Association, a ship of ninety guns, lay with her broadside to the battery, on the left of the harbour, which was soon disabled ; and Captain Francis Wy* vill in the Barfleur, a ship of the same force, was sent to batter the fort on the other side, which was a very dangerous and troublesome service, since th^ enemy's shot pierced the ship through and through, and, for some time, he durst not fire a gun, because our troops were between him and the fort ; but they soon drove the enemy from their post, and then th? struggle was between the French firing, and our men endeavouring to save their .ships and the galleons. Ir^ this dispute, the Association had her main-mast shot, two men killed, the Kent had her fore-mast shot, antj the boatswain wounded ; the Barfleur had her main mast shot, tvt'o men killed, and two wounded : the Mary had her bowsprit shot.* Of the troops, there * It is very apparent, from this account, that the action was > extreinely warm, and that all who were concerned in it, did tlsii OF QUEEN ANNE. 181 Were only two Heutenants and thirty men killed, and four superior officers wounded ; a very inconsiderable loss, considering that the enemy had fifteen French men of war, two frigates, and a fire ship, burnt, sunk, or taken ; as were also seventeen galleons. As for the particulars of the enemy's loss, and of what we gained by this great victory, they are accounted for at the bottom of the page.* duty and, if we consider how many attempts of the same kind failed m the former reign, and with how small a loss this great action was achieved, we shall be satisfied that all our admirals deserved the highest commendations. • FRENCH SHIPS TAKEN, BURNT, AND RUN ASHORE. Taken by the Dutch. No. of giinj. Le Bourbon — , 68 LeSuperbe 70 La Sirenne — 60 Le Modere ..-,. 66 Le Voluntaire 46 Le Triton 42 342 Total, ships, 21, guns, 960 Ships burnt. No, of gun?. LeFort .-.76 L'Enflame 61 Le Prudent 62 LeSolide .56 La Dauphine . . . , 46 L'Entreprenant ..,. 22 La Choquante 8 334 Le Favori, a fire ship. Eight advice boats. Taken by the English, and brought home. Le Prompt 76 LeFirme.. 72 L'Esperance 70 L'Assure 66 284 Six galleons were taken by the English, and five by the Dutch, who sunk six. As to the wealth on board the galleons, we never. had any exact account of it. It is certain, that the Spanish and French ships had been twenty-five days in Vigo harbour, before the confederates arrived there, in which time, they debarked the best part of the plate and rich goods, and sent them up the coun try. The galleons had on board, when they arrived, twenty mil- lions of pieces of eight, besides merchandise, which was thoniiht of equal value. Of tlje silver, fourteen millions were saved, of the goods, about five. Four millions of plate were destroyed, with ten millions of merchandise ; and about two millions in st|ver, an£I live in goods, were brought away by ihe English and Dutch, 182 NAVAL HISTORY This event gave a great deal of trouble to the Paris gazetteer : when he first spoke of the misfortune he affirmed, that all the plate Avas carried on shore, and secured, and that we had five men of war sunk, in the attack. Afterwards he retracted the first part of the tale, and owned that a littie silver was taken ; but then he added, that nine of our ships were wrecked in their return, and all their men lost; which shews how great an impression this loss made on those Avho had the direction of this gazette. Father Daniel gives a pretty fair account of this matter, and a late French historian very candidfy owns, that, by this blow, the naval power of France was so deeply Avounded, as that she never recovered it during the war. There were certain circumstances attending this success of ours at Vigo, which heightened its lustre not a little. Our statesmen had all along kept their eyes upon the galleons, and had actually fitted out a squadron on purpose to intercept them, under the command of Sir Cloudesley Shovel. Orders, like wise, had been sent to Sir George Rooke, by the earl of Nottingham, Avhich never reached him ; and after all their precautions. Sir Cloudesley Shovel's squad ron would scarcely have been strong enough to have undertaken so dangerous an enterprise, \ et Bishop Burnet, not at all dazzled with the brightness of this exploit, teUs us, that Sir George Rooke performed this service very unwillingly, and did not make the use of it he might have done ; in which, no doubt, he was imposed on, since the fact, upon which he grounds it, is certainly false,* * If Sir George Rooke had been so negligent as the bishop tnakes him, we should certainly have never heard of the Spanish fleet at Vigo, at all ; for though the bishop says, that the admiral sent to none of the ports, whereas expresses were sent to them all from Lisbon, yet the matter of fact is clearly this, that Sir George sent Captain Hardy to Lagos Bay, and there he met with the only express that was sent from Lisbon ; so that here we have a charge not only without proof, but directly in the teeth of proof. OF QUEEN ANNE. 183 Sir Cloudesley Shovel arrived on the sixteenth of October, as the troops were embarking, and the ad miral left him at Vigo, with orders to see the French men of war and tbe galleons that we had taken, and that were in a condition to be brought' to England, carefully rigged, and properly supplied with men. He was, likewise, directed to burn such as could not be brought home, and to take the best care he could to prevent embezzlements ; anrl having appointed a strong squadron for this service, the admiral, w^ith the rest of the fleet, and one of the Spanish galleons, sailed home, and arrived in the DoAvns, on the se* venth of Noveniber, 1702, from Avhence the great ships were, about the middle of the month, sent round to Chatham, Sir Cloudesley Shovel, in the space of a weeky put the French men of war, and other prizes, into the best condition possible ; took out all the lading from a galleon, which was made prize by the Mary, and brought along with him the Dartmouth,, which had been taken from us in the last war, and Avas now made prize by Captain Wyvil ; but as there was an other ship of that name in the navy, this prize vvas called the Vigo, He also took out of the French ships that were run on s^iore, fifty brass guns, and brought off sixty more from the forts and batteries • after which, on the twenty-fourth of October, he set fire to the shrps which he could not bring away. The next day, he left Vigo, but it proving calm, he an chored in the channel between that port and Bayonne, Avhere he sent several prisoners on shore with a flag of truce, and had ours returned in their stead.* On the twenty-seventh of October, be Avas again under sail, intending to have passed through the * This squadron sailed from Spithead, the"29th of September, 1702, Sir George Rooke arrived in the Downs, November 7th ; and Sir Cloudesley sailed the 25th of October, from Vigo, and ar. rived, on the tenth of November, off ths Isle ef Wight, Sec th« London Gazette, No. 3861. 184 NAVAL HISTORY north channel ; but, the Avrind taking him short, he Avas obliged to pass through that which hes to the south, where the galleon, which was the Monmouth's ' prize, struck upon a rock, and foundered ; but there being several frigates on each side of her, all her men Avere saved, except two. He was the very same day joined by the Dragon, a fifty gun ship commanded by Captain Holyman, which had been attacked by a French man of war of much greater force, and the captain and twenty-five men killed ; but his lieute nant fought her bravely and at last brought her safe into the fleet. In their passage, they had extremely bad Aveather, and though the Nassau had the good fortune to make a very rich prize, which was coming from Morlaix, yet' that vessel foundered the next morning, and the Aveather was then so bad, that the squadron separated, every ship shifting for itself; though all had the good luck to get safe to England, but in a very shattered condition. We have now attended the grand fleet throughout the Avhole expedition, and are next to mention what was performed by several detachments made for par ticular services. Among these, the sqiiadron com manded by Captain John Leake, claims the first no tice. On the twenty-fourth of June, 1702, he re ceived instructions from his royal highness, to pro ceed to Newfoundland, with a small squadron, in order to protect the trade, annoy the enemy, and bring the homeward bound sl\ips under his convoy. He sailed, in pursuance of these instructions, and ar rived in Plymouth Sound, on the twenty-second of July, where, having gained the best intelligence he could, as to the state of our own affairs, and of those of the enemy, hp so effectually pursued tiie design on which he came thither, that, by the end of October, he found himself ready to proceed with the homeward bound ships for England, having taken twenty-nine sail of the^eneifiy, and burnt two. Of these, three were laden with salt, twenty-five vvith fish, and one OF QUEEN ANNE. 185 from Martinico with sugar and Molasses, eight of which fell into the hands of theExeter,nine were taken by the Medway, four by the Montague, as many by the Litchfield, three by the Charles galley, and one by the Reserve, Besides which, he burnt and de stroyed all the fishing boats and stages, &c. at Tre- passy, St, Mary's, Colonet, great anti little St, Law rence's, and the island of St, Peter's, at tbe entrance of Fortune Bay, being all vej:y considerable establish ments of the French in Newfoundland, and of the greatest importance for carrying on their fishery there, and breeding their seamen. At the latter of these places, there was a small fort of six guns, which he totally demolished : after all which extra ordinary success, be sailed home safely, though the Aveather was bad, and arrived with the squadron un der his command at Portsmouth, on the tenth of No A'ember, in the same year. In this, as in the former war, nothing gave us or the Dutch more disturbance, than the expeditions made from time to time by the French ships at Dun kirk, where this year they had a small squadron un der the command of the famous Monsieur De Pointis. This induced his royal highness to equip a particular squadron under the command of Commodore Beau mont, which had orders in the latter end of the month of June, to sail to the mouth of that port, to keep the French ships from coming out. The States- general had, for the same purpose, a much stronger squadron, under the command of Rear-admiral Van- derdussen, for reasons of great importance, as they apprehended ; though it afterwards appeared, that the French kept seven or eight ships there purely to amuse us and the Dutch, and to keep us in perpetual motion. Accgrding to the informations we had here, the French were sometimes said to have a design of intercepting our homeward bound ships from Sweden and Russia ; according to others, they meditated a descent upon Scotland ; and a great deal of pains 188 NAVAL HISTORY and expence it cost us, to guard against both these designs. On the other hand, the Dutch, who always piqued themselves on having the best and earliest intelli gence, were thoroughly satisfied, that the Dunkirk squadron was not intended to attack us, but them ; and that the true scheme of the French was, to make a descent upon Zealand ; to which purpose they had likewise information, that a body of eight thousand land forces was assembled near Ostend. Full of ap prehensions on this account, they reinforced their squadron before Dunkirk, to eighteen men ofwar of the hne, and sent Vice-admiral Evertzento command it. This officer found himself so strictly tied up by his instructions, that he could not afford any assist ance to our commodore, when, in pursuance tu or ders from, home, he sent to demand it. However, after several months fruitless attendance, and fre quent informations given to the earl of Nottingham, that the French were at sea, and gone here and gone there, it at last appeared, that Commodore Beaumont had been all the while in the right, Avho affirmed in his letters, that they never stirred out of the har bour,* It may not be amiss to observe here, that, in the beginning of 1702, died J;he famous John Du Bart, He vvas a native of Dunkirk, as some say, though * In all probability, the French themselves were the authors of these pieces of false intelligence, on purpose to alarm us and our allies, and to keep up the reputation of this formidable squadron. Thus much, indeed, was true, that the people in Scotland were, in a great measure, disaffected, and the French, from time to time, promised thera assistance from Dunkirk; but the condition of their marine was such, as did not enable them to undertalce any thing of importance; and, indeed, the whole strength of tho Dun- kirli squadron was altogether insufficient for performing any of the enterprises that it was supposed to be designed for. In this, therefore, lay the error of our ministry, that they had not proper intelligence as to the force of that squadron, for this would have rendered it impossible for them to have been played upon as they ¦were. OF QUEEN ANNE. 187 Others allege that he was born at Newcastle upon Tyne, but being carried over a child, was bred up from his infancy in the sea service at Dunkirk.* This is cert^, that his mother Avas an English woman, and that he spent the first part of his life in ours and the Dutch service ; but, having nothing but his me rit to recommend him, he obtained very little, if any, preferment, wbich disgusted him so much, that, up on the breaking out of the former Avar, he entered into the service of France and rose there to the com mand of the Dunkirk squadron : in which post he rendered himself sufficiently terrible to the English and Dutch, by taking more of their ships than almost all the other French privateers together. He was succeeded in command by the Sieur Poin tis, who had taken Carthagena, and whom the French, therefore, thought it proper to reward ; though it is certain he had not either the industry or the capacity of his predecessor. But if we had nothing but the instance of this year's trouble and expence, in which no less than thirty of ours and the States-general's ships were employed in watching tbe Dunkirk squad ron, it would be sufficient to shew the absolute ne cessity of keeping that port in its dismantled .situa tion, and never permitting the French to gain by plunder the effects of other people's industry : for it * This Du Bart performed most of his great exploits by mere dint of knowledge. He derived from nature a wonderful genius for maritime aflfairs; and improved this by a steady application to them. His perfect acquaintance with all the coasts, enabled him to perform wonders ; because he, generally speaking, had to do tvith men much inferior to him in this liind of skill. He was, be sides, a most excellent seaman, and never trusted to the care of others what it was in his power to see done himself. By this means, he kept his ships constantly clean, and in readiness to go to sea, whenever an opportunity offered ; and his sagacity and suc cess placed him so high in the esteem of Louis XIV, thai he gene rally made choice of him for the execution of the most difficult cn. terpriscs undertaken during his reign ; such as the convoying the prince of Conti to Polapd, and the escorting the transports fpr the intended descent on England, in 1697. 188 NAVAL HISTORY is impossible any slight commerce carried on there, in times of tranquillity, can make the maritime powers the least amends for the risk they must run; on the breaking out of a war, should this p^rt ever be restored, and left in that condition at a peace.* I am now to speak of Admiral Benbow's expedition to the "West Indies, and of his unfortunate death, the memory of which I could, for the honour of my country, wish should be buried in oblivion ; but since that is impossible, I shall give the fairest and fullest account of the matter that I am able,, having taken. all the pains that I possibly could, to be perfectly in formed of every circumstance relating to that affair, and shall be particularly careful to av^oid concealing truth on the one side, and no less attentive not te exaggerate it on the other. We have already men tioned the cause and the manner of Admiral Ben- bow's putting to sea with his squadron, which con-, sisted of two third, and eight fourth rates. He arrived at Barbadoes on the third of November, 1701, from whence he sailed to examine the state of the French, and of our own Leeward islands. He found the fiTrmer in some confusion, and the latter in so good a state of defence, that he did not look upon himself as under any necessity of staying, and therefore sailed to Jamaica,' There he received adr vice of two French squadrons being arrived in the West Indies, Avhich alarmed the inhabitants of that island and of Barbadoes very much. After taking care, as far as his strength would permit, of both places, he formed a design of attacking Petit Gnavas ; * I hint this, the rather, because some people have laid a great stress on our commerce, by means of that port, which, they would have us believe, turns in the main more to our advantage, than to that of the French, It is certain, however, that such as are of this opinion, have little acquaintance with the maxims of the French government, or the attention that the present French mi nistry pay to things of this nature ; there being pehaps no nation in the world where nicer inquiries arc made into whatever regard! commerce. OF QUEEN ANNE, 189 but, before he could execute it, he had inteUigence that Monsieur Ducasse was in the neighbourhood of Hispaniola, vvith a squadron of French ships, having an intent to settle the Assiento in favour of the French, and to destroy the English and Dutch trade for negroes. Upon this he detached Rear-admiral Whetstone in pursuit of him, and on the elev^enth of July 1702, he sailed from Jamaica, in order to have joined the rear- admiral : but having intelligence that Ducasse was expected at Leogane, on the north-side of Hispa niola, he plied for that port, before which he arrived on the twenty-seventh. Not far from the town he perceived several ships at anchor, and one under sail, who sent out her boat to discover her strength, which coming too near was taken ; from the crew of which he learned, that there were six merchant ships in the port, and that the ship they belonged to was ft man of war of fifty guns, vvhich the admiral pressed so hard, that the captain, seeing no probability of escaping, ran the ship ashore, and blew her up. On the twenty-eighth the admiral came before the town, where he found a ship of about eighteen guns hauled under their fortifications, which however did not hinder his burning' her. The rest of the ships had sailed before day, in order to get into a better harbour, tuz. Cui de Sac; but some of our ships, between them and that port took three of them, and sunk a fourth. The admiral, after alarming Petit Guavas, which he found it impossible to attack, sailed for Donna Maria Bay, where he continued till the tenth of August, when having received advice, that Mon sieur Ducasse was sailed for Carthagena, and from thence was to sail to ^orto-Bello, he resolved to follow him, and accordingly sailed that day for the Spanish coast of Santa Martha. On the nineteenth in the evening, he discovered near that place, ten sail of tall ships to the westward ; stand hig towards them, he found the best part of thiem to 190 NAVAL HISTORY be French men of war ; upon this he made the usual signal for a line of battle, going away with an easy sail, that his sternraost .ships might come up and join thera, the French steering along-shore under their top-sails. Their squadron consisted of four ships, from sixty to seventy guns, Avith one great Dutch-built ship of about thirty or forty; and there Avas another full of soldiers, the rest small ones, and a sloop. Our fri gates a-stern were a long time in coming up, and the night advancing, the admiral steered along-side the French ; but though he endeavoured to near them, yet he intended not to make any attack, until' the Defiance was got a-breast of the headmost. Before he could reach that station, the Falmouth, which was in the rear, attempted the Dutch ship, the Windsor, the ship a-breastof her, as did also theDefiance; and soon after, the rear-admiral himself was engagedj having first received the fire of the ship which vvas opposite to him ; but the Defiance and Windsor stood no more than two or three broadsides, before they luft out of gun-shot, insomuch that the two steruT most ships of the enemy lay upon the admiral, and galled him very much ; nor did the ships in the rear come up to his assistance with that diligence which might have been expected. From four o'clock until night the fight continued, and though they then left off firing, yet the admiral kept them company ; and being of opinion, that it might be better for the ser vice if he had a new line of battle, and led himself on all tacks, he did so, and the line of battle then stood according to the arrangement in the note,* Ships* names, Commaaders. Guns. * The Breda, Vice-admiral Benbow and Captain Fog- .70 The Defiance, Captain Richard Kirby . , , 64 The Greenwich, Captain Cooper Wade ., ..54 The Ruby, Captain George Walton 48 The Pendennis, Captain Thomas Hudson -, .48 Tlie Windsor, Captain John Constable 48 The Fairaouthj Captain Samuel Vincent ...,,^4^'- OF QUEEN ANNE. , i9i On the twentieth at day-break, he found himself very near tiie enemy, with only the Ruby to as sist him, the rest of the ships lying three, four, or five miles a-stern. They had but little wind, and though the admiral was Avithin gun-shot of the enemy, yet the latter was so civil as not to fire. About two in the afternoon, the sea-breeze began to blow, and then the enemy got into a line, making what sail they could : and the rest of the ships not coming up, the admiral and the Ruby plied them with chace- guns, and kept them company all the next night.* On the twenty-first, the admiral was on the quar ter of the second ship of the enemy's line, within point-blank shot ; but the Ruby being a-head of the same ship, she fired at her, as the other ship did likewise that was a-head of the admiral. The Breda engaged the ship that first attacked the Ruby, anc^ plied ber so warmly, that she was forced to tow off. The admiral would have followed her, but the Ruby was in such a condition that he could not leave her. During this engagement the rear-ship of the enemy's- was a-breast of the Defiance and Windsor, but neither of those ships fired a single shot. On the twenty-second at day-break the Greenwich was five leagues a-stern, though the signal for battle was never struck night or day ; about three in the after noon the Avind came southerly, which gave the enemy the weather-gage. On the twenty-third the enemy Avas six leagues a-head, and the great Dutch ship * Hence it appears, that if the Ruby had deserted Admiral Benbow with the rest, he could have done nothing ; but must have been obliged to return to Jamaica, which was what his cap tains aimed at ; and if this could have been effected, they would, in ali probability, have carried their point, and the whole blame would have been thrown upon the admiral; which sufficiently de monstrates the merit of the gentleman who commanded the Ruby; viz. the late Sir George Walton, who had, however, been tam pered with in his turn by the other captains ; but when he came io be sober, and to consider the matter l>etter, discharged his duty as became iiim. 192 NAVAL HISTORY separated from them. At ten, the enemy tacked with the wind at E, N, E. the vice-admiral fetched point-blank within a shot or two of them, and each gave the other his broadside. About noon they re covered from the enemy a small English ship, called the Anne-galley, Avhich they had taken off the rock of Lisbon, The Ruby being disabled, the admiral ordered her for Port-RoyaL The rest of the squadron now came up, and the'enemy being but two miles off, the brave admiral Avas in hopes of doing something at last, and therefore continued to steer after thera ; but his ships, except the Falmouth, were soon a-stern again; at twelve the enem^ began to separate,* On the twenty-fouth, about two in tbe morning, they came up Avithin call of the sternraost, there being then very little wind. The admiral fired a broadside Avith double-round below, and round and partridge aloft. At three o'clock the admiral's right leg was shattered to pieces by a chain-shot, and he was carried down ; but he presently ordered his cradle on the quarter-deck, and continued the fight till day. Then appeared the ruins of the enemy's ship of about seventy guns, her main-yard down and shot to pieces, her fore-top-sail-yard shot away, her mizen-mast shot by the board, all her rigging gone, and her sides bored to pieces. The admiral soon after discovered the enemy standing towards him Avith a strong gale of wind. The Windsor, Penden nis, and Greenwich, a-head of the enemy, came to the lecAvard of the disabled ship, fired their broad sides, passed her, and stood to the southward : then came the Defiance, fired part of her broadside, when the disabled ship returning about twenty guns, the Defiance put her helm a-Aveather, and ran aAvay right before the wind, lowered both her top-sails, and ran * In this, all the accounts we have agree } and nothing can he plainer than that, if these captains had now returned to their duty,, most of Ducasse's squadron must have been tak«n. OF QUEEN ANNE. 193 to the leeward of the Falmouth, without any regard to the signal of battle.* The enemy seeing the other tvv^o ships stand to the southward, expected they would have tacked and stood towards them, and therefore they brought their heads to the northward. But when they saw those ships did not tack, they immediately bore down upon the admiral, and ran between their disabled ship and him, and poured in all their shot, by which they brought down his main-top-sail-yard, and shattered his rigging very much, none of the other ships being near him, or taking the least notice of his signals, though Captain Fog ordered two guns to he fired at the ships a-head, in order to put them in mind of their duty. The French, seeing things in this con fusion, brought to, and lay by their own disabled ship, re-manned and took her into tow. The Breda's rigging being much shattered, she was fbrced to lie by till ten o'clock, and being by that time refitted, the admiral ordered his captain to pursue the enemy, then about three miles to the leeward, his hne of battle signal out all the while, and Captain Fog, by the admiral's orders, sent to the other captains, to order them to Tieep the line, and behave like men. Upon this Captain Kirby came on board the aflmiral, ^nd told him, "That he had better desist ; that the French v\ ere very strong ; and that from what was past, he might guess he could make nothing of it.f" The brave Admiral Benbow, more surprised, at this language than he would have been at the sight of * It was upon full evidence of this fact, that Captain Kirby (whom the Gazette calls Kirkby) was condemned for cowardice, though on other occasions he had behaved well. It was generally supposed, that hewas the author of this scheme; at least he was charged with being so, by Wade and Constable. + This was deposed at the trial, and was not denied by Kirby. After this, the officers of his own ship pressed the admiral to retire to Jamaica, from an apprehension, that these captains, being be- jcome desperate, might 50 over to the enemy, to which the afiiicted admiral most unwillingly consented, VOL. Ill,, O 194 JfAVAL HISTORY another French squadron, sent for the rest of the captains on board, in order to^ ask their opinion. They obeyed him indeed, but were most of theni in Captain Kirby 's Avay of thinking ; which satisfied the admiral that they were not inclined to fight, and that, as Kirby phrased it, there was nothing to be done, though there was the fairest opportunity that had yet offered. Our strength was, at this time, one ship of seventy guns, one of sixty-four, one of sixty, and three of fifty ; their masts, yards, and all things else in as good condition as could be expected, and not above eight men killed, except in the vice-admiral's Own ship, nor was there any want of ammunition;^ whereas tbe enemy had now no more than four ships, from sixty to seventy guns, and one of them disabled > and in tow. The vice-admiral thought proper upon this, to return to Jamaica, where he arrived with his squadron, very weak with a fever induced by his Avounds, and was soon after joined by Rear-admiral Whetstone, with the ships umler his command. As soon as he conveniently could. Vice-admiral Benbow issued a commission to Rear-admiral Whet- ¦fitone, and several captains, to hold a court-martial for the trial of several offenders.* On the sixth of October, 1702, the court sat at Port- Royal, when Captain Kirby, of the Defiance, was brought upon ills trial. He was accused of cowardice, breach of orders, and neglect , of duty ; vvhich crimes were •proved upon oath, by the admiral himself, ten com mission, and eleven warrant oflicers ; by whose evL- (Jence it appeared that the admiral boarded Ducasse * An account of the arraignments and trials of Colonel Richard Kirby, Captain John Constable, Captain Cooper Wade, Captain 'Samuel Vincent, and Captain Christopher Fog, on a complaint exhibited by the judge advocate on behalf of her Majesty, at a court-martial held on board the Breda, in Port Royal harbour in Jamaica, &c. for cowardice and other crimes committed by them, in a fight at sea, on the 19th of August, 1702, for which Colonel, *ICirby, and Captain Wade, were sentenced to be shot to death, London, 1703^ folio. OF QUEEN ANNE. 195 in person three times, and received a large AVound in bis face, and another in his arm, before his leg Avas shot off; that Kirby, after two or three broadsides, kept always out of gun-shot, and by his behaviour created such a fear of his desertion, as greatly dis couraged the English in the engagement: that he kept two or three miles a-stern all the second day, though commanded again and again to keep his sta tion : that the third day he did not fire a gun, though he saw the admiral in the deepest distress, having two or three French men ofwar upon him at a time; and that he threatened to kill his boatswain for re peating the admirafs command to fire. He had very little to say for himself, and therefore was most de servedly sentenced to be shot, J The same d;\y Captain Constable, of the Windsor, was tried ; his own officers vindicated him from cow ardice, but the rest of the charge being clearly proved, he was sentenced to be cashiered, and to be impri soned during her Majesty's pleasure. The next day Captain Wade was tried, and the charge being fully proved by sixteen commission and Avarrant olficers on board his own ship, as also, that he was drunk during the whole time of the engagement; he, making little or no defence, had the same sentence with Kirby, As for Captain Hudson, he died a few days before his trial should have come on, and thereby avoided dying as Kirby and Wade did; for his case was exactly the same vvith theirs.* * This is taken from the proceedings of the court-martial, which is referred to in the London Gazette, No. 3878, where we have the following short account of the whole affair. "As soon as M. Ducasse, with his squadron, appeared in sight, the admiral immediately made a signal for battle, and attacked the enemy very briskly, and maintained the fight for five days ; so that, if he had been seconded by the other ships of his squadron, he would cer tainly have taken or destroyed all the French; but four of his ships did mt assist him ; the Ruby on the 21st was disabled, and afterwards sent-to Port Royal, and the whole burden lay upon the admiral and the Falmoatb; who, however, topk,a prize, beipg aa O 3 19C. NAVAL HISTORY Upon the twelfth, came on the trials of Captain Vincent, commander of the Falmouth, and Captain Fog, who was captain of the admiral's own ship the Breda, for signing, at the persuasion of Captain Kirby, a paper, containing an obligation on themselves not to fight the French. The fact was clear, and the captains themselves did not dispute it. All they of fered was in extenuation of their offence, and amount ed only to this, that they Avere apprehensive Kirby Avould have deserted to the enemy, and they took this step to prevent it. But this tale would have hardly passed on the court-martial, if the admiral himself had not given some weight to their excuses, by declaring, that however they might be overseen in subscribing that paper, yet they certainly behaved themselves very gallantly in the fight. For the sake of discipline, the court, however, . thought fit to sus pend them ; and yet, to favour the captains, this judgment was given, with a proviso that intirely took off its edge; viz. That it should not commence till his royal highness's pleasure should be known. I cannot help taking notice of Secretary Burchet's odd way of telling this story : in the first place he conceals the names bf the criminals; out of respect, he says, to their families, and because one of thein, English vessel, which the enemy had formerly taken from us ; dis abled the enemy's second ship, so that they were obl.ged to tovr her away, and very much shattered the rest of their squadron, which since is put into Porto Bello. The admiral on the 24th, had his leg broken by a chain-shot, which yet, did not discourage him from continuing the fight; yet, not being able to prevail with his captains to concur with him in that opinion, he was obliged to give over his design. On the 6th of October, Rear-admiral Whet. - stone, by commission from the,, admiral, held a court-martial, "wherein Captain Kirby, and Captain Cooper AVade, were, for cowardice and breach of orders, condemned to be shot to death, tut tho execution respited, f.ll her Majesty's pleasure should he known. Captain Constable being cleared of cowardice, was, fo» breach of orders, cashiered from her Majesty's service, and con. demned to imprisonment, during her pleasure. Captain IIudsoB died before the trial." OF QUEEN ANNE. 197 but he doth not say Avhich, had behaved Avell before. He then turns himself to Admiral Benbow, and gives him a sort of negative character in the following words : " Thus much may be observed as to Vice- admiral Benbow's conduct, that although he was a good seaman, and a gallant man, and that he was qualified in most respects to command a squadron, especially in the West Indies, in which part of the world he had long experience ; yet when he found his captains so very remiss in their duty, I think he ought, in point of discretion, to have summoned them ; and even that at first, on board his own ship, and there confined them, and placed their first lieu tenants in their rooms, Avho' would have fought well, were it for no other reason than the hopes of being continued in those commands, had they survived."* This, I must confess, does not by any means satisfy me. Admiral Benbow was no prophet : he could not foretel that these captains would behave ill, nor could he be sure that they did behave ill, till they had fre quently disobeyed his signals. Part of the time he was warmly engaged, and that could be no season for consultation; and part of the time the weather was fojul, and then he could not call them on board. Be sides, he was surrounded by bad men, and thought himself in so little capacity of punishing these people at sea, that be retired to Jamaica, purely to be safe. ,Put it would, methinks, have suited Mr. Burchet's * The captains who suffered, had some very great relations, and, in all proljability, a desire of being well with them, prevented the inserting the names of these offenders in this celebrated perform ance. But to be so tender of them, and, in the very same breath, to attack obliquely the character of so worthy a man as Admiral Benbow, docs no great honour to his history. Bishop Burnet, like wise, who is so ready on every occasion to attack the character of Sir George Rooke, Vice-admiral Graydon, and many others of our naval commanders, is wholly silent in respect to this business, there being not the least trace of it in any part of his works, in fluenced no doubt, by the same motive, that wrought so powerfully npon Secretary Bnrchet. 198 NAVAL HISTORY purpose better, to have gone to the bottom of this affair, which, for any thing I can learn, the world i» unacquainted with even yet, and therefore I think myself obliged to publish it. The admiral was an honest, rough seaman, and fancied that the command was bestowed upon him for no other reason, that that he .should serve his country : this induced him to treat Captain Kirby, and the rest of the gentlemen, a little briskly at Jamaica, when he found them not quite so ready to obey his orders as he thought was their duty ; and this it Avas that en gaged them in the base and Avicked design, of putting it out of his power to engage the French, presuming that, as so many were concerned in it, they might be able to justify themselves, and throw the blame upon the admiral, and so they hoped to be rid of him. But his rugged honesty baffled them; and we may guess at the spirit of the man, by the answer he gave one of his lieutenants, who expressed his sorrow for the loss of his leg. " I am sorry for it too," says the gallant Benbow; "but I had rather have lost them both, than have seen this dishonour brought upon the English nation. But do you hear, if another shot should take me off, behave like brave men, and fight it out,*" The turn given by the French to this affair, is very extraordinary. They tell us, that Admiral Benbow, at the distance of twelve leagues from Santa Marthaj Avith seven men of war, attacked M, Ducasse, wfao, though he had but four, did not refuse to fight. The engagement lasted five days', and on the sixth Ben bow made all the sail he could for Jamaica. He had a leg shattered, and died a littie while afterwards : his ships Avere most of them in no condition to keep the sea, more than half the crcAvs being killed. Only one ship of M. Ducasse's squadron suffered, and he had buttAventy men killed and wounded in the whole. * Se? the memoirs of this brare man farther on. OF QUEEN ANNE. 199 However, he did not care to pursue Benbow, who he did not believe to be in so bad a condition as he really was, and therefore he made the best of his way to Carthagena, where he arrived in a few days, and where his presence gave now as much joy as it had formerly, that is, when he plundered it in conjunction with Monsieur Pointis, given terror. This is a very florid, and at the same time a very false account of the affair, and from thence we may learn the value of inquiries, since the court-martial at Jamaica, by their proceedings, set this Avhole business in its true light, and left us undeniable evidence, that it was not their own bravery, but the treachery of Benbow's cap tains, that saved the French squadron. The reflections that he made on this unlucky busi ness, threw the brave admiral into a deep melancholy, whiqli soon brought him to his end ; for he died on the 4th of November, 1702, as much regretted as he deserved. The command of the squadron then de volved on Captain Whetstone, Avho in this expedition acted as rear-admiral, and of whose proceedings in the West Indies we shall give an account in its proper place. In the mean time, it is requisite that Ave should follow the condemned captains home, in order to put an end to this disagreeable narration. They were sent from Jamaica, on board her Majesty's ship the Bristol, and arrived at Plymouth on the l6th of April, 1703, where, as in all the western ports, there lay a death Avarrant for their immediate execu tion, in order to prevent any applications in their fiivour; and they were accordingly shot on board the ship that brought them home, and shewed at their death a courage and constancy of mind, which made it evident, that their behaviour in the late engagement did not flow from any infirmity of nature, but from the corruption of their minds; and I hope the ex ample of their fate will always have a proper effect on such as are intrusted with the like commands, I sbowld now, according to the order I have lao NAVAL HISTORY hitherto pursued in this work, take notice of Avhat was transacted at home, in relation to the navy, and particularly of what passed in parliament upon this subject : but as tbe queen's proclamation for a thanks giving, in which honourable mention is made of the success at Vigo, and the thanks bestowed by the House of Commons on Sir George Rooke for his- conduct in that affair, Avill appear Avith greater pro priety, when I come to the memoirs of his life ; to avoid repetitions I shall not insist further upon them here, I must however observe, that as, in the case of Kirby and Wade, her Majesty shewed a strict re gard to justice, so, Avith respect to Admiral Hopson, she gave as lively a testimony of her just sense of merit, for she not only conferred on him the honour of knighthood, but was graciously pleased to settle upon him a pension of 500/. a-year for life, witji the reversion of 300/. a-year to his lady, in case she sur vived him, on account of the prodigious service he did in breaking the boom at Vigo.* But this extraordinary mark of royal favour did not as indeed it ought not, screen him from a strict exa mination in the House of Lords, in conjunction vvith Sir George Rooke, as to the miscarriage of the design upon Cadiz; but upon the strictest review that could be m'ade of that whole affair, there appeared so little colour for censuring either of the admirals' actions, that how much soever their enemies might desire it; they were at last glad to let the matter drop. Indeed the fleet, though it had not performed all that was expected, had done as much as was possible for the service of the nation, and had thereby afforded an opportunity to our worthy minister at Lisbon, Mr. Methuen, to draw over from his alliance with the two * This was published in the Gazette of November 30, 1702, with this addition, that he was introduced to the queen, when he received the honour of knighthood, by the hand of his royal highness, Prince George of Denmark, lord high-admiral of England. SeS 'the Complete History of Europe, for the year 1702. OF QUEEN ANNE, 201 crowns, the King of Portugal, to the interest of the allies, and to conclude an advantageous treaty of commerce there.* There had hitherto appeared very little of party- opposition to the management of the war, and there fore the supplies for the service of the year 1703, were very chearfully granted, and very easily raised, which was the reason that the fleet was much earlier at sea, had all things provided in a better manner, at less ex- pence to the nation, and yet sooner than they had ever been before, which vvas one great reason why the French never had any of those advantages they boasted * Bishop Burnet gives this account. " A committee of the House of Peers sat long upon the matter : they examined all the admirals and land-officers, as well as Rooke himself, upon the whole progress of that affair. Rooke was so well supported by the court, and by his party in the House of Commons, that he seemed to despise all that the lords could do ; some who under stood sea-matters, said, that it appeared from every motion during the expedition, that he intended to do nothing but amuse and make a shew ; they also concluded, from the protection that the ministry gave him, that they intended no other. He took much pains to shew, how improper a thing a descent on Cadiz was, and how fatal the attempt must have proved : and in doing this, he arraigned his instructions, and the design he was sent on, with great boldness ; and shewed little regard to the ministers, who look more pains to tring him off, than to justify themselves. The lords of the com mittee prepared a report, which was hard upon Rooke, and laid it before the house; but so strong a party was made to oppose every thing that reflected on him, that though every particular in the re port was well proved, yet it was rejected, and a vote was carried in his. favour, justifying his conduct," The truth of the matter is, that as Sir George Rooke knew nothing of his orders, until he came to execute them ; so he was absolutely free from dependanca on any minister, and spoke what he thought with the greatest in trepidity. The main of his defence was this, that his orders were contradictory ; that the chief of them requin d his bringing over the Spaniards, if possible, to the interest of the house of Austria, and tlie rest enjoined him to sink their ships and burn the town, which he found scarce practicable ; and if it had been more so, not at all eligible, since at first the inhabitants did not discover any "great enmity: and if more had been done, it could only have served to have made the Spaniards implacable ; and after all, perhaps the town might not have been taken. 202 NAVAL HISTORY of so much in the former war. In the month of* March the queen made a kind of naval promotion. The marquis of Caermarthen was advanced ifrom being vice-admiral of the white, to be vice-admiral of the red; John Graydon, Esq, was made vice-admiral of the white, John Leake, Esq. vice-admiral of the blue; George Byng, Esq. rear-admiral of the red; Thomas Dilkes, Esq, rear-admiral of the white, and Bazil Beaumont, Esq. rear-adiUijral of the blue,* The first scheme that was formed for performing any thing remarkable at sea, was upon a foreign plan. It was intended, that the Arch-duke Charles, who was to take upon him the title of King of Spain, should also marry an infanta of Portugal, and, in conse quence of that marriage, he was to undertake some thing of importance inimediately, Avith the assistance however of the English and Dutch ; aud so hearty were the latter, that they sent a squadron of men of war, Avith nearly three thousand land-troops on board; upon our coast, and after tossing and tumbling there for some weeks, the project in the council of the imr perial court was changed, the design dropt, and the Dutch went home again. Sir George Rooke had proposed a scheme for dis tressing the enemy, by sailing very early into the Bay of Biscay, where he thought, if they had any inen of Avar without Port Louis and Rochfort, they might be surprised and taken, or at least the commerce might be interrupted ; and for the performance of this scheme, he took it upon himself f About the middle * The supplies granted this year, amounted to 3,517,957/, 7s. id. which in those days was thought an immense sum, though we have since seen much larger granted, without being well able to tell .whether for peace or war. As to the promotion, it was declared jn the Gazette of March 15, 1702, No, 3896, and was at that time highly applauded, because it was generally conceived, that those gentlemen were promoted purely in regard to their merit. It was also said at that time, that Mr, Graydon was advanced on another officer's refusing to serve in the West Indies, + There could not well be a greater sign of his being in earnest; OF QUEEN ANNE, 203 of the month of April he arrived at St. Helen's, with eighteen ships of the line, with which he was very desirous of sailing on the intended expedition, with out waiting for the Dutch ; but this proposition Avas not at first accepted ; so that he remained there till the beginning of the month of May, when he was so ill that he kept his bed, though Bishop Burnet is so charitable as to suggest, that he was only sick of the expedition ; which, had it been true, was no reflection upon him, since the execution of Avhat he proposed depended entirely on its being done in time, and the putting off his departure was chargeable on those who Were vested with that authority which commanded him.* The truth, however, was, that the admiral found himself so ill, that he applied for leave to go to the and, as to the nature of the proposal, it was certainly well calcu lated for preventing the French from reaping any beneflt from their trade with Spain, or the Spaniards from feeling any effects of French protection. This agreed exactly with the maxim upon which Sir George Rooke always went of treating the French as enemies, and the Spaniards as allies. For it was his opinion, aud he was not shy of declaring it, that it might be very practicable to retrieve Spain, though impossible to conquer it. Let it be con sidered, how far this was justified by the event. * That I may not seem to charge this prelate rashly, I will pro duce his own words : " This year things at sea, says he were ill designed, and worse executed : the making Prince George our lord high-admiral, proved in many instances very unhappy to the na tion : men of bad designs imposed on him ; he understood those matters very little, and they sheltered themselves under his namcy to which a great submission was paid ; but the complaints rose the higher for that ; our main fleet was ready to go out in May, but the Dutch fleet was not yet come over ; so Rooke was sent out to alarm the coast of France: he lingered long in port, pretending ill health ; upon that Churchill was sent to command the fleet ; but Rooke's ^ health returned happily for him, or he thought fit to lay aside that pretence, and went to sea, where he continued a mouth ; but in such a station, as if Kis design had been to keep far from meeting the French fleet, which sailed out at that time ; and to do the ene. my no harm, not so much as to disturb their quiet, by coming near their coasts; at last he returned without having attempted any thing." 204 NAVAL HISTORY I Bath, which was granted him ; and George ChurchiU, Esq, admiral of the blue, was sent to take upon hini the command. But he not arriving in time, and Sir George finding himself better, put to sea, and con tinued at sea for something more than a month; and then finding what he suspected at tl^e Isle of Wight to be true, that the enemy had notice of his design, and that most of their squadrons had sailed; and therefore perceiving that he could do the nation no service by remaining longer on the French coast, returned home about the middle of June, that he might be ready to undertake any more necessary service. When Sir George Rooke returned, he was still .so Weak and infirm, that he asked and had leave to go to Bath, his superiors seeing no reason to censure his behaviour ; and therefore, as soon as he was able to undertake it, we shall find him again in command, and employed in a service of nmch greater import ance. The grand fleet was commanded this year by Sir Cloudesley Shovel.' It consisted at first of twenty- seven ships of the line, and the admiral had under him Rear-admiral Byng, and Sir Stafford Fairborne ; and being afterwards reinforced with eight ships more, these were commanded by Vice-admiral Leake, His instructions Avere A'ery full; but all of them might be reduced to these three heads, 'Qiz. annoying the enemy; assisting our allies; and protecting our trade. He waited till the middle of June for the Dutch, and then Avas joined only by twelve ships of the line, carrying three flags ; and it is certain, that if the force he had vvith bini, had been better adjusted than it was to the things he had orders to perform, yet the time alh.wed him, which was only till the end of September, was much too short, so that it was really impossible for him to execute the services that seemed to be expected. He represented this, and is commended for it by Bishop Burnet, who had not- OF QUEEN ANNE. 20& withstanding, censured another admiral for the same thing before ; however. Sir Cloudesley Shovel was ordered to obey, and he did so, but was not able to get clear of the land till near the middle of July, hav ing also a fleet of upwards of two hundred and thirty merchantmen under bis convoy. On the twenty-fourth, he arrived off the rock of Lisbon, where he held a council of war, in which the rendezvous was > appointed to be held in Altea Bay. He pursued his instructions as far as he was able, and having secured the Turkey fleet, he intended to have stayed .some time upon the coast of Italy, But the Dutch admiral informed him, that both his orders and his victuals required his thinking of a speedy re turn ; and it was with much difficulty that Sir Cloudes ley Shovel prevailed upon him to go to Leghorn, In the mean time, the instructions he had to succour the Cevennois, who were then in arms against the French king, were found impracticable with a fleet; and, therefore, the admiral contented himself with doing all that could be done, Avhich was, to send the Tartar and the Pembroke upon that coast, where they also found it impossible to do any thing. The admi ral then detached Captain Swanton to Tunis and Tri poli, and sent Rear admiral Byng to Algiers lo renew the peace with those States, and, on the twenty-se cond of September, arrived off Altea, from whence he soon after sailed for England, On the twenty-seventh, in the Straits' mouth, he met with an Algerine man of war becalmed, upon which he immediately took her under his protection, till all the Dutch ships were passed. In this, he cer tainly performed tbe part of an English admiral, pre served the reputation of our flag, did great service to our trade, and put it out of the power of the French to practise upon those piratical States to our disad vantage, as they had done formerly. Having intel ligence that a fleet of merchant ships waited for a cpnvoy at Lisbon, he sent Sir Andrew Leake thither 20d NAVAL HISTORY with a small squadron, who escorted them safe into the Downs. On the sixteenth of November, the fleet being off the Isle of Wight, the Dutch crowded away for their own ports, and left the admiral to steer for the Downs, which he did ; but, before he made land. Captain, afterwards Sir John Norris, in the Orford, a ship of the third rate, together with the Warspight of seventy guns, and the Litchfield of fifty, being a-head of the fleet, gave chace to a French ship of war, and beginning to engage about eight at night, the dispute continued till two in the morning, when, having lost her fore top-mast and all her sails, and her standing and running rigging being much shat tered, she struck. This ship came from Newfound land, was commanded by M. De la Rue, was named the Hazardous, and had fifty guns mounted, with three hundred and seventy men ; but had more ports, and was larger than any of our sixty-gun ships, so that she was registered in the list of our royal navy. This expedition did not reflect much honour on the nation, and, therefore, it created some murmurs ; but these fell where they ought ; not upon the admi ral, who certainly did all that was in his power, but upon those who framed the project, and gave the ad miral his instructions, and vvho were thought to have rather more power than talents. But while the grand fleet was at sea, Rear-admiral Dilkes performed a very acceptable service to his country on the French coast. For the lord high ad miral's council having intelligence, that a considera ble fleet of French merchant ships, with their convoy, were in Cancall Bay, orders were sent to the rear- admiral, who was then at Spithead, with a small squadron to sail immediately in pursuit of them, Avhich he did on the twenty-second of July, On the twenty-fourth, he ordered the captain of the Non such, to stretch a-head of the squadron, and §tand a& near Alderney as he could, and send his. boat OF QUEEN ANNE. 207 a-shore to gain intelligence. On the tw^enty-fifth, he' stood towards the Casquets for the same purpose, and, at six in the evening, anchored off the south west part of Jersey , from Avhence he sent Captain Chamberlain, commander of the Spy brigantine, to the governor, that he might obtain from him the best intelligence he could give. The governor sent to him Captain James Lamprier, and Captain Thomas Pipon, who well understood that coast, by whom being informed of a fleet of about forty sail, plying to the whidward, on the fif teenth, to get to Granville, the rear-admiral, upon consultation at a council of war with the pilots, re solved to sail immediately, though the tide fell cross in the night, that, getting clear of the westernmost rocks of the Minques, he might attack the enemy by break of day ; which succeeded perfectly well ; for the next morning, the twenty-sixth, by day-light, perceiving the enemy at an anchor about a league to the westv^^ard of Granville, they, upon his approacli, got under sail, and stood in for the shore. The rear-admiral followed them as far as the pilot Avould venture, and found them to consist of forty- three merchant ships, and three men of war. Being come within four feet water more than the ship drew, he manned all his boats, and the rest of the ships did the same. By noon, he took fifteen sail, burnt six, and sunk three ; the rest stood so far into a bay, be tween Avranche and the mount of St, Michael, that, in the judgment of the pilots, our ships could not at tack them ; whereupon, on the twenty-seventh, in the morning, it was resolved, at a council of war, to go into the bay with the Hector, Mermaid, a fire- ship, the Spy brigantine, a ship of six guns, taken the day before from the enemy, a ketch, fitted out as a fire-ship, and all the boats of the squadron, wbich was performed between ten and eleven in the morning, the rear-admiral being present, accompa nied by Captain Fairfax, Captain Legg, and Cap- 208 NAVAL HISTORY tain Mighells ; as also by the Captains Lamprier and Pipon. There Avere three ships equipped for war, one of eighteen guns, which the enemy burnt, the second of fourteen guns, which Mr. Paul, first lieutenant of the Kent, set on fire, who, in this service, was shot through the lower jaw, and four men killed, and a third of eight guns, which was brought off. Seven teen more of the merchant ships were burnt and de stroyed, by this second attack, so that of the whole fleet only four escaped, by getting under the com mand of Granville fort. The enemy, during this at tack, sent several large shallops from Granville, but Avitli no success, the rear-admiral having maimed a brigantine with eighty men, and another vessel of six guns, with forty, Avho covered all the boats. This last vessel unfortunate].y run aground, which obliged the rear-admiral to burn her. There were, during the time of this action, about five thousand of the enemy seen on shore, but they did not ad vance near enough to do their own people any ser vice, or ours any hurt. The queen, to testify her kind acceptance of so cheerful and_so effectual a ser vice, ordered gold medals to be struck on this occa sion, and delivered to the rear-admiral and all his ofli cers, who certainly had very well deserved them. We are now to speak of the greatest disaster that had happatoed within the memory of man, at least, by the fury of the winds, I n^ean the storm which be gan on the twenty -sixth of November, 1703, about eleven in the evening, the wind being W, S. W. and continued, Avith dreadful flashes of lightning, till about seven the next morning. The Avater flowed to a great height in Westminster Hall, and London Bri 7. The Mortar-bomb, a fifth rate. Captain Raymond, on ths Goodwin Sands ; all her company lost, being 65. 8. The Eagle advice boat, a sixth rate, Captain Bostock, lost on the coast of Sussex : al! hor company, being 45, saved. 9. The Resolution, a third rate, Captain Lijle, on the coast ,t)f Sussex; all her company, being 221, saved. 10. The Litchfield prize, a fifth rate, Captain Chamberlain, on the coast of Sussex ; all her company, being 108, saved. 11. The Newcastle, a fourth rate. Captain Carter, lost at Spithead ; (he c;irpcntcr and 39 men were saved, and the rest, be ing 193, drowned. 12. The Vesuvius fire-ship, a fifth rate, Captain Paddon, at Spithead; all hor company, being 48, saved. 13. Tho Restoration, a third rate, Captain Emms, 387 men, ad no powder, with which, however, they were fur nished from the fleet. VVhen they came next to examine their stores closely, it was found, that in a thonsand flints, there were not fifty fit for muskets, nor had they mortars, bombs, pick-axes, spades, or indeed any thing proper and convenient for a siege. But we must take care'not to attribute this mismanagement either to Commodore Walker, who commanded here, or to Sir George Rooke, who sent him, since they both acted in obedience to orders; OF QUEEN ANNE. 215 The French writers give adifierent account of this affair, and, because the Enghsh thought fit to retreat, they will neetls have it the proof of a victory on their side. Now, as to this retreat, there were many rea sons for it, and some, indeed, that rendered it indis pensably necessary. General Codrington fell sick, and was forced to return to Nevis; then Colonel Whetham, upon vvhom the command devolved, fell also dangerously ill, and Avas carried to Antigua. The command of the land-forces fell next to Colonel Willis, who, upon certain information that the French had landed nine hundred men- on the back of the island, called a council of war, in which it was re solved to embark the forces; and this was accordingly done, as I have before observed, on the 7th of May. It must be acknowledged, that this service suffered not a little from some disputes that happened be tween the land and sea-officers ; Avhich is, generally speaking, the ruin of our West India expeditions.* As soon as the ne^'s of Vice-admiral Benbow's mis fortune and death arrived in England, it was resolved the commodore to those of the admiral, and the admiral receiving his from the ministry, who ought to have considered better what they were doing. * The governors of our colonies have scarcely ever been able to agree with the commanders of our squadrons, and with respect to this very expedition, there were as warm cornplaints made against the commodore, as ever came from the West Indies : but he represented, that the road of Guadaloupe was excessively bad; that he found it impossible to procure pilots ; that several of the ships lost their anchors, the ground being foul, and the water deep, so that some or other were daily forced out to sea ; and added to "this, that the troops were under ex-cessive difficulties, having no guides to conduct them, and being under the utmost want of ne. cessaries to support them. Besides, the island was not abandoned, till the expedition had cost us pretty dearly, as appears by the fol lowing account of our loss. There weye killed in the first action, one major, two captains, and six lieutenants ; and wounded, two colonels, seven captains, and nine lieutenants ; and three ensign? died. One hundred and fifty.four soldiers wete killed; two hun. dred and eleven wounded ; seventy-two died; fifty-nine deserted j and twelve were taken prisoners. Hie NAVAL HISTORY to send another flag-officer thither with a consider able squafiron. This command, it is said, was offered to Sir Stafforrl Fairborne, who refused it ; and then it was proposed to Mr, Graydon, who, though a cer tain prelate styles him a brutal man, made this an swer, " That it was his duty to go where the queen thought proper to command him, and that he knew no difftrence of climates when he was to obey her orders." liis instructions may be found at large iu Burchet, and the strength he was to take with him, consisting only of a third, a fourth, and a fifth rate; which last provS'ed unfit for the voyage, and, there fore, the Montague of sixty, and the Nonsuch of fifty guns, were ordered to see him a hundred and fifty leagues into the sea. They sailed about the middle of March, and, on the 18th of that month, they saw four French ships to leeward, ct^. 'two of sixty, one of fifty, and another of forty guns. This last, being both the smallest and sternmost, the Mon tague, commanded by Captain WiUiam C^leveland, bore down to, and soon after engaged her. Hereupon the vice-adiniral made the signal for a line of battle, and consequently for the Montague's coming'off; but her fore-top sail being shot in pieces, the second broadside she received from the enemy, she could not tack so soon as otherwise might have been expected, insomuch, that the other three French ships wore, and bearing down to the ship that had been engaged, each of them fired her broadside at the Montague; but she being to windward, and the sea running high, as the French generally fire in hopes of wounding masts, yards, or rigging, all their shot flew oyer her, so that she received not any considerable damage. 1 he French ships, which now made the best of their way from ours, were foul, for they were part of the squadron under command of Monsieur Ducasse, with which Vice achniral Benbow engaged in the West Indies, and (as it vvas reported) we're very rich, I'his affair drew very heavy reproaches on the OF QUEEN ANNE, 217 admiral, who, notwithstanding, seems to have acted according to the best of his abilities ; and in saving this, I am warranted by the judgment of the Admi ralty-board, who were well acquainted with Mr. Graydon's instructions.* He proceeded vvith all imaginable diligence in his voyage, and arrived at the island of Madeira on the lOih of April, 1703; and from thence he sailed to Barbadoes, where he ar rived on the 12th of May. The day before came a brigantine from Guadaloupe, with advice, that Com modore Walker vvas there, and that both seamen and soldiers were in danger of being starved for want of provisions. The vice-admiral thereupon applied him self to the agent-victualler, and having furnished himself with all the beef, pork, bread, and pease, that could be got, he sailed on the 17th. On the 20tb, he ran in with the fort and town of Guadaloupe, and seeing it in ruins, he sailed instantly for Antigua, and from thence to Nevis, where he met with the army and squadron in the greatest distress ; and, hav ing relieved them, he proceeded thence vvith all the * Bishop Burnet blames the Admiralty for inserting a paragraph in the Gazette, to justify the admiral's conduct. It is necessary the reader should see that paragraph, which runs thus : " Ply mouth, April 26, The Montague, Captain Cleveland, commander, is come in here: the Nonsuch and she went from thence the 13th of March, with Vice-admiral Graydon, in the Resolution, Cap tain Day, in the Blackwall, the transports with Brigadier Colum bine's regiment, store-ships, and merchants, bound to the West Indies, and parted from them on the 26th of the same, in the lati tude of 43 degrees. The captain says, that on the 18th of that month, in the latitude of 47 degrees, 30 minutes, they met four French men of war, and that he engaged the sternmost for some time; but upon his first engaging, the vice admiral made a signal to call him ofi", being under orders not to lose any time in his pas sage, by chacing or speaking with any ships whatsoever; the con trary winds having kept him here much longer than was intended, and the service upon which he was bound very much requiring his presence, and the regiment that was with him." The iirigle question that arose on this subject was, whether Admiral Graydon obeyed his orders ? And this is plainly decided by the foregoing paragraph in the af&rmative. 218 NAVAL HISTORY ships of war to Jamaica, where they arrived the 5th of June, The first thing he did there was, to direct a survey of the ships under his command ; which proved to be very defective, not only in their hulls, but in their masts, stores, and rigging ; and at the same time very ill-manned. This, together with some differences that arose between the admiral and some of the principal persons in Jamaica, determined him to sail home as soon as possible : and accordingly, Jiaving left the Norwich, the Experiment, and the Sea-Horse, Avith the Harman and Earl galley fire- , ships, together with two sloops, to attend the island ; and the Colchester and Sunderland to convoy home the latter trade, he sailed for Blewfields, and proceed ing from thence, he fell in with Newfoundland on the 2d of August. In the evening of that day there arose such a fog as had scarcely ever been seen ; for it lasted thirty days complete, and the weather was so very dark, that it was difficult to discover one ship from another: this occasioned the dispersion of the fleet, which could not be brought together again till the 3d of September, Avhen the vice-admiral thought it proper to consult his officers, as to the principal design of hisvoyage. which was, the attacking the French at Pla- eentia, and thereby forcing them to quit Newfound land. At this council of war there Avere present, bcr sides the vice-admiral, Rear-admiral Whetstone, and thirteen sea-captains ; of the land-ofticers, the com mander in chief. Colonel Rivers, six captains, and an engineer. They took into consideration the queen's instructions to Brigadier Columbine, then deceased, and those to Mr. Graydon, and finding all their ships in a very weak condition, that they were thinly man-. ned, and most of the sailors sick, already at short allowance, and the soldiers, through their being forced to drink water in so cold a climate, having their limbs benumbed, so that they were scarcely fit for service ; five regiments reduced to one thousand OF QUEEN ANNE, 210 and thirty-five men ; of five hundred they were to re ceive from New England, there came but seventy, now reduced to twenty-five, and those in a manner disabled; and, from the best accounts, the enemy at Placentia judged to be not only superior in number, and consequently able to make a good resistance, but the avenues to the place extremely difiicult, the grounds marshy, and no planks or other materials for mounting the guns on the batteries ; these diffi culties and obstructions being maturely considered, together Avith the good circumstances that the enemy Avere in, and the assistance they might have from their privateers, and other shipping then at Placentia, the council ofwar were unanimously of opinion, that to make an attempt on that place with the ships and forces, in such a condition and at such a season of the year, was altogether impracticable ; and, instead >of any pw)bability of success, might tend to the dis honour of her Majesty's arms,* This vvas the end of Vice-admiral Graydon's unfor tunate expedition ; in which, though it is certain, on the one hand, that he did not do the nation any re markable service, yet it is no less certain on the other, that in respect to protecting the trade, and the rest of the things in his power, he did all the service he was able. But it was his misfortune, first to feel the effects of other men's mistakes, and next, to be made answerable for them. On his return, the House of Lords entered into an inquiry into his conduct; and, besides their former warm vote, which was more than enough to have undone liim, they came to a resolution of addressing her Majesty, to remove him from all employments, for impressing servants in the * I transcribe this from a MS. account of Admiral Graydon's defence, in which are particular certificates as to the truth of each of these facts, and which, I suppose, satisfied the House of Lords as to this part of the charge ; which the admiral looked upon as that which would aifcct him most, since here he had not executed his orders, but avoided attacking the French, 220 NAVAL HISTORY West Indies ; desiring her, at the same time, to direct the attorney-general to prosecute him for that offence. This had the desired effect : Vice-admiral Graydon, as to service, was laid aside, and his memory has been loaded with the foulest imputations ; though there is great reason to believe, that he was rather unlucky than unjust, and that he suffered for miscarriages which it was not in his power to avoid. In order to have a clearer idea of this, we must consider that he justified himself as to his not fighting the French, under his orders, which were very precise upon that head ; and, ifhe had not obeyed them, he must have been answerable for all the consequences before a court-martial ; while, on the other hand, the lords, as the supreme judicature, decided in this case on the reason of the thing ; and because, as they thought, the necessity of fighting ought, in his judgment, to have superseded his orders, yet, when he pleaded ne cessity in excuse of impressing servants, this would not serve his turn ; but he was punished in that case as severely for making use of his own judgment, as for the supposed neglect of it in the other. In all probability, the resentment of the House of Lords against this gentleman was sharpened by their inspecting closely into other affairs relating to the navy; in which, it must be confessed, they found things very indifferently managed. As, for instance, complaints had been made to the lord high-admiral, of bad provisions, by which the seamen were poison ed, as well as the nation cheated ; yet a survey of the provisions objected to was delayed for three months, ^ which gave an opportunity for making such removes and changes, as rendered the proof of this charge altogether impracticable. The merchants complained that they were ill served with convoys, and that so little care was taken of the Newcastle fleet, as occa sioned an excessive rise of coals : the neglect of pro viding for such seamen as were prisoners in France, was likewise rendered very evident; asAvas the dan- OF QUEEN ANNE, 221 ger of the island of Jamaica, and the betraying our naval councils to the French, These were all di gested into an address, which was presented by the House of Lords to the queen ; to which her Majesty was* pleased to answer, that the address consisted of so many parts, that she could not then take notice of them. In the general, however, she promised she would consider of them, and give such directions as should be proper for the safety and welfare of ths nation, I think it necessary to observe here, that at this time there were very warm disputes in the House of Lords, as to the conduct of the Admiralty in the late reign, which had been censured by the House of Com mons, and in a great measure justified here ; so that at this season all the strength of party Avas exerted on both sides, and the merit of a man was less consi dered, than the faction to which he attached himself.* But it is time to leave so troublesome and unenter- taining a subject, in order to return to the conduct of the Avar, and the great things performed in the year 1704, for the service of vvhich the commons granted upwards of four miUions ; which shews, how desirous the nation' was of supporting the war to the utmost, and of giving whatever was necessary for the service of the common cause, in hopes that it would be ho nestly and effectually laid out, for those great and salutary purposes for which it vvas so chearfully given. The king of Spain was very desirous of prosecuting his voyage to Lisbon, and therefore came to Ports mouth, and would have embarked on tlie third of * The queen, by soft answers, endeavoured to pacify both Houses, which indeed was the only measure left for her to pursue ; since, if she had complied with the demands of either, it must have inflamed both. Her prudence, therefore, in this respect, was very conspicuous; though perhaps the best step she could have taken, would have been to have dismissed his royal highness's council as lord-high-admiral, and either restored the earl of Pembroke or ap pointed commissioners. 222 NAVAL HISTORY February, if the wind had been at all favourable. Sir George Rooke, who was to command the fleet that escorted him, and the land forgoes intended for his service, did CA'cry thing that could be expected to fa cilitate the expedition : for Avhen he found the trans ports were ready, and that it was impossible to have the intended number of great ships so early at sea, he proposed sailing with a small squadron to Lisbon^ and waiting there for a reinforcement. This was a A'ery wise, as Avell as vigorous step ; for, according to the information our court had received of the designs of France, they intended to have had a great naval strength inthe Mediterranean, Avhich, if it came there earher than our reinforcement, Avould have been able to have shut up our small fleet, then in those parts, in the river of Lisbon, and have intercepted all our trade homeward-bound; whereas if, according to Sir George's scheme, the supply arrived early enough at Lisbon, our fleet would be so strong as to prevent the junction of the Brest with the Toulon squadron, and to perform other requisite services on the coast of Spain.* In the first part of his design. Sir George Avas as fortunate as he could wish ; for sailing on the twelfth of February, he, after a fine j^assage, arrived with the squadron, and all the transports, in the river of Lis bon, on the 25th ; and after two days had been spent in adjusting the ceremonial, his Catholic Majesty was * This was certainly a very wise and well-judged scheme, and is a clear and direct proof that Sir George Rooke was very desirous of doing as much service as possible, and to lose no opportunity of being early in action ; his going on this expedition, with the small squadron under his command, was liable to many exceptions, if considered in a prudential light, and with a view to the credit of the admiral ; but Sir George disregarded these, when thc^ came into competition with the public service, and chose rather to risk his own character, than the nation's honour, and the prospect the king of Spain then had of success, of which his Catholic Majesty was cxtreroi'ly sensible, and gave upon all occasions tho most am ple testimonies of his particular respect for Sir George Rooke, and just acknowledgment of his services. OF QUEEN ANNE, 223 conducted to shore by the king of Portugal, and most of the royal family. Among other debates in relation to this ceremony, there Avas one which deserves par ticular notice, and that Avas in relation to our flag. The king of Portugal desired, that, upon his coming on board the admiral's ship in his barge of state, and striking his standard, the English flag might be struck at the same time ; and that when his Catholic Majesty, vvith himself, should go off from the ship, his standard might be hoisted, and the admiral's flag continue struck until they were on shore. This pro position was made from the king of Portugal, by the king of Spain ; to which the admiral replied, that his Majesty, so long as he should be on board, might command the flag to be struck Avhen he pleased ; but that whenever he left the ship, he was himself ad miral, and obliged to execute his commission by im mediately hoisting his flag. This, and some other reasons, satisfied the king of Spain, as well as his Portuguese Majesty ; so that the flag of England was no longer struck, than the standard of Portugal.* * We take this passage from the account published by autho rity ; and I think I may venture to assert, that Sir George Rooke's concern for the honour of the flag became him very well, as an English admiral, whatever might be thought of it at home by some English statesmen. Bishop Burnet, speaking of our treaty with the king of Portugal, ijaentions a very extraordinary incident re lating to this affair, which I find it necessary to transcribe. " In this treaty, an accident happened, that had almost spoiled all : the king of Portugal insisted on demanding the flag, and other respects to be paid by our admiral, when he was in his ports, The earl of Nottingham insisted it was a dishonour to England to strike, even in another king's ports. This was not demanded of the fleet that was sent to bring over Queen Katharine; so, though Methuen, our ambassador, had agreed to this article, he pressed the queen not to ratify it." — The Lord Godolphin looked on this as too incon^.i- derabie to be insisted on; the whole affairs of Europe seemed to turn upon this treaty, and so important a matter ought not to bq retarded a day, for such punctilios, as a salute, or striking the flag ; and it seemed reasonable, that every sovereign prince should claim these acknowledgments, unless where it was otherwise stipu lated by express treaties. The laying so much weight on such mat- S24 NAVAL HISTORY Two days after this, the admiral, in compliance Avith the resolution of a council of war, sent a squa dron of seventeen sail, to cruize off Cape Spartel; Avhich squadron was afterwards increased to twenty- two sail. On the 9th of March the admiral himself put to sea, and continued cruizing for a mouth. Rear-admiral Dilkes, who commanded the squadron before-mentioned, on the twelfth of March in the morning, discovered four sail of ships standing to the N. E. He had with him three third rates, and two fourth, viz. the Kent, Bedford, Suffolk, Antelope, and Panther. By eleven he came up with them, and the Panther, which Avas the headmost of ours, and engaged them ; the Suffolk getting the wind, did the same, as also the Antelope, and the Dutch privateer; insomuch, that the ship of sixty guns struck, after exchanging several broadsides. The rear-admiral could not get his own ship in reach of them until noon, and then engaging the commodore, which was a ship of sixty guns, she struck to him in a httle time, having lost half her complement of men, as the third did soon after, Avhich was a ship of tvv^enty-four guns; and in this action the Panther had her fore- top-mast shot by the board, the Suffolk her main mast, and the Antelope'fe masts and yards were wounded. The two ships before-mentioned of sixty guns,, were galleon men of war, one of them called the Porta-Coili, and the other the St. Theresa, and came from St. Sebastian's, Avith bombs, guns, iron bars, &c, being bound for Cadiz, where, as it was reported, they were to be fitted out for the West In dies, the Commodore Don Diego Bicuna having a ters, very much heightened jealousies ; and it was said, that the earl of Nottingham, and the Tories seemed to lay hold of every thing that could obstruct the progress of the war ; while the round pro ceeding of the Lord Godolphin reconciled many to him." — The friends of the earl of Godolphin need be under no concern about this story, since it is most evident from the foregoing account of Sir George Rooke's conduct, that the fact is false, and that the- lionour of the English flag was never given up. OF QUEEN ANNE, 22* commission to command all the fleet designed thither ; and in these ships were taken nearly seven hundreil prisoners. The rear-admiral, by reason of bad weather did not arrive at Lisbon till the twenty-fifth of March, and then in going in he lost the St. Theresa, but most of the men were saved. Sir George Rooke being also returned, and meeting vvith orders to sail up the Straits, prepared to execute them, though at the same time, the admiral was extremely pressed by his Ca tholic Majesty to undertake somewhat in his favour. The difficulties vvith which Sir George was at this time encompassed, were many and great. In the first place, the reinforcement he depended on was not arrived ; in the next, the queen's orders were posi tive for the relief of Nice and Villa Franca ; and he knew how great a risk he ran, in case either of those places were taken for want of timely succour. The design formed in favour of King Charles III, to in vade Catalonia, and make an attempt on Barcelona, was almost ripe for execution, and that monarch in sisted very strenuously that the fleet should escort this embarkation. In this thorny conjuncture the admiral resolved to do as much as in him lay to satisfy all parties ; and we shall hereafter see with how great judgment he executed this resolution : in the mean time it is necessary that we should explain the con duct of the administration in regard to the expedition of Sir Cloudesley Shovel. After Sir George Rooke sailed, the court received intelligence, tl*S,t the French were very busy in fit ting out a great squadron at Brest, This alarmed us very much, because it was not easy to foresee how this force would be employed. At all events it was thought proper to equip, vvith the utmost expedition, a good fleet, which was put under the Command of Sir Cloudesley Shovel, admiral of the Avhite, who had under him Sir Stafford Fairborne, vice-admiral of the red, and George Byng, Esq. then rear-admiral of the VOL. III. Q 22© NAVAL HISTORY same squadron. The admiral was instructed, if he found the Brest squadron still in port, to send away the trade, store-ships, and victuallers, under a proper convoy, to Lisbon, and to remain before that port hiniself to endeavour to ^keep in the enemy ; or, if that was found impracticable, to burn and destroy them if they came out. But in case he found the Brest squadron already sailed, then he was to call a council of war, in order to judge what strength might be necessary to be sent to Sir George Rooke ; and if it amounted to twenty-two ships, then he was to sail with them himself, that our fleet might, at all events, be stronger than that of the enemy. Sir Cloudesley executed his instructions punctually, and finding that a great strength was necessary in the Mediterranean to oppose the French, he sailed thi ther about the latter end of the month of May. We have now seen bow and why the succours in tended for Sir George Rooke's fleet, Avere so long de layed, and what care was taken for their coming, after all, in good time ; we will next therefore return to that admiral, and give a short account of the man ner in which he extricated himself out of the difficul ties in which vve left him. In the first place he sig nified to the prince of Hesse, who had the chief direc tion of his Catholic Majesty's affairs, that if the troop.s which were to make the attempt on Barcelona, could be speedily embarked, he vvas content to escort them, and togive all imaginable countenance to his Majesty's affairs in Catalonia. In compliance with this offei-, he sailed accordingly with the transports under his convoy, and on the eighteenth of May he arrived be fore the city of Barcelona. A priest and some others surrendered themselves, and informed the prince of Hesse, that if a few forces were landed, and a shew made of a bombardment, they would declare for King Charles HI, and receive him into the place. Upon this there landed, on the nineteenth of May, about twelve hundred marines, four hundred Dutdi OF QUEEN ANNE. 227 foot, a Company of Catalans, ,andas many volunteers as made up in the whole two thousand men. They remained ashore all night; and the prince finding nothing done, notwithstanding the Dutch had bom barded the place with some effect, his highness him self proposed the re-embarking the men, from an ap prehension of their being attacked by a superior force. The truth is, that he had great reason to abandon this desigiias he did, since, in the first place, the go vernor had discovered it, and had secured the chiefs of the Austrian party ; and, in the next, the force he had with him was not at all proportioned to such an undertaking.* In this whole transaction one would imagine the admiral must have been blameless, since he had done all that could be expected from him, and did not re tire till his highness himself thought it requisite. Yet Bishop Burnet has given such an account of it, as I must take the liberty of transcribing, that the public may see how necessary it is for an historian to be free from party. " Sir George Rooke came before Bar celona, where the prince of Hesse D'Armstadt assured him, there were a strong party ready to declare for King Charles, as it was certain there was a great dis position in many to it. But Rooke would not stay above three days before it ; so that the motions within the town, and the discoveries that many made of their inclinations, had almost proved fatal to them. He answered, his orders were positive ; he must make towards Nice, which it was believed the French in tended to besiege, " At this rate of writing, no man's fame or memory can be safe. Yet, to heighten the * There was certainly a very strong party in Barcelona for King Charles, and if they had felt courage enough to have declared on the first arrival of the fleet, and had marched out, and joined the land forces as soon as they had debarked, something might hav(; been done, but they continued consulting and intriguing, till the governor seized their chiefs, and then they themselves advised th^ prince of Hesse not to remain any longer before the place, on ac count pf its being equally inconvenient for him and them. q2 328 NAVAL HISTORY malice of this reflection, and to mislead the readei*, if possible, still more egregiously, the bishop tells us a long story, previously to tliis account, of the admiral's reprimanding one of his captains very severely, for departing from his orders,* though the intelligence he brought, is supposed to have saved the fleet of England, and of his avoiding the French fleet, and joining Sir Cloudesley Shovel, All of which, to speak in the softest terms, seems to have been without any foundation. The admiral landed his troops before Barcelona, on the nineteenth of May ; it was the twenty-seventh be-* fore they had any intelligence of the Brest squadron; and then, instead of shunning, they chaced them ; and on the sixteenth of June, the fleet was joined by Sir Cloudesley Shovel, with the ships under his com- inand ;. upon which it was immediately resolved, to proceed up the Mediterranean, in search of the French fleet. The whole of this affair was so perfectly well conducted, that our allies and our enemies join in commending Sir George Rooke; and yet his memory is in danger of suffering with posterity, merely be cause he was esteemed a Tory. This it was that drew upon him so many and so severe reflections, ob * In a grand debate in the House of Lords, in 1740, this fact happening to be touched upon by a noble peer, who was speaking in that august assembly, the late illustrious John duke of Argyle, rose up and said, " As for what has been mentioned in relation to Admiral Rooke, we know, my lords, the history from which it was taken. It is a story of Bishop Burnet's, in his History of his own Times, and those who have sat in this house with that pre. late must know he was a very credulous weak man. I remember him, ray lords, in this house, and I likewise remember, that my Lord Halifax, my Lord Somers, and his other friends inthe house, were always in a terror when he rose up to speak, lest he shouldin. jure their cause by some blunder. With regard to what he sayi Sgainst Admiral Rooke, I know I have heard it from those that were present, that the greatest part of it is a downright lie. Tha bishop, it is well known, was no friend to that admiral,. and there fore he easily gave credit, as he generally did in like cases, to every malicious story he heard against him." The History and Proceed. logs of the House of Lords^ vol. vii. > OF QUEEN ANNE. 229. -Bcured all the great actions he did, and forced men, who valued themselves on their skill in writing, not only to misrepresent, but to falsify facts, that they might be able to cast such imputations upon him as he never deserved. On the twenty-first of May the admiral steered for the isles of Hieres, but in the passage met witb a storm^ which separated his fleet. On the twenty- seventh they joined again, and had sight of a large French squadron, which they rightly judged to be sailing for Toulon ; and therefore it was resolved, in a. council of war, to chace them thither, and if it Avas not possible to prevent their getting into that port, then to sail for Lisbon, in order to wait for a re-inforcement ; which was accordingly done. On the fourteenth of June our fleet passed through the Straits'-mouth, and were joined two days after by Sir Cloudesley Shovel, with his squadron off Lagos : a council of war was then called, in order to consider what service should be proceeded on. Several schemes were proposed, particularly a second attack on Cadiz, Avhich was soon found to be impracticable for want of a sufficient number of land-forces. At this council of war the admiral also was pleased to declare, that he Avas limited by his instructions from attempting any thing, without the consent of the kings of Spain and Portugal ; which was another discouragenient to the service, because tho,se princes could very seldom agree on any measure ; so that, except sending some ships to the Terceras, in order to protect the home ward-bound Brazil fleet, there was little done, that I can find, which ought to be considered as the un avoidable consequence of this order. Sir George Rooke being very sensible of the re flections that would fall upon him, if, having so con- , siderable a fleet under his Command, he spent the summer in doing nothing of importance, called a council of war on the seventeenth of July, in the foad of Jetuan, where having declared that l|e 230 NAVAL HISTORY thought it requisite they should resolve upon some service or other; after a long debate it was carried to make a sudden and vigorous attempt upon Gibral tar, for three reasons : First, because in the condition the place then was, there was some probability of taking it ; which, in case it had been properly pro vided, and there had been in it a numerous garrison, Avould have been impossible. Secondly, because the possession of that place Avas of infinite importance during the present war. Thirdly, because the taking of this place would give a lustre to the queen's arms, and possibly dispose the Spaniards to favour the cause of King Charles, The fleet, in pursuance of this resolution, arrived in the Bay of Gibraltar on the twenty-first of July, and the marines, English and Dutch, to the number of eighteen hundred, were landed under the com mand of the prince of Hesse, on the Isthmus, to cut off all communication between the town and the con tinent. His highness having taken post there, sum moned the governor ; who answered, that he would defend the place to the last. On the twenty-second the admiral at break of day, gave the signal for can nonading the tovyn ; which was performed with such vigour, that fifteen thousand shot was spent in five hours; when the admiral perceiving tbat the enemy were driven from their fortifications at the south mole-head, and that if we Avere once possessed of these, the town must be taken of course, he ordered Captain Whitaker to arm all the boats, and to at tempt to make himself master of them. This order vvas no .sooner issued, than Captain Hicks and Captain Jumper, who were nearest the mole, pushed on shore with their pinnaces, and actu ally seized the fortifications before the rest could come up. The Spaniards seeing this, sprung a mine, by which tvvo lieutenants and forty men Avere killed, and about sixty more Avounded : however, they kept possession of the great platform, till they were sub* OF QUEEN ANNE. 231 tained by Captain Whitaker, and the seamen under his command, who very soon made himself master of a redoubt, between the mole and the town ; on which the admiral sent in a letter to the governor, who on the twenty-fourth capitulated, and the prince of Hesse took possession of the place. I must, upon this oc casion, observe, that as this design was contrived by the admirals, so it vvas executed entirely by the sea men, and therefore the whole honour, of it is due to them, I must likewise put the reader in mind, that nothing could have enabled the seamen to take the place, but the cannonading of it in such a manner, as obliged the Spaniards to quit their posts ; for the general officers, who viewed the fortifications after the place was in our hands, declared, that they might have been defended by fifty men against as many thousands. The French indeed say, in order to di minish, as much as possible, the glory of this action, that the Spaniards had neither garrison nor guns there; but this is far from being true, since there were above one hundred biass pieces mounted. After putting as many men as could be spared into the place, under the command of the prince of Hesse, the fleet sailed to Tetuan, in order to take in wood and water. While they lay here, the Dutch admiral sent a flag-officer and six ships to Lisbon, under orders to return home, and a promise that he would quickly follow them. On the ninth of August they sailed again from Gibraltar, and had sight of the French fleet, which they resolved to engage. The latter de chned coming- to action, and endeavoured to get away ; but Sir George pursued them with all the sail he could make. On the thirteenth of the same month, which was Sunday, he came within threis leagues of them, when they brought to with their heads to the southward, the wind being easteriy, and forming a line, lay in a proper posture to receive him. They were fifty-two ships, and twenty-four 232 NAVAL HISTORY gallies, very strong in the centre, but weaker in the; van and rear; to supply which, most of their gallies Avere placed in those squadrons. In the centre was Count Thoulouse, high-admiral of France, with the Avhite squadron ; in the van the white and blue flag, and in the rear the blue, each admiral having his vice and rear-admiral. Our fleet consisted of fifty- three ships ; but the admiral ordered the Swallow and Panther, two fourth-rates, with a fifth and a sixth, and two fire-ships, to lie to windward of him, that if the enemy's van should push through our line with their gallies and fire-ships, they might give them some diversion, A little after ten in the morning, our fleet bor$ down in order of battle, and when they came within half guu'shot of the enemy, the French set all their sails at once, as if they intended to stretch a-head and weather us; so that our admiral, after firing a chace-gun at the French admiral to stay for him, of wbich he took no notice, threw abroad the signal, and began the battle, which fell very heavy on the Royal Catherine, the St, George, and- the Shrews bury. Abput two in the afternoon the enemy's van ^ave way to ours, and the battle ended with the day, Avhen the enemy went away by the help of their gallies to leeward. In the night the wind shifted to the northward, and in the morning to the westward, which gave the enemy the wind of us. We lay by all day within three leagues of each other, repairing our defects, and at night they filed and stood to the northwards. Our fleet eiideavoured the two next days to renew the fight, but the French avoided it, and at last bore away. This plainly discovers that we had the victory, not withstanding the great advantages of the French^ which I think those who understand maritime af fairs, will allow to be as great as ever any fleet had. For first, their ships were bigger; they had seventeen three-deck ships, and we had but seven. Secondly^, OF QUEEN ANNE. 233 they had a great advantage in their weight of me tal; for they had six hundred guns more than we. Thirdly, they were clean ships, just come out of port ; whereas ours had been long at sea, and had done hard service. Fourthly, they had the assistance of their gallies ; and how great an advantage this was, Avill appear from hence, that about the middle of the fight, the French admiral ordered a seventy-gun ship to board the Monk, a sixty-gun ship of ours, com manded by Captain Mighells; which she did, and was beat off three times, and after every repulse she had her Avounded men taken off, and her compliment restored by the gallies. Fifthly, the French fleet was tho roughly provided with ammunition ; Avhich vvas so much wanted in ours, that several ships were towed out of the line, because they had not either powder or ball sufficient for a single broadside. But the skill of the admiral, and the bravery of the officers and seamen under his command, supplied all defects, and enabled them to give the French so clear a proof of their superiority over them in all respects at sea, that they not only declined renewing the fight at present, but avoided us ever after, and durst not venture a battle on that element during the remainder of the war. It may be therefore justly said, that the battle of Malaga decided the empire of the sea, and left to us and the Dutch an indisputed claim to the title of Maritime Powers, It is true, that the French, according to their old custom, claimed the victory, Louis XIV. v/rote a letter, affirming this to the archbishop of Paris, di recting Te Deum to be sung on that occasion, and afterwards published an account, which I shall give the reader as near as may be from the Gazette, and I shall then demonstrate, that the whole was no more than an artifice of state,* in order to lessen the ill- * I think it necessary to give the reader a transcript of this let^pr, from the French king to Cardinal Nqailles, because, two 234 NAVAL HISTORY consequences that were apprehended from the defeat ; and therefore, it is no less injurious to the glory of this nation, than to the honour of Sir George Rooke's memory, to "make use of the distorted tales in this relation, to prejudice the indubitable facts contain ed in ours. The substance of this French account Avas : " That, before the fight, the admiral ordered all the ships to make ready ; but the sea being calm, he gave directions for the gallies to prepare to tow the men of war off to sea. But at day-break the whole fleet weighed by favour of a breeze that blew gently from the land, and made towards the enemy, whom the currents had carried out to sea. The twenty- fourth, their fleet, in a line of battle, came up vvith the enemy ; the Marquis De Vilette, lieutenant- general, commanded the vanguard, having behind him in a second line the duke of Tursis, with his own squadron of seven gallies, and five of Spain. The great politicians have difi"ered much about it. Bishop Burnet says, that from the coldness of this letter, it was concluded in England, that the French were beat ; so that, in his judgment, this letter was the best evidence of our victory. Mr, Oldmixon thinks just the contrary ; the reader, by perusing the letter, will be able to judge for himself: " Cousin, " The fleet which I have assembled in the Mediterranean, under the command of my son the Count De Thoulouse, admiral of France, has not only disappointed the designs which the joint fleets of England and Holland had upon the coasts of Catalonia, but has also put a glorious end to the campaign, by a general engagement, which issued wholly to my advantage, though the enemies were con- siderably more in number; and had a favorable wind. The first efforts ¦were sustained, and repulsed with so much valour by all the oflicers and equipage of my ships, animated by the example of their general, that the enemies could think of nothing during the fight, which lasted ten hours, but how to defend themselves, how to avoid being boarded several times by my ships, and to secure themselves by a retreat; and though the Count De Thoulouse did all he could the two following days to come up with them, he could not bring thera to a second engagement. This happy success obliges me to return thanks to God, by public prayers." OF QUEEN ANNE, 235 Count De Thoulouse commanded the centre, having behind him the Marquis De Royes with four gallies, and the Marquis De Langeron had the command of the rear-guj^rd with eight French gallies, under command of the Count De Tourville. The enemy's van-guard was commanded by Sir Cloudesley Shovel; the centre by Sir George Rooke ; and the rear-guard were the Dutch ships, commanded by Vice-admiral Callemberg. They had sixty ships of the line, many frigates almost as large, and bomb-vessels that did them good service. Sir Cloudesley Shovel advanced before the Avind, separating himself from the centre; but observing that the Marquis De Vilette endea- A'oured to .surround him, he kept to the wind, and Sir George Rooke seeing the danger he was in, bore upon the king's fleet. The fight began about ten o'clock, north and south off Malaga, ten or eleven leagues from shore, and lasted till night. The fire was extraordinary on both sides, and notwithstand ing the enemy had the advantage of the wind, which blew the smoke upon the French fleet, they always kept as near the wind as they could, while the Count De Thoulouse made all possible efforts to approach them. The Marquis De Vilette had so roughly used the van of the enemy, having obliged five of their ships to quit their line, that he would. have entirely put the same into disorder, had not a bomb fallen upon his stern, and set it on fire ; which obliged him to qiiit the line, and extinguish the fire. Another bomb fell on the ship of the Sieurs De Belleisle, who quitted the line to refit, as did likewise the Sieur De Grancy, Osmont, Rouvroy, Pontac, and Roche Al lard. The latter fought the ship of Sir Cloudesley Shovel, of ninety guns, though he had but sixty. The Sieur Chammeslin boarded three times a ship of the enemy, but quitted the same, seeing she was on fire in several places, but because of the smoke, could not sec whether sunk. The bailiff of Lonain 236 NAVAL HISTORY was killed with a cannon-shot, and the Sieur De Re- lingue had a leg shot off. They were the Count Dc Thoulouse's two seconds, and distinguished themr selves very much, folloAving the example of their ge-? neral. The enemy continuing to sheer off, the fight with the van ended about five, Avith the centre about seven, and Avith the rear towards night. The French fleet pursued with all their hghts out; whereas the enemy, their flag-ships excepted, had none. The twenty-fifth the wind blowing again from the west, the enemy sailed towards, the coast of Barbary, so that they lost sight of them at night. The twenty- sixth, in the morning, they were seen again about four leagues distance, the wind having again shifted to the east, which gave them a fair opportunity to renew the fight, but they did not think fit to apr proach. They were not heard of afterwards ; whercr upon it was judged they had re-passed the Straits, and this obliged the Count De Thoulouse to return the twenty-seventh to Malaga, with the gallies. We had about fifteen hundred men killed or wounded. But we do not know the loss of the enemy, which must be very great ; and several persons said, that two of their ships sunk,"* I shall mention but one objection to this account, because I think I need not mention any more, and it is this, that whenever the French endeavour to ac count for their not pushing the affair farther, they in sist on the mischief done them by the Enghsh bombs; whereas nothing can be more certain, than that there was not a single bomb- vessel in the English fleet. As to the force on both sides, and the loss of each, I shall give a particular account at the bottom of the . page,t and having done this, I believe I need add * See the Complete History of Europe, for 1704, p. 787. Hi?- toire Militaire, tom, iv. + The English fleet, at the time of this battle, consisted of fite divisions besides the Dutch, of which there were but eleven shiiis. OF QUEEN* ANNE. 237 nothing to shew the folly of the French academy's causing a medal to be struck upon this occasion, as if) The strength of the fleet will particularly appear from the following list, transmitted from the admiral to the queen. 3 ^ Ships Names. ¦Rojal Catherine 730 90 27 94 St. "George 630 96 43 93 Naniure 680 96 18 44 Shrewsbury 500 80 31 73 Nassau 440 70 15 26 Grafton 440 70 31 66 Monmouth 440 70 27 62 Montaj;ue 565 60 15 34 Panther 280 50 10 16 4755 682 219 508 Barfleur 710 96 6 24 Eagle 440 70 7 57 Orford 440 70 6 9 Assurance ....440 66 6 14 Warspight 4j0 70 17 44 Swiftsure 440 70 13 33 Nottingham 365 60 7 19 Tilburv 280 40 20 25 Lenoi;"' 440 70 23 78 3995 612 105 303 .. r Prince George.. 700 90 15 57 C I Boyne 500 80 14 52 !< Newarke 500 80 15 32 . . Norfollc 500 80 15 20 ¦;: I A"armouth 440 70 7 26 « f Berwick 440 70 23 24 Ships Names. Ranelagh 535 Somerset 500 Firme 440 Triton 230 Dorsetshire . . . .500 Torbay 500 Essex 440 Kingston 365 Centurion 280 i> 3 f a £2. 5 «B p & a 2. 83 24 45 80 31 62 70 25 48 50 5 21 82 12 20 80 21 50 70 13 36 eo 14 46 56 10 31 3790 631 135 361 f .Kent 400 70 15 26 I Royal Oak 500 76 20 33 § Swallow 280 50 1 3 i 5 Cambridge 500 80 11 27 "i S Bedford 440 70 12 51 « Monk 365 60 36 52 "Suffolk 440 70 13 38 « Burford 440 70 11 19 3765 540 119 249> Total 19,385 2935 687 1632 Slain Wounded 607 1632 Total killed and wounded English 2319 Dutch 400 3080 470 89 211 Total 2719 Commission officers slain ; captains. Sir Andrew Leake, and Captain Cow : lieutenants four, and warrant officers two. Com. mission officers wounded; Captains, Mynge, Baker, Jumper, Mig. hells, Kirkson ; lieutenants thirteen ; warrant-officers, thirteen. As to the French fleet, it consisted of three squadrons ; the first, aixteen ships of the line, carrying in all, 1120 guns, and 7700 men ; the white squadron in the centre, consisting of 17 ships, carrying 1271 guns, 8.500 men ; the blue division in the rear, con sisting of 17 ships, which carried 1162 guns, 7625 men. In all, 353,^ guns, 24,163 men. Besides this, they had nine frigates, as many fire-ships, 12 French and 11 Spanish gallies, with two flutes ; in all, 92 sail. On their side was slain, a rear-admiral, five cap. taias, six lieutenants, and fiyc sea ensigns. The Count Do Thouv 238 NAVAL HISTORY instead of being defeated, the-^ French had gained a victory worthy the notice of posterity.* After the English had in vain endeavoured to renew the fight, they repaired to Gibraltar, where they continued eight days in order to refit ; and haviag supplied that place to the utmost of their power with ammunition and provision, it was thought convenient to return to England, care being first taken to pro vide such a squadron for the Mediterranean service as might secure our trade, and render any designs of the enemy abortive. On the twenty-fourth of August the admiral sailed from Gibraltar; on the twenty- sixth he gave orders to Sir John Leake, to take upon him the command of the squadron that was to re main in the Mediterranean during the winter, and then sailed home Avith the rest, where he arrived safely ou the twenty-fourth of September, and was received with all exterior marks of esteem by the mi nistry, at the same time that the populace shewed for him an unfeigned affection. But though Sir George Rooke had been happy enough to beat the French under great disadvantages, yet he was not able to bafile that spirit of envy by which he had been so long persecuted. There was a party that not only questioned his conduct and the louse himself wounded in the forehead, shoulder, and thigh ; the Count De Religues had his leg shot oflf. The Marquis De Herbault, intendant of the fleet ; Monsieur Ducasse, commodore of a squa. dron ; M. De Chateau Regnault ; the Count De Philipeaux ; tha Count De Cominges ; M. De Valincourt ; the Count De Thou. louse's secretary ; seven captains, eight lieutenants, and about one hundred and fifty other officers were wounded ; as to the loss of private men, it amounted, in the whole, to 3048. * In this extraordinary medal, Spain is represented sitting, and her arm leaning on a pillar, with victory over her head ; the legend thus : Orw Hispanicce Securitas, i. e. The security of the Spanish coasts. To shew how this was attained, we read in the exergue, Anglorum et Batavorum classe fugata ad Malagam, xxir. Au. gusti, M..DCc,ir. i. e. The English and Dutch fleet beat at Malaga, 24th of August, 1704. Gerard Vauloon, Histoire Metallique des bays, tome ir. OF QUEEN ANNE. 289 late victory, but were willing to sacrifice the glory of their country, and, as far as in them laj', to propa gate the idle stories invented by the French, as un doubted truths, purely to gratify their own spleen ; and this too in direct contradiction to the voice of the nation, as appeared by the many addresses pre sented to the queen, in vvhich the courage, conduct, and fortune of Sir George Rooke are highly extolled. To put this matter, however, out of doubt, and to shew the true sense of the queen and the ministry on this subject, it was thought proper that his royal high ness Prince George, should introduce such officers of the fleet, as had deserved best, to her Majesty : and accordingly on the ninth of October he presented, first. Sir Cloudesley Shovel, who had the honour to kiss her Majesty's hand ; then Captain John Jennings, commander of the St. George, upon whom her Ma jesty was pleased to confer the honour of knighthood, and on the, 22d or 24th of the same month, George Byng, Esq. and Thomas Dilkes, Esq. the former rear-admiral of the red, and the latter of the white squadron, were hkewise knighted. When tbe parliament came to sit, which was on the twenty-third of October, new disputes arose, and great pains were taken to prevent Sir George Rooke's conduct from meeting with public approbation : this, however, was without success ; for the House of Commons, in their address, made use of these words : " We beg leave to congratulate your Majesty upon the great and glorious successes with which it has pleased God to bless your Majesty in the entire defeat of the united forces of Fiance and Bavaria, by the arms of your Majesty and your allies, under the com mand, and by the courage and conduct of the duke of Marlborough, and in the victory obtained by your Majesty's fleet, under the command, and by the cou rage and conduct of Sir George Rooke." As it was known that these expressions gave offence to many of the warmest friends of the ministry, who thought 840 NAVAL HISTORY there was ho comparison between the victories gainerf at Blenheim and Malaga, the House thought fit to express its sentiments more clearly ; and having, on the second of November, taken into their serious consideration the services both of the fleet and the army, they unanimously voted, " That her Majesty be desired to bestow her bounty upon the seamen and land forces, who had behaved themselves so gallantly in the late actions both by sea and land." To which her Majesty very graciously answered, " That she would give her directions accordingly." One would have imagined^ that acts of so solemn a nature must have silenced such as pretended to doubt the services performed by the admiral and the fleet ; and yet it hath since appeared, that some of our historians, and many of our memoir-writers, have attempted to per suade us, thatj notwithstanding these decisions of the queen and parliament, the fleet did little or nothing, and that the fight at Malaga was a drawn battle; iu which, however, they differ from the Dutch, who confess that it was the best fought action recorded in history ; and that the skill of Sir George Rooke con^ vinced the French, that it was in vain any longer to contest with the maritime powers the empire of the sea. Before we conclude the naval transactions of this year, it is necessary that we should again pass into the Mediterranean, in order to take a view of the services performed there by Sir John Leake. The Spaniards; who were the best judges, found our possession of Gibraltar so great a thorn in their sides, that as they very lately prevailed on the French to hazard an en gagement at sea, to facilitate their retaking of it, so they afterwards demanded and obtained a squadron of French ships, under the command of Mons. De Pointis, to assist them in carrying on the siege. The prince of Hesse having sent early advice of this to Lisbon, Sir John Leake, in the beginning of the month of October, proceeded with his squadron t^ OF QUEEN ANNE. 241 the relief of the place, and actually landed several gunners, carpenters, and engineers, vvith a body of four hundred marines ; but receiving intelligence, that the French were approaching with a force much su perior to his, he found it necessary to return again to Lisbon. He did this with a view only to refit, and to be in a better condition to supply and assist the garrison in ii second expedition, for which he had very prudently directed preparations to be made in his absence. This enabled nim to put to sea again on the twenty-fifth of October, and on the twenty-ninth he entered the Bay of Gibraltar at a very critical juncture; for that very night the enemy intended to storm the town on all sides, and had procured two hundred boats from Ca diz, in order to have landed three thousand men near the new mole. But Sir John Leake entered so sud denly, that he surprised in the bay two frigates, one of 42^ and the other of 24 guns, a brigantine of 14, afire-ship of] 6, a store-ship full of bombs and gra- nadoes, two English prizes; and a Ta'rtane and ano ther frigate of thirty guns, vvhich had just got out of the bay, was taken by an English ship that followed her.* The enemy, notwithstanding these discouragements, continu'ed'the siege in expectation of a strong naval succbuf from France, and therefore Sir John Leake resolved to land as many men as he could spare, to reinforce the garrison ; which he performed on the second, third, and fourth of November, and conti nued still on" the coast in order to alarm and distress the enemy. On the nineteenth and twentieth, he or- * Not only our own writers, but even the Marquis De Quincy acknowledges the- truth of this fact : he likewise tells us of an at tempt made by 600 men, who crawled up the mountains, and ap peared On the back of the town ; which they would have certainly taken, if they had been properly supported ; but he says nothiug of the English forcing tliem over the precipice, and leaving their mangled carcasses a melancholy mark of their own rashness, and iheir countrymen's cowardice. VOL. in, a 442 NAVAL HISTORY dered his smallest frigates to go as near the shore a^ possible, and then manned all his boats, as if he in tended a descent ; but thi^was done so slowly, and the troops feigned such a reluctancy'to land, as gave the Spanish general time to draw down a great body of cavalry, which enabled the admiral to put his de sign in execution, and to salute them in such a man ner with his great and small arms, as made them scamper back to their camp, with great precipitation. The Centurion arrived on the twenty-second of No vember, and brought in with her a French prize fron* Martinico, very richly laden ; and, at the same time, gave the admiral intelligence, that he had sailed as far as was convdiient into the Bay of Cadiz, and had discovered a very strong squadron there, which he Apprehended would soon be in a condition to sail. Upon this and some other intimations, Sir John Leake resolved to put to sea, and to stand with his fleet to the eastward of Gibraltar, that he might hd the better able to take such measures as should be found necessary, as well for the preservation of the place, as for securing the succours that were expected from Lisbon. On the seventh of December arrived the Antelope, with nine transports under her convoy ; and two days afterwards the Newcastle with seven more, having on board nearly two thousand land troops. They escaped the French fleet very luckily ; for when they were off Cape Spartel they had sight of Monsieur Pointis's squadron consisting of twenty-four sail of men of war, under Enghsh and Dutch colonrs. M they expected to meet the confederate fleet under Sir John Leake and Rear-admiral Vanderdussen in thosff parts, they did then* utmost to join them ; but by good fortune were becalmed. They put their boats, to sea on both sides to tow the ships ; but the Eng lish observing that the men of war stretched them- sehi'es, and endeavoured to make a half-moon to sur round tliem, tliey made a private signal, wbich Sir OF QUEEN ANNE. 24S John Leake would have understood. This spoiled the measures of the French, who were thereby disco vered, and put up their colours, and endeavoured to fall upon the transports; but they escaped by means of their oars; and the night coming on, they got away by favour of a small breeze from the south-west. By the arrival of these succours, the garrison was in creased to upwards of three thousand men ; and hav ing already obtained many advantages over the enemy, it was no longer thought requisite to keep the fleet, v\'hich by long service was now but in an in different condition, either in the bay, or on the coast, especially when it was considered that Mons. Pointis was so near with a force equal, if not superior to that of Sir John Leake. The prince of Hesse having ac knowledged this to be reasonable, the admiral called a council of war on the twenty-first of December, and having laid before them the true state of the case, it was unanimously resolved to sail with all conve nient speed to Lisbon in order to refit, and to provide further supplies for tlie garrison, in ease, as the Spa niards gave out, they should receive such reinforce ments from King Louis and King Philip, as would enable them to renew the siege both by land and sea. This resolution was as speedily executed as wisely taken, and the fleet arrived at Lisbon in the latter end of 1704, where we shall leave them in order to return to what was doing at home, and the prepara tions made for carrying on the war by sea with greater vigour in the next year than they had been at any time since the beginning of this dispute. It was a common complaint at this juncture, that we did not prosecute the war at sea with so much vi gour as might have been expected from a nation so powerful on that element: that the enemy's taking our ships was a reproach on the nation, which ought to fall under the notice of parliament. In an swer to this, I mean in the House of Commons, itf was said, that though the facts could not be denied, b2 244 NAVAL HISTORY ft yet on the other hand it must be allowed, that the Board of Admiralty could not do more than the sup plies granted by parliament would enable theni ; and that herefore, if more was expected from, more ought to have been done for them. This vvas chiefly said by the admirals and their friends, who were very numerous. The house having considered the whole aflpair with great attention, came at length, on the se venth of November, 1704, to tbe following resolu tions ; viz. Tbat forty thousand seamen should be al lowed for the year 1705, including eight thousand marines. On the ninth they resolved tbat one hun dred thousand pounds should be allowed for the or dinary of the navy for the same year ; and that forty thousand pounds should be given to the office of ord nance for the sea service, over and above the usual provision ; and that ten thousand pounds should be given for making a wharf and store-house at Ports mouth. These were great and glorious provisions, such as shewed that the people were desirous not to spare their treasure, where the credit of the crown and their own interest were at stake. Yet in the latter end of this, and in the beginning of the succeeding year, certain inquiries were made in the House of Lords, which did as great honour to that assembly, as they gave pain to some in the ad ministration. A great clamour had been raised against the prince's council, for riot giving sufficient attention to merchants, and for having very little regard to the resentment shewn by that house against certain per sons, and certain proceedings. Lord Haversham's, and some other lords warm speeches, raised a great heat ; but before any address was made to the queen, two committees of inquiry were appointed ; one to in spect the books at the admiralty office, in order to see exactly what conduct the board bad pursued, and the other to consider what was done at sea. This was certainly a very clear and methodical way of act ing, and contributed to the laying open all the wrong OF QUEEN ANNE. 245 steps that had been winked at, either on account of private friendships, or through the prejudices of party. In the first place, the house observed, that twenty- two ships had been employed to cruize the whole summer, and thej shewed, from their accounts re turned to the admiralty-office, that they had per formed their duty so negligently, as not to have done more, than what three ships, commanded by active captains, might have been justly expected to do. They likewise complained, thai there were ten flags in pay, three of which were not at sea; that Mr. Churchill had not been at sea in any one year this war ; that Mr. Graydon had been a-shore all the last year, and that he had been employed, notwithstand-^ ing a former address for his discharge ; that Sir James Wishavt, though a rear-admiral, had the last year been Sir George Rooke's captain ; that Sir John Munden, though he had not done- his duty, had a pension of three hundred and nineteen pounds a-year, ike. Though the queen could not be very well pleased with an address vvhich reflected on the supine ness of her royal consort, yet she concealed her dis like ; an(t answered, Feb. 5, "Your address contains many observations, vvhich I will consider particularly, and give such directions upon them, as may be most. for the advantage of the public service,"* * This address of the lords was presented to the queen on the 5th of February, 1704-.5. It is, without question, one of the most valuable state pajiers extant, as it is a noble instance of the true spirit of an English parliament. It shews, how inquiries may, and ought to be conducted, and how agreeable it is to the nature of our constitutioiji to lay before the crown, and exhibit to the people true representations of the state of public affairs, that men may see how the money goes, which is said to be raised for their service, and not look upon the public as a bad steward, that receives and pays without account. This, I will be bold to say, was the reason that this war was carried on so much cheaper than our naval armaments have been ever since: for, when inquiries are frequent, frauds sel dom Imppcn ; but when these are either discouraged, made only for fprm, or so turned as to serve the little purposes of parties, who.,. ii& NAVAL HISTORY Thus, between the two houses, the business of the nation, with respect to naval affairs, was very fully done. The lords took care to correct, or at least to point out, what was amiss in past transactions ; and the commons made ample provision for the thorough supply of whatever was necessary in times to come. Yet in doing all this, some sharp expressions escaped, especially in the House of Peers, which certainly flowed rather from a zeal to party, than any love to justice; which gave such disgust to Sir George Rooke, that, after all the honours had been paid him, he declined any further command, as desiring that the queen might be easy, and tbe nation well served, rather than that any opportunities might be given him of adding either to his reputation or estate. This is the true state of the case, as far as I have been able to learn ; nor can I believe, what some warm people have ventured to assert, that the lord treasurer, Go dolphin, procured Sir George to be laid aside, in order to gratify the duke of Marlborough ; a suggestion better becoming the narrow spirit of a party-writer, than the wisdom of that great lord, or the known calmness and equanimity of the noble duke.* under colour of discovering the faults of a ministry, mean no moro than to become ministers themselves ; things must go from bad to ¦worse, and a spirit of plundering insinuate itself through all public offices. *Mr. Hornby, thereputed author of the famous " Caveat against the Whigs," which is now become extremely scarce, gives the fol lowing reflections on thedisgrace of this greatadmiral. '^' In 1704," •says he " Sir George Rooke, with a crew of cabin-boys, took the almost impregnable fortress of Gibraltar ; so that, at the same time^ British trophies were erected eastward as far as the banks of the Danube, and her flags were seen waving on the towers of the most western part of Europe, where Hercules fixed his ne plus uWa... After this, under great disadvaittages, both in the number, rates,, and condition of his ships, and, above all, in the want of ammuni-, tion, be so far convinced the French how unequal a match they "Vf ere for us on the watry element, that they never after ventured to, «quip another royal navy ; yet, how were his services undervalued by the faction here ! Gibraltar, which was able to defy the power «f Spain, and to baffls and waste thei^ army ia a, fruitless siege, an4 OF QUEEN ANNE. 247 In consequence of this measure, however brought about, a sort of thorough change ensued in the ad miralty. Sir Cloudesley Shovel was appointed rear- admiral of England, and admiral and commander in chief of the fleet ; Sir John Leake was appointed vice-admiral of the white squadron, as Sir George Byng was of the blue; Sir Thomas Dilkes, rear- admiral of the red ; William Whetstone, Esq. rear- admiral of the white, and Sir John Jennings, rear-ad miral of the blue. I have thrown these debates and promotions into the most regular order I could, for the reader's ease and my own, that I might the sooner return to action, and to the exploits of our sea force, under these new commanders ; and though I have not observed the strict rules of chronology, yet, as the promotions wete the effect of the enquiries, I hope the reader will be satisfied with my manner of stating them. These formalities thus settled, let us now proceed to the transactions of the fleet, under the command of Sir John Leake in the Mediterranean, V'ho shewed no less prudence and fortitude in pre- ¦vrhich is likely to continue to future ages, an honour to our arms, and a safeguard to our commerce, was a place of no strength or value, and the engagement at sea was celebrated with lampoons, in stead of congratulations. Neither his actions in this war, nor ia the last, his conduct in saving our Turkey fleet, or his courage in destroying the French ships at La Hogue, could prevail with them to allow him any share of skill or bravery ; so that he is to wait for justice from impartial posterity, not only in these qualities, butin one much more rare in this age, which he shewed in refusing to ask a privy seal for a sum of money remaining in his hands of what had been remitted to him ; as he had not wasted it in monstrous bowls of punch, so he scorned to enrich himself by converting the public treasure to his own use, but justly accounted for it. These monu ments, in spite of envy and detraction, will remain to his honour in the records of time, and his memory will live without the assis tance or expence of a lumpish pile of stones, clamped up against the walls of Westminster-abbey, as was bestowed to commemorate the loss of some of her Majesty's ships, and the more valuable lives of many of her subjects, for want of common care and discre. tion." 248 NAVAL HISTORY serving Gibraltar, than Sir George Rooke had done courage and conduct in acquiring it. ^ The French and Spaniards, as their own ' writers confess, were ^abstinate in their resolution of retaking Gibraltar, cost what it vvould. The eagerness shewn by King Philip on this occasion, had like to have been fatal to him ; and the method he, took to regain Gibraltar, had well nigh lost him Spain, by disgust ing most of the nobility. Hitherto, the Marquis Villadarias had commanded before the town, and had done all that a man could do, in a very bad season, with very indifferent troops. King Philip, however^., removed him, and sent Marshal De Tesse, a French man, with the title of captain-general, to command in his place ; and, at the same time, Baron De Pointis was ordered to sail with his' squadron from Cadiz to block up the place by sea. This being performed, the Spaniards made no doubt of their heing quickly, masters of the city ; and indeed the prince of Hesse found the French general so much bettei" acquainted with the art of war, arid so much better supplied with all things necessary, than the Spaniard had been, that he thought it requisite to send an express directly to Lisbon, to desire Sir John Leake to come with all imaginable, speed to his assistance. Sir Thomas Dilkes was in the mean time arrived from England, with five third rates, and a body of troops ; and these- being embarked, Sir John sailed from Lisbon on the sixth of March, to prevent the loss of this important fortress. Upon the ninth of the same month, he had sight of Cape Spartel, but not having light enough to reach the Bay of Gibraltar, he thought proper to he by, to prevent, his being discovered from the Spanish shore, intending to surprise the enemy early.in the morning; but, by bad weather, w is prevented froin making sail so soon as he intended. , About half an hour past five, he was within two miles of Cape Cabretta, when he discovered only five sail making out of the bay, and OF QUEEN ANNE. 249 a gun fired at them from Europa point; whereupon, concluding the garrison was safe, he gave chace to the ships, which proved to be the Magnanimous of 74 guns, the Liily of 86, the Ardent of 66, the Arro gant of 60, and the Marquis of 56. At first, they made for the Barbary shore; but seeing our fleet gained upon them, they stood for the Spanish coast : at nine o'clock Sir Thomas Dilkes, on board her Majesty's ship Revenge, together with the Newcastle, Antelope, Expedition, and a Dutch man of war, got vt'ithin half gunshot of the Arrogant, and after a very little resi-stance she struck, the Newcas tle's boat getting first on board her. Before one o'clock, tlie Ardent and the Marquis, with two Dutch men of war, and the Magnanimous, Avith the Lilly, ran a-shore a little to tlie westward of Marbella. The former, on board which vvas the Baron De Pointis, ran a-sliore vvith so much force, that all her masts came by the board as soon as she struck upon the ground,. and only her hull, from the traffril to the midships, remained above water, which the enemy set fire to in the n'ght, as they did to the Lily next morning. After the engagement vvas over, our squadron got farther from the shore, and on the twelfth looked into Malaga road, where her Majesty's ships, the Swallow and Leopard, chaced a French merchant-man a-shore, of the burden of about three hundred tons, which the enemy burnt. The rest of the enemy's ships, having been blown from their anchors some days before Sir John's arrival, took shelter in Malaga bay ; and soon after hearing the report of our guns, cut their cables and made the best of theix way to Toulon. Upon this, Marshal De Tesse, finding it now abso lutely in vain to continue the siege, formed a block ade, and withdrew the rest of his troops. M. Pointis was well received at the court of France, notwith standing his misfortune, neither did the Marshal De Tesse meet with any check on a,ccount of his beha viour ; and indeed it would have been hard if he had, S5& NAVAL HISTORY since he had done all that man could do, there having been thrown into Gibraltar, by the fifteenth of March, new style, more than eight thousand bombs, and up wards of seventy thousand cannon-shot fired, though to very little purpose. While these great things were doing in the Medi-^ terranean. Sir George Byng was sent with a small Squadron of cruisers into the Soundings. He sailed. in the latter end of January, with a large and rich fleet of outward-bound merchant-ships. As soon aa he had seen these safe into the sea, he disposed of his squadron in such a manner, as he thought most proper for securing our own trade, and for meeting with the French privateers. Among other new re gulations which had been the consequence of their merchants' complaint, one was the sending a flag- officer to have the constant direction of the cruisers; which in this case appeared a very wise provision, since Sir George Byng, by this disposition of his ships, was so fortunate as to take from the enemy a man of war of forty-four guns, twelve privateers, and seven merchant-ships, most of which were richly la den from the West Indies. The number of men taken on board all these prizes was upwards of two thousand, and of guns three-hundred thirty-four. This remark able success made a great noise at that time ; it was published by particular directions from the court, and has been since thought worthy of being inserted in a general history ; and yet there is not a word said of the whole affair by Mr. Secretary Burchet, who must have known all the particulars of it as well or better than any man, which renders his omission the more extraordinary. This gave such a blow to the French privateers, that they scarcely ventured into the chan nel all the year after, but chose rather to sail north ward, in hopes of meeting with some of our ships homeward-bound from the Baltic* * See the Gazette, N°. 4107, Sir George took at this time tl«i following prizer: OF QUEEN ANNE. 26J We are now to give an account of the exploits that were performed by the grand fleet, which was com manded by the famous earl of Peterborough, and Sir Cloudesley Shovel, as joint admirals ; and the first or ders they received, were, to proceed to the Mediter ranean, with the force then ready, which amounted to twenty-nine sail of line-of-battle ships, besides fri gates, fire-ships, bombs, and other small craft. On the 1 ith of June they arrived in the rivef of Lisbon, where they found Sir John Leake, with his squadron, in great want of provisions ; upon which the admiral ordered them to be supplied out of the stores brought froin England, and that for four months whole allowance. On the 15th of June a council of war was held, at which were present the joint admirals. Sir Stafford Fairborne, Sir John Leake, Sir Thomas Dilkes, and John Norris, Esq. then captain to Sir Cloudesley Shovel ; of the Dutch, Admiral Allemond, Vice- admiral Wassenaer, Rear-admiral Vanderdussen, and Rear-admiral De Jonge ; in which it was determined to put to sea with forty-eight ships of the line, Eng lish and Dutch, and dispose them in such a station between Cape Spartel and the Bay of Cadiz, as might best prevent the junction of the French squadron from Toulon and Brest. On the 22d of June, Sir Cloudesley Shovel, with the fleet sailed for Lisbon ; from thence he sailed to Altea-bay, and there took in his Catholic Majesty, who pressed the earl of Peterborough to make an iin- niediate attempt on the city of Barcelona, and the province of Catalonia; where he was assured the Privateers. Guns. Men. Privateers. Guns. Men. Thetis, a man ofwar of 44 250 Sanspareil, - 20 13.S Pesmaria, ... 36 240 Minerve, - - - 16 92 Philippo, ... 22 220 Marveilleux, . 14 85 Constable, ... SO 210 Postboy, . , . 10 70 Voler, - . .28 210 Bonaventure, - . 10 70 lloyal, .... 26 200 Admirable, - - . 12 7& Beringhen, - - - 24 160 . 1 * 1 1 _ As also seven French merchant ships most of them richly laden, from the West Indies. 258 NAVAL HISTORY people were well affected to him. This being agreed to, the fleet sailed accordingly to Barcelona, and ar rived on the 12th of August. After the troops were debarked, there were many disputes, whether the siege should, or should not, be undertaken; but at) last the affirriiative carried it ; and then a proposal was made, that the fleet should land two thousand five hundred men, exclusive of the marines, and. that the Dutch should land six hundred of their mert; which was agreed to ; on condition, hovyever, that on the first certain intelligence of the French fleet's being at sea, both seamen and marines should embark again immediately. It was next deliberated in a council of war, whether the admiral's instructions, in regard to the duke of Savoy, should be complied with or not j and it was resolved, that as the winter season was ad-^ vancing, it Avas too late for the fleet to proceed to. the coast of Italy : and, at the same council ofwar,. it was determined to return to England the- first fair wind after the 20th of September.* On the third of September, the prince of Hesse having formed a scheme for attacking Fort Mount- juic, itwas put in execution; and though it cost his highness his life, yet, through the extraordinary bra very of the earl of Peterborough, who renewed the attack, it was taken. This giving a happy prospect of the reduction of the place, the gunners and eaix * It is very clear from the original papers which have been printed in relation to this atfair, that the admiral, from the time of his coming before Barcelona, to the reducing of that city, did all that was in his power for the service of King Charles ; and it like wise appears from tho letters of the prince of Hesse to him, that he was the person principally depended upon by his Catholic Majesty, and to whom he constantiy applied when distressed by his wants,, orvexed by the earl of Peterborough's humours. It is no less clear from the same letters, that the earl of Peterborough applied to him in like manner in all, his difficulties, and was constantly as., sisted and relieved ; so that one may safely assert, thkt Sii; Cloudesley Shovel was the soul of this expedition, an^ that witW «ut him nothing was, nor indeed eould be done. OF QUEEN ANNE. 25* penters demanded by hiy Lord Peterborough, were ordered by Sir Cloudesley Shovel to be in constant readiness to land. After this success, the siege was pushed with great vigour ; the trenches were opened on the ninth, and batteries raised for fifty guns and twenty mortars. His Catholic Majesty having at length consented to it, our bomb-vessels threw four hundred and twelve shells into the town ; and eight English and Dutch ships, under the command of Sir Stafford Fairborne, being appointed to cannonade it from the-sea, while the cannon from the batteries and fort continued to do the like on shore, the viceroy desired to capitulate the twenty-third, and the capitu lation being signed the twenty-eighth, the gate' and bastion of St. Angelo vvas delivered up the same day, and the whole city in a few days after. The sur render of this capital of Catalonia so strengthened King Charles's party, that almost the whole prin cipality submitted soon after. All the world knov^^s, that the reduction of Bar celona has been considered as one of the most ex traordinary events that fell out in this, or perhaps in any modem war ; and though we have already many accounts of it, which seem to attribute it, some to one thing, some to another ; yet I will be bold to say, that nothing but the assistance given by our fleet could possibly have reduced it. When there wanted men to carry on the works, these were spared from the fleet; so were carpenters and en gineers. While our army was before the place, Cap tain Loads was sent_to reduce Denia, and Captain Cavendish to take Terragona, both which they ef fected. When artillery was wanted, it vv^as landed from the fleet, and when ammunition was wanted for this artillery, all the twenty-four and eighteen pound shot were landed for the supply of the batteries, ex cept as much as would supply thirty rounds ; and when the city was taken,, and a garrison established ikex& by King Charles III. the fleet landed eighteen 254 NAVAL HlSTORY' hundred bai-rels of gunpowder, eight brass dannon, and all the three-pound shot they had. On the first of October it was resolved in a coun cil of war, that Sir Cloudesley Shovel should proceed for England with the best part of the fleet ; that Sir John Leake with a strong squadron, should be left in the Mediterranean ; that six ships should be left to attend the earl of Peterborough, two more remain at Gibraltar, and a third and fourth tate be employed at the request of his Portuguese Majesty in cruising for the homeward-bound Brazil fleet.* * In Order to convince the reader of the truth of what has^been ^serted, it may not be amiss to lay before him part of a letter written by Sir Cloudesley to his royal highness the lord high-admi ral, dated October 12, 1705, containing an account of what passed in the last days of this siege. *' The 17th, our battery of thirty guns was opened, and four teen of them began to play, with very great execution, upon that part of the wall where the breach was designed ; the earl pf Peter borough came aboard, and represented to us the great necessity he laboured under for want of money for subsisting the army, aud carrying on the siege of Barcelona, and the services in Catalonia, and, in very pressing circumstances, desired the assistance of the fleet ; upon which our flag-officers came to the inclosed resolution .• To lend the earl of Peterborough forty thousand dollars, out of the contingent and short allowance-money of the fleet. The 19th, we came to these resolutions ; viz. To remain longer before Bar celona than was agreed on at first ; to give all the assistance in our power, and to lay a fire-ship a-shore with two hundred bar- rels of powder ; and a further demand being made for guns for the batteries, wc landed fourteen more, which made up iu all seventy- two guns, whereof thirty were twenty-four pounders that we landed here, with their utensils and ammunition. We continu* to bombard the town from the sea, as our small store of shells and the weather will permit. The 20th, a demand was made for more shot, and we called together the English flag-officers, and came to a resolution to supply all the batteries with all the twenty-four and tvrenty-eight pound shot, except a very small quantity, which was accordingly done. " The 22d, the prince of Lichenstein and the earl of Peter- borough having desired, at the request of his Catholic Majesty, that the town of Lerida might, for its security, be furnished with about fifty barrels of powder, and a further supply of shot bein^ demanded for the batteries a-shore ; it was considered at a counc^ OF QUEEN ANNE. ^66 In pursuance of these resolutions. Sir Cloudesley, with nineteen ships of the Hne, and part of the Dutch fleet, passed the Straits on the sixteenth of October, and arrived happily at Spithead on the twenty-sixth of November following, after as glo rious a sea-campaign, as either ourselves or our allies could expect. It is but just, in such a history as this, to mention our losses as well as our successes : among these I was in some doubt, whether I ought to reckon the taking a great part of our homeward-bound Baltic fleet, with their convoy, consisting of three men of war, by the Dunkirk squadron, of which we have a large account in the French historians ; I say, I was in some doubt about this, as finding no notice taken of it, either by Mr. Burchet or our gazettes ; but as I am satisfied tbat the Dutch writers would not be partial to our enemies in such a case, I find myself obliged to relate the fact as it is stated by them. The Count De St. Paul, after the death of the J^mous John Du Bart, was looked upon as the best ceaman in France, and therefore was promoted to the command of the Dunkirk squadron, in the room of Monsieur De Pointis. We had a squadron under the command of Sir Thomas Dilkes, to watch that port, and another in the Soundings ; yet M. De St. Paul found means to get out with his squadron, consisting of five men , of war and five privateers, and were joined at sea by several other privateers ; on the fiOth of October, O. S. they fell in with our Baltic of war, and we came to the enclosed resolutions ; viz. to furnish fifty barrels of powder for Lerida, and to send so many moro twenty-four and eighteen pound shot a-shore, as would reduce the . English to thirty rounds, as likewise to be farther assistant upon ^imely notice. " The 23d, at night, our breach being made, and all things pre pared for an attack, the town was again summoned, and they desired to capitulate, and hostages were exchanged ; on our side, . Brigadier Stanhope, and on the enemy's, the Marquis Pe Rirera } and all hostilities ceased," 258 NAVAL HISTORY fleet, and having directed M. Du Bart, with one of* the men of war and the privateers, to secure as many of the English ships as possible, M. De St. Paul, with the other three men of war, attacked the con voy, which madp a very gallant defence, but was at last forced to yield, and the Count D'lUiers, who commanded after; the death of M. De St. Paul, (who was shot in the midst of the action with a musket- ball), carried our three men of war, and twelve mer chant ships, into Dunkirk. I am extremely sur prised not to find the least notice of this in any of the memoir-writers ; but before I part with the fact, 1 must remark a very extraordinary saying of Louis XIV. when the news was brought him at Versailles. The person vvho told it, thought the king received' him very coldly, and repeated it therefore pretty loud, ¦ that there were three English men ofwar, and twelve merchantmen, carried into Dunkirk. " Very well,' returned the king, with a sigh ; " I wish they were all safe in any English port, if that would restore me M. De St. Paul." This was certainly a very noble and generous speech, and it was by such testinionies of respect as these, that, in the midst of his misl^r- tunes, the French king always maintained a succes sion of brave officers, ever ready to expose their lives in his service. At home we had this year a signal instance of naval discipline, vvhich therefore deserves a place in this work. One Captain Cross, who commanded the Elizabeth, gave her up to the French in the Channel, after a very slight defence. He was tried by a court- martial on board the Triumph, on the twenty-fifth of August, Sir George Byng being president, and hav ing twelve captains to assist him. It appeared there, , that he shewed the utmost signs of fear, which in timidated the men ; and that if he had behaved as be ought to have done, the enemy might have been re pulsed, and the ship saved. He offered several things OF QUEEN ANNU. 261 in his defence, such as that his surgeon was sick, ahd many of the men were drunk, and would not do their duty; butj upon a full hearing, he was declared guilty of neglect of duty, and the sentence pro nounced upon him was, that he should be cashiered, rendered incapable to serve her Majesty in any capa city, forfeit all the arrears due to him, and remain a prisoner for life. Our trade escaped, generally speaking, better this year, than it had done formerly ; for in the month of November there arrived ten East India ships, that had for some time put into Ireland : a few days after, there came thirty West Indiamen into the Downs, arid the very same day nineteen vessels from Baiba- does, which were given over for lost. Yet all this could not quiet the merchants; they still exclaimed grievously against the lord high-admiral's council, and things rOse to such a height, that I find in some of the Dutch papers of that time, itwas expected the queen would have restored the earl of Pembroke, and that his royal highness should have been created lord high-constable of England ; but by degrees this affair blew over, for the prince's council were extremely wise in one particular ; they constantly printed large vindications of their conduct, and accounted so plau sibly for every thing that was charged upon them, that it was a very few only, and those too well versed in maritime affairs, who were able to distinguish where they were right, or where they were wrong ; so that they never wanted a strong party for them amongst the people; and even at this day it is very difficult, if not altogether impracticable, to distin guish between the complaints that were excited by a spirit of party, and those that were really grounded on their miscarriages or neglects. In this year our successes had been so great both by sea and land, and there appeared so fair a pros pect of humbling the house of Bourbon in Flanders, vol.. III. s 25ff NAVAL BISTORT and of driving th§m out of Spain, that when her Majesty thought fit to recommend the Spanish war in a particular manner to parliament, the House of Commons immediately voted two hundred and fifty thousand pounds, for the prosecution of those suc cesses ; and for the whole service of Spain, during the succeeding year, they gave no less than seven hun dred twenty-six thousand seven hundred and forty pounds ; afterwards they voted for the supply of the sea-service, for the year I706, forty thousand men, including the marines ; they then voted one hundred and twenty thousand pounds, for the ordinary of the navy ; ten thousand pounds to the office of ordnance, for the works at Pmtsirjouth, and eighteen thousanrf^ two hundred and ninety-eight pounds seventeen shil lings one farthing, for ordnance stores and carriages, for the eight new ship6 built to supply the loss of 3uch as had perished in the great storm. After so generous a supply, the ministry had no thing to consider, but how to employ it in such a man ner, as that those, upon whom it was raised, might be satisfied that it was laid out for their service ; and this produced a resolution of equipping a numerous^ fleet, as early as it was possible : but it being found by experience, that it was simply impracticable to man the navy, as the laws then stood, both houses, to shew their earnest desire to put maritime affairs into the best condition possible, came to certain re solutions, upon which a bill was brought in, that petfectly answered its purpose for that time, and en- .abled Sir Cloudesley Shovel to man veiy fully, and in good time, the large fleet that vvas yitended for the Mediterranean service.* * The house came to those resolutions on Thursday the 14th of March, 1706-6, and it is necessary that the reader should be made (acquainted with thera. In few words, then, they were, 1. That in order to man the navy for.^this year, the justices of peace, and other civil magistrates, t)e impowered 3ad<4irected to make sea^cl^ OF QUEEN ANNE. 859 This, with the settling the terms of the Union, were the matters which principally took up the at tention of this session of parliament. While the house was still sitting. Sir Edward Whitaker had orders to assemble a squadron to convoy the duke of Marlborough to Holland, which he did in the begin ning of the month of April, and having seen the yachts safe into the Maese, returned by the middle of the month. Before we mention the proceedings of the grand fleet, it will be necessary to give an account of the exploits performed by Sir John Leake whom we lately left steering his course for the river of Lisbon, In that passage he had the misfortune to meet with worse weather, and more contrary winds, than was usual in those seas, or in that season. This unfore seen accident reduced the English squadron to some straits for provisions ; and the Dutch, who are much heavier sailers, to far greater. However, when they after seamen that lay concealed. 2. That the said justices and icivil magistrates, cause such seamen, when found, to be delivered to such persons as should be appointed to receive them. 3. That a penalty should be laid upon such persons as should presume to conceal seamen. 4. That a reward be given to such persons as should discover, and take up such hidden seamen. 5. That conductr money be allowed. 6. That seamen being turned over from one ship to another, should receive the wages due on the former ships. 7. That able-bodied land-men be raised, for the sea-service. To bjing these resolutions to effect, they ordered, that the committee fo whom the bill for the encouragement and increase of seamen, &c. was committed, should have power to receive a clause or clauses pursuant thereunto, and to receive a clause for discharg ing such seamen, and other insolvent prisoners, as were in prison for debt, and delivering them into her Majesty's service on board the fleet. Which being passed into an act, received the royal as sent on the nineteenth. The same day the lords addressed her Majesty on the same subject, praying her to take it into her royal care, and employ proper persons to consider of effectual means, to restore the discipline of the navy, in order to be laid before the parliament the beginning of the next session. Pursuant to which JiET Majesty, a few days after, caused a long proclamation to be published, for the better putting in execution the act of parliameiJt ajipyg mentioned. S S 2tfO NAVAL flISTORY were oflf Cape St. Vincent, they met the Pembroke,. Roebuck, and Falcon, , which escorted a small fleet of victuallers, that could not have arrived moie oppor tunely, or have been consequently more welcome. On his coming to Lisbon, Sir John Leake had some proposals made him by the Portuguese ministry, which were thought altogether impracticable in the then situation of things, and therefore Sir John waved complying with them. In the beginning of the month of February, came letters from the Admi ralty, with advice of the mighty preparations that were making in the French ports, and the resolution that had been taken by the Spaniards to send avvay their galleons directly from Cadiz, under a French convoy, for the West Indies ; which Sir John was directed to consider, and, if possible, to prevent ; of which mighty hopes vv^ere conceived in England, when the news was made public; Sir John being held as able, and reputed withal as fortunate an ad miral as any in the service, and indeed deserved to be so reputed.* Upon this intelligence, he called a council of war on the sixteenth of Febraary, in which it vvas re solved, to proceed directly with the ships then ready, which were nine third rates, one fourth, two frigates, two fire-ships, and one bomb-vessel, English ; six ships of the line, one frigate, two fire-ships^, and a bomb-vessel, Dutch ; and with these, in case the galleons were in the harbour of Cadiz, to enter it * This scheme of sending so great a fleet into tfie West Indies, ¦was of the last importance to the house of Rourbon ; since, with out a supply of money, the war could not be carried on in Europe ; as, on the other hand, there were little hopes of pre. serving the West Indies in a due dependence upon Spain, without furnishing them from time to time with proper supplies. If, there. fore, wc could have taken the galleons at this time, it is most evident, that vi-emust have disappointed both their designs, which, as affairs then stood, would, in all probability, have obliged king Philip to retire into France, at least for the present, and perhapsi have put it for ever out of his power to return to Spain. OF QUEEN ANNE. 261. tTirectly, if wind and weather would permit, and either take or destroy them. On the nineteenth another council of war was held, before which was laid a memorial of the Portuguese ministry, directed to Mr. Methuen, in relation to the homeward-bound Brazil fleet ; and strict instructions from the lord high-admiral for succouring his Catholic Majesty without delay. Upon mature deliberation, they re mained fixed to their former resolves, with these ad ditions only, that as soon as they had executed their intended design on the galleons, they woyld make such a detachment as the Portuguese desired ; and that whenever they should be joined witb the ships and transports from England at Gibraltar, whither they intended to repair, they would instantly steer their course for the coast of Catalonia. When these resolutions were formed, and the day fixed for the departure of our fleet. Sir John Leake acquainted Mr. Methuen, then our ambassador at the court of Portugal, that it would be necessary to lay an embargo on all ships and vessels, that the enemy might have* no intelhgence of our design; and, upon Mr. Methuen's application, such an or der was granted. But as there is nothing weaker, or at least nothing more subject to disappointment than human policy, so this point that vvas thought so necessary to our security, proved, by an accident, if indeed it ought to be so called, altogether unac countable, the ruin of our design. Sir John Leake sailed with the fleet under his command, on the twenty-fourth of February; but, when he arrived before fort St. Julian, the Duke De Cadaval, w^ho commanded there, discharged first several single guns, anti then fired the cannon of a whple bas tion upon him. This surprised the admiral very much, who sending to know the reason of it, the duke pretended that it was done in pursuance of the order of embargo, as if the court of Portugal could ' possibly intend to detain the fleet of tlie ftHies ia S62 NAVAL HISTORY their'harbour. This dispute hindered Sir John's sail-' ing somewhat more than twenty-four hours, and in the mean time tbe Portuguese, who doubted whe ther the embargo did not extend to the fleet of the allies, suffered' five merchant ships, two of which Were Danes, and were supposed to have given notice of the design, to go out of the port the next day after the embargo was laid. On the 27th, Sir John Leake reached Cape St. Vincent, where he met with an easterly wind, which decayed about noon, and it became perfectly calm. Next morning, however, he lay fair for the galleons, if they had come out before the wind would suffer him to reach Cadiz. But that night he received ad vice, that the galleons had sailed with a very hard gale at east, on the 10th of March, N. S. the 27th of February according to our reckoning at that time; 80 that it is plain that if he had- sailed on the 24th, he must have met them. He was likewise informed that they consisted of thirty-six sail, that is to say, twenty-four galleons, and ten or twelve French pri vateers, from forty to fifty-six guns, which were or dered to see them safe into tbe sea. Sir John steered after them, though with little hopes of coming up, unless the east Avind had left them when they were at the height of Cape St. Vincent. Next morning he saw two sail a-head, to which tbe fleet gave chace. About six, the Dutch Vice-admiral Wassenaer took one of them, and, soon after, the other was taken by the Northumberland} they proved to be Spanish ships bound for the Canaries ; and, as they sailed from Cadiz the day after the galleons, it was thought needless to continue the chace any longer. We are now to turn our eyes towards the copduct of King Charles III. He had been left in the city of Barcelona with a very small garrison, while the earl of Peterborough went to conquer the kingdom of Valentia, which he very happily accomplished, though with an inconsiderable force. The French OF QUEEN ANNE. 2t53 and Spaniards in the mean time were projecting the destruction of King Charles's affairs at a single blow; •and it must be acknowledged, that their scheme was so well laid, that nothing but a few untoward acci dents could possibly have disappointed it This de sign of theirs -was to shut him up in Barcelona, which city they intended to attack both by land and sea, in the beginning of the month of March, when they Jooked upon it as a thing impossible for our fleet to have succoured him, as indeed it would have proved. The command of the land army was committed t® Marsha;l Tesse, but whether he really wanted activity in his own nature, oi" was so crossed in all his under takings by the grandees of Spain, that he could do nothing; I ^y, which ever was the case, so it was, that when the Count De Thoulouse was ready to sail with the French fleet from Toulon, the Spanish army was in no condition to forai the siege ; so that the whole month of March was spun out iu preparations, and the place was not invested till the beg^amiing of April. This design was very early discovered here at home, and advice was sent of it to Sir John Leake before he sailed from Lisbon; but it does not appear^ that either the earl of Peterboiough or King Charles apprehended this mischief, at least in clue time, other wise the king would have been provided with a better garrison, and the place have been certainly put into a condition of making a greater resistance. After missing his design on the galleons, the fleet under the command of Sir Jphn Leake, repaired to Gibral tar, where he received a letter from his Catholic Ma jesty, entreating his immediate assistance, in terms which suflSciently discovered the deep distress he was in, and the concern and terror he was under.* * The style and contents of King Charles's letter to Sir John Leake, are so singular, that they certainly deserve the readw's notice.: 264 NAVAL HISTORY The king's fears were far from being ill-founded. M. Tesse came before the place with a numerous army, and the Count De Thoulouse landed ammuni tion and provision sufficient for the service of an army of thirty thousand men for two months; so that it is very evident the French did all that could be expected from them by sea; and if their endea vours had been as vvell seconded on shore, the place had undoubtedly been lost. But it so fell out, that the Sieur De Lepara, their principal engineer, was far enough from being a perfect master of his trade. He made a mistake at the beginning, which lost him eight or ten days time, and before he could correct this, they lost him by a shot from the place. This proved an irreparable misfortune ; for though he was but an indifferent engineer, yet, after his death, it « I THE KING. " Admiral Leake, " I am disposed to take upon me this pccasion to advise you of the high risk this principality and my royal person is found in ; for I make no doubt, before to-morrow, the enemy'will molest ns. They have already blockaded me with a squadron, and their army is nov^ almost in sight of this city, and by their quick marches, have obtained some posts, which, if they might have been prevented, would very much have hindered their designs. " I am resolved, although I find myself vvith such a small gar^ rison, (as a thousand men of regular troops, and four hundred horse, not to leave this place; for, in the present conjuncture, I have considered, that my going hence will be the loss of the city, and, consequently, pf all the other places which the happy success of the last campaign hath reduced to my obedience; for which reason, it is my opinion to risk all, and venture the casualties that a siege is incident to, putting just trust and confidence in your known zeal towards the great forwarding the common cause, piaking no doubt how much you have contributed towards the succours forwardness. I hope in a few days you will appear be, fore this place, where your known valour and activity may meet with a glorious success, for which I shall agaiii constitute you the f;redit of my royal gratitude. " Given at Barcelona, the Slst of March, 1706. "I the KING. f * B^ command of the king my master, ^' I|enry pe Guntei^." OF QUEEN ANNE. 265 appeared they had not his equal, so that when they came to make an assault on the place, they were re pulsed with considerable loss. These circumstances 1 thought it necessary to relate, previously to our ac count of Sir John Leake's proceedings ; and having now shewn the errors, mistakes, and misfortunes, of the French and Spaniards before Barcelona, we will return to our fleet, and the measures taken for reliev ing King Charles by raising the siege. On the Sd of April, Commodore Price,^ with six English, and as many more Dutch men of war, joined Sir John Leake, who, in a council of war held on the Gth, resolved, in obedience to King Charles's letter, to sail immediately to Barcelona. In pursuance of this resolution, he arrived on the 18th in Altea Bay, and the next day had intelligence, that Sir George Byng, with a squadron from England, was coming up ; three days after they were joined by Commo dore Walker with his squadron, as they had been the day before by Sir George Byng ; and then it was de termined to sail north of Majorca, and that each ship. should make the best of her way without staying for the rest. Opon the 26th, the earl of Peterborough came off from Terragona, with aTsquadion of barks, having fourteen hundred land-forces on board ; and, when he came to the fleet, hoisted the union-flag on board the Prince George, as admiral and commander in chief. His excellency found that the council of war had rejected his proposals, and, indeed, their re jecting them saved the place ; since, before his arri val. Sir George Byng, Sir John Jennings, and Admi ral Wassenaer, had anchored in the road of Barcelona, and by the contrivance of Sir George Byng, a consi derable body of troops had been thrown into the town-. On the 27th, in the afternoon, the whole fleet ai> rived in the harbour of Barcelona, without meeting with the least opposition ; for the Count De Thou- JiOuse having received an exact account of the naval 268 NAVAL HISTORY force of the allies, thought fit to sail away with the French fleet to Toulon ; which obliged the land-army to raise the siege with great precipitation. This re lief app'eared the more surprising, and must have been consequently the more grateful to King Charles, and all his faithful subjects, since it prevented their destruction but by a few hours, the enemy having made all the necessary dispositions for storming the place that very night, when, considering the extreme weakness of the garrison, their success could scarcely have been doubted. Tvvo days after the arrival of the fleet, M. -De Tesse thought fit to raise tbe siege in a very extraordinary manner, for which our own, and the French histo rians, profess themselves equally at a loss to account. His army consisted still of fourteen thousand men, the succours thrown into the place did not exceed six thousand ; so that it was very strange he should leave behind him a train of one hundred and six pieces of brass cannon, forty- seven mortars, two thousand bombs, ten thousand grenades, forty thou sand cannon shot, two hundred barrels of musket- shot, five thousand barrels of powder, eight thousand swords, eighteen thousand sacks of corn, besides flour, rye, and oats, in proportion, not only unde- stroyed, but untouched, as if they intended it as. a present to the besieged, by way of compensation for the trouble they hacl given them. Yet to me the cause of this is pretty evident ; the marshal saw himself under the necessity of regaining -the kingdom of Castile, by a strange sort of a march, first into Rousillon, then round by the Pyrenees, and so through Navarre, which constrained him to leave his sick and wounded in his camp, with a letter re commending them to the earl of Peterborough's cle mency : and, I make no manner of question, that he chose to let things remain as he did, that these help less people might obtain the more favour ; which, though needless, when he had to do with an Eng- OF QUEEN ANNE. ' 267 tish general, was nevertheless humane in him. The admiral took to himself and his ofhcers the honour of this great exploit, which was one of the most im portant, and withal, one of the most honourable, that happened throughout the war. His Most Catholic Majesty, on the other hand, was no less ready in paying a ju§t tribute of praise and respect to his me rit; so that, if ever there was a fact so well estabhshed as to be out of all dispute it is this, that Barcelona was relieved by Sir John Leake.* * A more pregnant proof of this cannot be had, than from the following letter of his Catholic Majesty to Sir John Leake, before the relief of Barcelona, indeed, but which evidently shews that the king' placed all his hopes in our naval force, and expected from Sir John Leake alone, that it should^ be exerted for his preserva tion. This letter, to say the truth, is so honourable to the Bri tish arms, as well as to the very worthy man to whom it is ad. dressed, that I thought fit to transcribe the whole, otherwise tho last paragraph might very well have served my purpose. « SIR, *' It is with no small satisfaction that I have been informed, from the earl of Peterborough's letters, of your happy arrival upon the coast of Valentia. I doubt not, but you have heard of the loss of Montjuic, and of the condition my town of Barcelona is in, where 1 was wiUing to suffer myself to be besieged, and to endure all the hardships and accidents of war, to encourage both the garrison and my subjects, by my presence, to make a long and vigorous defence. " It seems, by the enemy's motions, they have already received notice of your approach ; but, instead of thinking to retreat, they have redoubled their efforts, and fire upon the breach, which. will be in a condition to be stormed after to-morrow at farthest ; and, in all appearance, they will make a desperate attempt to tender themselves masters of this town, before the fleet can arrive with the succours. ' " Hence you will judge of the indispensable necessity there is, that you should do your utmost endeavours to relieve us without loss of time, and bring the fleet directly hither, together with tho troops, to my town of Barcelona, without stopping or disembark ing the forces elsewhere (as some other persons may pretend to direct you), for they can be no where so necessary as in this town, which is at the very point pf being lost for want of relief. Wherefore, I pray God to have you in Us holy protection, and 268 NAVAL HISTORY The next great service that was attempted was, the reducing Alicant; and in saihng thither, putting into Altea Bay, the admiral received notice, that Carthar gena was disposed to submit : upon which. Sir John Jennings was sent to that city, who returned on the 24th of June, after leaving a garrison in the place. But with respect to Ahcant, the governor refused to surrender, and, therefore, itwas resolved to besiege it by land, while it was attacked by the fleet at sea. To facilitate this, seamen were landed from the fleet, and SirGeorge Byng, with five ships, anchored in a line so near the town, that he quickly dismounted all the enemy's artillery, though the guns pointing to wards the sea were no fewer than one hundred and sixty. On the 28th, in the morning, it was resolved to attack the place on all sides j and with this view Sir John Jennings landed the marines he brought from Carthagena. About nine in the morning, the ships had made a breach in the round tower, at the west end of the town, and another in the middle of the curtain, between the mole and the easternmost basr tion, when the landrforces marching up towards the walls of the city, fifteen grenadiers, with an officer and serjeant, advancing, without order so to do, to the breach of the round tower, all the boats under the command of Sir John Jennings, went directly to sustain them, but before the men landed, the grena diers were beaten back. However, the boats pro ceeded, and all the men getting ashore, Captain Evans of the Royal Oak mounted the breach first, got into the town with tvvo or three of the boats' expecting the pleasure of seeing you as soon as possible, I assure you of my perfect esteem and acknowledgment. " Barcelona, May 4, N. S. 1706. «' CHARLES, " P. S- Sir, you will discern the condition we are in by our letters, and I hope you will come as soon as possible to save us, of which you ajone shall have the glory. For the rest, I refef you to Mr. Stanhope's letter." OF QUEEN ANNE. 26S .crew; Captain Passenger of the Royal Anne followed, and next to him Captain Watkins of the St. George, with some seamen. Sir John Jennings, with the rest of the seamen and forces, who were in possession of the suburbs, moved on to support them ; who, coming into the town, secured the posts, and made proper dispositions until the rest got in, when Ma- honi, retiring into the castle, left them in possession, with the loss of but very few men ; Colonel Petit, however, was killed in the suburbs, standing arm and arm with Sir John Jennings, by a small shot out of a window, as they were viewing the ground for rais ing the battery against the wall of the town ; besides whom there were not above thirty killed either of the sea or land-forces ; and not more than eighty wound ed, notwithstanding the Spaniards had a continued communication from one house to another, and fired, on our men from the windows and holes made for that purpose.* Next day. Brigadier Gorge, who commanded the troops before, the place, summoned Count Mahoni to surrender, which he absolutely refused to do ; but the ships continuing to cannonade very briskly, and a great number of bombs being thrown into their * All that I have said with respect to the service performed by the fleet, is fully confirmed by the author of the inquiry into the management of the war in Spain, who gives us the following ac count of this transaction, p. 135. " Brigadier Gorge's troops, which were so much wanted in Castile, really contributed very little towards the reduction of Alicant; for as the fleet, without any assistance from the army, had made themselves masters of Car thagena not long before, by the exemplary courage and conduct of Sir George Byng, and Sir John Jennings; so now the squadron, which Sir John Leake had ordered Sir George Byng to command for that purpose, bombarded and cannonaded the' town of Alicant with so much success, that in a few days they made two practica ble breaches in the wall, between the east and west gates, which, the sailors bravely stormed; and Sir George Byng being in pos session of the place, forced open the gates to let the land-forces in, who, having lost their engineer Petit, were uot yet even masters of the'suburbs." 270 NAVAL HISTORY works, the garrison, which consisted mostly of Nea politans, compelled the governor to give up the plaee^ notwithstanding all his declarations to the contrary. Brigadier Gorge took possession of it, and was ap pointed governor. It was even then much dispute(;l, whether, this place was of any use, and whether the time and men lost before it were not absolutely thrown away. But, be that as it will, the conduct of Sir John Leake, and the courage of his officers and seamen are no way impeached thereby ; nor does it at all lessen the glory of this action, which was one of the boldest that ever was performed by men, that it vvas undertaken to lit tle or no purpose.* Thus much is certain, that soon after the taking of Alicant, King Philip's forces were entirely driven out of Arragon, and that whole king» dom reduced to the obedience of his competitor. After the reduction of Alicant, Sir John Leake, in the beginning of the month of Sepvtember, sailed to Altea Bay, from whence he sent Sir John Jennings with his squadron, intended for the West India ser* vice, to refit at Lisbon. He next made the necessary disposition for a winter squadron, which was to be commanded by Sir George Byng, and then proceed ed to put in execution his last orders, which were, to reduce the islands of Ivica and Majorca. These is lands not only belong to the crown of Spain, but} their situation rendered them very necessary, at this time, to the allies, as affording thiem an opportunity of supplying the places, they had lately reduceci with. provisions, and securing a proper retreat for their smaller vessels, whenever it should be found ne cessary to keep a squadron in those seas during the winter. It does not appear, that the Spanish court * The truth of this fully appears in a letter from Brigadier Gorge to Sir John Leake, in which he complains of being left in the midst of enemies, in so distressed a condition, that unless Sir John was able to relieve him, he should find himself obliged to abandon it. OF QUEEN ANNE. 271 had taken any precautions for their defence, as being entirely occupied vvith the thoughts of preserving Mi norca, which was looked upon as the island of great est importance, and, therefore, most of their regular troops were there. On the sixth of September, Sir John sailed from Altea Bay, and, on the ninth, anchored before Ivica. This island, which is about fourscore miles in circuit, abounds with corn, wine, fruit, salt, &c. and the in habitants, being a trading people, were rather inclin ed to submit to the allies, than to remain under their old government ; and, therefore, on the first sum mons, they sent deputies to make their submission, which was readily accepted, and King Charles IIL immediately proclaimed. On the thirteenth, the fleet sailed for Majorca, and arrived, on the fourteenth, be fore Palma. This island, which is one of the finest in the world, abounding with all the necessaries of life, well planted and well peopled, and so large as to be once accounted a kingdom, was at this time governed by the Conde De Alcudia, who was a na tive of the place. He was warmly in the interest of King Philip, and when the admiral summoned him, sent him a Spanish answer, " That he would defend the island as long as there was a man in it," But upon throwing three or four bombs into the place, which did no great mischief, the inhabitants rose and forced the viceroy to surrender. He shewed-his wis dom, however,^ where he could not shew his courage,- by making a very prudent capitulation. Sir John Leake left a garrison in Porto-Pin, and two men of war to carry off the Conde, and such other of the inhabitants as were disaffected to King Charles III. and on the twenty-third of the same month he prosecuted his voyage for England. Be fore his departure he received a letter from his Ca tholic Majesty, who very gratefully acknowledged the services that he had done him, and expressed the highest satisfaction as to his conduct on all occasions. 272 NAVAL HISTORY On the second of October Sir John passed the Straits^ and on the fourth, when he was off the south cape, detached Sir George Byng, with the winter squad ron, for Lisbon. On the seventeenth he arrived safe at St. Helen's, having been separated in a storm from the rest of the fleet, which came soon after into Portsmouth. And thus ended as successful a sea- campaign as is recorded in our own, or perhaps in any other history.* Sir Stafford Fairborne, then vice-admiral of the red, was appointed, with a small squadron, to look into the mouth of the river Charent, with orders also to, destro}' such ships as the enemy might have at Roch fort. He sailed for this purpose in the latter end of the month of April, and after continuing at sea about three weeks, he returned to Plymouth with a few prizes. Soon after he received orders to sail for the Downs, from whence he was quickly ordered over to Flanders, to assist in taking Ostend. Arriving be fore that place, he stood in so near the town, that they fired upon him, which he returned; but was soon after ordered to Newport, from whence, after the blockade of that place was formed, he came back to Ostend. A scheme had been contrived by some of the land officers for destroying the little vessels be longing to that port ; but when it came to be execut ed, it was found wholly impracticable. The entrance of the harbour being long, narrow, and crooked, whatever vessel or ship attempted to go in, must in evitably be much exposed to the platform of guns ; so that there seemed but little hopes of attempting any thing against the ships by sea, which lay all in a cluster close to the quay, on the backside of the town ; but there were letters in the camp which insi- * Sec the London Gazette, No. 4272, in which there is a large account of the capitulation with the viceroy of Majorca, which shews that Sir John Leake was a very able man in the closet, as well as the field, and knew how to treat, as well as how to act in a rougher manner. OF QUEEN ANNF. 273 nuated, that as soon as the trenches were opened, the batteries raised, and some bombs thrown into the place, the Spaniards in garrison, assisted by the sea men and burghers, would oblige the French garrison to yield. On the nineteenth of June, the trenches were open ed before the place ; 'Sir Stafford Fairborne, with his squadron, cannonaded it by sea, and at the same time two bomb vessels w^ere sent as near as might be, and when they came to play did great execution. Sir Stafford, likewise, caused all the small frigates to run in as near the town as possible, and to discharge their broadsides ; which they did with so little damage to themselves, and so great hurt to the place, that the people began to mutiny, and the governor found him self, as he pretended, under a necessity of capitulat ing, vvhich he did on the twenty-fifth. Thus the city of Ostend, which had formerly held out so many months, was taken in a week; though, besides the Spanish garrison, Count De la Mothe was there with a considerable body of French troops, which he undertook should not serve again in six months ; and as one of their own writers pleasantly says, it had been very happy for France, if he had for himself undertaken never to serve again. After the surrender of Ostend, Sir Stafford Fairborne return ed to Spithead, to assist in convoying a body of troops that were intended for a descent.* Before we speak of the proceedings of the grand fleet under Sir Cloudesley Shovel, it will be requisite * In the siege of Ost«nd, the duke of Marlborough gave signal proofs of his personal courage ; for coming to make a visit to M, D'Auverqucrque, he wentinto the trenches, where he stayed a con. siderable time, and examined every thing very attentively, though the enemy, who had slackened their tire before, renewed it with excessive violence, as soon as they knew, by the salute of the fleet, that his grace was come to the camp. In doing this, contrary to his usual custom, he shewed, that when he was moro careful of his person, it was out of respect to the service, and not for any want «f that temper of mind, which commonly passes for heroism, VOL. III. T $74 NAVAL HISTORY to say something of the intended descent which we have just mentioned: this was a design framed upon the representation of some French Huguenots ; parti cularly the famous Marquis Guiscard, who was after-, terwards engaged in a design to assassinate the queen,. The land forces designed for this service consisted of nearly ten thousand men. They were to be com manded in chief by the Earl Rivers : under him by the Lieutenant-Generals Earle and De Guiscard : the earl of Essex, and Lord Mordaunt, eldest son to the earl of Peterborough, were to serve in this expedition! as major-generals. On the 10th of Augus^t, the fleet vinder the command of Sir Cloudesley Shovel, sailed from St. Helen's; but not being joined time enough by the Dutch, this project proved abortive; and it was resolved, that the fleet should proceed to Lisbon with these forces on board, and that they should be. employed in the service of his Catholic Majesty. It does not appear, that after their tlisappoint- ment in this scheme of making a descent on France, the ministry came to any resolution as to the em ployment of the grand fleet, or of tbe land forces on board it ; it looks as if all things had been trusted to the wisdom of the- admiral, Sir Cloudesley Shovel, and of the general. The fleet was extremely late be fore it sailed for the Mediterranean ; viz. the first of October, and being in the Soundings on the tenth of^ the same month, the Barfleur, a second rate, sprung a dangerous leak, which obliged the admiral to send her home, and to take the Earl Rivers, and his prin cipal officers, into his own ship the Association. Pro ceeding in their voyage, they met with exceedingly bad weather; insomuch, that when the admiral ar rived in the river of Lisbon, he had with him but four men of war, and fifty transports ; but he had the good luck to find the rest of the fleet arrived be fore him, so that he began immediately to prepare for action, and sent two ships of Sir George Byng's squadron to Alicant, vvith money and necessaries fo*. OF QUEEN ANNE. 275 the army, then under the command of the earl of Galway, which was in very great want of them. While he was thus employed, he heard, with great regret, of the disorders that had fallen out in the Spa nish court and in our army. It is very hard to say, who was, or who was not, in the right : but this is cer tain, that in consequence of these disputes, King Charles III. lost his interest among the Spaniards ; and though he was once master of Madrid, he was forced to quit it again, and his affairs began to fall into such confusion, that the admiral at Lisbon could .scarce tell what he had to do, or how he was to act for his Catholic Majesty's service, and, therefore, thought it requisite to send- Colonel Worsley to Va lentia, in order to receive from the king himself, and ¦ the general, a certain account of their affairs, and a true state of the services they expected from him. While this gentleman was gone, and before the ad miral had it in his power to take any settled resolu tion, the king of Portugal died, which threw the affairs of that kingdom into some confusion ; and that could not happen without affecting us. We before observed, that the Portuguese ministry acted in a manner no way suitable to the strict alliance wdiich then subsisted between our court and theirs. But now things grew worse and worse; and whatever sen timents the new king might be of, his ministers ven tured to take some such steps, as were not to be borne with patience by an admiral of Sir Cloudesley Shovel's temper. Upon the return of Colonel Worsley, the admiral was apprized, by letters from the king and the earl of Galway, that, unless he could bring Earl Rivers, and the forces under his command, and land them so as that they might come to their assistance, things were likely to fail into as great confusion as they were in the winter before, whereby all the advantages vvould be lost which had been afterwards procured at so vast an expence, both ,of blood and treasure, by the maii- T 2 276 NAVAL HISTORY time powers. These advices gave the admiral the more concern, as he knew that the ships were so much damaged by the rough weather which they had met with in their passage, that it was impossible to fife them speedily for sea ; and that, on the other hand, the land forces were so ranch reduced by sickness. death, and other accidents, that, instead of ten, there were scarcely six thousand effective men- He resolved, however, to do the best he could to comply with the king and the general's- desire; tlie rather becausehe saw that nothing but spirit and diligence could possibly recover those advantages, which had been lost through divisions and neglect of duty. He gave orders, there fore, for repairing, with the utmost diligence, the mischief that had been done to his ships ; directed the transports to be victualled, and made the other ' necessary dispositions for proceeding with both the fleet and army for the Spanish coast, and in the mean time dispatched five men of war with a considerable sum of money and clothes for t^ e troops, and was on the very point of embarking the forces, when he was restrained by an order from England, of vvhich \ve shall say more when we come to treat of the transactions of the ensuing year, to which it properly belongs. In the mean time. Captain William Coney, who commanded the Ptomney, a ship of fifty guns, hay ing been dispatched, as we before observed, by Sir Cloudesley Shovel, to cruise in those seas, and being then with the Milford and Fowey, two fifth rates, they received intelligence on the twelfth of December, that a French ship of sixty guns, vvith thirty piece* of fine brass cannon on board, that had been taken ont of the ship commanded by M. De Pointis, and which he had run ashore when he fled from Sir John Leake, lay at anchor under the cannon of Malaga, he resolved to go and attempt her ; which design he put iu execution, though one of the fifth rates was ac- ci^dentally disabled, and the other separated from him,; OF QUEEN ANNE. 277 ^d sailing directly under the cannon of the place, cut her from her anchors, notwithstanding all the fire they could make, and carried her safe into the harbour of Gibraltar*, On the twenty-sixth of the same month, he cha ced, snd came up with another French ship, called .he C""!! tent, that carried sixty-four guns. The cap tain of her, instead of attempting to fight the English ships, got as soon as he could under the cannon of a little castle, about eight leagues vwst of Ameria, where he crept ^s close as it was possible to the shore. Captain Coney anchored before him, and ordered the Milford and Fowey to do the same, the one ahead the other astern. They plied their guns for about three hours very briskly, and then the French ship took fire, blew up, and was entirely destroyed, with most of her men. This ship had been detached by M. Vii- lars, to bring the before-mentioned «hip from Malaga. Some time after Captain Coney took another French ship, called the Mercury, of forty-two guns, which the French king li'fld lent the merchants, and which, at their expence, was fitted out as a privateer. I should now proceed to resume the history of affairs in tlie West Indies, but that there remains a remarkable action or two in Europe, vvhich I think deserve notice, and, therefore, I have set them down here, in the close of the year, by themselves, not finding it so easy to reduce them to any particular ser vice. On the nineteenth of April, the Resolution, a seventy gun ship, commanded by Captain Mordaunt, youngest son of the earl of Peterborough, having his father on board, and his Catholic Majesty's envoy to the duke of Savoy, fell in with six large ships of the enemy, in his passage to Genoa; the earl of Peterbo rough perceiving the danger, desired that himself, and the Spanish envoy, might be |>ut on board a small frigate, called the Enterprise ; for as he took his bu siness then to be negociating, not fighting, he was willing to escape to Oneglia, if it was possible, which. n& • NAVAL HISTORY" according to his usual good fortune, he was lucky enough to effect. The Milford, a fifth rate, which we have lately mentioned, was likewise wdth Captain Mordaunt, but seeing the danger, ran from it, and escaped. On the twentieth the weather proved very bad, so that tbe Resolution was in part disabled, which gave the enemy an opportunity of coming up with her; upon which Captain Mordaunt, by advice of his officers, resolved to run her ashore, having received a great deal of damage in the engagement. About three in the afternoon he effected this, and ran her a-ground in a- sandy bay, within a third of a cable's length of the land, and directly under the cannon of the castle of Ventimiglia, belonging to the Genoese, who not withstanding gave them not the least assistance. About half an hour after four. Captain Mordaunt, being disabled by a shot in his thigh, was carried on shore, but would not retire far from his ship; and about five the French commodore manned out all the boats of his squadron, in order to board the Resolu tion, under the fire of one of their seventy-gun ships, which plied ours warmly all the while ; but the Re solution, even in the condition she was in, gave them such a reception, as obliged them to return to their respective ships. On the twenty-first, about half an hour past six in the morning, one of the enemy's ships of eighty guns weighing her anchor, brought to un der the Resolution's stern, and about nine o'clock, a spring being put under the cable, she lay with her broadside towards her, while she at the same time looked with her head right into the shore, so that it was not possible to bring any more guns to bear upon the French sliip, than those of her stern-chace; aud the others being within less than gun-shot, and the water coming into the Resolution as high as her gun- deck. Captain Mordaunt sent to his officers for their opinion what was fitting to be done; and, pursuant to their advice, he gave them directions to set her OF vere not either in a condition to hurt the enemy's settlements, or so much as able to defend our own. The truth seems to be, that the great fleets we fitted out every year for the Mediterranean, and the cruisers that were necessary upon our own coasts, Guavas to France, under convoy of two French men of war, one of four and twenty, and another of thirty guns, out of which Cap. tain Anderson, commodore of the English, took six merchant men, laden with sugar, cocoa, cochineal, and indigo, and brought them to Jamaica. When he arrived, Admiral Whetstone held a court- martial, and Captain Ander.son, with the other officers, were con demned to lose their commissions for not engaging the French men of war. OF QUEEN ANNE. 283 took up so many ships, that it was scarcely possible to supply even the reasonable demands of the West Indies, The enemy, on the other hand, had some very sig nal advantages ; for after Sir George Rooke had taught them, that sea-fights were not for their ad vantage, they had recourse to their old trade of car rying on a piratical war ; and as they had little trade to protect, and many good ships, they were able to furnish out stout squadrons for this purpose. Add to all that has been said, the great concerns they had in the West Indies, Avhere now not only the French, but the Spanish settlements vvere immediately under their care, and where, as France had the free use of the ports, so she had the direction also of the naval force of both nations, without which she could never have carried on the war. The driving the English out of the Leeward-islands, was the point the French had most in view, and hav ing a very exact account of our condition there, the governor of St. Domingo, M. Iberville, had orders to assist in an attempt that vvas to be made on St. Chris topher's. It is in truth a very difficult thing to give a fair account of this matter, since the French maa- nify it, and such of our writers as have taken any notice of it, have done all they could to lessen and disparage it. The most probable relation that I have met vvith among manj'^, sets the affair in this light. The Count De Chavagnac, with a small squadron of French men of war, attacked the island of St. Chris topher's in the month of March, where they burnt and plundered several plantations ; but when they came to attack the castle, they were repulsed with loss. They vvould, however, in all jjrobability, have carried their point at last, if the governor of Barba does, on receiving information of vvhat had happened, had not sent down thither a sloop, with intelligence to the governor, that a squadron from England was coming to his relief. This reaching the ears of the &M TS^AVAL HISTORY French, as it was intended it should, they embarked in much haste, after having done a great deal of mis chief; but, however, nothing comparable to what the French writers say.* But, unluckily for us, before Count De Chavagnac sailed, Count Iberville joined him with his squadron; so that they bad now five stout men of war, some frigates, and twenty sloops, with which they resolved to attack Nevis, They landed in Green- bay, in the evening of the £2d of the same month, which was Good-Friday ; and they pushed their operations so briskly, that by the 24th, which was Easter- Sunday, the inhabitants made a capitulation, by which they promised to deliver up all their negroes, and to procure a number of prisoners equal to that of themselves, to be set at liberty in Europe, in con sideration of their not being taken off the island. Our Gazette says, that the French broke these arti cles, by treating them barbarously, burning their houses and sugar-works, and other actions of the like nature. But other accounts say, that the inhabitants could not comply with their capitulation, because the negroes retiring into the mountains, stood on their defence, and when attacked, killed a great number of the French, Upon this the inhabitants came to"a new agreement on the 6th of April, in vvhich they undertook to deliver to the French, in less than six months, on^ thousand four hundred negroes, or one hundred and forty thousand pieces of eight ; upon which the French retired, carrying off with thera most of the effects, and a great number of negroes, but fewer certainly than seven thousand, as a French historian computes them, A little after this unfor- * Father Daniel, in his Journal of the Reign of Louis XIV. p, 236,. computes the plunder of St. Christopher's at three millions of French money, or liO,000 pounds of ours ; which is, I think, in credible ; especially, if the French retired in some kind of conster nation ; and that they did is pretty certain, since the Count De Cha- vagnac was questioned about it when he returned to France, OF QUEEN ANNE. 285 turiate accident. Commodore Ker arrived with a con siderable force in the Leeward-islands, and having stationed several ships according to his instructions, he bore away with the rest for Jamaica, which was then thought to be in danger, from the junction of Iberville's squadron with that of Du Casse. In the mean time Rear-admiral Whetstone sailed with a few ships from Jamaica, in hopes of attacking Du Casse, before he was joined by the succours he ex pected. But this design being defeated by bad wea ther, he returned to Jamaica about the middle of July, and towards the latter end of the same month was joined by Commodore Ker, with the squadron under his command. There being now so considera ble a force, the admiral was very desirous that some thing should be attempted capable of effacing the memory of past mistakes, and vvorth}^ the naval force of the British nation. After mature deliberation, it was resolved to proceed to Carthagena, where they knew the galleons were, to try what effect King Charles's letters would produce, and whether the governor might not be wrought upon by our suc cesses in Europe, to own him for his rightful sove reign in America. With this view. Sir William Whetstone and Captain Ker sailed from Jamaica on the Sth of August, and on the 18th arrived before Carthagena, and sent in a packet to the governor. At first he trifled a little, and gave evasive answers ; but when more closely pressed, he declared roundly, that he knew no sovereign but Philip V. and that no other he would obey. There were at that time in the port fourteen large galleons, lying close in with the city, and unrigged. The admiral was for attempting; to burn them, but the pilots unanimously declared, that any such design vvould be found impracticable, unless we were first in possession of Bocca Chica Castle, and the other forts ; aud even in that case, it was very doubtful whether ships of so great a size as theirs could get in. 285 NAVAL HISTORY Then it was taken into consideration, what further service might be done, and the result of this was, a resolution to return to Jamaica: from whence, as soon as the trade was ready, the rear admiral was to convoy them home, and Commodore Ker to remain behind, in order to take upon him the command of the force left in the West Indies. This scheme wa.s immediately put in execution, and, upon their return. Sir William made all possible dispatch, in order to get home in time; and accordingly, leaving the island the latter end of October, he arrived at Plymouth on the twenty-third of December, 1706, with the Suffolk, Bristol, Reserve, and Vulcan fire-ship, and a fleet of merchant-men under his convoy, having been lauded abroad, and performed little, though no man ill the service had shewn a greater spirit of activity, before his being sent on this West India expedi tion. The squadron which Commodore Ker brought into the West Indies, consisted of six ships of the line, three frigates, and a fire ship. With this force he stretched over from Jamaica to the coast of Hispa niola, from thence to the Main, where be cruised till . the fourth of September ; and then the winds proving northerly, he returned to Hispaniola, on the coast of which i.'^land he held a council of war, in order to determine whether it might not be practicable to sur prise Port Lewis. But the pilots not being well ac quainted with the entrance into that port, it was re solved to proceed directly to Petit Guavas, and to gO' to the northward of the island of Guanaua, in order the better to prevent their design from being disco vered. On the thirteenth of September he detached Captain Boyce, in the Dunkirk-prize, with all the boats in the squadron manned and armed, with or ders to range along the bays of Leogane and Petit Guavas, in the night, with all imaginable care and caution, and so to dispose themselves as that they might destroy the enemy's .ships in eitlier of those OF QUEEN ANNE. 287 roads, and be able to return to the squadron next morning on a signal given. But how well soever this scheme might be laid, it miscarried through the ill conduct of some of the ofhcers, who running in too near the shore, alarmed the inhabitants to such a de gree, that any farther attempt was rendered imprac ticable. Upon this disappointment. Commodore Ker re turned "to Jamaica, in order to refit his vessels, and to repair the damage that he had sustained in this fruitless expedition. But while he was thus employed, he was attacked by a new and greater evil, occasioned by a mortality which prevailed among the seamen, and that to such a degree, as in a manner utterly dis abled him from any further service. The merchants, however, who suffered for want of ships to protect tliem, losing abundance of sloops, laden with silver, upon the Spanish coasts, began to complain loudly of the commodore's conduct ; and even went so far, as to send home an agent, who had instructions to lay the matter before the House of Commons, where, after a full and fair examination, this officer's beha viour received a censure, in consequence of which he was laid aside. In the mean time the command in the West Indies fell into the hands of Sir John Jen nings, who had been, as we before observed, de tached for- that purpose, with a considerable squadron from the Straits, But, as his proceedings belong to the succeeding year, we must refer the reader to that part of our history, for an account of them-* We must, before we leave America, take notice of a disajppointment the enemy met with in attacking Carolind. The French had long had their eyes on our * I thought it more expedient to take notice of this matter here, than postpone it absolutely, till we come to speak of the proceed ings of parliament, in the year 1707; where we shall however be obliged to resume it, and where the reader will have a more parti. cular account of vvhat the offences were, with which this gentleman was charged. 288 NAVAL HISTORY northern colonies, which vvere then in a very flourish- ing condition; among other projects tbat M. Iber-. ville had been furnished with, one was the attacking, and, as far as it should be in his power, destroying tbe province of Carolina. AVhen therefore he had finished his designs in the Leeward-islands, he sailed with a squadron ofsix men of war, and several trans ports for South Carolina. He made a descent in the neighbourhood of Charles-town, with about eight hundred and fifty soldiers and seamen, and sent an officer to summon the governor to surrender the city and colony to the French king,, telling him at the same time, that he vvould allow him but an hour to consider of it. Sir Henry Johnson told him, that was much too long a space, for that he did not want half a minute to resolve on doing his duty ; and that there fore he was at liberty to return, and tell those that sent him, that the English were not to be frightened with words, for they should soon find that they were able to return blows. , Upon this spirited answer followed an attack, in Avhich the French met with so vigorous a resistance, that they were glad to retreat with tbe loss of three hundred killed, drowned, or taken ; and among the latter ten officers ; viz. their chief commander at land;5 his lieutenant, three captains of ships, four lieute nants, and a master, who together offered ten thou sand pieces of eight for their ransoms. One of the French ships having ventured to make a descent at the distance of six miles from Charles-town, the go vernor sent a detachment of militia to the assistajice of the planters, who were so lucky as to make them selves masters of. the ship, with all its crew, which consisted of about one hundred and foi'ty men. The French had also some designs upon New York, of which we had so early intelligence in England, that Lord Cornbuiy, eldest son to the eari of Cla rendon, was sent over to take upon him the govern ment ; and he finding all things in great confusion, OF QUEEN ANNE. sas and the few fortresses in that country ranniiig to ruin, first obtained from the assembly a considerable supply for that service, and then ordered a general embargo to be laid, which enabled him to employ fifteen hun dred men, in working on their fortifications ; so that they were, in a very short time, put into a good pos ture of defence, and all the views of the enemy dis appointed on that side. We had not, however, as great success in bringing home the Virginia fleet, part of which fell into the hands of the French privateers, and the rest were separated by a storm, which occa- fiioned great apprehensions and uneasinesses about them , but most of them, notwithstanding, arrived, at last, safe in the westerii ports. The merchants, how ever, raised loud complaints against the Admiralty, who had now, in a great measure, lost their interest in the House of Commons ; so that whatever charges were brought against them, had all tbe encourage ment that could be expected, and the merchants were left at full liberty to produce their witnesses, and to make out all that they could ; vvhich, though it afforded no remedy to these mischiefs, yet it took the weight off the ministry, and gave the nation ge neral satisfaction, as all inquiries, strictly and impar tially prosecuted, ever must. We are now, according to the method hitherto pursued in this work, to give the reader an account of the measures taken for the supplying the service of the succeeding year ; and this the success attending the war, both by sea and land, enables us to do in a very short space. The queen opened the sessions on the* third of December, 170(5, with a most gracious speech, wherein she took notice of what had been al ready done, and of the reasons which obliged her to desire, that as great dispatch as possible might be given to the supplies ; and how much v'eight her Majesty's recommendation had, will appear from hence, that though they amounted to no less than five millions . eight hundred ninety-three thousand VOL. III. U 290 NAVAL HISTORY three hundi'ed eighty-one pounds fifteen shillings and three-pence three farthings, yet they were voted in less than a week; so that the queen came on the twenty-first to the House of Peers, and having sent for the commons, the Speaker presented the bills, and in his speech' ou that occasion, took notice, *' That as the glorious victory obtained by the duke of Marlborough, at Ramillies, was so surprising, that the battle was fought, before it could be thought the armies were in the field, so it was no less surprising, that the commons had granted supplies to dier Ma jesty before the enemy could well know that her par hament was sitting." The care of the public thus shewn, the House went into the consideration of the several expeditions ex ecuted within the compass of the preceding year ; and after a long debate, on the twenty-seventh of Janu ary, in relation to the method of carrying on the war in Spain, it was carried on the question, by a majo rity of two hundred and fifty, against one hundred and fifty, that the several sums of money for the ex traordinary services for the year 1706, which had been agreed to by the house, had been advanced and expended for the preservation of our firm ally the duke of Savoy, for promoting the interest of King Charles III. in Spain, against the common enemy, and for the safety and honour of the nation. Not long after, the house proceeded to take into consideration the report from the committee, to whom the petition of several proprietors of plantations in the islands of Nevis and St, Christopher's in America, and other merchants trading to the same, on behalf of them selves and the other inhabitants and traders to the said islands, was referred, and the same being read, it was resolved, " That an humble address be pre sented to her Majesty, that she will be pleased to ap point such persons, as her Majesty shall think fit, to inquire into the true state of the losses of the people of the islands of Nevis and St, Christopher's, in order OF QUEEN ANNE. 294 to lay the same before this house the next session of parliament, to apply what may be convenient for the better securing those islands, and supplying them witb necessaries in order to a re-settlement." The said address being presented accordingly, her Majesty was pleased to answer, " That she was very well pleased to find the House of Commons had so compassionate a sense of the losses of her subjects in Nevis and St. Christopher's; as also with the concern they shewed upon this occasion for the plantations, which were so justly entitled to their care, by the large returns they made to the public ; and her Majesty would give the necessary orders for what the house had desired in that matter." Accordingly, her Majesty was after wards pleased to appoint two gentlemen, of known ability and integrity, to go to the said islands, to procure an exact state of the losses of her subjects ithere, in order to their being put on such a footing, as might be best for the particular benefit of the in habitants, and the general good of these kingdoms. The house having had notice of the great declen sion of our interest in, and of our lucrative trade to Newfoundland ; the marquis of Caermarthen having likewise acquainted them, that certain pirates had made a great and dangerous settlement at Madagascar, where they threatened to erect a kind of thievish re public, httle inferior to tho.se on the coast of Barbary ; and having offered to go himself with a small squa dron, to put an end to this mischief while there vvas a probability of doing it, the house appointed a com- mjttee to take these matters into their consideration ; who, after having thoroughly examined them, came to the following resolutions : " I. That a great number of pirates have settled themselves in the island of Madagascar, from whence they have committed many great piracies, robberies, and depredations, very ruinous to trade, and whereby the lives of many of her Majesty's good subjects have been destroyed. V 2 Stdt NAVAL HISTORY " II. That an humble address be presented to her' Majesty, that she would be graciously pleased to take into her royal consideration, how the said pirates may be suppressed, and their further piracies, robberies, and depredation?, may be effectually prevented." Which resolutions were, on the 8th of April, ^agreed to by the housd The same day it was resolved, " That an humble address be presented to her Ma jesty, that she will be graciously pleased to use her royal endeavours to recover and preserve the ancient possessions, trade, and fishery, in Newfoundland," Her Majesty received these addresses very gracir ously, and promised that proper care should be taken with respect to the matters contained in them : and thus ended the proceedings of this session of par liament, Avith which I shall conclude the events of this winter. We have now run through the naval transactions of about eighteen years, in which short space there hap pened so many things worthy of remark, and our maritime power increased to such a degree, that it is with no small difficulty that I have been able to bring them into this compass. But a bare relation of events will very little benefit ordinary readers, if they are not attended vvith some few reflections, in order to point out the advantages and disadvantages which befel so ciety in consequence of these transactions. The two wars in which we were engaged, in conjunction with the Dutch, as they demonstrated on the one hand our mighty power at sea, so on the other they put us to a prodigious expence. The House of Commons, in the year 1702, in a representation to the queen, say express ly, that from November 1688, to March the eighth, 1701, there had been raised for the service of the war, forty-five millions five hundred sixty-eight thousantl seven hundred twenty-five pounds nineteen shillings and two-pence half-penny; an immense sum indeed ! As to the expences of Queen Anne's war, we shall take notice of them when we come to the conclusion of it : OF QUEFN ANNE. 2»3 at present let us observe, that one national end, with respect to England, was, in this last war particularly, in a great measure answered, I mean the destruction of the French power at sea ; for after the battle of Malaga, we hear no more of their great fleets ; and though by this the number of their privateers was very much increased, yet the losses of our merchants were far less in the latter than in the former reign, which I think was chiefly owing to a series of inqui ries constantly carried on either in one house of par liament or the other. The success of our arms at sea, and the necessity of protecting our trade, joined to the popularity of every step taken towards the increasing our maritime power, occasioned such measures to be pursued iu order thereto, as annually added to its force. The great storm in 1703, the misfortunes that so many squadrons met with in the West Indies, our ill luck in regard to the Dunkirk privateers, and, in short, every other untoward accident which fell out within this period of time, though it bore hard upon private persons, and was injurious to our trade in general, yet it was in the main beneficial to our marine, inas much as it gave a handle for augmenting it, as every thing tending thereto was well received. Hence arose that mighty difference which, at the close of the year 1706, appeared in the royal navy : this not only in the number, but in the quality of the ships of which it was composed, was greatly superior to what it had been from the time of the revolution, or even before it. The economy and discipline of our marine were also much mended, and those jealousies in a great measure worn out, which had been very prejudicial to men of the greatest merit, during the preceding reign, as they certainly were in tbe latter part of this, when they were most unfortunately revived. The great en couragement given to the sailors, by taking the ut- ftiost care of the sipkand wounded, exact and speedy 294 NAVAL HISTORY paying of prize-money, and the many extraordinary orders that from time to time were issued in their fa vour, and are still to be met with in our Gazettes, from whence some of them have been cited in this work, gave a mighty spirit to our sailors, and in a manner extinguished that prejudice wbich has since revived against going to sea in a man ofwar. Thus, in this respect, whatever we might do in others, the nation certainly throve by the war; that is to say, vve gTew constantly stronger, our fleets were more nume rous, and better manned ; so that at the time I conclude this chapter, we vvere much more capable of asserting our claim to the dominion of the sea, than at the time the war began. If any of my readers should entertain a doubt, either as to the truth of the facts here laid down, or the va lidity of the judgment I have delivered upon them, I think I need only turn him over, for satisfaction, to foreign authors; for certainly, if they concur in sen timent with me on this head, there ought to be no dispute about it. But if we dip into any of the French political writers, we shall not fail to fiutl them de ploring the visible decay of their maritime power, from the time of the battle of Malaga, and constantly blaming tbe administration for not bending their thoughts to the recovery of it so much as they ought to have done ; which they, generally speaking, ascribe to the vast expence of the war by land, which would not, by any means, admit the diverting such supplies as were necessary for the service of the sea. From . these complaints, v\'hich are certainly well founded, it is manifest that, on the one hand, their maritime power declined, whilst ours increased; and, on the other, that this declension grew so fast upon them, that their ablest ministers thought it in vain to strug gle, and therefore gave up all further concern for their reputation in this respect, in a fit of despair, out of which nothing but our inactivity or negligence would recover them. OF" QUEEN ATVNE. 295 To this I may add, that as the Spanish naval power had been long decaying, so by this war it vvas totally 'destroyed : they had indeed a few gallies in the battle of Malaga, and it may be half a dozen men ofwar in the West Indies ; but, upon the whole, they had such occasion for ships of force, and had so few of them, that the assistance given them by the French, contributed not a little to the declension of their ma rine, as appears by the destruction of their men of war at Vigo, which was a loss they were never able to repair ; and tliough it be very true, that whilst Spain vvas governed by a prince of the house of Austria, and lived in amity with us, we vvere rather bound to encourage and protect, than, in any way to lessen or depress the Spanish power at sea ; yet by the passing of the crown into the house of Bourbon, our interest, in this respect, was entirely changed, and the lessening their maritime strength was a com- parative augmentation of our own ; and this I take to be the principal reason, that through the course of the war, France complained so much of the burden of Spain, For though by the returns of her Plate- fleets, and letting the French for a time share in the trade of the South-Seas, she might repair that loss of treasure, which the maintaining so many armies for her service might occasion, yet the loss of that mari time power, which was now to protect both states, was a loss that never could be repaired, as reason in formed all wise people then, and as vve have been taught by experience since. It may, perhaps, be said, that as^the Dutch were conceded in this war as well as we, as they shared jointly in the dangers and expences of it, so they must have been equally gainers in respect to their trade and maritime power. But as to this it is most evident, that the French, according to the informa tion they received from the most intelligent Dutch men, take the thing to be quite otherwise, and argue •on it to the Dutch themselves, as if it was a fact 298 NAVAL HISTORY out of dispute, from whence they take occasion to allege, that while the English made a pretence of ruining the maritime power of France, they in reality aimed at doing so much for the Dutch, in order to secure universal trade, and the supreme power of the sea, to themselves. How far the for tune of war might put this in our power, I will not say, but this I will venture to assert, and hope it will be readily credited, that such a thing was never in our intention. The supplanting allies is a strain of policy common to the French, but, without partiality I may say, unknown to Britons. We have fought for our allies, and conquered for our aUies; nay, we have sometimes paid our albes for fighting in their own cause, and for their own profit ; but to outwit our allies, especially our favourite allies the Dutch, was, I dare say, never in our will, or in our power. This, indeed, I must own, that in the conduct of this war, especially to the year 1706, we had as much the lead in councils as ever the Dutch had in the former 'war ; for this we paid largely, and, I think, we had a right to it, if we got any thing by it I must also ingenuously confess, that the economy of the Dutch greatly hurt their reputation and their trade. Their men ofwar in the Mediterranean were always vic tualled short, and their convoys were so weak and-ill- provided, that for one ship which we lost, they lost five, which begat a general notion, that we were. the safer carriers, which certainly had a good effect : so that, taking all things together, I doubt whether the cre dit of the English nation abroad, or the spirits of the people at home, were ever higher than at this period of time. Hence 'it was that our trade rather increased than diminished in this last war, and that we gained so signally by our strict intercourse with Portugal; con cerning which I will take the liberty of running over a few facts that are not commonly attended ,to, OF QUEEN ANNE. WI When the war first broke out, Portugal was allied to the two crowns ; and with great difficulty it was that we detached that monarch from their interest : but the means by which we detached him, ought not to remain a secret. In the treaty which he concluded with Louis XIV. and his grandson, he had stipulated that he should be protected by an annual fleet from France ; but when he found that this could not be complied with, and that if he performed his part of the agreement, his coast would be left open to the insults of the maritime powers, he saw the necessity of changing his party, which induced him to make a treaty with us in 1703 ; and when the French mi nister, M, De Chateauneuff, reproached him for thus changing sides, Don Pedro replied, with great spirit, '' If your master had sent thirty ships of the line to cruize between Lisbon and Setubal, I had never quitted his alliance ; and therefore 1 would have you let him know, that he ought to blame himself, not me, for the consequences," By the treaty of commerce concluded with the same crown by Mr. Methuen, we were prodigious gainers ; and I will even venture to say, that this single alliance was worth more to us, than all the negociations in the former reign. The Portuguese began to, feel the comfortable effects of the mines they had discovered in Brazil, and the prodigious cottimerce that followed thereupon with us, made their good fortune in this respect, in a great measure ours also; and so it has been ever since, otherwise I know not how the expences of the war could have been borne : for, as Dr. Davenant justly computed, the running cash of this kingdom, at the time the revolution happened, could not be above eighteen millions ; at the accession of the queen we had not so much ; but at the time of concluding the Union it was increased again very considerably, which must be attributed in a great measure to our Portugal trade : 298 NAVAL HISTORY and this, as I have made it manifest, we owed en« tirely to our superior power at sea. As to our trade with the Spanish West Indies, by the canal of Cadiz, it was certainly very much inter rupted by the war at the beginning ; but afterwards it was in a good measure restored, as well by our di rect correspondence with Spain, after the reduction of several provinces under the power of King Charles III. as through Portugal, by which a very great, though contraband, trade was carried on. We were at the same time very great gainers by our com merce with the Spaniards in the West Indies, as I am satisfied from several French authors, who complain that their colonies suffered much less from our naval force than they did from the loss of this trade; which is strongly confirmed by the complaints of the Ja maica merchants against Commodore Ker, who vvas very negligent in protecting their sloop trade, by which they were great sufferers". The reason they assign also for his negligence, is yet a stronger proof; for they allege, that he would not grant them con voys, without sharing in their profits ; and if these had not been very considerable, they could never have tempted an officer of his rank to run such a risk. The same thing may be said of the complaints of the other colonies, which, however just in them selves, yet if they, as it is evident they did, grew richer, more populous, and carried their trade farther than in former times, then it is surely as evident, that the nation in general gained considerably in this branch ; to which I may add, that the act for giving a bounty upon hemp imported from our plantations, and other laws, vvere sufficient instances of the incli nation of the ministry to promote commerce and na vigation as far as lay in their power. There is another remark that naturally arises upon this subject, and that is, the mighty spirit which ap peared amongst our merchants, and enabled them to OF QUEEN ANNE. 2C9 carry on all their schemes with a vigour that kept a constant circulation of money through the kingdom, and afforded such mighty encouragement to all ma nufactures, as have rendered the remembrance of those times grateful in worse. Our successes abroad, our victories by land and sea, the respect paid to us by all the states of Europe, served to heighten and sustain this spirit, which is at once the source and soul of prosperity ; and a nation grows low and life less, as soon as it is taken away. There were, indeed, some accidental advantages which attended the iatter part especially of this pe riod, that have not been always visible in preceding or succeeding times. Amongst these I reckon, in the first place, ' an unfeigned loyalty ; for it was the felicity of this princess, that her person Avas dear to all her subjects; nay, even to those who ques tioned her title : and this produced another advan tage, which was a kind of coalition of parties, of which I rather chuse to say something at the end of this chapter, because, after the Union, parties broke loose again, and threw us, as they will always do, into the utmost confusion. At the beginning of the war, the Tories were as heartily for it as the Whigs ; and if they grew weary of it by degrees, it must be acknowledged, that they might be tempted thereto in some respects by the ill usage that they met with. While thie duke of Marlborough was esteemed a Tory, his services were often extenuated ; and though the parliament gave him thanks, there was a party that denied hiin merit. When he and the ¦treasurer went over to the Whigs, the scale turned 80 strongly in their favour, that none could be em ployed who vvere not of this denomination ; and thus Sir George Rooke was laid aside, immediately after he had gained a victory, honourable in every respect, but most honourable in this, that it was wholly owing to the prudence and conduct of the admiral. Before the Whigs gained this ascendancy, and both parties were 300 NAVAL HISTORY embarked in the cause of their country, their unani mity produced those supplies, which enabled oiir ar mies and fleets to act as they did ; and taught the most haughty and faithless of all powers, that bounds might be set to its force, though not to its ambition. The last advantage of which I shall speak was, the public spirit of parliaments in the queen's reign. If they gave in one sessions, they inquired in the next ; and it is impossible to mention any remarkble expedition within the first six years, which was not examined and cleared up by such inquiries ; so that the people saw and knew what they were doing, which encouraged them to pay chearfully, at the same time that it put them upon endeavouring to ac quire by their industry what might maintain them happily, notwithstanding these large, but necessary expences. It is certainly matter of great satisfaction to me, and must be so to every man who wishes well to his country, that after running through a series of such events, setting out at first with the sight of so great a naval power as the French king had assembled, while we struggled under many difficulties; and when we got out of that troublesome war, found ourselves loaded with a debt too heavy to be shaken off in a short interval of peace ; it must, I say, be a great satisfaction to be able, at the close of this chap ter, to assert, that we had overcome all these diffi- euUies; and, instead of seeing the navy o'f France riding on our coasts, sent every year a powerful fleet to insult theirs, superior to them, not only in the ocean, but in the Mediterranean, forcing them, as it. were, entirely out of the sea ; and this, not by the thunder of our cannon, but by the distant prospect of our flag ; as at the raising of the siege of Barce lona, when the son of the French king, the famous Count Thoulouse, high-admiral of France, fled from Sir John Leake, and took shelter in thp harbour of Toulon. OF QUEEN ANNi:. 801 By this, we not only secured our trade in the Le vant, and strengthened our interest with all the Italian princes, but struck the states of Barbary with terror, and even awed the Grand Seignior himself so far, as to prevent his listening to any propositions fi^om France. Such were the fruits of the increase of our naval power, and of the manner in Avhich it was employed ; and though some, through miscon ception of the advantages flowing from this disposir tion in those princes and states ; and some again, from a perverse humour, perhaps, of objecting against whatever carried us into a great expence, in veighed against sending such mighty fleets into those seas ; yet nothing can be plainer, than that while we continued this war, such fleets were necessary ; that they at once protected our allies, and attached them to our interest ; and, which is of greater importance than all the rest, that they established our reputation for maritime force so effectually, that we feel even at this day the happy effects of that fame which we then acquired. Of what consequence, therefore, could the expences of these fleets, however large, be to a nation like this ? especially if we consider, that the greatest part of it only shifted hands; since it is the peculiar property of naval expences, that, though they rise ever so high, they can hardly ever im poverish, because they are raised on one part of the society, and laid out with the other, and, by a na tural circulation, must certainly very soon return into the first hands. It is a further satisfaction, that we can safely say our trade flourished through the course of the war, and our merchants were so loyal to tbe queen, and so well affected to her government, that upon every occasion they were ready to credit the administration with the best part of tbat immense wealth that had been raised under their protection. These were glo rious times indeed, if riches, victory, and honour, can render a nation glorious ; and for all these mighty 302 Naval history advantages, we stood indebted to the maternal affec tion of the queen ; the wisdom and probity of her ministers ; the heroic courage and generous public- spirit of the officers she employed by land and sea ; and, above all, to the sincere union of parties amongst us, the contempt of private advantages, and a steady concern for the safety, reputation, and future pro sperity of this nation. OF QUEEN ANNE. 808 CHAP. XXI. The Naval History of Great Britain, from the Union of the two Kingdoms, to the End of the Reign qf her Majesty Queen Anne. As I propose to make the union of the two king doms the great event from whence, in this chapter, I shall deduce our naval history to the present times ; and as this event in itself has had a great influence on the uaA'al power and commerce of this nation, I think I cannot act with greater propriety, than to open the chapter with an impartial account of that important transaction. This I take to be the more necessary, because almost all historians, and writers of memoirs, have given too much way to their passions and prejudices, in Avhat they say about it ; and this to so great a degree, that they not only contradict and abuse each other, but also darken things in such a manner, th'at even the most intelligent reader can hardly discern the truth. As I am not conscious of feeling in myself so much as a spark of party-heat ; as I have some relation to, and at the same time an equal affection for both countries, without the least bias in favour of either, I shall endeavour to give a clear, succinct, and fair account of this whole busi ness ; in order to Avhich, I shall begin with the mo tives which induced the queen's ministry to push this matter so earnestly at that time: I shall next con sider, the advantages proposed to each nation from this Union, which, will consequently oblige me to say somewhat of the persons who opposed, and the grounds of their opposition to it; after which, I shall 904 NAVAL HI&XORT give a very short detail of the rise, progress, conclu sion, and consequences of it. It had been very apparent almost to eveiy English ministry, from the time the two kingdoms had been united under one monarch, that something was want ing to complete that strength and harmony, which every reasonable man looked for from this conjunction; neither was it long, before some able statesman per ceived what it was that must produce this effect; and a national union accordingly was proposed in the reign of King James I. It was defeated then, as great and good designs ^^rc generally defeated, through want of public spifit. The king was partial to his countrymen, and the English were partial to their country. The former thought it his duty to make all his old dependents rich, in a manner not over justifiable ; and the last despised the poverty of that nation to such a degree, that they forgot how far their own poAver and riches might suffer from such treatment. Under King Charles I, his old hereditary subjects departed from their duty to him, and, a potent fac tion in England inclining the same Avay, the great weight of these northern neighbours was soon made but too evident, by the murder of the king, and the destruction of the constitutions of both kingdoms. After the restoration, the pohtics of Charles II. took such a turn, as necessarily occasioned all thoughts of a closer union between the two crowns to be laid aside, it having been a maxim, during his reign, to make use of one nation to awe the other. The un fortunate King James II. sat too short a time on the throne, and felt too many cares, from the time he ascended it, to form any projects of this nature, though othervv^ise much might hav^e been expect ed from him ; for he was certainly a better judge himself, of the interest of both kingdoms, than any prince of his line. Some thoughts there were of an union in the beginning of King William's time ; but OF QUEEN ANNE. 805 the design was dropped from the belief, or rather the apprehension, of its being impracticable.* The lord high-treasurer Godolphin, one of the ablest and most prudent ministers we ever had, saw very soon the expediency of such a thorough na tional union, for the public service, and the neces sity of it for his own safety. He saw that, without this, the Hanover succession could never take place, the war Avith France be effectually carried on, or the new system that he vvas then introducing, ever be established on a firm basis. As he vvas far from af fecting the exercise of a boundless arbitrary power, so, to establish his influence in Scotland, he had, through the advice of some of the statesmen of that country, given Avay to the passing some acts of par liament there, which enabled the people to stand upon even ground with the English, and put it in their power, when they were at any time crossed, to carry things very high, and consequently to talk much higher, f * In the text I have given a succinct account of the several de- ^igns formed for uniting the two kingdoms. I am not ignorant that there were other attempts of that nature ; such as in the reign of King Charles II. in the beginning of that of King AV il. liam ; as also in the beginning of the queen's reign : but these were mere arts of state policy, and not founded upon any settled de sign of really bringing it about ; and therefore, as the nature of this work would not allow me to enter into a strict chronological deduction of this atfair, I thought the best thing 1 could do, was to give the reader, as far as in my power lay, a true state of the matter, in the shortest compass possible. + Whatever other writers may assert, this was undoubtedly the fact. The English parliament had recommended the succession, I mean the procuring the Hanover succession to be settled in Scot land, very earnestly. The parliament of Scotland, inclined to make use of this opportunity, to get some favourable conditions stipulated for their trade; and as quiet was at this time very neces sary, and in the nature of the thing, perhaps, the desires of the parliament of Scotland not altogether unreasonable, they were al lowed to pass an act, by whicli the prerogative of the crown was limited, and peace and war were left, not only to the approba tion, but to the consent of parliament. This, with another act vox. III. X 806 NAVAL HISTORY In order to rid himself of these difficulties, the trea surer, in conjunction with Lord Somers, formed the scheme of the Union, vvhich they resolved should not be a temporary expedient, but such an act as might re move all their doubts and fears effectually, and for ever. When they had settled this project to their own satis faction, they took the advice of some great men of the other kingdom, particularly the earl of Stair, a man of vast abihties, and, in all the senses of the word, a perfect politician. He it was who gave them the lights they wanted ; he shewed them how, and by what means, his countrymen might be managed ; he pointed out such as would oppose it heartily, and such as vvould oppose it only till they found their ac count in desisting from that opposition. In short, he gave both the first plan of, and the last form to this great work, and dictated the means which made it both plausible and practicable. In regard to the advantages resulting from this mea sure to both kingdoms, they were, in the judgment of the ministry, very great ; on the side of England espe cially, and of Scotland apparently. With regard to the former, the benefits derived from it were real and substantial, but some of them were such as it was not thought proper to avow. For example, the gO' vernment in England could never be safe, whilst Scotland remained an independaut kingdom, at li berty to make laws, set up trading companies, or raise forces whenever she thought fit ; nor was the succession safe, while the parliament of Scotland had impowering the Scots to arm themselves, alarmed the English House of Commons to such a degree, as to address the queen, to order the militia of the four northern counties to be disciplined, and to take some other steps, which had a direct tendency to plunge the two nations in a war. The treasurer, therefore, saw himself under the necessity of bringing about an union, to avoid these mighty inconveniencies, and to enable him to carry on his great scheme, of ruining the power of France ; which must cer tainly have miscarried, if these domestic quarrels bad come to ex. tremities. OF QUEEN ANNE. so? an indubitable right to depart from that measure, and a strong party w^as actually formed in that country for departing from it. An entire, absolute, and uniform dominion over Scotland, was necessary to the safety, power, and commerce of England ; and this dominion could be attained no other way. The danger of having princes drawn to pursue different measures in the different kingdoms, or to govern in England upon the maxims of northern ministers, the mischiefs of which had been severely felt, and thoroughly understood, from the power of the duke of Lauderdale with King Charles II. which lasted during life, and which, without disputing how far it Avas right or wrong, enabled the king to maintain his power in both coun tries, and that too in a higher degree than vvas very acceptable to a great part of his subjects, in either, was yet recent,. The other motives that were commonly insisted upon, were these ; viz. The uniting the interests of both kingdoms, which had often thwarted each other, and thereby giving the united kingdoms, or, which was the same thing, England, much greater force, and consequently much greater weight abroad ; the conveniency of bringing both nations under one form of government, the seat of which must alw^aye re main fixed in England, and consequently all advan tages accruing to Scotland for the future, must be drawn to, and centre there ; the extirpating the French and Jacobite interest, where it vvas evidently strongest, introducing the Hanover succession, se-* curing the Protestant interest, giving one turn of mind to all the people in the island, putting them Under the same rulers, the same taxes, and the same prohibitions, so as to have but one political head, Avith a due subordination of members ; these were considerations so high in themselves, and of such certainty in their consequences, that the bulk of the Eno;lish nobility and gentry Avere no sooner X 2 308 NAVAL HISTORY acquainted with them, than they were convinced of their urility, and that it was not very easy to set the purchase at too high a rate ; especially, when they considered the mischiefs to which they had been ex posed in former times from the want of such an union. The ministry had a just foresight of this, and gave themselves, therefore, very little trouble about preparing their friends in England for the re ception and execution of their scheme, because they knew, that whenever it was proposed and ex plained, it would make its own way ; and their good sense, and right judgment in this manage ment, Avere fully justified by the event, * The advantages proposed to Scotland Avere, the freeing that kingdom from all tbe grievances of which they had so long, and so justly complained ; such as, that their interest always gave way to that of Eng land; that their concerns abroad vvere sacrificed, in stead of being protected ; that, A\ath equal prejudice to them, they Avere considered sometimes as subjects, but mostly as foreigners ; that they were discou raged in carrying on their trade and manufactures ; and, in fine, continually upbraided with their po- A'erty, while it was made an iuA'ariable. maxim of English policy, to keep them poor. By this Union, it was proposed to make them one nation with the English, and to admit them to a full participation of their liberties, privileges, and commerce ; as also to a share in the government and legislature, and a per petual conjunction of interests at home and abroad ; (SO that henceforward the government of the united kingdom would be equally in the hands of persons of both countries, which would prevent partiality on the one side, and take away many hardships that ^, had hitherto been felt on the other. In short, it was insinuated, that, for the sake of peace and general security, the EngTish were content to grant their neighbours, not only as good conditions as they could well expect, but even better than they OF QUEEN ANNE. 80J^ could reasonably desire; and that, to obtain the friendship and assistance of Scotland, the people of England were desirous to bury in oblivion all their former prejudices, and to contribute, as far as lay in their pov/er, to support and enrich the inhabitants of the northern part of the island, and to treat them so favourably in point of taxes, as that they should have many and strong reasons to be very well pleased with the exchange of nominal prerogatives, for real and weighty advantages. Such as opposed the Union in Scotland, were either the friends of the Stuart family, or such as vvere, from neglect or disappointment, discontented under that administration. The former were in earnest con cerned, for the dignity and independency of tbe crown of Scotland, the honour of the nobility, and the welfare of the people, considered by thein as a nation having interes,ts separate from, and in some cases opposite to, those of the English. These men, upon their principles, heartily disliked the Union, and had reason to dislike it.* But as for the malecontents, * Bishop Burnet's reflections upon this subject, which he un. derstood as well as any man, deserve the reader's notice and at tention. " The treaty," says he, " being laid before the parlia ment in Scotland, met with great opposition there. It was visible, that the nobility of that kingdom suffered a great diminution by it; for, though it was agreed, that they should enjoy all the other privileges of the peers of England, yet the greatest of them all, which was the voting in the House of Lords, was restrained to sixteen, to be elected by the rest, at every new parliament; yet there was a greater majority of the nobility that concurred in voting for the Union, than in the other states of that kingdom. The commissioners for the shires and boroughs were almost equally divided, though it was evident, they were to be the chief gainers by it; among these, the Union was agreed to, by a very small majority: it was the nobility that< in every vote turned the scale for the Union. They were severely reflected on by those who op posed it ; it was said, many of them were bought ofl" to sell their country, and their birth-right. All those who adhered inflexibly to the Jacobite interest, opposed every step that was made, with great vehemence ; for they saw, that the Union struck at the root of ail their views and designs, for. a new revolution; yet these could ,310 NAVAL HISTORY they set up pretences of an odd and extraordinary nature, and while they pretended zeal for the govern ment, aUeged, that Scotland would be prejudiced by the Union ; Avhich, according to their principles, it was impossible to prove. There was a third party in Scotland, which must be allowed by men of all principles, to have acted with great candour and uprightness. These were styled the Squadrone, and, if I might be allowed to translate the word into political English, I should call them Old Whigs. They had been very instrumental in the revolution, and were cordial friends to the government; but, from motives of state which I shall not take upon me to explain, had been turned out of their places, and ill enough treated during this reign. These men, however, remained firm to their principles, which led them to approve and promote the Union ; and they did it with great zeal. Their arguments were strong and conclusive, and made the greater impression, because they were disinterested. There Avas, as is usual in cases of the like nature, a good deal of corruption practised ; but all this would never have carried the point, if it had not been abet ted by the industry and zeal of these worthy men. The earl of Stair, Avho Avas not of their number, knew this, and therefore advised taking them, and the country party, into the commission for settling that important treaty ; but his advice was followed by the ministers only in the latter part, which, though it not have raised or maintained so great an opposition as was now made, if the Presbyterians had not been possessed with a jealousy, that the consequence of this Union would be the change of church- government among them, and that they would be swallowed up by the church of England. This took such root in many, that no assurances that were offered could remove their fears. It was in fused into them, chiefly by the old duchess of Hamilton, whohad great credit with them. And it was suggested, that she and her son had particular views, as hoping, that if Scotland should con. tinue a separate kingdom, the crown might come into their family, they being the next in blood after King James's posterity." OF QUEEN ANNE. 311 amazed the world at that time, had however the effect he expected from it, and was one great cause that the affair succeeded so well as it did. I All things being thus settled, the queen, by her commission, dated at Kensington, the 27th of Feb ruary, 1706, in virtue of powers granted to her by an act of parliament, passed in Scotland, appointed thirty commissioners on the part of Scotland, and on the 10th of April following, her Majesty appointed as many English commissioners.* This commission was opened at the Cockpit, on the l6th of April, 1706, William Cowper, Esq. then lord-keeper, delivering the sense of the English commissioners, and the earl of Seafield, lord high-chancellor of Scotland, acted in like manner on the part of their commissioners. On the first of May, the queen paid them a visit, and in quired into the progress they had made. About a month after, she did the same ; and these instances of royal care had such an effect, that on the 2^d of July, the commissioners signed and sealed the articles, which were presented to the queen the next day. By these articles, which were in number twenty- five, the two kingdoms of England and Scotland, were united, under the title of Great Britain ; the Pro testant succession settled ; one parhament established; the common enjoyment of privileges and commerce stipulated ; ships built in Scotland, admitted under the act of navigation ; an equal distribution of cus toms and excises fixed ; the duties upon salt regu lated ; the land-tax adjusted in the following propor tion; viz. that when England paid 1,997,736/. 8*. 4id. Scotland should pay 48,000/. and so in proportion ; and, as an equivalent for Scotland's being charged * See the Journal of the Proceeding of the noble and honour. able persons who acted for both nations in the Treaty of Union, which began on the 16th of April, 1706, and was concluded on the 22d of July following, with the Articles then agreed on in London, 1706. The queen's commission to the lords commis. sionier! of both kingdoms are prefixed thereto. 812 NAVAL HISTORY ' Avnth the debts of England, there was granted to the former by the latter, the sum of 39»j085/. 105, to be applied to the discharge of the public debts of the kingdom of Scotland, the capital stock of the African and India company, with interest at 5 per cent, and for the improvement of manufactures and trade in that part of the island. It Avas also provided, that the monies and weights of Scotland should be the same with those of England ; the Scots courts of justice v/ere preserved, together vvith all hereditary offices, and the rights and privileges of the royal boroughs ; the representative body of Scotland was fixed at six teen peers, and forty- five commoners, which though small in proportion to the English peers and com moners, yet was high in comparison of the share borne by Scotland in ~the taxes ; the rights and pri vileges of the rest of the peers were fully secured ; so that, except sitting in the house, they were to enjoy all the privileges of the peerage ; and all the laws of either kingdom, inconsistent with the Union, were declared null and void.* * The advantages on the side of Scotland were such, as enabled those who supported the Union, to say many strong things in its favour ; for whereas, when England paid two millions by way of land-ta.x, Scotland was to pay but forty-eight thousand pounds, yet, in return for bearing a fortieth part of the expence, they had the eleventh part of the legislature given them ; and fhe event has shewn, that the power of their members in a British parliament is not so inconsiderable as the enemies of that treaty represented it to the parliament. There were, besides, some other strong motives which induced the better sort of the inhabitants of Scotland to wish well to the Union. A great part of the gentry of that kingdom, who had been often in England, and observed the protection that all men had from a House of Commons, and the security that it procured against partial judges and a violent ministry, entered into the design with great zeal. The opening a free trade, not only with Kngland, but vvith the plantations, and the protection of the fleet of En^and, drew in those who understood those matters, and who saw there was no other way to make the nation rich and con siderable. Those also who had engaged deeply in the design of Darien, and were great losers by it, saw now an honourable way to be reimbursed ; which made them wish well to the Union, and pr.o.« ?note it. OF QUEEN ANNE, 313 In the next session of parliament in Scotland, the Union was carried, though not without great debates, and some protests. In England it went easier. In the House of Commons, there was little or no oppo sition ; there would have been a very warm one in the House of Lords, but it was prevented by the wis dom of Sir Simon Harcourt, afterwards Viscount Har court, and lord-chancellor, who drew the act so, that it Avould admit of no debate, but upon the general question, whether it should, or should not pass.* It was carried in the House of Commons by a ma jority of 274, against I6O, and was carried up to the House of Lords on the 1st of March, by the late earl of Wilmington, then Spencer ComptOn, Esq ; passed in that house by a majority of 55, to 29, and on the 6th of March the queen came, and gave her royal assent ; upon whicli occasion her Majesty delivered * Wc have this fact from Bishop Burnet, who lays it down in a very clear and satisfactory manner. " When all was agreed to," says he, " in both houses, a bill was ordered to be brought in, to enact it, which was prepared by Harcourt, with so particular a contrivance, that it cut off all debates. The preamble was a recital of the articles, as they were passed in Scotland, together with the acts made in both parliaments, for the security of their several churches ; and, in conclusion, there came one enacting clause, ratifying all. This put those upon great difliculties, who had resolved to object to several articles, and to insist on de manding some alterations in them ; for they could not come to any debate about them ; they could not object to the recital, it being but bare matter of fact; and they had not strength enough to op. pose the general enacting clause, nor was it easy to come at par ticulars, and to offer provisos relating to them. The matter was carried on with such zeal, that it passed through the House of Commons, before those, who intended to oppose it, had reco vered themselves out of the surprise under which, the form it was drawn in, had put them. It did not stick long in the House of Lords, for all the articles had been copiously debated there for several days before the bill was sent up to them ; and thus this great design, so long wished and laboured for in vain, was begun and happily ended, within the compass of nine months. The Union was to commence on the first of May, and till that time the two kingdoms were still distinct, and their two parliament* epatinupd still to sit. 814 NAVAL HISTORY herself thus: "I consider this Union as a matter of the greatest importance, to the wealth, strength^ and safety of the whole island; and at the same time as a work of so much difficulty and nicety in its own nature, that till now, all attempts which have been made towards it, in the course of above one hundred years, have proved ineffectual ; and therefore, I make no doubt, but it will be remembered and spoke of hereafter, to the honour of those Avho have been in strumental in bringing it to such a happy'conclusion. I desire, and expect from all my subjects, of both na tions, that from henceforth they act with all possible respect and kindness to one another, that so it may appear to all the world, they have hearts disposed to become one people ; this will be a great pleasure to me, and wiU make us all quickly sensible of the good effects of this Union. And I cannot but look upon it as a particular happiness, that in my reign, so full a provision is made for the peace and quiet of my people, and for the security of our religion, by so firni an establishment of the Protestant succession through out Great Britain. Gentlemen of the House of Com mons ; I take this occasion to remind you of making effectual provision for the payment of the equivalent to Scotland, Avithin the time appointed by this act, and I am persuaded you will shew as much readiness in this particular, as you have done in all the parts of this great work." It is certain, that the passing the Union was a mor tal blow to the French ; and it is no less certain, that the French did not exert themselves, as they might have done, to prevent it. Yet I am far from think' ing with Bishop Burnet, though I esteem his account of the Union very much, that this proceeded from an absolute inabihty, and that they did not, according to their common practice, try the influence of their gold, because they had it not ; I say, I do not think this, because I apprehend I shall be able to shew the con trary. The true reason, then, in my judgment, why OF QUEEN ANNE. 3J5 the French were so cool in this affair, was this ; they thought that, though the Union would destroy their interest in Scotland. entirely, if it could be established, yet, that the suffering that law to pass, was the like liest way for them to defeat it : for they depended upon a back game ; and, looking upon it as a thing certain, that this would throw Scotland into the ut most confusion, they projected an invasion, not with any sincere intention of fixing the son of King James upon the throne of Scotland, but of making use of him to excite a civil war in that kingdom, Avhich, they apprehended, would at least force England to consent to the dissolution of the Union, in order to make the people of Scotland easy. If this had not been their scheme, Avhy did they afterwards attempt the invasion? If want of money had been the only reason for their not exerting their influence, how came they by the mighty sums of ready money, which that fruitless and foolish invasion cost them ? I have now done with this affair of the Union, and shall only add my opinion of it freely, which is, that both nations have been great gainers by it, and that neither have the least cause to complain of it. If, on the one hand, the inhabitants' of North Britain have not profited as njuch by it as they ex pected, it is their own fault; for, without industry and application to Trade, ills impossible any nation should be great gainers by it ; and, on the other, if the English repine at seeing so many of that nation in civil, military, and naval employments, they are bUnd to their own interests ; for it is plain, that by acting in this manner, these men waste all their days in the service of England ; whereas, if they applied themselves to commerce and manufactures, they might live happily in their own, and enjoy there the greatest freedom and independency. The war had now continued long enough to make both sides very weary of it, and yet the French were not sufficiently humbled, to think of peace on the 316 NAVAL' HISTORY terms prescribed to them. On the contrary, they found means this campaign, to bring more troops into the field, than since the war began ; which obliged the allies to make as formidable augmentations to oppose them. In short, as the maritime powers bore the largest share in the expence, and reaped the least immediate benefit from the continuance of the war, it was resolved to make the utmost efforts this year to put an end to it. With this view, the duke of Marl borough, and the English ministry, concerted several schemes for distressing the enemy on all sides, par ticularly in Spain, in Italy, and even in their own country; and this, especially, by the help of the great maritime power we then had in the Mediterra nean.* It Avould lead us into frequent and un necessary repetitions, if we should enter here into a copious detail of these projects, and therefore, to avoid such inconveniences, we will speak of each in its tarn, and, as near as may be, in the order of time in which they were undertaken. In respect to the war with Spain, an opinion began about this time to prevail in England, that it was neg lected, chiefly because the ministry found it imprac ticable to push this, and the war in Flanders at the same time. The duke of Marlborough knowing how injurious this report was to his reputation, pressed the prosecution of the war in Spain this year, with the utmost spirit ; the rather, because a great reinforce ment of English and Dutch troops had been lately sent thither : and it was very well known, that Sir * It is very surprising, that France, after such a series of mis fortunes, should be able to make the figure that she did this year. The truth, however, seems to be, that the absolute power of her government, gave her great advantages over the allies. The em peror's consenting to the evacuation of Italy, without so much as consulting either Great Britain or Holland, was the great source of Kin^ Philip's success in Spain ; and whoever considers attentively the French schemes for carrying on this campaign, will easily dis cern, that they must have met with the like success every whew else, if it had not been for our expedition against Toulon. OF QUEEN ANNE. 317 Cloudesley Shovel would neglect nothing that might contribute to the advancement of the service. The army under the command of the earl of Galway, was very early in the field, and promised great things; but whether his abilities were unequal to such a com mand, as some have suggested ; or, as others allege. King Charles ruined his own affairs, by marching back with a great body of troops into Catalonia ; so it was, that about the middle of the month of April, that nobleman found himself under the dreadful ne cessity, at least as he imagined, of either starving, or fighting a superior army. Accordingly, on the 14th of April, his lordship, with about sixteen thousand men, ventured to give battle to the duke of Berwick, who had twenty-four thousand, and of these nearly eight thousand horse and dragoons, that were very fine troops. The English and Dutch were at first victorious, and broke through the enemy twice; but the Portuguese, it is said, be haved very ill, or rather did not behave at all, which gave the enemy an opportunity of flanking the Eng lish and Dutch, of whom about ten thousand were killed or taken prisoners. The earl of Galway retired with the broken remains of his army, which, however, nothing could have saved, but the timely appearance of our fleet. Sir Cloudesley Shovel knowing the dis tress that our army was in, thrpugh the want of almost every thing necessary, sent Sir George Byng, with a strong squadron to the coast of Spain for their relief. 3ir George sailed on the thirtieth of March, and coming off Cape St, Vincent, on the fifteenth of April; he received there the news of our defeat. He soon after received a message from Lord Gal way, acquainting him vvith the distress he was in, and desiring, that whatever he brought for the use of the army, might be carried to Tortosa, in Catalonia, to Avhich place his lordship designed to retreat, and that, if possible, he would save the sick and wounded men at Denia, Gandia, and Valencia, where it was intended 318 NAVAL HISTORY the bridges of boats, baggage, and all things that' could be got together, should be put on-board. Ac cordingly, he took care of the sick and wounded men, and sent them to Tortosa, Avhere the Lord Galway proposed to make a stand Avith the poor remains of the army. This service employed Sir George Byng almost the whole month of April, and then he was in daily expectation of being joined by Sir Cloudesley Shovel, from Lisbon, either on that part of the coast of Spain, or at Barcelona, whither he Avas destined. Thus all the great things that Avere hoped for, from the augmentation of our forces in Spain, were abso lutely disappointed ; and this, chiefly, through, the unaccountable mismanagement of that prince, for whose service all these expensive and hazardous ex peditions were undertaken. Let us now turn our eyes to Italy, where we shall find a scene much of the same nature. The first design that Avas formed upoh Toulon, by the duke of Savoy, is very positiA'ely said to have been concerted with tbe famous earl of Peterborough ; but his royal highness, finding that nobleman had no longer any great credit at court, he changed the scheme entirely, and concerted by his ministers at London a nevV one, with the duke of Marlborough.* This, to say the truth, was the best design laid during the war, if we except the march into Germany, which had this advantage over it, that it was not only laid, but executed by the duke of Marlborough. The * This is a very dark and perplexed affair ; and, for any thing I can perceive, most of our historians are at a loss about it. The truth of the matter, to me, seems to be this. The duke of Savoy, and PrinceEugene, first proposed attacking Toulon, to the earl of Peterborough, who thereupon wrote to his court about it. Jn the mean time the duke of Marlborough had proposed the same thing to Count Massey abroad, and afterwards concerted the whole scheme with that minister, and Count Briancon at London, The duke of Savoy, however, did not think fit to acquaint the earl of Peterborough, that his project was laid aside; and this it was, if I conjecture right, that created all this confusion. OF QUEEN ANNE. 819 taking Toulon, if it could have been effected, would have destroyed for ever the maritime power of France; rendered her utterly incapable of carrying on any commerce with Spanish America, and have distressed her to such a degree at home, as must have produced an immediate peace, even upon worse terms than had been hitherto prescribed to her. All things were soon settled between us and the duke of Savoy ; he could not undertake such an expedition without large sup plies of money, and these we both promised and paid him : yet, ev^en this would not have engaged him in so dangerous an attempt, if we had not given him the strongest assurances, that our fleet should constantly attend him ; which we likewise very punctually ful filled. The first ill omen that appeared, was, the resolution taken by the emperor, at this juncture, when his forces in Italy should have been employed in pro moting our design, to make with them the conquest of the kingdom of Naples. In vain our ministers re presented to his Imperial Majesty the mighty things we had done for him and his family ; the great im portance of the present undertaking to the common cause, and the certainty of his acquiring Naples with out resistance after the expedition was over. In vain were the like applications from the Dutch ; and in vain the earl of Manchester's journey, and the queen's let-ter to dissuade him from that ill-timed attempt, though written in the strongest terms, and all with her own hand. He alleged, that such assurances had been given to his friends in Naples, that some thing should be immediately done for their service, that it w^as impossible for him to desist, and there fore, notwithstanding all these applications. Count Daun had orders to march vvith 12,000 men, part of the troops that should have been employed in the ex pedition against Toulon, to invade that kingdom ; vyhich he accordingly performed.* * Bishop Burnet, vol. ii. reflects upon this step taken by the 820 NAVAL HISTOrV The duke of Savoy, notwithstanding this disa|)* pointment, continued, at least in all appearance, firnt in his resolution, and it was resolved to prosecute this great design, with the assistance of the English fleet. Accordingly, Sir Cloudesley Shovel having joined Sir George Byng, near Alicant, sailed for the coast of Italy, and on tbe 5th of June, came to an anchor be fore Final, with a fleet of forty-three men of war, and fifty-seven transports. Prince Eugene went thither to confer with the admiral ; and soon after the fleet sailed for Nice, Avhece, on the 29th of the same month, the admiral had the honour to entertain the duke of Savoy, Prince Eugene, mpst of the general officers, together with the English and Dutch minis ters, on board his own ship, the Association.* After dinner, they held a council of war, and therein it Avas resolved to force a passage over the Var, in which hazardous enterprise the English ad miral promised to assist. On the last of June, this daring attempt was undertaken, to the great astonish ment of the Fiench, who believed their works upon that river to be impregnable; and so indeed they would have proved, to any forces in the world, except Eng lish seamen. The late gallant Sir John, then only Captain Norris, with some British and one Dutch man of war, sailed to the mouth of the river, and em- emperor, very severely; and, I think, with great justice. Butthe> emperor went yet further: for he sent such orders to Prince Eu gene, to avoid, on all occasions, exposing his troops that were to be employed in the Toulon expedition, as proved one great cause of the miscarriage of the allies when they came before that city, * Sir Cloudesley Shovel, though he was not one of the politest officers we ever had, 'shewed a great deal of prudence and address, in the magnificent entertainment he made upon this occasion. The duke, when he came on board the Association, found a guard of halberdiers, in new liveries, at the great cabin-door. At the upper end of the table was set an armed chair, with a crimson velvet canopy. The table consisted cf sixty covers, and every thing was so well managed, that his royal highness could not forbear saying, to the admiral at dinner, " If your excellency had paid me a visi.| at Turin, I could scarcely have treated you so well,'* OF QUEEN ANNE. 321 barking six hundred seamen, and marines, in open boats, entered it, and advanced within musket-shot of the enemy's works, making such a terrible fire upon them, that their cavalry, and many of their foot, astonished at an attack they never suspected, began to quit their intrenchments, and could not be pre vailed upon by their officers to return. Sir Cloudesley Shovel, who followed Sir John Nor ris to the place of action, no sooner saw this con fusion, than he ordered Sir John to land with the seamen and marines, in order to flank the enemy. This was performed with so much spirit, and Sir John and his seamen scampered over works, which the French thought inaccessible, so suddenly, that the enemy, struck Avith a panic, threw down their arms, and fled with the utmost precipitation. The duke of Savoy immediately pursued this advantage, and in a single half hour passed that river, which, in the judgment of the best officers in his army, had, without this assist ance, proved the ne plus ultra of his expedition.* On the 2d of July, his royal highness, and Princ© Eugene, with the British envoy, and Sir John Norris, dined again on board the admiral ; and after dinner, they entered into a conference, wherein, upon ma ture dehberation, his royal highness was pleased to * It may not be amiss to cite, on this occasion, the words of the dispatch received from the confederate camp, July 14, N. S. as they are printed in the Lond, Gaz. N°. 4352. " The admiral himself followed Sir John Norris to the place of action, and ob. serving the disorder of the enemy, commanded him to put to laud, and flank them in their intrenchments. His men advanced in so ^ undaunted a manner, that the enemy, fearing to be surrounded, marched out of their works, and retired with great precipitation. His royal highness having received from the admiral an account, that we were in possession of the enemy's works, ordered his troops to pass the river, which they did with so great eagerness, that above a hundred men were driven down by the violence of the stream, and ten of them drowned; which was all the loss we sus tained, in forcing a pass, where we expected the most vigorous op position." — -Thus we see this whole affair was effected by English sailors. VOL. in. V 822 NAVAL HISTORY declare, that since the queen of Great Britain had earnestly recommended to him the marching directly to Toulon, without losing time in the siege of any place of less importance, he was lesolved to comply with her Majesty's proposal, and hoped for a good conclusion of the affair, through the continuance of her Majesty's friendship and assistance, which had en couraged him to undertake it. The army of the al lies consisted of about 35,000 men, all inured to hard ships, commanded by officers of the greatest expe rience, and of the highest reputation, supported by a numerous fleet, commanded by an admiral of known courage and conduct, who, upon all occasions, shewed the utmost zeal for the service, and particu larly in this last conference, where the duke of Savoy having observed, that even after Toulon was taken, himself and his army rnight find it impracticable to re treat ; the admiral replied, *' I hope better things from your royal fiighnes's fortune ; but, if there should be any appearance of such an event's happening, your highness may rely upon me, I, will take care to sup ply a sufficient number of transports to embark all your troops." The duke thanked him for his gene rous offer ; told him, he depended chiefly on the as sistance he expected from him, and that, ifhe would repair to the island of Hieres, he should not long re main there, before he had advice of the army's being in the neighbourhood of Toulon, and that then he should expect' to see the fleet in the road.* It is impossible to describe the confusion into which this march of the duke of Savoy threw the * Thus far all things went well, -because all parties were agreed; but from this very moment the business began to be clouded. The duke of Savoy, whatever the reason was, did not make the expe dition he might have done; for though he began his march from the Var, on the 3d of July, yet he did not arrive before Toulon till the LSth, But when he found it necessary to make his retreatj he did it with much greater expedition, for though he began it on the 12th of August, he reached the Var by the 19th of the same month. OF QUEEN ANNE, 32? French. Toulon Avas not in any state of defence; they had no troops in that part of the country; they scarcely knew whence to bring them. They had then in the port a better fleet than they have been masters of since ; besides twenty-five frigates, fire ships, and other vessels of the same size, all of which, they Avere sensible, were in the utmost danger of be^ ing destroyed. In this distress, Louis XIV, sbevved less presence of mind than on any other occasion in his whole reign; for he condescended to recall the best officer iu prance, whom he had disgraced, I mean the Marshal Catinat, in order to consult hijn ; and, after taking his advice, was prevailed upon, by female intrigues, to trust the e:^ecution of an affair of such importance to the Marshal De Tesse, whp had so notoriously blemished the honour of the French arms by raising the siege of Gibraltar. To say the trpth, the zeal of his subjects contri buted more to the preservation of tbe place, than either the monarch's care, or the skill of his generals; for the nqbility and gentry of the adjacent provinces, did not content themselves with arming and marchr ing thither their tenants and servants, but even coined their plate, and pawned their jewels, to raise money to pay the workmen employed in the fortifications, which were carried on Avith such amazing alacrity, that in three weeks tinle, the town, as well as the port, was in a pretty good state of defence; and they had, besides, in the neighbourhood three intrenched camps which, however, vvas all owing to the dilatorinpss of ..the ajhes,.* * One;need not wpn^er at iS^e surprise tlj.e French court was in, when the design of the duke of Savoy was no longer to be doubted; Toulon was then in such a situation, tjhat, if the duke of Savoy had marched expeditiously, it is not easy to conceive how his en terprise could have niiscarried. They did not begio to fortify the ,city, till he had passed the Var, aij4 H was the 7th of j^ugust, N.S. before M. T^^sse arrived .there. Four days sponer \foul(J ^yegiycfl his royal highness possession of Toulon, without a blow, j^nl^S tli^,Frenc.b had beco mad enough to have stpod a stprm ; afi^ 324 NAVAL HISTORY Sir Cloudesley Shovel, with the fleet under hia command, sailed for the Hieres, after having made ail the necessary dispositions for securing a safe and constant intercourse between the army, and the do minions of the duke of Savoy, upon Avhich the suc cess of the whole was then thought to depend. It Avas the 15th of July before the siege of Toulon was formed, and on the 17th Admiral Shovel landed, and assisted at a council of Avar, in Avhich many demands Avere made on the fleet for the service of the army ; and the admiral chearfully promised all that was in his power, Avhich he accordingly performed. One hundred cannon were landed from the fleet for the batteries, with two hundred rounds of powder and shot, and a considerable number of seamen to serve as gunners ; and cordage, nails and spikes, with all other things Avanting for the camp, were supphed from the ships ; so that affairs had a very good face till the 4th of August, when early in the morning the enemy making cTvigorons sally, forced most, if not all the confederate troops out of their works, and took |5ossession to the right, where they continued all day, and upon their going oft' destroyed them, drawing away eight or ten guns into the town ; in which ac tion there were killed and wounded on the side of the duke of Savoy above eight hundred men, among Avhom were the prince of Saxe Gotha, and some offi cers of distinction. ' This attempt being made with such superiority of in that case, the dispute must have been over in a few hours. As it was, the duke of Savoy found the enemy as strong as himself, they had six thousand men in the town, and twenty-four thousand in the neighbourhood of it. The very moment the allies arrived, the generals diflfered, his royal highness sent orders to Prince Eu gene, to possess himself of Mount St. Ann, which he refused to do, because, as I have observed, the emperor had ordered him not to expose his troops. Foul weather, too, prevented the fleet from lauding artillery and ammunition ; in all this time the enemy's forces were increasing, since the allies flever had it in their poweir to invest Toulon. OF QUEEN ANNE. 325 numbers, it put the troops under great apprehensions, and the generals Avere of opinion, that it would not be proper to carry on the siege, since, Avhile the duke of Savoy's army decreased, the enemy continually gathered strength, insomuch that, on the sixth of August, his royal highness desired the admiral would immediately embark the sick and wounded, and with draw the cannon, in order to his raising the siege, Avhich from this time Avas turned only to a cannona ding and bombardment. His royal highness also in formed him, that he proposed to decamp the 10th in the morning, and desired that the fleet might accom pany the army as far as the Var ; which being done, It was proposed to carry the duke. Prince Eugene^ and the troops which could be spared for service in that country, on board the fleet to Spain : but since there was not any thing determined in this affair, the admiral soon after shaped his course down the Straits, as we shall see hereafter. * The very day the army began to" march, the fleet drew as near the place as possible, and five bomb- vessels, supported by the lightest frigates, and all the boats of the men of war, under the command of Rear- * Many reasons were assigned for the raising this siege ; I shall mention only a few. It was said, that Sir Cloudesley Shovel dis gusted the duke of Savoy, by detaining the payment of his subsi. dies, which were due on his, passing the Var. I apprehend, how ever, this fact could not be tru«, since the admiral sailed the next day ; and therefore, he must either have paid the money, or his Toyal highness would not have stirred a foot further. Bishop Burnet saj's, that the duke was afraid of getting to Toulon before the fleet, as in that case, he would have wanted provisions ; all our Gazettes contradict this, and say, that if he had arrived there sooner, he must have taken the place, and all the French maga zines, I think there are three substantial reasons which cannot be disputed, and which sufficiently account for the failing of this design. First, the want of twelve thousand Imperialists, which as 1 have said, were sent to Naples, Secondly, the disagreement between his royal highness, and Prince Eugene. Thirdly, the treacherous correspondence held by the Countess of Soissons, sister-in-law to the prince, and the duke's near relation, of which we hAve an ac count in the Lond. Gaz, N°. 4368. b20 Naval liisToil^ admlfai Dilkes, advanced into the creek of fort ^t Lewis, and notwithstanding a prodigious fire frotn the j3lace, bombarded the town and harbour from noort till five the next tnorning, and this with all the suc-^ cess that could be expected. By this mearis the land-- army had time to quit their camp at La Villette, vvhich they did in flve columns in great safety, the enemy having something else tb do than to pursue them : and as to any attempts aftervvards, his royal highnes.'i put them pretty much out of their power, by marching, in two days, as far as in his approach to the place he had marched in six. This disastrous end had the famous siege of Toulon, from whence the confederates hoped, and the French feared so much. To speak impartially, one tnay safely set the faults of both generals against each other. If the duke of Savoy had arrived a week sooner, he had carried his point : and if, on the other hand. Marshal Tesse had understood his business, as well as Marshal Catinat, his royal highness had returned without an army. After all, this business, though it miscarried in the main, prpved of great service to the allies, and had hiany happy consequences, wbich perhaps ought to balance the expence of it; for besides the gre^t damage the French sustained in their shipping ; the burning and destroying of eight of their capital ships; the blowing up several rnagazines ; the burning of above One hundred and Sixty houses in Toulon, and the devastations committed in Provence by both ar mies, to the value of thirty millions of French livres; this enterprise, which struck a greater terror through out all France, than had been known there during the whole reign of Louis XlV, brought these further advantages to the common cause, that it caused a great diversion of the enemies forces, whereby their army in Germany was weakened, th6 duke of Or-1 lean s's progress, after the battle of Aimanza, retardecl in Spain ; the succouring of Naples prevented ; anci the conquests of the allies in Italy secured. OF QUEEN ANNE. 827 I must observe further, that as no prince in the world knew better than the duke of Savoy how to fe- pair faults, and recover past miscarriages; so he gave on this occasion a noble proof of his high spirit, and great presence of mind, by in\'esting the important fortress of Suza, vvhich surrendered at discretion, on the 24th of September, and thereby gave him an open passage into Dauphine, at the same time that it enabled him to shut the French effectually out of his dominions. Our admiral, not a little chagrined at the miscar riage of an expedition upon which he had^set his heart, after having assigned Sir Thomas Dilkes a squadron of thirteen sail, for the Mediterranean ser vice, sailed with the rest of the fleet from Gibraltar. On the 23d of October, he had ninety fathom water in the Soundings, in the afternoon he brought the fleet to and lay by. At six in the evening he made sail again, and stood away under his courses, whence it is presumed, he believed that he saw the light of Scilly ; soon after which he made signals of~danger, as several other ships did. Sir George Byng, who was then within less than half a mile to the wind ward of himj saw the breaches of the sea, and soon after the rocks, called the Bishop and his Clerks, upon which the admiral, struck (though, according to some. Sir Cloudesley struck upon the Gilston rock, and not upon the Bishop and his Clerks'), and in two minutes there was nothing more of him, or his §hip seen. Besides the Association, the Eagle, Captain Robert Hancock, of seventy guns, and the Romney, Captain William Coney, of fifty, guns, perished : the Fire brand fire-ship was lost likewise; but Captain Piercy, who commanded her, and most of the company were saved; the Phoenix fire-ship, commanded by Captain Sansom, , ran ashore, but was happily got off again. > The Royal Anne,- in which Sir George Byng bore his flag, was saved by the presence of mind of the S28 NAVAL HISTORY officers and men, Avho in a minute's*time set her top sails, when she Avas within a ship's length of the rocks. Lord Dursley, in the St. George, ran as great hazard, and was saved by mere accident; he struck on the same rocks with Sir Cloudesley, and that wave Avhich beat out the admiral's lights, set his ship afloat. The day after this unhappy accident, some countiy fellows took up Sir Cloudesley Shovel's body, stripped him, and buried him in the sand ; but the boats crew of the Salisbury, and the Antelope, having discovered it, dug him up again, put his corpse on board the Salisbury, by whom it was brought home to Plymouth, on the 28th of October, conveyed thence to London, and buried with great Solemnity in Westminster-abbey, where a magnificent tomb vvas soon after erected to his memory.* Rear-admiral Dilkes, with the squadron appointed for the Mediterranean service, sailed from Gibraltar on the 5th of October, in order to have escorted a convoy of troops, and provisions from Italy to Cata lonia. But when he was some leagues westward of ^Barcelona, he received several expresses, desiring that he would enter that port, his Catholic Majesty having some matters of great consequence to com municate to him. The admiral accordingly repaired thither, and found that the principal point in view with his Catholic Majesty w^as, the reduction of the island of Sardinia, and the defence of the Catalonian coasts. The proposition made by his Majesty, not being consistent with the orders which Sir Thomas Dilkes had already received, he found himself under a necessity of waving, in the best manner he could, * 'We shall have occasion to speak, hereafter, more at large of this unfortunate event, when we come to the memoirs of this admiral. There were nearly nine hundred persons on board the Association when she was lost, and not a soul escaped. The Chaplain happened to go on board another ship that morning, in order to administer the sacrament to some dying people, and by this means his life was saved. OF QUEEN ANNE. 329 complying with what his Catholic Majesty desired, and since the care of the embarkation in Italy, was Earticularly recommended to him, by his instructions, e sailed from Barcelona on the second of November; but meeting with hard gales of wind, his squadron was separated, and could not join again before the 14th, when, being off Cape Corsica, he received a letter from the King of Spain, which contained an account of the loss of Lerida, and of the great danger of Tortosa and Terragond, He arrived at Leghorn on the IQth of November, but met in the road Avith so terrible a storm, that almost every ship in his squadron suffered by it. At his arrival he dethanded a salute of seventeen guns, AVhich was refused him : upon this, he wrote to her Majesty's minister at tbe court of the grand duke, who complained of the disrespect. The secretary of state sent him soon after an answer, importing, that the castle of Leghorn never saluted an;^ flag under the degree of a vice-admiral ; and therefore Sir Thomas Dilkes, being a rear-admiral only, had no right to expect it ; and as to the number of guns. Sir Cloudesley Shovel was content with eleven, and returned the same number. On the first of Decem ber, this dispute being adjusted, he was invited on shore, and died a few days afterwards of a fever, caused, as most people imagined, by an Italian din ner. Upon his decease, the command devolved on Cap tain Jasper Hicks, who was the senior officer, and who sailed from Leghorn to the coast of Genoa, Avliere embarking the troops at Vado, a little town to the Avestward of Savona, he escorted them safely to Spain, and then proceeded with his squadron to Lis bon, Avhere he received orders to put it in the best condition he could, against the arrival of Sir John Leake, who was coming, with the title of admiral and commander in chief, from England. It may not be amiss to observe, that this year the enemy had a con^ 830 NAVAL HISTORY siderable force in the Mediterranean, which relieved their party in the island of Minorca, and did other services in those parts; but it was in a manner by Stealth, and in the absence of our fleet, which, as the reader has seen, was then before Toulon, I shall conclude this subject, with observing, that how ill soever our affairs went in Spain, it was owing intirely to the disputes amongst our land-officers, and the mischiefs and miscarriages induced thereby; for, at sea, all things went well ; our fleets and squadrons did all that could be expected from them, and it seemed to be our misfortune, that it was not in their power to do all that vv'as to be done. If it had, we should certainly have carried our point, and King Philip, notwithstanding all the great succours that he received from his grandfather, would have been obliged to quit his pretensions to Spain and the Indies.* But, as Bishop Burnet has ^hewri, ^ the Austrian politics, at this juncture, fell in with ' the French ; and yet we continued to serve that august house, not only at the expence of our inter est, but, as it vvere in spite of their teeth.f * It is true, many, indeed most of the ancient nobility, adhered steadily to King Philip ; but still, partly from the misuiiderstand- irtg between the kingdoms and principalities which compose the Spanish monarchy, the feuds amongst the grandees, and the insi nuations of some politicians, that as they became Bourbonites only to prevent the dismembering the dominions of their crown, they might turn Austrians again if they found this the only way of com passing their end ; there was a strong party for King Charles III. who, by the assistance of the maritime powers, might have been placed and kept upon the throne, at least for a considerable time, f As this is a very extraordinary assertion, I think myself obliged to cite Bishop Burnet's own words, " The court of France, finding they could not prevail on the Kiog of Sweden, made a public application to the Pope for his mediating a peace. They offered the dominions in Italy to King Charles ; to the States, a barrier in the Netherlands, and a compensation to the Duke of Savoy, for the waste made in his country ; provided that, on those Conditions, King Philip should keep Spain, and the AVest Indies. It was thought the court of Vienna wished this project might be entertained J but the other allies were so disgusted at it, that they OF QUEEN ANI^E. 831 Before I return to the consideration of affairs nearer home, it Avill be proper to say something as to a se cret treaty between the queen of Great Britain, and King Charles III, of Spain, because that was the real source of some very great events which afterwards happened, though there is very little mention made of this treaty in any of our histories, Mr, Stanhope, afterwards Earl Stanhope, and a great minister here, then rimnaged her Majesty's affairs with King Charles. He, representing the zeal Avith which Great Britain had always supported his Catholic Majesty, and the immense expence she had been at, in order to establish him on the throne of his ancestors, prevailed on him, partly out of gratitude, and partly from a sense of the necessity he lay under of depending still on our protection, to conclude secretly a treaty of commerce, extremely favourable for the subjects of Britain, and which, in case that prince had been firmly established oil the throne of Spain, must quickly have reimbursed the nation all she had laid out for the service of his Catholic Majesty. - By it, the English alone Avere entrusted with the Barbary trade, and were to import into all the mari time places in Spain, such kind of goods from thence as should appear to them proper, and without paying any higher duty, than if those goods were actually the growth and inerchandi.se of Great Britain. The English merchants residing in Spain, were to give security for their duties, and were to pay them six months after the goods were landed and sold, A new book of rates vvas to be established by English and Spanish commissioners, which was not to be altered, and all merchandises tbat were omitted therein, vvere to pay seven per cent, ad valorem, according to the invoice. These advantages were in themselves very made no steps towards it. The court of Vienna did what they could to confound the designs of this campaign, for they ordered a detachment of twelve thousand men to march from the army into Lombardy, to the kingdom of Naples, &c," 332 NAVAL HISTORY great ; but there were still greater secured by a sepa rate article, in which it was mutually agreed, that the Avhole commerce of the Spanish West Indies should be carried on by a joint company of Spanish and British merchants : but, because this could not be immediately carried into execution, since Spain and the Indies were then in the hands of King Philip, it was further stipulated, as far as King Charles could consent, that her Britannic Majesty should, for the present, trade freely in all the ports of the West In dies, with ten ships, each of the burden of five hun dred tons, under the escort of as many ships of war as her Majesty should think proper. France was to be for ever excluded from this commerce ; and if, at any time afterwards, either of the contracting parties should depart from this agreement, then they were to forfeit all the advantages granted them by this treaty; which was signed the 10th of July, 1.707, by the mi nisters of his Catholic Majesty, and Mr. Stanhope.* The person who was entrusted to carry this import ant treaty to London, embarked, for the greater ex pedition, on board a small vessel bound fpr Genoa, * Some people have affected to doubt, whether there ever was such a treaty as this ; but that was only at a time when there was a necessity of keeping it secret. Doctor Swift, who wrote the Con. ductof the Allies, and who had as good lights as any writer of that time, says a little disingenuously : " Our trade with Spain was re- ferred the same way ; but this they will pretend to be of no conse quence, because that kingdom was to be under the house of Austria, and we have already made a treaty with King Charles. I have, indeed, heard of a treaty made by Mr. Stanhope with that prince, for settling our commerce with Spain : but, whatever it were, there was another between us and Holland, which went hand in hand with it. I mean that of the barrier, wherein a clause was inserted, by which all advantages proposed for Britain, are to be in common with Holland." Swift's Miscellanies, vol. iJ\. The ob- servation I would make is, that the fact here laid dovwi is by no means true ; the barrier treaty, and this with Spain, coujd not be carried on together, since the one was signed the lOth of July, 1707, and the other on the 29th of October, 1709, As to the treaty itself, the inquisitive reader may, if he pleases, consult Lam- bcrti, vol, iv. OF QUEEN ANNE. 833 which vessel was unluckily taken by a French priva teer. The express, as is usual in such cases, threw his mail overboard ; but the French captain promising a considerable reward, in case it could be recovered, a negro slave undertook to dive, and bring it up; which he performed, and it was immediately trans mitted to the Marquis De Torci, the French king's minister for foreign affairs, who took care to send a copy of it, very speedily, to the Hague, where it made a great impression on the States-general, though they did not think fit to complain of it, but contented themselves with giving, as far as they were able, such a turn to the war, as might render it beneficial to themselves ; and ever after assisted his Catholic Ma jesty but coolly, and no farther than they were ob liged by treaty. It was afterwards converted into a reason for con cluding a negociation, very favourable to their trade, with the Dutch, wherein, among other things, it was agreed that, whatever advantages we should obtain from Spain, the Dutch should enjoy the like ; which treaty, if it was ever intended should be fairly exe cuted, would have been very injurious to us, since, while we bore the Avhole burden of the war, it would have taken from us all hopes of recompence after a peace, for to share the Spanish trade with the Dutch by treaty, was very little better than agreeing to give it up to them in a short space of time. This secret negociation had still farther conse quences, since it gave the French an opportunity of suggesting, in a separate treaty, that article upon which the South Sea company is founded, and with out the assistance of which, the intelligent part of mankind know very well the peace of Utrecht could never have been made, or the public debts brought into that situation in which we now find them. From these remarks on secret" treaties, let us return now to the c^en operations of the war, At the time that our fleets were every where supe- 834 NAVAL HISTORY rior to those of the enemy, our trade suffered in al most all parts of the world, by their small squadrons of men of war, as well as privateers. This, though it fell heavily upon us, was a plain proof of the weak' ness of tbe French power ; since it never can be con ceived that so haughty a prince as Louis-XIV. would have stooped to this piratical way of carrying on the war, if he could have maintained it in a manner more honourable. Sir Thomas Hardy, who had commanded a squa dron in the Soundings a year before, and who had this year been employed on the coast of Ireland, to protect the East India fleet, was, in the beginning of the month of July, ordered to escort tlie Lisbon trade. Sir Thomas, pursuant to this order, sailed with the squadron under his command, and the out ward-bound merchant-men. But being several times forced back by contraiy winds, it wa^ the 27th of August, 1707, before they got ninety-three leagues off the Lizard. About half an hour after two that afternoon, Paptain Kirktown, in the Defiance, AVho was in tbe rear of the fleet, made the signal of seeing six sail, which being also seen about three, right a» stern from the mast-head of the Kent, Sir Thomas Hardy brought to for the rear, that were a great way off, and spread very much, to come up with the body of the fleet, consisting in all, of above two hundred saiL* * Sir Thomas's orders were dated the 2d of July, 1707, and by them he was directed to convoy all the outward-bound ships that were ready to sail, and see them safe about 12,0 leagues beyond the Land's end, and then to detach with them some men of war, ui)der the command of Captain Kirktown ; and himself, with the rest of the ships under his Command, to cruize in' such station, or stations, as should be thought, upon advising with the several captains with him, the most proper for meeting with, and protecting the home ward-bound Lisbon trade. This order further directed, that in case Sir Thomas Hardy should, in his passage from Spithead into the Soundings, get sight of the squadron of French ships (which had been lately seen off the Lizard), he was forthwith to detacli jCa^it^in KirliLtowH frpm Ijim on his voyage to Wsbon, 3S befoy? OF QUEEN ANNE. 835. Between three and four o'clock. Sir Thomas Hardy perceiving that the six sail came up Avith him a-pace, notwithstanding it was Uttle wind, and thereby judg ing they might be seekers, made the signal for the ships tbat vvere to continue with him, to chace to Avindward, and also chaced himself with them, both to prevent these six sail from taking some of the heavy sailers, and to try to come up with them, in case they were enemies. About five, the six sail were seen from the Kent's deck, making all the sail they could before the wind after the fleets Soon after, they shortened sail and brought to, to speak with one another ; whereupon, Sir Thomas Hardy believ ing them to be the French squadron mentioned in his orders, made the signal for the Lisbon fleet to part, whUst he, with his own squadron, continued to chace to windward the enemy, who had formed themselves in a line of battle. About six, the six sail bore away, and stood to the eastward of him, and he, with his squadron, tacked after them, and continued the chace till near seven o'clock; but then considering that it was almost night, that the six sail were then hauled to, and almost in the wind's eye, he saw no probabihty of coming up with, or keeping sight of them, it being little wind ; and, therefore, he made the signal for the captains with him, to advise Xvith them according to his orders. The result of this consultation, which was signed by fourteen captains, was, that Sir Thomas Hardy should leave off chace ; and, left the enemy, supposed to be Xjuai Trouin's squadron, of whose strength he vvas informed by a letter from the Admiralty, dated the 8th of July, 1707, should pass by him in the night, and fall upon the trade, which could not be protected by the convoys directed ; and he, with the rest of the ships under his command, to give chace to, and use his utmost endeavours to come up with, and take and destroy the said ships of the enemy ; but if he found that lie could not come up with them, he was to cruize in the Souadiugs, as before directed. S36 NAVAL HISTORY directed to be left with them, all the captains unani mously agreed, that it Avas for her Majesty's service, to bear away, and keep company with the Lisbon fleet, till they got 120 leagues at least from the Land's-end, according to his royal highness's order. Sir Thomas Hardy complied with their advice, and saw all the fleet safe as far as he was directed. But, upon the complaint of some merchants, surmising that Sir Thomas Hardy had not chaced the six. sail of French men of war, a court-martial was ordered to examine his conduct therein. This court, having sifted every circumstance of this affair, and heard the principal officers of the squadron upon their oaths, declared their opinion to be, tbat Sir Thomas Hardy had complied with his royal highness the lord high- admiral's orders, both with regard to the chacing the enemy, and also the protecting the trade ; and ac cordingly, the court did acquit the said Sir Thomas Hardy, from the charge brought against him. There never was, perhaps, a more just sentence than this, or pronounced upon fuller evidence, and yet Sir Thomas Hardy had his conduct canvassed afterwards in every place Avhere it was possible to call it in question ; which, in spite of all the prejudices that prevailed at that time, turned very much to his ad vantage ; for he not only escaped alb censure, but continued to be employed, and acquired greater honour from the clearing up this charge, than he could have done by barely convoying the fleet, if no such accident had happened.* * The president of this council of war, was Sir John Leake, Knt. rice admiral of the white. It was held on board her Majesty's ship the Albemarle, October 10, 1707, in Portsmouth harbour ; and the captains who, with the president signed his acquittal, were Hovendon Walker, Henry Lumley, Stephen Martin, T. Meads, Henry Gore, Charles Stewart, J. Paul. After this, the proceed. ings were laid before the Queen in council, where all was heard over again, but nothing appeared which could any way impeach the honour of Sir Thomas Ha^dy, or the officers who acquitted him ; however, to oblige tlie merchants, the sentence was trans- OF QUEEN ANNE. 337 Towards the latter end of April, a large fleet of ships bound for Portugal, and the West Indies, and making in all a fleet of fifty-five sail, had a convoy appointed them, consisting of three men of war, the Royal Oak of 76 guns. Captain Baron Wylde, com mander arid commodore; the Grafton, of 70 guns. Captain Edward Acton ; the Hampton-Court, of 70 guns, Captain George Clements. They sailed on the first of May, from the Downs, and fell in, on the second, vvith the Dunkirk squadron, commanded by M. Forbin, consisting of ten men of war, a frigate, and four privateers. The commodore drew five of the stoutest merchant-ships into the line, and fought bravely two hours and a half; but then, Captain Ac ton being killed, and his ship taken, and the Hamp ton-Court soon sharing the same fate, after having sunk the Salisbury, then in the hands of the French, by her side, the commodore thought proper to shift for himself as well as he could, which it was not very easy for him to do, as he was immediately attacked by three of the largest French men of war, and had eleven feet Avater in his hold. He disengaged him self, notwithstanding, and with great difficulty ran on shore near Dungenesse, from whence he soon got off', and brought his ship into the Downs. But while the men of war w^ere thus engaged, the lightest of the enemies frigates, and their privateers, took one and twenty of our merchant-ships, and carried them, with .the two men ofwar, into Dunkirk. mitted to the Admiralty, and there it was examined before his royal highness the lord high-admiral, and the following flag.oilicers, Admiral Churchill, Sir Stafford Fairborne, Sir John Leake, Sir George Hyng, Sir Jolm Norris, and Sir James Wishart, who all approved the sentence of the court-martial, and gave their opinion under their hands. One would have imagined, that here the thing must have ended, but it did not ; for as soon as the House of Com mons sat, a motion vvas made, that Sir Thomas Hardy should at. tend ; which he did, and gave so clear an account of his conduct, tliat the very members who had promised to support the complaint, desired it might be dismissed. VOL. Ill, Z 338 NAVAL HISTORY The most extraordinary thing that happened in this engagement, was the conduct of a midshipman, on board the Hampton-Court, who, while the enemy were employed in plundering the ship, conveyed Captain Clements, who was mortally wounded in the belly, into the long-boat, into which himself, and seven of the sailors crept through the port-holes, and concealed themselves, as well as they could. The enemy, in the mean time, driving with the flood,' Avhen they thought themselves at a sufficient dis tance, they fell to their oars, and had the good for tune to get into Rye harbour on the third of May, This affair made a very great noise, the merchants affirming, that there was time enough for the Ad miralty to have acquainted Commodore Wylde, that the Dunkirk squadron was at sea; which, in all probability, might have enabled him to have escaped this misfortune.* The French, according to their usual custom, mag nified this success of theirs excessively; for they as serted, that besides- the three men of war, there was a frigate of forty guns sent to strengthen the convoy,- and that the fleet of merchant-men consisted of four score sail, of which they took twenty-two, and made 1200 prisoners. In Forbin's memoirs, Ave have some Very extraordinary circumstances ; such as, that he engaged the commodore himself, and killed him vvith a musket-shot through a port-hole, while he was giving his orders sword in hand, between decks, and afterwards made himself master of his ship ; in vvhich, * These facts depend upon the representations made by the mer- cTiants to parliament, in the ensuing session, and the answer to that representation, by the council of the lord high-admiral, in his royal highness's name. It is, I think, not a little improbable, that the Admiralty should have any treacherous design ; but there is nothing more likely, than that some under officers of that board, might send copies of letters, orders for convoys, and such like pa- pers, at the hazard of their necks ; as the very same year Gregg did from the secretary's office, for which he suffered at Tyburu, and people very unjustly aspersed his master. OF QUteEN ANNE. 339 V as vve have seen, there is not one word of truth ; and all that can be said in excuse of the French relation is, that M. Forbin mistook the Hampton-Court for the commodore. All the French relations, however, do us the justice to own, that our captains behaved extremely well, and that their victory cost them very dear. The French king-, as soon as he had advice of this enjraee- ment, promoted M. Forbin to the rank of chef d'es- cadre, and gave bim hkewise the title of count, which he soon after merited by an extraordinary exploit, of which we are next to give an account, The Russia fleet being this year very numerous, and very richly laden, Sir Benjamin Ayloffe, being then governor, and some other principal merchants, ap plied themselves to the Admiralty, in order to know what convoy they might expect, and particularly took notice of the apprehensions they were under, from the Dunkirk squadron ; they Avere told, that they should have one fourth, and two fifth rates, with which they were very much dissatisfied. To make them in some measure easy, Sir William Whet stone had orders to convoy them beyond the islands of Shetland. Accordingly the fleet, consisting of about fifty merchant^nen, sailed, and Avere actually convoyed, as far as his instructions directed, by Ad miral Whetstone, Avho left them about three weeks before they were taken, to proceed on' their voyage, under their proper convoy. Some time after, Captain Haddock, who com manded, made a signal of his seeing eleven sail of the enemy's ships, vvhich some of the fleet not regarding, but trusting to their good sailing, fifteen of them fell into the enemy's hand, off the island of Kildine, on the coast of Lapland, on the 1 1th of July ; and the rest of the fleet, consisting of about forty ships, vvith their conVoy of three men of war, by the favour of a hard gale, and a thick fog, got into Archangel.* The * One Captain NenyoM, commander of the ship Nenyon and 840 NAVAL HISTORY accounts vve have of this affair are remarkably dark and embarrassed, which were calculated, probably, to justify the conduct of the prince's council, and Ad miral Whetstone, who were much complained of; but the French accounts are clearer, though a little exaggerated. According to them, M. Forbin sailed again from Dunkirk, on the last of May, with the same squa dron ; and on the 1 1th of July, perceiving the Eng lish fleet, he immediately fell in with them, took nine teen sail; but being too far from any port of France, to think of carrying them in with safety, he first unloaded, and then burnt them. In the memoirs Avhich go under his name, the matter is carried still farther; for he asserts, that he took twenty, of which he burnt fifteen : that, aftervvards, he took four more, and when they got into the harbour of Kildine, he likewise took four, and burnt eighteen; but he agrees, that soon after, he destroyed all his prizes, and com putes the value of the goods hfe preserved at 1,200,000 livres. I suspect there is some confusion and mistake in these accounts, because I find, that, on the first of August following, he destroyed the Dutch homeward- bound fleet from Archangel ; and as Father Daniel Benjamin, made oath before the House of Lords, that, on or about the 9th of July, 1707, his ship, with eleven or twelve others, were unfortunately taken in their voyage to Archangel, by the Cheva lier Forbin's squadron, consisting of seven French ships of war; that his ship was the first taken, and he was immediately carried on board Forbin, who demanded of him, what number of ships for convoy the English, bound for Archangel, had with them. He answered, twelve sail ; to which Forbin replied, he spake what was false ; for there were only three ships of war, convoy to fhe English fleet : Forbin then declaring, that he knew Admiral Whetstone with his squadron, came no fiirther than the isle of Shetland, and then returned back again. This made a great noise, and the more so, because Admiral Whetstone was a man not be loved, and people were very desirous of fixing an imputation upon him, in order to get him laid aside : but it docs not appear, thatin, this instance they carried their point. OF QUEEN ANNE. 341 computes the ships taken, and burnt, in both enter prises, at forty sail, I am inclined to think him nearer the truth than any of the rest. On the return of the Dunkirk squadron, Count Forbin received orders to join that vvhich had been fitted out from Brest, under the command of M. Du Guai Trouin, which he ac cordingly did, on the eighth of October. In the latter end of August, there was a great fleet ready for Lisbon, having on board provisions, mili tary stores, and upwards of a thousand horses, for the king of Portugal's service. The merchants were extremely uneasy on the head of a convoy. They observed, that so many ships had been taken in per forming the voyage to Portugal, that it not only affected the commerce, but the reputation of this kingdom, and obliged the Portuguese to send their orders for corn, even against their will, into Holland; for this reason, they earnestly insisted, that such a convoy might be given them, upon this occasion, as shoukl effectually secure so great a fleet, for there were no fewer than one hundred and thirty merchant men, and thereby recover our credit at Lisbon ; and, in consequence of it, our corn-trade, which had been in a great measure diverted into other hands for the tvvo last years. These representations were by no means pleasing to the Admiralty, where Admiral Churchill, the duke of Marlborough's brother, commonly expressed the sense of his royal highness's council, and thereby drew on himself the merchants displeasure in the highest degree. He told them, upon this occasion, that they should be furnished with as speedy and as strong a' convoy as could possibly be provided for them ; yet it so fell out, that it was the twenty-fourth of September before this convoy vvas ready to sail. It consisted of the Ciimberland, Captain Richard Edwards, of eighty guns ; the Devonshire of the same force; the Royal Oak, of seventy-six; the Chester and Ruby, each of fifty guns. But, to say the truth, 343 NAVAL HISTORY the Chester and Ruby were, properly speaking, the convoy ; for the other three ships vvere only to see the ships fifty leagues beyond Scilly, The fleet did not sail till the ninth of ()ctober, and on the tenth, they fell in with the joint fleet of Count Forbin and M. Du Guai Trouin, ofTthe Lizard. The French were at "least twelve sail of line-of- battle ships. The convoy disposed themselves in a line, and thereby gave the merchant ships an oppor tunity of escaping. M. Du Guai attacked the Clum- berland, about twelve at noon, and with the assist ance of two other ships, after an obstinate dispute, carried her; the Devonshire defended herself, for a long time against seven, and till evening against five French ships ; but then, by some accident, which will remain for ever unknown, took fire, and blew up ; two only, out of nine hundred men escaped; the Royal Oak made a vigorous resistance, and having set the French ship, which attacked her, and w^as commanded by M. De Bernois, on fire, got safe into Kingsale harbour; the Count De Forbin took the Chester, and Messieurs De Courserat and De Nes mond took the Ruby. As for the Lisbon fleet, they very prudently saved themselves during the engage ment; but the French made a prodigious boasting of the men of war they had taken, though the dispute was so very unequal, and though in effect the con voy did all that could be expected from them, by securing the merchants at their own expence. It is certain, that misfortunes like these are great enough in themselves; and, therefore, there is no need of exaggerating them, either at the time they happen, or in such works as are written on subjects Avhich oblige their authors to transmit accounts of them to posterity. Yet something of this sort there seems to be, in the following passage from Bishop Burnet, which I transcribe in his own words, and at large, that I may not be suspected of partiality. "A convoy of five ships of the line of battle, was sent to OF QUEEN ANNE. 343 Portugal to guard a great fleet of merchant ships, and they were ordered to sail, as if it had been by con cert, at a time when a squadron from Dunkirk had joined another from Brest, and lay in the way wait ing for them. Some advertisements vvere brought to the Admiraltj^ of this conjunction ; but they were not believed. When the French set upon them, the con voy did their part very gallantly, though the enemy Avere three to one ; one of the ships was blown up, three of them were taken, so that only one of them escaped, much shattered. But they had fought so long, that most of the merchantmen had time to get away, and sailed on, not being pursued, and so got safe to Lisbon p'' In order to demonstrate the absolute injustice of this suggestion, I shall only observe, that it appears from all the French writers, that the junction of the Dun kirk and Brest squadrons happened in the afternoon of the Sth ; that the Lisbon fleet sailed from Ply mouth on the 9th, and that the engagement hap pened on the 10th, before noon; so that any intel ligence could be given to the Admiralty, of the junction of the French squadrons, time enough to have prevented this unlucky accident, is a thing, that, to every candid reader, even at this distance of time, must appear perfectly incredible. But, in the midst of so many discouragements, the nation was not altogether deprived of good fortune, even in respect to these little disputes ; for at the very close of the year, Captain Haddock, in her IVIajesly's ship the Ludlow-Castle, got sight, off the long sand, of two frigates, which proved to be the Nightingale and Squirrel, formerly her Majesty's ships, but taken by the French, and now fitted out from Dunkirk as privateers, and each of them having as many men as the Ludlow-Castle, They both lay by till he came within gun-shot of them ; but then made sail from him before' the wind. At eleven at night, he came up with the Nightingale, and tool?' 844 NAVAL HISTORY her, and as soon as the captain of the Squirrel per ceived it, he crowded sail and stood away. The captain of the Nightingale was one Thomas Smith, who had formerly commanded a sloop in her Ma jesty's service, and was broke at a court-mai-tial for irregular practices : Captain Haddock, vvho died lately an admiral, and Avho commanded the squadron in the Mediterranean, immediately before the last Avar, carried in his prize to Hull, from whence he thought fit to send up all the English who were on boarcl the Nightingale; viz. Captain Thomas Smith, who commanded the ship ; Charles Aislaby, heute nant ; Mr. Harwood, vvho acted as a midshipman; an Irish priest, and an English sailor, who vvere im mediately committed close prisoners for high-treason, and a prosecution, by the attorney-general, directed against them.* About the same time, arrived the welcome news of our success in Newfotindiand, Avhere Captain Jolm Underdown, commander of her Majesty's ship the Falkland, having received advice on the twenty-fifth of July, that the enemy had many ships employed in the fishery, in several harbours to the northward, our commanders of ships, merchants, and inhabitants, petitioned him to endeavour the destroying of them, and by that means to encourage and protect the Bri tish trade in those places. In pursuance of which representations, on the twenty -sixth of July, Captain Underdown set sail from St. John's, having taken Major Lloyd, Avho desired to be employed in the expedition, vvith twenty of his company, on board the Falkland, and twenty more of the same com- * The making examples of these sort of men, is a thing of ab, solute necessity in time of war ; and 1 very much doubt, whether it is not a false kind of pity, ever to let them escape. This Smith, and one Captain Rigby, who fled from hence for an infamous crime, did us prodigious mischief, by their serving the French during that war ; and yet, when Rigby was taken, lie was suffered to get away. ¦ OF QUEEN ANNE. 845 pany, on board the Nonsuch. On the twenty- seventh, they came before Bonavis, and finding there no ap pearance of an enemy, the commodore ordered Cap tain Hughes upon that station, to sail Avith him. On the second of August, they stood into the Bay of Blanche, till they came off" Fleur-de-lis Harbour. Major Lloyd was immediately sent into the harbour in the commodore's pinnace, and the lieutenant of the Falkland, in the pinnace belonging to the Non such, -in order to make what discoveries they were able. They found there vv^ere several stages, and other necessaries for the fishery, to which they set fire, and afterwards they returned without any loss sustained, on board the men of war. By six the next morning they doubled the cape, and saw a ship, which, upon the brisk exchange of a few shot, struck; the commodore sent his boats aboard, and found her to be from St. Maloe's, carrying about three hundred and sixty tons, thirty guns, and one hundred and ten men, called the Duke of Orleans. In another arm of the bay, named Equiilette, was another large ship ; but the place being rocky, and the water shallow, it Avas impossible for either the Falkland or Nonsuch to come near her; whereupon, the Medway's prize was ordered to go as close in as she could, with safety ; and, at the same time. Cap tain Carlton, Major Lloyd, and the lieutenant of the Falkland, in boats well manned and armed, were directed to land upon the island under which she lay. This was executed with so good efiiect, that the enemy, after having fired several broadsides, being- no longer able to keep the deck, against our small shot from the shore, struck. This ship vvas of the force of twenty guns, and fourscore men, belonging also to St, Malo. Having, here received information, that about three leagues to the northward, in La Couche, there Avere two shij)s, one of thirty-two guns, and the other of twenty-six, both of St. Malo; the con.modoreigave Captain Hughes directions to 346 NAVAL HISTORY burn the last prize, and afterwards to join him at La Couche, himself in the Falkland, with the Nonsuch, making the best of their way thither. The fifth, in the afternoon, they came into La Couche, where they found the two ships in readiness for saihng. The enemy fired several broadsides at them, which as soon as our men of war returned, they set their ships on fire, and left them, going over to the next harbour, called Carouse, in which, the com modore had received intelligence, that there were four ships. He immediately weighed, and stood for that harbour, and about eight o'clock at night was joined by the Medway's prize; but there being very little wind at S. W, and much difficulty in getting out, it was about six the next morning before he got off the harbour's mouth. The commodore sent in his boat, but found the enemy had escaped, having, by the advantage of little wind, and the great num ber of men and boats, cut and towed out. The British ships stood to the northward, and saw several vessels, to Avhich they gave chace ; about five in the afternoon they came oflf the harbour of St. Julian, Avhere they discovered a ship, and having lost sight of the vessels they had pursued, stood in for the har bour, and came to an anchor in twenty-six fathom water. The place Avhere the ship was hauled in, being very narrow and shoally, the commodore or dered the Medway's prize to go as near as possibly she could. The enemy fired two guns, but it was not thought fit to attack ber till the morning. Ac cordingly, on the sixth of August, at four of the clock, Captain Carleton, Major Lloyd, and Lieute nant Eagle went in, with all their boats well manned and armed, and immediately landing, drove the enemy from their posts, avIio were likewise on shore. Our men took their posts, and went aboard their ship, Avhere they found the enemy had laid several trains of powder, in order to blow her up ; which being seasonably discovered, she was preserved, and OF QUEEN ANNE. 347 by noon they towed her out to sea. But the British pilots being unacquainted with the coast, and the commodore thinking it not proper to go farther to the northward, it was resolved to sail back to Carouse, and there remain till they were joined by the Duke of Orleans prize, which was left at Grand Canarie, with a lieutenant and sixty men. In the way to Carouse, it was thought fit to look into Petit Maistre, where they destroyed great num bers of boats and stages, with vast quantities offish and oil; about seven at night, they came lo an an chor in Carouse harbour, and moored. On the 12th and 13th, it blew a hard gale at S. W. Having de stroyed the fishery at Petit Maistre, and the duke of Orleans prize being come to La Couche, on the 14th, by four in the morning, they weighed and stood out to sea, taking her vvith them, and steered for St, John's harbour, where the Falkland and Nonsuch, with the two prizes, arrived the 17th of the same month, having before given the Medway's prize or ders to sail to Trinity.* We ought novv, according to the metliod that has been generally observed, to speak of the pro ceedings in the West Indies ; but, as vvhat vvas done there this year, is so strictly connected with what happened in the following, that it is scarcely possible to divide them, without destroying the per spicuity of both relations ; I shall defer saying any thing of the events that fell out in that part of the world, till I come to speak of them in their proper place; that is, after having accounted for the naval proceedings in the succeeding year. I the rather in- * The damage the enemy received, was as follows. Two ships taken, one of thirty guns, and 110 men ; and another qf twenty guns, and 100 men ; one ship taken and burnt, of twenty guns, and eighty men. Two ships burnt by the enemy, one of 32, and another of 26 guns ; 228 fishing boats burnt ; 470 boats and shal lops, that were not employed in the fishery this season, burnt ; 23 stages burnt ; 23 train vats burnt ; 77,280 quintals of fish dastroy^ ed; 1568 hogsheads of train oil destroyed. 84a NAVAL HISTORY cline to make this small breach in my usual method, because I am under a necessity of speaking more largely than in other places, of what was done in par liament this year, in reference to the navy, for this Aveighty reason ; viz. that the strict enquiries made by both houses into matters of such consequence, not only demonstrate the vigour of our constitution at that time, but afford, perhaps, the very best prece dents for reviving such enquiries, that are to be met Avithin our history. The first parliament of Great Britain, metupoji the §3d of October, when the eyes, not only of this king dom, but of all Europe, were fixed upon them. The earliest thing they did was, to make choice of John Smith, Esq. for their speaker: and the next, in the House of Commons was, to vote an address of thanks to the queen, for her most gracious speech made to them on the sixth of November, to vvhich day they had adjourned. In the Jlouse of Lords, it went other wise ; instead of their usual address, their lordships proceeded to a direct consideration of the state of the kingdom, in which very Avarm debates arose, in re gard to the navy especially. As to this, it was affirm ed, " That the lord high admiral's name was abused by such as were entrusted Avith the management of his authority: that the council of his royal highness studied nothing but how to render their places profit able to themselves and their creatures, though at the expence of the nation; that it vvas visible, their own haughtiness, together with the treachery, corruption, . and carelessness of their depesidants were the true sources of those mischiefs vvhich befel our merchants, and discredited the most glorious reign in the British annals. But, though reason and experience ought to have convinced these men of their own incapa city, yet they had, Avith a brutish obstinacy, per sisted in the pursuit of their own measures, haugh tily rejecting the advice of the merchants, when offered in time, and saucily contemning their com- OF QUEEN ANNE. .^49 plaints, when sufferers by the very errors they had predicted." This produced the appointing of a committee, in which this matter might be resumed, upon the iptli of December, at which her Majesty was present. The sheriffs of London, who were Benjamin Green, Esq. and Sir Charles Peers, Knt. presented a peti tion, signed by two hundred of the most eminent merchants of the city of London, setting forth the great losses they had lately sustained at sea, for want of convoys and cruisers ; and praying, that some re medy might be speedily applied, that the trade of the nation might not be entirely destroyed. The house went as heartily into this matter as the sufferers could desire, and appointed the 26th to hear the merchants further, in a grand committee, where they vvere permitted to make a regular charge, and encouraged to exhibit their evidence. In the course of this enquiry, it fully appeared to their lordships, that many ships of war were not fitted out to sea, but lay in port neglected, and in great decay. That conAi-oys had been often flatly denied the merchants, and that, when they vvere promised, they were so long delayed, that the merchants lost their mar kets, were put to great charges, and, where they had perishable goods, suffered great damage in them. The cruisers were not ordered to proper stations in the channel ; and, when convoys Avere appointed, and ready to put to*sea, they had not their sailing orders sent them till the enemies privateer squadrons were laid in their way, and vvith superior force prepared to fall on them ; which had often happened. - Many advertisements, by which these misfortunes might have been prevented, had been offered to the Admiralty ; which had not only been neglected by them, but those who offered them, had been ill- treated for doing so. To carry these things as far as possible, they caused an exact report to be drawn of their proceedings ; sent it to the Admiralty-office ; re- 350 NAVAL HISTORY ceived the best answer that could be given from thence| heard the merchants by way of reply to this, digested the Avhole into a second report, and, together with an address Suitable to a matter of such mighty conse quence, laid it before het Majesty, on the first of^ March, 1707, and expressed themselves thereupon, in terms it would be extremely injurious to deprive the reader of the pleasure of reading, considering the strict connection it has with the subject of this Avork, the true spirit of patriotism that appears therein, and the excellent example afforded thereby ; and, there fore, I have placed it at the bottom of the page.* * I shall cite here only their lordships' ccinclusioti, after setting forth the grievances complained , of by the merchants, the answer by the Admiralty, and the merchants' replication. " May il please your Majesty, , " We having thus performed, what we take ourselves to be in dispensably obliged to, cannot doubt but it will be graciously ac* cepted by your Majesty, as coming from most dutiful subjects, who sincerely wish they may never hate occasion hereafter td make addresses to your Majesty, but to congratulate your suc- cessef, or to return humble acknowledgments for the blessiiigj of your reign. " We beseech your Majesty to believe, that none of your sub. jects do exceed us in true respect to his royal highness the lord high admiral. His great personal virtues require it, and his near relation to your Majesty makes it our duty. Arid as we do not mean that any thing in this address should in the least reflect upon him, so we are very well assured, his rOyal highness will never suffer other persons to protect themselves under his name, from a just pursuit of such faults or neglects, as immediately tend to the ruin of trade, and the destruption of Britain. " There cannot be a plainer proof, that some persons employed by the lord high admiral, have made the worst use imaginable of the trust he honours them with, than in their presuming to lay such an answer before the House of Lords in his name. " For, not to take notice of the many things which in fhe second report have been already laid before your Majesty, throughout the whole paper, there is not the least hopes given, that, for the fu ture, any better care shall be taken of the trade ; on the contrary, the whole turn of the answer seems to be intended for exposing the complaints of the merchants, rather than pitying their losses. We are sure, nothing can be more remote from the goodness and OF QUEEN ANNE. ?tbX Her Majesty received this address very graciously, and promised to pay all the regard thereto, that the nature of the thing, and the respect due to the advice of the hereditary council of her kingdoms deserved. The House of Commons, also, went into a grand committee on the affairs of the navy, of which Sir Richard Onslow was chairman ; they heard with great attention all the merchants had to say, and care fully examined all the evidence they could produce ; and though there were some people who endeavoured to stop the mouths of the merchants, when they ran out into invidious characters of those officers by whom they thought themselves wronged, yet the majority of the house were inclined to hear their sentiments, and encouraged them to go on. Both lords and com mons concurred in carrying to the throne, such com plaints as appeared to be well-founded; and, with this view, their lordships, on the 7th of February, addressed the queen to lay aside Captain Ker,* aud, compassion of the lord high admiral's temper, and the tender re- "gard he has always shewn for your Majesty's subjects, i^;. " May it please yoUir Majesty, " It isa most undoubted maxim, that the honour, security, and wealth of this kingdom, does depend upori the protection and en couragement of trade, and the improving, and right managing its, naval strength. Other nations, who were formerly great and pow erful at sea, have, by negligence and mismanagement, lost their trade, and have seen their maritime power entirely ruined. There fore, we do, in the most earnest manner, beseech your Majesty, that the sea affairs may always be your first, and most peculiar care. We humbly hope, that it shall be your Majesty's chief and constant instruction to all who shall have the honour to be employ ed in your councils, and in the administration of affairs, that they be continually intent and watchful in what concerns the trade and fleet : and that every one of thera may be made to know, it is his particular charge, to take care that the seamen be encouraged, the trade protected, discipline restored, and a new spirit and vigour put into the whole administration of the navy." * The House of Lords, in their address, inform her Majesty, that a complaint had been lodged before them, by Mr. Thomas Wood, in behalf of himself, and divers other Jamaica merchants, against Captain William ^er, late commander of a squadron of her 352 NAVAL HISTORY on the 26th of the same month, the House of Corn- Majesty's ships at that island, for refusing to grant convoys for their shijis to the Spanish coast of America ; and in particular, that the said Mr. Thomas Wood had offered to the said Captain Ker, the sum of six hundred pounds as a gratuity, if he would order one of her Majesty's men of war, under his command, to go as convoy to the Neptune sloop, and Martha galley, loaden with woollen and other goods of her Majesty's subjects. That the said Captain Ker, at that time, seemed pleas<^d with the proposal, and said the Windsor should be the ship ; and ordered Mr. Wood to make what dispatcWhe could, in getting the galley and sloop ready. On which encouragement, he got them ready to sail, and bought three hundred negroes to put on board them, and then acquainted Captain Ker therewith, and with the great charge he was at in maintaining the negroes, and his fear of sickness. Captain Ker then said, he feared he could not spare a man of war ; but the next day, sent Mr. Tudor Trevor, captain of the Windsor, to acquaint Mr. Wood, that Captain Ker said, he thought Mr. Wood could not have offered less than two thousand, or, at least, fifteen hundred pounds. WhereupoiU, Mr. Wood declared, the sum was so great, that the trade could not bear it, and so the sloop and galley proceeded on the voyage without convoy ; and, in their return, the sloop, loaded with great wealth, being pursued by French privateers, and having no convoy, and crowding too much sail to get from the enemy, was unhappily overset and lost. The said Mr. Thomas Wood, also, made another complaint, that, upon a further application to the said Mr. Ker, for a convoy for three sloops, bound for the said Spanish coasts, he promised to give the Experiment man of war, commanded by Captain Bowler, as a convoy ; for which the said Mr. AVood agreed to give eight hund red pounds, four hundred pounds part whereof, was paid the said Bowler, and the other four hundred pounds was made payable by note to one Mr. Herbert, for the use of Mr. Ker, whicli note was sent in a letter to Mr. Ker, and by him put into Mr. Herbert's hands. And, besides that, as a farther encouragement for allow ing the said convoy, Mr. Ker had an adventure of fifteen hundred pounds in the said sloops, without advancing any money. To this complaint, Mr. Ker put in his answer, and both parties were fully heard by themselves, and their witnesses ; and, upon the whole matter, the house eame to this following resolution : " That fhe said complaint of the said Mr. Wood, against the said Captain Ker, as well in relation fo the Neptune and Martha galley, as also in relation to the other three sloops, that went under the convoy of the Experiment man of war, hath been fully made out, and proved, to the s4tisfaction of this house." The queen gave only a general answer to this address, but did not say positively that she would comply with it. OF QUEEN ANNE. 85» mons presented an address of the same nature, against the same person,* These warm proceedings had a proper effect ; they convinced such as sat at the Admiralty-board, that it was dangerous to treat British merchants vvith con tempt; as, on the other band, it taught the officers to know, that having friends at the board, or being tried, where no evidence could reach them, would not always secure them from punishment,"!" On the complaint of the merchants, however, against Sir Thomas Hardy, though prosecuted with great heat, both houses concurred to vindicate him, which was sufficient to encourage the officers of the navy to do their duty; since, where they could prove they had done this, it was most clear they ran no hazard ; but, * On the 26th of February, upon the report of Sir Richard Onslow, from the committee of the whole house, the commons came to three resolutions against Commodore Ker ; to which they added a fourth: viz. " That an humble address be presented to her Majesty, laying before her the said resolutions, and humbly de- siring, that her Majesty will be pleased not to employ the said Captain Ker in her Majesty's service, for the future.'' This ad dress having been presented to the queen, ten days after, her Ma jesty declared that she would comply with it. + Upon a fair computation, made about this lime, of the los» of ships at sea, since i:he beginning of this war, it was found, that the loss the French had sustained in their shipping, far exceeded that of Great Britain, since we had only thirty men of war taken, or destroyed, and one thousand one hundred forty-six merchant ships taken, of which three hundred were re-taken. Whereas, we had either taken or destroyed, eighty of their ships of war, and tak" 358 NAVAL HISTORY out, that Sir George Byng had scarce set his foot in London before it was whispered, tbat the parliament would inquire into his conduct; which took rise from a very foolish persuasion, that having once had sight of the enemy's fleet, he might, if he pleased, have taken every ship as vvell as the Salisbury. The truth of the matter was, that the French hav ing amused the Jacobites in Scotland, with a pro posal about besieging the castle of Edinburgh, Sir George Byng Avas particularly instructed to use all means for peventing that, by hindering the French from landing in the neighbourhood. This he effec tually did, and, by doing it, answered the principal end for which he was sent. But the same malicious people, who first propagated this story, invented also another; 'cw, that Sir George was hindered from taking the French fleet, by his ships being foul ; which actually produced an inquiry in the House of Commons, and an address to the queen, to direct, that an account might be laid before them of the number of ships that went on the expedition vvith Sir George Byng, and when the same were cleaned. That done, they resolved tbat the thanks of the house should be given to the prince, as lord high admiral, for his great care in expeditiously setting forth so great a number of ships, whereby the fleet under Sir George Byng was enabled to prevent the intended invasion. This M'as a very wise and well-concerted measure, since it fully satisfied the world of the falsehood of those reports, and at the same time gave great satis faction to the queen, and her royal consort, the prince of Denmark, vvho had both testified an unusual con cern in relation to the report of the House of Lords, Avhich they conceived affected his royal highness's character, as lord high-admiral ; and therefore,' to give this message of thanks a better grace, and make it more acceptable, the utmost care Avas taken in the choice of those vvho were appointed to carry it. OF QUEEN ANNE. 85^ Thus ended this affair of the invasion, which made so much nojse at that time, and which has beea handed down in so many different lights to posterity. An affair, indeed, which speaks the true policy of France, and shews how artfully she can serve her own ends, and with hosv great readiness she betrays, and gives up to destruction, such as are simple enough to trust her. But, through the wisdom of the British ministry, joined to the cunning of some of the no bility of Scotland, wfio were taken into custody upon this occasion, and who, it is generally thought, ga.ve such hghts as enabled the government to take these effectual methods ; the latter part of the French scheme proved as abortive as the first ; all the pri soners being soon after set at liberty, and every thing being done to satisfy and quiet the people of that coimtiy. The great point that the ministry had in view this year, was, to put the affairs of his Catholic Majesty into better order, and to repair, as far as it was possible, the many unlucky consequences of the fatal battle of Aimanza. Sir John Leake, who commanded the grand fleet, was so early at sea, that on the twenty- seventh of Marcli he arrived at Lisbon; having, in his way thither, seen the merchant ships bound to Virginia and the Canaries, with their respective con voys, well into the sea, and taken care for the se curity of others designed to the ports of Portugak Here he found the ships that had been left with Cap tain Hicks, which were fourteen of the third rate, besides small frigates, and bomb-vessels; and at a council of war it was resolved, that, as soon as the transports were ready to receive the horse on board, the fleet should proceed to Vado, and that such of the ships ofwar as could not be got ready by that time, should follow to Barcelona, where there would be orders left how they should farther proceed. But, as, for the Dutch ships, they were all separated in bad weather, between England and Lisbon. It was SCO NAVAL HISTORY also determined, at the desire of the king of Portu gal, to appoint the Warspight, Rupert, and Triton, to cruize of the Tercera, or Azores islands, for the security of his Majesty's fleet expected from Brazil ; nor Avas there any care omitted to guard the Straits' mouth lest otherwise our trade should suffer by the enemy's cruisers or privateers. The procuring trans port ships, and putting them in a condition for receiv ing the horse, took up a considerable time ; but, on the twenty-third of April, the admiral was ready to sail with as many as could carry fifteen hundred, Avith one second rate, twelve third rates, two fourths, a fire-ship, bomb-vessels, &c. together with twelve ships of the fine of battle of the States General ; and, upon advice from Colonel Elliot, governor of Gibraltar, and from other hands, that some French ships ofwar were seen cruising off the Straits' mouth; one third, and one fourth rate, and another of the Dutch ships of war, were appointed to strengtheii those bpfore ordered to ply up and down in that station. The admiral sailed from the river of Lisbon^ on the twenty-eighth of April, and, in his passage up the Straits, he, on the eleventh of May, being about twelve leagues from Alicant, had sight of several ves sels, which he took for fishing-boats. But he had a better account of them the next day, for having de tached before some light frigates from Barcelona, to give notice of the approach of his fleet, one of them bad the good luck to take a French frigate of twenty- four guns, and thereby obtained an account of the convoy that was expected. Upon this, the captains of our frigates made the necessary dispositions for in tercepting them. The next day, the French convoy appeared in sight, consisting of three men of war, one of forty-four, another of forty, and the third of thirty-two guns, with ninety settees and tartanes laden with wheat, hariey, and oil, for the use of the fiuke of Orleans' afmy, and boupd for Peniscola, nea? OF QUEEN ANNE, 361- the mouth of the Ebro, The British frigates bore down immediately upon the enemy's men of war, and these abandoning their barks, and endeavour ing to make their escape, came in view of the con federate fleet, which, seeing seven men of war, con cluded they Avere enemies, and thereupon the admiral made a signal to give them chace. But as the great ships could not follow them near the coast, the French made their escape in the night. The vice- admiral of the white, vvho sailed on the left with his division, perceiving the barks near the coast, sent his long-boats and small-ships, and took several of them. The next morning they saw some of them dispersed, which were likewise secured by the long boats : and some barks of Catalonia coming out of their harbours at the same time, to have a share in the booty ; sixty-nine of them were taken, and the rest dispersed,* On the fifteenth of May, the admiral arrived at Bar celona, where he was joined by several of our ships, and complimented by the king of Spain, on his late success ; his Catholic Majesty took this opportunity of desiring a squadron might be left under his direc tion at Barcelona, while the fleet crossed to Italy, to bring over the reinforcements that he expected, and the queen of Spain, vvho, it was thought, was, by this time, arrived at Genoa. He signified also his * This might have proved an afiliir very considerable in its con sequences, if fhe duke of Orleans, who commanded the army of King Philip, had npt been one of the first generals of the age ; but he foreseeing that this accident might happen, had pro- Tided against it, by ordering a great quantity of oats and beans which had been laid up for the use of the cavalry, to be employed in making bread, till his army could be better supplied. This cap ture, however, proved of the utmost service to King Charles, a» jt enabled his array, after it was once formed, to take the fiel(j some weeks sooner than it could otherwise have done; aud the rea« diness with which the admiral caused the cargoes of his prizes t<» be sent to the king's magazines, suificieptly proves the public spiri|. of Sir Johti Leake, and the great concern he had for this service. 362 NAVAL HISTORY desire, that the provisions lately taken might be laid up in his magazines, which were but indifferently furnished ; that care might be taken for reducing Sardinia as soon as possible, and that, whenever the service would permit, such dispositions might be made, as would contribute to the conquest of Sicily,. Avhich kingdom he judged might be recovered by the forces that were then under Count Daun, and the care of the then viceroy of Naples, As to the provisions, the admiral ordered that they should be disposed of, as the king required ; but with respect to his other demands, the admiral thought it necessary to call a council of war, to determine which should be executed, since it appeared absoi lutely impracticable to undertake them all. At this council were present, besides himself, Sir John Nori ris. Sir Edward Whitaker, Sir Thomas Hardy, and two of the English captains ; as also Baron WasseT naer, and two of the Dutch. It was there, after mature deliberation, determined to leave with the king two-third rates, one fourth, and one fifth rate of ours, and two ships of the States-General, and with the rest of the fleet, to proceed forthwith to the port of Vado, in order to the transporting the horse and foot from thence to Barcelona, as also her Ma jesty the queen of Spain if she should be ready when the fleet arrived. The admiral sailed in pursuance of this resolution, and on the 29th of May safely anchored before Vado; but finding nothing in readiness, he sent Sir Thoinas Hardy to wait on the queen of Spain at Milan, where he arrived the 18th of June, and was received with aU possible marks of respect and esteem. Upon his pressing instances, her Majesty consented to set out immediately for Genoa, where she arrived on the first of July, embarked on the second, and arrived hap pily at Mataro on the 14th.* * As it was certainly known, that King Philip's consort contri- Jiuted not a littie to fix the S|)aaiards firmly to the king her hus- OF QUEEN ANNE. 36^>^ After having conducted the queen, witb all ima ginable respect to Barcelona, the admiral thought next of the reduction of Sardinia, vvhich he performed almost as soon as he arrived. He appeared before Cagliarion the first of August, and having summoned it, the marquis of Jamaica, who commanded there for King Philip, declared his resolution of holding out to the last extremity. Upon this, the admiral ordered the place to be bombarded all that night, and the next morning Major-general Wills landed about. 1800 men, and made the necessary dispositions for attacking the city ; but the Spanish governor, believ ing himself now at the last extremity, saved them any further trouble by coming to a speedy capitulation. The reduction of this island vvas of equal advantage to the common cause, and to that of King Charles ; for it gave great security to our navigation, and enabled his Catholic Majesty to supply himself from thence, as often as he had occasion, with corn and other provisions.* The admiral had scarcely completed the conquest of this island, before his assistance was required for band's interest ; it was resolved the year before, to fix. upon a wife for King Charles, and, accordingly, fhe Princess Elizabeth Chris tiana of Wolfenbutlle was chosen. She lived many years after her hcisband, and was motherto theempress queen of Hungary. Before her marriage, her Imperial Majesty was a Protestant, nor did she change her religion, till she had advised with the liUtheran clergy, who declared, that she might hope for salvation in the church of Rome. * This island lies to the north of Corsica, from which it is di- Tided by a small and shallow arm of the sea. It has on the east, ' the sea of Sicily ; on the west, the Mediterranean ; on the south, the coast of Africa from which it is not distant above fifty leagues. It is divided into two parts by the rivers Credo and Lirso, and is extremely fruitful in corn, oil, honey, and all the necessaries of life. As soon as the English fleet appeared, the clergy declared unanimously for King Charles ; and the admiral had the satisfac tion of seeing the new viceroy he carried "over, established in the peaceable possession of his government in the space of a week, and without the loss of so much as aman. The reader will find fhe ca pitulations at large, in the Complete Hist, of Europe, for 17U8. 864 NAVAL HISTORY the reducing another; and therefore sailing from Cagliari the 18th of August, he arrived before Port Mahon-on the 25th ; but not finding Lieutenant-ge neral Stanhope, afterwards Earl Stanhope, and Secre tary of State, he sent two ships of the third rate to Majorca, to hasten the embarkation of those which were to be furnished from that island. These returned the ] st of September with some settees laden with military stores for the army ; nor was it more than two days, before the Milford, and three Dutch ships of war, arrived with the lieutenant-general, being fol lowed by five third rates, convoy to fifteen transports, that had on board them the land forces. Where upon a council of war was held of the sea officers, and it was resolved, that the ships which Avere to re turn to Great Britain, should leave behind them, to assist in the attempt, all the marines, above the mid dle complement of each of them, and that the squa dron of English and Dutch, designed to be continued abroad vvith Sir Edward Whitaker, should remain at Port Mahon, to assist with their marines and seamen in the reduction of that place, so long as the lieute nant-general should desire it ; due regard being had to the season of the year, the time their provisions might last, auxl the transporting from Naples to Bar celona, four thousand of the emperor's troops for the service of his Catholic Majesty. It was also resolved, that the English ships should spare the forces as much bread as they could, and both they and the Dutch all their cannon-shot, except what might be neces sary for their own defence ; and that, when every thing should be landed, which was necessary for the siege, the admiral should proceed to England, with one second rate, and six thirds of ours, and eight Dutch ships of the line ; but some time after this, he sent home two English and two Dutch ships ofwar, Avith the empty transports of both nations, in order to their being discharged.' The siege was carried on Avith such vigour, that, by the end of October, the OF QUEEN ANNE. 865 place surrendered, and the garrison, consisting of about ^ thousand men, marched out, and were after Avards transported on board our vessels, some to France, and others to Spain, according to the arti cles of the capitulation.* Before this conquest of Port Mahon, Fort Fornelle, which had beneath it a harbour little less considerable, though less known than Port Mahon, had submitted to the obedience of King Cliarle^s. This service Avas owing to Captain Butler, and Captain Fairborne, who battered that fort, Avith the two ships under their command, till they obliged it to surrender. Tbe place was naturally strong, and was, besides, tole rably fortified ; having four bastions, and twelve pieces of brass cannon : yet, it cost but four hours time, and the loss of six men killed, and twelve wounded. They found in the garrison, a hundred cannon, three thousand barrels of powder, and all things necessary for a good defence. Some little time after, the general sent a detach ment of about a hundred Spaniards, Avith three hun dred or more of the Marquis Pisaro's regiment, to Citadella, the chief town of the island on the west side thereof. Sir Edward Whitaker dispatched two ships ofwar thither ; vvhich place put them to no great trouble, for the garrison, immediately surrendering, were made prisoners of war, consisting of a hundred French, and as many Spaniards. Being thus pos sessed of this important island, we had thereby the advantage of an excellent harbour, which, during the * The troops under the command of General Stanhope, consisted of no more than two thousand six hundred men, which were landed at Port Mahon, on the 14th of October. They were not able to batter the place till the 28th, and, two days after, it surrendered ; about fifty men >vere killed and wounded in the siege, and among the former, Captain Stanhope of the Milford, brother to the ge- heral, a yoiing gentleman of great hopes, and who had distin. guished himself remarkably upon this occasion, Burchet's Naval History, Burnet's History of his own Times, vol. ii. 866 NAVAL HISTORY Avar, was exceedingly useful to us in the cleaning and refitting such of our ships as were employecF in the Mediterranean ; and not only magazines of stores were lodged there for that purpose, but such officers appointed to reside on the place, as Avere judged re quisite, and a vast expence saved thereby to the nation.* But it is now time we should return to the fleet, Avhich, as we observed, sailed under the command of Sir John Leake for England, the sixth of September, Hjs excellency, on his arrival at Gibraltar, being there informed, that four French men of war had taken some of our merchant ships, running, as they called it, without convoy, near Cape Spartel, and carried them into Cadiz ; he thought proper to leave a small squadron, consisting of two third rates, one fourth, and a fifth, to cruize in that station, in order to prevent such accidents for the future, and theti * The reduction of the island of Minorca, was so considerable a service, that all imaginable pains were taken to make the British nation sensible thereof, by giving an exact relation of that wholft proceeding in the Gazette ; and after General Stanhope had trans mitted an account of the conquest of the whole island, the earl of Sunderland, then principal Secretary of State, wrote the following letter to his excellency upon that subject : "" Sir, " I received on Monday the favour of yours of the 30th Sep. tember, N, S, by Captain Moyser, with tlie welcome news of your taking Port Mahon ; which though it came at the same time as the news of taking of Lisle yet was not at all lessened by it ; every body looking upon our being in possession of Port Mahon, as of the last consequence to the carrying on the war in Spain, besides the other advantages, if wc are wise, we may reap from it, both in war and peace. I cannot express to you the sense the queen, and every body here, have of your zeal and conduct, in this affair, to "which this very important success is so mucli owing. I heaxfily condole with you for the loss of your brother, which, indeed, is a public loss to us all, he was so deserving a young man. I must not omit telling you, the queen does entirely approve of your leaving an English garrison in Port Mahon, for the reasons you mention, though some of them must be kept secret. Her Majesty dothapptove also of the governor you have named, Sec." OF QUEEN ANNE. 867 pursued his voyage to England, where he arrived safely at St. 'Helen's, on the 19th of October, having met in the Soundings Avith the squadron cruising chere under the command of Lord Dursley, afterwards Earl Berkley, and for some time at the head of. the Admiralty, Sir Edvyard Whitaker had now the sole command of the squadron left for the Mediterranean service, and was consequently exposed to all the difficulties which usually happen to officers under different or ders. On one side, he was bound to regulate his conduct by the instructions left him by Sir John Leake; on the other, he vvas continually solicited by King Charles, to undertake this or that expedition for his service. The chief thing the imperial court had at this time in view, Avas, the reduction of the island of Sicily, an enterprise not to be undertaken, but in conjunction with our fleet ; and as it afterwards proved, not then neither; for Avhen Sir Edward had disposed of every thing in the best manner possible, for the supporting this design, the viceroy of Naples declared, there were such discontents in that king dom, as would not allow him to send any troops from thence; but, if Sir Edward Whitaker vvould furnish him with a small squadron, he was ready to undertake the reduction of the places on the coast of Tuscany, which brlonged to the crown of Spain. In compliance with this request, the Defiance, and the York, with the Terrible bomb-vessel, were sent into the road of Piombino ; but the Germans, as usual, were so backward in their preparations, that it was necessary to continue a month longer in those seas ; to very little purpose, at least with respect to either of the designs before- mentioned : but, in re gard to a dispute that then subsisted between his ho liness and the imperial court, and wbich had almost risen into a war, it had a better effect ; for our chac ing some of the Pope's gallies, and threatening to bombard Civita Vecchia, contributed not a httle to 368 NAVAL HISTORY bring down the pontiff's haughty stomach, and in clined him to an accommodation upon terms accept able to the imperial court. All this time. Sir Edward W^hitaker himself Avas at Leghorn, attending the motions of the Geiman troops, where he unexpectedly received a letter from King Charles III, of a very extraordinary nature. His Majesty acquainted him therein, that the enemy had not only besieged the city of Denia, in Valencia, but had threatened also to attack Alicant, in which they were to be supported by a French fleet of fifteen ships of the line. For these reasons, and to prevent his being surrounded in Catalonia, his Majesty ear nestly intreated him not to pass the Straits, as by Sir John Leake's instructions hewas required to do, but to remain upon the coast of Spain ; assuring him, if he did otherwise, he would charge upon him all the misfortunes that might happen to his affairs. General Stanhope also wrote much to the same purpose ; upon vvhich it was resolved, in a council of war, to pro ceed immediately to Vado, to take on board there a reinforcement of German foot, for the service of King Charles, and then sail directly for Barcelona. In pursuance of this design. Sir Edward Whitaker left Leghorn on the 27th of November, and having executed it very successfully, arrived safely at Bar celona. There the king acquainted him by letter, that, according to what had been agreed on, at a council of war held in his royal presence, the most considerable service the squadron under his command could do, at that juncture was, to return to Italy, and convoy the troops fiom thence designed for Ca talonia ; but withal, recommended to him not only the convoying the transports, with corn from Majorca, and their being afterwards sent to Sardinia, for a fur ther supply, and for horses to mount their cavalry, but that, when he should be on the coast of Italy, he Avould appoint such ships as Cardinal Grimani might desire, to secure the passage of the Pharo of Messina, OF QUEEN ANNE, SQ9 which might conduce to the more speedy accommo dation of affairs that were negociating at Rome, Hereupon it was agreed, that the Dutch ships should proceed directly to Majorca, and convoy the transports to Barcelona, and from thence to Cagliari, as soon as they should be unladen, while the rest of the squadron made the best of their way to Leghorn, Avhere arriving, they met with very bad weather ; but here they had advice, that matters were accommocjated at Rome, the Pope having owned Charles III, king of Spain ; and from the Marquis De Prie, that three thousand effective men should be ready to embark at Naples, as soon as they arrived there. These nego ciations took up the remaining part of the winter, and therefore, here we are to put an end to our accoun|; of Sir Edward Whitaker's squadron, the proceedings of which we shall resume, when we come to speak of the naval transactions of the ensuing year. The squadron appointed to cruise in the Soundings, was commanded this year by Lord Dursley, who was very fortunate in protecting our trade, but not alto gether so happy in chacing the French ships that ap peared from time to time upon our coast, which was intirely owing to the foulness of his ships, and to the cleanness of theirs. In the middle of the summer, a resolution was taken, to make a descent on, or at least to alarm, the coast of France; and Sir George Byng as admiral, and Lord Dursley as vice-admiral, of the blue, were appointed to command the fleet destined for that purpose, and Lieutenant-general Erie had the command of the land-forces. Many things were given out with relation to this expedition, the true design of which was disturbing the Fiench naval armaments on their coasts, and obliging the French court to march great bodies of men to protect their maritime towns, which necessarily occasioned the diminishing of their aiTny in Flanders. Ou the 27th of July, the fleet, with the transports, having the troops on board vvhich were intended for the d^ vol. Ill, B B S7ft NAVAL HISTORY scent, sailed from Spithead, and came the next day to an anchor off Deal, The 29th, they stood over to the coast of Picardy, as well to alarm as to amuse the enemy, dnd to be ready for further orders. The first of August the fleet sailed again, and anchored the next day in the Bay of Boulogne, where they made a feint of landing their troops ; the third, they stood in pretty nigh the shore, to observe the condition of the enemy The fourth they weighed ; but anchored again about noon in the Bay of Estaples. , *- Here a detachment of troops were. actually landed; but the project on shore, vvhich the descent was to have countenanced, being by this time laid aside, an express brought new orders from England, upon Avhich the troops were re-embarked. The seventh, they stood over again to the coast of England, and, being joined hy several more transports in Dover road, arrived the 1 1th in the Bay of La Hogue, The 12th, it was designed to have landed the troops ; but, upon viewing the coast, they found so many of the enemy's forces brought together, to oppose a descent, and so many forts and batteries on shore, that it was judged impracticable. The 14th, the fleet sailed again to the westward ; but, the wmd coming about the next da}', they altered their course, and lay before Cherbourg, but found no prospect of doing any thing there. The same day, the Lord Dursley, in the Oxford, with six other men of war, and frigates, sailed to the west- v/ard to crufse in the Soundings. The 17th, the rest of the fleet returned to the Bay of La Hogue ; but the men growing sickly, and provisions faUing short. Sir George Byng returned to Spithead on the 28th. When the squadron under Lord Dursley had been victualled, and refitted, at Plymouth, he sailed from thence on the twenty-eighth of September, with five ships of war, and vvas joined the next day by the Haiiipshire, which had taken a small French priva teer. His. lordship took another himself, of twenty^ OF QUEEN ANNE, 871 ft)ut guns, belonging to St. Malo, which had done a great deal of mischief On the seventh of Novem ber his lordship returned to Plymouth, and soon after, the Hampshire brought in a privateer of sixteen guns, and a rich merchantman bound to the West Indies ; the Salisbury likewise brought in two prizes, and, through the great vigilance of this noble com.mauder, the whole coast was very thoroughly protected. In the middle of December, his lordship having cleaned his ship, put to sea again with his squadron, and, on the twenty-ninth, saw two ships, which chaced him ; but when they came near, they bore away, and then his lordship returned the compliment, by chacing them with all the sail he could make, and at last came within gun-shot, Avhen the commander lightened them by throwing many things overboard, and so they escaped ; which gave great concern to his lordship, the one being a sixty, the other a fifty-gun ship ; so that, after a short . cruize, he re turned with his squadron to Plymouth, without being able to make any other prize than a French fishing- vessel from the Banks of Newfoundland. This indefatigable diligence of his lordship, though it vvas not attended with any extraordinary succes.s, gave great satisfaction to the merchants, as it hin dered the French privateers from venturing near our coasts, as they had done for many years before, to the inexpressible damage of our trade, as well as to the prejudice of our reputation as a maritime power. It was, therefore, justly resolved, to give his lord ship an extraordinary mark of her Majesty's favour, by promoting him to the rank of vice-admiral of the white ; and though this was somewhat retarded by the death of'his royal highness the lord high-admiral, yet it took place in the spring of the succeeding year, , Before we part with this subject, in order to ac count, as vve have, promised to do, for what happened this year in the West Indies, it is requisite to speak BBS 372 NAVAL HISTORY of the passage of the queen of Portugal on board our fleet to Lisbon. Her Majesty Avas styled, before ber marriage, the x'\rch-duchess Mary-Anne of Austria, daughter to the Emperor Leopold, and sister to the Emperor Joseph. This marriage was thought to be highly advantageous to the common cause, and was therefore very grateful to our court, who readily of^ fered to send her Majesty to Lisbon on board a Bri tish squadron. In the beginning of the month of September she set out for Holland, where Rear-admi ral Baker attended, vvith a small squadron, to bring her over, which he accordingly did on the twenty- fifth of that month, and, landed her at Portsmouth, where she stayed some days at the house of Thomas Ridge, Esq. and the queen, being then at Windsor, sent instantly the duke of Grafton to compliment her Majesty on her part, as his royal highness the prince of Denmark did the Lord Delawar. On the sixth of October, about three in the afternoon, the queen of Portugal went on board the Royal Anne, Avhere her Majesty was received by Sir George Byng, and, on her going off, the governor saluted her with all the cannon of the place ; and the next morning at seven o'clock, the fleet weighed and put to sea, when the cannon of the town were again discharged. Sir George Byng proceeded with a fair wind, and, after a quick ami easy passage, brought her Majesty safely into the river of Lisbon, on the sixteenth of the same month. The king, with several magnifi cent barges, went on board the Royal Anne to wel come the queen ; and, returning from thence, their Majesries landed at the bridge of the palace, under a magnificent triumphal arch, from whence they pro ceeded through a vast croud of people to the royal chapel, where they received the nuptial benedicrion, and heard Te Deum sung. His Majesty conducted the queen to her apartment, and they supped in pub lic with the infantas. There were great rejoicings upon this occasion, and fire-works and illuminations OF QUEEN ANNE. 37» for three nights together, The queen having gene rously expressed her great satisfaction as to the en tertainment she had receiyetl during her stay in Eng land, undoubtedly the king was very liberal in his magnificent presents to the admiral and others vvho conducted her. The arrival of the queen was attend ed vvith some other circumstances, which increased the joy of the people ; for, on the twelfth, four ships from Brazil came into the river, and reported, that the rest of that so-long-expected fleet Avere near the coast,* Several other ships came in afterwards, so that, out of about a hundred sail, there were but thirty or forty wanting, which were detained by con trary Avinds, The cargo was rich, and there was a good quantity of gold in specie aboard,t Sir George, the very next day after his arrival, had intelligence that some French ships of considerable force had been seen upon the coast, vvhich were sup posed to be waiting for the rest of the homeward- bound Brazil fleet. Upon this, he immediately sailed in quest of them, though without success, except that the news of being at sea forced them to retire, and thereby secured the safe arrival in port of the remaining thirty-four ships, whicli dropped in by de grees. About the middle of November, Sir George received orders to proceed to Port Mahon, to winter * This fleet is said to have been the richest that ever arrived in the river of Lisbon, as we have remarked in the text, having on board ten thousand acobas of gold, each aroba weighing thirty- two pounds weight, and a great quantity of diamonds, besides mer chandise, and was valued, in the whole, at fifty-two million^ of crusadocs. + Colonel Godfrey, who had married the dulie of Marlborough's sister, was sent to Portsmouth, ith; from whence he guarded the corn ships to Barcelona, and was joined the Sth of June by Sir George Byng, with the rest of the English and Dutch men of war ; and there Sir Edward Whitaker arrived with his squadron from Italy, and above two thousand recruits for the army in Catalonia. A council of war being held, it was determined, 4;hat since the king of Spain, as the posture of his affairs then stood, could not come to any resolution relating to the fleet's a.ssisting in the reduction of those parts of Spain, still in the possession of the enemy, the admiral should sail to a station ten leagues south of Cape Toulon, not only for intercepting the enemy's trade, but to alarm them all that might be ; but since it was necessary that a squadron should be on the coast of Portugal, Sir John Jennings was sent thither with one ship of the second rate, four of the ..third, five of the fourth, and three of the fifth. Sir George Byng arrived before Toulon the 2 Ist of June, in vvhich harbour he saw only eight ships rigged, .and one large man ofwar on the careen, the rest be ing disarmed ; which satisfied him, that the informar tions he had formerly received were true, that the enemy did not intend, in fact were not able, to bring- out any fleet that yeai- ; but vvere resolved to content themselves with sending abroad small squadrons to protect their corn- fleets. After having thus insulted Xoulon, he in a shoit time retuj-ned to Bai-ceiopa ro^c}^ OF QUEEN ANNE, 39»- Avhere he found most of the ships arrived from the services upon which he had sent tiiem; and some of them, particularly the Centurion and Dunkirk, had been so fortunate as to make a great many prizes. The court of Spain was, at the instance of Cardinal Grimani, very desirous to have the reduction of Sicily attempted, and vvas informed by General Stan hope, that it vvas her Majesty's pleasure, that part of the fleet should assist in the design upon Cadiz ; but the Dutch ships having been separated in bad wea ther, and ours being too few to answer these and many other services the court proposed, he suspended for some time the coming to any resolution, being every day in expectation of the ships of the States-^ general. But at length, that the service might not suffer through delay, the admiral formed a disposition of her Majesty's ships, and appointed Sir Edward Whitaker for the service of Sicily, while he himself designed to proceed on the other with General Stanhope. The 26th of July, the court of Spain having notice of the enemies penetrating into the Lampourdan, with in tention, as they apprehended, to besiege Girone; and there being a want of ships to protect the coasts of Catalonia, and hinder the enemies having supplies by sea, as also a squadron to bring over the prizes laden with corn from Porto Farina, whicli they were in great want of in that principality, and some ships to go to Italy, for money to subsist the troops; the court seemed to lay aside the design on Sicily, and the admiral sent five ships for the vessels laden with corn, which have been before mentioned. The warmth, impatience, and irresolution of. the court at Barcelona, obliged the admirals to drop both these great designs ; for, without regard to what had been resolved, or even for what themselves bad de^ manded before, they were continually desiring some thing new to be done for them, without ever con^ ijdering, that it was impossible our ships cgnld 40O NAVAL HISTORY perform one service, Avithout neglecting another. Thus, upon an apprehension that the enemy would attack Girone, the Enghsh ships were desired to in tercept their subsistence. Soon after, tiiey were dis tressed for want of provisions themselves, and then the most necessary thing that could be done was, to send for the prizes laden w^ith corn from Porto Fa rina. By the time this was resolved on, money grew scarce, and then his Catholic Majesty hoped that the English ships would go and' fetch it imme diately from Italy, The manner in which these de mands were made, and the apprehensions that the officers were under of complaints being sent home, induced them to comply with every thing, as far as was in their power ; so that of necessity, as the most distant and least practicable, the expedition against Sicily was laid aside. Our admirals, however, still flattered themselves that something might be done at Cadiz, where it was known the people were in want of bread, and were, besides, highly discontented Avith the French government,* On the 27th of July, the Dutch squadron arrived from Leghorn, upon which Sir George Byng called a council ofwar, and laid before them the queen's or ders, the desires of his Catholic Majesty, and the project formed by themselves for attempting Cadiz ; but the commander in chief of the Dutch ships ex cused himself from any share in it ; declaring, that they were Aqctualled only till the end of August, which disabled- him from undertaking any service * It was a great misfortune to Ring Charles, that he had no body about him capable of giving him good advice, or of coqsi. dering what was fit to be undertaken in the situation his affairs were in. This single mistake at grasping at every thing, when scarcely any thing was in his pov/er, proved the ruin of all his un. dertakings ; though, as this history fully shews, our sca-officers did for him all he could expect, and more a great deal than the officers of any other nation would have done, as is evident from " The Impartial Inquiry into the Management of the War witl^ Spain," and all the histories of those times. OF QUEEN ANNB. 401 Ibeyond the 20th of that month. On the 28th of the month last mentioned, three English men of war, the Nassau, Ludlow Castle, and Antelope, sailed for Bar celona, having on board a great sum of money, for the service of his Catholic Majesty. It was then agreed, that Sir George Byng should proceed to Ca diz, and the Dutch ships be employed in other ser vices ; which, however, Could not be executed ; and, therefore. Sir George Byng resolved to return home to England, having taken, on board the fleet, General Stanhopcj with Colonel Harrison's regiment of foot, and a Spanish regiment of dragoons, Avhom he landed safely at Gibraltar on the Slst. On the 25th of Sep tember he sailed for England, arriving at St, Helen's, in the Royal Anne, vivitb the Torbay, Chichester, Colchester, and Antelope, and a small prize taken by the Chichester, in her way frOm Gibraltar, on the 15th of October, Sir Edward Whitaker was left with a pretty strong squadron in the Mediterranean, where, in the Bay of Roses, he discovered the grand cohvoy intended for the French forces in the Lampourdan, which con sisted of forty large vessels laden with corn and other provisions, of vvhich he took thirty, and hindered the rest from putting to sea; by this the enemy Avas greatly distressed, and King Charles's army so happily supplied with provisions, as to be able to keep the field, which, otherwise, they could not have done,* And having thus attended our fleets in the Mediterranean, as long as they vvere employed in any considerable service, we shall now return to the ex ploits performed in the Soundings by Lord Dursley, with the squadron under his command. * I find this put in a much strongei' light by some Dutch writers, who tell us, that Admiral Whitaker, with fifteen sail of men of war, entered the Bay of Roses, and destroyed fifty French ships, laden with corn. They add, that the admiral was itlclined to assist his Catholic Majesty in reducing Roses, which would hate left Hie euemy without a sea-port in Catalonia ; but his advice was not fol lowed, which was much to the prejudice of King Charles's aflairs. A'^OL. III. D D 40a NAVAL HISTORY Sir George Byng, in his return from the Medi terranean, having obtained an exact detail of the strength, station, and designs, of M. Du Guai Trouin, sent an account of it to the lord high-admiral, who immediately dispatched it to the Lord Dursley, just returned from cruizing for a corn fleet, vvhich the French expected from the Baltic. His lordship's in structions vvere, to give the enemy all the disturb ance he could, and to take particular care of the West India trade, the intercepting of which, was the ser vice that was principally designed by M, Du Guai Trouin. On the Sth of October, his lordship sailed from Plymouth, with one third-rate, and two fourths, having before detached Captain Vincent with six sliips, to secure the West India fleet; and soon after, his lordship joined that detachment, by which he effectually prevented the French from succeeding, in their design. On the last of October, his lordship being then off Scilly, took a large French ship* from Guadaloupe, and a small privateer. Three weeks after, he met vvith the Barbadoes fleet, and having sufficiently strengthened their convoy, detached tvvo frigates for intelligence, into the road of Brest, that he might be the better enabled to undertake further service. While his lordship was thus employed, there hap pened, in the latter end of November, such an acci dent to one of the ships of his squadron, as very welt deserves our notice. Captain Hughes in the Win chester, chaced' a ship, which proved to be a Dutch privateer, whose commander being required to strike, he, instead of paying that respect due to the flag of England, fired both great and small shot into him ; * According to Some accounts, this was a very considerabltf prize ; no less than a- ship of forty guns, with a cargo worth aff hundred thousand pouuds,^ Indeed, this lord took so many, and*. so rich prizes, that I do not wonder some of our writers grew ¦wcury of setting them down; for I observe, that sometimes' activtr' •jiicers are not the greatest farouritosf OF QUEEN ANNE. 4oa but) being answered in the same manner* after an obstinate dispute, though it was very Avell known that the Winchester was an English ship of war, the commanding officer was killed, and between thirty and forty of the Dutch seamen. His lordship being then vice-admii-al of the red, detached, on the grh of December, Captain Hartnol, in the Restauration, with four other ships, to cruize fifteen or twenty leagues west of Scilly, to protect some East India ships, and their convoys, from Ire- . land ; and, on the 2d of January, was going from Plymouth, Avith seven clean frigates to relieve them ; but being ordered to proceed part of the way with Sir John Norris towards Lisbon, his lordship, after com plying with this order, remained in his appointed sta tion till he was forced from it by foul weather; vvhich, however, gave him an opportunity of taking a French privateer of twenty guns, and retaking the St. Peter of Dublin, a rich ship, of vvhich the enemy had made themselves masters, off Cape Clear. His lordship. Considering that the East India trade were not yet arrived from Ireland, appointed three ships of his squadron to see them safe from thence. On the 21st of February, the Kent brought into Plymouth a small privateerj and a French merchant- ship ; as the Restauration, and August did the next day four more, which were bound from Nantz to Martinico; and not many days after, his lordship ap pointed the Restautatipn and August, to see two East India ships well into the sea; but, by contrary winds, they were forced back again. The lOth of March, the. Montague took a privateer of ten guns, and his lordship having seen the East India ships, and those bound to the Lsle of May, a hundred and fifty leagues from Scilly, returned to Plymouth the 9th of May ; seven days after which, the Lyon, Col chester, and Litchfield, brought in four prizes, tvvo of them privateers, the others merchant-ships ; when his lordship leaving the squadron, came to towp^ » o 2 404 NAVAL HISTORY after having acquired as much reputation as it AvaS possible for an officer to do in that difficult station, and where many had lost the credit for which they had toiled many years. Before I proceed to the events in the West Indies, I shall take notice of some accidents that happened in our naval affairs, and which seem to have escaped the attention of most, if not all our historians. In the first place, I am to observe, that in the latter end of June, her Majesty's ship the Fowey, of thirty-two guns, was taken in the Mediterranean, by. tvvo French men of war of greater strength. On the 23d of Sep tember, Captain Hanway, in her Majesty's ship the Plymouth, of sixty guns, arrived at Plymouth with a French man of war, which he had taken on the 20th. Captain Hanway was bound to Plymouth, in order to repair some damages he had received ; and about seven leagues N. W. by N, from the Dead- man, he saw this ship, and chaced her two hours before he came up with her; as soon as he came near enough to engage, he fired upon her with great vigour, and after a sharp action, which lasted above an hour, he obliged her to surrender. The French ship was called L'Adriad, and had been fitted out from Dunkirk, commanded by the Sieur Jacques Cashard, having forty guns mounted, but had ports for forty- eight, and two hundred and sixty men on board ; several of the men belonging to the Ply mouth being sick on shore, Captain Hanway could make use of no more guns in this action than the enemy's ship had mounted. The captain of the French vessel, Avith fourteen other officers and se^amen, Avere killed in the engagement, and sixty Avounded; of the Plymouth's company, the captain of a company of marines on board, and seven men, were killed, and sixteen wounded. In the latter end of the month of October, the West India fleet, being about one hundred and fifty leagues off" the Lizard, met with a violent storm, by OF QUEEN ANNE. 40& which they were separated from five ships of war, appointed for their convoy ; the Newcastle, which Was one of them, being so shattered, that she lost her main-mast, and with much difficulty got to Fal mouth ; soon after, the Hampshire and the Glouces ter were attacked by the squadron of M. Du Guai Trouin, and made a gallant defence, notwithstanding the great inequality of force; Avhich, however, gaA'e the ships under their convoy an opportunity to escape. At last, after seven hours fight, the Gloucester, a sixty-gun ship, and just rebuilt, was taken ; but the Hampshire obliged the en emy to sheer off j and in a very shattered condition got into Baltimore. On Christmas Day, the Solebay man of war, with eight merchant-ships under her convoy, bound to Lynn in Norfolk, vvere unfortunately lost upon Boston-Knock, anti only two boats full of men saved out of all the ships. From these disagreeable accidents, let us now return to the conduct of Admiral Wager in the West Indies. As this adniiral had always been extremely careful of the trade in that part of the world, so, in the spring of the year ITOfl, he sent Captain Hutchins in the Portland, to protect the trading sloops that were go ing to Porto }idlo. All the latter part of the month qf April, Captain Hutchins lay in the Bastimentos ; froni whence he descried four large ships, two of fifty, and two of thirty guns, in the harbours of Porto Bello. The two largest, as he vvas informed by the private traders, were the Coventry, a fourth-rate, taken from us by the French, and the Minion, both from Guinea. ()n the 1st of May he had intelligence tbat they sailed the evening before; upon which he stood to the northward till the 3d, when he gained sight, qf them about eight in the morning. At noon, he discovered their hulls very plain, and they being tq windward, hove down to him, firing some guns as they parsed by ; soon after Avhich they wore, as if they designed to engage in the evening, but did not. 406 NAVAL HISTORY It was littie wind, and about six o'clock he tackpd upon them, and keeping sight all night, near eight in the morning he came up within pistol-shot of the. Minion, but was obliged to fight her to leeward, be cause he could not possibly carry out his lee-guns, though the ships of the enemy did. The Coventry, after he had been warmly engaged, got pn his lee- bow, and firing very smartly at his masts, did them no little damage ; but he being not willing to be di-^ verted from the Minion, plied her very smartly, nor could she get from him, until they shot his main-top sail-yard in tvvo, Avhen both of them shot a-head, he creeping after them as fast as possible in that crippled condition; in the meanwhile, splicing his rigging, bending new sails, and repairing other damages in the best manner he could. About four in the morning, a boat was perceived going from the Minion to the Coventry, so tbat he believed he had much disabled the former, and that by the frequent passing of the boat between them, she vvas sending the best part of her loading on board the other. By ten at night he had completed all his work, and the next morning was ready for a second encounter ; but it proving little wind, he could not come up with them until the 6th, when, before seven in the morning, he was close in vvith the Coventry, which ship hauled up her main-sail, and lay by for him. Coming nearer to her* it Avas observed she had tnany small-shot men, so that he durst not clap her on board as he had designed, but plied her Avith his guns ; in the mean time, he received but little da mage from the Minion. Between eleven and twelve, he brought the Coventry's main-mast by the board, and then her fire w^as much lessened ; however, con-^ tinning to do what they could, at half an hour past twelve she struck; the first captain being killed/'the second wounded, and a great slaughter made among the men, many of them being those vvho belonged to the Minion; whereas' of Ours there were but nine. OF QUEEN ANNE, 407 killed, and twelve Avounded, most of whom reco vered ; and in the prize, there were about twenty thousand pieces of eight, great part whereof were found among the French seamen. Rear-admiral Wager, upon the pressing solicitation of the merchants, sent the Severn and Scarborough to England, to convoy home the trade, because they were but Aveakly manned, and according to the orders he had from the lord high-admiral, Avhen any ships under his command Avere so reduced by sickness, as to have no more men on board than Avere necessary to navigate the ship, these ships vvere to be sent home; and the reason of this was, that by an act of parlia ment which passed soon after Commodore Ker's af fair, our admirals vvere absolutely restrained from pressing men on any account in the West Indies ; so that, in truth, there was nothing left for an admiral to do in such a case, but to send home ships that were of no further use. All the time the rear-admiral continued in this station, he took care to keep a suf ficient number of ships to cruize upon the enemy, and to protect our trade, which they did vvith all the suc cess that could be wished or expected. But in the autumn, our admiral was ordered home ; and accord ingly he left the few men of war that were stationed on the coast of Jamaica under the command of Cap tain Tudor Trevor, who was soon after relieved by Captain Span, As for the reaivadmiral, he had a safe and speedy A'oyage home, vvhere he was received on his coming from St, Helen's, in the month of No vember, vvith all the respect imaginable; the letters from the West Indies having, contrary to custom, done the greatest honour to the vigilance of our navy in those parts, while under his direction; vvhich is a clear confutation of a modern maxim at a certain board, that it is impossible to satisfy the merchants at home, or the planters abroad. Before I close this account of our affairs in Ameri ca, it is necessary I should say something of a niisfor- 408 NAVAL HISTORY tune that befel us in Newfoundland ; and the rather, because none of our historians have been particular about it, for which reason, I am obliged to take what I have to relate, entirely upon the credit of a French writer. The Sieur De Saintovide, the king's lieute nant at Placentia, took the fort of St. John on the east side of Newfoundland, by scalade, in which action the governor was wounded, and made prisoner, as were the soldiers of the garrison, consisting of about a hundred men. This, my author says, happen ed on the 1st of January, 1709, and the next day he inforfns us, that the fort at the mouth of the harbour, built oh a rock, and extremely well fortified, surren dered also, and the garrison, consisting of sixty men, were made prisoners of war. This affair must have been attended with very bad consequences for the; present; but, as we shall see, these av ere not only remedied in the succeeding year, but the French settlements, in their turn, were, in a manner, totally destroyed. But it is novv tinie for us to return home, and to conclude the history of this year with a short account of the alterations made with respect to th^ management of naval affairs, The earl of Pembroke, finding the sole care and direction of the fleet a load too heavy for him to bear, though he had discharged his office of lord high-admiral in every respect tq the general content of all parties, very prudently and virtuously resolved to lay it down, A great deal of pains were taken to divert his lordship from this resolution, but to no purpose; he thought the business might be better done by one who had greater experience in maritim^ affairs; and thereupon, this high office vvas offered to that gallant sea-ofiicer the earl of Orford, who absolutely refused it, though he was willing to accept a share in the direction of the Admiralty, lier Ma jesty, therefore, in the beginning of the month qf November, thought proper to direct a commission, whereby she constituted and apppinte4 Eclward eavl OF QUEEN ANNE. 409 of Orford, Sir John Leake, Sir George Byng, George Dodington, and Paul Methuen, Esqrs. commissioners, for executing the office of lord high-admiral of Great Britain and Ireland, in the room of the earl of Pem broke, on whom the queen bestowed a yearly pen sion of three thousand pounds per annum, payable out of the revenue of the Post-office, in consideration of his eminent services. Soon after thVs alteration, there followed a promo tion; viz. on the 12th of November, 1709, her Ma jesty being pleased to appoint a gentleman who had been long laid aside; viz. Matthew Aylmer, Esq, admiral and commander-in-chief of her Majesty's fleet ; the Lord Dursley vice-admiral ; and Charles . Wager, Esq. rear-admiral of the red. Sir John Jen- pings admiral ; Sir Edward Whitaker vice-admiral pf the white. And, Sir John Nprris, admiral ; and John Baker, Esq, vice-admiral of the blue. The parliament met, and the queen laid before them the proceedings of the last year, and directed an account of the expences of the government, both ciyil and military, to be sent them from the respec tive offices. The business of Dr. Sacheverel took up the best part of the session ; but it happened luckil}', that the supplies vvere first granted, amounting in the whole to six millions one hundred and eighty-four thousand one hundred and .sixty-six pounds seven shillings ; in order to the raising of which, a lottery was established, of one million five hundred thousand pounds, of vvhich six hundied thousand pounds were subscribed on the 20th of January, being the first day the books were opened, and all the rest in less than six weeks.* This was sufficient to shew the '* These immense grants of parliament struclt the French pro. digiously ; for while their credit was low, or in a~manner quite 'gone, ours was in its zenith. And, without question, if ever our credit should fail, either in respect to money, or the reputiftion of our government, the French will gain as great an ascpndancy over us, as we then had over them ; this we mention as a point 410 NAVAL HISTORY strength of public credit at that time, as also the disposition of the commons, to continue the war till the ends of it were answered; but, after Sacheverel's trial, it was soon perceived, that this ardour began to abate, vvhich we find attributed by our historians to many different causes. The chief, however, seems to have been the ma nagement of the French king, who, by pubhshing • to all the world the mighty offers of peace that he had made to the allies, and dressing up in the strongest colours the hard conditions which the al lies would have imposed upon him, and with which he declared he would have complied, if they had not appeared impossible, and calculated rather to prevent, than promote the re-establishment of the tranquillity of Europe. By these representations, he raised great compassion among the neutral powers, excited chvi- sioiis among the allies, and caused great jealousies and heart-burnings, both here and in Holland. This did not hinder our ministry from pursuing their for mer schemes, and endeavouring to restore a martial spirit, by the success of their designs on all sides ; and as they had hitherto found their conduct most liable to be attacked on the subject of the war in Spain, they took all im.aginable care to issue very early the sums granted for that service, which amount ed to about a million ; but it vvas resolved, since there was no immediate occasion for great fleets in the Mediterranean, to recall Sir Edward Whitaker, and to leave Admiral Baker, with a small squadron, to protect the trade, and obey the orders of King Charles IIL* worthy of strict consideration here, because in France it is but too Well understood already. * As I have been hitherto very particular in relation to the war in Spain, which we certainly carried on with great vigour, though under infinite disadvantages, I shdll here lay before the reader, at ence, the several sums granted for this service ; ~ OF QUEEN ANNE. 411 Matthew Aylmer, Esq, admiral of the fleet, being in the Soundings Avith a considerable force, saw all "the several fleets of our outward-bound merchant men safe into the sea, and having sent them forward on their respective voyages, upon the 27th of July, he remained cruizing for two days afterwards, about sixty-eight leagues S, W, by W, from the Lizard. On the 29th at noon, he discovered thirteen sail N.E, of him. He ordered the Kent, Assurance, and York, to chace a-head, and followed Avith the rest of the ships under his command ; but the weather proving hazy, he could not discover next morning more than one merchant ship. He received advice, however, before noon, that the Assurance had made prize of one of the enemy's vessels, upon vvhich he imme diately sent his boat to bring the master of her on board him ; which Avas accordingly done. This Frenchman informed the admiral, that the ships he had seen the day before, Avere fourteen mer - chantmen, bound for the Banks of Newfoundland, and Martinico, under convoy of the Superbe, a French man of war of fifty-six guns, and the Concord of thirty : that the former, having seen them into the sea, vvas to cruize in the Soundings, and the latter to proceed to Guinea; and that, on their perceiving the English fleet, the Concord bore away with the mer chantmen under his convoy. Soon after this the Kent, commanded by Captain Robert Johnson, came iip with, and engaged . the Superbe, for the ^pace of £. s. d. In 1703 215,692 2 0 1704 320,481 il 0 1705 476,727 15 10 1706 726,740 15 10 ' 1707 S§8,322 11 10 1708: 1,248,956 12 2| 1709 1,217,083 0 4 1710 1,276,035 16 2 6,480,040 S 2| 412 NAVAL HISTORY an hour, when she struck; in which action Captain Johnson behaved like a gallant officer, and an expe rienced seaman ; for, as he attacked the French ship Avithout waiting for other ships, so she was take^n by Iim without any assistance, although she had a greater number of men than the Kent, Both of them were very much shattered in the fight; but so good a sailer was the Superbe, that, had she not been three months off the ground, she would in all probability have escaped. This ship had taken several valuable prizes from us before, and our cruisers had often chaced her without success; but falling thus into our possession, she was registered in the British navy, being a very beautiful vessel, and not above eighteen months old. Sir Edward Whitaker was at Port Mahon vvith his squadron, when he received the order before-men tioned, and sailing from thence on the 27th of March, he arrived at Lisbon on the 4th of April, with three ships of the third rate, where he made some stay, in order to take the homeward-bound inerchaptqien under his protection; and then saihng qn the 29th of that month, be arrived safely on tbe 1st of Jiuie Avith our own, and the Dutch and Portugal fleets, and their convoys, in our channeL As for Vice- admiral Baker, having conducted the transports to the several ports to vvhich they vvere bound, he, in his return to Barcelona, got sight, off the Farq of Messina, of four large ships, with several settees under their convoy ; this was on tbe 2d of May, and he chaced them with all the diligence possible. The next morning Captain Masters, in the Fame came up with, and took one of the ships, and soon after Cap tain Cleveland, in the Suffolk, took another, called Le Galliard, of fifty-six guns; but the remaining tvvo, vvhich were gallies, escaped, with most of the settees. The vice-admiral having seen the transports safe into Barcelona, and having received advice, that Sir John Norris, with a squadron under his com- OF QUEEN ANNE. 419 mand, was at Terragona, and that he was come to command in the Mediterranean, resolved to join him as soon as possible, in order to execute any orders he brought Avith him from England, or to contribute, as far as in his power lay, to the support of King Charles's affairs, which were novv in a more flourish ing condition than they had been for some years past. We vvill take notice next of Admiral Norris's instruc tions, and of what, in pursuance of them, he per formed durmg the time he commanded in these parts. Tbe grand fleet designed for this year's service in the Mediterranean, sailed from Plymouth on the 12th of January, under the command of Sir John Norris, who having seen the Virginia, and other merchant men bound to the West Indies, safe into the sea, ar rived at Port Mahon on the 13th of March, where he was joined by Sir Edward Whitaker, and a Dutch rear-admiral. Immediately after his arrival, he de tached three English, and two Dutch men of war, Vith the public money, recruits, and ammunition, to Barcelona, in order to receive his Catholic Majesty's commands. While the admiral remained here, he had the mortification of hearing, that two of our men of war had been taken by the French ; with this al leviating circumstance, however, that both officers and men had behaved bravely, and that the misfor tune was entirely owing to the enemy's having a su perior force. Not long after, he received more welcome intel ligence; viz. that two of our ships had taken a French man of war of sixty guns, called the Moor, a very fine ship, and which was afterwards registered in the list of our royal navy. After making the necessary dispositions for the many services that were required from the fleet, Sir John sailed on the 7th of April, from Port Mahon, and arrived on the 1 1th at Barce lona. There he w^as informed by the king of Spain, that the enemy had a design, either upon Sardinia 414 NAVAL HISTORY or Naples, and that tl-e Duke De Tursis, a (jenoefee nobleman, who commanded a fleet of gallies for the service of King Philip, was at sea, in order to exe cute this enterprise. His Majesty likewise informed him, that he was in great want of the German suc cours* that were promised him from Italy. The ad miral resolved to do his best towards answering both these demands of his Cathohc Majesty, and having first landed the viceroy in Sardinia, Avhere he found all things quiet, he proceeded to the coast of Italyj in order to embark the succours before^mentioned. On the 6th of May, Sir John Norris arrived at Leg horn, and having there provided for the security of our Levant trade, which was much disturbed by Monsieur De L'Aigle ; he sailed froin thence to Vado Bay, where, while the Germans were embarking, he had intelligence, that the Italian gallies had actually taken on board a body of upwards of tvvo thousand men, in order to make a descent on the island of Sardinia. Upon this. Sir John Norris called a council of warj and in-pdrsuance of the resolutions taken there, he, on the 1st of June detached four men of war to convoy the transports to Barcelona ; he likewise de tached five English and four Dutch men of war^ to Cruize in the height of Toulon, for a convoy .which the French expected from the Levant. The same day he sailed with the rest of the confederate fleety W'ith two imperial regiments, to go to the assistance of Sardinia, upon certain advice* that the Duke De Tursis Avas''sailed Avith his gaUies, and, aS we obr served before, some land-forces on board, to invade that islandi The 2d they came before La Bastida, irt Corsica, and saw a little French merchant ship Coming from the Archipelago, which, upon the ap proach of our fleet, retired under the cannon of that place; upon this. Admiral Norris sent some boats Avhich brought away the ship, but the men made their escape on shore. A bark coming from the OF QUEEN ANNE, 416 shore, brought the admiral advice, that the Duke De Tursis, having continued some days at Porto Vecchio, was sailed to Bonifacio, with a design to execute his intended enterprise against Sardinia ; whereupon they sailed again ; on the 5th came into the Bay of Terra Nova, in Sardinia, wherein they found four tartanes of the enemy, which had landed there four hundred men, and sixty officers, under the command of the Count De Castillo. They took in the evening of the same day, those four ships, and understanding by the prisoners, that the count, with his forces, was but two miles off upon that shore, the admirals resolved to land some forces to attack them, wbich was accordingly done. They marched directly to Terra Nova, where the enemy were posted ; but the Count De Castillo seeing it was in vain for him to offer any resistance, surren dered at discretion ; so that they took four hundred and fifty soldiers prisoners, Avith sixty-three officers, and several persons of quality, natives of Sardinia ;¦ who, being disaffected to the German government, had joined the enemy, or had gone with the Count De Castillo in this expedition, in hopes that their interest w^ould occasion an insurrection in favour of King Philip V. Their enterprise having succeeded beyond expec tation, and there being no danger of any rebellion on that side, the troops returned on board, the 7th, and the admirals resolved to go in quest of the Duke De Tursis, Avho, according to the report of the pri soners, was sailed to another bay, on the opposite Side of the island, to land the rest of his forces. On the Sth, they came, by favour of a fresh gale* into the canal of Bonifacio, where they were informed, by a Neapolitan felucca, that the Duke De Tursis, Was sailed the night before from thence, with inten tion to retire into the Gulf of Ajazzio, in Corsica ; whereupon they made all the sail they could, in hopes of coming up with him in that bay ; but in the 418 NAVAL HISTORY morning of the 9th, when they came into thfe sam^j they Were informed that the Duke De Tursis, fore seeing they would pursue him, Avas sailed thence thd night before, with his gallies, having left in this gulf eight large barks* with five hundred soldiers on board, and the greatest part of his ammunition, ar tillery, and provisions, in hopes that they would not take them in a neutral place. But Sir John Norris thought fit to seize them, and signified to the republic of Genoa, that the queen of Great Britain, his mistress, could not but express on all occasions, the highest resentment against them, for having permitted the Duke De Tursis, one of their subjects, to make, in their dominions, such an armament designed against one of the kingdoms be longing to the king of Spain her ally; and that, looking upon their permission or connivance as a breach of their neutrality, he would attack the queen's enemies in all their harbours. The Genoese gover nor, to whom these representations were made, an swered with as much submission as could be expected ; promised that he would not supply the Duke De Tursis, or any that belonged to him, with provisions ; and most earnestly requested, that the admiral would not land any troops upon the island. The admiral having considered his request, and being sensible that* it would be to very little purpose to attempt following the enemy into the mountains, thought proper to grant it, and thereupon proceeded immediately for Bar celona, Avhere he arrived on the 18th of June; and the king of Spain desiring that part of the troops might be landed in Valencia, and that the fleet might be as soon as possible at Terragona, it was resolved to sail thither directly, and to leave orders for Vice- admiral Baker to follow ; which orders, he punctually obeyed. The inhabitants of the Cevennes having given the king of France a great deal of disturbance, and hav ing numbers of their countrymen in foreign service, OF QUEEN ANNE, 411 it was proposed to the British ministry, that notwith-r standing the miscarriage of former attempts, some thing should be again undertaken in their favour; and to enforce this advice, it was observed, that the Camisars, then in arms, were within fifteen leagues of Montpelier, and that it was possible to land our troops at Port Cette, within a single league of that city. Upon this, the ministry themselves, conceiv ing such aii expedition might disconcert the enemies' designs in Spain, or at, least facihtate King Charles's enterprises in Catalonia, resolved to send a gentleman to Spain, thoroughly instructed as to the whole of this affair, with orders to propose it to General Stan hope, and Sir John Norris, upon whose approbation, and the consent of the king of Spain, the design was to be immediately put in execution, by the fleet then on the coast of Catalonia. It must be allowed, that this project vvas very well formed; and, according to the best information that I have been able to obtain, if our troops had' actually fixed themselves for three days at Cette, we might, with the assistance of the duke of Savoy, have given the French king more trouble than he had ever met with from any of our projects during the war. For his own subjects, then jn arms against him, were a bold, daring, hardy people, and, with a very little encouragement from us, would have formed an army of twenty or thirty thour sand men, to whom all the French exiles, in every part of Europe, would have resorted ; and, as among them there were many experienced officers, it is not easy to conceive, Avhat consequences this affair might have had, or to what extent the flamp plight have fpread. On the arrival of this gentleman from Englan(^, General Stanhope, who was a very enterprising offi cer, eagerly embraced the scheme, and prevailed upon King Charle.'S to permit a body of troops, though in deed it was but a very small one, to embark on board the fleet. This resolution being taken, was commu.- •yoL, i^i. i: E 418 NAVAL HISTORY nicated to Sir John Norris, who, on the 6th of July, held a great council ofwar, in which it was resolved, to send an express to the duke of Savoy, and to em bark the forces immediately, that an aftair of such importance might not suffer by delay. The com mand of these troops, which consisted of no more than the regiment of Colonel Stanhope, and three hundred men from Port Mahon, was given to Major- general Seissan, a native of Languecloc, and a very good officer. 'ITie fleet sailed from 13arcelona on the 9th, and arrived before Cette on the 19th, The next morning, by break of day, the troops, Avhich were but seven hundred men, and who had landed the evening before, without any opposition, marched di rectly towards the town. Sir John Norris appointed some ships to batter the fort at the mole-head, upon which the inhabitants retired to the church, and soon after both town and fort surrendered ; as in the evening of the next day did the town of Agde; so that now vve had firm footing in the enemy's country: and this expedition had a more promising appearance than any that had been hitherto undertaken against France ; our only misfortune was, that there were so few men spared for so important a design. On the 17th, Major-general Seissan received ad vice, that the duke of Roquelaure was advancing with four hundred dragoons, and four thousand mi litia, to ford the lake, and re-possess Cette ; upon which the major-general thought proper to leave a hundred and forty men to secure the bridge of Agde, and marched with the rest of the forces to oppose the enemy ; writing at the same time to the Admirals Norris and Sommelsdyke, to desire them to send all the boats of the fleet, vvith as many men as they could spare, into the Etang or Lake, to attack the enemy in their passage through the same ; which vvas done accordingly. The duke of Roquelaure, seeing his design prevented by these precautions, returned tp Mezc^ -and the .admirals aud genera,! detached » OF QUEEN ANNE. 41£> major, with a hundred and fifty men to reinforce the detachment left to secure the bridge of Agde; but, at the same time advice came, that this important post had been abandoned upon a false alarm. Ne vertheless, it was resolved to prevent the enemy, and to return to Agde with shallops by sea, in order to regain that post; but the very moment that this was to be executed, a strong wind happened to rise, which obliged them to abandon that design, and di rect all their care to secure Cette. In short, the Duke De Noailles, arrived at Agde, the same day that they were to return thither. They began then to think of the defence of the mountain of Cette, and postetl there the few troops they had in the vineyards, surrounded with a slight wall ; but witlj orders to retire, yet not before the arrival of the enemy. The ofiicer, vvho commanded fifty men, did not rightly apprehend this order, or else he was sur prised; for scarcely had a few French dragoons fired upon our men, before they surrendered to them at dis cretion. The other troops retired in disorder, though the necessary dispositions had been made to support them in their retreat, and the several officers did all that could be expected from their courage and expe rience to rally the tfoops. While these were re- em barking on the ] 7th, a captain was left in the fort, with fifty men to cover the retreat. It vvas not acces sible, but on the side of the mole, and was defended by two pieces of cannon in the place that leads to it; and besides, the enemy had no boats. The shallops were just by the fort the whole morning; but Admi ral Norris had no sooner put off to go on board his ship, but the enemy sent word to the captain, that ifhe did not immediately surrender the fort, he must expect no quarter. Whereupon the officer let down the bridge, and surrendered at discretion, even before the troops were re-embarked. The Dulce De Roque^' Jaure sent them back the captain who had so ill de- fendied the fort, in exchange for a burgher who had P li' g 420 NAVAL HISTORY been released before; but the captain was set a-shorc again, and told, that since he had been so complai sant to De Roquelaure, as to deliver up the fort to him, it was but reasonable he should be near the duke's person, and treated according to his merit. Thus ended an expedition, from which much was expected, and which had no other good eff'ect, ex cept obliging the enemy to recall a considerable body of their troops from Roussillon ; in doing this the Duke De Noailles made a very remarkable march, of Avhich the French have boasted excessively. Sir John Norris having re-embarked the forces, sailed on the 19th, and shewed himself off Toulon and Marseilles ; some days after, he stood into the road of Hieres, where he discovered a French fly-boat, car rying fifty guns, under three forts, upon the island of Port Croix; upon which he instantly detached some English and Dutch frigates, under the com mand of Captain Stepney, to attack both the ship and the fortresses. This was performed with great vigour, and in a short time the ship was abandoned, and the lowest of the three forts ; upon this our boats rowed hastily to board the ves.sel, into which our men bad scarcely entered, before the ship, by a train laid for that purpose by the enemy, was blown up, and thirty-five of our people either killed or wounded. This misfortune was soon followed by another; for our ships that were cruising off Toulon, being dis tressed for water, sailed to an adjacent island for a supply, and in the mean time a great corn fleet, for Avhich they Avere waiting, took that opportunity to enter the port of Toulon, On the 14th of August, Sir John Norris returned to Port Mahon, where he received the welcome news of the great victory of Sarragossa, He then expected to have sailed on an expedition for'''the service of his Catholic Majesty ; but was disappointed, partly through some delay made by the troops in embarking, .'and partly by the haste the Dutch were in to return OF QUEEN ANNE. 421 home ; so that, finding it impracticable to do any further service for the present, he. ordered most of bis ships to be cleaned ; which being performed, he sailed On the 50th of October from Port Mahon, and on fhe '6tli of November be took three French ships from Newfoundland, After this, he secured the Turkey fleet, and then attempted to annoy the enemy in the Bay of Roses, where he met with such a storm, as drove the Resolution on shore, on the coast of Cata lonia, near to Barcelona, where she vvas lost, not Avithstanding all imaginable care to prevent it, and the rest of the fleet vvas forced into the harbour of Port Mahon. His Catholic Majesty's affairs had by this time taken a new and unfavourable turn, and therefore bis Majesty wrote in pressing terms to Sir John Nor ris, in order to engage him to sail over to the Italian coast, to bring, with the utmost expedition, such troops as could be spared from thence for his service. Sir John sailed from Barcelona, and arrived on the 19th of March in the Bay of Vado j on the 22d fol lowing, the Severne, Lion, and Lime, made the sig nal of seeing four ships ; upon which the admiral or- tlered the Nassau and Exeter to give them chace, and upon hearing a great firing of guns, detached the Daitmouth and Winchelsea to their assistance. On the 27lh, the Severne and Lime came into the road, and Captain Pudner, who commanded the former, gave Sir John Norris an account, that, in conjunc tion with the Lion and Lime, he had, the day be fore, engaged four French ships, from sixty to forty guns, for above two hours, and then the French crowded all the sail they could, and made away ; the Severne, being disabled, returned with the Lime into Vado road; but Captain Galfridus Walpole, Avho commanded tiie Lion, continued the chace, though he had his right arm shot away, about forty men killed and Avounded, and his ship much torn by the enemy's shot. The Exeter, commanded by Captain •ini NAVAL HISTORY Rayniond, came up with one of the Frenchrtien, and, after a brisk engagement of above two hours, took her ; but he was so disabled, that he vvas forced to let her go again. She proved to be the Pembroke,; which had been taken from us a year before, that was, Avhile iu our service, a sixty-gun ship J but at this time she mounted no more than fifty. Sir John having given the necessary directions for embarking the troops on board an hundred and twenty transports, in order to escort them to Barce lona, received advice, while he was waiting for a wind, that Sir John Jennings was arrived at Port Mahon, in order to cornmand in the Mediterranean. We have already, contrary to our usual method, carried this part of the history beyond the bounds of the year 1710, which Avas occasioned by a desire of preserving perspicuity, which otherwise could not have been so Avell done ; and, for the same reason, vve shall pro ceed Avith Sir John Norris's conduct, though it will carry us almost to the close of the year I7H : Avhich, however, is better than breaking the thread of the ' narration, to resume it again at a great distance of time ; and this, too, when all that can be said about it will fall within a very narrow compass, / He sailed from Vado for Port Mahon, in April ; but was forced l/y a storm into the road of Arasio, Avhere, with great difficulty, he procured forage for the horses, and where he lay wind-bound till the 4th of May, and then proceeded to Barcelona, arrived there, and landed the troops on the Sth, where, hav ing consulted with the duke of Argyle, and taken care to send a strong squadron to Genoa for the pub lic moneyj he thought next of proceeding home with the Turkey trade; and, with that view, ordered Cap tain Cornwall to escort them to Gibraltar, or Lisbon, and there wait for his arrival. This being performed, he followed them as soon as the king of Spain's affairs Avould permit; and sailing v\'ith them under his con voy, from Lisbon on the 15th of September, he arrived. he granted for the use of such proprietors, or inhabitants only, of Nevis and St. Christopher's, who were sufferers by the French in vasion, and who have settled, or shall resettle their plantations in the said islands. I do not well knovv, whether I ought to add, as an instance of the care of parliament in respect to our commerce, that this year an act was passed for incorporating a company to carry on a trade to the South Seas. While these re gulations vvere making by the legislature, her Majesty took care to provide for action ; and in consequence thereof, appointed Sir John Leake, rear-admiral of Great-Britain, to be admiral and commander iu chief of her fleet, in the room of Matthew Aylmer, Esq. at the same time she appointed Sir Thomas Hardy rear-admiral of the blue ; and some time after Sir George Bvng vvas made admiral of the white. These , OF QUEEN ANNE. 429 necessary circumstances premised, we may now pro ceed to the naval operations of the next year. The grand fleet under the command of Sir John Leake, had very little to do. It was intended for the defence of our coast, and for keeping the enemy in awe, which was very effectually performed ; for the French king, from the many misfortunes he had met with, was utterly incapable of equipping any capital ships; and therefore, contenting him.self with send ing out, as he had done for some years past, small squadrons to annoy our trade, he seemed no longer to look on France as a maritime power. Sir Thomas Hardy, rear-admiral of the blue, was sent with a strong squadron, consisting of four fourth rates, two fifth, and two sixths, to block up the port of Dun kirk. On the 21st of May he arrived before that port, into whicli he forced two privateers of twenty guns each, and a dogger which carried eight ; and this notwithstanding the enemy's' fire from the plat-form at the pier-head. While he vvas in this situation, he discovered in the bason four sixty-gun ships, and two smaller vessels, all unrigged, and had certain infor mation of a small squadron that was fitting there for the sea ; after which he cruised as carefully as h^ could, as well for that, as for the convoy from Bre- tagne; but both, notwithstanding all his vigilance, escaped him. On the 27th of June, an English man of war, called the Advice, commanded by Kenneth, Lord DufFus, was attacked in Yarmouth Roads, by several French privateers. His lordship engaged them vvith great bravery, and did not give up his ship, which was a fourth rate of forty-six guns, till all his sails were torn to pieces, not a brace or bowling left, the shrouds cut away, two thirds of his men killed and wounded, and his lordship had five balls in his body. The eight privateers that took him, brought the ship with great triumph into Dunkirk, where they most inhumanly stripped both othcers and private men of 430 NAVAL HISTORY their wearing apparel, and, but for the kindness of the inhabitants, had left them in a manner naked. Such vvas the brutal behaviour of these barbarous plunderers, and to such we must remain exposed, if that infamous nest of pirates, /lestroyed for the com mon safety of mankind, shall ever, through the weakness of our councils, be -settled or fortified again. On the Sth of August, Sir Thomas Hardy being in Yarmouth Roads, with his squadron, received orders to proceed as far northwards as the islands of Ork ney, in order to secure the Russia trade, and to send some ships that were with him to the Downs; the Admiralty having received certain intelligence, that M. De Saus, a French officer, had actually got to sea from Dunkirk, vvith four large ships; viz. one of fifty guns, one of twenty-eight, one of twenty-six, and one of twenty-four : in pursuance of these or ders. Sir Thomas saw the Russia fleet, vvhich was remarkably rich that year, as far as Shetland ; and then sending them forward with a proper convoy, he returned to the Downs, where he received orders to proceed westward, in quest of M. Du Casse. While our ships were thus employed, a misfortune befel us upon our own coast; forM. DeSaus, with his privateers^ fell in with our Virginia fleet which consisted of" twenty-two sail, two of which were forced a-shore, four escaped, and all the rest were taken. As soon as the news of this was carried to_ Eng land, orders were sent to pursue the French squadron, and to prevent, if possible, their getting back to Dun kirk ; but the Sieur Saus found means to rid himself of these attendants, though they were once within sight of him, and carried six of his prizes into Dun kirk, leaving the rest at Boulogne, Calais, and other ports on the coast. Our cruisers and privateers re paired, in, some degree, this misfortune, by the de predations they committed on the coasts of France, irom whence they brought a great number of spiall OF QUEEN ANNE. 431 prizes, which, if they did not turn much to our be nefit, were, however, a great prejudice to France, since most of them were laden with corn, and other provisions, of vvhich at that juncture the people vvere in great need. But it is now time to return to the proceedings of our squadrons in the Mediterranean, where, as we have before shewn. Sir John Jennings commanded in chief, with a numerous fleet, of whose designs we shall now speak particularly, as they were the last that were formed during this war in those parts. The affairs of King Charles had suffered so severely since the battle lost at Villa Viciosa, that even his best friends almost despaired of retrieving them. It was, however, resolved to send thither a large naval force, to assist in whatever measures might be thought proper, either for restoring his hopes, or providing for the safety of his person. The duke of Argyle commanded the English troops, with circum stances equally honourable to himself, and shameful to those who suffered so many brave men to fall under such heavy misfortunes. The army was but thin ; and well it might be so, since General Stan hope had been besieged, and taken, with eight bat talions, and as many squadrons, a few months before, in the miserable hamlet of Brihuega. But this was not all ; the regiments, thin as they vvere, were also ragged and starving, having no credit but what his grace procured for them, who soon brought things into better order, and his very little army under good discipline. In short, he appeared there, w^hat he appeared every vvhere, not only a brave man and an active officer"; not barely a great general, or an able statesman, but a friend to mankind, and a lover of his country. He fed the hungry, he clothed the naked, he stopped desertion ; not by severities, but by convincing his soldiers that they could be used no where so well; insomuch that when Sir John Jen nings arrived at Barcelona vvith his fleet, in the lat- 432 NAVAL HISTORY ter end of March, he found things on the mending hand. After performing some few necessary services, it was resolved, that the fleet should cruise off Toulon, in order to intercept the supplies which the enemy expected from Languedoc, and their corn-fleet from the Levant. ' While he was in this station, he re ceived orders from England, to return immediately to the coast of Catalonia, that he might be ready to carry the king of Spain to Genoa, or where else he should desire ; his Majesty, by the death of his bro ther, the Emperor Joseph, being lately become sole heir of all the dominions of the house of Austria. He was hkewise directed to afford all the assistance possible to the kingdom of Naples, in case any com motion should happen there at this juncture ; and' accordingly he repaired to Barcelona, to consult his Majesty and the duke of Argyle, as to the properest method of executing these orders, having first de tached two men of war of the third, one of the fourth, and one of the fifth rate, to cruise on the coast of Naples, with orders to assist the subjects of the house of Austria, if any attempts should be made for re ducing the garrisons of Orbitello, or Piombino. On his arrival there, he found the king not at all inclined to quit Catalonia, till such time as he had advice of his being elected emperor, in which he was promised all the assistance that could be afforded him by the high allies ; and, on the other hand, he found his Majesty equally unwilhng to part with this fleet, upon which all his hopes depended. Sir John Jennings contented himself, therefpre, vvith sailing from Barcelona, on the ISth of July, for Port Mahon, where he arrived on the 18th, having first of all prO'^ mised the king of Spain, to return assoon as the ships were refitted, and he had taken in a proper supply of provisions, which began to grow very scarce; and this promise he exactly performed by the 26th, when we find him again in the road of Barcelona, with one second, five third, and one fourth rate, besides sevej}, OF QUEEN ANNE. 433 Dutch men of war, under the command of Vice- admiral Peiterson, having ten other ships, most of the line, abroad on necessary service. When these had joined him he took the king of Spain on board, having then a fleet of twenty-four ships of war, and landed him in ten days time at Genoa; from whence the admiral sailed to Leghorn, being in great want of cables and other stores, in order to procure such as the place vvould afford ; and while he was there, two of our captains brought in two rich prizes from the Levant. His excellency continued in that port to the 2d of November, when he sailed for Vado Bay, and hav ing embarked the forces that were ready to proceed for Catalonia, he sent them under the protection of five men of war and two fire-ships, to Barcelona, under the command of Captain Swanton, with whose squadron, and three Dutch ships of war, the admiral sailed as far westward as Cape Roses ; and was then to repair to Port Mahon, vvhere Captain Swanton was ordered to join him, as soon as he had seen the transports in safety, that the admiral might be able to make a detachment for protecting the coasts of Portugal; as also some ships to cruise in the Straits' mouth, for the security of our trade. When the admiral had made the island of Minorca, the wind blew excessively hard from the north-east, which obliged him to come to an anchor on the north side of the island, where most of the ships sails blew away from their yards ; but he got, however, the next day into Port Mahon. On his arrival he was informed, by the captains of two ships he found there, that they had heard a great firing of guns all the night before ; upon which he sent the Chatham and AVin- chelsea, the next morning, to see what they could discover; who soon brought an account, that the Dutch vice-admiral, with his squadron, vvas in the offing, together with four British ships. These ships of purs were the Hampton-Court, com* VOL, III, F F 434 NAVAL HISTORY manded by Captain Mighells; the Sterling-Castle, the Nottingham, the Charles galley, and the Lynn, which came from the coast of Catalonia, and in their passage had fallen in with tvvo French meri of war, the Thoulouse, and the Trident, each of fifty guns, and four hundred men. The Hampton-Court came up with the first of them, and engaged her two hours, to whose commander, by the time the Stirling-Castle was within musket*shot, which was about ten at night, she struck; but by the advantage of little winds, the Trident got away with her oars. The Hampton-Court's masts being much wounded in the fight, they, by the. violence of the weather, came next day all by the board, so that she was tovved into port by the Sterling-Castle. The first captain of the Thoulouse, was M. Grand Pre, and the second captain Rigby, an Englishman, who had formerly bore command in our fleet. From the former of them the admiral accepted his parole of honour for six months ; but the latter he detained, although M. Grand Pre assured him he was naturalized in France, and was become a Roman Catholic ; but some way or other he found means to escape, and it was be lieved he got on board a ship bound for Genoa, which lay in the harbour of Mahon. About the same time, the Restoration, a ship of seventy guns, Avas lost on the back side of the Mallora, off Leg horn, but all her officers and men were saved ; nor did it fall out better with a settee, that had on board to the value of four thousand crowns, wliich she wasr bringing from one of the ports of Corsica. The French having at present no fleet in f^e Me diterranean, the admiral was at liberty to employ his ships in such a manner, as might best answer the purpose of protecting Catalonia, and incommoding the enemy ; which he accordingly did, till towards the end of the year he received advice, that the French were busy at Toulon, in fitting out a consir derable force, which was to put to sea in the spring, 6f QUEEN ANNE. 485 of which the admiral took all the care he could to bie particularly informed, and at last received a cer tain account, that this squadron was to consist of eleven or twelve ships, of which eight were of the line, and three or four were frigates ; that they were to proceed first to Cadiz, and from thence to the West Indies. Upon this, the admiral, on the 21st of February, held a council of war, in which, upon a strict examination, it was found, that the ships under his command, could not put to sea till supplied with provisions from Italy ; and therefore a frigate was dispatched to Vice-admiral Baker, then at Lisbon, with this intelligence, that he might strengthen the convoy of the store-ships and victuallers sent from thence, and at the same time it was resolved, that as soon as the English and Dutch ships arrived from Italy, the admiral should cruise between Port Mahon and Cape De Gatt, not only for the protection of the convoy, but in order to intercept the enemy. This necessary supply of provisions, and naval stores, arriving safe at Port Mahon, and the admiral having intelligence from all sides, of the great naval preparations of the enemy, it vvas determined in a council ofwar, held on the 1 1th of March, to put to sea with one second, three third, two fifth rate, and two fire ships of ours, and nine ships of the States- General, and to cruise ten or twelve leagues from Cape Toulon, until more certain advice of the enemy could be bad. Captain Walpole, in the Lion, joining the fleet from Genoa, and informing them, that he had seen in his passage nine tall ships to the N. W. of the island of Minorca ; it was resolved in a coun cil ofwar, held on the 23d of March, to proceed to the southward of Majorca and Ivica, in order to in tercept the enemy, if it was possible, between that and Cape St. Martin, in their passage down the Straits. Obtaining, however, no further intelligence, he came to an anchor on the first of April off the island of Formentara, from whence he sent two clean F F 2 438 NAVAL HISTORY ships to look into the bays of Denea, Xabea, and Altea, as also into Alicant road ; and in case they brought Him no advice, it was determined to sail im mediately to Barcelona. This was accordingly done, and on his arrival there, and hearing nothing of the French, he sent a clean frigate to look into the har bour of Toulon, in order to discover what they were doing there, with a resolution, upon the return of that ship, to proceed to Port Mahon, there to re- victual, and then to stand over to the Italian coast, in order to bring from thence a new supply of troops to Catalonia. We are now to proceed to an account of what was done this jear in the West Indies, where, when we spoke last of affairs in those parts, we left Commo dore Littleton with a strong squadron under his com mand. This gentleman was extremely well qualified for the station ; he had all the abilities and experi ence that could be wished for in a sea-officer, and yet was as ready to ask, and receive advice, as if he had neither. On his first arrival in those parts, which was in the month of November, 1710, he took all the care that was possible, to obtain proper intelligence of the motions of the galleons, which were still at Car thagena ; and at the same time he neglected nothing that the merchants thought requisite, either for the security of their trade in those parts, or for the safe convoy of such ships as from time to time were sent home ; so that, during his stay at Jamaica, there were few or no complaints, but every body studied to mind his own business, and to discharge, when called upon, his duty in the public service. The desire of taking the galleons, vvas what prin cipally occupied the thoughts of the commodore, and as he vvas frequently perplexed with false intelligence, he stationed the Nonsuch and the Roebuck, on the Spanish coast, giving orders to Captain Hardy, who commanded the former,- to dispatch the Roebuck to Jamaica, vvith any certain intelligence he could ob- OF QUEEN ANNE. 437 tain, either as to the time when it was proposed the galleons should sail, or the strength of the convoy that was to accompany them. These orders were faithfully executed, though very little intelligence, except that the gafleons had as yet no convoy, could, for many months, be procured. In May, 1711, the commodore received an account from the masters of some vessels from Madeira, that M. Du Casse, with a squadron under his command, had been seen from that island. Soon after, a Spanish sloop was taken, in which was a letter from the governor of Carthagena, expressing his hopes, that M. Du Casse vvould shortly arrive vvith seven sail of stout ships, in order to convoy the galleons. Upon this, the commodore immediately sent an advice-boat to recall the Nonsuch, and, in the mean time, began to prepare for an expedition, resolving not to lose this opportunity of attacking the French squadron, and having a chance for making prize of some of the galleons. The Jersej^, commanded by Captain Vernon, was then cruizing to the Avindvvard of Jamaica, and hav ing taken a Fiench ship belonging to the port of Brest, which carried thirty guns, and one hundred and twenty men, he carried her into Jamaica, on the 23d of May. The captain of this vessel informed the commodore, that he had been trading on the coast of New Spain, from whence, proceeding to Port Lewis, in Hispaniola, where he put on shore the money he had taken, he was sailing from thence to Petit Guavas, in order to take in there a cargo for France, when he fell into tbe hands of Captain Ver non. He added, that he sailed from Port Lewis on the 20th, in company with M. Du Casse, who was gone for Carthagena, and that his squadron consisted of one ship of seventy-four guns, another of sixty, one of fifty, one of twenty-four, and one of twenty ; but Captain Hardy arriving on the 27tb, assured Mr. Littleton, that two ships of the French squadron, one 438 NAVAL HISTORY of which vvas the Gloucester, of fifty guns, formerly taken from us, and another of forty-four, arrived at Carthagena, ten days before, and waited for M. Du, Casse, who designed, as soon as the galleons could be ready, to sail with them for the Havannah, and from thence to Cadiz. Upon this. Captain Veijion was sent over to the coast of New Spain ; and returning on the 4th of July, reported, that on the 28th of June, he had looked into the port of Carthagena, where he saw; twelve ships, six rigged, and six unrigged, and five sloops ; the six ships that were rigged, he informed the commodore, were the St. Michael, of seventyr four guns; the Hercules, of sixty ; the Griffin, of fifty ; two small frigates, and the vice-admiral of the galleons, which carried sixty guns : and that, of the ships that were unrigged, there weve two at the up per end of the harbour, preparing for sea, one of which he believed to be the Minion, of fifty guns, and another of forty, the rest he took to be trading vessels. Upon the 15th of July, the commodore sailed with one third rate, four fourth rates, and a sloop fo^' Carthagena; and arriving on the coast of New Spain on the 26th, he discovered five ships to thg leeward, which he Chaced into Boca Chica, at the entrance of Carthagena harbour. Upon this, he stood off to sea the greatest part of the night; but stretching in to the shore next rnorning, chaced' four ships, and about six came up with the vice-admiral of the galleons, and a Spanish merchant ship ; and as M. Du Casse had taken most of tfie money out of the galleon, having some suspicion of the command ing officer on board her ; so vvas this vety carraclc the same which had escaped from Mr. Wager, as hath been before related ; and coming froiii Carthagena, in compariy with some French ships of war, it hap-r pened she was separated from them, and believing- <3ur ships to be those wjth M. Pu Cass?, as her com* OF QUEEN ANNE. 439 mander said, lay by the greatest part of the day, and when Mr. Littleton came near, hoisted Spanish co lours, and a flag at the fore-top-mast-head, so that between five and six at night, the Sahsbury's prize, commanded by Captain Robert Harland, engaged her ; soon after which, the Salisbury, commanded by Captain Francis Hosier, did the same.* The commodore being within pistol shot, was just going to fire into her when they struck their colours ; and the Jersey, going after one of the merchant ships, took her ; the Nonsuch chacing the other, she es caped in the night. The vice-admiral of the galleons, being wounded by a small shot, died soon after. M. Du' Casse had taken most of the money out of the galleon, except what was found in some boxes which belonged to private persons. She had sixty brass guns mounted, and three hundred and twenty-five men ; and the ship which the Jersey took, was a ves sel belonging to the merchants, of about four hun dred tons, and twenty-six guns, laden for the most part vvith cocoa and wool. The prisoners, by the de=- scription given to them of the ships which were seen by the commodore, the day he came off Carthagena, assured him, they were those with M, Du Casse, and that he had been out of Carthagena but tvvo daj's, being separated from the Spanish vice-adm,iral, aud nine merchant ships, the day after he came out ; and since Mr. Littleton was well assured that he intended to touch at the Havannah, it was determined to cruize a little to the leeward of Point Pedro shoals, as the most proper place for intercepting*them, until such time as further intelligence could be gained from Captain Hook, of the Jamaica sloop, who was sent over to the coast with some Spanish prisoners. * It is of consequence where we can come at such distinct rela tions as this is, for the use of young officers, to whom they are ac ceptable. It would be of service, and indeed cf great service, if a distinct and clear narrative of every expedition, drawn, or at least signed by the commanding ofiicer, was deposited in the Admiralt^^ as vvell as a Sea Journal. 44© NAVAL HISTORY About this time the French formed a very memora ble design of attacking the Leeward Islands, and this, with the natural strength of their own colonies ; for which purpose they assembled, in tbe month of May and June, about tvvo thousand men in Martinico ; these they embarked on board the following vessels, •ciz. a large ship of thirty-six guns, a hag-boat of twenty-four guns, two merchant ships, and nine pri^ vateer sloops. They put to sea on the 10th of June, with an intent to land on the island of Antigua ; but they were scarcely clear of their own island, before they met with her Majesty's ship the Newcastle com manded by Captain Bourn, who attacked them so briskly, that, notwithstanding it was a calm, and they lay in such a manner, as that it was impossible for him to bring his broadside to bear upon them ; yet, after an action of three hours, in which the French lost sixty-four men, he obliged them to re linquish their enterprise, and to take the opportunity of the first little breeze that sprung up, to return into one of the ports of their own islands. Unwilling, however, absolutely to abandon their design, they refitted their vessels, and beat up for volunteers, and) on the 16th, landed nearly fifteen hundred men on the island of Montserrat ; they de barked these troops about twelve at night, and be gan to plunder the adjacent country ; but being in formed that Captain Bourvi sailed from thence that very day, and was expected again the next, they em barked in such a hurry, that they left fifteen or twenty of their men behind them, who were made prisoners by the inhabitants of the island, and thus ended this project, through the courage and conduct of this worthy commander. The French, however, did not escape totally unchastised for this mischief,' for Captain Lisle, in her Majesty's ship the Diamond, having notice of their situation, and suspecting that some of their transports vvould very soon put to sea, he kept cruizing, together with the Panther, and ano- OF QUEEN ANNE. 441 ther of her Majesty's ships, at a small distance from the coast, and in a short time took three of them, besides other prizes so that the enemy were effectually cured of their inclinations to make descents for this year. To return now to Commodore Littleton, who having sent away the homeward-bound trade in the month of August, under the convoy of the Nonsuch, returned again to his cruizing station, in the latter end of the same month. He had not been long at sea, before the captain of the Medw^ay's prize, whom he had sent to Blewfields-bay in Jamaica, brought him advice, that the master of a trading vessel had lately made oath before Lord Archibald Hamilton, then governor of Jamaica, that eighteen French men of war, having a large number of transports vvith sol diers under their convoy, arrived lately at Martinico, from whence, it was believed, they would very speedily sail, to make an attempt upon Jamaica. This intelligence induced the commodore to sail instantly back to the island, where the governor assured him, there was not a word of truth in the story. This accident, however, had a very ill effect, since at that very instant M. Du Casse, with his squadron, got safe into the Havannah, which he could not possibly have done, if the commodore had kept his station. It may be believed, that this disappointment gave him infinite disturbance, but it did not, however, hinder his cruizing for some time off the Havannah, in hopes of repairing this disaster ; in which he did not succeed. Upon his return to Jamaica, he found the Thetis, a French man ofwar, lately taken, arrived from New England; and soon after Captain Lestock, in the Weymouth, from the same place, Avith a small priva teer, which he had taken on the coast of Porto Rico, in his passage. There were at this time many mer chant ships ready to sail home, with vvhom the com modore sent the Anglesea, Fowey, and Scarborough ; 444 NAVAL HISTORY the last-mentioned ship had been taken from the French by the two former, upon the coast of Guinea, where not long before, the French had taken her from us. Thus ended the operations of the naval campaign for this year in the West In dies. But, before we leave America, it is necessary that we should enter into a circumstantial account of that famous expedition agaijist the French set-r tlements in Canada, which makes so great a figure in the French histories, and pn which we find so many reflections made in our own ; the subject indeed is both intricate and unpleasant, neverthe less it is ejftremely necessary to set it in a clear light; since, notwithstanding its miscarriage, through a concurrence of unforeseen, as well as unlucky ac cidents, it was certainly one of the best intended, and very far from being one of the worst contrived de signs that was set on foot during this war, and, therefore, we hope the reader vvill not think an im partial relation of the whole affair unworthy of his at-; tention. The disturbance given us by the French in North America, and the apprehensions our colonies were under, from the strength of their settlements in Ca-? nada, have been so often mentioned, that I think I need not insist upon them here : I shall content my-r self, therefore, with observing, that the earl of Go dolphin had often expressed a strong desire of at tempting something of consequence in this part of the world, that might exalt our own character, and humble the haughtiness of the enemy. Sir Hovenden Walker informs us, that he was consulted by that great minister, in reference to this design ; yet I very much doubt, whether the vvhole of it was then com municated tp him, since it is very certain, that it was not either he, or General Hill, who were to have been employed in the expedition, as it was then intended ; but Sir Thomas Hardy was to have commanded the OF QUEEN ANNE, 443 fleet, and the land forces vvere to have been under General Macartney. It has been remarked by Bishop Burnet, and some other writers, that the whole of thi§ design was concerted without any application to, or consent of parliament ; and this, that prelate says, was the more inexcusable, because it was contrived and carried into execution, at a time when the par liament vvas sitting. * The force of this objection, I must confess, I do not see ; for if expeditions of such a nature, vvith all the estimates of expences necessary for rendering them effectual, were to be laid before parliament be fore they could be undertaken, I think it must be obvious to every intelirgent reader, that this would afford such an opportunity of opposing designs of this nature at home, and making all the world ac quainted with them abroad, that it would be after wards seldom advisable to execute them. But there is another remark made by Mr. Burchet, which appears to have a better foundation. He says, that this design was industriously concealed from the lords of the Admiralty, as long as it was possible, and that at last they were trusted only with the executive part, and not at all vvith the direction ; * The Bishop's account runs thus : " An expedition was de signed by sea, fpr taking Quebec and Placentia, and, for that end, five thousand men were brought from Flanders. Hill, who was brother to the favourite, had the command. There was a strong squadron of men of war ordered to secure the transport fleet; they were furnished from hence with provisions, only for three months ; but they designed to take in a second supply at New England. A commissioner of the victualling then told me, he could not guess what made them to be sent out so ill furnished, for they had stores lying on their hands for a full supply."— Mr. Oldmixon writes with less resentment; he attributes this project originally to Go vernor Nicholson, and I believe with truth ; he says, the four In. dian chiefs, who were brought over hither, and presented to the queen, solicited it strongly ; and, in fine, that it had been certainly a very good ])roject, if it had fallen into good hands. But, he in- sinuiites, that it was made a job ; the contrary of which, I think, Will appear by the citation in the next note. 444 NAVAL HISTORY for otherwise, he thinks, it must have been impossible that such large ships should have been ordered for an expedition into the river of St. Lawrence, which was well known to their lordships to be so hazardous a navigation, and for which, therefore, ships bf such a burden were altogether unfit.* This remark, I say, has greater weight with me, because it plainly proves, that how right soever the intention of a ministry may be, in endeavouring to preserve an absolute secrecy as to designs of this sort; yet, in case of any miscarriage, their conduct will be always liable to great imputations, where they avoid communicating their councils to such * How far the following account of this matter, taken from a letter of Mr. Secretary St. ' John's, to Sir Hovenden Walker^ dated April 17, 1711, will obviate even this objection, I must leave to the reader ; with this observation, however, that if the sentiments contained in it were not sincere, the writer must have been the greatest dissembler in the world. — " The Humber and Devonshire will proceed with you ; of those which are ordered to cruize in the Soundings, it will not, I doubt, be possible for you to be joined by any. The lords of the Admiralty, you find, look on these additional ships as given you for the expedition, and it is fit they should do so ; but when you are got far enough into the sea, you are to send back two of the ten sail, and if you find any of the eight first, appointed to compose your squadron, not fit for the voyage, as the Torbay is reported not to be, you may, in such case, send home the ship which is unfit, taking which you shall like best of the two additional ships in lieu of her. The messenger who Lrings this packet, is ordered to stay till dispatched back again by Mr. Hill and yourself. I must tell you, that I find her Ma* jesty extremely impatient to hear you are sailed, and concerned lest you should lose the advantage of this easterly wind. I hope, therefore, by the return of the messenger, yon will inform me exactly when you shall be ready to proceed. I have nothing more to add, but to recommend all possible expedition to you, upon which, morally and probably speaking, your success entirely de pends. That you may have a prosperous voyage, and be, together with Mr. Hill, the instruments of doing so much honour, and bringing so much advantage to your country, as are proposed by the attempt you arc ordered to make, is the liearty prayers of, " Sir, yours, &c." OF QUEEN ANNE. 445 branches of the administration, as seem to have a right to regulate and direct them.* In respect to this design upon Quebec, it seems to have been principally under the direction of the Lord Viscount Bolingbroke, then Mr. Secretary St. John, by whose interest, I suppose, Sir Hovenden Walker, rear-admiral of the white, was appointed to command in chief, and General Hill, vvho was brother to Lady Masham, was likewise appointed commander of about five thousand land-forces, tbat were to be employed in this design. As it was the first, and, indeed, the only great undertaking of the new ministry, I cannot believe but that they were in earnest, and really in hopes of raising their reputation, by giving an extra ordinary blow to the French power in those parts ; which I conceive must evidently appear, if we con sider the great force employed for this purpose, and which will be best made known to the reader, by giving him, in a note,f Sir Hovenden Walker's line * One may fairly collect from thiS, that the ministers who con certed this scheme, were not only thoroughly in earnest, but also extremely sanguine in respect to its success, otherwise they would never have taken this method ; and surely there was nothing crirai. nal in desiring to recover Canada out of the hands of the French, or in proposing, for the protection and security of our own colo nies, to drive them entirely out of North America, which was the avowed design of this enterprise, and would have been a signal benefit to Great Britain. Ships. Commanders. Men. Guns. + Torbay Captain Moody, 500 80 Monmouth Mitchell, 400 70 Sunderland Gore, 365 60 Diamond Lisle, 190 40 Devonshire Arris, 520 80 Edgar Sir Hovenden Walker, "1 . . „ _„ Captain Soans, / Humber CuUiford,'' 520 80 Montague Walton, 365 60 Kingston Winder, 365 60 Swiftsure Cooper, 400 70 Daukirk ,. Butler, 365 60 ¦446 l^AVAL HISTORY of battle, as we find it in the appendix to his own account. The instructions given by her ISIajesty to Sir Ho- Venden Walker, required him, as soon as the general and troops vvere embarked, to proceed lo Boston di rectly, without touching at any place whatsoever ; and, if he°judged it convenient, he was to detach, in his passage, a ship of war, with the artillery, stores, clothes, and other necessarfes, to New York ; but, if he found this inexpedient, he was to send them from Boston. On his arrival at that place, he was to take the Leopard and Sapphire under his command, and in case tbe general thought it necessary, he was to assist him in exchanging the garrison of Annapolis Royal, and in transporting the old garrison, with stores, back to New England. He was, when at Boston, to take under his care all transport vessels, ketches, hoys, boats, and other necessaries, provided in New England ; and as soon as the forces from hence, and those raised there, should be on board, he was to sail vvith them all into the river of St. Lawrence, up to Quebec, in order to attack that place ; and being ar rived, to make a proper disposition of the ships for that purpose, as well of such as might be fit to em ploy before the town, as others ; upon consulting with the general, to pass that place, and proceed up the river towards the lake, not only to prevent any com munication vvith Quebec, but to protect the canoes and boats, with the forces from New York ; to which end, he vvas empowered to convert some of the small vessels sent from hence, or New England, into fri gates, suitable to the navigation of the upper part of Together with the Bedford-Galley frigate. Basilisk and Granada bombs, with the Experiment, the bombs telider. There were, besides, thirty-three transports, with the regiments of Brigadier Hill, Colonel Windress, Colonel Clayton, Colonel Kane, Lieutenant-general Seymour, Colonel Disney, Colonel Kirk, and a battalion of marines, under the command of Colonel Charles Churchill, making in all upwards of five thousand men, and eight transports and tenders belonging to the train. OF QUEEN ANNE. 447 the river, and to man and arm them accordingly. At New England, or elsewhere, he was to assist the general with vessels and boats proper for landing the forces, and embarking them again, but more espe cially upon his arrival at Quebec, or for transporting them from place to place. He was also ordered to send to the general such marine soldiers as should be on board the squadron, when he should demand the same, of which he was to have the chief command while employed on shore ; besides which, he was to assist him with such a number of seamen, gunners, guns, ammunition, and other stores from the ships, as he should demand for the land-service ; these sea men were to assist in drawing and mounting the can non, or otherwise as should be found necessary. He was strictly required to lose no time in proceeding to New England, and from thence to the river of St. Lawrence ; nor in putting in execution the service of Quebec: butthat, on his part, all expedition should be used in the reduction of the place, and of the coun try of Canada, or New France, and in the seasonable return of the squadron and transports. He was further instructed, which shews that this design had been very thoroughly considered, in case of suc(;!ess, to leave such a naval force as he thought proper in the river of St. Lawrence, and to make use of any of the enemy's ships that might be taken, to bring into Europe such governors, regular troops, religious persons, or others whom the general, by his instructions was directed to send away from Canada, with whatever necessaries for their transportation he should think requisite. These services- being pio- vided for, he was to take on board the general, if he should think fit to return, and such of the forces as should not be found necessary to live in Canada ; and, if the season ,of the year vvould permit, he was to pro ceed to attack Placentia, in Newfoundland, in such a manner as General Hill should direct; and this ser vice being over, he was to order ¦ the ships of war as 448 NAVAL HISTORY did not properly belong to his squadron, to their se veral stations, directing the masters of the transports, wbich he should have no further occasion for, to go and seek freight, either in ports upon the continent of America, or in the islands, in order to ease the public of the charge of them, and for the benefit of the British commerce. On the 29th of April, 171I, Sir Hovenden Walker sailed vvith the men of war and transports under his command; but coming off the Start the 1st of May, a vvesteri}' wind obliged him to put into Plymouth;* from whence he sailed again in two days time, and continued his voyage very happily towards New Eng land, where he arrived on the 24th of June, without any other accident, than tvv^oof his captains disobey- * As I have all along endeavoured to treat every subject that fell in my way as impartially as possible, so I think it my duty to give the reader here a letter from Lord Bolingbroke to the admi ral, which, I think, evidently proves, that this minister had the de- sign as much at heart as any man in his station could have. " SIR, " The wind being come about to the south, I take it for granted, that this letter will find you at Plymouth, or at Torbay, the usual bane of our maritime expeditions. You must allow me to tell you, that the queen is very uneasy at the unaccountable loss of time in your stay at Portsmouth ; and, if the Devonshire could not be refitted sooner, you ought rather to have left her behind, than delay your sailing. If the transports were the occasion of this misfortune, the commissioners, or masters, of them arc to blame, and should be complained of. I take it for granted, if you continue any time wind-bound, that you will be stopped for good and all ; and the whole expence and trouble will be thrown away; and that we shall make as little of our fleet this year, as we have done in former summers. In case Providence will carry \is forward in spite of our teeth, I hope the last delay will be a warning to you, and that you will improve to-day, instead of de pending upon to-morrow. If any thing is to be ordered, or done here, let me know by express, and there shall be as much expedi tion used, as I wish there had been at Portsmouth. 1 have sent to Coleby, to go wherever you are driven back, that this part of the service may have the due care taken of it. " Wlutehall, May 1, 1711. I am, Sir, &c." OF QUEEN ANNE. 449 ing his orders ; viz. Captain Soans, of the Edgar, and Captain Butler, in the Dunkirk ; they had both chaced without signal, and left the fleet, notwith standing the strict injunction of the admiral, ground ed on his instructions to the contrary. As Captain Soans had joined the fleet again the next day, he was only mulcted three months pay ; but Captain Butler, having never been seen by the fleet, till their arrival at Nantasket, near Boston, was discharged and dis missed from his command. The admiral vvas far from meeting, in New Eng land, with that hearty zeal for the service which he expected ; for being obliged to take up a great quan tity of provisions for the service of the fleet and trans ports, he found the utmost difficulty therein, as ap pears very clearly from the authentic papers inserted, or annexed by way of appendix to his account. From these it is evident, that the person who was depended upon for that service, not only refused it, but endea voured to serve his private interest, at the expence of the pubhc, by buying up great quantities on his own account, in order to vend them again to whoever should undertake to supply the fleet ; so that, by the slowness of ihe colony, and the avarice of this parti cular person, the whole expedition was ruined. The admiral and general did all that was in their povv^er, by memorials and solicitations, to remedy this inconvenience; but to little or no purpose, since the inhabitants were extremely sensible of their own in terest, aiid deaf to every thing else. General Nichol son came to Boston, and gave all the assistance that was in his power, and so did some other public-spi rited persons, without which, it had been impossible for the fleet and forces to have proceeded at all ; and, as it was, they found it impracticable to leave Boston before the 30th of July, when, with a few pilots on board, who professed their own ignorance, and went against their will, Sir Hovenden Walker sailed for Quebec. VOL. III. G a 45«f NAVAL HISTORY On the 14 th of August he reached the Bird Islands;, which lie about two hundred and fifty leagues from Cape Anne, and having sent the Chester, Leopard, and Sapphire, to cruize between Placentia and Cape Breton, an island op()osite to Newfoundland, expect ing their joining him in his passage to Quebec ; the former of these ships had taken, and sent into Boston before he sailed thence, a ship of about one hundred and twenty tons, and ten guns, that had seventy men on board, whereof thirty vvere soldiers for that garri son. The Leostoff, Feversham, Enterprise, and Tri ton's prize, all small frigates which were stationed at New York and Virginia, he ordered to join him off Cape Breton, being empowered by her Majesty's or ders so to do, if he shbuld find it necessaiy; and this he the rather did, because of the use they might be to him in his ])roceeding up the river to Quebec, which navigation most of the people with whom he had spoken, represented to be very dangerous; and, therefore, he rightly judged the Humber and Devon-^ shire, which mounted eighty guns each, too big to be ventured thither, for which reason he sent them home, and shifted his flag on board the Edgar, a ship of seventy guns. General Hill removing into the. Windsor, which carried ten less ; but since he had information that a ship of sixty guns, and another of thirty, were expected from France very suddenly, he ordered the Humber and Devonshire tp cruize on the opening of the Bay of St. Lawrence, until the last of August, and then to pursue their voyage home.. He had very fair weather until he got into the bay, when it became changeable ; sometimes thick and foggy, and at others calm, vvith little winds, and the naviga tion appeared to be intricate and hazardous. The 18th of August, when he was off Gaspfe Bay, near the entrance of the river, it blew fresh at N. W. and, for fear the transports should be separated, and blown to leeward, he anchored in the bay, where, staying for an opportunity to proceed up tne jiver, he burnt OF QUEEN ANNE. 451 a French ship that was fishing, not being able to bring her 'off. On the 20th of August, the wind veering Avesterly, the admiral had hopes of gaining a passage ; but the next day in the afternoon^ it proved foggy, and con tinued so all night, and the day following, with very little wind till towards evening, when there was an extremely thick fog, and it began to blow hard at E. and E. S. E. which rendering it impossible to steer any course with safety, having neither sight of land, nor soundings, nor anchorage, he, by the advice qf the pilots then on board him, both English and French, who were the best in the fleet, made the signal for the ships to bring to, with their heads southward, at which time it was about eight at night, believing that in this posture they should not come near the north shore, but rather have driven with the stream in the mid channel ; but, on the contrary, as they lay with their heads southward, and the winds easterly, in two hours time he found himself on the north shore among the rocks and islands, at least fifteen leagues farther than the log-line gave, where the whole fleet had hke to have been lost ; the men ofwar escaping the danger with the utmost difficulty, but eight transport-ships were cast away, and almost nine hundred officers, soldiers, and seamen, perished.* * The admiral has published the following account of the ship* and men that were lost by this unlucky accident : Ships names. Men Men Transports. lost. saved. Regiments. Isabella Anne Katherine, 192 7 or 8 Colonel Windresse Smyrna Merchant.. 200 30 Koine. Samuel and Anne 142 7 or 8 Lieut.-gen. Seymour. Nathaniel and Elizabeth 10 188 ditto. Marlborough 130 30 Colonel Clayton. Chatham 60 40 ———Windresse. Colchester 150 180 Lieut.-gen. Seymour. Gonteut, victualler .--. 15 * 884 4y9 C G 2 m NAVAL HISTORY The French pilot, who, as it was said, had feeeft forty voyages in this river, and eighteen of them in command, informed him, that when it happens to be 36 foggy as to prevent the sight of the land, it is im possible to jiidge of the currents, or to steer by any course ; for that he himself had lost two ships, and had beett afidther time cast away upon the north shore, wheti he judged himself near the south; inso»- much, that it was extremely difficult to procure men in France, to proceed on so dangerous a navigation^ since almost every year they suffered shipwreck. Sir Hovenden Walker plied two days after this ¦with fresh gales at W. and S* in order to save what men ahd stores he could, and on the 25th of August^ by the advice, and with the consent, of the gerteral,- he called a council of war, consisting of all the sea- ClRcers, in which great debates arose, most of the captains being father inclined to censure the admiral'* conduct, hi not calling a council of war befoi-g he left Boston, than to give him any reason to grow pleased with councils of war, by the advice they gave hirti in this. Sir Hovenden told them plainly, that ifhe had acted amiss in what they mentioned, he was io answer for it in another place, and that the nature of the service, and the circumstances they were in, required them to confine their deliberations to an other matter ; and, therefore, in order to cut short these unnecessary debates, he would propose the sin gle question, proper for their present consideration ; which was, whether they thought it practicable to get up~ to Quebec or not? upon which, they came unanimously to the following resolution; viz. "That, by reason of the ignorance of the pilots, it was wholly impracticable to go up the river of St. Lawrence,with the men of war and transports, as far as Quebec ; as also the uncertainty and rapidity of the currents, as by fatal experience was found." Upon this, the Sap phire, vvas sent to Boston, with an account of the ^lisfortune, and the Montague to find out the Hum- OF QUEEN ANNE. 45» ber and Devonshire, and to stop all ships bound up to Quebec ; and the Leopard being left with some sloops and brigantines, to take any men from the shore that might be saved, and to endeavour to weigh some anchors left behind, he proceeded to. Spanish Hiver, in the island of Breton, the rendezvous he had appointed, there to be perfectly informed of the state of the army and fleet, aind to settle matters for their further proceedings ; but all the ships did not join till the 7th of September. The admiral being very sensible of the reproaches that vvould be cast upon him, if, after failing in his design on Quebec, he should return home without so much as attempting Placentia, communicated his thoughts upon this subject very freely to the general, and some land officers, intimating, at the same tiriie, some doubt, whether his instructions vyoijild warrant such a conduct, without receiving fresh orders from England. General Hill agreed with him in the main, that it was a great misfortune to the nation, and very jinlucky for themselves, that hitherto they had npet with so little success in this expedition ; but was quite of a diflferent opinion, as to the return of the fleet^nd forces to England, which he judged to be absolutely in the admiral's power ; however, he advised him tp call a second councilof war, and to be determined by the opinion of the sea and land officers, to which the admiral readily agreed; and accordingly he made a sig nal for a general council of war of sea and land offi cers, on Satuwlay the 8th of September, in Spanish Jliver road ; and in this council it was unanimously determined, that any attempt upon Placentia, consi dering the lateness of the season, and their circum stances, was utteriy impracticable.* * As this resolution absolutely decided the whole business, as it contains the reasons upon which the officers concerned proceeded ; and as it fully proves the innocence of the admiral and th.e general in this affair, the whole of which it sets in a full and cjear light ; I think it necessary to transcribe this paper, with the flames of th« pfficers present at this council. 454 NAVAL HISTORY The admiral had novv nothing more to do, than to provide the best he could for his safe return home, and for the due distribution of ships aiid forces to their respective stations and garrisons throughout North America, which he seems to have performed with all the care and diligence imaginable ; aud it appears, that in the whole course bf his command, he preserved a perfect understanding with the land officers, and gave all the assistance that vvas either " The twenty.first article of her Majesty's instructions to the general, for attacking Placentia, in Newfoundland, m his return from Canada, together with the tenth article of the admiral's in structions to' the same purpose, being severally read to the council of war ; as also a letter from Colonel Dudley, governor of New England, to the admiral, touching the lateness of the preparation of provisions, now tnaking in that colony for the supply of the troops, if they had wintered at Quebec ; all which being maturely considered and debated, the question was put as follows; viz. The state of provisions for the ships of war and land forces being consi dered, which provisions not amounting to above ten weeks, at short allowance, computing if from the 12th of this instant, Sep tember, as appefirs by the agent victuallers sighed account thereofj and allowing it to be all good, and to hold out to that time, the said 12th of September, being the soonest we can sail from thence; ^nd there being no hopes of any supply from New England before the beginning of November next, at soonest, as appears by the advice received in the aforesaid letter from the governor of New England, aiid the opinion of two of the members of the council of war, who knew that country, together with the uncertainty of any provisions coming to us at Newfoundland, by reason the season of the year- is so far advanced, which makes the Navigation of that coast so dangerous ; the council of war is unanimously of opinion, fhat the attempt for reducing Placentia, under the circumstances and difficulties above-mentioned,' is at this time altogether impracti cable, and tljat it is for her Majesty's service, that the squadron and transports with the Britjsh troops, do forthwith return to Great Britain, and the forces raised in New England to tha^ colony.*' Hovenden Walker John Winder Jasper Claytop Joseph Soancs Johii Cockburn P. Kirk John Mitchell James Cook H. Disney R. Arris ' J.Hill Richard Kane G. ^yalton Charles ChurchiU Samuel Vetch Henry Gore William Windresse Cha. Walton^ G. Paddon M. Kempenfclt OF QUEEN ANNfi. 4.5& tiesired, or could be expected, to the several gover nors of our settlements in that part of the world. In his voyage home, he met with no accidents that •either retarded his passage, or added to the misfor tunes he had already met with ; but arrived safely at St. Helen's, on the ninth of October, 1711, with the fleet and transports under his command. On the 13th, the soldiers having all had their quarters assigned them, and the transports being di- ' reeled to the several ports where the regiments were to debark, the admiral, having had leave for that purpose, set out for London. On the I5tb, the ad miral's ship, in which he had hoisted his flag, the ¦Edgar, a third rate, of 70 guns, blew up at Spithead, by which several hundred seamen were lost, with all Sir Hovenden Walker's furniture, stores, and public papers, books, draughts, journals, charts, &c. the of ficers original demands, supplies, and receipts ; which was certainly a very great misfortune to him, and such a one as did by no means deserve to be height ened by any groundless or maUcious reflections; which, however, were not spared upon that melancholy oc^ casion. That very evening, Sir Hovenden waited upon Secretary St. John, who expressed an extraor dinary concern on the miscarriage of the expedition. On the igtb, the admiral was introduced to the <|ueen at Windsor, by the duke of Shrewsbury ; when her Majesty received him very kindly, gave him her hand to kiss, and said she was glad to see him. The reflections made by Mr. Secretary Burchet, upon this expedition, are so extraordinary, and so out of his usual way of writing, that I cannot help , laying them before the reader, with .a few remarks. '' Thus ended," says he, " au expedition so charge able to the nation, and from which no advantage could reasonably be expected, considering hpw un advisedly it vvas set on foot, by those vvho nursed it upon false suggestipns and representations Besiides, It occasioned our drawing from the army in Flanders, 456 NAVAL HISTORY under the command of his grace the duke of Marl borough, at least six thousand men ; where, instead of beating up and down at sea, they might, under his auspicious conduct, have done their country ser vice. Nay, there may be added to the misfortunes abroad, an unlucky accident which happened even at their return on our coast, for a ship of the squadron, called the Edgar, of 70 guns, had not been many days at an anchor at Spithead, 'ere, by what cause is unknown, she blew up, and all the men which were on board her perished.* The first part of this observation is taken from Sir Hovenden Walker's letter; but whereas he says plainly, that as the scheme was contrived by the peo ple of New England, so it was ruined through their ill conduct ; yet, as it stands with Mr. Burchet, it looks rather like a reflection on the administration. The design itself was undoubtedly good; it was thought of before; it was attempted soon after the revolution. All thinking; men in North America saw not only the expediency, but the necessity of it, and that, in fact, the thing stood thus: vve must either use our superiority for the destruction of the French, or expect destruction from them, when, through ouir neglect, and their own diligence, they became supe rior to us. It was, therefore, no objection at all, either to the administration, or to Admiral Walker, that their thoughts were so much bent on a matter of * See his Naval History, p. 781. What seems to have drawn so much resentment upon Sir Hovenden Walker was, his being considereJas a favourite of this administration. At the change of the ministry, he was superintendant at Plymouth, and was pro moted to the vacant flag in the month of March 1711, as he tells us himself, out of regard to seniority. In the month of April he was knighted, and appointed commander-in-chief of this expedition, in which his conduct appeared so little blameable to her Majesty, and her council, that, as we shall see hereafter, he was again ap pointed commander-in-chief in the West Indies, in order to re. lieve Commodore Littleton, and discharged his trust there mth great reputation. OF QUEEN ANNE. 45? so high consequence to the commerce and navigation of Great Britain; especially at such a juncture, when, if we had succeeded in our design, the pos session of Canada must have been yielded to us by a peace. The short victualling of the fleet, which some have interpreted as a proof that the ministry were not in earnest, was, in fact, an evidence of the contrary ; for, if they had intended to make a shew only, they would most certainly have victualled the fleet for the whole voyage. But then, this would have discovered the design long before they sailed ; and it is most certain, that by following the contrary method, the secret was very well kept. In the next place, it is no less certain, that Sir Hovenden arrived in Boston in very good time ; and if the people of New England, instead of that backwardness which they expressed, and which, as appears from some intercepted letters, Avas in part conceived to be occasioned by the in trigues of some French agents among them ; I say, if, instead of this backwai'dness, they had shewn that zeal, that, from their duty to their mother-country, their own warm professions, and the interest they had in the execution of this design, might well have been expected, the scheme could not have failed. So that, upon the whole, there is not the least ground for saying, that the land troops were worse employed under the command of General Hill, than they would have been in Flanders under the duke of Marlborough ; I say, there is no ground for affirm ing this, unless it can be supposed, that the Dutch barrier is actually, and bona fide, of greater conse quence to this nation, than our colonies and com merce ; and I must, for my own part, corifess, that I can never be much prepossessed in favour of a writer of naval history, who would insinuate such things to his reader. Yet all he says of this sort, is a very trifle, whea compared with that most injurious sugg-estion, 458 NAVAL HISTORY as to the blowing up of the Edgar,* which was the highest misfortune to the admiral, and therefore it is barbarous in the last degree to impute it to him as a disgrace ; nay, the very turn given to it, is as silly as it is malicious ; for if the loss of the Edgar had been a thing contrived, it might in all probability have been discovered ; whereas, being purely accidental, and all the men in her being blown up, it was simply impossible the cause of this accident should ever be known. Another party writer has treated this expedition as severely, but with more wit, spirit, and decency, than the secretary ; and to shew my impartiality, I have inserted his reflections at the bottom of the pagcf * The blowing up of the Edgar, on the 15th of October, was certainly a very dreadful accident; since, besides her crew, there were forty or fifty people from Portsmouth and Gosport, wha went to see their friends. The commission officers had the good . fortune to be on shore. What made it still the worse was, that our seamen had a notion of its being very ominous, because it was the oldest ship in the navy ; and some went so far as to affirm, that it was actually the ship in which King Edgar sailed, some part of the old vessel being constantly preserved every time that she had been rebuilt, so that these were all ingredients towards mj.gnifying tha , disasters of the Canada expedition ; aqd 1 n)uch wonder ^bat thii tradition did not find a place in ftlr. Burchet's history. + The author referred to in the text, Dr. Hare, was then a reve rend divine, and afterwards a right reverend prelate of our church, who, in a treatise intitled, The Allies and the late Ministry defended against P" ranee, p. 58. writes thus: " It was plain, by the ac. count given of the expedition, that it was not merely an accident, or any treachery, that was the cause of the miscarriage; but a complication of many difficulties. For first, continues he, we are told, that the river St. Laurence is navigable only at one time of . the year. We let that slip ; but if we had nick'd the time, we could not have sailed up that river without very able pilots. We had none : if we had taken the proper time, and been provided with good pilots, none but sliips of a certain burden can go up the river ; all our meri of war were too big. But if time, and pilots, and ships had been the most proper for tlie enterprise, we should have had provisions for more months, than we had weeks, to sub sist the fleet and troops during the winter. And what is more, if ¦ we had gone in the proper time ; if wc had had good pilots, if wa OF QUEEN ANNE. 459 Happy would it be for us, if less of party, and more of public spirit, appeared in our historians; if the de sign of every expedition was impartially represented, and justice done to such commanders as did their best to serve the nation, and were disappointed by acci dents, that they could not either foresee or avoid. We are now to return home, and to consider what •passed inparliament, and elsewhere, relating to the subject of this work ; and, in the first place, we are to observe, that as the pariiament sat very late in the summer, so great pains were taken to discover as many oversights in the conduct of the late ministry, and that in as many branches of the public business as it was possible. Among these, the commons, on the 4th of June, 1711, thought fit to introduce the affairs of the fleet in the following terms : - " With regard to the debt of the navy, we find that one great discouragement and burden, which that part of the service has lain under, has been from a li berty that has been used of diverting sev^eral sums is sued to that service, and transferring them to other purposes, for which they were not intended ; parti cularly, that the sum ofsix hundred and six thousand, eight hundred and six pounds, seven shillings and seven pence, belonging to the navy, has been paid for provisions supplied to land forces sent to Spain and Portugal^ and for the garrison of Gibraltar; for which no deductions have been made from the pay of those forces, nor any part of that sum re-assigned to the victualling, notwithstanding the several acts of ]>arliament provided, and the many letters written, and representations made to the treasury in that be half This unjustifiable proceeding has been a discou ragement to the seamen, occasioned the paying ex- had carried proper ships, and had lain in sufficient provisions, it is said the enemy were so well provided for a defence, that our fprces "were not sufficient ; though both troops and officers were sp §.oodj that nothing would have been wanted on their side." 460 NAVAL HISTORY « travagant rates upon contracts, and has very much contributed to sink the credit of the navy. " To this we may add, the many notorious em^ bezzlements, and scandalous abuses, vvhich appear to have been practised, as well in the management ^f your Majesty's brewhouse, as in the contracts for fur-r nishing the navy with heer. We have already pre- surned to address your Majesty, that several persons, whom we discovered to have been guilty of those frauds, should be prosecuted at law for their offences, and we entirely rely upon your Majesty's most gra cious assurance, that those prosecutions shall be ef fectually carried on : but we must also, upon this occasion, beg leave further to represent to your Ma-r jesty, that the commissioners appointed to take care of the victualling your Majesty's navy, have been guilty of great negiigence and remissness in their duty; for the instructions which go along with that com^i. mission, are so well adapted to the preventing those very abuses which have been committed, that nothing but a notorious mismanagement in that office, and an inexcusable neglect in pursuing those instructions, could have given way to the great loss the public has sustained in that part of the service." To this the queen was pleased to give the follow ing very gracious answer : " Gentlemen, this representation g;ives me fresh assurances of your zeal for my service, and for the true interest of your countiy. It contains many par ticulars. I will take them all into serious considc'- ration, and give the necessary directions to redress the grievances you complain of Be assured, that your advice, upon all occasions, has the greatest weight with me." The change of the ministry, ^nd the change of measures, made it extremely requisite to countenance, in the highest degree, whatever had the appearance either of public frugality, or encouraging our naviga-. tion, commerce, and influence abroad, such an iu" OF QUEEN ANNE. 461 fluence, I mean, as might be beneficial to our trade ; and with a view to these, the commons followed their representation, upon the 7th of the same month, with the following resolutions to address the queen, ' ' To appoint persons to inquire into the number and qua lity of the forces in her Majesty's pay in Spain and Portugal, and to examine the state of the payments and accounts relating to the said forces, and to the garrisons and fortifications of Gibraltar and Port Ma hon ; and also the accounts of the agent victuallers, and commissioners of stores in those parts." They also resolved to present two other ; one, " That she would be pleased to take such measures as her Majesty should judge most proper, for supporting the settlements in Africa, and preserve the African trade, till some other provision be made by parlia ment for the same ; and that her Majesty would take into consideration the nature of that trade, and how it might be best carried on for the service of the king dom." The other, " That an account be laid before this house the beginning of next session of parlia ment, of the distribution intended to be made of the debentures directed to be delivered by the commis sioners of trade and plantations, for the relief of the sufferers in the islands of Nevis and St. Christopher's, and the re-settlements made there by the said suf ferers." The business of the nation having been thus sufficiently provided for, the queen thought proper, on the 12th of the same month of June, to put an end to the session by a prorogation. In the recess of parliament, the new ministry was Completed, and they had time to form and regulate their designs. Robert Harley, Esq. who was then at the head of it, had, a little before the rising of the houses, been created earl of Oxford, and earl Mor timer, and had the staff of lord high-treasurer deli vered to him, in order to give the greater lustte to his ministry, and Charles Benson, Esq. was consti* tuted chancellor and under-treasurer of the Exche- 46a NAVAL HISTORY # quer. A new commission was gran ted. for the board of trade and plantations, at the head of which was Charles earl of Winchelsea; ahd the lord-keeper Harcourt, was raised to the degree of a baron of this realm. Such other promotions were made as best suited with the designs of the new ministry, who, towards the end of the year, shewed plainly their inclination to a peace ; which, however, they were forced to manage with very great caution. Neither was it without much anxiety, that they considered the ap proach of the next session of parliament, early in the month of EXecember, as indeed they had good reason, since itwas known, before the meeting of the houses, that the lords would very strongly represent against the ihaking any peace, by which Spain and the West Indies were left to the house of Bourbon. On the 7th of December, the queen opened the session with a speech, in which she spoke much of peace; of the improvement of commerce; of easing the people ; of reforming abuses ; of maintaining the poor ; and, in short, of ev^ery thing that was proper to conciliate the minds of moderate people, who were not so solicitous about parties, as desirous of seeing their country happy. The House of Lords entered, however, upon the measures that were expected ; but the commons complied more readily with the incli nations of the court; and as soon as the estimates were laid before them, came to a resolution, that 40,000 seamen, including 8000 marines, should be employed for the sea service, and that 180,000/. should be granted for tbe ordinary of the navy. They likewise granted all that was re'quired for the service of the war, and made provisions for raising the mighty sum given for the services of that year, and which amounted to no less than 6,656,967 pounds, very early, and vvith a remarkable chearfulness ; so that it looked as if the ministry were determined to make peace sword in hand, and to take no step that might OF QUJIEN ANNE. 468- possibly encourage the enemy to think we would lay down our arms, till all the ends of the grand alliance were effectually answ^ered. Sir John Leake vvas now at the head of the Admi ralty, and in that quahty managed the business of the board in tbe House of Commons i and as the season for action advanced, he received a commission to command again in the Channel, as he had done the year before; and the command of the squadron in the Soundings vvas left to Sir Thomas Hardy, whose pro ceedings we shall next resume, as a proper introduc tion to the operations of the year 1712. The rather, because the grand fleet did little more this year, than convoy a body of troops, commanded by Lieutenant- general Hill, who were sent to take possession of Dun kirk; which service ended, they returned into the Downs ; but, as to Sir Thomas Hardy, he continued to act effectually, and to take all the care that was in his power to distress the enemy in their naval con cerns, till his diligence, in this respect, was super seded by the conclusion of the peace. Early in the spring, he had inteUigence of the re turn of M. Du Casse from America, for whom he cruized with the utmost diligence during the whole month of February ; but with little or no success, ex cept picking up novv and then some small French ves sels. He watched with the same assiduity for M. Du Guai Trouin ; but was again disappointed. In tha beginning of the month of August, Sir Thomas chaced six ships, and a tartan. One of them imme diately hoisted a broad white pennant at the main top-mast-head, shortened sail, and made a signal for the Hne of battle ; and then tacked, and stood to wards him, upon a supposition, as it was afterwards owned, that our ships were privateers from Flushing, with two prizes; but when they came nearer, and found their mistake, they kept their wind, and did all they could to make their escape, our ships pursu-, ing them with the utmost diligence. 464 NAVAL HISTORY About five in the afternoon, the admiral came up with the biggest of them, which was the Griffin, a king's ship, but then in the service of the merchants. It was commanded by the Chevalier D'Aire, knight of the order of St. Lewis, who shortened sail immedi ately, brought to, and sent some of his officers on board our flag, to inform him, that he was bound with bale goods for La Vera Cruz, and that before h© sailed from Brest, he had received letters from Paris, importing, that in a few days he might have had the queen of England's pass ; but that his friends advised him not to lose a wind, in order to wait for it ; but Sir Thomas told the lieutenant, that if they had no pass, he should look on the ship as a good prize ; and accordingly sent his own lieutenant to take posses sion of her, himself, with the other ships of his squa dron, continuing the chace. About eleven at night, the Windsor engaged the St. Esprit, a ship of thirty- six guns, and one hundred seventy-five men, laden with bale goods for Cadiz, and, about an hour after, she blew up, just as the captain had given orders to strike ; but the captain, with about thirty-five men, Avere saved by our boats. The Berwick took the Ad venture, of Havre de Grace, carrying twelve guns and forty men, bound for Newfoundland ; but the master producing the queen's pass, she had leave to continue her voyage. Tbe same ship took also the Incomparable, of sixteen guns, bound for Martinico ; and the Ruby man ofwar likewise took a small French ship of twelve' guns, which vvas also called the Ruby, bound for St. Domingo; so that of this French squa dron, only one ship of eight guns, and the Tartan, escaped. The Griffin was certainly a good prize; but our ministers were so very desirous of obliging their new friends, that, after a long suit, in order to ob tain the condemnation of the said vessel. Sir Thomas Hardy, and the rest of the captors, were obliged to accept of a sum of money, far short of the value of OF QUEEN ANNE. 4G5 the ship and cargo, which has been justly considered as a hardship upon these brave men. Vice-admiral Baker was, in the beginning of this year, at Lisbon, with a considerable squadron of our ships, from whence he sailed on the Sth of February, in order to cruize off" Cape St. INIary's. He had not been long in that station, before he ran a large Spa nish ship of sixty guns on shore, upon the Portuguese coast, the wind being at that time so high that they durst not_ venture near her. The inhabitants of the country, however, went on board and plundered her; the cargo, consisting of sugar, cocoa, snuff, hides, and twenty thousand pieces of eight. The vice-admiral presented a memorial to the King of Portugal, set ting forth his right to her, and demanding, that the effects taken in this clandestine manner, should be delivered up ; but they were so effectually secreted, that it was not in the power of the court to give him any redress. On his return to Lisbon, he found orders from England to cruize with five ships of war, for the se curity of the homeward-bound Brazil fleet, on wdiich service the court of Portugal desired he might pro ceed by the 9th of April, and that two frigates might be sent with their outward-bound East India fleet as far as the Madeiras. The vice-admiral was very wil ling to comply with this ; but the difficulty was, how to do it without departing from his orders, since he had directions from the lords of the Admiralty, to send two ships to cruize in the Straits' mouth ; how ever, he had hopes, that the Dutch comm-ander in chief would have taken care of this East India fleet. On tbe 1st of April, arrived a convoy vvith pro visions and stores from England, vvhich determined him, since the Dutch had disappointed the Portu guese in their expectations, to send a fourth rate fri gate vvith the East India ships as far as the western islands, and to ^cruize himself for the Brazil fleet, in VOL. III. 11 H 466 NAVAL HISTORY such a station, as that he might be easily joined by the before-mentioned ship ; and at the same time he dispatched Captain Maurice, with a small squadron, to cruize in the Straits' mouth. He continued criiizing about the western islands for several months, under great apprehensions, that the French squadron com manded by M. Cassard, was bound for the Brazils ; till, at last, the provisions on board his squadron being reduced to five weeks at short allowance, it was necessary for him to think of returning to Por tugal ; but being still apprehensive, that if the Bra zil fleet sailed before the French squadron, the latter Avould undoubtedly follo^v them to the Terceras, where they knew that fleet must refresh ; he resolved to continue in his station as long as it was pcssible, in order to which, he engaged the Portuguese to furnish him with three weeks fresh provisions. On the 1 1 th of September, being off the islands of Tercera, he met with a Portuguese frigate, which informed him, that he had left the fleet but three days before, and that he believed they would be that day in the road of Angra, the chief town in the island of Tercera. Soon after he had this advice, a violent storm arose, vvhich very much shattered the ships, and drove him so far, that he could not fetch the island again ; and judging that it must also have the same effect on the Brazil fleet, he made an easy sail to wards Lisbon, in order to pick up such as should be straggling from their convoys ; but had no sight or intelligence of them, till he came off the rock, when he found they arrived the very day before he made the land ; and as the cessation of arms was soon after concluded, the squadron of ships under his command was called home. Sir John Jennings at this time commanded the grand fleet in the Mediterranean, and in the month of May joined the Dutch vice-admiral with the transports, having onboard six thousand five hun- OF QUEEN ANNE, 467 idred men, which were put on shore in two days time; ^.t^d his Imperial Majesty and Count Staremberg, pressing the necessity of carrying the cavalry over from Italy it vvas resolved that the admiral shoukl return to Vado, from whence he sailed with the transports pn the 27th of July, arrived at Barcelona on the 7th of August, vvhere, soon after, he received the queen's orders for a suspension of arms, both by sea and land, and a letter from the Lord Viscount Bolingbroke, di recting him to suffer a great French corn-fleet to pass unmolested, every ship of which he must otherwise have taken ; from this time, though the adipijral was no longer concerned in mihtary operations, yet he was very far from being inactive^ since he transported the. empress vvith her retinue, fyom Barcelona to Ge-r noa, escorted thirty thousand men at tvvo embarka tions, from Catalonia to Naples, and afterwards carr ried over the duke and duchess of Savoy, from Villa-r Franca to their new kingdom of Sicily ; which, though done in the succeeding year, I mention in this place, that I may not be obliged to return into the Mediterranean, merely to speak of matters of parade. We are next, according to the method hithertQ constantly pursued, to return to the West Indies, where vve left Commodore Littleton, with a small squadron, protecting the trade, and annoying the enemy as much as his strength would permit ; but the government having certain intelligence, that the French were sending a considerable force into that part of tiie world, in order to disturb our trade, and jaerhaps to attack some of the Leeward Islands ; the court thought it necessary to send an officer of rank, with a considerable squadroji thither,, for which seiv vice they made choice of Sir Hovenden Walker; • which shews, that the administration did not con? ,ceive he had brought any stain ,upoa tjaep by his conduct in the Canada expedition. J^C received his commission in the beginning pf H n ^ -les NAVAL HISTORY the month of April, and on the 28th of the same month he sailed from St. Helen's with about an hundred merchant-ships under his convoy. He parted on the 4th of May, being then fourteen leagues from Cape Finisterre, with the Litchfield and South-Sea- Castle, and the trade bound to Portugal ; and ar riving at the Madeiras with the Monmouth, a third rate, the August and Centurion, fourth rates, the Scarborough and Roebuck, fifth rates, and a frigate of twenty guii.s, it was determined to leave the Bar badoes trade there, under their proper convoy, con sisting of the Woolwdch, Swallow, and' Lime; but that fleet,' taking in their wine sooner than usual, sailed with the squadron on the 28th of the same month for the West Indies. On the 24th of June, Admiral Walker arrived at Antigua, where the governor was more apprehensive of an insurrection among the inhabitants, than of an invasion from the French ; and indeed things were at that time in a very unsettled condition in the Lee ward Islands, where the governor, Colonel Douglas^ Avas upon almost as bad terms with the people ^s his predecessor, Colonel Parke, whom they murdered for his tyrannical behaviour. Admiral Walker promised the governor, that if any thing like an insurrection happened, he would send him any assistance he should H^quire from Jamaica ; but advised him to treat the people with lenity, and to consider, that though he was sent over with instructions to prosecute such asj- were concerned in destroying the late governor, yet this was to be done in a legal manner, and with dutf regard to the liberty of the subject, and the monstrous, provocations they had received, before they had pro ceeded to extremities, not justifiable indeed, but, at the same time, not altogether inexcusable. But this governor, who was so careful of his own safety, gave him not the least intelligence that a French squadron was expected in those parts ; though, ifhe had taken any pains to be properly informed, he might have OF QUEEN ANNE, 469 knovyn that tiie French at Martinico expected, at this very time, the arrival of M. Cassard, with nine men of war. Sir Hovenden Walker sailing from thence, arrived safely at Jamaica on the 6'th of July, where, having made the necessary dispositions for sending home the trade, and stationing properiy the ships under his command, be received when he least expected it, the new^s, by an advice-boat, of an at tempt made by the French upon Antigua and Mont serrat. This expedition of Monsieur Cassard deserves to be particularly taken notice of. He sailed from Toulon with a stout squadron of the king's ships, and is said to have had general instructions to annoy their ene mies. As there was, even at this time, a negociation carrying oh between the British and French minis ters, it is surprising that the latter did not give him orders to forbear attacking our colonies, till such time as he received intelligence from France, the neg lect of which occasioned great murmuring in Eng land^ and might have retarded the peace, if the news had arrived before it was so far advanced. M. Cassard sailed first to St. Jago, vvhich is the principal of the islands of Cape De Verde, of which he made himself master without much difficulty, and having blown up the fort, and carried ofi" whatever he could meet with, continued his voyage for the West Indies, where he arrived in the beginning of the month of July ; and having drawn together in Martinico upwards of three thousand men, he had thoughts of attacking Antigua ; but finding it very difficult to land there, he fell upon Montserrat, where he met with a very feeble resistance ; the inhabitants retir ing into the heart of the island because in the mountains they had a fortress almost inaccessible. The French continued upon the place some days, doing all the mischief possible ; but having informa tion that several of our ships were coming to the re lief of the island, they abandoned it, though not till 4^0 NAVAL HIStORY ihey had in a manner totally destroyed all the settle* rnents in it. Some mischief they did to otir trade on the coast of Antigua, but finding themselves very much dis^ liked by such as wished well to peace, they resolved to give over cruising uptm the English ; upon which they prepared every thing necessary for a longer voy-* age, and then stood over to the continent, where they attacked the Dutch settlement of Surinam, and obliged the inhabitants to pay them eight hundred thousand pieCes df eight by way of Contribution ; this ivas in the month of October; and,- in the mean time^ Captain Archibald Hamilton, in her Majesty's shi[) the Woolwich,' having received an account at Anti-* gua of the cessation of arms ; and- that the French had, ndtwithstandingj carried several prizes into Mar^ tinicO; he sent a ship thither to demand them of M. Phelypeaux, general of the French islands, who or-' dered all of them to be restored, and such goods aa had been taken out of them to be put on board again. Sir Hovenden Walker, in the inean time, repain- ed at Jamaica^ where he gave the necessary orders for the security of the trade, for cruising on the French coast, and for protecting the private conir merce of the inhabitants with the Spaniards at Porto Bello, St. Domingo, and other places. Wliile he Ivas thus eihployed, there hap|>ened, in the night of the 29th df August, a hurricane much more violent than had been felt for manv years in the island. It began about nine at night, and continued raging with the utmost vehemence till twelve. The lightning, in the mean time, covered the earth in continued gleams of sulphureous fire, the wind blowing all the time, not only with prodigious force, but with a hor rid noise. In the morning, a most dreadful prospect appeared, many houses had been blown flat upon the ground, most of tiie others stript and laid open ; trees torn up by the roots; the west end of the church ruined by the fall of its vyalls ; the governor's house ¦ OF QUEEN ANNE. 471 'ilismantled, and scarcely. a dwelling in ^he island re maining uninjured. Several people were drowned on the shore, in the tempest, the sea forcing the boats and canoes a great way upon land at Spanish-town, and washing away the houses ; so that, what with the wind and the water, there was not above two stand ing, and few or none of the ships of war, but were either driven ashore, lost their masts, or were other wise disabled. The hospital was blown down to the ground, and several of the sick people killed ; and, on the first of Se])tember, a third rate, the Mon mouth, which had been on the coast of Hispaniola, came in with jury-masts, having lost her proper masts in the violence of fhe weather, and another, if her main mast had not given vva}^ must, as her comman der believed, have instantly overset. It required some time to repair the damages which her Majesty's ships sustained by this unfortunate accident ; and, while this was doing, a very great desertion happened among our sailors, owing chiefly to the arts and in trigues of the captains of privateers, who made no scruple of preferring their private advantage to the security of commerce, and the welfare of their coun try. By the time that the disputes which these trans actions occasioned were tolerably composed. Sir Ho venden Walker received an order from the lords of the Admiralty, to return home, after having first pro claimed the cessation of arms, which he accordingly did, and, after a prosperous voyage, arrived in Dover road on the 26th of May, 1713. We are now arrived at the period of the naval ope rations in this war, and our next business will be to give an account of what advantages were gained, and of what might have been gained by the succeeding peace. It will, however, be proper, previously to this, to observe, that the administration had some disputes with their old friends, and their new ones, in "rela tion to the aflfairs of commerce, before the peace was 473 NAVAL HISTORY concluded.* In the first place, it was thought a lit tle hard that the Dutch, throughout the whole course * It will appear, in the next note, that we thought ourselves much injured by the manner in which the Dutch conducted the war at sea. Here, therefore, from the author of the "Conduct of the A Hies," I will tske notice of some complaints that were made of another na ture, with a view to have it understood, that the carrying on the war was a thing now no longer practicable. By the grand alliance be tween the empire, England and Holland, we were to assist the other two, talis viribus, by sea and land. By a convention subsequent to this treaty, the proportion which the several parties should con tribute towards the war, were adjusted in the following manner : The emperor was obliged to furnish ninety tliousand men against France, either in Italy, or upon the Rhine; Holland to bring sixty tliousand into the field in Flanders, exclusive of garrisons, and we forty thousand. In the winter, 1702, which was the next year, the duke of Marlborough proposed the raising of ten thou sand men more, by way of augmentation, and to carry on the war ¦with greater vigour ; to which the parliament agreed, and the Dutch were to raise the same number. This' was, upon a par, directly contrary to the former stipulation, whereby our part was to be a third less than theirs ; and, therefore, it was granted, with a condition, that Holland should break off all trade and commerce with France. But this condition was never executed, the Dutch only amusing us with a specious declaration till our session of par liament was ended, and the following year it was taken off by con cert between our general and the States, without any reason assign. ed for the satisfaction of the kingdom. The next, and some ensu ing campaigns, further additional taxes were allowed by parlia. ment for the war in Flanders : and, in every new supply, the Dutch gradually lessened their proportion, although the parlia ment addressed the queen, that the States might be desired to ob- ^serve them according to agreement ; which had no other effect, than to teach them to elude it, by making their troops nominal corps ; as they did by keeping up the number of regiments, but sinking a fifth part of the men and money : so that, at length, things were just inverted, and in all new levies, we contributed a third more than the Dutch; who, at first, were obliged to the same proportion more than us. Besides, the more towns we con quered for the States, the worse condition we were in towards re ducing the common enemy, and consequently of putting an end to the war. For they made no scruple of employing the troops of their quota' towards garrisoning every town, as fast as it was ta- Tsen, directly contrary to the agreement between us ; by which all garrisons were particularly excluded. This, at length, arrived, OF QUEEN ANNE. 473 of this long and expensive war, should not have fur nished their quota of ships and men in any one year; and this notwithstanding repeated expostulations with the States-general upon the subject.* With this . by several steps, to such a height, that there were not the last year in the field, so many forces under the duke of Marlborough's com mand in Flanders, as Britain alone maintained for that service ; nor had been for some years past. * This parliamentary representation was made on the 4th of March, 1712, and the paragraphs particularly referred to in the text, are these that follow: " For obtaining the ends specified in the grand alliance, the three confederate powers engaged to assist each other with their whole force, according to such proportions as should be specified in a particular convention afterwards to be made for that purpose. We do. not find that any such convention was ever ratified ; but, it appears, that there was an agreement concluded, which, by common consent, was understood to be binding upon each party respectively, and according to which the proportions of Great Bri. tain were, from the beginning, regulated and founded. Thctermi of that agreement were: That, for the service at land, his Imperial Majesty should furnish ninety thousand men ; the king of Great Britain forty thousand, and the States-general one hundred and two thousand, of which there were forty-two thousand intended to sup ply their garrisons, and sixty thousand to act against the common enemy in the field ; and, with regard to the operations of the war at seaj they were agreed to be performed jointly by Great Britain and the States-general, the quota of ships to be furnished for that service being five eighths on the part of Great Britain, and three eighths on the part of the States-general. " Upon this foot the war began in the year 1702, at which lime the whole yearly expence of it to England, amounted to three millions, seven hundred and six thousand, four hundred and ninety- four pounds. A very great charge it was then thought by your Majesty's subjects, after the short interval of ease they had enjoyed, from the burden of the former war ; but yet a very moderate pro portion, in comparison with the load which hath since been laid upon them; for, it appears, by estimates given in to your com mons, that the sums necessary to carry on the service of this pre sent year, in the same manner it was performed the last year, amount to more than six millions, nine hundred and sixty thousand pounds, besides interest for the public debt, and the deficiencies accruing in the last year ; which two articles require one million, one hundred and forty-three thousand pounds more ; so that the whole demand upon your commons is risen to more than eight millions for the present annual supply. We know your Majesty's 474 NAVAL HISTORY grievance the nation was acquainted, and expressed no small resentment thereat, notwithstanding the pains taken by the friends of the Dutch to persuade them of the contrary. To say the truth, the matter was carried very high on both sides ; for the House of Commons having re presented these omissions in our allies, as indubitable matters of fact, in order to justify the measures that were taking towards a peace ; it was but natural for tender regard for the welfare of your people, will make it uneasy to you to hear of so great a pressure as this upon them ; and as wc are assured, it will fully convince your Majesty of the necessity of our present enquiry, so we beg leave to represent to you from what causes, and by what steps, this immense charge appears to have grown upon us. " The service at sea, as it has been very large artd extensive irt itself, so it hath been carried on through the whole course of the war, in a manner highly disadvantageous to your Majesty and your kingdom ; for the necessity of affairs requiring that great fleets should be fitted out every year, as well for maintaining a superi ority in the Mediterranean, as for opposing any force which the enemy might prepare, cither at Dunkirk, or in the ports of West France .; your Majesty's example and readiness in fitting out your proportion of ships, for all parts of that service, have been so far from prevailing with the States-general -to keep pace with you, that they have been deficient every year to a great degree, in pro- portiou to what your Majesty hath furnished, sometimes no less than two thirds, and generally more than half their quota. From hence, your Majesty has been obliged, for the preventing disap pointments in the most pressing service, to supply those deficien cies by additional reinforcements of your own ships ; nor hath the single increase of such a charge, been the only ill-consequence that attended it ; for, by this means, the debt of the navy hath been enhanced, so that the discounts arising from the credit of it, have affected all other parts of the service. From the same cause, your Majesty's ships of war have been forced, in greater numbers, to continue in remote seas, and at unseasonable times of the year, to the great damage and decay of the British navy. This, also, hath been the occasion that your Majesty hath been straitened in your convoys for trade ; your coasts have been exposed, for want of a sufficient number of cruisers to guard them, and you have been disabled from annoying tho enemy in their most beneficial commerce with the West Indies, from whence they received those vast supplies of treasure, without which they could not have sup ported the expences of this war." OF QUEEN ANNE. . 47> the States, vvho were averse to that peace, to reply as they did to this accusation ; which, however, instead of satisfying, provoked the House of Commons to such a degree, that, upon the printing of the answer they gave here, they declared that this was a breach of privilege, and the paper itself a scandalous, infa mous, and seditious libel ; for which the printer was put in prison, which prevented the publishing the re mainder of the State's representation.* This was looked upoti as a very strange procedure, and vvhich seemed calculated rather to give credit to that repre- * The States-general, by their memorial presented to the quecn^ April 3, 1712, observe, that the grand alliance only specifies, that all the contracting parties shall prosecute this war with their whole force : and, therefore, if the States have exerted the ut most of their force, they have fulfilled their engagements ; but they insist further, that the ships furnished for the north sea, had been left out, notwithstanding those ships were for the joint ser- vic(i; and they allege further, that the number of ships which the States Were to employ, ought td bs regulated, riot by the liiuniber actually put into commissioti by England, but by the number that was fit and reasonable for England to put into commission, or at least by the number proposedto the States, upon Settling the an nual quotas for the war. As the States had tho paper drawn up by order of the lords of the Admiralty, arid signed by Mr. Secretary Burchet, coritatnirigan account df the English and Dutch ships fitted out during the war; so they likewise thought proper to add ano ther account df their own, which they professed themselves able to make good from authentic Vouchers ; and as we cannot tran^ Scribe all these papers at large, we shall content ourselves with making art abstract of bdth accounts, ih which the first column consists of the year ; the second of the English men of war ; the third of the Ships of the States-general, according to Mr. Bur chet's account; and the foUrth of the ships according to their own. This paper having been printed, in part, in the Daily Courant of Monday, April 7, 1712, the House of Commons came thereupon to the resolution mentioned in the text, and committed Mr. Samuel Buckley for printing it, who remained in custody during the re ^ inainder of the session. 1707 72 27 49 1708 69 25 53 1709 60 11 50 1710 62 13 43 J1711 59 12 40 1702 74 33 55 1703 79 22 50 1701 74 18 56 1705 79 20 56 if06 78 16 54 47« IIAVAL HISTORY sentation, than to refute it ; which, however, might have been easily done; for that vve really bore a greater proportion of expence in this respect during the war, than we ought to have done, is a thing very certain ; but it is the fault of all administrations, to be rather inclined to such short ansyers as may be given by acts of power, than to those that might be furnished by the exercise of reason ; and for this they are de servedly punished, by being often thought tyrannical in those acts, the justice of which might be easily de fended. In this case, however, the nation concurred in opinion with their representatives, and things went on, upon a supposition that this charge against the Dutch was fully made out ; which encouraged the friends of the ministry to attack the rest of our allies, particularly the emperor, on the same subject : but, as these altercations have no immediat;e concern vvith the proper business of my work, I shall not insist upon them, but leave them with this remark, that, in all future alliances, our ministers ought to be careful, not only in making the best terms they can for the na tion, but also in seeing those terms punctually ful filled, since it is impossible, especially under our pre sent circumstances, for the nation to bear with pa tience such acts of indulgence towards foreigners, at f heir expence, when it is visible, that, with all their industry, the inhabitants of Great Britain are scarcely able to support the necessary charges of their govern ment, joined to that vast expence which their gener ous concern for the balance of power in Europe, and the liberty of their neighbours hath brought upon them.* * The best use that can be made of history is, to correct, in our times, the errors committed in those of our ancestors ; and cer- tainly there are, among these, none which better deserve our at tention, than the conduct our miuisters have pursued, when we have engaged in confederacy with our neighbourjs. A confede racy implies a joint concern, and if, while this subsists, the whole, or by far the greatest part of the expence is thrown upon any on» OF QUEEN ANNE. 477 The difference with the French court was occasion ed chiefly from M. Cassard's expedition in the West Indies, as vve have before hinted. The French mi nistry, who knew the importance of being well at that time with the people of Great Britain, absolutely disclaimed that commander ; insisting that he had only general instructions, that he had misapplied them, and that proper satisfaction should be given. On the other hand, the British ministry were too far advanced in their pacific measures, to think of re treating, and so w^ere content with these excuses, without insisting on the punishment of this officer ; which, if what the French court said was true, he certainly deserved. The first great step to the peace was, gettingDunkirk put into our hands, which was represented as a thing impossible ; and with the promise of which the French only amused us. On the 1 1 th of July, however, arrived an express, with the news, that a few days before, the town, citadel, Rysbank, and all the for tifications of that important place, were delivered up to Brigadier Hill, whom her Majesty appointed go vernor and commander-in-chief Her Majesty, thence forward, treated openly with the French court, though always under a promise that due care should be taken of the allies ; and for this the ministry pleaded manj things in their own justification. For, first, they al leged, that since the king of Spain was become_em- peror,. it was no longer requisite to insist upon his having the whole dominions of the Spanish mo narchy : they insisted next, that if it had been ever so requisite, the thing was impracticable, the nation having found, by experience, that it was impossible of the allied powers, it argues injustice in the rest, and weakness in such as are entrusted with the concerns of the injurecf power. There is actually no more public spirit in a minister loading clan. destinely his countrymen with more than they ought to pay, thao there is charity in a great man's steward, who relieves the poor out of bis master's estate, ffhile his creditors remain unsatisfied,. 47« NAVAL HISTORY to carry on the war in Spain to any purpose. This had indeed been long a point out of dispute ; one of the warmest partisans of the house of Austria having. freely declared as much a good while before, in a de bate in the House of Lords ; but added at the same time, though it was impracticable, a vote that no peace could be made, if Spain and the Indies were left to the house of Bourbon, was expedient at that juncture; and yet upon this e^f pedient, and at the same time impracticable vote, all the clamours were afterwards raised. The friends to the treaty said far ther, that the nation was unable to carry on the war, longer, especially in the manner in vvhich it had been carried on ; and that, therefore, how much soever we might hate our enemies it was necessary to make a peace, if we had any regard for ourselves. They addr ed, besides, that they inteiided to make a peace on the plan of the general alliance, every article of which, they said, had been broken through, by subsequent agreements during the course of the war; so that they would be thought to have the cause of liberty, and the balance of power more at heart, than even those vvho were for carrying on the war. On the 19th of August, 1712, an instrument for a suspension of arms was signed at Paris by the Lord Viscount Bolingbroke, and the Marquis De Torcy, for four months ; and, in consequence of this, tlie necessary measures were taken for completing the peace : King Philip of Spain summoned a cortez, or general assembly of the states of his kiqgdom, before whom, and with vvhose consent, he made a renun ciation of the crown of France, the queen having before appointed Lord Lexington tP be present at that ceremony. The negociations at Utrecht, how ever, went on very slowly, notwithstanding the pains taken hy tlie earl of Strafford,* and Doctor Robinson, * The connection necessary in the text obliges me to mention \iCTe, that, about the latter end of August, her Majesty appointed the earl of Strafford, Sir John Leake, Sirfreorge Byng, ^nigjits. OF QUEEN ANNE. 47a bishop of Bristol, her Majesty's plenipotentiaries ; and the great activity of the French ministers, who were the Marshal D'Uxelles, a Very able statesman, of whom Prince Eugene said, with great spirit, upon this occasion, that he was the only French marshal he feared ; the famous Abbe De Polignac, aftervvards cardinal by the same title, the ablest head in France; and M. Mesnager, now raised to the title of Count De St. John, who vvas entrusted with the first ne gociations ; and from this slowness it was found ne cessary to renew the suspension of arms four months longer. At last, when the great influence of the queen was discerned, by her procuring the kingdom of Sicily for her cousin the duke of Savoy, which was her Majesty's own act, the allies, most of them, thought fit to comply, and accept the terms she had stipu lated for them, though with a visible reluctance. The emperor only remained firm to his first resolu tion, and made the necessary dispositions for carry ing on the war alone ; consenting, however, to eva cuate Catalonia, and to accept of a neutrafity for Italy, under the guaranty of her Britannic Majesty, On the 19th of January, 1712- 1^, the new treaty of barrier and succession vvas signed by the ministers of Great Britain, and of the States-general, whereby the latter obtained a mighty accession of territories, and a very great increase of power. On the 1st of March, the instruments relating to Catalonia and Italy were executed; and, on the 4th of the same month, the duke of Berry, and the duke of Orleans, renounced tiieir right to the crown of Spain, in the pariiament of Paris. These preliminaries being thus settied, the great work advanced more briskly, and by the .end of the month, it vs'^as brought to iis con clusion. Sir William Drake, Bart. John Aislabie, Esq. Sir James Wishart, Knight, aud George Clark, Esq. to be commissioners for «xe,. (cutipj the tfflicc of lord high^admiral of Great Britain, 4S0 NAVAL HISTORY On the 1st of April, 1713, the famous treaty of Utrecht vvas signed, as some would have us believe, in a clandestine manner. The truth vvas, that to prevent disputes and protests, which might have fur nished matter for dangerous pursuits in England, it was resolved to sign the treaty privately, at the house of the bishop of Bristol, which was accord ingly done, under pretence of a conference ; which being a thing frequent during that congress, ren dered the matter less suspected. The earl of Strafford, and the bishop of Bristol, signed first; then the ministers of the duke of Savoy, de clared king of Sicily by that treaty; those of the king of Portugal after them ; then the plenipoten tiaries of the king of Prussia, and those of the States-general last of all. The vvhole was over about two in the morning, occasioned by the length of the treaties that were to be read before they were signed ; and when the business was endedj the re spective ministers withdrew to their own places of residence, without any noise, or without directing any public rejoicings, as might have been expected upon such an occasion. I have been the more particular in these circum stances, because some historians have represented them as matters of great importance. To speak im partially, I think there is very little, if any thing, in them ; for in most separate treaties of. peace, the same thing has been done, particularly in that of Nimeguen ; and I could name other, perhaps later, examples of a hke conduct; so that, upon the whole, this ought to be considered rather as a misfortune than a fault. I shall not pretend to insist, that all was obtained, by the treaty of Utrecht, that might have been obtained from France, after so long and so successful a war; but undoubtedly there was much obtained, and- more might have been obtained, if il had not been for the disturbance given to the ministers at home, since, whatever people may sug- OF QUEEN ANNE. 481 gest, all parties are alike friends to France, who thwart public measures, from a pure spirit of oppo sition. The Tories had embarrassed the Whigs in their administration, during the last years of the war; and the Whigs, in return, vvere resolved to make the Tories as uneasy as possible, in their project of making a peace. Both parties were in their turns gainers by this manner of acting ; but both were gainers at the expence of the nation ; and therefore as they have no reason, they have as little right to reproach each other.* I have said, there was much obtained by the * The earl of Oxfoi'd, in the close Of his answer to the articles of impeachment, gives a very full and clear account 6f the motives to the peace upon his own knowledge; and as they are hidden in such a piece, to which few readers resort for satisfaction in matters of this nature, I thought it might not be amiss, to make this sub- ject the clearer, to afford them a place at the bottom of the page. As to the peace in general, he, the said earl, thinks he has very good reason to say, that the queen had nothing more at heart, than to procure so great a blessing for her people; and that, when it was obtained, she had this satisfaction in herself, that she had taken the most proper methods to justify her conduct, both to wards her allies, and towards her own subjects. For, upon a review other Majesty's whole proceeding, in relation to war and peace, he believes it will appear, and hath in part appeared, by the answer of the said earl to the said articles, that, as her Ma jesty entered further into the war than she was obliged by any treaties subsisting at the time of her accession to the throne, so she contributed more men and money towards the carrying it on ^.fterwards, than she was engaged to provide by any subsequent treaties. That her earnest desires of peace being twice frustrated, when such conditions might have been obtained, as would have fully answered all the ends for which war was at first declared : thatall our successes and victories ending in the annual increase of the charge of England, without any further assistance from our ¦ allies, and her kingdom being exhausted to such a degree, not withstanding the great advantages obtained by her arms, that she was not able to continue the war, upon the foot it then stood, one year longer, whilst her allies refused to continue it upon those equal conditions to which they were by treaties obliged : she was at last constrained, in compassion to her people, to hearken to the overtures of peace then made her from France, without rely. ing further on the vain hopes of gaining more advantageous terms, 6y protracting the war a year longer. She had carried it on for VOJ.. III. I X '483 NAVAL HISTORY treaty of Utrecht; it is requisite that I should make this good, because for many years, the contrary has been taken for granted ; and I dare say, there are many thousands of people in England, who think we lost much, and none of our allies got any thing, by that peace. The true standard for ad justing this, must be the ends of the war; for as no war can be just, in which the aggressors know not for what they fight, so no peace ca^n be a bad one, by which the ends of tbe war are obtained. In the first place, we fought against France to settle ourselves; that crown had never explicitly acknowledged our government here at home. We fought next, for settling the balance of power in Europe, by obtaining a reasonable satisfaction for the iome time under that prospect, without reaping the benefits pro posed, even at junctures that seemed most favourable to her de mands, and to the pretensions of her allies. She had, indeed, by that means, raised the glory of her arms ; but she could not think this a sutficient recompence for the increasing miseries of her jieopie, and therefore resolved to lay hold of the opportunity, then offered to her, of ending the war with a peace, if it might be obtained upon terms everyway just, safe, and honourable;, and those who were then employed in her Majesty's councils, thought themselves obliged to second her good intentions in this case, and to obey her commands with all readiness. The said earl presumes, on this occasion, to mention to your lordships, the saying of as wise a man, and as great a general as the last age, produced, the duke of Parma, when France was in a far lower condition than now, being almost equally divided between two contending parties, and Spain was at the height of its glory, and he himself at the head of a Spanish army, supported one of thossj parties, after Paris itself had been besieged by the other ; it was his opinion, and the advice he gave to his Majesty the king of Spain was grounded upon it, " That if France were to be got, only by reducing its towns, the world would sooner be at an end thau such a war. The queen seemed at this (ime, with better rea- Son, to frame the like judgment, and itwas therefore her pleasure, and a great instance, as the said earl conceives, of her wisdom and goodness, to think of securing a peace, while she appeared able to darry on the war, her armies being full and numerous, and be- fore the exhausted condition of her kingdoms, and the impossi- bility, on her side, of maintaining so disproportionate an expence, was discovered by her enemies. OF QUEEN ANNE. 488 claims of the house of Austria to Spain and the In dies. Another motive to the .war was, the securing a barrier to the Dutch, and an adequate recompence to the rest of our allies, for the injuries they had re ceived from France. Let us see now what was ob tained by the treaty of Utrecht, upon these several heads. In the first place, the title of Queen Anne was acknowledged in the strongest and most ex plicit terms ; the settlement of the succession in the illustrious house of Hanover was likewise owned, and the person who claimed before the queen, and to defeat whose pretensions the act of settlement was made, was excluded the dominions of France, and his Most Christian Majesty promised never to admit him again, though he had owned him over and over;;^ and he likewise promised never to assist or protect him, or any of his adherents. As to the second, a reasonable satisfaction was obtained for the emperor, though he refused to accept it ; and the most solemn renunciations of the tvvo branches of the house of' Bourbon, are inserted in the body of the treaty itself, in order, as far as the thing was possible, to secure all Europe against the apprehensions of .seeing the crowns of France and Spain devolve upon one prince; and, to obviate another objection as to the commerce of New Spain, it is expressly provided, that the French should enjoy no privilege of navigation thi ther, beyond what had been enjoyed under the kings of Spain of the Austrian line. In regard to our allies, it is plain, that the duke of Savoy, who indeed well deserved it, having steadily adhered to the alliance in times of the deepest distress, had full satisfaction given him, and in ' such a manner too, as had a visible tendency to the properly fixing the balance ofpdwer; and the kings of Portugal, Prussia, and the States were likewise satisfied, I know it may be said, that there was a force upon the latter ; but I know people are very unfit judges in their own cause, and that the States got by this I I 2 484 .NAVAL HISTORY treaty, not onl}!^ such a barrier as seemed reasonable to us, but as good a one as the emperor thought fit for them, after all our successes, and when the allies were upon the best terms vvith each other. To say .then, that the treaty of Utrecht did nothing, and that all our expences, and all our victories in that long war were absolutely thrown away, is much beyond the truth; but that a better treaty might have been made, I shall not dispute, because I think there is no arguing about possibilities.* Before I part with this treaty, however, I must observe, that it was very extraordinary in one re spect ; it procured us much greater advantages, I mean the people of Great Britain, as a trading nation, than any treaty with which I am acquainted either before or since ; and upon these, I must particularly insist, because they are immediately within my province. We have seen that Dunkirk vvas long before put into our hands ^ let us now see what was to become of it; and because this is a point that has been since, and, may be hereafter attended with warm disputes, I think it necessary to transcribe the ninth article of the treaty, by which this great point, great, indeed, if we consider either the humbling France, or securing ourselves, was effectually settled. Thus it runs : * The account Bishop Burnet has given ns, will be sufficient td clear up to the reader, the satisfaction secured to the princes and states engaged with us in the war. " As for the allies," says he, "Portugal and Savoy were satisfled; the emperor was to have the duchy of Milan, the kingdom of Naples, and the Spanish Netherlands ; Sicily was to be given to the duke of Savoy, with the title of king ; and Sardinia, with the same title, was to be given to the elector of Bavaria, in lieu of his losses ; the States were to deliver up Lisle,' and the little places about it; and besides the places of which they were possessed, they were to have Namur, Charleroy, Luxemburgh, Ypres, and Newport; the king of Prussia was to have the Upper Guelder, in lieu of Orange, and the other estates which the family had in Franche Comte." This js all I think necessarj'^ to insert here, with relation to our treaty ; the emperor was to have time, to the 1st of June, to dev clare his accepting of it. OF QUEEN ANNE. 485 " The Most Christian king shall take care, that all the fortifications of the city of Dunkirk be razed ; that the harbour be filled up; and that the sluices, or moles, which serve to cleanse the harbour, be le velled, and that, at the same king's Own expence, within the space of five montiis after the conditions of peace are concluded and signed ; that is to say, the fortifications towards the sea, within the space of two months ; and those towards the land, together with the said banks, within three months ; on this express condition also, that the eaid fortifications, har bour, moles, or sluices, be never repaired again." The demolition of this place was of prodigious im portance; it lies but thirteen leagues from the South Foreland, and any easterly wind, which carries our ships down the Channel, brings out those at Dunkirk, to meet and intercept them ; vvhich, during the two wars preceding this treaty, made it often suspected, that the French had intelligence, either from our Ad miralty, or secretary's office ; though very projaably without foundation, since the very situation of the place furnished the enemy with advantages enough ; for the east end of the channel, which is so much exposed to Dunkirk, is but seven leagues broad, and gives them an opportunity of seeing our ships from side to side. It clearly appears from hence, that six parts in nine of our trade from the port of London, were freed from most of the hazards felt in those wars; and though part of this must be exposed when it passes through the chops, Cr western entrance of the channel, yet it must be considered, that it was liable also to this betbre, so that no nejv' inconve nience is created i and, besides, this is only the south trade; such ships as go to Holland, Hamburgh, or the north, are absolutely free. Besides all this, the demolition of Dunkirk was an inexpressible blow to the French naval power, and even to their trade, especially to the West Indies; so that a clearer proof could not be of our superior force, and of their dis- 486 NAVAL HISTORY tress, than the submission of France to this article. It is true, they endeavoured to shift off, and after wards to mitigate the execution of it ; but in vain. The queen insisted upon Dunkirk's being demolished effectually, . according to the letter,' and it was de molished as effectually as could be desired ; whether ever it shall be restored, or if in time of war restored, suffered to continue, so as to become, as in times past, a terror to the English nation, depends upon ourselves and future administrations. By the 10th and 11th articles, the countries com prised in the charter of the Hudson's Bay Company, of which the French had got ])Ossession, partly in the time of peace, and partly in that of war, were to be restored ; and not only restored, but his Most Chris tian Majesty farther stipulated, that whatever had been taken in time of peace, or whatever injuries had been done to the Hudson's Bay Company, before the commencement of the war, should be fairly examin ed, and full satisfaction made. The like is stipulated with 'respect to the depredations by M, Cassard, in the Leeward Islands after the negociations for peace were begun. By the 12th article, the island of St. Christopher, and the whole country of Nova Scotia, are yielded to the queen of Great Britain, as by the 13th article, is the whole country of Newfoundland ; but the island of Cape Breton is, by the same article, giveii up to France, which has been represented as a mon strous piece of complaisance, though there seems to be great reason to believe, it was much less ow^ing to the inclination of the English ministers, than to their inability of standing out any longer against the oppo sition carried on at home ; and for this reason it is made one of the charges against the earl of Oxford, in the 13th article of his impeachment, wherein it was affirmed, that Cape Breton was part of Nova Scotia; and the earl in his answer to 'that article asserts, (hat he had gone no farther than King Wil- OF QUEEN ANNE. 48T liam had gone in the treaty of Ryswick. But, how ever we might fail as to the point of Cape Breton, yet undoubtedly we acquired more by the treaty of Utrecht, than by any of our former treaties ; I mean at the expence of the French, who at the time this treaty was signed, were actually in possession of Pla centia in Newfoundland.* * The earl of Oxford, even after he was impeached, thought he had a right to value himself upon this treaty; and, therefore, in his answer, after having taken notice of the difficulties to which we were reduced by the war, he proceeds to speak in the following terms, of the advantages accruing from the treaty of Utrecht. At this juncture the queen entered upon a negociation of peace, with circumstances of great honour to herself: France applying to her first on this account, previously owning her title, and acknowledg ing the right of the Protestant succession, two chief grounds upon which the declaration of the last war was built. As to the allies, it was conducted in the same manner as all treaties of peace, in confederacies, have ever been, and according to the known laws of nations in such cases, the first motion and the several steps to it, as fast as they ripened into proposals fit for consideration, being, without delay, communicated to the States General. By the terms of this peace, as all reasonable satisfaction and security, due to any of the allies by treaty, were obtained for them by the queen, and their just pretensions effectually supported, so larger advantages •were actually procured for Great Britain, in particular, than ever had been demanded before, in any treaty or negociation between this and any other foreign state. The said earl craves leave On this occasion, to appeal to your lordships, whether all the ends for which the war was entered into, have not by this treaty been fully attained ? Whether it does not appear by the best of proofs, expe rience, that the kingdoms of France and Spain, are,' by the con. ventions of this treaty, most effectually separated ? And whether any other expedient could have been so successful to this purpose, as that whereby it is now happily brought about ? Whether the balance of power in Europe be not now upon a better footing than it has been for an hundred years past ? Whether the advantages that have accrued to Great Britain by this treaty, do not appear, and have not appeared, in the security of the Protestant succession, and in his Majesty's peaceable accession to the throne, with the universal applause of his subjects ; in the addition made to our wealth in the great quantities of bullion lately coined at the mint ; by the vast increase of shipijing employed since the peace, in the fishery, and in merchandise, and by the remarkable rise of the eus. toms upon import, and of our manufactures, and the growth of ¦our country upon export ? For the proof of which particulars, h« 488 NAVAL HISTORY But, besides these mighty advantages, there were others still more considerable, the demolition of Dun kirk only excepted, procured from the crown of Spain; for by the iOth article, the full and entire property of the town and castle of Gibraltar, with ali things thereto belonging, are given up to the crown of Great Britain, in propriety, to be held and enjoyed absolutely, with all manner of right for ever, without any exception or ihipediment whatsoever. By the 1 1th article, his Catholic Majesty doth in like man ner, for himself, his heirs, ^nd successors, yield to the crown of England, the vvhole island of Minorca, trans ferring to the said croWii for ever, all right, and th^ most absolute dominion over the said island, and in particular over the town, castle, and fortifications of Port Mahon. All thafSpain reserves to itself, being no more than the right of pre-emption, in case the crown of Great Britain shall at any time think fit to alienate or dispose of this said fortress of Gibraltar, or island of Minorca. By the 13th and 15th articles, the Assiento treaty is confirmed' as fully, effectually^ and authentically, as if the same had been repeated word for word in the said treaty, which waS signed at Utrecht, on the 2d of July, O. S. by the' bishop of Bristol, then lord privy-seal, and the earl of Strafford, her Majesty's plenipotentiaries, and the Duke De Os- suna, and the Marquis De Montelon, plenipotentiaries from his Catholic Majesty.* ' ¦ refers hirasplf to those offices and books, wherein an authentic ac count of them is contained. * As to this treaty with Spain, the earl of Oxford, in his answer to the impeachment, let us into a fact of very great import ; for, says he, as for the matters concerted previously with France, for the particular interest of England, without the original intervention of HoUand, the States were so far fropi protesting against her Ma jesty's measures, and condemning' her conduct in this respect, that .their minister proffered several times, in their name, to have led the ¦way in the most difficult part of the whole negociation, and to have done his utmost to facilitate the conclusion of it, provided his mas ters might have a share in the Assiento contract, and trade to t^e OF QUEEN ANNE. 48» The Assiento has since made so great a figure in our histories, and there will be such frequent occasion to mention it in the subsequent part of this work, as that contract was the basis of the South Sea trade, that I find myself under a necessity, as well for the sake of order and perspicuity, as for the performance of what I promised, to enter into a full and regular account of all the steps taken for erecting and estab lishing this great company, which was one of the most signal performances of the Oxford ministry.* The earl of Godolphin, and his friends, had been pectdiarly happy in the conduct of public affairs, and the maintenance of public credit, so long as the op position given them did not rise so high, as to hinder their carrying public points in the House of Com mons ; but after they once found themselves in that situation, their difficulties grew upon them daily, so that they were forced to contract debts in the public service, exclusive of such as vvere contracted, and provided for annually by parliament. At first_ these debts were seldom mentioned, some of them being pretty old, and others incurred by deficiencies, and the application of funds to other services than those for which- they were originally designed. The draw ing these debts out of obscurity, and declaring them unprovided for, was one of the first acts of the new ministry.'!" Spanish West Indies, one of those advantages which France had discovered, its .willingness should be allowed, previously, and en tirely to England. ' * Subsequent events may mislead us, in respect to the value of this concession. But if experience, for we actually had this con tract for negroes in the reign of King William; if the opinion of other nations, for the French lost it with regret, and the Dutch weres ¦eager for a share in it, or the sense of our Spanish merchants, could ascertiiin the point, this was a valuable acquisition. + The debts declared by the statute are as follow ; .Debt to the navy, old, new, and deficient 5,130,539 Debt to the ordnance 154,324 Daht lo transport-service: - 424,791 498 NAVAL HISTORY Their next care was, to form the proprietors of these debts into a new company, which, they con ceived, would be as much dependent upon, and as useful to them, as the Bank, or East India company had been to the former ministry. But the business was, to find out a proper pretence of erecting such a new company ; and this was very happily found, and very dexterously applied. It was always matter of AVonder to the greatest part of this nation, why the war was not pushed in the West Indies ; especially, since there was a clause in the grand alliance, where by we were intitled to hold whatever we could con quer in those parts. Some political reasons, however, restrained the vigour of our arms in that particular ; and this, though the old ministry were very little to blame in it, made one great topic of public clamour. When a thing is once made the theme of common discourse, many lights come to be struck out in rela tion to it, that were not thought of before ; and this was the case here : some merchants of Bristol taking this matter into consideration, began to apprehend, that, however the ministry might be bound, private persons were not obliged to let slip advantages of this nature ; and therefore they resolved to fit out two ships for the South Seas, upon their private account ; which they did ; and these ships returning in the year 1711, after having made many rich prizes, the Old army-debentures of last war. ............ ......1,018,656 Deficient tallies 8 Guliel... , -,....._ 12,024 Provisions for the navy, Oct. Nov. Dec. 1710..^ 378,869 Subsidies to the duchy of Hanover, 1696 S5,GQ0 Interest on ditto, from Christmas 1710 and 1711 9,375 Loans on customs, &c. 8 Annie 1,296,552 Interest on ditto .. 74 876 Interest on the whole from Lady day to Christmas, 1711 386,325 To the year's service 1711 500,000 Add, for odd shillings and pence 3 ¦ ¦¦¦¦" I'I a%, fi. 9,471,324 OF QUEEN ANNE. 491 wealth of the South Seas came to make a great noise.* This determined the new ministry to join an ample security for the debts hitherto unprovided for, with the prospect of the trade from the South Seas, and by this means, fix their whole design at once. Upon this plan, they made some proposals to the monied people, who, having been long attached to the former admi nistration, treated the whole as chimerical, and a pro ject that could never be brought to bear. I mention this circumstance, only to shew how little dependence should be placed on the resolution of men who, are known to be governed by nothing but their interests ; for, notwithstanding their slighting the proposal when it was first made. Lord Oxford and his friends car ried on this scheme with success.f * As the business of this voyage to the South Seas very nearly eoncerns the subject of this work, it may not be amiss to take no. tice, as concisely as possible, of the most remarkable cireumstancei attending this affair. The ships fitted out upon this occasion, were the Duke of thirty guns, and 170 men, commanded by Captain Woods Rogers; and the Duchess, of twenty.six guns, and 150 men, under the command of Stephen Courtney. The famous Captain Dampier, whose voyages have made him known through out Europe, was on board one of these vessels, ks pilot; they sailed from Bristol on the 1st of August, 1708, and having hap pily passed the Straits of Magellan, they not only took several ships in the South Seas, but several towns also upon the coast ; and on the 22d pf December, 1709, they met with the Acapulco ship, that is, the lesser of the two ships which sail annually from the East Indies to Mexico ; she was of the burden of -JOO tons, and carried twenty guns, and as many pattereroes. The action lasted about half an hour, and the value of the prize was about 2,000,000 pieces of eight ; the larger Acapulco ship fell also in their way, which they attacked two days successively ; but, as she was of 900 tons burden, and had COO men on board, they found it impossible to take her, which made them determine to re turn by the East Indies ; Captain Dover being appointed com mander of the Acapulco ship, with which they arrived safely in the Downs, on the 2d of October, 1711. + This settling the unliquidated debts, giving satisfaction thereby to the public creditors, and framing the plan of the South-Sea com pany, are all enumerated in the preamble of tlie patent, creating him earl of Oxford, and earl Mortimer. 492 NAVAL HISTORY In the first place, they took care to give a very plausible account to the world, of the nature of this undertaking; and, which shewed their political dex terity, they made the very contempt, which was at first expressed for their design, subservient to its ex tension ; for they gave out, that the last ministry having been careless of the nation's interest in thia respect, were desirous of covering their reputation, by representing that as impracticable, which they had never attempted.* They took notice likewise of its having been always thought the surest way of dis tressing the Spaniards ; and, to demonstrate this, they printed a proposal of the like nature, which was made in parliament, so long ago as in the year 1624. They further observed, that this was prosecuting the war against the French too, vvho carried on a mighty trade in the South Seas, and vvere actually making settlements there. This took off the edge from every argument that could be offered, as to the impossibility of the design; for all who talked in that style were considered novv as enem.ies to the English nation, and persons absolutely in a foreign interest. To give the thing the highest gloss, and to fix the nation in a full opinion of the great profit that might be made by this tiade, care was taken to circulate a notion in Holland, about the time that Sir Hovenden Walker undertook his expedition against Canada, that the true intention of that armament vvas against Peru. This had the designed effect ; the Dutch took * There appeared several treatises about this time, on the sub- ject, the' titles of some of which are worth preserving, (1.) A Let. ter to a Member oF Parliament, on the settling a trade to the South Sea of America, with reasons for encouraging a Commerce betweep Great Britain and the countries situated in those seas. London, 1711, 4to. (2.) A True Account of the design and advantages of ^ South Sea Trade, with answers to all the objections made against it. London, 1711, Svo. (3.) An Essay on the nature and me thods of carrying on a trade to the South Seas. By Robert Allan, who resided some years in the kingdom of Peru. Lon^oRj 1712, Svo. OF QUEEN ANNE. 493 umbrage at it, and expressed loudly enough their dis satisfaction at our entering on any such views. This answered the end proposed, and begot an extraordi nary concurrence in the new scheme here. The debts unprovided for, were next liquidated at 9,471,324/. on vvhich an annuity at the rate of 61. per cent, was granted, until the principal was paid, which annuity amounted to 568,279/. The company was incorporated for carrying on a trade to the South Seas ; and, by their charter, there was invested in them and their successors, the sole trade into, and from, all the kingdoms and lands on the east side of America, from the river Oroonoko, to the southernmost part of Terra del Fuego, and on the west side thereof, from the said southernmost part of Terra del Fuego, through the South Sea' to the northernmost part of America, and into, and from all the countries, islands, and places, within the said limits, which are reputed to belong to Spain, or which shall hereafter be found out, or discovered within the limits aforesaid, not exceeding three hun dred leagues from the continent of America, on the said west side thereof, except the kingdom of Brazil, and such other places on the east side of America, as are now in the possession of the king of Portugal, and the countiy of Surinam, in the possession of the States-general. And to give the thing still the greater sanction, the said company, and none else,. were to trade within the said limits; and if any other person should presume to trade to the South Seas, they were to forfeit the ship and goods, and double the value : one fourth part to the crown ; another fourth part to the prosecutor; and the remaining half to the use of the company. It is also provided, that the company shall be the sole owners of the islands, forts, &c. which they shall discover, and erect within the said limits, to be held of the crown, under the annual rent of one ounce of gold, and of 494 NAVAL HISTORY all ships taken as prize, by the ships of the said com* pany, and the company may seize, by force of arms, all other British ships trading in those seas.* The stock of this corporation was to arise from the subscription of these pubhc debts, and the sum of 8,279/. was granted for the charges of management; and as trade could not be carried on without money, so the governor and directors of the new company had power, by their charter, to make anj' call, not exceeding ten per cent, for the prosecution of thi» trade. The lord high-treasurer Oxford, than whom no minister had cleaner hands, or a sounder head, saw, with great satisfaction, the South Sea company's, stock subscribed, by the very people who, upoti its first proposal, had treated his project as a chimera. He knew, much better than they, how far it was chi merical ; he knew that no advantageous trade could be carried on according to the scheme of the charter ; but when the charter vvas granted, it was too early for him to discover what he really meant by trade to the South Seas. In the year 1713, the Assiento treaty, or agreement between King Philip of Spain, and the Guinea company in France, for the furnish ing negroes to the West Indies, determined ; and the Jord-treasurer had an agent of his in Spain, who took notice of it to the Duke D'Ossuna, hinting also, that the granting this to the English might prove a means * This was, indeed, liable to the objection made by some of tha writers before-mentioned, that th.e trade was chimerical, as in truth the company never attempted to send a ship into the South Sea. But the minister had very just reasons to proceed as he did. First, he was obliged to settle the company without loss of time, and, while the war continued, expeditions might have been made into the South Seas. Secondly, the forming this compariy, and the tenor of its charter, alarmed the Spaniards, and disposed them to make any concessions, in order to procure a peace with Bri tain. Thirdly, the Assiento was obtained for this company, ia lieu of this trade granted them to the South Sea. OF QUEEN ANNE. 49a towards bringing about a peace; inasmuch, as this had been one of the principal points ^proposed by the private treaty between Great Britain and King Charles. The proposal was eagerly embraced, because it not only had a tendency to answer the great end of set tiing King Philip's title; but it also gave a handle to the Spaniards to rid themselves of the French, whose dealings in the South Seas had long given them, as it ought to have given us, great umbrage.* Thus this wise and able minister brought about in Spain, what few had any thoughts of in England ; and procured this to be offered by King Philip, as a means of conciliating the interests of the two crowns, and renewing the old correspondence between the two nations. In consequence of this, a project, con sisting of forty-two articles, was dehvered to his Ca tholic Majesty, who, on the 26th of March, 1713, ratified them by his royal decree at Madrid ; and these are the articles so solemnly confirmed in the treaty of peace before-mentioned, and which have been the basis of the trade carried on by the South-Sea com pany; and which, if it has not^ might certainly have been made extremely beneficial to this nation. This Assiento contract stipulates, in the first place, that from the 1st of May 1713, to the 1st of May 1743, the company shall transport into the Spa nish West Indies one hundred and forty-four thou sand negroes of both sexes, and of all ages, at the rate of four thousand eight hundred negroes every * This lea3s me to take notice of an immediate and capital ad vantage which resulted to Britain from this transaction. It wrought upon the natural jealousy of the Spaniards, who never rested till they ridded themselves of the French traders, who were become perfectly wel! acquainted with the route by Cape Horn, and had even passed this way to the East Indies, and so round by the Cape of Good Hope to Europe, as appears by Frezier's and Bar- binai's Voyages; and, but for this treaty, no question, would, in the space of a few years, have worked themselves into a regular ' •(jrrespondence this way into both Indies. 49S NAVAL HISTORY year ; that for each negroe the Assientists shall pay thirty- three and one third pieces of eight; in full for all royal duties; that the said Assientists shall advance his Catholic Majesty tvvo hundred thousand pieces of eight, upon the terms prescribed in the contract;, that twice a-year they shall pay the before-mentioned du ties of four thousaiid negroes, his Catholic Majesty giving them the duty on the other eight hundred, to balance their risk, and extraordinary expences ; that his Catholic Majesty, and the queen of Great Britain shall each be concerned a quarter part iri the said trade, and shall be allowed a quarter of the profits, which shall be accounted for, by the Assientists, upon oath, that during the space, neither the French Gui nea company, nor the subjects of any other crowuy shall have any licence to import negroes; and in case they should import them, they shall be consi dered as contraband, and the company shall have power to confiscate them, with many other clauses for the security of this trade, Avhich are not necessary for me here to mention. I shall content myself with observing, that the rights and privileges granted by this contract, were all by direction from the queen^ properly assigned to the South Sea Company ; and though it might be, as I believe it vvas, true, that a little jobbing was practised in making the assign ments, yet the whole was most advantageous to this nation ; and if we have not reaped such benefits from this contract as we might have done, we ought not to blame the treaty of Utrecht, but ourselves ; for there is no serving any nation after it is come to a certain height of corruption. It has been suggested, that, whatever benefits we might receive by this treaty, there were still much greater advantages that might have been acquired, if we had not suffered them to slip through our fingers. I shall take some notice of these. In the first place, it has been said, that we might have made ourselves OF QUEEN ANNE. 497 masters of the Indies, or at least of the trade of them. I do not see how this can be proved. For, on the one hand, our open enemies were extremely strong there, so as not only to act upon the defensive, but even to attack and that successfully too, the settle ments of our allies, the Portuguese ; and, on the other hand, not the Dutch only, but all the confede rates were extremely averse to our making conquests in fhe West Indies ; which were amongst the true and weighty reasons why, under the eari of Godol phin's administration, they were forborne. In time of war, therefore, it does not appear we were able to do much against the Spaniards, and against the French we were still in a worse condition; for in the islands they were too strong for us, from their having but few colonies, and those well peopled; and in Canada they found that the situation of the country and its climate sufficiently defended them against all we could do. It was only in Newfound land that we had any prospect of making conquests ; and there they gave us up Placentia, the only, place they held. 1 have already mentioned the affair of Cape Breton, which some writers have called a mine of gold, given up by the treaty of Utrecht to the French ; and the reason assigned for it is this : that if that island had not been left to the French, we should have possessed the fishery in that part of the world without a rival ; and might consequently have made what market of it Ave pleased. Yet, however acceptable this reason may be at home, I am sure nothing raises us so many enemies abroad ; the notion of monopolizing trade, and shut ting our neighbours out of it by force, has a v-eiy bad effect, and is the engine constantly made u^e of by the French, to prejudice our once good allies the Dutch against us. I crave leave to add, that expe rience hath shewn the fact to be otherwise than it was then represented ; we were, till the last war with VOL. JII. K K 498 NAVAL HISTORY Spain in possession of a very great trade in New-r foundland ; and, whenever a definitive peace is made, on the conclusion of the present,* care will no doubt be taken that it shall be secured to us in its full extent, as a compensation for our expence, and then I conceive we shall- have no great cause ta murmur. We find it also objected, that greater security was not obtained for us in the Mediterranean ; where, they say, we should not only have had Gibraltar, but a territory round it. It were to be wished they had given us a plan of this fortress, with the territory they expected, and then at the close of the ensuing. war, perhaps it might have been obtained. But it is our misfortune, that even in points of such impor tance as these, we borrow our opinions rather from the parties to which we attach ourselves, than frpm. the nature of things themselves. For let it be re-, membered, that many of those who insisted with the utmost vehemence on this errpr in the treaty of Utrecht, afterwards, when their schemes of politics were changed, were as warm in asserting, that Gib-. raltar and Port Mahon too were of little or no use, and were actually inclined to give them up to Spain, not in consideration of any equivalent to be given to Great Britain, but in order to have .such a peace made, as would suit the interest of our foreign allies. It is not, therefore, easy to discern, through the mists of parties, what in this respect are the true interests of .Britain,^ f All that can be fairly said of this matter, lies in a jiarrow compass : the security of our trade in the Mediterranean is well provided for, by our having in * This work was first published in 1744. + The flgure we make, as a maritime power, in Europe, re- fluires we should have proper stations in the Mediterranean ; it will be the peculiar and perpetual glory of this reign, that in it they , were gained : experience has shewn their utility, and, against stich arguments^ conjectures and plausibilities will never avail. OF QUEEN ANNE. 499 our possession the very best haven in the Mediterra nean, I mean that of Port Mahon, the influence de rived from which, when properly attended to, must always make us masters of those seas, and put it in our power to give law to the French. If an English civil government were once established in the island of Minorca, and a large well-built city erected there, capable of becoming the centre of our trade in those parts, we should very soon see the worth of that island, and recover the best part of the trade we have. lost. But military governments agree so little with the industry of a trading people, and are in themselves so repugnant to the genius of the British nation, that I do not at all wonder men of good sense, and those too of all parties, have secretly an inclination, that both Gibraltar and Minorca should be given up for the same reason that the patriots in King Charles Ild.'s reign, forced him to part with Tangiers. But, be this as it will, we certainly have no right to cry down the treaty of Utrecht, for furnishing us with advantages, which our own corruption will not allow us to keep. To conclude this part of my subject, I must ob serve, that, upon the close of the war, the French found themselves totally deprived of all pretensions to the dominion of the sea. We have, in part, al ready demonstrated this; but something more re-. mains to be said here. Most of our conquests, in deed all of them that were of any use to us, were made, orat least chiefly, by our fleets. SirGeorge Rooke took Gibraltar, and Sir John Leake reduced Minorca ; and it is also evident, that it was our fleet alone that supported King Charles in Catalonia, and kept the king of Portugal steady to tiie grand allir ance; which, besides the advantages it brought to the common cause, secured to us the invaluable pro fits of our trade to that country ; and all this against the spirit, genius, and inclination of the king of Por- 500 NAVAL HISTORY tugal, and his ministers, who were all at that time inthe French interest in their hearts; from .which they had never departed so much as in shevV, if the Most Christian king had been able to perform what we did ; since it is well known, that the Portu guese first offered themselves to, and contracted an alliance with that monarch, and his grandson of Spain. At the same time, onr fleets prevented the French ' from so much as sailing on the Mediterranean, vvhere they had made a figure in the last war, and kept many of the Italian States in awe. The very Algerines, and other piratical States of Barbary, contrary to their natural propensity to the French, were now obsequi ous to us, and entertained no manner of doubt^of the superiority of our flag. To speak the truth, the slack ness of the Dutch, in sending ships to this part of the world, had in this respect an effect happy enough for us, since it occasioned our being considered xis the leading power, by all who had any concerns with us and them. Yet it must be admitted, that in the course of this war, the French performed some extra ordinary exploits in the attacking our fleets and colo nies, and those our allies, at which we need not vvpn- jder, since now this was all they had in their power ; and though it disturbed us a g"ood deal, and brought them some profit, yet it vvas more a mark of their weakness than of ours ; for what greater, what more glorious argument of our naval force, than our sink'^ ing a great maritime power into a petty piratical /State? Let us but consider the figure that France made at the beginning of the last war, -and at the end of this. She had then her fleets as well as vve ; nay, she had /Sometimes better fleets ; instead of waiting till she Tivas attacked, or giving us the trouble to go and seek lier squadrons at a distance, she spread the sea vvith her navy, and insulted us upon our own coasts; OF QUEEN ANNE. 501 though we had Spain for us in all that war, yet it was thought extremely dangerous for us to winter in its ports; and every body knows, every body may see from this, and other histories, that, while we protected Spain by our fleets, we were often in danger, for want of them, of being invaded by France at home. But, in this war, the enemy seldom appeared at sea, and always quitted it at our approach. Our naval empire commenced from the battle of Malaga ; the extinction of the French force at sea, was in a man ner completed by our enterprise on Toulon. They were, from that time, incapable of any great expedi tion, and the only attempt of that kind they made, I mean the pitiful one on Scotland, very fully shewed it. They stole from our fleet through the advantage of winds and tides ; the apprehension of being over taken hindered them from landing, and their return was a plain flight. In a word, to sum up all, we had to deal, in the first war, with the fleets of Brest and Toulon, capa ble of disputing with us the dominion of the sea in our full strength ; in this, if we could guard against the Piccaroons of St. Maloe's and Dunkirk, all was well ; our merchant-men suffered sometimes ; but our fleets and squadrons were always safe ; nay, even in the trivial war between single ships, we had the ad vantage, upon tbe whole, as appears by the Admi ralty's computation ; which shews, not only, that the French suffered more than we, but, what I be lieve few people have observed, that they suffered a third more in this war than they did in the last, not withstanding the many sea-fights in that, and there beinsr but a single one in this.* * The truth of what is asserted in this paragraph, will appear at first sight, by comparing the two following lists, which shew the loss sustained by England and France, in this war. It is also ob servable, that in the war ending in the year 1697, the English lost 60 ships mounting 1122 guns ; but the loss of the French was 59 g02 NAVAL HISTORY There happened no further naval armaments within the compass of this reign, except the sending a squa dron into the Mediterranean, under the command of Sir James Wishart ; the design of it, without ques tion, was to execute what remained to be executed of the peace; and as his Catholic Majesty was, at that time, intent on the reduction of Catalonia, the English fleet rendered him some services ; which, however, made a great noise at home ; for, as the Catalans had been originally brought into the war by the persuasion of the queen's minister, and upon re peated promises of her Majesty's constant support pf them, it was thought not a little extraordinary, that the Enghsh fleet should afford any countenance, ships and 2244 guns, whence it is manifest that the French lost 850 guns, more in this war than in that. A LIST OF ENGLISH AND FRENCH SHIPS LOST, OR TAKEN, IN QUEEN ANNE'S WAR. Total 38 1596 Total 52 3094 38 1596 The toss of tl^e French exceeds ours 18 149a OF QUEEN ANNE. 508 much less assistance, to the enemies of that brave people, who still considered themselves as the allies 6f Great Britain. It is true, that many plausible things were offered in excuse of this conduct. It is said, that her Ma jesty had done all that lay in her power, to procure for those people the continuance of their ancient pri vileges ; and that though she had not absolutely suc ceeded in this, yet she had procured them an equiva lent for their ancient privileges ; which was sharing those of Castile, and particularly that of being ca pable of having a concern in the trade to the West Indies, from which all other subjects of the crown df Spain are excluded. To this it was added, that it was in a great measure owing to the faults of the Ca talans themselves, that her Majesty's interposition did not succeed to the full ; since, vvhiie she was apply ing in their favour to King Philip, they actually de clared war against him ; which put it out of her Ma jesty's power to solicit for them any longer. It was likewise alleged, that the emperor might have stipu lated conditions for them, under the guaranty of her Majesty, in his provisional treaty for the evacuation of that province ; so that, upon the whole, it ought to be understood, that whatever mercy these people received, flowed from the care taken of them by the queen ; whereas, the many and great miseries they suffered, were absolutely the effects of their own perverseness and obstinacy. But, that I may not appear an apologist, rather than an historian, I must speak my sentiments sin cerely of this matter. The obligation that Great Bri tain was under, to protect these people, was very clear, and withal so strong, and so binding on the government, that it is impossible to conceive, how any ministers, and especially those who counter signed the very instructions for giving such assur ances to the Catalans, could believe it right, or couM 604 NAVAL HISTORY even -imagine it excusable, not to secure them their privileges by the peace. As to their having this in their power, it appears to me a thing past all doubt ; for, when they first thought of the peace, they knew the engagements they were under to these people, and they ought to have taken care, that what had been promised them upon the public faith should have been performed. Besides, it appears plainly by the treaty of peace with Spain, that our ministry had power enough to obtain the whole kingdom of Sicily for the duke of Savoy ; and one cannot easily con ceive, that people, who were able to do so much to oblige one ally, should not be able to obtain justice for another. , The truth seems to have been, that the Spanish court were very desirous of carrying this point, and found a way to gain our minister, who was sent thi ther before the formal conclusion of the treaty, to re lax a little in this particular; which, perhaps, he did not consider in the light that I do ; and aftervvards, it was impossible to recover what had been departed from. I am very far, however, from thinking, that all the ministers then about the queen were culpable in this matter. I have reason to doubt, whether the lord-treasurer Oxford came into that measure ; and I have authority to say, that the late duke of Buckingham shire was so far from concurring in it, that he brought this matter twice upon the carpet in council, and ex erted all his interest to have prevented the Catalans from being given up as they were. I am likewise as sured, that whatever Sir Jaines Wi.shart did, was from what he conceived the meaning of his instructions, and notfrom any expressdirectionscontainedin them. This, sp fat as I have been able to learn, is the truth, and the whole truth, without disguise or extenuation ; and, if there was any minister, whose interest with the queen contributed in any degree to these poor peo ple's misfortune, I freely own, that I think he de- OF QUEEN ANNE. 505 parted in this respect from the duty he owed to his mistress and to his country. I am now to proceed from the general history of the naval operations in this reign, to the particular memoirs of such eminent seamen as flourished in it j and as I have taken particular pains to be well in formed as to their conduct and behaviour, so I shall deliver what has come to my hands, with the utmost impartiality ; at the same time, I must express my deep regret, that many circumstances relating to the worthy men of whom I am now to speak, are at tended with more obscurity than I could wish, not withstanding the obligation that public and private historians were under, to have preserved, as far as lay in their pow^er, whatever might have contributed to the honour of those brave officers, vvho so gallantly exposed themselves for the advantage of their coun try, and to whose courage and conduct vve stand in debted for the many advantages this nation still en joys, as well as for the force and reputation of our maritime power, which has extended itself to the most distant parts of the world, and, under this reign par ticularly, drew the highest respect to the English • flag wherever it appeared ; as it secured to us such a mighty accession of trade, that the shipping of this kingdom was increased nearly a third, in the short interval betw^een the conclusion of the peace and the death- of the queen. 508 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS MEMOIRS OF VICE-ADMIRAL BENBOW. As fame ought constantly to attend on virtue, so, without doubt, it ought to follow, in a particular manner, that kind of*virtue which is of greatest use to society; I mean sincere, active, and well-con ducted pubhc spirit.' This it was, tbat distinguished the gentleman of whom I am now to speak, and that in an age when public spirit was not only out of fashion, but out of countenance ; when a man who professed to love his country, if known to have sense, Avas thought to be a hypocrite ; and, if not known to have it, a fool. Mr. Benbow was neither ; he had a probity that was never questioned, and a know ledge of men and things, which always procured him credit in whatever station he appeared. But there was this peculiar in his character, that never any addition of fortune or honour accrued to himself, but some good resulted from it to his coun try ; for that reason I have, with great care, col lected every circumstance, relating to his progress through life, from private hands ; which I flatter myself" will be so much the more agreeable to the public, from the want of pains in other writers to vin dicate the memory of this great, man ; which they have rather injured, by heaping together idle and ill-founded stories, and representing, as the rough behaviour of a tar, that steady courage, and that strict regard for discipline, which were not the foibles, as some people would insinuate, but the truly laudable qualities of this honest, gallant, and accom plished admiral. It would have been, I think, no reflection upon the Merit of this worthy man, if he had really sprung, as some authors suggest he did, from a very mean ori ginal ; but the fact is absolutely otherwise. He was oi< VICE-ADMIRAL BENBOW. 507 descended from the antient and honourable family of the Benbows in the county of Salop ; which, though now sunk in point of riches and credit, is still re membered with honour, as it deserves to be, since the misfortunes of the family were not the effects of their follies and vices, but owing to their firmness and fortitude, their attachment to honour, in prefer ence to interest, and their unshaken adherence to the good old .English principles of loyalty and pa triotism.* , When the civil war broke out. King Charles I. relying strongly on the affection of the inhabitants of this county, repaired in person to Shrewsbury, entered that city on the 20th of September, 1642, and the same day made a solemn and public decla ration, that he did not carry on this war from a thirst of blood, of conquest, or of absolute power, but from a desire of preserving his own just rights, and those of his people, since he was determined, if God gave him success therein, to be as tender of the privileges of parhament, as of his own prerogative. Upon this declaration, the Lords Newport and Little ton, with the greatest part of thegentry in that county, came in, and offered his Majesty their service; among these, were Thomas Benbow, and John Benbow, Esqrs. both men of estates, and both colonels in the king's service, of whose fortunes I am obliged to say somewhat, since the latter vvas the father of our ad miral, and there are many things worthy of being re corded that befel them both.f * Camden's Remains, p iii. Verstegan's Restitution of De cayed Intelligence, chap. ix. Charter's Analysis of Honour, p.73. We may, from the accounts given by these learned authors, col lect from both surname and arms, that Benbow is a Saxon family, as Bowes, called in Latin, de arcubus, certainly appears to be, and as Strongbow and Bowman are esteemed. + The earl of Clarendon gives a large account of this affair, in his history, and takes particular notice of the king's coining his plate there, which inclined many noblemen and gentlemen to bring in theirs, as also conyderablo sums o/ money. 508 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS When his Majesty's affairs were thrown into abso lute confusion, and he had been traiterously murdered, such gentlemen as had served in his army, retired into the country, and lived as privately as they could. But, though their interests w^ere much reduced, and their fortunes in a great measure ruined, yet their spirit remained unbroken, and they acted as chear fully for the service of King Charles II. as if they had never suffered at all by serving his father ; so much a better principle is loyalty than corruption. When therefore that prince marched from Scotland, , towards Worcester, the two Benbows, among other gentlemen of the county of Salop, went to attend him ; and after fighting bravely in the support of their sovereign, were both taken prisoners by the rebels. That unfortunate battle vvas fought September S, 1651, and soon after a court-martial was appointed to sit at Chester, wherein Colonel Macworth had the chair as president, and Major-general Mitton, and Other staunch friends to the cause, assisted ; by whom ten gentlemen, of the first families in Eng land, were illegally and barbarously sentenced to death, for barely corresponding with his Majesty, and five of them were executed. They then pro ceeded to try Sir Timothy Fetherstonehaugh, colonel Thomas Benbow, and the earl of Derby, for being in his service. They were all condemned, and, in order to strike the greater terror in different parts of the county, the earl of Derby was adjudged to suffer death on the 15th of October, at Bolton ; Sir Timo thy to be beheaded on the 17th, at Chester ; and Colonel Thomas Benbow to be shot on the 19th, at Shrewsbury, all these sentences were severally put in execution ; vvhich, I think, sufficiently shevvs, that the Benbows were then, or had been about that pe riod, a very considerable family in Shropshire ; for otherwise the colonel would hardly have been sept out of the world in so good company. OF VICE-ADMIRAL BENBOW, 509 As for Colonel John Benbow, he made his escape, after a short imprisonment, and lived privately in his own country, till the Restoration, when he was far in years, and yet so much to seek for a livelihood, that he Was glad to accept of a small office belonging to the ordnance in the Tower, which just brought him an income sufficient to save himself and his family from the danger of starving. In this situ ation he was, when a httle before the breaking out of the first Dutch war, the king came to the Tower k) examine the magazines. There his Majesty cast his eye on the good old colonel, who had now been distinguished by a fine head of grey hairs for twenty years. The king, whose memory vvas as quick as his eye, knew him at first sight, and immediately came up and embraced him. " My old friend, Colonel Benbow," said he, what do you here ?" I have, re turned the colonel, a place of fourscore pounds a- year, in which I serve your Majesty as cheerfully, as if it brought me in four thousand. " Alas !" said the king, " is that all that could be found for an old friend at Worcester? Colonel Legge, bring this gentleman to me to-morrow, and I will provide for him and his family as it becomes me." But, short as the time was, the colonel did not live to receive, or so much as to claim, the effects of this gracious promise ; for the sense of the king's gratitude and goodness so overcame his spirits, that, sitting down on a bench, he there breathed his last, before the king was well out of the Tower. And thus, both brothers fell martyrs to the royal cause, one in grief, and the other in joy. When we consider the many misfortunes and dis tressed circumstances of the father, it is impossible pot to be surprised at the poverty, or not feel com passion for the condition of his family, of the state of which, at the time of his decease, I am not able to give any distinct account ; all that I have been able to learn, is, that this son John, who was 510 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS then about fifteen, vvas bred to the sea ; but that it was in so low a station as a waterman's boy, which though some writers positively affirm, I can hardly believe ; because, even in King Charles II.'s reign, he was owner and commander of a ship called the Ben bow Frigate, and made then as respectable a figure as any man concerned in the trade to the Mediter ranean. He was always considered by the merchants as a bold, brave, and active commander, one who took care of his seamen, and was therefore chearfully obeyed by them, though he maintained strict dis cipline, with greater safety there, than afterwards in the royal navy. This behaviour raised his reputation greatly, so that no man was better known, or more esteemed by the merchants upon the Exchange, than Captain Benbow. It does not, however, appear, that he ever sought any preferment in that whole reign ; neither is it likely he would have met with it in the next, but from a remarkable accident, of which I shall give the reader the best account I can, because it gave rise to all his future fortunes, and is moreover as extraordinary a story in itself, as was perhaps ever related. In the year 1686, Captain Benbow, in his own vessel the Benbow Frigate, was attacked in his pas sage to Cadiz by a Sake rover, against whom he de fended himself, though very unequal in the number of men, with the utmost bravery, till at last the Moors boarded him ; but were quickly beat out of his ship again, with the loss of thirteen men, whose heads Captain Benbow ordered to be cut off, and thrown into a tub of pork pickle. When he arrived at Cadiz, he went ashore, and ordered a negro ser- van to follow him, with the INIoors heads in a sack. He had scarcely landed, before the officers of the re venue inquired of his servant what he had in h'm sack ? The captain answered, salt provisions for his own use. That may be, answered the ofhcers ; but we must insist upon seing them. Captain Benbovy- OF VICE-ADMIRAL BENBOW. 511 alleged, that he was no stranger there ; that he did not use to run goods, pretended to take it very ill that he was suspected. The officers told him, that the magistrates were sitting not far off, and that if they were satisfied with his word, his servant might carry the provision where he pleased ; but that other wise it was not in their power to grant any such dis pensation. The captain consented to the proposal ; and away they marched to. the custom-house, Mr. Benbow in the front, his man in the centre, and the officers in the rear. The magistrates, when he came before them, treated Captain Benbow with great civility ¦ told him, they were sorry to make a point of such a trifle, but that, since he had refused to shew the con tents of his sack to their officers, the nature of their employments obliged them to demand a sight of them ; and that, as they doubted not they were salt provisions, the shewing them could be of no great consequence one way or other. " I told you," says the captain sternly, " they were salt provisions for my own use. Caesar, throw them down upon the table; and, gentlemen, if you like them, they are at your service." The Spaniards were exceedingly struck at the sight of the Moors' heads, and no less astonished at the account of the captain's adventure, who with so small a force, had been able to defeat such a number of barbarians. They .sent an account of the whole matter to the court of Madrid, and Charges II. then king of Spain, was so much pleased with it, that he would needs see the English captain, who made a journey to court, where he vvas received with great testimonies of respect, and not only dis missed with a handsome present, but his Catholic Majesty was also pleased to write a letter in his be half to King James, who, upon the captain's return, gave him a ship, which was his introduction to th^ royal navy. After the Revolution, he distinguished himself by 614 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS several successful cruises in jibe Channel, where he was employed at the request of the merchants, and not only did his duty by protecting the trade, and annoying the enemy, but was also remarkably care ful in examining the French ports, gaining intelli gence, and forming schemes for disturbing the French commerce, and securing our own. For this reason he was commonly made choice of to command the squadrons employed in bombarding the French ports, of which we have already given a large account ; and therefore it is altogether unnecessary to repeat those things here. I shall content myself, for this reason, with remarking, that he shewed no less courage than conduct upon such occasions, being always present in his boat, as' well to encourage as to instruct the seamen and engineers, according to his manner of ever enforcing his commands by his example. The diligence and activity of Captain Benbow could not fail of recommending him to the favour of so wise and brave a prince as King William ; to whose personal kindness, founded on a just sense of Mr. Benbow's merit, he owed his being so early promoted to a flag ; after which he was generally employed as the most experienced seaman in the navy, to watch the motions of the French at Dunkirk, and to prevent, as far as it was possible, the depredations of Du Bart; in which he shewed such dihgence, and did such sig nal service, by preserving our merchant ships, that he escaped the slightest censure, when libels flew about against almost every other officer of rank in the whole fleet. The truth really was, that the seamen gene rally considered Rear-admiral Benbow as their greatest patron ; one, who not only used them well while un der his care, but was always ready to interpose in their favour, as far as his interest went, when they were ill-treated by others. There vvas, at that time, a warm dispute as to the expediency of preferring mere seamen, or, as they were then called, tarpaulins, to gentlemen in thg OF VICE-ADMIRAL BENBOW, 6l« navy ; Admiral Benbow was consulted more than once by the king upon that subject, and always gave it as liis opinion, that it was best to employ botii ; that a seaman should never lose preferment for want of re commendation, or a gentleman obtain it, barely from that motive. He was also a great enemy to party- distinctions, and thought a man's merit ought to be judged of from his actions at sea, rather than from the company he kept on shore ; and for this reason he lived upon good terms with the admirals of different parties, who were all of them ready to testify, upoij any occasion, his courage and conduct. In the year I697, he vvas sent, with a small squa^ dron before Dunkirk ; where he saved the Virginia and West India fleet from falling into the hands of the French privateers, for which he received the thanks of the merchants. He would, likewise, have succeeded in restraining Du Bart from going out, if the Dutch Rear-admiral Vandergoes had been in a condition to assist him, or if the lords of the Admiralty had been inclined to have taken his advice ; for observing, in the beginning of August, that the French frigates were hauled into the bason, to clean, he judged their 'design to be what it really proved, to put to sea by the next spring tide.; and, therefore, as his ships were all foul, he wrote up to the board, to desire that four of the best sailers might be ordered to Sheerness to -clean, and that the others might come to the. Downs, not only to take in water, which they very much wanted, but also to heel and scrub ; which he judged might have been done, before the spring-tide gave the French an opportunity of getting over the bar ; but this was not then thought advisable, though he afterwards received orders for it, when the thing was too late. By this unlucky accident, the French had an opportunity given them of getting out with five clean ships .; yet this, however, did not hinder the admiral from pursuing them as well as he was able; .and some ships of hi§ squadron had the good luipk tp VOL. III. L J- 514 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS take a Dunkirk privateer often guns, and forty men, which had done a great deal of mischief This was one of the last actions of the war, and the rear-admiral soon after received orders to return home with the squad ron under his command. It is very well known, that after the peace of Rys wick, and even while the partition treaties were nego ciating, King William had formed a design of doing something very considerable in the West Indies. This project had long occupied the king's thoughts, into whjcb, it is said, it was first put by Father Henepin, who was extremely well acquainted with that part of the world. Tbe king had turned it several times in his mind; and, at last, took a settled resolution, that, if the French attempted to deceive him, as he had great reason to believe they would, something of con sequence should be done in that part of the world. In the mean time, however, he thought fit to send a small squadron, of three fourth rates, into the West Indies, under the command of Rear-admiral Benbow, who had private instructions from the king, to make the best observations he could on the Spanish ports and settlements, but to keep as fair as possible vvith the governors, and to afford them any assistance, if they desired it. He was likewise instructed to watch the galleons; for the king of Spain, Charles II. was then thought to be in a dying condition. Rear-ad miral Benbow sailed in the month of November, 1698, and did not arrive in the West Indies till the February following, where he found things in a very indifferent situation. Most of our colonies were in a bad condition, many of them engaged in warm dis putes with their governors ; the forces that should have been, kept up in them for their defence, so re duced by sickness, desertion, and other accidents, tiiat littie or nothing was to be expected from them. The admiral carried with him Colonel CoHingwood's regiment, which he disposed of to the best advantage in the Leeward Islands. OF VICE-ADMIRAL BENBOW. 515 ^ He then addressed himself to execute his commis sion, and sailed for that purpose to Carthagena, wiiere he met with a very indifferent reception from the governor, which he returned, by talking to him m a style so very plain, that forced him, though he bad been wanting in civility, to make it up, in .some measure, by doing justice ; and in the same manner lie proceeded with the governor of Porto Bello, as I have shewn elsewhere ; but still tbe great ends of his commission remained altogether unanswered, not through any fault of the admiral's, but for want of a suflScient force, either to engage the Spaniards to con fide in him, or to perform any thing considerable, in case the French had sent a strong fleet into that part of the world, as it was then expected they would have done. This affair vvas complained of in parlia ment, where the smallness of the squadron, and the sending it so late, were very severely reflected upon ; though, at the same time, great compliments were paid to Admiral Benbow's courage, capacity, and in tegrity, by both parties ; and when he returned home two years after, he brought >vith him authentic tes timonies of his having done the merchants and planters all the services they could either expect or de sire; so that he was received with the most cordial friendship by his Majesty,* who, as a mark of his royal favour, was graciously pleased to grant him an augmentation of arms, by adding to the three bent * It is certain, that the French had great advantages from the nature of their government, which enabled them to take much - quicker measures for effecting their purposes, than we could do to oppose them ; but as this was, in a great degree, owing to over sights and mismanagements in the former war, so it shews the ne cessity there is of strict and prudent enquiries, in order to obtain the confidence of this nation ; which, whenever it is acquired, will be always found an over-balance even for the French power ; whereas, if the people of England entertain any doubts of the manner in which their money is to be employed, it will often be found difficult, some time or other, perhaps impracticable, to mak« |hem part with it.. 1, L 2 5ie HISTORICAL MEMOIRS bows, which he and his family already bore, as many arrows. The vvhole system of affairs in Europe was changed by that time Admiral Benbow came back ; the king had discovered the disingenuity of the French, and saw himself under an absolute necessity of entering upon a new war, while he was sensible the nation was, as yet, very little recovered from theexpences'of the last. One of his first cares was, to put the fleet into as good condition as it was possible, and to give the command of it to officers that might in all respects b& depended upon ; and to this disposition of the king's, Mr. Benbow owed his being declared vice-admiral of the blue. He was at that time cruising off Dunkirk, in order to prevent, what? was then much dreaded here, an invasion. There was, as yet, no war declared be tween the tvvo crowns; but this was held to be no se- 'curity against France ; and it was no sooner known, that they were fitting out a strong squadron at Dun kirk, thanit Was firmly beheved to be intended to co ver a descent. Vice-admiral Benbow satisfied the ministry, that there was no danger on this side ; and •then it was resolved to prosecute, without delay, the projects formerly concerted, in order to disappoint the French in their views upon the Spanish succes- 'Sion ; to facilitate which, it vvas thought absolutely necessary to send, without delay, a strong squadron to the West Indies. This squadron was to consist of two third rates, and eight fourths ; which was as great a strength as it was judged could be at that time spared ; and it was thought indispensably requisite that it should be under the orders of an officer, whose courage and con- .duct might be safely relied on, and whose experiencs might give the world a good opinion of the choice .made of him for this important command ; upon the right management of which, it was believed, the suc cess of the war would, in a great measure, depend. Mr. Benbow was thought of by the ministry, as soon, as OP VICE-ADMIRAL BENBOW. 5it the expedition wa^ determined ; but the king Avould not hear of it He said, that Benbow vv^as in a man ner just come home from thence, where^ he had met With nothing but difficulties; and that, therefore, it tvas but fair some other oti[icer should take bis turn.* One or two were named and consulted: but either their health, or their affairs were in such disorder, that they most earnestly desired to be excused; upon which the king said merrily to some of his ministers, alluding to the dress and appearance of these gentler- men, " Well then, I find we must spare our beaus, and send honest Ben^oa-." His Majesty, accordingly, sent for him upon this occasion, and asked him, whether he was willing to go to the West Indies, assuring him, if he was not, he- would not take it amiss if he desired to be excus ed. Mr. Benbow answered bluntly, " That he did not understand such compliments; that bethought he had no right to chuse his station ; and that, if his Majesty thought fit to send him to the East or West Indies, or anywhere else, he would cheerfully exe*- cute his orders as became him." Thus the matter was settled in very few words, and the command of the West India squadron conferred, without any mix*- ture of envy, on our Vice-admiral Benbow. To conceal the design of this squadron, but above all to prevent the French from having any just no^ tions of its force, Sir George Rooke, then admiral of the fleet, had orders to convoy it as far as Scill}'^, and to send a strong squadron with it thence, to see it well into the sea ; all wdiich he punctually performed ; so that Admiral Benbow departed in the month of Sej)- tember, 1701; the world in general believing, that * This was the American branch of the grand scheme before hinted at, and was to seize the galleons ; at the same time, the fleet, which was to sail into the Mediterranean, took Cadiz, and gave us a secure entrance into Andalusia ; than which, a moro simple, more noble, or more practicable design| the human mind eould not lfconceiTe> 518 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS he was gone with Sir John Munden, who command ed the squadron that accompanied him into the AJedi- terranean ; and to render this still more credible, our minister at Madrid was ordered to demand the free use of the Spanish ports ; which was accordingly per formed. As soon as it vvas known in England, that Vice-admiral Benbow was sailed, with ten ships only, for the West Indies, and it was discovered*, that the great armament at Brest, with which we were long amused, was intended for the same part of the worid, a mighty clamour was raised here at home, as if he had been sent to be sacrificed, and heavy reflections \vere made upon the inactivity of our grand fleet; whereas, in truth, the whole affair had been conduct ed with all imaginable prudence, and the vice-admi ral had as considerable a squadron, as, all things ma turely weighed, it was, in that critical juncture, thought possible to be spared.* * The sending Vice-admiral Benbow at that critical season, waS a. very judicious measure, the faults were committed afterwards. Sir John Munden was punished for the consequence, rather than the nature, of his error. A strong squadron should have' been then sent to the support of Benbow, which had saved him and served the nation. That 1 may not seem to speak altogether without hook, I shall cite a passage from a pamphlet puhlished in 1702, intitled, ' The present Condition of the English Navy.' " A hew war I believe to be unavoidable : and we arc much beholden to (he last parlia ment that we are not entered into it already, and so become the Fight-alls, the Pay-alls, and the Losc-alls, of Europe, as we have hitherto been. But, if we have a war managed as the last was, we had better spend a little money in booms and chains, to secure our ships in harbour, than to send them abroad lo spend our money, lose our reputation, and not secure our trade. I cannot persuade myself, that the parliament of England will ever more send the native strength of their country abroad in otheir people's quarrels, and be at the charge of levies, clothing, arms, and transportations, to put their own liberties in danger at home,' by a standing army, when they have done the business of our allies abroad. The men we lost, and the money we spent in the last war, as also, how hard it was to get them disbanded, in opposition to thie interest of men, that wanted to support their titles to their il legal grants, and ill-gotten gains, is too. fres-h in o^t memories, OF VICE-ADMIRAL BENBOW. 519 It is certain, that King William formed great hopes of this exi)edition, knowing vvell that Vice-admiral Benbow vvould execute with the greatest spirit and punctuality, the instructions he had received ; which were, to engage the Spanish governors, if possible, to disown King Philip ; or, in case that could not be brought about, to make himself master of the gal leons. In this design, it is very plain, that the admi ral would have succeeded, notwithstanding the small ness of his force, if bis oflacers had done their duty ; and it is no less certain, that the anxiety the vice-ad miral was under, about the execution of his orders, was the principal reason for his maintaining so strict discipline, which proved unluckily the occasion of his coming to an untimely end. Yet there is no reason to censure either the king's project, or the admiral's conduct ; both were right in themselves, though nei ther was attended with the success it deserved. The French knew too well the importance of the Spanish West Indies, not to think of providing for their Tjecurity, as soon as ever they resolved to accept the will qf his Catholic Majesty, the late King Charles IL wbich, it may be, was some time before his death, theugh, to save appearances, solemnly de bated after the contents of the will were communi- ever to bring ourselves under the like hardships. I foresee that the war will be now at sea, and we have but a very ill omen of success, from the last summer's expedition of our fleet. Our mo dern Whigs, in their legion letters, and Kentish petitions, ex claimed against tl^e parliament, because they raised no more money ; but I hope these folk, if they have any brains, or honesty, are novv sensible of their groundless complaint, when they find how lit-^ tie has been done for what wa,fi then raised. They gave 1,^00,000 pounds lor the fleet, for this expedition ; iind what has been the effect ? the whole fleet went to convoy Benbow in his way to the West Indies, and, while they were gone, our modern Whigs boast. eid of their conduct, and bujlt castles in the air, to hold the money they should bring home in the Spanish galleons ; but, in a short time, we found them all at Spithead, except a few shi])s that pro ceeded with Benbow to the West Indies, where, if they be not Talmashedj they have good fortune." 620 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS cated by the privy council of Spain. The officer whom his Most Christian Majesty made choice of to command the squadron which was first to be sent thi-" ther, was the faihous M. Du Casse, governor of St. Domingo. He was to carry with him one hundred officers of all ranks, who were intended to disciphne the Spanish militia in the kingdom of Mexico ; but, before this could be done, it was thought necessary to send M. Da Casse to Madrid, to ask the consent of the Spanish council, which took up some time ; for though the Spaniards could not but be sensible in how wretched a situation their affairs in the West Indies were, yet it was with great reluctancy, that they gave way to this expedient, though a little reflection (of which no nation is more capable), vvould have shewn them, that, in reality, they had. no choice to make; but, vvhen they had once come to a resolution, that M. Du Casse should be sent, they were continually soliciting the French court to dis patch him immediately. The French councils, which vvere better conducted,, had, as vve already Suggested, foreseen all these diffi culties ; and, therefore, had a squadron ready at Brest, consisting of five ships of the line, and several large Vessels laden with arms and ammunition, which, un der the command of the Marquis De Coetlogon, in the month of April 1701, sailed for the Spanish West Indies; and, on the 20th of October, the Count De Chateau Renaud sailed also with fourteen ships of the line, and sixteen frigates, to meet the galleons, that were supposed to be already departed from the Havannah, under the escort of the Marquis. De Coet logon ; and, after all this, M. Du Casse likewise sailed with his squadron ; from whence the English reader will easily see, that as Admiral Benbow received no supplies, he was truly in danger of being crushed by the superior power of our enemies, and that extra ordinary diligence which was used to strengthen and Support them. OF VICE-ADMIRAL BENBOW. &-21 When Vice-Admiral Benbow arrived first at Ja maica, which was at the close of the year 1701, he made such just and wise dispositions for securing our own trade, and annoying that of the enemy, that the French saw, with great amazement, all their schemes defeated, which they had been enabled to form by their having much earlier intelligence than we of the intended war ; and their own writers fairly admit, that even after the arrival of the Marquis De Coet logon, they were constrained to act only on the de fensive ; and found all the grand projects they had meditated, for attacking Jamaica and the Leeward Islands, entirely frustrated. The Dutch accounts, at the same time, from Cu-^ rofoa, said plainly, that, notwithstanding all the blus tering of the French, Vice-admiral Benbow, with a small English squadron, remained master of those seas ; nor did he fail to make use of this advantage, by taking many prizes, and by giving all imaginable countenance to the private trade carried on by the English on the Spanish coasts : but, in a few weeks time, the scene began to change ; for the vice-admi ral had first the news of M. Chateau Renaud's arrival at Martinico witii a squadron much stronger than his own ; and, soon after, information that this squa dron had been joined by the Marquis De Coetlogon from the Havannah, which alarmed the inhabitants of Barbadoes and Jamaica excessively, because we had no force capable of resisting this French fleet, in case their commanders were determined to act of fensively. In this uncertain situation, things continued to the end of April 1702, when the vice-admiral resolved, notwithstanding there was a great want of men on board the squadron, to put to sea, in order to cruize between Jamaica and Hispaniola; and accordingly he sailed on the Sth of May; but, before he Avas quite clear of the island of Jamaica, he met Avith Rear-admiral Whetstone, with whom be returned, to 522 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS communicate to the government some orders received from England; having first sent the Falmouth, Ruby, and Experiment, to cruize off Petit Guavas. He had advice about the middle of May, that, on the ]8th of the preceding month, there passed by Cama- nagoto, on Terra Firma, seventeen tall ships, which steered towards the west end of Cuba. These ships he judged to be part of M. Chateau Renaud's squa dron, and that they v\'ere bound to the Havannah, to- offer their service for convoying home the flota ; but he had not strength to follow them, without subject ing the island to the insults of those ships which were at Leogane. Some little time after, the master of a Spanish sloop from Cuba, acquainted him that M. Chateau Renaud was actually arrived at the Havan nah, with twenty-six ships of war, waiting for the flota from La Vera Cruz; and this wa§ confirmed by the ships he had sent out, which, during their cruize in those parts, had taken four prizes ; one of them a ship mounted Avith no more than twenty-four, but capable of carrying forty guns. The vice-admiral being likewise informed, by a sloop from Petit Guavas, that four ships, with provi sions, were bound from thence to the Havannah, he sent three frigates to intercept them, between Cape St. Nicholas and Cape Mayze, the very track leading thither ; but they bad not the expected success. The same day he detached Rear-admiral Whetstone with tvvo third-rates, three fourths, and a fire-ship, to in tercept M. Du Casse, who, he had heard, was ex pected at Port Louis, at the west end of Hispaniola, a little within the isle of Ash, with four ships of war, to settle the Assiento at Carthagena, and to destroy the trade of the English and Dutch for negroes, re solving to sail himself, in five or six days, vvith the remainder of the squadron, in search of these French ships, in case the rear-admiral should miss them. I have already given so fuUand particular an ac count of what happened on the admiral's sailing to OF VICE-ADMIRAL BENBOW. 529 intercept Du Casse, that I shall confine myself here to such circumstances as are personal only. The scheme formed by Admiral Benbow for the destruc tion of the French force in the West Indies, and hav ing a chance for the galleons, shevvs him to have been a very able and judicious commander, and effec tually disproves that idle and ridiculous calumny of his being a mere seaman. He saw that the French officers v\'ere excessively embarrassed by the wayward conduct of the Spaniards, who would not take a sin gle step out of their own road, thougli for their own service. He resolved to take advantage of this, and to attack the smallest of their squadrons, having be fore sent home such an account of the number and value of the Spanish ships, and of the strength of the French squadrons that vvere to escort them, as might enable the ministry to take all proper measures for intercepting them, either in their passage from the West Indies, or when it should be known that they iwere arrived in the European seas. When he had done this, he sailed from Jamaica on the 11th of July, with two third-rates, six fourths, a fire-ship, bomb, tender, and sloop, in hopes of meeting Rear- admiral Whetstone; but missing him, he failed not, however, first to give the utmost disturbance to the French settlements in St. Domingo, and then sailed in search of Du Casse's squadron, vvhich he came up with and engaged, on Wednesday the 19th of August, and fought him bravely for five days; vvhich not only demonstrates the courage and conduct of this gallant seaman, but the fidehty and attachment of his own ship's company ; since it is impossible he could, in such circumstances, have maintained the engage ment so long, if his inferior officers, and all the com mon seamen, had not been very unanimous. The French accounts, indeed, represent the whole affair ' to their own advantage ; but M. Du Casse, who Avas a brave man, and by' much the best judge of this mat ter, has put the thing out of dispute, by the follow- S24 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS ing shoft letter, written by him immediately after hi* arrival at Carthagena ; the original of which is stilh or at least was, in the hands of Admiral Benbow's family : " Sir, " I had littie hopes, on Monday last, but to have supped in your cabin : but it pleased God to order it otherwise; I am thankful for it. As for those cow ardly captains who deserted you, hang them up; for, by — — , they deserve it. Your's Du Casse." The first care the admiral had, after his return ttf Jamaica was, to provide for the officers who distin guished themselves in the late engagement ; and next, to bring those to justice, who had so basely betrayed their trust ; and in this he vvas so earnest,- that perhaps he failed a httle in point of form, since, in order to their trial, he granted a commission, which it has been questioned, whether he might le gally do ; but he certainly acted from tvvo very ex cusable reasons ; the first was, that he found himself in no condition to preside in a court-martial, having been ill of a fever, which ensued upon cutting off his leg from the time of his coming a-shore : the other, that in case he had been able to assist upon that occasion, he was desirous of declining it, from his having so great a personal interest in the affain After the court-martial was over, the admiral lived nearly a month ; for that court sat on the 6th of Oc tober, and the admiral died on the 4th of November following. He was, all that time, extremely sensible of his danger, and never entertained any flattering hopes of recovery. Yet, during that long illness, he sup-' ported his character as an English admiral, with the same firmness he had shewn during the engagemehr, giving all the necessary orders for protecting the tracfe, OF VICE-ADMIRAL BENBOW. 525 that could have been expected from him, if he had been in perfect health ; and in the letters he wrote home to his lady, be discovered much greater anxi ety for the interest of the nation, than for his private fortune, or the concerns of his family. The queen had so just a regard for the memory of this gallant man, that she spoke of his loss vvith great regret ; and, as I have already shewn, would not suffer herself to be teazed into an ill-timed act of mercy, though, like all her family, most tender in her own nature, to wards those, who, through their cowardice, were sprinkled vv'ith his blood. His sister had, in his life time, presented the admiral's picture to the corpora tion of Shrewsbury, who caused it to be hung up in their town hall ; where it still remains, as a testimony of the regard which his countrymen had for this worthy officer and true patriot. The vice-admiral left behind him a numerous pos terity of both sexes : but his sons dying, all of them without issue, his two surviving daughters became co-heiresses ; and of these, the eldest married Paul Cal- ton, Esq. of Milton, near Abington, in the county of Berks. John Benbow, one of his sons, claims some notice in a work of this nature, independently bf his relationship to his gallant father. He was bred to the sea, and went to the East Indies in quality of fourth mate, on board the Degrave, Captain William Young, commander, vvhich ship passed through the Downs, on February 19, 1701, when Admiral Ben bow lay there Avith his squadron, ready to proceed to the West Indies. The Degrave was a fine ship, of 700 tons, and carried fifty-two guns ; she was bound for Fort St. George, in the East Indies, where she safely arrived, an(l proceeded from thence to Bengal, where her captain and first mate died; by which means the command devolved on the captain's son, who Avas second mate, and Mr. John Benbow became second mate. From Bengal, they sailed fpr the Cape .«$26 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS of Good Hope ; but, in going out of the river, the ship ran a-ground and stuck fast j she floated again the next high tide, and put to sea with little or no damage, as they then imagined ; but they very soon, after found her so leaky, that they were forced to keep tvvo chain pumps continually going : in this con dition they sailed two months, before they reached the island of St. Maurice, at that time inhabited by the Dutch, who received them kindly, gave them all the assistance in their power, permitting them to set up a tent on shore, into which they brought most part of their cargo, having unladen their ship, in or der to search for the leak; which, however, they could not find. After about a month's stay at the is land before-mentioned, and taking on board about fifty Lascars, or moorish seamen, they sailed directly for the Cape of Good Hope-; they bad then about one hundred and seventy hands on board, and, though the Lascars could not do much in point of navigation, they vvere, however, of great use, as they eased the English seamen from the labour of pumping. Yet, after all, it was fatal for them that this rash resolu tion was taken, of putting to sea before they stopped, pr even discovered the leak; for, in a few days time, it gained so much upon them, that, notwithstanding they pumped day and night, it was as much as they could do, to keep the vessel above water, though they were still above six hundred leagues from their in tended port. The ship's company, believing that common danger put them all on an equality, repre sented to Captain Young, that his design of proceed ing to the Cape was become impracticable; aud that, therefore, the wisest thing be could do, was to make the nearest land, Avhich vvas that of Madagascar; to the southward of which, they had sailed about an hundred leagues. The captain complied with their advice, and endeavoured to run the ship on shore; but that was found impracticable hkewise : so that. OF VICE-ADMIRAL BENBOW. 527 .when' they were within a quarter of a mile of the coast, they let go an anchor first, and then cut down all her masts and rigging, and threw thpir guns and goods overboard, in hopes of making the ship swim nearer; but this being found also impossible, and hav ing already lost their long boat and pinnace, they re solved to make a raft, vvhich they did in the night; and the next morning, Mr. Pratt, their chief mate, with four men, went in a little boat on shore with a rope, by which they proposed to warp the raft. This boat vvas staved to pieces, before it reached the land ; but the men escaped, and secured the rope, which brought the raft on shore, vvith the rest of the ship's company, except the captain, who remained last on board the ship, and did not leave her, till he found she began to break to pieces, and then he threw himself into the sea, and swam a-shore. They were quickly made prisoners by the king of tbat part of the island, who carried them fifty miles up into the country, wlieie they found Captain Drummond, and Captain Stewart, with a few of their ship's crevv^, in the same situation w^'ith themselves ; and who soon let them into a perfect knowledge of their condition, by assuring them that the king intended to make them serve in his wars, and vvould never permit them to return, to Europe ; which struck them, as may be imagined, with the utmost consternation.* * This Captain J)rummond is-the same I have before mentioned, as commander of the Rising Sun, a ship belonging to the Scots East India company ; he came to trade at Madagascar, and while his ship lay at anchor, she was surprised by a pirate, who suft'eicd the captain, with his friend Captain Stewart, and a few hands, to go a-shore in the long-boat, in the territories of the same prince who made Mr. Benbow prisoner. It was for the supposed murder of this Captain Drummond, that one Captain Green, a very honest English gentleman, his mate, Mr. Mather, and several other per sons, were executed in Scotland, on the testimony of a black, and more would have been executed, but for the care of the late worthy duke of Argyle, who interposed out of pure generosity, and pro cured their pardons. I remember, while a boy, to have seen this. 528 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS In this distress, the Captains Drummond, Sfewarf* and Young, held a consultation, in conjunction with Mr. Pratt, and Mr. Benbow, in which Captain Drummond proposed it, as the only expedient bv which they could possibly recover their liberty, to seize the black king, and march off with him prisoner into some other province of the island, where the ships more frequently came. Mr. Benbow warmly espoused this proposal, and assisted with great courage in the execution of it, which was performed with more ease than was expected ; and the king, his son, and his queen, were made prisoners ; but the -queen was re leased by Captain Young, out of mere pity. It is not very easy to conceive a bolder enterprise than this, vvhen between fifty and sixty white people, and not above half of these armed, carried off a black prince, out of the midst of hjs capital, and in the sight of some hundreds, nay, some thousands, of his subjects, better armed than themselves ; who were, notwith standing, restrained from firing upon them, by Cap tain Young's threatening immediately to kill their king if they did. Afterwards, however, they mismanaged the thing strangely ; for, upon a proposal made by the negroes to give them six guns for their king ; it was agreed to give him up, upon a supposition that the blacks would then follow them no farther; and this, not withstanding Mr. Benbow warmly opposed it, and shewed them the mischievous consequences with which so wild a measure must be attended. The king being given up, the blacks still continued to Captain Green's original Journal, in the custody of a merchant jn Edinburgh, who did him all the service in his power, at the hazard of his own life ; from which Journal it appeared, that they only met with Captain Drummond at sea, as they were homeward l)ound, on board whose ship Captain Green dined, and received from hini a present of a bible, which was made nse of to corroborate thi^ black's evidence; whp, from a wicked spirit of rerenge, perjureij himself, that ho m$hi wurdcr his master. OF VICE-ADMIRAL BENBOW. 629 follow them, though at a distance, at last it was agreed to give up the prince too, upon a supposition, that this would put an end to the pursuit ; taking, however, three people, who, the blacks t<»ld them, were the principal men in their country, by way of hostages, of whom two sotm marie their escape, and then the blacks not only pursued thera, but began to fire upon them, which hitherto they had not done. The weakness of their own conduct, and the wisdom pf Mr. Benbow's advice, were by this time visible to every body ; and, as it now appeared clearly they had nothing for it but fighting, they be gan to dispose their little army in order of battle. Thirty-six armed men were divifled into four bodies, commanded by the three captains and Mr. Benbow ; but, after an engagement that lasted from noon till six in the evening, it was agreed to treat. The ne groes demanded their arms, and then promised to let them go ; and, at the persuasion of Captain Young, this wild proposition was accepted, though vigorously opposed by Mr. Benbow; but, when it came to be put in execution, the Captains Drummond and Stew art,* with four or fiv^e of their crew, refused to deliver their arms, and marched off unperceived in the night, accompanied by Mr. Benbow, and got safe to Port Dauphine, while the rest were cruelly murdered, ex cept one Robert Drury, a boy of fifteen or sixteen years old, Avhom they preserved, and made a slave. * The reader may, perhaps, be desirous of knowing what be came of this Captain Drummond, of which nothing more can bo Said, than what is found in the travels of Drury, who remained so many years upon the island. He informs us, that he saw Captain Drummond once, several years after they parted, and that he was then at liberty, and lived as happily as it was possible for a man of his education to do in such a country ; and he farther adds, that the year he came away, which was in 1716, he was informed, that Captain Drummond had been killed by a negro J but without any particular circumstances. vol. III. M M 530 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS As fdr Mr. Benbow, after remaining- several years amongst the negroes, where he lived after theii" nianner, and went naked, he escaped on board a Dutch ship, the captain of which had been well acquainted with his fa!ther, and, for his sake, trea ted him with great kindness and respect. I had this particular of Mr. Benbow's escape in a Dutch ship from several persons of Mr. Benbow's ac quaintance, who had received it from his own inouth; for his escape was so wonderful, and at tended witb such surprising circumstances, that many people had the curiosity to visit Mr. Benbow", in order to hear it from himself, in which he veiy readijy gratified them, though otherwise a man of niuch taciturnity. This Mr. John Benbow lived many years afteV in England, and composed a vvoik, intitled, " A com plete description of the south part of the Island of Madagascar ;" which was a very curious and accurate performance, and therefore, often borrowed by his acquaintance, with some of whom it still remains ; nor have the family, after the strictest search, been able to retrieve it. It would be certainly a kind pre sent to the learned world, an^, at the same time, an act of great justice to the memory of Mr. Benbow, if any gentleman, in whose hands it novv is, would pub lish it, because it contains many things of a commer cial, as vvell as historical and philosophical nature. I do not know whether, strictly speaking, so long an account of Mr. Benbow's misfortunes be recon cileable to a work of this nature ; but as the recital of them cannot but be entertaining to the reader ; and as so many remarkable facts might have been buried in oblivion, if I had not taken this occasion tp preserve them, I hope I shall at least stand ex- f^used, if not justified, for the liberty I have taken ; and, in this hope, I return to the thread of my OF VICE-ADMIRAL BENBOW. 135 history, and to fhe memoirs which occur next in order of time.* * As T havemade great usebf " Drury's Travels," I think it neces sary to insert the following certificate, by Captain William Mackett, whose reputation was so well established, both for understanding and probity, that nobody judged it possible for him to be either deceived himself in a case of this nature, or capable of entering into a design of deceiving or amusing others ; and, therefore, his certificate seems sufficient to establish this author's credit. It runs thus : " This is to certify, That Robert Drury, fifteen years a slave in Madagascar, now living in London, was redeemed from thence, and brought into England, his native couutry, by myself, I esteem him an honest, industrious man, of good reputation, and do firmly believe, that the account he gives of his strange and surprising ad ventures is genuine and authentic. May 7, 1728. W. Mackett." END OF VOL TII. printed by JofCffOold, 101, tbQe.tane, Londaiu YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY 3 9002 04078 0752 BRmSH HISTORV PREgERVATldN : PROJECTI SUPPORTED By NEH