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Mt WxWxm §m% knight,

ADMIRAL AND GENERAL AT SEA,

G-REAT CAPTAIN COMMANDER

FLEET.
1

1

ALBANY, N. Y. :
J. MUNSELL, STATE STREET.
1876.

r76C.,

IlSTTRODUCTIOIsr.
.RESUMING that most Pennsylvanians,
in common with myself, feel that proper
interest in the, great founder of our state
which makes valuable a knowledge of his father,
the valiant admiral, I offer the following slight
memoir. If I may claim the credit of being the first to
condense into one volume the substance of what is
now ascertainable in regard to Sir William Penn,
I would not undervalue the biographical notices
in the various cyclopedias ; they, however, are
brief, and in different degrees imperfect. On the
other hand Mr. Granville Penn's Memorials is a
work of such extended and thorough research,
that it ranks among standard books of reference,
having original authority.
Mr. Hepworth Dixon has said that Sir William
Penn was one of the suppressed characters of En
glish history, and that the discovery of Pepys was

IV

also the discovery of the admiral. I presume that
the vindicator of the Founder means, not that
Pepys's scandals unveiled the true character of
Sir William, but that the unwarrantable tittle-tat
tle of the reckless yet amusing diarist, caused the
issue of the knight's original journal, correspond
ence and memoirs, from which were gained a cor
rect account of his services, and a just estimate of
his character and high abilities in naval matters,
with their influence in the great achievements of
the Dutch wars.
For two centuries much obloquy has rested upon
Penn for the failure at Hispaniola, in regard to
which even Mr. Dixon, in his life of Blake, charges
Gen. Venables with cowardice. An admiral should
not be blamed for the failure of a general, while
Venables, if incompetent, cannot truly be called
a coward, advancing as he did, at the very head
of his troops. Whether Penn's efforts to restore
the Royal Family are to be called treason, or a
natural outburst of wrongfully suppressed loyalty,
will depend upon the roundhead or cavalier opin
ions of the reader.
Prejudice has customarily applied the term
" Irish rebels" to all Irishmen fighting ao-ainst En
glishmen, even when, as in the Parliamentary

v
wars, they were struggling for the king, while the
English were battling against him. This curious
perversion of the term should be borne in mind.
Since I have not added references to my au
thorities in foot notes, I subjoin a list of books
consulted by me, each of which contributed some
mite, at least, of fact or confirmation to this bio
graphy in addition to that gained from Granville
Penn's Memorials, a work which, besides affording
the most varied and particular a,ccount of the ad
miral, gives, as Mr. Allen, the author of the Battles
of the British Navy, declares, the best history of
the first and second Dutch wars.
That the Penns of Penn Lodge in Wilts, were
descended from the ancient stock of Penn of Penn,
county Bucks, is claimed by both families. The
statement first made public by me, that the quon
dam monk William was the connecting link, is
based upon family manuscripts. (P. 96 Common
Place Book of the Hon. John Penn Jr., library of
the Historical Society of Pennsylvania; Philadel
phia.) The point is an interesting one, and should
receive the attention of genealogists, since its con
firmation from some original source, contemporary
with his tim-s, would be valuable.

VI

Authorities.
Manuscripts of the Penn Family in the library of
the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, at
Philadelphia.
Publications of the Rolls Office.
Granville Penn's Memorials of Admiral Sir William
Penn.
Biographies of Gov. Penn by Dixon and others.
Gov. Penn"s Works.
Histories of Cos. Bucks, Wilts, and Gloucester.
Burke's Genealogical and Heraldic Works.
French " " " "
Allen's Battles of the British Navy.
Dixon's Life of Admiral Blake.
Memoirs of the O'Briens.
Pepys's Diary.
Evelyn's "

The Penns of Penn.

?HE family of De la Penne, ancient and
patrician in France, was established in
England during the reign of William
the Conqueror. Receiving an estate in Bucking
hamshire, the race became so firmly implanted
that their very name rooted itself to the soil, and
although the male line failed in 1732, an heiress
carried on the succession to the Penn-Curzon-
Howes, whose chief. Earl Howe, now represents
the elder line of Penn.
Thus for eight hundred years have the Penns
been lords of the manor of Penn. They had come
Frenchmen and conquerors to England, and they
went back Englishmen and conquerors to France,
in the train of Edward III, from whose sword Sir
John Penn received the honor of knighthood.
Some two centuries after Sir John had thus been
rewarded for his valor, his descendant and repre-

sentative in chief, David Penn, Esq., resided at
the old hall, holding there, as lord of the soil, his
court manorial. This lord of the manor of Penn
had taken to wife, Sibyl, a daughter of the family
of Hampden, a name then ancient, and made il
lustrious in the succeeding century.
Such was the family of Penn, when the tyrant
of the land, Henry VIII, demanded the presence
of the lady of the manor at his court. The king
had set liis eyes ou Sibyl ; was it with hatred or
witti love ? It mattered not, in the end each was
alike fatal. Doubtless there were many misgivings
in regard to the royal notice, and the breast of
Sibyl may not have been untroubled by the memo
ries of what had been ; the fortune and the fate of
women whom the king had loved. What imagin
ings were too wild of a monarch so full of fancies
and caprice ? But the command was imperative ;
so with a brave heart, aud doubtless a frame radiant
with all the health and vigor of a country life,
Sibyl appeared in the august presence.
But there awaited her neither axe nor crown :
three motherless children, each a future sovereign
craved her tenderest care. The king intrusted to
her his children ; Edward, afterwards the Vlth of
England, Mary the Bloody, and the great Eliza-

beth ; and so well did she discharge the duty im
posed that his majesty, in gratitude, bestowed upon
her new lands and manors.

The Penns of Penn Lodge.
'HILE the Penns of Penn manor were
thus growing richer in houses and lands,
they lacked not children. Among these
was one William, who being a younger son, and
seeing no danger of the race failing for want of
descendants, renounced the world, and taking holy
orders, entered the monastery of Glastonbury.
And now but for Henry VIII, there would have
been no valiant admiral, Sir William, no founder
William, nor any Commonwealth of Pennsylvania.
The king broke up the monasteries, and turned the
monks adrift. Among them was this brother Wil
liam. Though tyrant and insatiate, Henry proved,
at least to the Penns, no ingrate. In addition to
the favors already bestowed, he now granted to
this quondam monk a portion of the forest of Bray-
don in Wiltshire. True this was paying Peter by
robbing Paul, for the land had been taken from
the possession of the abbey of Glastonbury.

11
And thus into the wilderness went William,
even as generations later went his great descendant,
to found a family, and give unto the land a name.
Having builded a house he called it Penn-Lodge,
and, being freed from his vows of celibacy, took
unto himself a wife. Here, and at Minety in neigh
boring Gloucestershire, his descendants remained
for some generations, not great in wealth, but of
sufficient estate to maintain a respectable station
among the county gentry. At length, however,
this fortune failed them, and on the death of the
then William Penn in 1591, his descendants were
forced to sell their patrimony and betake them
selves to an active life of commerce.
Giles, a grandson of this " patriarch of failing
fortune," took to the sea, and being instrumental
in releasing some Christian captives, was pro
posed as vice-admiral of a fleet destined to chastise
the Algerines. His commission however was never
filled, but King Charles I granted him one proba
bly much more lucrative, that of consul to the
Mediterranean ports.
Of his two sons George and William, both had
lives remarkable. The elder haying grown rich
as a merchant in Spain, was pounced upon by the
Inquisition, as heretic and sinner, torn from wife

12
and fortune, tortured and expelled. He wandered
back to England, where he died. To the younger,
victory granted her brightest palms; and though
fortune laid a peerage at his feet, he turned from
it mortified and cast down by the inflexible, yet
conscientious, conduct of his son.

The Young Admiral.
ILLIAM, the son of Giles Penn, was born
at Bristol in the year 1621. His father
having destined him for the sea, gave
him a most careful training in his own ship, and
so, when the king called for officers for his navy,
the youth though yet under age, was found fitted
for the rank of lieutenant, from which he was
promoted to captain on reaching his 21st year.
In 1644 he was commissioned to command the
Fellowship of 28 guns, with orders to join the fleet
of Admiral Swanley in the Irish seas.
King Charles and his Parliameiit were now at
open rupture ; and since the latter had been so
fortunate as to secure the fleet, this division of it
under Swanley was sent to blockade the Irish ports,
and crush that nation's efforts to raise a navy in
opposition to the dominant power of England.
Ireland, like the larger isle, was the field of con
tending armies, and Swanley's mission embraced

14
the succoring of the beleaguered town of Youg-
hall. There can be no doubt of Penn's early promise
and great proficiency ; both in conquest and defeat
he was ever found equal to the occasion. His rapid
advancement to positions of trust and honor, during
his early days, when being comparatively unknown
he was no object of envy and jealousy, forms a
marked contrast to the suspicion, contumely, and
suppression, with which he was treated when his
capabilities and talents were discovered and envied.
A captain at 21, he was made vice-admiral,
ad interim, at 24, and as such commanded, during
the time which intervened between the death of
his predecessor in that office, and the arrival of
his successor commissioned by Parliament, Capt.
Crowther, to whom he gracefully resigned this im
portant station. Seven months after this, however
in March, 1646, he was again appointed to the
command of a squadron, and in 1647 the Parlia
ment confirmed his commission as Rear-Admiral
of the Irish seas. He was then 26 years of age.
But let us return to the year 1646, and the be
leaguered town of Youghall, whose communication
with the sea, Penn, as vice-admiral, was en
deavoring to keep open. Here it was that he re-

15
ceived the notice and esteem of the powerful Lord
Inchiquin, of the ancient and illustrious house of
O'Brien, together with that of the family of the
Earl of Cork, and others of rank and influence,
drawing them to him in lasting bonds of friend
ship ; and it was here that fortune gave him his
first narrow escape from instant death. Having
sent his barge in pursuit of one belonging to the
enemy, Penn with the governor of Youghall, Sir
Percy Smith, and other officers of distinction,
crowded together on the parapet of a fort, the bet
ter to watch the chase. The enemy noticing the
throng, trained a piece of artillery upon it, and in
an instant the shot dashed among them, dealing
death and destruction from which Penn and Sir
Percy alone escaped. Nine of their comrades were
struck down, including the Lieutenant Colonels
Loftus and Badnedge. The vice-admiral offered
up thanks to God for his merciful preservation.
Having lost one frigate by the explosion of her
magazine, and the fire of the enemy driving his
other ships from the harbor, Penn, for a time,
was forced to see a close investment of Youghall.
At length, however, he succeeded in running a
bark through the fire of the batteries, and her
supply of provision and ammunition, together

16
with a salute fired by the fleet, as though Penn
had news of some great victory, so encouraged the
besieged, that they sallied and did considerable
execution on the enemy, who soon after retired
from before the town.
Shortly after this event, Penn — who was vice ad
miral merely protem. — was relieved of that office by
the arrival of Captain Crowther, whom the Parlia
ment, as previously stated, had regularly commis
sioned to be second in command of the Irish fleet.
Seven months afterward, Penn again received the
command of a squadron of the above mentioned
fleet, and as the place of vice-admiral was now per
manently filled, he hoisted the rear-admiral's ensign.
He had already pillaged and burnt several
places in Kerry, and although, in after years,
these rapacities were specially alleged against
him, it was with great unfairness, when we re
member the object of these acts, namely, Ireland
and the Irish, an excuse in other cases deemed ¦
amply sufficient for the perpetration of the most
horrible barbarities.^

1 It is gratifying to find, in tbe honored name of Wash
ington, a protest against these atr„eities ; about this time
a Col. Washington aetually quitted tbe English serviee on
account of tlie cruelties he saw pvaetieed npon the Irish

The Key of the Shannon.
iN the north bank of the Shannon, and
about seven miles from the city of
Limerick, stood the castle of Bunratty.
Its position commanded the passage of the river,
and, moreover, its ancient walls contained the
great and powerful O'Brien, Earl of Thomond.
So valuable was considered the prize of this
stronghold and its lord, that the Irish had already-
determined to surprise the castle, kidnap the earl,
and compel his adherence to the cause of his
nation. But his lordship was as wily as the
pope's nuncio, Rinuccini; and while he remained
within his ancestral walls, he caused his countess
to reside in London. Through her his lordship
was well apprised of the course of events, and the
comparative strength of parties.
The Catholic part of Ireland, however, was just
about seizing the earl and his stronghold, when
3

18
the Parliamentarians sent a force to secure both.
This expedition consisted of a squadron under
Penn, and a land force commanded by Lt. Col.
McAdam. The vessels numbered seven frigates
and ojie hoy, while the troops amounted to some
six or seven hundred men.
Sailing up the Shannon they anchored before
Bunratty. A trumpet was sent to demand the
castle of his lordship, who after a short parley-
complied, and permitted it to be garrisoned from
the fleet. Thus this great noble and his fortress
were secured, for a time, to the Parliament.
With one ship stranded and almost lost, through
the incompetence of its pilot, and provision al
ready scarce, Penn and McAdam commenced the
strengthening of Bunratty, in anticipation of the
approach of the Irish forces.
Hampered by these conditions, and harrassed
by the repeate'd threat of a descent of fire ships
from Limerick, the sailors were kept constantly
on the alert, foraging, pillaging, and assisting to
man the works on shore.
From Penn's journal it is evident there was an
island near Bunratty which, as a strategic point,
was important. On this he caused works to be
erected, supervising their construction himself

19
and manning them with his seamen. It seems
these defenses received the narne of Fort Penn.
McAdam having determined on making a re-
connoissance, requested Penn's presence; but before
the troops were put in motion, the Irish swooped
down on the town of Bunratty with 120 horse
and 800 foot, firing it and killing some of the
English. But the commander of their horse,
McGragh, being wounded and captured, they were
put to fliglit, and a large number slain ; after
which McAdam and Penn^ marched with 600 foot,
50 horse, and 2 cannon, to Six-Mile Bridge, where
the enemy was intrenched to the number of 1400
men. After a sharp conflict the Irish were driven out of
their works, the town and district for miles round,
as usual, burnt and plundered, when the English
returned to Bunratty, where Capt. McGragh and
a lieutenant, dying of their wounds, were buried
with the honors of war, and the victors heard an
edifying sermon from Penn's chaplain. It is grati-

' From the text of Pemi's Journal it is ditticult to decide
positively Avhether the rear-admiral accompanied all of these
inland expeditions ; however, since the accounts of these
transactions occur in his Journal, and he speaks as a par
ticipant, I presume he did.

20
fying to note that the wounded and captured Irish
were not forgotten by their lieut.-general, Pursell,
money and linen being bestowed by him upon
them. Encouraged by this success, Penn and McAdam
laid their heads together to concoct a scheme
whereby the rear-admiral was to land, draw the
enemy upon him, and feigning retreat, give a
chance for the lieut.-colonel to cut off the Irish
communications, which done, both were to fall
upon the Paddies and exterminate them. But Pat
is hard to exterminate ; indeed very hard. It can
be done just to the uttermost point, but somehow
or other one never gets beyond that.^
The general rule held good in this instance, the
English slaughtered some rogues and burnt several
homes, but, Qod, says Penn, sent a great storm of
rain and wind which frustrated the chief design.
Indeed, ''God" appears to have been very inconsi
derate in regard to the English at this time, for
while he neglected to afford them an opportunity of
slaughtering tbe Irish, he obstinately persisted in
setting the hearts of the English so much against
' I respectfully submit to the Irish race the motto, " I still
live," as suggestive of the j.ast, approi.riate to the'present,
and of the future — Aspirant !

21
each other, that Penn records the murder of five
of McAdam's soldiers by their comrades.
The enemy, though driven from before Bun
ratty, did not fail to retaliate; and while Penn was
feasting and saluting the Earl of. Thomond, ap
proached within a mile, and pouncing upon the
castle of Cappah, carried it by breach and assault,
together with that of Rosmonnahane, whose garri
son was reported hanged, a just reward, as Penn
avers, for their cowardice.
Nor did the Irish cease their efforts upon Bun
ratty, but readvancing with an army of six or
seven thousand men, under McCarthy Viscount
Muskerry, sat down before it, sending in a demand
for its immediate surrender. This being refused,
they commenced a regular siege. Earnest work
now began on both sides, and Penn again had the
honor of drawing the enemy's fire upon his person,
escaping with the same good luck as at Youghall.
Both night and day were pa.ssed in hot skirmishes,
and though the enemy were at times checked and
repulsed, they gradually but surely advanced their
siege. Having greatly exhausted the country, and the
activity of the Irish rendering difficult the keeping
of what cattle they had, it was determined to dis-

22
patch two ships to England, with a request for
what, as yet, had never been granted — an ample
supply of troops, provision and ammunition. Neces
sary as this step had become, it was with great un
willingness that Penn gave it his consent ; for he
doubted whether the captains would ever return,
after getting well out of such a disagreeable place
as was Bunratty and its neighborhood.
Nearer and nearer came the enemy's approach,
and harder, both at the castle and the island fort,
worked McAdam and Penn to check it. During
the day the sailors served on land, and at night
their boats swept round the fleet to intercept those
of the enemy, or cut off the descent of fire ships.
Thus the contest was progressing, when, on the 1st
of July, Penn was summoned to Bunratty to con-
(3ert measures with its commander, in view of the
general assault believed to be imminent.
Arrived at the castle, he found its commandant
in consultation with his officers in rei>ard to some
army matters, and therefore, with proper delicacy
of feeling, abstained from approaching them, lest by
doing so he might be charged with interfering in
affairs out of his sphere. Upon the breaking up
of the council, however, he joined the officers at
dinner, during which the enemy concentrated a

23
very heavy fire upon a portion of the works called
JefFord's House. Assiduous as brave. Col. McAdam
left the dinner table to encourage his men, now
under fire in the building ; he had scarcely entered
the place, when one fatal shot struck him dead.
Great was the consternation and sorrow of the
soldiers, while his officers, in spite of Penn's re
monstrance, seized upon and divided among them
selves some treasure which by accident had fallen
into the colonel's hands during the siege. McAdam
was succeeded in command of the land forces by
Major Hooper.
On the 9th of July the Irish so out-manoeuvered
the English as to succeed in enfilading their' de
fenses with artillery. On the two following days
they carried some very important works by assault,
and caused the ships which lay near to, retreat in
a damaged condition. Though thus cut off from
the castle, the island fort was still approachable,
and to it Penn hurried, taking command in person.
He strove, by every effort now left possible, to
stem the torrent of defeat, and endeavored by an
example of personal courage and assiduity to keep
up the sjDirit of his men. But to no purpose ; it
was known that the castle was isolated with but
three, days ammunition, that its garrison would

24
not stand to their arms, and so an utter hopeless
ness spread throughout the entire force.
A council of war being called, it was decided,
as necessary for the safety of the fleet, to abandon
the occupation of the island ; this was done, its
works first being destroyed. As the troops in the
castle, had they been able, would gladly have made
a precipitate retreat, Penn was gratified by hearing
that the Irish were willing to let them go — even
with the honors of war ; " drums beating, colours
flying, and musquet bullit in their mouths." But
the alert enemy discovering the demoralized con
dition of the garrison, forced upon it terras of such
humiliation, that Penn was excessively exasper
ated and mortified.
And so ended the siege, but not the labors of
the navy, which now had to receive and bear away
its comrades in defeat, together with a host of
women and children expelled from Bunratty by
the entrance of the victorious Irish. Thus bur
dened, Penn's squadron at length rejoined the ad
miral at Youghall. So long as there was occasion
for fortitude, Penn had manfully maintained a brave
front, and it was not till all was over, and he had
brought the shattered expedition to a harbor of safe
ty, that anxiety and disappointment could affect

25
him. Now, however, their accumulated effect made
him, for a time, ill and unfit for service. He soon
recovered, however, and ere long had the gratifica
tion of receiving the captaincy of a perfectlj^ new
ship, and of hearing Parliament resolve that he
had " Served with courage and fidelity," thus re
moving any shade of fault from his late arduous
yet unsuccessful efforts.

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William the Avenger.
jOR three long and weary years Penn's
elder brother, George, had been held in
durance by the Spanish Inquisition.
Deeply as William felt his wrongs, he was helpless
to relieve them, but an accident at length placed
the power of retaliation in his hands. Among the
many rich prizes of which his ship made capture,
was the St. Patrick. On her he found a Spanish
gentleman, Don Juan de Urbina. The opportunity
of revenge for the torture which his brother had
undergone, and might that very moment be suffer
ing, was too good to be lost, and so Penn, stripping
the Don stark naked, turned him over to the coarse
buffoonery of the forecastle. This act appears to
have had its desired effect — the awakening of the
Spanish government to justice in behalf of George
Penn, for soon after he was released from prison.
Beside the formal acknowledgment of his courage
and services, Penn now (May 1647) received the

27
Parliament's confirmation of his rank as Rear-Ad
miral of Ireland. But not long after these honors
had been conferred, he is found deprived of his
ship and placed under arrest. The cause of this
sudden fall cannot be given with perfect certainty,
but it was most probably a suspicion of lingering
loyalty to the Stuarts.
That Penn was ever faithful to his country, and
never willingly disloyal to his king, appears evi
dent. In this instance, however, matters were soon re
arranged, and Penn restored to his former com
mand, from which he was eventually advanced to
that of Vice-Admiral of Ireland. This last ap
pointment was confirmed by Parliament on the
3d of March 1649, before he had completed his
28 th year.
Heretofore although the Parliament had waged
war in defense of its .'•ights, it had not attacked the
person of the king. Now, however, the violent
faction getting the upper hand, his majesty, with all
of royalty, was marked for destruction, wiiile from
the Commonwealth, Cromwell, as represented on the
prow of the Nasby, in reality planted his heel on
the neck of three Kingdoms. Feared abroad, he
was dreaded at home, and the greatness of England

28
in his day is comparatively mythical; Cromwell
alone was great. The nation cowered in terror
before the giant it had called forth. It is absurd,
yet pitiable, that Republicans should sing paeans
to the Lord-Protector.
The faction which arrested the king, and ulti
mately brought him to the block, found no friends
in the navy. While the officers of that service
never refused to fight for their country, even when
usurpers ruled, they ever looked to an accommoda
tion with the king. Aware of this sentiment, this
patriotism which still cherished a spark of loyalty,
the dominant party laid its hand upon the navy,
to form it to its liking. Officers bred to the sea,
were displaced, and in their stead were thrust
landsmen. Such a course naturally excited dis
satisfaction and resentment, and a large part of the
fleet, expelling the land general imposed upon it,
declared openly for the king. Fortunately no ac
tion took place between the sections of the divided
fleet, and as the exiled Prince of Wales could not
maintain a naval force, its officers, with his per
mission, subsequently returned to England, where
their nautical skill prompted Cromwell to make
use of them as drudges, to coach the unhorsed
troopers whom he sent to sea as admirals. And

29
thus while the navy did the work, the glory which
should have been its own reward, was appropriated
by the usurping military despots.
Fortunately for Penn, it is probable his timely
arrest, in 1648, saved him from that personal hu
miliation which followed the overt acts of many
of the most eminent captains and admirals. But
nevertheless, he had to bear, in common with
them, the general distrust and disfavor which rested
upon the whole body of the regularly bred naval
officers, and which, as above indicated, caused their
supersedure, in all places of the highest command
in the fleej;, by the officers of the army. Galling
as this was, their humiliating failure to avert, made
it inevitable, and they were forced to endure.
And so, like Sindbad, the navy carried the army on
its back, to victory and fresh laurels.
And here I can not avoid calling attention to a
strange incongruity, which displays itself in the
English character, in regard to the naval victories
of the Commonwealth ; for while the Protestant
English have ever been most infidel in regar.d
to the insignificant miracles attributed to papal
saints, they have, for more than two centuries,
with unquestioning credulity, calmly swallowed
the marvelous acts attributed to these landsmen

30
afloat. Great victories, won over the most skillful
and renowned admirals, are quietly set down to the
blind bra,very of, doubtless, half sea-sick landsmen.
Verily one might cry ; " Gredo, the age of miracle
had not then passed ! " were it not that through
the glamour which well earned land victories raised
around the soldier, is detected the arduous effort
and steady courage of the seaman.
In all of these great naval victories, beneath the
super-imposed bravery of the general, is found the
seamanship and courage of some skilled sailor, and
when the arrogance of the soldier set these aside,
there followed defeat.

Sindbad the Sailor.
)UCH is the character which Mr. Gran
ville Penn presents as representative of
the navy under the rule of Cromwell,
saddled as it was by the army. Land officers had
usurped the place of admirals, and, as generals-at-
sea, outranked in a moment old and trained naval
commanders, whose positions had been reached by
years of constant yet unostentatious toil.
Such even was Blake, who in common with the
other soldiers brought, at least, no experienced sea
manship to the navy ; for the most careful bio
grapher, and searching investigator of his life, gives
not the slightest hint that he ever trod the deck
of a ship at sea before his fiftieth year, when he
suddenly received a chief command in the fleet.
But Blake, unlike the others, was a genius. He
was no more a trained soldier, than he was a trained
sailor, yet, on land as on sea, he was ever victori-

32
ous. True it is that his days of youth and first
manhood were passed in close study ; and who can
say whether he did not then master the theory
of that science which in after years embodied itself
in actual victory ?
With the most penetrative instinct he perceived
how to add to his own being the element of nau
tical power by drawing around him, and knitting
to his very soul, the ablest seamen of the fleet.
Absorbing their natures, he became a true child
of the sea. Thus as nature gathers the scattered
drops of moisture, his soul collected to itself all the
separated parts of naval force, and as the storm
hurls back a deluge, he launched them forth in
concentrated power.
After several years Penn was at length released
from the Irish fleet, whose service of blockade and
pillage his great grand-son justly calls tedious and
hateful. In November, 1650, he received the com
mand of a squadron whose active and important'
service was to chase and capture that of Prince
Rupert. It was certainly a marked honor to be
appointed to destroy this desperate rover.
But though Penn swept the channel, and pene
trated the Mediterranean to a point hitherto un-
gained by an English fleet, the prince was so

33
fortunate as to elude his pursuit. In this cruise.
the English ships proved themselves the fastest of
sailers, and their commander never hesitated to
make all foreign admirals, in the channel, strike
to his their flags, exercising also the right of
search. These honors to their flag the English claimed
by prescriptive right, dating from the days of their
Saxon kings, when they were granted in grateful
acknowledgment of the protection afforded by the
English ships to the traders of all nations. In
later times this once voluntary act of courtesy being
demanded as a rightful acknowledgment of submis
sion and vassalage due to the British, led to many
contests, and among them our flrst war, as a nation,
with England.

The Battle for the Flag.
nS the open seas which surround England
dash their waters with concentrated and
tumultuous force through the narrow
channel which separates her from the continent,
so the fleets of Europe surged together within its
confined bounds. Here for ages had they met in
constant rivalry and frequent battle, but the fierce
ness and magnitude of past contests was to be far
exceeded by the great wars now opening.
Holland, as most powerful at sea, determined
to annul the growing rivalry of England, and to
abolish for ever " The Honour of the Flag." An
occasion soon offered itself, and the Dutch refusing
the customary salute to the English, were set upon
by the latter and so severely handled that they
were forced to yield. In the correspondence which
followed between the two nations, neither would
give way, and thus was ushered in the great naval
war of the years 1652 and 1653.

35
The Dutch fleet, numerous and powerful, was
commanded by admirals whose names alone seemed
invincible : Tromp, De Ruyter, De Witte and
Everetzen, while that of England was intrusted to
Blake, Deane and Monk, generals-at-sea, Penn,
Vice-Admiral of England, and Lawson, Rear Ad
miral. The Hollanders were not slow after open
war had been declared, and catching Blake some
what at disadvantage, pounded him so well that
in mortification of spirit he tendered his resignation
to Parliament, while Tromp, in exultant derision,
placed a broom at his top-mast, and unchecked,
swept the seas.
Humiliating as was this event it was not useless,
for while Cromwell's good sense prevented him
from permitting Blake to resign, it caused him to
weed out the unworthy officers and to replace
them by efficient ones; among the latter was John
Lawson, whose valor and seamanship rightfully
supplanted the mere military bravery of a soldier,
as Rear-Admiriil of England. In this substitution
of a sailor for a soldier the counsel of Penn is pre
sumed to have had great effect.
Thus reorganized the English navy entered
upon that " year of wonders," 1653. During its
course were fought some of the greatest of naval

36
battles, the conflicts covering days, embracing
hundreds of ships, thousands of men, and strewing
the length and breadth of the channel with the
wreck and ruin of fleets.
On the 18th, 19th and 20th of February, 1653,
was fought the battle of Portland. The English
attack w^as led by Penn in the Speaker; who, when
the Dutch concentrated to crush the general's
squadron, gallantly came to the rescue, charging
with his whole division through the hostile fleet.
He was greatly damaged by this intrepid act, but
Lawson, Vice-Admiral of the Red, performing a
similar one, and Monk's division now drawing
near, Tromp, whose chief aim was the preservation
of his convoy of over two hundred merchantmen,
changed from an aggressive to a repellent attitude,
and, with his men-of-war formed in a half moon
around the merchant ships, proceeded up the
channel. In this order, though hotly pressed by
the English, Tromp at length brought his charge
to a port of safety. Both sides had over 70 men-
of-war engaged ; the English lost 8 or 9, the Dutch
11, and 60 merchant ships, while the number of
the dead and wounded of each fleet was great.
The nations now set to work to repair and in
crease their fleets, and by May the English had

105 ships, mounting 3840 guns and manned by
16269 sailors and soldiers.
On the 2d of June, 1653, Tromp, De Ruyter, De
Witte, and Everetzen, appeared off the English
coast with a fleet of 105 sail. The English at once
bore down upon them with one hundred. A fierce
battle ensued, in the height of which a cannon
ball cut in two the valiant Gen. Deane. Monk
took the cloak from his own shoulders, and threw
it over the mangled body.' At six o'clock in the
evening the Dutch drew off, night intervened, and
the morning of the 3d found the battle drifting to
wards the North sea. With the light the contest
re-commenced, and now took place that brilliant
passage-at-arms, the duel between the valiant ad
mirals Tromp and Penn.
The Lieu ten ant- Ad miral of Holland, singling out
the Vice-Admiral of England, grappled with him.
and poured his boarders into his ship. These
Penn, by his valor, repulsed, and in his turn en
tered Tromp; So fierce was his retaliation that
the Dutch were forced below ; a moment of hes
itation and Tramp and his ship were lost ; with
instant decision and reckless bravery he exploded
some barrels of powder, hurling into the air his
upper decks with all the invading English !

38
Terrible as this sight must have been to the
crew of Penn's ship, it did not daunt their courage,
but in fresh force, they actually reentered the
Dutch admiral. A.nd now, indeed, his fate seemed
sealed, but the admirals De Witte and De Ruyter,
seeing the peril of their chief, came to the rescue,
and Tromp w^as saved. Night again coming on,
the defeated Dutch took refuge in the Texel.
Their loss was great; 20 ships, 1300 prisoners
among whom were six captains and two rear-ad
mirals, while the English preserved every vessel of
their fleet, suffering only in the loss of Gen. Deane,
and 352 others slain and wounded.
So marked had been the ability displayed by
Penn, that Monk personally pressed his advance
ment to the high position made vacant by the
death of Deane, and thus he finally won the rank
and title of General-at-Sea, an honor conferred on
him alone of all the naval officers.
Great as had been this success, victory followed
it with that decisive triumph, the first battle of the
Texel. On the 29th of July the two fleets came
in sight; that, and the following day, were passed
in skirn>ishing, but on the 31st, Tromp, having the
wind, bore down on the English. Each fleet num
bered much over a hundred sail, and the line of

39
battle extended some twelve miles. Grand indeed
must have been the sight and terrible the combat,
for it is recorded that the Dutch fought this fight
with an increased fury, while the desperate charge
of the English ships, led by Monk and Dakins,
through their fleet, attests with what dashing
bravery they were met. As the long line closed
in a dense cloud of smoke shrouded the combat;
broadside upon broadside flashed and roared from
eight thousand cannons, while ever and anon
flared the fire ships, followed by the terrific explo
sion of some great man-of-war. The sea was strown
w-ith dead bodies, broken spars and masts, while
from out the gloom drifted shattered and disman
tled hulls.
Tromp, ever eager for close quarters, bore down
on Monk, hoping by his destruction to break the
spirit of the English ; but it proved his last onset;
not victory, but death received him. With their
great admiral passed hope from the Dutch, and
they fled before the English.
The British lost 3 ships, and over 1300 men
killed and wounded. The Dutch, besides Tromp,
had 6200 men killed, wounded and captured, with
26 ships destroyed, and Admiral Everetzen a pri
soner to the enemy. The conduct of both Penn

40
and Lawson was distinguished as " very noble
and renowned," and chains of gold were awarded
them. Tromp killed, Everetzen captured, peace, and the
" Honour of the Flag," were the great trophies of
this victorv.

^^T&3

S

ipgP?:f^^

i

'^^^M

The Capture of Jamaica.
'HOUGH war had not been declared
against Spain, Cromwell determined to
attack her, and therefore in the autumn
of 1654 he sent a fleet under Penn, with an army
under Venables, to prey upon the West Indian
isles. The fleet consisted of 40 sail, while the
army had a nominal force of 3000 foot and 60
horse. Both admiral and general were, in common with
many of their countrymen, now heartily sick of
Cromwell's usurpation, so much so that their latent
loyalty burst its wonted bounds, and each made
separate offers of service to the Prince of Wales.
The times, however, not being fully propitious
they could not be accepted, and so the expedition
sailed for the American seas.
These propositions were known to Cromwell,
though at that time he took no notice of them ;

42
but upon the unexpected return of the command
ers in the following year (1655), he had both admi-
• ral and general committed to the Tower, for the
alleged reason of disobedience to his orders ; but
as the official documents given by Mr. Granville
Penn do not confirm this plea, it is highly probable
the true cause was apprehension for his own safety
in the event of Penn openly declaring for the Prince
of Wales.
With this slight interruption I will now return
to the year 1654, and the regular course of its
events. The expedition, though apparently formidable,
was in reality wretchedly equipped and miserably
organized. Indeed so poor were the jjersonel and
materiel of the army, that if we are to credit the
great design attributed to it by Cromwell, the
finger of derision and scorn may well be pointed
at the inffituation, or culpable ignorance of its ori
ginator, the Lord-Protector. The fleet appears to
have been in good order, but as its ships could not
walk over the lands marked out for conquest, we
note with contempt the helpless and pitiable con
dition of that force which could, the army.
In the first place instead of 3000 men, but 2500
left England ; of these but 1600 were armed, and

43
that with wretched muskets. Of 1500 guns prom
ised but 190 came to hand, while the powder-was
of such a quality that it soon became useless.
The increasing of the forces, by volunteers from
the West Indian isles, to some 8000 men, added
to the existing embarrassment ; for owing to the
want of muskets the recruits had to be armed with
half-pikes, the making of which caused loss of valu
able time, while the excess of mouths soon caused
a scarcity of provisions, which, to the dismay of all,
was found to be irreparable, even by the united
efforts of Barbadoes and New England, while the
elan of the troops was destroyed by the apathy of
Gen. Venables, whom sickness deprived of that
spirit and vigor necessary for a successful coup.
Under these circumstances it is not surprising that
they met with failure.
Having sighted San Domingo on the 13th of
April (1655), the greater part of the army was
landed withoutmolestation .at two o'clock. Though
the combined naval and military force of the En
glish amounted to some eight thousand men, all of
it, of course, could not be landed at once ; pro
bably about five or six thousand were thrown
ashore, while the Spaniards brought a force per
haps equal, but not greater, in opposition. Pushing

44
on, without either artillery, picks, or spades, but
well provisioned from Penn's ships, the English
approached Fort St. Jeronimo. General Venables,
with a n:usket on his shoulder, marched with reck
less bravery in advance of the column, when it was
suddenly set upon from ambush. In their eager
ness the enemy mistook the general and his two
companions for mere privates, passed them by, and
fell upon the advanced guard.
This saved Venables, who with one of his party
joined the main body, his other companion being
slain by a great shot from the fort. A severe
skirmish ensued in which the Spaniards were re
pulsed. The army, however, could not hold its
position, and in retreating it is estimated two or
three hundred men perished from thirst, before
reaching the river Hina.
Five or six days of comparative inaction now
passed, when the army, this time provided with
scaling ladders and a piece of artillery, again drew
near fort St. Jeronimo. It was, apparently, the
general's intention to carry the place by storm.
The forlorn hope consisting of some hundreds of
men, commanded by Capt. Butler and the adjutant-
general, passed under the fire of the fort, and
reaching a position free from its effect, were con-

45
fronted by a sally, whose number was differently
estimated at from 40 to 150 men.
The van of the forlorn, delivering its volley,
wheeled handsomely, thus affording an opportunity
for the rear to fire, which was done, but with no
effect, for the Spaniards, with unchecked valor,
charged upon it with their lances, driving the men
pell-mell upon the reformadoes, who in turn were
pressed in confusion upon the horse, and the whole
mob, breaking through the general's regiment, bore
its confusion into the ranks of the major-general's,
where, however, it was checked by the steadiness
of the sailors under Vice-Admiral Goodson. It is
asserted that these hundreds of frightened English
men were put to flight by but forty brave Spaniards,
while the staunchness of seven or eight sailors
quelled the panic and repelled the pursuers. If
true it affords a notable example of the wretched
ness of cowardice, and the worth of courage.
One act of valor on the part of the English,
however, deserves special notice : their major-
general, Haynes, while endeavoring to rally his
troops, was thus accosted by a huge mounted
Spaniard : " What make you here, you English
dogs ? I'll teach you to lead men !"

46
" Welcome, brave fellow !" cried the major-gen
eral, and encountered him with only his small
sword, which, however, was so well played that
the Spaniard drew off, but quickly returning with
some lancers, slew that gallant officer, and two
others who alone stood by him. One of these.
Ensign Boys, feeling that he had received his death
wound, stripped the colors from their staff, and
wrapping them around his body, fell dead.
The panic being at length stopped, the troops
bivouacked, and though no enemy disturbed them,
such was their state of terror that the mere noise
of the " crabs in the wood " drew forth wild vol
leys. In the morning it was found that besides
many valuable officers killed, their force was
reduced by one-eighth. A council of war being
called, several officers were cashiered, among
them the adjutant-general, who, besides, had
his sword broken over his head for cowardice.
Into the hands of the Spaniards fell many
muskets, five flags, and the ashes of the mortar
carriage, which the English were forced to burn.
Penn was greatly provoked at the failure of the
land forces, and offered to attack Fort St. Jero
nimo and its batteries with his ships. Capt. Femes
also advocated the attempt, but on consultation

47
with the army officers it was abandoned, since the
demoralized condition of the troops would render
abortive any attempt at capture, even were the
forts silenced by the fire of the fleet. This belief,
together with the apprehension of starvation, sick
ness, and damage to the ships from the approach
ing season of rain and storm, made their longer
stay not only useless but actually dangerous, and
so it was reluctantly decided to withdraw, and seek
some other field of action, where, if successful, they
could replenish their depleted stores.
Jamaica was fixed upon for their second attempt.
On the voyage hither died Mr. Commissioner
Winslow, heart broken at this first humiliating
failure. On Wednesday the 9th of May (1655), the island
was sighted, and on the following day Penn, to
gether with Venables, in the Martin gallej of 12
guns, led the attack in person. Running bravely
into the fire of the fort, the boats were cast off, and
the army thrown ashore, where, to their astonish
ment, they found a fleeing foe. Thus, after trials
and disappointments, a great prize dropped of itself
into their hands.
A council being called it was discovered that as
sufficient provision could not be procured for so

48
large a force, all would ultimately have to abandon
the island, unless the number of mouths was at
once reduced. To eff'ect this it was determined to
despatch home immediately the greater part of the
fleet, while three ships were ordered to New Eng
land for supplies. A committee being appointed
to decide what vessels should go, and what Stay,
placed on the list for England that of the admiral,
and so Penn, after putting Goodson in chief
command of the ships to remain, sailed for home.
From the above fact it will be seen that those
writers who accuse Penn of having deserted his
post, speak ignorantly, for though he was com
mander-in-chief, and was endowed with discre
tionary power to decide his own movements when
in foreign seas, he for the time waved that pre
rogative, and placed himself at the disposal of the
committee.' Another error exposed by the keen investiga
tion of his great grand-son, is the assertion that
Penn permitted the Spanish plate fleet to pass

' In objection to this it may be urged that a commander
" must not leave his station ;" true, but suppose lie is driven
from it ? In this case he would most properly seek his
nation's povts. Such was Penn's fate ; a necessity as inevi
table as that arising from disastrous battle drove him back
to England.

49
him unassailed ; the truth is it never came near
him. Having reached London, Penn was committed
to the Tower, under the charge before stated, but
in reality to prevent all danger of his taking any
action against the usurpation of Cromwell. What
ever step Penn may have contemplated was frus
trated by his imprisonment, and when it was
intimated to him that freedom could alone be
obtained by the surrender of his commission as
general-at-sea, and the making of his submission
to Cromwell, he acquiesced. His descendant how
ever asserts that in this transaction he did not
humiliate himself as the official account represents.
Released from the Tower and dismissed from
the service of the Lord-Protector, Penn, in the
autumn of 1655, repaired to his estate in Ireland,
where in common with other royalists he, at least,
nourished the cause of the Stuarts.
With Penn both Ayscue and Lawson were set
aside by Cromwell as of dangerous principles, and
it is worthy of note that the latter in particular
became the returning wave which gave the first
shock to the Cromwellian domination, and carried
in the renewal of legitimate monarchy. That the
foundation of the restoration, though secured by
7

50
Monk and the array, was laid by Lawson and the
navy, is shown by the researches of Granville
Penn in his Memorials of the admiral.
Upon the death of their great master, the En
glish people stretched forth their now free arms in
yearning to their king, nor was their freed loyalty
slow in rewarding those who had suffered in the
cause. Penn was called from his retirement to
represent in Parliament the town of Weymouth,
and having hurried to Holland to bear in person
the glad tidings of restoration, his majesty there
upon knighted hira, making him also, in the
following July (1660), a commissioner of the ad
miralty, and soon after governor of Kingsale,
which office bore with it the title of Adrairal of
Ireland, while the estate of Shangarry was given to
him in exchange for that of Macroom, restored to
Mc Carthy earl of Clancarty.
The king having appointed his brother, James
Duke of York, Lord-High-Admiral, that prince had
the good sense to appreciate the worth of such an
accomplished sailor as Penn, together with the for
titude to withstand, for a time at least, the efforts
of the envious to supplant the admiral in the royal
favor. In trained seamanship Sir William was of
course the superior of Blake, whom in fertility of

51
resource and inherent talent for naval command
the knight, at least, so closely resembled, that Mr.
Dixon declares, upon the death of Blake, Penn stood
without a rival among the admirals of England.
From the incipient preparation, to the actual
sailing and fighting directions, the influence of this
thorough sailor can be plainly traced, while to learn
that he was with the duke at the great victory
over Opdara, is to know whose head planned, and
whose hand actually achieved that triumph.

The Great-Captain-Oommander. controversy having arisen between the
Dutch and English in India, the two
nations again declared war in 1665.
The English fleet consisted of over a hundred
sail, formed in three divisions, as indicated by
the colors of their flags.
The white squadron was commanded by Prince
Rupert, with Christopher Myngs vice-admiral,
Robert Sansum rear ; the blue, the Earl of Sand
wich, admiral. Sir George Ayscue, vice, and T.
Tiddiman, rear, while the red bore His Royal
Highness the Duke of York, Lord-High- Ad miral
of England and commander-in-chief of the whole
fleet. His vice-admiral was Sir John Lawson, his
rear. Sir William Berkley, while in his royal high-
ness's ship, the Royal Charles of 78 guns, was
Sir William Penn, bearing the special title of Great-

53
Captain-Commander. The combined force num
bered 22206 men, and 4537 guns.
The Dutch fleet consisted of eight squadrons,
seven of which were brought into action. In
numbers their ships fully equalled, and probably
exceeded those of the English ; while they bore
over 4000 guns, and 20000 men. This armada
was commanded in chief by Heer Van Wassenaer,
Baron Opdam, Great-Admiral of Holland and West
Friesland ; its numerous squadrons were under the
admirals Evertzen, Cortenaer, Stellingwerf, Corne
lius Tromp, Cornelius Evertzen and Schram.
At dawn on the 3d of June, 1665, these two
great fleets approached each other. Both were
formed in parallel lines of battle, stretching some
fifteen miles in length. On the English side
Prince Rupert led the van, the Earl of Sandwich
bringing up the rear, while the centre division, or
battle was held by H. R. H., the Duke of York.
The Dutch were led by the son of the great Tromp ;
followed by the admiral-in-chief.
Thus formed, the fleets passed, and repassed,
delivering broad-sides at long range until 11 o'clock,
when, the English having the wind, the Duke of
York signalled to bear down on the enemy, which
being done added fresh vigor to the conflict, and

54
the red squadron, with Lawson now in the van,
breaking through the Dutch line of battle divided
their fleet, whose rear, cut off and outmatched by
the entire force of the British, was abandoned by
its van, which incontinently fled.
The duke, with Penn at his side and surrounded
by a brilliant group of noble volunteers, was
singled out by a Scot, Sebastian Seaton, for his
prize. The Scot, with the greatest valor, ran his
ship aboard the prince, and would have entered
him but for Sir Jeremy Smith and Rear-Admiral
Tiddiman, whb pouring in their fire killed Seaton 's
boarders, and forced his ship, the Orange of 75
guns, to strike. Many of the ships were now
engaged yard-arm to yard-arm, and ever and anon
the dense smoke of the conflict was rent asunder
by the flaming course of the fire ships. The duke
noticing the ship of the Great-Admiral of Hol
land, declared that " he would himself have a
bout with Opdam," and bearing up engaged him.
Broadsides were exchanged, and at the delivery
of the third from the duke, the Concord was hurled
from sea to air by the explosion of her magazine,
Opdam and all his crew perishing. This tragic
act ended the battle : those ships of the Dutch not

55
sunk or captured, fled before the English, who pur
sued them to the Texel.
The glory to the victors was overcast by a most
sad casualty, the slaying by a single shot, and close
to the duke, of the following young noblemen of
valor and promise : the Earl of Falmouth, Lord
Muskury, and a son of the Earl of Burlington.
Other noblemen and brave sailors also met death,
among the latter that courageous and able seaman
Vice-Admiral Sir John Lawson.
One ship, with five or six hundred men killed"
and wounded, completed the English loss, while that
of the Dutch numbered six or eight thousand killed,
wounded and captured, while twenty-four ships
were taken, burnt, or sunk. Among the dead,
besides the Great-Admiral, were two lieutenant-
admirals, and one vice-admiral. Thus ended this
great battle. The Dutch fleet was commanded by
the ablest of seamen, the renowned, admirals of
Holland. Its list of comraanders is a roll of heroes ;
and yet, it sank in defeat beneath a fleet whose
chief officers had never before seen a line of battle
formed. Such were the Duke of York, Prince
Rupert and the Earl of Sandwich, the two latter had
seen sea service, and naval duels, but never before
the manoeuvres and engagement of entire fleets.

56
So far as mere fighting was required, these
soldiers were all-sufficient, but the vessels had to.
be handled so as to work in accord with the
signals of the flag-ship, and engage properly and
with advantage, and this was gained by such
thorough seamen as Lawson, Ayscue, Jordan,
Myngs and others, acting as lieutenants to the
generals. Thus also was the proper manoeuvring
of the different squadrons assured, while the fighting,
and united action of the whole, as one fleet, was
secured through Penn, who though nominally under
the orders of the Duke of York, was virtually
commander-in-chief. To Penn was referred the selection of the naval
officers of that fleet, from him emanated its order of
battle, and his was the hand which guided the Duke
of York to victory. Its glory has long ma,de that
prince illustrious in the annals of naval warfare ;
while the honor, justly Penn's, should place his
name on the roll of England's great admirals.
On the 8th of July following, Penn as Vice-
Admiral of England, made his last cruise, in the
fleet of the Earl of Sandwich, Captain-General of
the Narrow seas. Upon his return to port he
found that the navy was again doomed to act as
Sindbad to the army, and so, being naturally jealous

57
and careful of his well earned reputation, he re
quested and received a relief from service under
the generals-at-sea.
Events soon turned out as he must have antici
pated. Monk, though an able soldier, was a man
obstinate, and greatly prejudiced against all naval
tactics, holding them in contempt, and deeming
untrained bravery alone sufficient for victories at
sea. He met the Dutch, and was defeated with
great loss of men and ships. To repair this dis
aster, and keep the elated enemy from burning
London, now taxed Penn's efforts, and not only in
this year, but particularly in the one following
(1667). Though not by the Dutch, London was
fated to be burnt, and when the great fire did
sweep its sheet of flame over the metropolis, it
found in Pepys a vivid chronicler, bringing us face
to face with the terrified citizens, their houses
burning and their goods piled in the open streets,
while Sir William Batten, Sir William Penn and
Master Pepys, hurriedly bury their wine, papers
and other valuables.
During this year (1666) Penn's portrait was
painted for the Duke of York, by Lely ; it is now
in the Greenwich gallery. He also received a
pressing letter from his relative John Georges of

58
Bawnton Esq., M. P. for Cirencester, and Deputy
Lieutenant of Gloucestershire, urging him to re
purchase his ancestral home of Penn-Lodge. This
he for a time contemplated, but did not carry out,
his Irish estates occupying his whole care, together
with that of his son, who there was initiated in
that scheme of planting and settling, which in later
years, made the western wilderness blossom as the
rose, and gave to myriads a country and a home
in Pennsylvania.
The disaster which had followed the pell-mell
fighting of the land soldiers at sea, now as in the
time of Cromwell, prompted those in chief author
ity to place the fleet under admirals, men who
were trained sailors, and whose nautical skill em
powered them to cope with the Dutch as well in
manoeuvring, as in the mere fighting of a fleet.
Both the king and the Duke of York fixed upon
Penn, to command at sea in 1668.
The admiral was much perplexed at this deci
sion, for not only was his health broken by severe
attacks of gout, but he also knew that the military
faction would oppose his appointment, and that if
carried it would be in the very face of Prince
Rupert, who himself expected to receive the com
mand of the fleet. These considerations induced

59
Penn, since there was a state of peace, to request
a further indulgence from sea service ; this, how
ever, the king declined, and it soon became known
that Penn was to have a chief command. But
what the king and court would not grant, the mili
tary faction enforced. Monk had sworn " that
Penn should never go out with the fleet again ;"
but how to balk king, duke, and court ? all for
Penn : it was done by using Parliament as a block.
By obtaining Sir William's impeachment they
prevented his going to sea, which end being gained
the prosecution of the arraignment was dropped.-'
The king, who had ever held in high esteem
the abilities of Sir William Penn, and remembered
his great services with gratitude, was about to raise

' The charges were, conspiracy to defraud, and embezzle
ment of prize funds. Penn stoutly denied these accusations,
and as the prosecution itself had to acknowledge that what
ever was done had been accomplished through orders from
a source higher than Penn, and then abandoned the case,
we may infer that the impeachment was but a trick of his
enemies to keep him in England until it was too late for
him to take command of the fleet, which ^-iew is strength
ened by the fact that out of nine flag-officers against whom
this suit might have been brought, he alone was selected, he,
the very man whom the king, in opposition to the faction's
wishes, had intended for the command at sea. That the
above was the A'iew generally entertained at the time, is
evident from Pepys's assertions.

60
him to the peerage, with the title of Viscount
Weymouth, when his son's open protest against
such vanities checked the royal favor, and wounded
to the soul the time-worn warrior.
Terrible indeed must have been the blow to the
proud, ambitious, heart of the admiral, that his only
son, on whom should accumulate the glories of his
victories, had cast all aside, and turned to wander
with those despised people the Quakers. At first
he was indignant, and drove his son from his pre
sence ; then, feeling his end approaching, he called
him to his side, and resigning all his cherished
hopes and ambitions, gave way to his natural love
as a father, quenching regret in admiration for
his son's integrity of purpose and indomitable
will, which, in the end, raised to both a prouder
and more enduring monument than any in the
gift of kings.
" Son WiUiam," said the dying man, " I am
weary of the world ; I would not live over my
days again, if 1 could command them with a wish.
Three things I commend unto you. First, let
nothing in the world tempt you to wrong your
conscience. Secondly, whatever you design to do,
lay it justly, and time it seasonably. Lastly, be
not troubled by disappointments. Bury me by

61
my mother : live all in love ; shun all manner of
evil ; and I pray God to bless you all, and he will
bless you."
And so the soul of this brave admiral breathed
itself away in benedictions. He expired on the
I6th of September, 1670, in the 50th year of his
age. In accordance with his touching request, his
body was taken to Bristol, and thus borne to its
resting place in the church of St. Mary Redcliflfe.
First came a detachment of foot soldiers, then
three large streamers on which were quartered his
arms, then came his crest, helmet, shield and
gauntlets, which were followed by the hearse drawn
by six horses, while at the head of the coffin was
the red flag of a sea-general, with those of admiral
of the white and blue on each side. Long hung
these banners in St. Mary's church, and still may
be seen the monument there raised by the devotion
of his wife.
That Sir William Penn was ambitious and
worldly it is natural to suppose ; indeed it would
have been strange had it been otherwise, con
sidering the time and conditions of his life, but that
his character bore the blemishes attributed to it by
Pepys, cannot be believed. I have before remarked

62
that while he was unenvied his merits received
their proper deserts, but when jealousy had raised
up enemies, his virtues remained his sole reward,
envy, hatred and malice discharging their venom
upon him. It was then that he was impeached, it
was then that he was cast into prison.
Mr. Dixon, in the life of his son, calls Sir Wil
liam " one of the suppressed characters " of English
history. This suppression did not pertain to his
historic character alone, but also to his actual self.
His historic suppression, arose from the general
distaste of the later Willianiite historians for the
recording of the deeds of any of the heroes of the
Commonwealth or of the Stuart dynasty, while
the suppression which he suffered in actual life
arose from envy of his talents, and the general dis
like in the military faction, then dominant, of all
naval officers. But Penn did not suffer alone;
the whole navy was suppressed ; its officers cherish
ing loyalty, a great part of them, as before stated,
seceded from Cromwell. Being unsuccessful in
their efforts, however, they had to come back and
make humble submission to the Lord-Protector,
who thereupon, to insure their allegiance, placed
over the fleet the trusty soldiers of the army.
This subjection of the navy to the army not only

63
lasted through the protectorate, but was continued
in the restoration ; and thus Penn, with the other
admirals of the navy, while they were first in
actual merit, were second in glory to the land
generals who were imposed upon their fleets.
The naval history of this period should be re
written, and its true heroes receive the laurels
justly theirs. It must also be borne in mind that
besides the failure and subsequent submission of
the fleet, there was another cause which served to
place it in subjection to the army ; viz, the want
of a Lord-High- Admiral, and the presence of noble
men among its officers.
The English nation is never democratic ; when
not royal it still remains aristocratic. Now while
the aristocracy entered the army, it avoided, as a
general rule, the navy, and thus the governing
element inspired the military arm, and the navy,
without that element, and the countenance and
support of some great noble as patron, passed under
the sway of the soldier.
It is hard to be second in renown, w^hile actually
the first in merit . yet such was the fate of the
naval officers in respect to those of the army set
over them ; and no single instance of this is so
marked as that of Penn. When we are told that

64
the land generals of tlie commonwealth and the
restoration beat the Dutch admirals, but upon in
vestigation find that they were actually beaten,
save when some seaman had control, and that the
greatest victories were achieved with Penn virtu
ally in chief-command, we may know how to read
the riddle, and draw out the truth, as erst was
drawn forth victory by that great admiral.

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