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YALE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY

J947

THE BLACK FRIARS OF
PONTEFRACT.

THE BLACK FRIARS
OF PONTEFRACT

AN ACCOUNT OF THEIR

RISE, PROGRESS, AND FALL

WITH
ADDENDA compeising
notes on the various subsequent owners of the
Property, till it was restored to the Church,
by Mr. Marmaduke Fotheegidl" in the
early part qf the eighteenth
CENTUEY.

BY RICHARD HOLMES.

Printed for the Members of the Yorkshire Archaeological
and Topographical Association, on the Occasion
of their visit to Pontefract, on
Sept., 23, 1891.

R. HOLMES, TYP. E SUMPTIBUS T. W. TEW.

PRESENTED TO
THE
MEMBERS OF THE
YOEKSHIEE AECH^IOLOGICAL AND
TOPOGEAJPHICAL ASSOCIATION"
» ON THE OCCASION OF THEIK
VISIT TO PONTEFRACT,
23 SEPT., 1891.

LIST OF PEDIGREES:

Page
Austwick  Face 1
Wilbore, Welbore, Wildbore
or Wylbore  65
Grimsditch  83

LIST OF DOCUMENTS PRINTED :

1536.— Instructions to the Com
missioners for suppressing the
Smaller Monasteries  41
1538.— Surrender of the Black
Friars of Pontefract  44
 . — Sale of their Moveables . . 45
 . — Eeportof theCommissioners 50

1539. — Account of their Eevenue 53
1544.— MichaelWelbore's Offer to
Purchase  59
 . — Survey for Grant to him . 59
 . — Particulars for Grant to
him  60

WILLS PRINTED:

1443.— Eobert Methley  19
1447. -Thomas Box  21
1507.— John Bull or Bule  25
1521.— Jane Hewitt  27
1526.— Thomas Huntingdon  28
1526. — Eobert Huntingdon  30
1530.— Thomas Smith  31
1551.— Mychaell Wilbore  63
1550.— Thomas Wilbore  66
1612.— Thomas Wilbore  81
1429.— John Awstwyk  87

Page
1482.— John Austewyk  89
1482.— John Potter, alias Elles.. 95
1505.— Eobert Astwyke  97
1506.— Catherine Austwyk  101
1515. — Hugh Awstwyke  104
1550.— Henry Awstwicke  108
1533. — Dionise Austwicke  110
1569. —Thomas Austwicke  Ill
1646.— Thomas Austwick  114
1650.— Alice Austwicke  115

ADDENDA:

I. The Wilbore Pedigree.
II. The Pontefract Austwicks.
III. Vicars of Pontefract.
IV. Additional Bequests.
V. St. Eichard.
VI. Postscript.

THE PONTEFEACT AUSTWICKS.— See Pages 86 to 116.
 I

I

John Austwick=Joan,

York. Wills, v. 25
d. 2 June, 1482
p. 8 Oct., 1482
I"

Sir Eichard

Shuttleworth= Alice

Asms : — Sable, a chevron engrailed between three cross
crosslete, fitchie argent.
i

.1

surviving

[The italics indicate the
names given by Dugdale.]

William Sir John Hugh=Margaret
Mayor 1505
Yokk Wills, ix. 140, d. 3 Nov., 1515
p. 26 Nov., 1516

Mayor, 1489
vi. 202 ; vii. 47
d. 7 May, 1505 ; p., 1506
? 2nd p. 26 July, 1508

Robert=Catherine Leventhorp

vi. 163
d. 26 Aug., 1506
p. 31 Oct., 1506

I

Mayor, 15081
xi. 184, (J. 6 Feb., 1533-4

Walter=
 I

John=Catherine Eobert

Catherine
p. 14 Feb., 1535-6 | Eobert Elizabeth Margaret
I I "1
Tftomas=Isabell Eichard

I I
John Sir Eichard Hugh George Isabel T/jdmas=Isabell Eichard William John Hyrst=Elizabeth
xviii. 188 ; Mayor, 1642, 1559 j
d. 5 July, 1569 ; p. 13 April, 1570 | Fines : lands in Pontefract and Carleton ; P in 1563 ; D in
I I I f 1567.
4fa=Mary Corker Catherine Margaret Jane
Mayor, 1589, 1594, 1609 | bu. 28 May, 1621
bu. 28 Feb.— Adm : 29 July, 1617 | Adm : 9 May, 1622 

Mayor, 1621, 1640
Will Unregistered
d. 7 Sept., 1646
p. 4 May, 1649

Thomas=(l) Sarah Dorothy =J oka Booth George Etherington=Elizabeth

(2) Alice, of Glossop Married at Darrington,
surviving, Married at Featherston, 8 Sept., 1618
Will Unregistered 13 Sept., 1610

Henry=Dorothy
xiii. 903

d. 26 Aug., 1550
p. 6 Sept., 1552

I

John Agnes Elizabeth Margaret Alice

Jane Sarah=John Sale, Thomas Allan, Richard=Isabella Stable
bu. 1 Dec, 1697 of Darton s.p. the lieut., Mayor, 1664, 1678 I married at Kippax, 9 Nov 1656
 died 1657 W. d. 8 July ; p. 1 Aug., 1 1697 bu. Jan. 16, 1700-1
j _i r -,..— ^= _

Allan d.y.

Richard d.y.

Thomas Sarah=John Waddington
1661-1691

Elizabeth d.y.

Susannah d.y.

Allan d.y.

Dorothy Katherine
d.y. d.y.

The munificent endowments showered upon the Cluniac
Monks of the Priory of Saint John the Evangelist, in the
twelfth century, were so sufficient for their purpose, that
little more was needed but to consolidate them,, and it can
not be denied that under their various Priors the Pontefract
Monks showed considerable genius in that direction. It is
no wonder therefore that the spirit of endowment died out
to some extent and that, except the appropriation to their own
maintenance of the various churches and .hospitals in their
presentation, we read of no large additions made to their
possessions after the opening of the thirteenth century.
But as there had been, during the feigns of the Gor
man kings, a succession of Orders of Monks, each endeavour
ing to exceed its predecessors in those qualities which might
be an attraction to their ranks of both men and means : so
in the time of the Plantagenets, there was a succession of
Friars, each with a special claim upon the benefactions of
the Christian Church. There was, however, this broad
difference between the two classes ; the Monks had sought
for endowments, and valued them in order that they might
not be dependent upon the momentary caprices of their

2 THE BLACK FRIAltS OF PONTEFKACT.
supporters, but the Friars adopted from the first the prin
ciple not to seek endowments except such as were necessary
for their very corporate existence, (in which category may
be included their buildings, and a moderate estate of land to
furnish them with vegetables, and to supply their other
frugal wants) — but to depend upon the daily alms of the
faithful. In fact, what is in these days called the " voluntary
system" was the system of their adoption, and in their time
a new departure in the Christian Church. They thus bore
very much the same relation to the Monks and the Parochial
Clergy, which Dissenters of the present day do to these
latter ; though there was this difference, that while each of
the mediaeval bodies had very much the same jealousy of the
other — -a jealousy of which evidence still remains in the way
of caricatures carved or otherwise delineated within the
very walls of the buildings dedicated to divine worship, — the
outward bond was not broken, as it is in our day, when
strict Churchmen do not even acknowledge the mission of
the Separatist. The obligation of care for the poor which " should
never cease out of the land," and whom "ye have always with
you," had been early recognised, and in the very infancy of
Saxon Christianity led to the foundation here of St. Nicholas
Hospital, and its endowment with a whole tenth of the
manor, for that reason called " Spital Hardwick." But the
foundation of St. Nicholas Hospital preceded the advent of
the various religious orders, and it was never affiliated to
either until its appropriation to the Monks of St. John.
It is true that after the revival of medical science in
the tenth and eleventh centuries, several orders of Friars
were established, each to undertake its own special work,
such as the Lazarites, the Knights Templars and the Knight3
Hospitallers. But up to the end of the twelfth century, all
equally placed their dependance upon endowments. The

THE F0UE ORDERS. d
endowments might, in some cases, be but scanty, but an
endowment of some sort was a sine qua non.
Though the name of Friar began with these Hospitallers,
the thirteenth century saw the rise of four new orders
to whom ultimately it was distinctively confined. These
were the Franciscans, Minorites or Grey Friars ; the Domini
cans, Preachers or Black Friars ; the Carmelites or White
Friars ; and the Augustinians ; and two of these, the
Franciscans and Dominicans, ultimately obtained so great a
hold upon the civilized world that practically for three
centuries they governed it ; while although they professed
the utmost poverty and austerity their ranks were swelled
by cadets from the most noble families.
The Friars of the Order of St. Dominic, called Black
from the colour of their dress which survived in the Eng
lish Church as a preaching gown till well within living
memory, were under the government of a Master-general ;
whose rule was divided into provinces, of which that of
England was one, and was never sub-divided. Each pro
vince was governed by a Provincial Prior, chosea at a re
gular Chapter of the Order, and each house was similarly
ruled by a Prior elected in a chapter of the whole commu
nity, held in their Chapter-house or hall.
As there had never been more than one community of
Monks in Pontefract, those of St. John the Evangelist, and
these not only had their house at the east end of the town,
the most populous part of it at the time of their establish
ment, but made no attempt to extend their possessions into the
western half ; so there was never in Pontefract more than one
community of Friars, the Dominican, Black, or Preaching
Friars, and these were settled at the west end of the town,
as the Monks had their sphere of action in the east.
As we have said, these Black Friars seem to have held
in many respects, very much the same position towards tho
Secular or Parish Clergy and the Eegular Clergy or Monks,
b 2

4 THE BLACK FRIARS OF PONTEFRACT.
which the Wesleyans of the nineteenth century held towards
the Church ; or perhaps the modern Salvation Army might
furnish a closer parallel : for each of the former was bound
to their parochial districts, while the Friars like John
Wesley himself considered the world as their parish, and
sent out their emissaries to preach and reclaim veiy much
where they would. The consequence was perhaps that the
work of the Friars, so far as the evangelisation of the people
was concerned, was but irregularly done, and that they
settled only where thero was a prospect of a good harvest,
and therefore by the very conditions of the case were com
pelled tb neglect the most necessitous districts .
There was also this wide distinction between the Monks
and the Friars ; the former invariably established them
selves on the north side of a stream in some quiet and se
questered spot, which might be near a town, though that
proximity was no essential feature ; but the site must be one
in which their buildings would be open to the south sun,
and where they would be shielded by their Church from the
north wind. So that while those to whom the gift of labour
only had been granted, the unlettered converSi, at first the
most numerous portion of the fraternity, were cultivating
their grounds, those on whom larger gifts were bestowed
might improve them also by cultivation, and by giving
themselves up to the Ministry of the Word, and to Prayer.
For " Ora et Labora " ;. " Pray and Work " ; was their con
stant persistent motto.
The Friars, on the other hand, sought out a site where
they could be easily reached from all quarters, and whence.
they could themselves go forth on their errand of carrying
the good Word of the Kingdom into neighbouring villages.
In Pontefract the site selected for them was a valley on the
south side of the town, on which the road converged from
Carleton, Darrington, Purston, Ackworth, and Wakefield.
This site the more travelled among their number considered

THEIR SITE. 5
to bear a strong resemblance in its surroundings to tho
Valley of Hinnom, just outside the walls of Jerusalem. And
doubtless when they were first located there such was the
case, though they soon made "the valley to laugh and
sing." But at their settlement, the position must have borne
considerable resemblance to its prototype ; as while it was
but the bed of a quarry, rough and uncultivated, yet from
the hill that overlooked such a Valley of Desolation, the
brow of that " on which the city was built," the early Friars
could see in the very near distance, the green slopes of what
was afterwards Friar Wood Hill, but which was to them as
the Mount of Olives, and the Garden of Gethsemane, while
they knew that at its foot, on the other side of their Brook
Kedron, wound the road along which they could picture the
journey of the weeping disciples to Bethphage, and whieh
bore much the same relation to Jerusalem, that Carleton does
to Pontefract. Into this valley, one summer's day about the year
1256, for the exact year is not certain, came the young lord
of the fee, Edmund de Lascy, Constable of Chester, with his
distinguished Court ; and here he laid the* foundation stone
of an establishment which was for nearly three centuries to
hold a distinguished position in the town and country, but
of which not one solitary stone remains above ground to
point out even its locality ; the name, alone, very roughly
indicating the site. As the monks of St. John were at this
time the rectors of the parish ; and in that capacity entitled
to their tithes of the land thus given to the Friars ; it is
interesting to note that in compensation for possible loss,
Edmund granted them a daily cart-load of wood from the
Park of Pontefract (see No 38 of the Pontefract Char-
ttjlary), and that this gift was secured to them by the most
solemn obligations.
Edmund de Lascy was the only son of the second marriage
of John de Lascy, hereditary Constable of Chester, which

6 THE BLACK FRIARS OF PONTEFRACT.
had been one of titular splendour. His wife, Margaret,
daughter and heiress of Robert de Quincy, (eldest son of
Saher de Quincy, earl of Winchester, and of Avicia countess
of Ijincoln, sister and coheir of Ralph Blundeville, earl of
Chester and Lincoln,) centred in herself the heirship of the
earldoms of Winchester, Lincoln, and Chester. By her gift,
John de Lascy held the earldom of Lincoln, and assumed the
Lincoln arms ; and by royal charter this was in 1232 con
firmed to him and his issue by her. He was a man of
devotional character, had himself made his pilgrimage to the
Holy Land, and was present at the Siege of Damietta, from
whence indeed he granted and dated a charter to the monks
of Pontefract (as I have said the then rectors of All Saints
Church), by virtue of which they were enabled to enlarge
the Churchyard, and to build within it a chapel dedicated to
St. Sepulchre, which I venture to identify with the large
South Chapel now ruined. He had been a strong and deter
mined opponent to the pretensions of the Pope of Rome ; and
circumstances had placed him at the head of that resistance
to Papal Aggression, which three centuries afterwards
culminated in the Reformation and the permanent separation
from Rome. His position had been such that when in 1237,
the then Pope made so vigorous an effort to obtain a firmer
hold of the temporalities of the English Church, John de
Lacy was one of those in the commission to prohibit the
promulgation by Otho the Papal Legate, in the council then
assembled, of anything contrary to the King's crown and
dignity. But John de Lacy had hardlj' time to consolidate
his position ; and when he died in 1240, his son Edmund as
a minor became a ward of the King.
The young earl was fortunate enough to be placed under
influences which fostered the good disposition he had without
doubt inherited from his father. Richard, Bishop of
Chichester, a Dominican friar, appears to have had his
tutelage, but all too soon the bishop died on April 3, 1253,

ST. RICHARD S CHURCH. 7
not however before he had . been able to make his former
pupil fully sensible of the heavy loss he had sustained of one
to whose advice and assistance he might have looked forward
during a long and useful future-.
The good bishop was shortly canonized ; though the
various stages of the process were not completed till 1262,
long after the Church of the Pontefract Friars had been
erected to his memory. His name is still retained in the
Kalendar of the English Church, under April 3, the day of
his death, and in his life written by Friar Ralph de Booking,
a contemporary, who had the highest admiration for him,
there is the following interesting account of how Edmund de
Lascy was led to found a house of Friars Preachers at Ponte
fract, in memory of St. Richard : —
" Endowed with most excellent dispositions from his
earliest years, Edmund de Lascy attached himself to Richard,
bishop of Chichester. In the familiar society of that prelate,
from good he became better, more and more devout, and day
by day more fervent in worshipping God and in promoting
the honour of the Church. And so the Lord put it into his
mind to establish on his own estates, a church and a dwelling
for the Friars Preachers whom he esteemed ink Christ above
all other religious. With due deliberation and counsel, he
chose the town of Pontefract ; and there he determined to
erect a memorial to the bishop who had already passed out
of this world to his heavenly reward.
" And so, accompanied by many discreet men, both
religious and secular, he went to the spot, in order that he
might personally make over the property to the Friars, and
lay the foundation stone with his own hand, as patron and
founder of the house. Taking the stone he accordingly set
it, saying — In honour of our Lady Mary, Mother of God and
Virgin, and of St. Dominic the confessor, to whose fraternity
J assign this place, and of St. Richard, bishop and confessor,
formerly my teacher and dearest friend, desirous of establishing
a church on this spot, I lay the first stone.
" And directly he had uttered these words, the stone,
in which neither flaw nor fissure had been noticed, split into
three parts, as though to proclaim the approval of Edmund's

8 THE BLACK FRIARS OF PONTEFRACT.
choice of the three patron saints. This incident made him
more steadfast in his purpose, and still more eager to finish
what he had promised. But not long afterwards he died,
and the ' ashes ' of his body were entombed in the Church
among the Friars."
And thus was founded the Church of St. Richard of
Pontefract, the only instance of tbat dedication we have
been able to ascertain, for though the Church of Aberford is
sometimes said to bo a Church of St. Richard, this if true can
only be on account of a second dedication ; as Aberford
Church existed long before the canonization ofthe thirteenth
century Richard of Chichester.
Soon after the foundation of this Dominican Priory, the
estates of the Honour of Pontefract fell into the King's hands
a second time within the centurj', for Edmund de Lascy
died in 1258, at the early age of thirty. He was buried at
Stanlaw, his heart only being deposited with the Friars
Preachers, so that he saw little of the working of the estab
lishment which he had founded, even if he saw its comple
tion. The site was pretty amply sufficient for the needs of the
Friars ; but we have no enumerated particulars of their
buildings. Their Church, thus named after St. Richard, had
an altar dedicated to the Virgin ; a second altar at least,
dedicated to St. Peter of Milan ; and a bell- tower with two
bells ; they had a hall, and that they had various domestic
offices, including a brewhouse, and a pantry, we gather from
the list of articles sold (for 110/- !) when their house was
broken up ; but there is no reason to suppose that their
manner of life was other than what it professed to be, one
of extreme poverty.
Their hall was probably their best room next to the
church, and there are two recorded instances of its use for
special purposes unconnected with the fraternity. On
August 4th, 1269, the Sunday next before St. Oswald's day,

THE JBLACK FRIARS OF PONTEFRACT. 9
it was the scene of a meeting, intended to reconcile some
differences which had arisen between the Monks of Ponte
fract and those of Monk Bretton, a subordinate house.
These differences were put to arbitration, the four arbitra
tors being Oliver Daincourt, the prior of the Black Friars of
Pontefract, Sir Robert de Kippax, Kt., seneschal of Ponte
fract, Sir John de Hoderoyd, Kt., and Sir Bernard de Nevile,
Rector of Danby-on-Wisk. There were also present the
priors of the Friars Preachers of Newcastle, Carlisle, York
and Lancaster, and their meeting was not without good
result. Rather over half a century afterwards, when the
country was seething with rebellion against Edward II.,
Thomas Earl of Lancaster and his barons met in the
same hall, where they decided on the fatal march to
Boroughbridge, against the wishes of the Earl himself. The
result need not be here recapitulated ; but it should be
noted that it was a Friar Preacher who attended the Earl on
March 22nd, 1321-2, to the place of execution on St.
Thomas's HUl. 
The buildings of the Friars could hardly have com
pared with those of the Monks : they must have been, all
except the Church, but poor ; for the early death of their
founder prevented a second donation. But meagre as they
were, when the Castle and town and monastery received a
visit from the King, as happened three times in the year
1300, in the time of Henry, the great Earl of Lincoln, the
son of the founder, even the accommodation which the
Friars possessed was sequestered for the use of the royal
suite. Of this there is clear evidence in the Wardrobe
Accounts of each of the three Edward Plantagenets, every
one of whom, it may be parenthetically remarked, had a
Dominican Friar for his royal confessor.
Edward I. arrived here with his second queen, on the
9th of the Kalends of May, St. George's day, 1300. On

10 THE BLACK FRIARS OF PONTEFRACT.
that day he gave 20s. to the Friars for two days' food,
which amount was drawn for them by Friar John de Hor-
bury, and continued his journey to Scotland, leaving his queen
behind him. The royal party spent their Whitsuntide^here,
and on June 1st, the Wednesday in Whit week, the Queen
made that celebrated hunting excursion to Brotherton,
which resulted in her confinement there of her eldest son
Thomas de Brotherton, perhaps so named in compliment to
Thomas, the eldest son of the lord of the Castle, to whose
subsequent ill-fate I have just referred.*
On the following Saturday, the day before Trinity Sun
day, an offering of 7/- was made in the name of the King,
at the altar of tbe Blessed Virgin in St. Richard's Church ;
while, before they left the town the happy father made a
gift to the Black Friars of 13s. 4d. for the damages done
to their buildings and in other ways, by the visit of the
Royal party. Having proceeded on his road towards York,
as far as Sherburn, where there was a palace of the Arch
bishop, Thomas de Corbridge, who had himself baptized the
newly born prince, the King on the following Saturday sent
to the Black Friars alms for three days' food, and further
amends for damages ; and on the following Tuesday he
sent from York 48/- for four days' food, and still another 13/4
for damages, which looks as if some of his people had been
left behind in Pontefraot, and were still staying with the
Friars Preachers. Returning once more in the following
November, the King gave the Friars, on Advent Sunday,
19/4, for two days' food, while the Queen made her own
offering of 7/- at the Great Altar of their Church ; all these
* The Chronicle of Kirtstall (Lansdowne 972, No. 3. fo. 25,) seems to say
tbat the queen was stopping at Brotherton — " 1298, 4 Id Sept celebratum fuit
matrimonium apud Cantuar : inter regem Edw. 4to (sic) Begem Anglie, anno
coronationis sue xxvii, et Margaretam, sororem domini Philippi, regis
Francie." " 1299 (sic), 9 Kal Maii die S. Georgii martyris venerunt apud
Brotherton, dno Edw. rex iiii (sic) & regina. Hex vero iter suum versus
Scociam arripuit, Eegina filium suum primogenitum peperit, qui vocatur Thomas,
& ab Archiepiscopo J. de Corebrig baptizatus fuit prima die Junii."

THE BLACK FRIARS OF PONTEFRACT. 11
payments being, as we have said, on record in the accounts
for that year, in the Rolls for 28 Edw. I and 29 Edw. I.

But the executors of the first and dearly beloved wife
of the King, Eleanor of Castile, had been empowered to make
a gift of 100/- to the house, though we have not been able
to trace any special reason for the bequest. The payment
was, however, made to Friar William de Hotham, the
Provincial, who paid it for the use of the convent to J. de
Berewyk. Her eldest son, half brother to Thomas of Brotherton,
the unfortunate Edward IL, was at Pontefract in 1310 ; and
on Sunday, August 9th, in that year, he gave the Friars
13/4 for one day's food through Friar Nicholas de Ponte
fract. Twenty years afterwards, his son, the young King,
Edward III., paid a royal visit to the town, and on his
arrival Oct. 1st, 1330, he gave an alms of 9/- to the twenty-
seven Friars through F. John de Ripon. Four years after
wards, in the winter of the year 1334-5, on his journey to
and from Scotland, he was here three times. On the first
occasion, Oct. 13th, 1334, he bestowed on the thirty friars
10/- ; on Feb. 10th, 1334-5 (Sexagesima Sunday) on the
twenty-six friars 8/8 ; and on May 26th he gave 9/8 to the
twenty-nine friars who went out to meet him in the proces
sion of welcome. In February of that year he had already
given the Friars a cask of Gascony wine worth £4, as a mass-
offering : all which payments and gifts were made through
the hands of Friar John of Carlisle, and each of which can
be traced in the Wardrobe Roll of the daily royal expenses.
But there is another interest in these minute details ;
for the amount of the different payments at various dates
enables us to ascertain the number of Friars in residence on
either of the occasions. The payments being calculated at
a groat per head, we learn for instance that at different
c2

12 THE BLACK FRIARS OF PONTEFRACT.
times in the year 1309, the number of inmates was twenty-
nine and thirty-six, and that it had become forty in 1310, a
number the highest known ; for at the subsequent recorded
visits of the third Edward, the numbers varied from twenty-
six to thirty : while as we shall see presently there were
but eight at the Dissolution, even including a novice not
yet professed. Bnt royal visits were not the only incitements to royal
gifts. In 1303, the Provincial Chapter of the Order was
held here, and the King (Edward I.) sent £10 for the enter
tainment of the guests. And when a subsequent Chapter
was about to be held, his successor (Edward II.) issued a
writ, dated July 26th, 1321, asking the prayers of the pro
vincial Chapter for himself, his queen, and his children. At
the time of the. gathering, in August, 1321, bettering the
example of his father, the King gave £15, Friar Adam de
Percy being in each case the recipient on behalf of his bre
thren; and on the occasion of this last meeting, Archbishop
Melton made a contribution of £6 with the same object.
There were but two additions made to the original site,
so far as we can ascertain : and a mention of the few parti
culars connected therewith will show what obstacles were
then placed by the various Land Laws in the way of transfer
of the soil, the object being to prevent the destruction by a
side wind of particular revenue obligations.
In the first case, an inquisition was held under royal
writ, (Inq : ad quod dam. No. 109, August 1, 2 Ed. II, 13081*
when the assembled jury found that it would be a loss to
the royal and other revenue if Walter de Baghill assigned
to the Friars 3J acres of land for the enlargement of their
area : and the reason they gave was because the land, which
produced altogether 2s. 4d. a year, (at the rate of 8d. per
acre) would, if passed into the possession of the tax-free
* Index, p. 224. — The list is headed 2 Ed. III., by a typographical error
which might mislead.

THE BLACK FRIARS OF PONTEFRACT. 13
Friars, cease to contribute as before to the general taxation ;
whereby others would have more to pay. The losses are
enumerated. As the property would not again change hands,
what was equivalent to a Succession Duty would be paid
no more ; and the crown would lose 7d. (that is 2d. per acre,
on account of wardship at the death of the lord, the Earl of
Lincoln being the then holder in fee ; the town of Pontefract
would lose 2d. a year, as the inhabitants had commonage
there in open time ; and on the other hand, the rector would
lose 2s. per year in tithes when it happened to be sown.
But notwithstanding this adverse verdict, it is probable that
any opposition of the rector (the Monks of St. John), the
person most interested, was disposed of, for a royal mandate
was issued on August 16th, 1308, directing the Chancellor
to concede a license, if such could be done without injury.
The matter had, however, still to go before the legislature,
and at length, at the Parliament at Stamford a royal license
was granted on October 24th, 1309, enabling Walter de
Baghill to assign the land ; the legal process having occupied
nearly eighteen months, and the property in question being
what is now called Friar Wood Hill.
This was an enlargement of the grounds ; but in 1342
there was a second small extension, this time of the site. In
that year, on May 17th, a similar writ issued to ascertain
whether damage would arise, if permission were granted to
Simon Piper, Chaplain, to assign a perch of land to the
Friars for the enlargement of their homestead, and if John
Box, of Pontefract, were allowed to give three perches of
turbary in Inglesmore, for fuel. In which connection, it is
curious to notice that by some blunder (hardly singular,
however, in this history), the actual foundation of the house
has been frequently assigned to this Simon Piper, owing to
the use of his name in connection with the above small
contribution, so to call it, though we doubt if the transaction
was other than one of sale.

14 THE BLACK FRIARS OF PONTEFRACT.
The inquisition was, however, held, and was favourable
so far as Simon Piper's land was concerned ; the jurors re
ported that it was held of Henry Earl of Derby, by un
known service ; that the Earl held it of Queen Philippa,
and she of the crown : that there was no rent, as it was
part of a messuage which had been alienated before the
Statute of Mortmain ; and that any service or rent had been
thrown on the remaining part. It was worth lgd. a year.
Probably this verdict included the turbary also, for no re
turn was made specially with reference to it ; and a royal
license empowered Simon Piper to execute the transfer.
The name of Inklesmore, which occurs in the writ, is
quite lost in this neighbourhood ; and the return could
hardly apply to Inclesmore in the Manor of Rawcliffe and
Estoft, which belonged to the Abbey of Selby ; but the
property of Simon Piper is easily identified. It appears to
have been a part of what has for the last generation, been
called the Priory, just outside the township of Pontefract,
whence the Friars obtained their water, the plot being
called at the Dissolution, Cockcliffe Turfmore. The Friars
had a leaden conduit, which was among their more valuable
possessions not sold at the Dissolution, and this conduit was
evidently used in connection with the water from Cock
cliffe. The stream was intercepted in 1884, and diverted
into the main drain ; and the greater part of the then
empty water-course was buried during the summer of 1889,
so that all surface-trace of it has now been destroyed.
The turf on the limited piece of land of Inclesmore
would not have lasted the Friars for ever ; and accordingly
on April 28th, 1373, we find John of Gaunt, Duke, of Lan
caster, granting permission to his dear Chaplains in God,
the Prior and Convent of Friars Preachers, to dig turves in
Pontefract Park, for three years, at the proper seasons, as
they had been before accustomed. And .moreover he gives
them three oaks out of Pontefract Park, good and fit for

THE BLACK FRIARS OF PONTEFRACT. 15
timber, to use in the repair of the church and buildings.
These appear not to have sufficed, for in the following
October he gave them three more oaks out of the same
Park. Thus far we have recorded the grants made to the
house by its local or royal benefactors. We will now show
how general was the custom among the wealthy to leave by
their will a benefaction to the brethren.

The early work of the Friars was literally preaching ;
and one principal object of their addresses was to proclaim
a Crusade for the deliveranoe of the Holy Land from the
Infidels. The Pontefract Friars appear to have established three
stations for this purpose, one at Pontefract, another at
Wakefield, and the third at Rotherham. To assist them,
Archbishop Romaine by episcopal letters addressed to all
the Friars within his diocese, and dated Sept. 4th, 1291,
signified his intention personally to preach the Crusade in
York Minster on Sept. 14th (Holy Cross Day), and begging
them all to do the same. This action of Archbishop Ro
maine, six hundred years ago, offers a curious parallelism to
the General Intercession for Missions of the nineteenth
century. The Friars thus again proved themselv.ers leaders,
not only in the adoption of the Voluntary System, but in
that of lay preachers, and of the practice of general united
prayer for a particular object. It is also mainly in their
direction that we look for the discovery of the origin of
the village crosses which are so numerously scattered in
this neighbourhood, and which differ altogether from Stump
Cross, and similar boundary marks ; for the village crosses
are either in the centre of the village, or at a
road outside. But to none of them have we yet discovered
a contemporary allusion.
A fragmentary history of either of the religious bodies

16 THE BLACK FRIARS OF PONTEFRACT.
of the monks, of the succession of their priors, and of the
order of events affecting their monasteries, can be generally
deduced from their Chartulary, which consists of copies of
deeds and charters granted to them by their neighbours.
But as this is not open to us in the case of the Friars ; for
as they had no landed property, and sought none, they had
no reason for the compilation of a Chartulary, or indeed
materials for it ; in their case we can depend only upon the
occasional mention of them in the testamentary dispositions
of those who had in life been their patrons, or in other
similar documents.
But before the fourteenth century, wills, if made at all,
were seldom preserved unless they dealt with properties of
considerable value. And no such record of a testamentary
bequest to the Friars of Pontefract has fallen under our
notice much before the middle of that century, when the
foundation of the Friars Preachers of Pontefract was little
less than a century old.
The very earliest is one recorded by Stevens in his
History of Abbeys, vol. IL, app. No. 322, where he prints
the will of Elizabeth, relict of Thomas Paytfin, of Heading-
ley, who, under date of the Vigil of St. Bartholomew, 1341,
August 23rd, and among many other bequests, bequeaths
40s to the Friars Preachers of Pontefract, their house bein<»
the first named in the will, which was quoted as then being
under the care of Walter Calverley, of Calverley, the prac
tice not having become established of preserving the will
of a deceased person among the diocesan records.
Thenceforward we have a constant stream of such ap
parently small bequests to the Black Friars ; though in
order to obtain a just idea of their real value, it is now ne
cessary to multiply the amount by about 25 ; as in the
fourteenth century a penny purchased quite as much as a
florin does now. These bequests were even from the first,
sometimes (not always) coupled with requests for particular

BEQUESTS TO THE FRIARS. 17
celebrations of divine service by the Friars, though at length
the absence of such a request was a rarity. And this re
quest generally took the shape of prayers for the soul of the
deceased person, either at his burial, or for a stated time
afterwards. But there is no instance of a testator ordering
the erection of an addition to the structure, which might be
used generally by the congregation, and particularly by his
own family and successors, or for the purpose of prayers on
his behalf. There was no Waterton Chapel, as at Methley,
or Stapleton Aisle, as at Darrington, or Urswick Chantry, as
at Badsworth. And this perhaps arose from the nature of
the case, Friars' Churches having no territorial jurisdiction,
as had the Parish Churches.
The second such bequest in order of time I have been
able to find, is one of
Henry de Percy, probably a relation of the Adam de
Percy, who acted as Treasurer for the Monks in the time of
Edward II. Will dated Sept. 13, 1349, when in the middle
of the terrible season of the Black Death, he declared him
self to be sound in mind and body. This will was proved
March 12, 1351-2, and among a host of similar legacies,
the testator left six pounds sterling to the Friars Preachers
of Pontefract, Lancaster, Yarm, and Newcastle-on-Tyne, in
equal shares. — Test. Ebor. Vol. I., 58.
The fourth quarter of the century, the reign of
Richard IT., was more fruitful in records of these bequests ;
though as I have hinted, that fact may have arisen from
the organised attempt then commenced to preserve copies of
wills in the ecclesiastical registries. At York for instance
the first specially recorded is in the time of Archbishop
Arundel in 1389. Any previous documents of this character
that are extant there, have been preserved in consequence
of the accident that they were enrolled on the Archbishop's
Register, which was a sort of diary intended mainly to
record his official acts, though as a fact it occasionally re
ceived copies of deeds, wills, and such other important docu-

18 THE BLACK FRIARS OF PONTEFRACT,
ments, as it was desired to preserve. For most of these early
notices, therefore, indebtedness is acknowledged to the
various volumes of Testamenta Eboracensia. Particulars of
the later notices have been obtained from the volumes of
wills preserved at York.
Sir Robert de Swylyngton, Kt., the younger, by his
will dated May 23, 1379, bequeathed Fratribus Predicatori-
bus Pontisfracti, 13s. 4d., to celebrate for his soul. — Test.
Ebor. I., 107.
Elizabeth, relict of Sr Nicholas Wortley, Kt., was the co
heir of Adam deWannerville, Lord of Hemsworth, who having
brought that manor to the new name of Wortley, from the
old name of Waunerville, which had owned it almost from
the Conquest, survived her husband, and lived lady of Hems-
worth for many years. By her will dated Oct. 20, 1382,
she bequeathed 6s. 8d. to each Order of Friars in Ponte
fract, Doncaster and Tickhill. — Test. Ebor. I., 124.
Sir Brian de Stapilton Kt., (will dated May 16, 17
Richard II. , proved June 26, 1394) bequeathed 13s. 4d. to
each House of Friars of Beverley, Scarborough, Doncaster,
Pontefract, Richmond, Yarm, AUerton, and Kendal. — York
Wills I., 69.
Robert de Morton, of Bawtry, (will dated August 25,
proved Nov. 9th, 1396) bequeathed five marks to the Friars
of Pontefract, to find a chaplain to celebrate for his soul, for
a year after his decease. — Test. Ebor. I., 211.
Thomas Fenay, Pontefract, lister, who made his will
the Saturday before St. Mark's day (proved May 13) 1404,
left 6s. 8d. to the Friars of Pontefract.— York Wills III.,
107. Sir John Scot, Knt., Lord of Great Halghton, (will
dated Jan. 25, proved Feb. 9, 1406-7) bequeathed to each
house of Friars of Pontefract, Doncaster and Tickhill, five
marks. — York Wills III., 259.
Oliver Woderove, of the parish of Wolley (will dated
the Feast of St. Martin [Nov. 11], proved Dec. 12, 1430),
bequeathed 6s. 8d. to the Friars of Pontefract for a trental.
—York Wills II., 639.

A LOCAL WILL.

19

Robert Methlay, of Pontefract, fishmonger, (will dated
18 April, proved 8%, 1443) also left 6s. 8d to the Friars
of Pontefract. The following is the text of this interesting document :
TESTAMENTUJI EOBERTI METHLAY DE PONTEFEACTO.

Iu Dei nomine xviijto die niensis
AprilisAnno Domini Millesimo ccccmo
xliijmo, Ego Eobertus Methlay de
Pontefracto, piscarius, compos mentis,
et sane memorie, inflrmitate tamen
peracuta juxta divicam dispositionem
graviter vexatus, condo testamentum
meum in hunc modum.
Inprimis lego animam meam deo
omnipotenti et beate marie genetrici et
omnibus celi civibus, Corpus quoque
meum sepeliendum infra eeclesiam
parochialem omnium sanctorum ville
Pontefracti. Item, lego nomine mortuarii mei
meum optimum equum, cum omnibus
ornamentis requisitis, ut moris est.
Item, lego xijK cere comburende
circa corpus meum, die sepulture mee
et die octavo.
Item, lego vicario eeclesie predicte
pro exequiis meis xijd.
Item lego domino Thome Kepax
xijd et domino Thome Chaloner capel-
lano viijd pro eisdem exequiis, et
singulis aliis ad easdem ministrantibus
vjd, et singulis clericis parochialis pro
exequiis et pulsatione, iiijd.
Item lego fabricie eeclesie parochi-
ale predicte, pro sepultura mea, vj s viij d.
Et lego utrique servicio beate
marie ville predicte singulariter pro se,
iijs iiijd. Et lego Gilde Corporis Christi
ibidem, iijs iiijd.
Item, lego fabricie Capelle sancti
Egidii, xxd.
Et lego presbiteris Capelle sancte
Trinitatis pro exequiis meis predictis,
iijs iiijd. Item, lego fratribus ordinis predi-
catorum de Pontefracto pro eisdem
exequiis, vis viijd.
Item, lego Johanni Methlay filio
meo seniori, totale incremental!

In the name of God, the 18th day
of tlie month of April, in the year of
our Lord 1443, I, Robert Methlay, of
Pontefract, fishmonger, whole of
mind and of sound memory, yet by
God's visitation grievously troubled
by very painful infirmity, do make my
will in this manner.
In the first place, I leave my soul
to God Almighty and the blessed
Mary, his mother, and to all the
heavenly host, and my body to be
buried within the parish church of
All Saints' of the town of Pontefract.
Item, I leave in the name of my
mortuary, my best horse, with ail
requisite ornaments, as is the custom.
Item, I leave twelve pounds of
wax to be burnt about my corpse, on
the day of my burial, and the eighth
day. Item, I leave to the vicar of the
said Church for' my burial, 12 pence.
Item, I leave to Sir Thomas
Kepax twelve pence, and to Sir Tho
mas Chaloner, chaplain, eight pence
for their funeral fees, and to eaeh of
the others ministering thereat 6
pence, and to each parish clerk, for
fees and bell ringing, 4 pence.
Item, I leave to the fabric of the
said parish church, for my burial,
6s. 8d. And I leave to each service of the
blessed Mary of the aforesaid town,
each for itself , 3s. 4d.
And I leave to the guild of
Corpus Christi there, 3s. 4d.
Item, I leave to the fabric of the
chapel of St. Giles, 20d.
And I leave to the priests of the
chapel of Holy Trinity for my funeral
aforesaid, 3s. 4d.
Item, I leave to the friars of the
Order of Preachers of Pontefract for
the same rites, 6s. 8d.
Item, I leave to my son, the elder
John Methlay, all the increase of my

D 2

20

THE BLACK FRIARS OF PONTEFRACT.

porcionis mee viginti lib, quas_ simul
habemus iu mercimoniis, videlicet in
vino et aliis, ita tamen quod idem
Johannes michi vel executoribus meis de
predictis xxK, fideliter reddat compo-
tum, si de manibus debitorum possint
recuperari. Item lego Thome Methley filio
meo, canonico, v marcas.
Item lego Johanni filio meo juniori
quinque marcas.
Item lego Willelmo filio xxs.
Acetiam omnes equos meos preter
unum, pro meo principali utpremittitur,
cum omnibus sellis, frenis, capistris et
alii (sic) convenientibus.
Item lego Thome filio predicti
WiUelmi, vis viijd.
Item lego Eicardo filio meo, v
marcas. Item lego Henrico filio Willelmo
Carlton xls.
Item lego Thome Methley pisca -
rio, vis viijd.
Item lego Johanni Methlay fratri
meo meam togam viridem penulatam, et
me am optimam zonam cum gestro meo
deargento. Eesiduum vero omnium bonorum
meorum superius non legatorum, post
debita mea plenarie soluta, et de
integro bonorum meorum sumpta,
libere do et lego Margarete uxori mee,
et Johanni filio meo seniori, quos
quidem Margaretam et Johannem
ordino et constituo presentis testamenti
mei executores, ut ipsi predictum
bonorum meorum residuum pro salute
anime mee, prout melius viderint,
ordinent et disponant. Supervisores
vero istius voluntatis mee ut in omnibus
fidelitur agatur, ordino etfacio Thomam
Methlay, filium meum, canonicum et
Johannem Methlay fratrem meum.
In cujus rei testimonium huic
presenti testamento meo sigillum meum
apposui. Hiis testibus Thoma Chaloner,
Thoma Kepax, capellanis, Johanne
Fenay et aliis.
Datum apud Pontefractum, die et
Anno Domini supradictis.
viijo die Mensis Maii, AnnoDomini
Millesimo ccccmo xliijmo probatum
fuit dictum testimonium, et commissa

portionof £20,whichwe have together
in trade, namely in wine and other
things, yet so that the same John
shall faithfully render an account to
me or my executors of the aforesaid
£20, ij the amount may be recovered
from the hands of the debtors.
Item, I leave to Thomas Methley,
my son, the canon, 5 marks.
Item, I leave to my younger son
John, 5 marks.
Item, I leave to William my son,
20 shillings, and also all my horses
except one, as it is already disposed of
for my best, with all the saddles, bri
dles, harness, and other fittings.
Item, I leave to Thomas, son of
the aforesaid WilUam, 6s. 8:1.
Item, I leave to Richard my son,
five marks. Item, I leave to flenry the son of
William Carlton, 40 shillings.
Item, I leave to Thomas Methley,
the fishmonger; 6s. 8d.
Item, I leave to John Methlay my
brother, my green furred coat, and my
best girdle with my silver "gestrum"
(porhaps some kind of buckle.)
But the remainder of all my
goods not above disposed of, after my
debts fully discharged and paid out
of the whole of my goods, I freely give
and leave to Margaret my wife, and
the elder John my son, whieh Margaret
and John I ordain and constitute the
executors of my present will, that
they may order and dispose for tlie
good of my soul the aforesaid
remaider of my goods, as they may
judge best. And I ordain and make
my son, Thomas Methlay, the canon,
and John Methlay my brother, the
overseers of this my wish, that it may
be accomplished faithfully in all
things. In testimony of which I have
placed my seal to this my present will.
These being witnesses, Tlwmas
Chaloner, Thomas Kepax, chaplains,
John Fenay and others.
Given at Pontefract, the day and
year of our lord, abovesaid.
The said will was proved the 8th
day of the month of May in the year
of our Lord, 1443, and administra-

A LOCAL WILL.

21

administracio executoribus in eodem
nominatis, in forma juris juratis. —
York Wills ii. 59.

tion was committed to the executors
named in the same, being sworn in
legal form. York Wills ii. 59.

Matilda, Countess of Cambridge, (will dated Aug. 15,
proved Sept. 4, 1446) bequeathed 6s. 8d. to the Friars of
Pontefract.— Test. Ebor. IL, 121.
Thomas Box, gent., gave his body to be buried within
the house of the Friars Preachers of Pontefract, as appears
by the following will at York in Vol. IL, 196 : —
TESTASIENTUM THOME BOX, GENEROSI, DE PONTEFRACTO.

In Dei Nomine Amen, Decimo die
marcij anno domino millesimo ccccmo
xlviimo, Ego Thomas Box, gentilman,
ordino facio, et constituo testamentum
meum in hunc modum.
Inprimis lego animam meam et
eommendo omnipotenti deo creatori,
beate marie virgini, et omnibus Sanctis,
et corpus meum ad sepeliendum infra
domum fratrum predicatorum apud
Pontemfractum. Item lego equum meum gresium,
cum sella et freno pro mortuario meo
eeclesie parochiali de Tadcaster.
Et totum residuum omnium bono
rum meorum, tam mobilium quam non
mobilium, Terrarum, et Tenemen-
torura, cum corde et ore, do et lego
Johanne uxori mee, quam constituo
executricem meam ad disponiendum et
ordinandum pro anima mea et pro debi-
tis meis solvendis.
In cujus rei testimonium Henricus
Newton, persona de Newton, Willelmus
Bramham, vicarius de Hehgh, Willel
mus Newland, canonicus de Helagh,
DominusEicardusWaterwardpresbiter,
de Newton, Eobertus Dawcon, Eober-
tus Materdale et aliis.
Probatum fuit &c decimo sexto die
mensis maii anno domini millesimo
ccccmo xlixmo &c.

In the name of God Amen, the
tenth day of March in the year of our
lord, 1447,1, Thomas Box, gentleman,
ordain, make and appoint, my will in
this manner.
Firstly, I leave and commend my
soul to God Almighty my Creator, to
the blessed Mary the Virgin and to all
the saints, and my body to be buried
within the house of the Friars
Preachers at Pontefract.
Item, I leave my grizzle horse,
with saddle and bridle, for my mor
tuary to the parish church of Tad
caster. And all the rest of all my goods,
lands and tenements, as well moveable
as immoveable, with heart and mouth,
I give and leave to Joan my wife whom
I constitute my executrix to dispose of
and order for my soul, and to pay my
debts. In witness of which, Henry New
ton, parson of Newton, William
Bramham, Vicar of Helaugh, William
Newland, canon of Helaugh, Sir
Richard Waterward,priest, ofNeioton,
Robert Dawson, Robert Materdaleand
others. Proved, <&c, the sixteenth day of
the month of May in the year of our
lord 1449, &c.

This is the Box, from whose family Box Lane (now
Grange Lane) took its name, and it will be remembered that
a donor of this name had, a century before, given three
perches of turbary to the House. This later Box doubtless
had an hereditarv favour to, the Friars.

22 THE BLACK FRIARS OF PONTEFBACT.
Thomas Wombewell, of Wombewell (will dated Feb.
14, proved March 14, 1452-3) bequeathed 13s. 4d. to the
house of the Friars Preachers of Pontefract. — York Wills
IL, 266. Sir Gervase Clyfeton, Knt., (will dated Nov. 26, 1453,
proved Jan. 16, 1453-4) bequeathed 13s. 4d. among the
Friars of Tickhill, Doncaster, and Pontefract. — York Wills
IL, 288. Walter Calverley, Knt., (will dated April 6, 1466,
proved March 5, 1466-7) bequeathed 3s. 4d. to the Friars
Preachers of Pontefract. — York Wills IV., 42.
John Lathom, who was Dean of St. Clement's in the
Castle, in 1445, when he received Priest's orders, wns, on
Feb. 16, 1447-8, admitted to the 3rd Chantry of Knolles
Hospital, (another name for the Trinities in the Horsefair,)
apparently that he might be qualified for the appointment
of Master on the following May 10. He had been secretary
to the Cardinal Archbishop Kemp, and by his will (dated
25 June, 1470, proved 8 August, 1476) bequeathed to Trinity
Hospital, two silver basons for the altar, partly gilt, which
had belonged to the Cardinal ; also to every brother of the
House of Preachers in Pontefract, being a Priest, to cele
brate a solemn musical Mass (cum notaj of Requiem on the
day of his obit, xij a!, and to every brother ofthe same house,
not a Priest, who shall take part vid, and to the Prior of the
House, xxd. — York Wills IV., 94.
Dean John Lathom was probably a cadet of the family
of Lathom, who flourished for several generations at Carle
ton, near Pontefract, and whose residence there is now owned
and occupied by Mr. John Holmes Greaves. They seem to
have come originally from Lancaster. Tt may be noted that
this testator had been rector of Thorner also, two years before
he was admitted to full orders. He described himself in
his will as a Canon of St. John's, Beverley, and directed
that he should be buried at Nun Appleton .
Thomas Chaloner (will dated May 20, 1482, proved 30
July, 1483), who described himself as " perpetual vicar" of
All Saints, Pontefract, and left his body to be buried in
the Chancel, bequeathed 6s. 8d. to the Friars of the said
Town.— York Wills V., 83. (See also p. 19.)

BEQUESTS TO THE FRIARS. 23
Richard Rawson, a Ferrybridge man, who went to
London, and made a fortune as a mercer, but did not forget
his Pontefract neighbours in the time of his extremity,
by will, (made Oct. 8, proved Oct. 22, 1483, in the Preroga
tive Court of Canterbury) left five marks each to the
churches at Fryston and Castleford, twice as much to the
church at Sherburn, and 40s. each to the Monastery of St.
John and to the Church of the Black Friars in Pontefract.
Sir Hugh Hastyngs, Kt., at Norton, in Campsall (will
dated 20 June, 1482, proved 16 Jan., 1489-90) left five
serges of wax to be burned daily for a Mass in honour of
(1). St. Thomas, of Lancaster, at the Abbay of Ponntefret ;
(2). St. Peter, of Millen, at the Freers there ;
(3). St. Mary, the Virgin, at the White Freers of Don
caster ;
(4). Holy Rood, at the Gray Freers there ;
(5). St. Ninian, at the Freers of Tykhill.
Each of the four houses of Friars to have a quarter of
wheat and 10s. for three years, to say two trentals, and to
pray for him, his ancestors, and " his good doers." — .York
Wills, V., 347.
This Sir Hugh Hastings, who was of the Fenwick
family, also directed that his burial should take place at the
Chapel of Norton, within the parish of Campsall, where a
Priest was to pray for him seven years after his decease.
He was in lineal descent from John Hastings, Lord Aber
gavenny, who had for his two wives (1) a sister of the
Aylmer, Earl of Pembroke, who is buried in Westminster
Abbey, with perhaps the finest shield of arms at present in
the building ; (2) a daughter of Hugh le Despenser, the
favourite of Edward IL, to whom the Pontefract estates
were granted by that King after the execution and attainder
of Thomas, Earl of Lancaster. Sir John, the son and suc
cessor of Sir Hugh, was also buried at Norton Priory ; but
there is now not the smallest trace above ground of their
tomb, 'the chapel which contained it, or any of the conven
tual buildings, except indeed the brick wall which bounded

24 THE BLACK FRIARS OF PONTEFRACT.
them, which is still as firm and as strong as when it defended
and sheltered the ancient Priory.
William Strudther (will dated 10 Feb., 1495, proved 10
March, 1496), left hip body to be buried in the Church of the
Friars Preachers, before the image of the Blessed Mary, and
to the aforesaid Friars 20s., to amend the stones of thej roof
house there called the Frater, and also a quarter of malt,
and a bushel of peas. — York Wills V., 476.
Robert Baroclough (will dated April 3, proved at Ripon,
21 July, 1502) gave 40s. to the House of the Friars of
Pontefract. John Bule, " of the hospitall of Saynt Mychaell Arche-
angell" (will dated June 19, proved July 16, 1507), left
" to the Frears of Pontefract, one quarter of malte."
The particulars of this Will, are of exceeding interest.
The Hospital of St. Michael was one of those small founda
tions which escaped the purview of the enquirers under the
various Commissions of King Henry VIII. ; and its land
and properties seem to have been " concealed," as were those
of a Wentbridge chapel which certainly existed in the fifteenth
century, but of which no more can be ascertained.
The foundation of St. Michael's was originallyfor a Lazar
Hospital ; and it not only possessed a church, which seems
to have stood at Spital Gap, as it is now called : but it had
various plots of land in the borough, in each case at the out
skirts. In a paper published in the Yorkshire Archceological
Journal, vol. x-> 543-553, 1 have identified several as having
belonged to these Lazarites, though I have not been able to
ascertain how they fell into lay possession. But here is the
Will of one who was in full possession of this hospital of St.
Michael's, who was a married man, had indeed married twice,
and above all had such cause to complain of the way in
which his second wife was treated by his first wife's son, as
to embody his complaint in his testamentary disposition.
He is moreover living in the house of the Hospital, and
seems to be a local man, for he is a landowner, and dealing

A LOCAL WILL. 25
with the land more freely than he could have done had he
possessed it only as Master of the Hospital ; but I can
gather nothing of his antecedents, or of his successor in the
Mastership. Beyond all, among his gifts and they are numerous, he
has nothing to give to St. Michael's. With the exception
of the quarter of malt to the Friars, all his ecclesiastical
gifts go to All Saints, or to the Guilds connected therewith.
And in that Church he wishes to be buried, in St. John's
Quire ; presumably the chancel, so called as belonging to
the Rector, in this case the "lord Prior of St. John's," who
is constituted Overseer of the Will.
The following is John Bule's will in full : —
T[ESTAMENTUM] JOHANNIS BULE,
In anno domini millesimo quinquintesimo septimo.
In name of God, so be it, the xixth day of the moneth of June in the yere
of our lord god mcccccvij, I John Bule of the hospytall of Saynt Mychaell
archangell, beyng of the parish of alhalowes in Pountfrett, and hole of mynde
and remembrance beyng, makyth this my testament and last will in thys wyse.
Fyrst, I bequeyth my soulle to Almyghty God and to owr blissed lady Mary
virgyn, and to all the holie company of hevyn, and my bodie to be buried in
the parish church of Pontefract aforseid in the qweir called Saynt John qwere.
Item, I bequeth to on preist to syng for my soule within the seid queir by
ye space of one yere vi marcs for hys wages he to syng at the oversyght of the
parish preist of ye said chwrchfor the tyme beyng.
Item, I bequeth in ye name of my mortuarie my best beyst.
Item, I bequeth [Jo the hygh alter interlined] of the said church for my
thethys [tithes] forgotten, xvjd.
Item, I bequeth to ye Gyld of Corpus Christi, xijd.
Item, I bequeth on Aker of land wiche I purchesed, and lieth nigh
Bubwyth houses to thentent that a serge of wax may be sett by fore the Image
of owr ladye in our lady queyr, yr [there] to burne yerly for evermore as I have
usyd and coustomed it to be light, and if case be so at the Candilstyke at now
it stondeth uppon be removed or takyn away at any tyme hereafter, then the
said akar to remayn to myn heyres forevermore.
Item, Ibequeth half one akar of land for evermore wiche I purchased, that
lieth and abbueth wpon the Close of WiUiam Wakefeld neighe the Thathes, for
the mantenyng and supportation of the Gyld called Jhu Gyld.
Item, I bequeth to ye frears of Pontefract on quarter malte.
Item, I bequeth on quarter barly to ye mantenyng of the light in the rude
lofte within the Church aforeseid.
. Item, I bequeth to Thomas my sone the crope as it groweth of iij akers
barly lying in a Close neith Bubwith house, and the lyne yt groweth within
the said Close to remdyne to myn executors.
Item, I bequeth to my said sone a fedderbed, on pair blanketts, a pair
sheits, a bolster with ij pillows, ij coverletts, a Testir of white with the quyr-
tanes belongyng to ye same bed, and of ye same colour.

26 THE BLACK FRIARS OF PONTEFRACT.
Item, I bequeth to ye said Thomas a lytell masser with a band of silver
ind gylt, a Cowe the colowr browne, with my best gowne the colour violett, with
ij basyns and xxti shepe, with a litill Kyst stondyng besyd my bed, with a grett
chan, with the condicon folowyng ; yt is to say that my said sone Thomas shall
be frome hensfurth of lovyng and kyndely delyng, toward my wife callid
Elsabeth, now beying his moder in law and to shew unto hyr at all seasons
hereafter hys frenships, and that in all maters w [interlined for which,] she
shall fortune to have, other in spirituell lawe or in temporall law ; and if case
at my said [sone interlined] so do, then my will is that he shall Joie all such
guds as I liave bequethed to hym, or [els interlined] he never to have any parcel
or parties of thayme, bot holly the said guddis to remayn to myn executors, this
present grant above specified to my said sone by me maid notwythstanding.
Item, I bequethe to John Hale, my godsone, u, quarter barley.
Item, I bequeth to Christopher Parker my servante, a quarter barley.
Item, I bequeth to Thomas Hewett ij oxen which remaneth in his handes.
Item, ij stottes wt the crope of lialfe on aker, as it is sowne wt wheit,
and lieth upon the streit toward Wentbrige callid the streit fwrkng.
Item, I bequieth to Alice Wallthew on gwn.
The Residue of my goods unbequethed, my detts paid, with my funerall
expenses made and done, I gyffe and frely bequeth holy to my wyfe Elizabeth
and to Robert Ayshton hyre sone whome I ordayne and make myn executors,
and my lord prior of Saynt John house the evangeliste, within the Towne of
Pontefract, whome 1 specially pray to be so gud lord for my sake as to take
upon hym as supervisour of thys my last will and testament.
In witness herof to this my present testament and last Will I have setto
my sele, thes witness, Sir John Nelesthorpe, parishe preist of Ponnfret, Sir
John Roos, Sir Robert Nelson, Chaplaynes, William Pursour, mayre of Ponte
fract, John Watson and Thomas Huntyngdon, Burgess of the said Towne, with
other. Written at the hospitall aforseid. The day dbyere above specyfyed.
Proved 16 July. [1507.~\ York Wills vi. 122.
[The witness William Purser, who was the 23rd Mayor of Pontefract, and was
subsequently mayor both in 1516 and 1523, in his will (IX. 472 ; 4 Aug — 2
Dec 1529) calls himself "William Mares, otherwise William Purser: " John
Watson had been mayor in 1498 and Thomas Huntingdon in 1502.]
Thomas Harrope, chaplain (will dated St Gregory's day,
1504, proved 12 April, 1505), left 2s to the Friars Preachers
of Pontefract.— York Wills VI., 132.
Katherine Austwick (will dated 26 August, proved Oct.
31, 1506), directed that she should be buried in the entrance
of the Choir of the Holy Mother of God, on the right side
of All Saints' Church ; and among numerous other bequests
left 2s to the Friars of Pontefract.— York Wills VI., 163.
Robert Farnell (will dated 1 December, 1506, date of
probate not given), left half a quarter of malt to the prior and
Convent of the Friars Preachers, " to pray for my soul." —
York Wills VI., 169.
Johanna Hewet, of Friston on the Water, (will dated
5 August, proved 3 Oct., 1521,) bequeathed to the Friars of
Pontefract, a wyndle of barley malte.

A LOCAL WILL. 27
The following is the will of this testatrix, whose name
in the body of the will might be easily read as John : for it
consists of those four letters only, with a faint mark of con
traction above. But the sex is clear ; for she speaks of her
"husband," and leaves her " Napery ware, that belongeth to
her body," to her sisters.
TESTAMENTUM JOHANNE HEWETT, DE FEEISTON SUPER AQUAM.
In the name of God Amen, on the v day of August in the yere of our Lord
god mdxxito, I Joh'n' Hewet of Friston super aquam, of a hoole mynd and of
good remembrance maketh this my wil in this manner.
First, I bequeath my saull to Good Almyghtie and our lady Seynt Marie,
and to all the saints in hevyn, and my body to be beried in the chirch yerd of
Friston by watter, and in the name of my mortuary, that at requireth by the
lawe, as costome is.
First, Ibequeath to a preist to syng for my husband and me a yere,vij mares.
Item, I bequeath to ychon of my god childer iiijd and a yowe lame.
I bequeath a penny to be offered at Branttingham.
Item, I bequeath a penny to be offered at Sent Savior's.
Item, I bequeath a penny to be offerd to our Lady of bell crosse.
Item, I bequeath a penny to be offered at our Lady of Doncaster. [The
Carmelites.] Item, I bequeath a penny to be offerd to Sent Sebastian.
Item, I bequeath all my napery ware that belongeth to my body to my
Sisters and to titer childer.
Item, I bequeath to Kattrin Chelow a kirtle.
Ibequeath to Richard Gisbwrn a Koe, [cow] one of the best of them that he
will chewys [choose] .
Item I bequeath to Freres of Pontefract a wyndle of barly e malte.
I orden and make my executors John Law, Richard Hewett and Ric'
Gisburn to dispose the Residue of my goods for thelthe of my saul.
Witnes therof John Kaye and Richard Broche.
Proved 3 Oct 1521. York Wills ix. 172.
Thomas Wentworth, of North Elmsall, (will dated
April 1, 14 Hen. 8, [1522] proved 19 Nov., 1524, bequeaths
20s. to the Friars of Pontefract, 26s. 8d. to the Gray Freres
in Doncaster, 13s. 4d. to our Lady Freres in Doncaster
and 20s. to the Freres in Tikehill.— York Wills IX., 297.
Isabella Rolleston (will dated 20 Nov. 1525, proved 28
Feb. 1525-6), says " it is my wish that my sone Howell
shall fynde a lampe in the Freres of Pontefract to burne for
ever, bothe daye and nyght." — York Wills IX., 353.
Sir Rauf Whitfield, parson of Tankersley, Twill dated
18 June, 1517, proved 30 October, 1527, Reg. Wolsey 160)
left xijd to the house of St. Peter of Milan, in Pontefract,
which as we have learnt from the will of Sir Hugh Hastings
was at the Friars Preachers.
e2

28 THE BLACK FRIARS OF PONTEFRACT.
Sir Ralph Whitfield, Vicar of St. Peter's, Tankersley,
made several bequests in honour of the name of Peter. This
among them, to the house of St. Peter of Millan, in Ponte
fract. The words are written in the copy on the Register
rather loosely, as if there had been hesitation on the part of
the writer. But the bequest of Sir Hugh Hastings, given
above, throws such light on the expression used by Sir
Ralph Whitfield, as to leave no doubt at all that there was
indeed in St. Richard's Church an altar, probably a chapel,
dedicated to St. Peter ; though besides these two entries,
we have found no mention of it. It is very possible that it
was a remembrance of the Italian origin of the Lady Alesia
de Saluces, the " foreign lady," who became the mother of
Edmund de Lascy, the founder.
Thomas Huntingdon, of Hull, Alderman (will dated 22
Oct., 1526, proved 7 Nov., 1527,) gave and bequeathed " to
the Freres in Pontefract, xxs. ; and they to do for my sail,
dirige and messe."
The following is the text of the document : —
In Dei Nomine Amen, the xxijth day of the moneth of October in the yere
of our lorde god mdxxvjto, I Thomas Hunttyngdon in Kyngstone upon Hull,
marchaunte,maks and ordens this my present testament and last Will under this
maner and forme hereafter folowing.
Imprimis, I gyve and bequeath my sail to God Almyghtie to oure ladie
sancte marie and to all the celestiall cowrte and company of hevyn; my body to
' be beried in the kirke of the holie trinitie, Within the towne aforsaid, And
in the north He under a blu stone, nere as I sitte, if it may please God.
Item I gif and bequeath for my mortuary my best garment accordyng to
the custome of the kirke.
Item I gif and bequeath to the White freres for dirige and messe of my
berall day and vijth daye, vjs viijd.
Item I gif to the blake Freres they to do in like maner dirige and messe,
vjs viijd. Item I gif and bequeath to a preist to syng for my sail and my first wif
sail Jenet, and all cristen salles.
Item I gif and bequeath to the Freres in Pontefracte xxs, And they to do
for my sail, dirige and messe.
Item I gif and bequeath to Sa-ncte Oswalde xxs, and they for to do for my
sail, dirige and messe.
Item I gif and bequeath to Pontefracte Abbay for dirige and messe for my
sail and for god saike xiijs iiijd.
Item I gif to Pontefract parishe kirke with sancte Giles Chapell for dirige
and messe, xiijs iiijd.
Item I gif to the trenitis in Pontefracte for dirige and messe, vs.
Item I gif to Chyppyn Kirke where I was cristened for reparacon of the
kirke, xxs.
Item I gif and bequeath for amendyng of the wayes aboute Pontefracte,
vjs viijd. Item I gif to amendyng of the wayes about the towne of Hull, vjs viijd.

BBQUESTS TO THE FRIARS. 29
Item I gif and bequeath to my broder daughter that is with me, xxs.
Item I gif to Margarete Bower my servante, iijs iiijd.
Item I gif to Agnes Thomson that was my servante, xiijs iiijd.
Item I gif and bequeath my grownde that I have taken ofthe towne in the
Tripettfor Ixxx yeres, if my masters be so good to me, for of my conscience it is
my dre take, to my wif, ami she to doo for me and for my first wif sail Jenet.
And for my wif sail that nowe is, one in the yere, dirige and messe, and for all
cristtn salles.
Item I gif for mess and dirige at Pontefract in the Freres, for my sail, and
for my moder sail, and my wife Jenet sail, and all cristen salles, iij acre land
at Saint Thomas Hill, and ij acres land on the Chekers in the tenure of my sone
Roberte Hunttyngdon. And thies lands to be maide sure to the freres if my
frendes will, and Roberte Hunttyngdon, if he be good therto he shall have my
daile blissyng.
Item I will that the belman goo with the hand bell for Richard sail and
Margarete, and for Thomas sail and Jenets, and for all cristen salles, and he
for to have yerely for Ms labour, ijd.
Item I gif to Henry Tiffyn, ijs.
Item to John Barbor, ijs.
Item to John Blake, ijs.
Item I gyve to John BiUope, ijs.
Item I gif to Rauf Hosier, ijs.
Item to Thomas Sadlar wife, ijs.
Item I gif to my doughter Dorothe my litle cremyson gowne.
Item I gif to fader John every Sonday e whilst he lyveth jd of my parte of

Item I gyve to Henry Dyneley my cremyson gowne furred with fitcJies.
Item I gif Robte Hunttyngdon my cremyson gowne lyned with sarsenett.
The residue of all my goods undisposed I gyve and bequeath to Jenet my
wif and to Ambrose my sone, whom I make my full executors, and they to
dispose for the health of my sail as they think best.
And I make supervisor of my said will my ij sones henry Dyneley [Will
proved 1540,] and Cristofer Hunttyngdon.
Thies wittenes Roberte Bonyfeld, John Haryson, Sir Thomas Perth and
Sir Thomas Grene.
Proved 7 Nov 1527. York Wills ix. 382.
It is a question what became of these lands, thus left
to the Pontefract Brethren, and how they were "made
sure ;" for the Friars did not hold them eleven years after
wards, at their Surrender and Dissolution. We have not
traced the date of the death of the testator, even if it is on
record; and the legacy might have been void under the
Statute of Mortmain, but the wills of this Thomas Hunting
don, a Pontefract man who had settled and prospered in
Hull, and of his son Robert, were proved at York on the
same day in successive years, the son apparently prede
ceasing the father.
The following is the text of the will of the son :—

30 THE BLACK FRIARS OF PONTEFRACT.
In the name of God Amen, the xxxth day of September in the yere of our'
lorde God mdxxvith. I Roberte Hunttyngdon of Pontefract hoole of mynd
and good of remembrance, ordens and makys this my testament and last will
in maner and forme fohwing.
First I bequeath my sail to god almyghtie,our lady sainte mary, and to dil
the holye company of hevyn, and my body to be beried in the parishe churche
of Alhallowys in Pontefract,and my best beast to be my mortuary after costome
of the churche.
Item I bequedth to the hye altar, xijd.
Item to the gilde of Corpus Christi, viijd.
The residue of my goods I gyve and bequeath to Elizabeth my wife,
Thomas, Henry, William and Isabel my childer, whome I make my executors ;
And supervisors, Thomas Hunttyngdon and Henry Butler.
Thies beyng wittenes Sir John Thwaits, Sir George Huggrame and Leonel
Rolstone, with other moo.
Proved 7 Nov., 1526. York Wills, ix. 355
Thomas Ryther, of Ryther, (will dated July 1, 1527,
proved 25 Sept, 1528, left " to the Freres of Pontefrete vjs.
viijd, at they may syng messe and dirige for my sail." —
York Wills IX., 405.
Sir John Everingham, Kt. of Birkin (will dated Oct. 14,
1527, proved 22 Oct., 1528) leaves " to the Freres of Ponte
fracte," vjs. viijd. to praye for my sail." — York Wills IX.,
417. Thomas Strey, of Doncaster, (will dated Nov. 14, 22
Hen. 8 [1530], proved 30 Dec.) left xs. to the Freres of
Pountfrett. — York Wills X., 15.
Walter Bradford, of Houghton (that is Glass Hough
ton), who appears to have successfully combined the occupa
tions of lawyer and farmer, while by living at Glass
Houghton he escaped all the municipal responsibilities of
Pontefract, by his will, (dated May 28, 22 Hen. 8 [1530],
proved 17 Jan., 1530-1), left 5s. to the just-named Thomas
Strey, who was also a lawyer, but of Doncaster. He be
queathed " to the Frears of Pount', and to the Grey Frears
of Doncastre, to ayther of yame, vis. viijd." " Also I will
that my executors purchase landes to the valor of vs. to be
giffiyn to the Prior and Convent of the Blak Frears in Pom-
frete for oon obit yerely to be doon for ever the daye of my
buriall, viz. every frere beying a preist iiijd, and every frere
beying no preist ijd, and the residew to the Prior for the
anornamentes of the churche there." — York Wills X., 17.

A LOCAL WILL.

31

Thomas Smyth, of Pontefract, alderman (will dated
Feb. 14, proved 26 Sept., 1531) after similar bequests adds,
" I give and bequeith to the Freers in Pontefret, to the in
tent to have one Derige and one Saull Messe the day of my
beriall, or else in the mornyng next following and insewing,
vs." THOMAS SMITH.
In the name of God Amen the xiiij day of February in the yere of our
lord god m v xxx. I Thomas Smith off Pontefret, Alderman, beying of holl
mynd andgud of remembrance, lovid be Jhesu, maketh this my testament and
last will in manner and forme folowing.
First I gyff and bequeith my saull to the blissed trinite, to our lady
sanct marie and to all the lioly company in hevy [sic], and my body to be beried
within the parish church off all hallows in Pontefract in the south side of the
said Church, nere unto the gylde quere of corporis Christi.
Also I give and bequeth to the poor of Monastary of Sanct John the
Evangelist, and to the convent, to the Intent to be absolved in the Ghapitor
howse and to have one derige and one sail messe the day of my berall, or els
within the space of ij days they nextfoloying, xs.
Also I gyff and bequieith to every priest in the parishe church and the
chappell of Sainct Gylis, beying at my derige and saull messe the day of my
berall, vjd.
Also I gyve and bequeith to the freers in Pontefret to the Intent to have
one derige and one saull messe the day of my berall, or els in the mornyng next
folowing, and insewing, vs.
Also I gyve and bequeith to the chappell of sanct Antony in Cartmell Feid
in the parishing of Cartmell one Chales in valow xls.
Also I gyff and bequeith to the mendyng of the Caussay in the layn yt
goith to Fetherstone more, vs.
Also 1 gyve and bequieth to our lady service in the cliappell of sanct gillis
in Pontefret one parcel crosse of silver to the intent to have my name Regest in
our lady messe boik in the Canon, that my saull and my wyff saull wt all
Christen saullis may be praid for by the preist yt is nowe present, and with
all other yt is to come as long as the service doith Indure and last.
Also I gyff and bequeith to every one of my god childer iiijd.
Also I gyff and bequeith to Margaret Anderson, my servant, one Reid
Whye. Also I gyff and bequeith to Alyson Elslay, my servant, one blak whye.
A Iso I gyff and bequieth to Agnes Cowhill, my servant on yong reid whye.
The residue of all my gudds not bequiethed, my dattspaid and my funeral
expenses maid the day of my beriall, I gyff thame hoolly and frely to Ezabell
Smyth my wyff, the which Isabell I ordan and make myn executrix off this my
testament and last will.
Thes beyng witnes Sir Thomas Looge, Lyonell Moulston, Robert Gregson,
Nyeholes Akland and John Rodley with other moo.
Maid and gyvyn at Pontefrett tlie day and yere above writtyn.
Proved 26th September, 1531. York Wills, x. 91.
Roger Rockley, of Rockley in Worsborough, (will
dated 14 Dec , 1522, proved 4 Jan., 1534-5, bequeathed
" to the Frears of Pomfret during xxiij weeks, every Fri
day iiijd, and every Freare within the said houses to say

32 the black friars of pontefract.
every Fridaie one Pater Noster and one Ave Maria in the
honour of the Passion of our Lorde and the Joies of our
Blessed Ladie, as long as this almouse (alms) shall endure."
—York Wills, XL, 124.
This is the latest I have recovered, and before four years
had elapsed, the House of the Black Friars of Pontefract
had ceased to exist. Doubtless there were many more such
wills, and those which I have happened to light upon must
be considered as only a few prominent examples. But they
evidence the continuity and the persistence of the feeling in
favour of the Friars. There were thus, in the twenty or
thirty years immediately preceding the Dissolution of their
house more donations to the body than there had ever before
been in a similar period of time throughout their history ;
so far as can now be ascertained.
I have gathered but two testamentary burials from all
the York Wills that I have seen, and there were not many
probably throughout the period covered by those wills. For
although St. Richard's Church and the Church-yard of the
Friars Preachers at Pontefract became a fashionable burying
place soon after its establishment, and retained its prestige
throughout the fourteenth century, it was afterwards to a
very considerable extent superseded by the more recently
established Trinities. This latter, however, never had the
renown which in its day attached to St. Richard's Church,
though it cannot be denied that it raceived many honourable
interments. The following list of Burials in the Black Friars of
Pontefract preserved in the College of Arms (L 1) has
been reprinted from the Collectanea Topographica. The
document belonged originally to John Wrythe (alias
Wriothesley), Garter, who died in 1504. It was a contem
porary compilation, for the MS. is partly in his handwriting,
and partly in that of his son, Sir Thomas Wriothesley, who,
succeeded him as Garter, and died in 1534. It was thus

BURIALS AMONG THE FRIARS. 33
completed at least four years before the Dissolution of the
House in 1538.
The first five names are those of contemporaries ; Edmund
de Lascy, Alesia, his wife, John, their son, Margaret, their
daughter, and Agnes, the sister of Alesia. The two sisters
were the foreign ladies given in marriage by Henry III., to
the youthful de Lascy and de Vesci, so much to the disgust
of those who wished to see the two wealthy young nobles
contract an English marriage. After these five names there
is a sudden jump to include the names of some of the nobles
who fell at Wakefield in 1460, and then the list seems to be
come indiscriminate. It was probably a compilation only,
and not official. The list is as follows : —
Cy sensuyvent les noma des nobles ho'mes qui sont
enterres oufreres precheurs de Pontfret.
Et p'mierem't le cueur de mess'e Edmond Lascy,
Conte de Lynco'n, leur premier fondeur.
Item, dame Alys sa femme.
Item, Jehan de Lascy leur filz.
Item, dame Marguerite de Quantilupo, aussi leur fille.
Item, Agnes de Vescy, seur ala d' dame, Alys de Lascy.
Item, le cueur de tres benoiste memoire Eichart, pere
du Roy Edward le quatriesme.
Item, aussi le cueur de Edmond, Conte de Eotellant.
[Rutland.] Item, le cueur de Eichart Neville, Conte de Salesbury.
It', aussi le cue'r de mes'e Thomas Neville, son filz,
et depuis leurs os translates ala prieurye de Birsam.
Item*, messi're Thomas de Haryngton.
It', d'na Patronilla de Novo Mercato, quond' reclusa
de Wyrmelay. [Womersley.]
It', Jolyenne de Partenay.
It', Richart Thornhil.
It', Robert de Lambron.
It', Pierre de Allertwayt.
It', Mess'e Rougier de Moubray.
It', dame Matilda, sa feme.
It', le ceu'r de Mess' Rougier Moubray, leur filz.
It', damcRoysse, sa fe'me 't fille ou Conte de Gloucestre.
It', le cueur de mess' George de Quintilupo.
It', le filz du d' mes'e George.

34 THE BLACK FRIARS OF PONTEFRACT.
It', Jehan Metal aussi Jolyenne, sa fem'e.
It', Jolyenne Metal.
It', Alys Metal.
It', mess'e Robert de Vepont.
It', Guill'e de Langfeld.
Jolyenne de Averlay.
Guill'e le Vavasour.
Jehan de Neuf Marche.
Jolyana de Rupe.
Dame Alys de Hastynge.
Mess'e Rougier de Laybourn,
Thomas L' Estrange.
Mess'e Garyn de Visul.
Joh'es de Folletto.
It', cor d'ni Will'i de Fournewal.
"Will's de Beleu.
It', cor d'ni Ade de Novo Mercato.
It', d'ns Adam, filius ejus.
It', d'ns Joh'es de 
It', d'ns Adam de Preston.
It', d'ns Will's de schargell.
It', d'ns Joh'a de schargell, mater p'dicte.
It', d'ns Petrus de Rotheresfeld.
It', d'na Albreda, uxor ejus.
It', Joh'es de Rotheresfeld.
It', Joh'es de Rotheresfeld, filius p'dicti Joh'is.
It', Joh'es de Rotheresfeld.
It', Henricus Lilly.
It', d'na Agnes Clarell.
It', Lucia de Wyllyngton.
It', d'ns Will's Touchet.
It', d'ns Will's Touchet, fili' p'd'c'i Will'i.
It', Will's de Pollyngton.
It', Will's de Bradebour.
It', d'ns Ricardus Adut.
It', d'ns Thomas Knaresburg'.
It', Robertus de Pit et Elyna, uxor ejus.

And with this list of burials the account of the Medieval
Black Friars must close. I have now to consider circum
stances which were gradually but surely undermining the
influence of the House, and of other similar religious esta
blishments.

A CONSEQUENCE OF " THE BLACK DEATH." 35

People sometimes talk of the English Reformation
as if it had been a single act, by which the members of one
body of religious professors were removed and those of
another substituted in their place ; as if there were two
organised armies of Ins and Outs, respectively contending
for the possession of the temporalities. But nothing could
be more fallacious ; the process was one of gradual advance,
and it extended over very nearly a full generation with a
definite change at each particular stage. It may, moreover,
well be doubted if there has not been as much Re-formation
and Reconstruction in the English Church during the last
half century, as there was in a similar space of time during
the reigns of Henry VIII., Edward VI., Mary and Eliza
beth, which comprised the period of the Reformation. For
in each case the tide flowed and ebbed, but with a strong
steady advance of one particular set of practices and doc
trines and the decadence of another.
There has been a previous reference in the history of
this House to what was called the Black Death, during which
a former benefactor of the Pontefract Black Friars, Henry
de Percy, had been able to declare himself sound in mind
and body, and to justify his confidence by surviving the
terror for two years and a half. But this Black Death had
been so generally fatal, as to reduce the number of the
clergy, in the middle of the fourteenth century, in such a
way, that qualified men could not be found to fill the vacan
cies thereby occasioned ; and the consequence was that the
necessary work could not have been done had not ordination
been conferred upon men who in no educational sense could
have been styled qualified. Meanwhile the increase and
indeed rapid increase of chantries, each to be filled by an
f2

36 THE BLACK FRIARS OF PONTEFRACT.
ordained man, not necessarily of high qualification, who was
content with a small though secure stipend, multiplied the
number of appointments, while in order to occupy them,
it withdrew from the service of the State men well qualified
to serve it in a worldly way. The evil, for it was such, was
not only an increasing one, but it was one capable of indefi
nite increase ; or at least of an increase continued so long as
men were found ready to endow more and more chantries
each to continue for ever. Those who had the guidance of
both Church and State were evidently bound to find a re
medy. We have seen how the Statute of Mortmain, and the
other apparently oppressive land laws acted (as they were
intended to act) in restraint of endowments : and although
they at first diminished the evil of locking up land in the
possession of corporations of different classes, they did not
entirely destroy it, for means were found for partially cir
cumventing them. In the reign of Henry VIII., it had
become the custom for a man to put his estate into trust for
purposes afterwards to be declared ; and as this practice
helped to another evasion of the land laws, it shows how
matters were getting ripe in every direction for some
sort of change. What that change was to be, and in what
direction it was to be made, appears to have depended hu
manly speaking upon the accident that the King had made
a marriage, which, although it lasted happily for eighteen
years, had produced no male heirs. Two sons had been
born to him, but each of them died in early infancy, one
even without a name ; and this fatality, in any case grievous
enough to the unhappy mother, the King was induced to
attribute to the divine displeasure at his having married the
affianced wife of his deceased elder brother. He failed in
his attempt to obtain a divorce at the hands of the Pope, and
his failure rousing in him a bitter hostility to the Papal
See, rendered him not averse to the movement which was

ATTACK FIRST MADE ON THE PARISH CHURCHES. 37
then once more coming to a head, of antagonism to Papal
Aggression. The feeling of dislike at the interference of a foreign
Prince (as the Pope really was) in the internal affairs of the
kingdom, was singularly enough not so strong in Scotland
as in England ; and accordingly, the disruption did not
occur in the Northern Kingdom till half a century after it
had been completed in the South. But in Scotland, there
had always been a continental prepossession, while in England
there had always been a distaste for the authority of the
Pope. That distaste naturally attained a more full and a
more thoroughly ripe development, when the King himself
gave to it the weight of his influence.
But even before Henry's quarrel with the Pope, Parlia
ment had inserted the thin edge of the wedge which was
afterwards to effect the dissolution of a very large portion
of the religious establishments of the day, and to leave the
remainder considerably crippled ; but this had been in the
direction of the parish clergy rather than in that of the
Monasteries, and yet these latter were destined to be de
stroyed, while the Parish Churches remained so to say intact.
Thus while appropriation of Church revenues was in the
air, it was quite a matter of chance, so far as could be
seen, in which direction the full force of the blow was to fall.
The first stroke was indeed aimed at the parochial in
comes, already sufficiently meagre, rather than at the re
venues of the religious establishments. And it happened
on this wise.
Owing to the system by which the parochial revenues
had been " appropriated " to the Monasteries, the parish
clergy were but scantily remunerated, and were compelled
to exact their legal dues to the uttermost, in order to obtain
a bare maintenance. At this time no branch of their in
come was more fruitful of discontent among the laity, and
of dissention between them and the parochial clergy, than

38 THE BLACK FRIARS OF PONTEFBACT.
the system of mortuaries, by which the second best beast of
a deceased parishioner became the legal fee of the incum
bent of the parish. And as a " corpse present," it had be
come quite a settled custom, as the wills we have quoted
show, to leave a legacy of some value in " the name of
mortuary." This practice, which naturally led to much
heartburning, on the one side at the shabbiness of the testa
tor or his heirs, on the other at unwarranted exactions, was
forbidden in 1529 by Act of Parliament, and a scale was
provided in the Act whereby these mortuary fees should be
regulated. The goods of each parishioner were to pay
nothing if they were under £6 13s. 4d. in value ; if they
were under £30, the payment was to be 3s. 4d. ; under
£40, it was to be 6s. 8d. ; and above £40, it was to be 10s.,
which was the highest amount allowed by the Act. Before
that statute passed, it had been the custom for a testator to
make a bequest " in tbe name of his mortuary," or " as a
mortuary his best beast," or "as the custom required,"
which was the second best horse. Afterwards we find a
repeated doubt expressed as to what should be paid. Thus
the following occurs in the will of Walter Bradford, of
Houghton, whom we have already noted as a donor to
the Pontefract Friars Preachers in 1530 ;
Item, I bequeith to my curate of the Church of Castil-
ford, that as right belongyth, accor dying to the Kynge is
Acts of the Parliament, for my mortuarie.
In other words change was so imminent and impending
that the testator did not know certainly what might be the
law when it should happen that his will should come into
force ; but in any case, he was anxious that the law should
be obeyed. Also says his friend Thomas Strey, in a will subse
quently made" but proved before that of Walter Bradford :
I bequeythe for my mortuary xs., according to the
Statute.

THE MORTUARIES.

39

And this phraseology was used for at least ten or a
dozen years. Even as late as October 1545, Dean Thwaites,
the last Prior of Pontefract, in making his will left for his
" Corse presant, accordinge to the rate of the Kingis Acte
thereof made." The offering had become a Corpse "Present."
Thus the mortuaries were clipped by statute ; and this
was done in 1529. The next stage was in 1531, when it was
enacted that all gifts to chantries, &c, if to last more than
twenty years, should be void ; and it must be kept in mind
that this was while the Kingdom still paid allegiance to Rome,
and three years before the authority of the Pope was rejec
ted. So slowly and carefully were all the steps taken which
together received the title of the English Reformation ; but
which are sometimes inconsiderately spoken of as if they were
the result of a sudden act. This indeed had some slight coun
tenance in what followed, and which has evidently struck
the imagination of popular writers with most force. The
Parliament, which finally threw off the allegiance of the
Pope, met on 15th Jan., 1534-5, and extended their sittings
through the following two months only ; but during those
eleven weeks they disqualified bishops from taking cogni
zance of heresy, they abolished first fruits paid to Rome,
and they forbad not only appeals to the Pope, but even the
reception of bulls from him.
These last Acts, however, have been treated of, almost
as if they in themselves, and alone, constituted the English
Reformation. But they really concerned externals only.
There was up to this point no interference with the doctrine
taught, or the ritual practised, in the Churches.
Nor did any such take place, during the following year
1535, in which there was a formal census, and a careful valua
tion of every chantry and minor endowment attached to the
parish churches, or scattered in the parishes as " chapels"
without any cure of souls. This having been completed, a

40 THE BLACK FRIARS OF PONTEFRACT.
further enquiry was made as to the tenure of the various
properties belonging to the larger establishments other than
parish churches ; and wherever the properties had been
leased the particulars were ascertained, so that no pretended
leases should afterwards be set up. The accounts of these
leases are still in the Public Record Office, and the leases
themselves are indexed in what is called a Calendar to the
Conventual Leases, those of Monk Bretton occurring about
folio 485, those of St. John's, Pontefract, from about 756 to
about 855. Thus steadily were the means being accumulated,
perhaps unconsciously, for grasping all.
The next year, 1536, the blow fell on a very large
number of the smaller establishments. The Act was passed
in the latter part of the month, but it came into force as
from the first day of the Session which opened on 4 Feb.
1535-6. In this Parliament the Church was represented at
its full strength, and the mitred abbots who had seats in the
House of Lords attended and voted quite .in the usual
proportion. This Act of Suppression, the 18th ofthe Session,
named the foundations that were to be suppressed, among
them being Helagh, Hampole, and Newland in this neighbour
hood ; and it was in connection with the forcible Suppression
under this Act ofthe smaller foundations, that the rising com
monly called The Pilgrimage of Grace took place.
An incident connected with the suppression of one of
the Priories affected by the Act shows how, in some cases, the
conventual body regarded their house as a personal posses
sion. This was the Priory of Stratmarcell, in Montgomery
shire, of which the King's Surveyors of North Wales
received orders to survey and take possession in due course.
But Sir Edward Grey (Lord Powis) protested and com
plained that although to use his own phrase, he " had
honestly bought the Monastery of Strathmarcell from the
late Abbot and convent," the Chancellor of the Augmenta-
tives (of the Revenues of the Crown) " had directed his

INSTRUCTIONS TO THE SUPPRESSION COMMISSIONERS. 41
surveyors to survey the Abbey and lands to the King's use."
On which, directions were at once sent to th.e Commissioners
that " As the Monastery of Stradmarsell, in Powes land,
was sold to Lord Powis before the making of the Act, they
were to suffer him to occupy it till the King's pleasure was
known." The correspondence can be seen at the Record
Office, Nos. 795 and 875 of the volume of Letters and Papers,
Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII., (Vol. XI .,) 1536.
Iu all this there was no pretence of a voluntary sur
render : the foundations were forcibly suppressed : by con
sent of both Church and State, it must be borne in mind, as
I have already pointed out ; and the revenues were to be
taken possession of for the King's use.
The following are the instructions under which these
Commissioners acted. They were dated April 24, 1536 : —
1. The Commissioners shall first repair to the Monasteries,
aud take into their hands the common and convent seals, and
cause them to be broken or safely kept to the King's use.
2. They shall call before them the Governors and officers
of the said houses, and make them declare upon oath the state
and plight of the houses, and what leases, corrodies, fees, &c,
have been granted by them before 4 February, 27 H. 8 (1535-6.)
3. They shall make a true inventory of the lead, bells and
superfluous buildings, and of all "plate, jewels, ornaments, goods,
chattels, debts, corn, stock, and store of the same houses."
4. They shall survey all the possessions, spiritual and tem
poral, of the same houses in the form heretofore used, " of such
other like houses of religion dissolved by reason of the said Act
of Parliament." 5. They shall enquire of the debts due to the houses ;
G. And put in safe custody to the King's use all evidences
and writings. 7. They shall appoint pensions to the Governors, and
notify them to the Chancellor and Council of the Court of
Augmentation, with the total values of the possessions ; then
despatch the Governor and other religious persons with con
venient rewards.
8. (They shall make letters for the capacities of the
Governors and other religious persons to be obtained gratis, in the
manner used in other houses heretofore suppressed) clause erased.

42 THE BLACK FRTARS OF PONTEFRACT.
9. They shall sell all the corn, grain, household stuff, &c,
except the lead, bells, plate, jewels, and principal ornaments in
the form heretofore accustomed under the Act.
10. They shall pay all servants' wages, and debts due for
corn, cattle, victuals, &c, and all other debts not exceeding
£6 13s. 4d.
11. They shall deliver possession to such persons (as they
think meet erased) as the King shall appoint.
12. They shall certify their proceedings under their seals
and signs manual at the day limited.
But subsequently the larger establishments were dealt
with. The first step was to visit them, to take another
particular account of their revenues, and to discover or in
vent as much evil report as possible concerning them. Such
was the work of 1536-7. And then the report of these
visitors having been received and digested, the Houses were
again visited by the King's Commissioners, and the inmates
invited to surrender their property to the King. This many
seem to have done willingly enough ; on which they re
ceived a life-pension from the revenues. Among those so
dealt with were the Friars Preachers of Pontefract.
The Commissioners having visited Monk Bretton on
Nov. 21, 1538, (30 H. "8), and received its surrender ; came
on to Pontefract. They were Sir George Lawson, Kt.,
Richard Bellasis, William Blitheman, and James Rokeby, of
whom the third was the most active in this neighbourhood,
even purchasing at the time very much of the loose move
able property, and ultimately some of the estates. In his
name, also, the accounts were made out.
The Commissioners visited the houses in this locality
in the following order : —
Monk Bretton  21 Nov., 1538.
Friars Preachers, Pontefract 26 Nov., 1538.
Friars Preachers. York  27 Nov., 1538.
St. Andrews, York  27 Nov., 1538. '
Byland  28 Nov., 1538.
And in each case received a voluntary surrender in anticipa-

THEIR SURRENDER. 43
tion ofthe contemplated Act; but St. John's, Pontefract, died
harder, and was not suppressed till the new Act (that for the
general suppression of all monasteries) had come into opera
tion. Their day of doom was 24 Nov., 1539, 31 H. 8.
The account of the suppression of all and each is to be
found in the Public Record Office ; from which mine of
information we have ascertained that the Commission, under
which the Black Friars was suppressed, was dated the pre
vious October 30th, and it empowered the Commissioners in
the King's name to receive the surrender of certain monas
teries and priories in Yorkshire. Armed with which
powers, they came to Pontefract where "the Deed of Re
signation of the Black Friars was signed by Robert Dae,
prior, Richard Lorde, D.D., Henrie Chanlar, George Les-
bore, Andrew Nyk, Wylm Bramha, Thomas Rawlyng,
priests, and William Chandlar, a novice not yet professed.
This deed, which we have seen, is now in as perfect condi
tion as when it was signed 350 years ago. By the kindness
of the late Mr. Charles Jackson we transcribed it, about
twenty years ago, from a copy made by or for the late Mr.
Patience Warde in 1709, which varies very slightly from
the original mainly in the way of abridgement. We may
say, however, that a considerable number of these surrender
deeds were at one time supposed to be lost, this of the
Friars Preachers of Pontefract among the rest, and that they
wero " found" with great triumph eighty or ninety years
ago by the then officials of the Record Office. But it is
evident that as late as 1709 they had not been " lost," or
Mr. Patience Warde (a native of Pontefract, M.P. for the
Borough in 1678 and 1680, and Lord Mayor of London in
1681) could not have copied the Surrender of the Friars
Preachers of Pontefract, as he did. The signatures to the
deed show that the lay element had entirely disappeared
from among the Friars, and that their number which had at
one time been forty, had become reduced to eight, even in-
g2

41

THE BLACK FRIARS OF PONTEFRACT.

eluding the novice. So that the Surrender and Suppression
came upon them when they were in low water indeed.
The following is the Deed of Resignation :—
To all the faithful in Christ, to
whom this present writing shall come.
Robert Daye, otherwise called
Robert Daye, Prior or Warden of the
Friars Preachers within the town of
Pontefract, in the county of York, and
the Convent of that place, everlasting
health in the Lord.
Know that the aforesaid Prior or
Warden and the Convent,with unani
mous assent and consent, and withdeli-
berateintentions,ofour sure knowledge
andmeremotionjor certain just causes
and reasons specially influencing our
minds and consciences, voluntarily and
of our ownaccord, have given, granted
and by these presents give and grant,
surrender, deliver and confirm, to the
Prince, illustrious in Christ and our
Lord, Henry the eighth, by the grace
of God, King of England and France,
Defender of the Faith, Lord of Ire
land, and on earth supreme head
under Christ of the English Church,
all our said priory or house, and all
the site, ground, circuit and precinct,
of the same our house &c.
To hold to the aforesaid die, and
to our Lord the King, his heirs and
assigns for ever.
And we the aforesaid Prior or
Warden and Convent and our succes
sors willby these presents for ever war
rant and defend against allmen, to the
aforesaid our Lord the King, his heirs
and assigns, our said Conventual
House, the site, the mansion and our
churchaforesaid,and all and every the
premises, with all rights and appur
tenances. In testimony and guarantee of
whicJi, we the aforesaid Prior or
Warden and Convent have caused to
be affixed to these presents our common
seal. Given in our Chapter House, the
26th day of the month of November in
the 30th year of the reign of King
Henry the eighth. \_1538.]
Robert Day, prior, Richard Lord

Omnibus Christi fidelibus ad quos
preseus scriptum pervenerit.
EobertusDaye, alias dictusRobertus
Daye, Prior sive Guardianus fratrum
predicatorum infra villam de Ponte
fracto, in comite Ebor', et ejusdem loci
eonventus, salutem in domino sempiter-
uam. Noveritis prefatum Priorem sive
Guardianum et Conventem, unanimi
assensu et consensu, animisque nostris
deliberatis, ao eertsl scientia et mero
motunostris, ex quibusdam causis justis
et rationabilibus animas et conscientias
nostras specialiter moventibus, ultro et
sponte dedisse concessisse ac per presen-
tes dare et concedere,reddere,deliberare,
et confirmare illustrissimo in Christo
principi et domino nostro Henrico
octavo dei gratiaAnglieetFrancieRegi,
fidei Defensori, Domino Hibernie, et in
terris supremo Eeclesie Anglicane sub
Christo capiti totum dictum prioratum
sive domum nostram ac totum scitum,
fundum, circuitum et precinctum, ejus
dem domus nostre etc.
Habenda prefato etc., et Domino
nostro Regi, heredibus et assignatis
suis, in perpetuum.
Et nos predictus Prior sive Guar
dianus etConventuset successores nostri
dictam domum nostram conventualem,
scitum,mansionem et ecclesiani nostram
predictam et premissa omnia et singula
cum suis juribus et pertinentis universis
prefatis Domino nostro Eegi, heredibus
et assignatis suis contra omnes gentes
Tvarrantizabimus et defendemus in
perpetuum per prcsentes.
In quorum testimonium atque fidem
nos prefatus Prior sive Guardianus et
Conventus sigillum nostrum commune
presentibus apposuisse fecimus.
Datum in domo nostro capitulari
26° die mensis Novembris anno Kegni
regis Henrici octavi 30°.
F. Robert Dae (prior), F. Eichard

SALE AT THE BLACK FRIARS. 45
Lorde D.D., F. Henricus Chanlar, F. DD, Henry Chaloner, George Les-
George Lesbere, F. Andrew Nyk, F. bury, Andrew Nick, William Bramley,
"Wylm Bramla, F. Thomas Bawlyng, Thomas Rawlinn, William Chandler.
F. "Willem Chandlor.
[Seal : a sage leaf on each side the wax ; with no impression apparent.]
The Commissioners thus receiving the Surrender of the
Black Friars proceeded to realise the moveable property,.
and to seize the lands. The former, or at least every
article that would produce more than a penny or two,
was at once sold, and the Commissioners have reported what
was disposed of, in some cases what was the name of the
purchaser, but in all cases, what was the amount he
gave for it. It is possible that Blitheman himself was the
purchaser of many of the lots, as was the case at York,
where the Commissioners went the next day ; but if so, he
suppressed the fact with remarkable modesty. Their record
is in existence as the " Account of William Blitheman "
whose Report (Ministers' Accounts 29-30 Hen. 8, No. 197) in
a quaint mixture of Latin and English, a few French particles
being thrown in, shows that they sold first from the Vestry
and Church,
PONTEFRETH, DOMUS FEA- PONTEFRACT. HOUSE OFTHE
TRUM PREDICATORUM. FRIARS PREACHERS.
Compotus dicti Willelmi Blitheman, Account of the said William Blithe-
Receptoris domini Kegis super dis- man, Receiver of the lord the King,
solutionem ibidem, xxvjto die mensis concerning the dissolution there,
Novembris Anno regni regis Henrici 26th day of the month of November
viijvo xxxmo, prout Inferius patet. in the 30th year \1538] of the reign
of King Henry 8th, as appeareth
below.
Arbebagia. Nulla quia primus com- Arbeaes. None : because this is
potus dicti Eicardi ibidem. the first account of the said Rich-
Summa, nulla. ard, there. Sum nil.
Venditio Bonobtjm et Catallortjm. Sale of Goods and Chattels. But
SedrenditcompotumdexvjSjdeprecio he renders an account of 16s, from
unius Sewte Blod: "Worsted, sic ven- the proceeds of a Suit of Blue
dite maiori ville de Pountefret, per Worsted, so sold to the mayor of
Comissionarum domini Regis super the Town of Pontefract, by the
dissolutionem dicti nuper domus. Commisioners of the Lord the King,
on the dissolution of the said late
House  16s Od
Et de xiijs iiijd de precio unius And of 13s. 4d., from the proceeds
Sewte vestimentum velvett veteris, of an old suit of velvet vestments
mori coloris, cum incidentibus, ven- of mulberry colour,with belongings,
dite cuidam extraneo super dissolutio- sold to a certain stranger, upon the
nem predictam. dissolution aforesaid  13s 4d

46

THE BLACK FRIARS OF PONTEFRACT.

Et de xxs de precio unius sewte vesti- And of 20s, from the proceeds of a
mentum, vocate Tayllor Sewte, ven- suit of vestments called the Taylor
dite super dissolutionem predictam. suit,sold upon the dissolution afore
said  20s Od
Et de vs de precio ij vestimentum de- And of 5s, from the proceeds of two
bilia venditorum eodem tempore. worn-out vestments, sold at the
same time  5s Od
Et de iijs iiijd de precio ij Surplessis et And of iijs iiijd, from the proceeds
iij alterc]othesy*.venditorum eodem of two surplices and three altar
tempore per Comissionarios predictos. cloths, sold at the same time by the
aforesaid Commissioners .... 3s 4d
Et de xvjd de precio unius paris And of xvjd, from the proceeds of
candel' et i censer, ibidem per Co- one pair of candlesticks and of one
missionaries predictos venditorum, censer there sold by the aforesaid
super dissolutionem predictam. Commissioners, upon the dissolution
aforesaid  16d
The Commissioners then went to the outbuildings where they
sold : —
Et de xs, de precio iiijor ollarum And of 10s, from the proceeds of
ennearum, ij brochiorum, iiijor per- four brass pots, two spits, four iron
apsid' ferri, j ladell, j skemer de set-pots, one ladle, one brass skim-
brasse, et unius almeri veteris ibidem mer,and one old aumbry found there
inventorum, super dissolutionem per at the dissolution, sold by tlie Com-
Comissionarios domini Regis vendi- missioners of the lord king . ,10s Od
torum.
Et de xs, de precio unius cappi veteris And of 10s, from the proceeds of an
venditi servienti Georgii Lawson, old cope so sold to a servant of
militis, super dissolutionem per Co- Sir George Lawson, Knt, upon the
missionaries predictos. dissolution, by the Commissioners
aforesaid  10s Od
Et de ixs de precio unius les brewing And of 9s, from the proceeds of one
lead, cum utensilibus domus brazi- Brewing Lead, with the Brewing
nagii ibidem, sic venditis per Comis- house utensils there, so sold by the
sionarios domini Regis, super disso- Commissioners of theLord the King
lutionem predictam, predictos. at the dissolution aforesaid, ,9s Od
Et de ijs de precio diversorum orna- And of 2s from the proceeds of
mentum et utensilium promptuarium divers furniture and of the pantry
venditorum in grosso super dissolu- utensils, sold in bulk at the afore-
tionem predictam, per Comissionarios said dissolution, by the aforesaid
predictos. Commissioners  2s Od
All the household furniture was thus enumerated : —
Etdeviijs viijd de precio ij plumar', And of 8s 8d from tlie proceeds of
ij bolsters, ij coverletts, et aliorum two featherbeds, two bolsters, two
veterum ornamentum camere extra- coverlets and other old furniture
neorum, ibidem inventorum super of the guests' chamber, there found
dissolutionem predictam, per Comis- at the aforesaid dissolution, sold by
sionarios domini Regis vendit'. the Commissioners of the lord the
. , ,, ln „ .. kin9  8s 8d
And they sold as Sundries : —
Et de viijs de precio diversarum And of 8s from the proceeds of
cellarum ibidem vnjs, et unius plau- different cells there  8s Od
strat fern ibidem xxs, super dis- And of one cartload of hay there,
solutionem predictam sic vendit' per so sold by the Commissioners at the
Comissionarios. so^ dissolution  20s Od

THE SALE OF IHE MOVEABLES.

47

Et precio unius Cundit plumbi, unius
les Hallywatter Fatt Bras', ibidem
remanen' in custodiate maioris ville
de Pountefrett ; non receptus eo ijd ad
usum domini Regis. Beservantur
inter alia. Summa, cxs iiijd.
Venditio Plumbi et Campanaeum.
Nee receptus de aliquali valore sive
appreciamento iiij Fotherorum plum
bi, per estimationem, inventorum in
tectura super ecclesiam ibidem. Nee
non receptus eo ijd dicti plumbi ibi
dem. Bemanentur et minime proster-
nuntur in custodia maioris ville ibi
dem, ad usum dicti dominiEegis inter
alia, salvo custodio.
Nee receptus de aliquali precio ij campa-
narum incampanale ibidem remanen-
tium, ponderantium per estimationem
cc libri, eo ijd. Reservantur et mi
nime veudebantur ; in custodio dicti
maioris. Summa, nulla.
Venditio Jocalium. Neque receptus
de precio unius calicis ponderantis ix
uncias, super dissolutionem ibidem
invente, eo ijd nulla hujusmodi
venditionis per Comissionarios pre
dictos ibidem facta fuit. Eodem
tenetur in manu dicti computi, ad
usum domini Regis. Unde receptus
est Summa, ix uncias.
Denarii dicte Domo debiti. Neque
receptum de aliquibus denariis sump-
tibus per dictos Comissionarios
invente fore per aliquos creditores
dictis confratribus debite ; neque
aliqua debita quas dicti confratres
debent. A quibus personis eo,
quod nulla hujusmodi fuerunt recog-
nita eorum Comissionarios predictos
super dissolutionem predictam
Summa, nulla.
Summa totalis recepte cxs iiijd.
Eegahd' dat' Coneeatbibus. Idem
computatus in denariis per ipsos Co
missionarios in regardis / domini
regis datis et distributis super disso
lutionem predictam ; viz. Roberto
Day, nuper priori ibidem xiijs iiijd ;
Ricardo Lord vs ; Henrico Chaloner

And from the proceeds of one leaden
Conduit, one brass Holywater Vat,
remaining there in the charge of
the mayor of the townof Pountefrett,
not received thence two-pence for
the use of the lord the king. They
are \reserved among other things
Sum, 110s 4d
-Sale of Lead and Bells. Neither
is there receipt of any value or
appraisement of 4 Pothers of Lead,
by estimation, found in the roofs
upon the Church there. Nor is there
return thence of two pence from the
said lead. There it remains not
pulled down in the care of the mayor
of the town there, for the use of the
said lord the king, among other
things in safe custody.
Nor is there a receipt thence two
pence of any proceeds of two bells
there remaining in the tower, weigh
ing by estimation, 200 lbs. They
are reserved and not sold ; in the
care of the said mayor.
Sum, nil.
Sale of Jewels. Neither is there a
receipt from the proceeds of a cha
lice, weighing 9 ounces, found at the
dissolution there, for which not two
pence could be there made by the
abovesaid Commissioners at this
kind of sale. Which is held in the
the hand of the said accountant for
the use of the lord the king. Of
which there is a receipt of
Sum, 9 oz.
Moneys owing to the said House.
Neither is there a receipt of any
moneysreceived by the said Commis
sioners, found to be _ owing by any
creditors to the said Brethren, nor
any debts which the said Brethren
owe. Nothing to any one, because
none of. this sort were known to
the said Commisioners at the said
dissolution. Sum, nil.
Total Sum of Receipt cxs iiijd.
Gifts made to the Beetheen. The
same accounts for money given and.
distributed by the Commissioners
themselves in gifts of the Lord
King, upon the dissolution afore
said ; namely to Robert Day, late
prior there 13s 4d ; to RichardLord

48 THE BLACK FRIARS OF PONTEFRACT.
vs ; Georgii Lasbury vs ; Androo 5s ; to Henry Chaloner 5s ; to George
Nik vs ; Willelmo Brameley vs ; Lesbury 5s ; to Andrew Nick 5s ; to
Thome Bawlyng vs ; viz vii presbi- William Bramley 5s ; to Thomas
toribus ; "WiUelmus Chameley, no- Rawling 5s ; namely to seven
vicio vs ; in toto ut supra xlviijs iiijd. priests ; to William Chamley, a no-
Summa xlviijs iiijd. vice 5s ; altogether, as above48s 4d
Expense facte super Dissolutione. Expenses made at the Dissolution.
Et in expensis factis super dissolu- And in expenses made at the disso-
tionem ibidem, nulla ; eo lution there, nil ; hence
Summa null: Sum, nil.
Remisa, Allocationes et Solutio- Repayments, Allowances and Pay
nes ; xlviijs iiijd. Et debet lxi js que ments, xlviijs iiijd. And he owes
enumerantur in computo Receptoris Ixijs which are reckoned in the
predicti inter alia. account of the said Receiver among
other items.
Md yt all the edifices and other byldings doo remayn not Solde, bott reserved to
the King's use.
There is no evidence here of any luxury, or any but
the barest attempt to supply the most ordinary necessities of
human nature. The whole produced only 108s. 4d. or 110s.
4d., assuming that one of the items was put at 2s. too little.
Of this amount, much the larger moiety arose from the
furniture of the Chapel, which was itself so meagre that
the sale .was not sub-divided, as was generally the case, into
(1) Vestry Furniture ; (2) Chancel Furniture ; (3) Nave
Furniture. That order was, however, practically followed
in the sale, though the only possible Nave furniture was a
pair of Candlesticks in the last lot. They might indeed
have belonged to the Altar.
It must be remembered that the Friars were really
Vegetarians ; if that term as now understood is not in their
case a misnomer, for not one of our principal vegetables
had then come into use. Bread, of a coarse quality, for the
flour was not bolted, and beer made without hops, were their
main articles of diet. And only the utensils for making
such were found on the premises when they were so sud
denly visited. It was different with the Knights Templars,
when suppressed ; their rule did not command abstinence
from flesh meat, and accordingly when their house at Temple
Hirst was surrounded by the Sheriff's officers, and their be
longings seized, the Sheriff took possession not only of live

THE MOVEABLES OF THE FRIARS. 49
stock; sheep and pigs and fowls ; but also of beef and mutton,
bacon and goats' flesh, and even of troughs for salting their
meat. The Friars Preachers of Pontefract, — who must have
lived a life of the hardest — had not a vestige of any such
provision. The Commissioner then proceeds to account for the
disposal of the money. A sum in hand of 13s. 4d. was
given to the Prior, and 5s. each to the other inmates, which
left a balance of 62s. which was retained for the use of
the King, a slender booty which by contrast makes the whole
transaction appear the more wasteful.
The Convent must have been living a very quiet unevent
ful life ; for the Commissioners report that the house had no
debts, either owing to or from it ; they further state that the
land and buildings were uninjured, and that there were four
fothers of lead on the roof, two bells in the tower weighing 6
cwt., a lead conduit, the weight of which is not given, and a
" Hallywatter Fatt" ; all of which were left for the King's
use, in the hands of the Mayor, Richard Wilbore. There
was a chalice weighing 9oz., which was reserved for the
King's use, but which the Commissioners took charge of and
carried away. They added a further memorandum that
" all the edefices & other byldyngs doe remayne, not solde,
but reserved for the King's use."
And thus all the moveable property of the Friars was
disposed of, and thus was the little communit}' dispersed.
There remained in the King's hands the fabric of the build
ings, including the bell in the belfry, the lead on the roof,
that in the conduit, and the brass " Hallywatter fat." Of
these last three, the bells, the lead, and the vat, I have
traced absolutely nothing. Possibly they " mumbled away,"
after the historic example ; though indeed there may have
been some authority for dealing with them, yet to be
disinterred from the still unreduced chaos of the Record
Office ; for there is not the slightest mention of them in a
H

50 THE BLACK FRIARS OF PONTEFRACT.
subsequent Commission of Enquiry issued at the commence
ment of the reign of King Edward. The fate of the lands
can however be traced, with one or two hiatuses, as I shall
presently proceed to show.
I have thus put on record the substance of the official
report of the Commissioners, and of the public evidences of
their proceedings. But their private report to Secretary
Cromwell is also in existence, having been preserved among
the Cottonian MSS. in the British Museum. It was printed
some years ago by the Camden Society in their volume on
the Suppression Letters, and I take it from that source.
But the papers not being dated as to the year, the Editor
has confused two visits of King's Commissioners to
Pontefract ; this of November, 1538, to take the surrender
of the Friars, and that of the following November to
suppress the Monastery. He places them both under 1538,
even ranking the second as first, without noticing that the
names of the Commissioners were different and that only
that of Richard Belassis was common to both Commissions.
Our present business however is with the letter concern
ing the first Visitation, that of 1538, which suppressed, or
rather took the surrender, — for all this was done at the
voluntary wish of the various religious, " ultro et sponte" —
of Monk Bretton ; Black Friars, York ; St. Andrews, York ;
Byland and Rievaux. It is as follows : —
Owre moste singulere good lorde, owre bowndon dewties
lowlie premysede, pleas yt youre honorable lordeshippe too be
advertisede, we have laytlye receyvede youre letters conteigninge
the kinges majesties pleasure anempsce the ordere of leed and
belles apperteanynge to suche howses off religeon conteauyde in
the kinges graces letters commissionall to us addressed, whereof
we have allredye commytte the salve cnstodie to substanciall
honeste persons liable too answer therefoore, and have not solde
ne intended to sell anye percell thereof. We have qwyetlye
takine the surrenders and dissolvyd the monasteries off Wyere-
soppe, Monckebreton, Sancte Androos at Yorke, Byland, Ry-
vaille, Kyrkeham, aud Ellerton, the freers at Tykhill, Doncastere,

THE KING'S COLLECTOR. 51
Pontefracte, and the citie off Yorke, where we perceyvede no
murmure ore gruge in anye behalfe, but were thanckefullye re-
ceyvede, as we shall within vj. dayes more playnlie certefye
your lordeshippe. And wheere yt haithe pleasyd youre lorde-
shippe too wryte for reservinge of leed and belles at Bolton, in
chauus ther ys as yet noo suche commission cummyne to owre
handes, as Jhesus knowethe, whoo preserve your lordeshippe in
helthe and honour. At Yorke, the xv*h daye of Decembere, [1538.]
Youre lordshippes humble boundon orators,
George Lawson.
Rycheed Belassez.
Willm Blithman.
James Rokeby.
In the preliminary enquiry, it had. been ascertained
that on Feb. 11, 1536-7, F(rater) Robert Day, prior, and the
convent, had granted a lease for thirty years to Robert
Foxley, the king's servant, and Allan Ayre, of Pontefract,
of all the grass belonging to their house except that of the
Church-yard, the Chapel- yard, and the kitchen-yard. The
rent was to be 66s. 8d. a year payable at Michaelmas ; and
there was a provision in the lease that the lessees were not
to be troublesome to the prior and convent, but they were to
make a fence round about the property, and to find a lock
for the west gate with two keys, one of which was to be
given to the Prior. The brethren would thus seem to have
reserved a right of use for pleasure and exercise, and per
haps to gather wood, leaving the grass only and its manage
ment in the hands of the lessees. After the surrender this
lease was enrolled by Thomas Foxley on Nov. 8, 1539, when
John Warde, who had been made collector of the rents, was
preparing his accounts for his first year of office.
This John Warde was doubtless a member of the Ponte
fract branch of the great Warde family, which was at the
time spread over almost the whole of Yorkshire. We have
never clearly ascertained what relation he bore to the Tan-
shelf Wardes, though there is some evidence that he was
John Warde, of Ackworth, younger brother of Robert
h2

52 THE BLACK FRIARS OF PONTEFRACT.
Warde, mayor of Pontefract in 1507-8, but whose descen
dants lived for some generations at Tanshelf Court, and one
of whom founded the hospital in that township. As showing
how this family was spread, I may state that searching at
York in the Will Office, I found during a period of twelve
years and a month or so as many as twenty-two wills of
persons of this name, only two of which seem to have been
connected with each other. These were William Ward, of
Thurgonby, 1532 ; William Ward, of Westhrop, 1533 ;
Robert Warde, of Methley, 1535 ; John Warde, of Wil-
ford, 1536; Myles Warde, of Bradford, 1537 ; Thomas Warde,
of Leeds, Agnes Warde, of Methley, 1538 ; Robert Warde,
of Everingham, Henry Warde, of Skipton, William Warde,
of West Retford, 1539 ; Thomas Warde, of Ardsley, Rauf
Warde, of Rotherham, 1540 ; George Warde, of Carr
House, Edmund Warde, of St. Olave, York, Peter Warde, of
Preston by Sherburn, Gilbert Warde, of Yedon, John
Warde, of Thorpe, Thomas Warde, of Southwell, 1541 ;
Walter Warde, of South Scarles, Robert Warde, of Ponte
fract, John Warde, of Kexborough, 1543 ; John Warde, of
Monk Fryston ; and Richard Warde, and William Warde,
both of Lang drake, 1544.
But as Collector of rents for the King's Majesty, this
John Warde, the receiver, rendered accounts to the King's
Court of Augmentations, for six or seven years, of his re
ceipts, though it was with very considerable difficulty that
I obtained the particulars at the Record office. Page 383
of the only Index of the Ministers' Accounts that had been
compiled at the time of my search supplied " 30 and 31
H. 8, York, 166, Aug. (that is Augmentation Court) Tick
hill Friars, &c." But examining the Roll I found that it
really contained the Collector's Accounts for that year
connected with all his Receipts for : —
Tickhill, Friars Preachers ; Doncaster, Carmelite Friars ;
Doncaster, Friars Minors ; Pontefract, Friars Preachers ; North-

THE CONVENT RENTS.

53

allerton, Friars Carmelites ; Scarborough, Friars Minors ; Scar
borough, Friars Preachers ; Beverley, Friars Minors ; Beverley,
Friars P.>-eachers ; Kingston-on-Hull, Friars Carmelites ; King-
ston-on-Hull, Friars Preachers ; York, Friars Carmelites ;
York, Friars Minors ; York, Friars Preachers ; and York, Friars
Augustine. None of these Friars, whose possessions were thus tabu
lated, had much property in addition to the site ; but No.
165, which I examined in the course of my search, and which
is confined to the properties of St. Andrew's, York, contains
an enumeration which fills several membranes.
The following is that part of 30 and 31 H. 8, No. 166,
which reports upon the possessions of the Dominicans of
Pontefract : —
MINISTERS' ACCOUNTS, 30
PONTEFEACTI nupeb Pbioratus
Fbatrum Pkedicatorum. Compo-
tus Johannis "Warde, Collectoris
reddituum et Firmarum omnium et
singulorum terrarum, et tenemen-
torumpredicto nuper prioratui perti-
nentium sive spectantium, que ad
manus excellentissimi principis nunc,
Henrici octavi, dei gratia Anglie et
Francie Regis,fidei def ensoris, domini
Hibernie, et in terris supremi Capitis
Anglicane eeclesie devenerunt et in
manibus suis existunt, ratione sursum
redditionis sive libere resignationis
ejusdem nuperPrioratus in manus dicti
dominiBegis, perBobertumD ay, nuper
Priorem ibidem, et ejusdem loci con-
ventum libere resignate xxvjto die
Novembris Anno regni ipsius domini
Begis tricesimo,computatis videlicet a
Festo sancti Michaelis Archangeli,
Anno regni dicti domini Begis Hen
rici viijvi xxxmo, usque ad idem
festum sancti Michaelis Archangeli
ex tunc proximo sequentem anno
regni Begis predicti xxxjmo, Scilicet
per unum annum integrum.

Arreregia. Nulla, quod|primus com -
potus. Summa nulla.

and 31 Heney VIII. Boll 166.
PONTEFBACT. The LATE PbIOEY OF
Fbiabs Pbeachebs. The account of
JohnWarde,Collector of the Returns
and Rents of all and each the lands
and tenements to the aforesaid
late Priory belonging or appertain
ing, which came to the hands of
our present most excellent prince,
Henry the eighth, by the grace of
God, king of England and France,
defender of the faith, lord of
Ireland, and in earth the supreme
Head of the English Church, and
remain in his hands, by reason
of the surrender or free resignation
of the same late Priory into the
hands of the same lord, king, by
Robert Day, late Prior there, and
the Convent of that place, freely
resigned the 26th day of November
in the 30th year of the reign of the
said lord king, reckoned that is to
say from the feast of St. Michael
the Archangel in the 30th year of
the said lord king Henry the
Eighth, even to the same feast of
Saint Michael the Archangel then
next following, in the 31st year of
the reign of the aforesaid king ;
that is to say, for one whole year.
Aeeeabs. None ; because this is the
first account. Sum, Nil.

54

THE BLACK FRIARS OF PONTEFRACT.

Fibma Tebbabum Dominicalium.
Sed reddit Compotum de vjs viijd,
de Firma Scitus dicti nuper Prioratus
cum Cimiterio et ortis adjacentibus
et pertinentibus, videlicet cimiterium
ex parte boreali ejusdem, unius orti
vocati le Frator Gardyn ex parte
occidentale, alterius orti ex parte
australi, et alterius gardini ex parte
orieutali, continentium in toto per
estimationem j acram dimidiam, una-
cum commoditatibus et aisiamentis
que nuper Prior et Conventus predicti
habuerunt ; et super uno clauso
adjacente vocato le Woode, grossis
arboribus exoeptis Beparaeionibus,
quibus inde omnibus ad custodiara
nrmarii.

Et de lxvjs viiid, de Firma unius clausi
prati et pasture vocati le Woode
continentis per estimationem viij
acras, per annum, solutis ad Festum
sancti Michaelis Archangeli ; turn
sic dimissi Roberto Foxley per
Indenturam sub sigillo communi
dicti nuper Prioratus, dalam vjto
die Februarij, anno regni Regis
Henrici viij vi, xxviij vo, protermino
triginta annorum proximorum post
datum predictum proximum sequen-
tem, et plenarie complendum, prout
in dicta indentura, termino sancti
Michaelis, scilicet octavo die No-
vembris anno xxxjmo Regis predicti,
in curia predicta irrotulata, et xxmo
die Novembris anno tricesimo primo
predicti, per literas domini Begis
patentes exemplificata plenius patet,
videlicet hoc anno termini sui tercio.

Et de xiijd, de Firma unius Cotagii in
Ropergate infra villain de Ponte
fracto predicto, quondam ad iiijs, per
annum, solutos ad Festam sancti
Martini iu Yeme, et Penticost, equa-
libus, sic modo in tenura Bicardi
Wilbore, generosi, hoc anno maioris
ville predicte, ultra vjd annuate
resolutos Domino Regi ad manus
maioris et confratrum suorum ville

Bent or the Demesne Lands. But
he renders an account of 6s. 8d.,
from the rent of the site of the said
late Priory with the Cemetery and
gardens, adjoining and belonging,
that is to say, of the Church-yard
on the north of the same, of one
garden called the Frater Garden on
the west, of another garden on the
south, and of another garden on the
east, containing in the whole by
estimationone and a half acres, to
gether with the accommodations and
easements which the late Prior and
Convent aforesaid had ; and con
cerning one close adjoining called
The Wood, the great trees being
excepted for Repairs, all of which
are there at the charge of the
Farmer.
And of 66s. 8d. per annum, from the
rent of one close of meadow and
pasture, called The Wood, contain
ing by estimation 8 acres, paid a t
the feast of St. Michael the Arch
angel, then demised to RobertFoxley
by indenture under the common
seal of the said late Priory, dated
6th day of February, in the 28th
year of the reign of King Henry
the eighth, for the term of thirty
years following next after the
said date, and fully to be com
pleted, _ as in the said indenture
enrolled in the aforesaid Court in
the term of St. Michael, that is to
say the 8th day of November in the
thirty-first year of the aforesaid
king, and exemplified by letters
patent of the said king on the 20th
day of November in the thirty-first
year of the aforesaid king, that is
to say in this third year of his
term, more fully appears.
And of 13d per annum, from the rent
of one cottage in Ropergate within
the town of Pontefract aforesaid,
formerly at 4s, paid at the feast of
St. Martin in Winter, and at Pente
cost aforesaid, in equal parts, so now
in the tenure of Richard Wilbore
gentleman, this year Mayoi- of the
said town; besides 6d. annually
paid to the lord the king at the
hands of the Mayor of the aforesaid
town, and his brethren ; all repairs

THE COLLECTOR S RETURN.

55

predicte, Eeparationibus inde ad
custodiam omnibus dicti firmarii.
Et de iijs de Firma unius parcelle prati
jacentis apud Kellyngton per annum
solutis ad dictos terminos sancti
Martini et Penticost equalibus, nuper
in tenura Bicardi Cowpar, sic iu
tenura predicti Bicardi "Wilbore
generosi hoc anno.
Et de iiiid de Firma unius parcelle terre
jacentis apud Cotcliffi Turffmore, per
annum, solutos ad terminos predictos,
sic in tenura hoc anno.
Summa, Solutis omnibus Ixxvijs ixd.
Stipendu Comfutatum. Idem Com-
putatum in Stipendio sui ipsius
Computi.ColIectumredditum omnium
reddituum et Finnarum predictis
pertinentium domibus sive nuper
Prioratibus Fratrum de Tikehill,
Doncastri et Pontefracti, ad xxs per
annum, videlicet pro dimidio anno
finite ad Festum sancti Michaelis
Archangeli infra tempus hujus Com-
puti  xs.
Summa xs.
LlBEEATIONES ET ExONERATIONES
denabiorum. Etindenariis liberatis
Leonardo Bekewith, armigero, Be-
ceptori Domini Regis ibidem.
De exitu hujus anui, ex Becogni-
tione ipsius Beceptoris super hunc
computum  lxijs ijd.
Recognitio in Computo Beceptoris.
Ex recognitione in computo dicti Be
cepteris, pro redditibus et firmis de-
bitis ad Festum Sancti Martini iu
Yeme ante dissolutionem supradicti
nuper Prioratus, hoc anno  vs ijd.
Summa lxviis ixd.
Summa allocationum liberationum pre-
dictorum  lxviis ixd.
Que summa co-equalis est cum summa
totali Beceptoris, superius. Et Equalis.
Of the five items, the first is clearly the "Church
yard, Chapel-yard, and Kitchen yard," that were exempted
from Foxley's lease ; and the " accommodations and ease
ments " were as clearly the right of the Friars to enter for
pleasure or exercise, which was symbolised by their possession

tliereof being at the clvxrge of the
farmer aforesaid.
And of 3s. yearly, from the Rent of
one parcel of meadow, lying at
Kellington, paid at the said terms
of St. Martin and Pentecost, in
equal parts ; late in the tenure of
Richard Cowper, so this year in the
tenure of the aforesaid Richard
Wilbore gentleman.
And of 4d per year, from the rent of
one parcel of land lying at the
Cockcliff Turf-more, paid at the
aforesaid terms : so held this year.
Sum, in all payments 77s 9d
Account of Stipend. The same
account, in his stipend, of the ac
countant himself. Return received,
of all returns and rents, belonging
to tlie aforesaid houses or late
Priories of the Friars of Tickhill,
Doncaster, and Pontefract at 20s
per annum ; that is to say for the
half-year ended at the feast of St
Michael the archangel, within the
time of this account  10s
Sum 10s
Money Payments and Charges.
And in monies paid to Leonard
Beckwith, esquire, Receiver of the
Lord the King, there.
Of outgoings for this year, to the
knowledge of the Receiver himself,
upon this account  62s 2d
Beturn in the Account of the
Receiver. And of charges in the
Account of the said Receiver for
Returns and Rents owing at the
Feast oj St. Martin in the Winter,
before the Dissolution of thelate Pri
ory above named, for this year 5s 2d
(mistake in one of the items )Sum67s 9d
Sum of aforesaid allowances paid 67s 9d
Which sum is co-equal with the wliole
amount of the Receiver above.
And balanced.

56 THE SITE.
of a key, and acknowledged in the lease. The area was an acre
and a half, which included the Church in the centre, the
Cemetery to the north, and three gardens to the west, south
and east respectively. The exact position is very clear to
this day, about two thirds of the whole being occupied by
gardens lately belonging to Mr Coleman and to Mr Richard
Moxon, and being of a level higher by four feet above that
of the neighbouring garden ground. The level was pro
bably raised in consequence of the rubbish formed by the
demolition of the Church and buildings having been covered
with earth, so as to form a cultivated ground at that height
above the neighbouring gardens. The same was done at the
Castle when the buildings were demolished ; and as in the
latter case the removal of the superincumbent earth exposed
the so long buried remains of the Castle buildings, so, if the
soil of these gardens were removed, the foundations of St.
Richard's Church, of the conventual buildings of the Friars
Preachers, and the remains of the tombs and funeral monu
ments of those interred in the Church and Cemetery, would
possibly be once more brought to the light of day. Or, these
two modern gardens being separated by a middle wall of par
tition, a trench dug from north to south on either side of it
would discover their exact position, which I can indicate only.
The acre and a half mentioned in the record, which being
" by estimation " was sure to have been of good measure,
contained the Church in the centre, with an open area on
each side, that to the north, i.e., against the sustaining wall
of Southgate, being a cemetery. But the area of the present
enclosure is rather under an acre, and the problem is, Which
portion of the whole was not ultimately enclosed by the re
taining wall. The portion so excluded certainly did not
contain the Cemetery, or the Church, or the Churchyard, or
any of the buildings ; and the question is therefore narrowed
into how many, or which, of the gardens formerly belonging
to the Friars are not in the present enclosure. The portion

THE SITE. 57
excluded seems to have been at least half an acre, though to
allow for the " good measure " which was always given in
these " estimated " quantities, it might possibly have been
twice as much. It is thus quite probable that the
present enclosure does not contain more than half of the
original whole ; and that the surface having been raised, the
part so raised was confined with a retaining wall, in order
to place the foundations out of reach of the spade. The
second item, identified by the rent paid for it, consists
clearly of the properties leased to Thomas Foxley, and I
need say no more about them now. The third or fourth, one
or both of them, were probably properties bought according
to the directions in Mr William Bradford's will. (Ante p.
30). The fifth item, the small parcel of land at Cockcliff
Turfmore, I have already accounted for.
What was done with the lead and bells does not
appear, as I have already said ; and during the six years
which elapsed between the dismantling of the church and
the sale of the lands, much petty rifling might have taken
place. But the bells were valuable, and as there are fre
quent special directions as to the disposal of such articles, I
can hardly think that those belonging to St. Richard's
Church were allowed to disappear unnoticed ; nothing, how
ever, concerning them has yet appeared in the records. Nor
as far as the Friars themselves are concerned, have I been
able to ascertain what became of any one of the little com
munity, except their head.
For it is a very singular circumstance that Robert Day,
the last Prior of the Black Friars, is mentioned in the will
of James Thwaites ("Mr Dean"), the last Prior of St. John's,
Pontefract, under date 14 October, 1545, as then living
at Lumby. He had been priest of the chantry at the foot
of Ferrybridge, which had lands at Lumby ; so that he
probably continued to hold that appointment after his dis
charge from the Priorship. But I have not ascertained the

58 THE BLACK FRIARS OF PONTEFRACT.
date of his decease, and his will does not occur at York so
far as I have been able to learn.
The lands had remained in the hands of John Warde as
receiver till 1544, he continuing to make a yearly return of
receipts on their account as on pages 53 to 55. In 1544,
36 Henry TIIL, George Clifford, gent., and Michael Wel
bore made a joint petition to be allowed to purchase certain
properties. This petition seems to have been made jointly
in order to save expence in fees and in other similar ways.
Clifford applied to purchase Winchelsea, and Welbore for
lands not only in Pontefract, but in Doncaster and many
other places. Although grouped in the same deed, the
purchases were, however, quite distinct ; Welbore had
nothing to do with the properties at Winchelsea, nor had
Clifford with any of Welbore's rather miscellaneous pur
chases ; each made his special bid for the properties he
wanted. It is therefore more than curious to find that
Tanner in his JYotitia says that the Black Friars was pur
chased jointly by Clifford and Welbore. He made that
careless assertion, however ; and in this form, it has been
copied, again and again, in the usual run of books, in which
information is transferred without enquiry. Even Mr Hunter
repeats the statement in South Yorkshire I. 19, where
moreover the name Clifford appears as Gifford. And yet
there was not an atom of foundation for the supposed part
nership ; George Clifford had neither part nor lot in these
lands, as will very shortly appear : but the record had been
in the first place examined carelessly, and then the careless
statement was repeated and re-iterated without the slightest
enquiry into its accuracy.
With regard to the way in which such properties were
ultimately passed from the Crown, the course of proceeding
in the King's Court was somewhat as follows. When a
probable purchaser had determined to make an offer for any
portion of the lands that were on sale, and presented him-

SURVEY OF THE SITE. 59
self to that end, what were called " Particulars for Grants"
were made out in the office of the Court of Augmentations,
and then the would-be buyer made his bid. This was the
first stage ; and accordingly I find in the case ofthe proper
ties which Michael Welbore desired to purchase, the roll is
headed by the following : —
Memorandum, that I, Mychell Welbore Requyreth to
purchase of the Kyng's maiestyes comysayoners of Saill the
premisses beynge of the cleire yerely value of xxijZ? xiis. In
wytnesse whereof I have Subscrybed this byll wt my hande
the daye and yere in the said case expressed,
by me, Mychell Welbore.
The exact date was not expressed, though both 13th
and 14th December are mentioned in the deed, and the
signature is autograph, not copied. The particulars then
made out, are thus tabulated under 13th December :—
EXCHEQUER : PARTICULARS FOR GRANTS — MICH. WELBORE
(36 H. 8.), Mem. 8.
The Scyte of the late pryory of Frer Prechers in the town
of Pomferet, one Close called the Wode, one Cotage &
certeyn parcells of land at Lyllington [Kellington],
Cokeclyfe, & Turffyngcore, all which premysses be in the
seyd countye, in the severall tenures of Richard Welbore
& Robert Faxeley.
There be growyng aboute the scytuations of the said frer-
houses, in a close called the wode, & other the lands afore-
seyd, 1 elmys and ashes of xl & Ix yeres groweth,
whereof xl reservyd for tymber to repayr the houses
standyng upon the same, & for staks for hedgbote to re
payr and maynteyn the hedgs & fencs about the seyd
lands, & x residue valuyd at Yid the tree, wch ys in the
hole  vs
And then after the valuation of other items, not con
nected with the Pontefract Black Friars, the following
summary appears under date 14th December : —
Item, the sale of the late blake Friers in Poumfrett, with
certeyn londs in the tenure of Richard Welbore vjs. viijo?,
the same Richard xixd, the said Richard Welbore iiis.,
and the said Richard, iiijd  xjs yijd.
• i 2

60

THE BLACK FRIARS OF PONTEFRACT.

Item one Close in Pomfrett called the Wood, containing by
estimation viij acres, parcell of the late blake Freers there,
by yere  lxvjf. viijd.
From the lands having fifty elms and ashes, of forty
and sixty years' growth, it may be assumed that 1480 and
1500 were about the times that the wood was planted, the
grass of which was leased to Foxley in 1536. Forty of the
fifty trees, being reserved for repairing the house, seems to
imply that the buildings were not yet destroyed, but that
there was even then a prospect that they might have been
adapted to some useful purpose.
The following are the particulars in full from an earlier
membrane of the same roll : —
PARTICULARS FOR GRANTS. 36 HENRY VIIJ [1544].
WELBORE MICHAEL, GRANTEE.

Possessiones omnium terrarum
et tenementorum, domui sive nuper
prioratui Fratrum Predicatorum juxta
villam Pontefract, libere resignatibus,
in comitatu Eboraci pertinentes, ut
sequitur : —
Scitus dicti nuper prioratus una ¦
cum omnibus redditis et firmis predicto
nuper prioratui Fratrum Predicatorum
juxta villam Pontefract in comitatu
predicto, pertinentibus.
Sunt nulle alie terre vel tenementa,
ibidem neque alibi, dicto nuper priora
tui pertinentes.
Fibma. Scitus dicti nuper prioratus
cum certis domibus et edificiis infra
precinctum ejusdem nuper prioratus,
ac cimiterio et ortis, unacum omnibus
commoditatibus et aiziamentis in uno
clauso vocato le Wood, eidem perti
nent', nuper in tenura et occupation e
nuper prioris et conventus dicti nuper
prioratus existent' ; viz, cimiterii ex
parte boriale dicti nuper prioratus ;
unius orti vocati le Fraytor gardyn,
ex parte occidentale ; alterius orti ex
parte australe ; et alterius gardini ex
parte orientale ; continentium per
estimationem, unam acram et dimi-
diam, sic in tenura Bicardi Wel-

Possessions of all lands and tene
ments belonging to the house or late
priory oj the Friars Preachers, near
the town of Pontefract, freely re
signed, in the county of York, as
follows : —
The site of the said late priory,
together with all returns and rents to
the aforesaid late priory of Friars
Preachers, near the townof Pontefract,
in the county aforesaid belonging.
There are none other lands or
tenements there, or elsewhere, to the
said late priory belonging.
Bents. The site of the said late
priory, with certain houses and
buildings within the precinct ofthe
same late priory, and the burial-place
and gardens, tog ether with allcommo-
dities and easements in a close called
the Wood, belonging to the same, late
being in the tenure and occupation
of the late Prior and Convent of
the said late Priory ; namely of the
burial-place on the north side of the
said late priory, of one garden called
tlie Frater-garden on the west side,
of another garden on the south side,
and of another garden on the east
side, containing by estimation, one
acre and a half, as in the tenure of

SALE OF THE ENDOWMENTS.

61

bore, ad voluntatem, per annum,
valet in  vis. viiid.
Firma unius clausi prati et pasturi,
vocati le Wood, continentis per esti
mationem viij to acras, sic dicto Eo-
berto Foxley, per indenturam sub
sigillo certain, dicti nuper prioratus,
et in Curia Augmentationis reven-
tionum Corone domini Begis exem-
plificatam, xxmo die Novembris anno
xxximo, datam vito die Februarii
Anno regni Begis Henrici \iijvi
xxviijvo, heredibus eidem Boberto
et assignatis, a die dati presentium,
usque ad finem et terminum xxxta
annorum ex tunc proximum sequen-
tium, et plenarie complendorum,
soluta ad termini Michaelis t'm, per
annum  lxvjs. viijd.
Finna unius cotagii in Boper gate infra
predictam villam Pontefracti, quon
dam adiiijs. per annum, sic in tenura
supradicti Bicardi Welbore, ad vo
luntatem, soluta ad terminum Sancti
Martinis in hieme, et pentecostem
equaliter, cum vid. olim resolutis ad
manum majoris et confratribus ville
predicte, per annum  xixd.
Firma unius parcelli prati jacentis apud
Kellyngton, sic iu tenura predicti
Bicardi Welbore, soluta ad terminos
predictos equaliter, per annum . . iijs.
Firma unius parcelli terre jacentis apud
Cokclyff et Turffmore, sic in tenura
predicti JRicardi Welbore, soluta ad
terminos predictos equaliter per
annum  iiijd.
Eeprisa nulla.

Richard Welbore, at will, value
per annum  6s 8d
Rent of one close of meadow and
pasture, called the Wood, containing
by estimation, 8 acres, as held by the
said Robert Foxley, under a certain
indenture under seal of the said late
priory, and enrolled in the Court of
Augmentation of the Revenues of the
Crown of the Lord King on 20th
day of November in his 31st year
(1538), given on the 6th day of
February in the 28th year of the
reign of King Henry 8th(1536-7) to
thesameRobert,his heirs andassigns,
from the day of the date of the
presents until the end and term of 30
years then next following, and to be
fully complete, paid at the end of Mi
chaelmas term, per annum . .66s 8d.
Rent of a cottage in Ropergate, within
the aforesaid town of Pontefract,
formerly at 4/- per annum, as in the
tenure at will of the aforesaid
Richard Welbore, paid in equal
parts at the term of St. Martin in
Winter and Pentecost, with -16 for
merly repaid at the hand of these
mayor, and his brethrenof the town
aforesaid, per annum  19d.
Rent of a parcel of meadow lying at
Kellington, as in the tenure of the
said Richard Welbore paid in equal
parts at the terms aforesaid, per
annum  3s Od.
Rent of one parcel of land, lying at
Cokclyff and Turffmore, as in the
tenure of the said Richard Welbore,
paid in equal parts at the terms
aforesaid, per annum  4d.
Outgoings, nil.
The actual " grant" — an exceedingly euphonious name
for " sale" — was mado on March 19, 1544-5 (the application
was made on the previous December 13th), and the tenure
was to be by the hundredth part of a knight's fee.
Michael Welbore, (as his name is spelt in all these
documents, though his Pontefract and Knottingley relatives
were all fVildbores, and a Wild Boar was the family cogni
zance, which figured over the family residence, at Knotting
ley, and on a dove-cote at Doncaster), must have bought out

62 THE BLACK FRIARS OF PONTEFRACT.
or otherwise satisfied Foxley, for he soon had sole possession
of the whole, and on Nov. 12, 1546, only two months before
the death of King Henry, he obtained a royal licence to
alienate the site, the Frater garden, two other gardens (that
is the 1J acres) and the Wood, to his uncle Richard Wel
bore and Margaret, his wife, for their lives. This was the
former tenant at will of the Friars, who thus became life-
owner of all ; and accordingly he and Margaret, his wife,
did homage for it.
Michael Welbore does not appear to have sold his uncle
the land at Kellington also, and possibly he kept it iu his
own hands as a nucleus ; for at the death of his father,
Thomas Wildbore, we find him, as if from the proceeds
of property he thereby inherited, but still in the new
name of Welbore, purchasing from Arthur Darcy and Mary
his wife, two cottages and six messuages with other lands at
Kellingley. He himself died the same year, being then de
scribed as Michael Welbore, of Pondes, in Clavering (Essex)
though in his will he calls himself as of Arksey.
The site of the Black Friars seems in the seventeenth
century, to have been kept as an orchard ; its dedication to
that form of cultivation being the further precaution taken
by those who knew what was beneath, to secure that the
underlying deposits should be undisturbed. The following
entry in the Church Books carries on the history : —
June, 1650. The seven and twentieth day. Alice Aust
wicke, widow, late wife of Tho. Austwick, alderman, de
parted this life, and her Corps was interred in their proper
buryal place in Frere wood Orchard, the 28th of the same.
Her husband had died in the previous March, and
might also have been buried there, but the enclosure shortly
afterwards passing from the ownership of the family, the
particulars were soon forgotten only to be now revived.
Michael Welbore, the grantee, had married Philippa
daughter of Wm. Bradbury, of Littlebury, Essex, and

THE PURCHASER.

63

although he retained this Kellington property, his interests
in the North seem towards the latter part of his life to have
been gradually ceasing. But by the death of his father,
Thomas Wildbore, in 1550 or 1551 (will dated 30 August,
1550 ; proved 16th April, 1551) he inherited considerable
property, both in Arksey and in other parts of Yorkshire,
on which, leaving his wife in Essex, he came northward in
the summer of 1551 to settle the affairs of his deceased
parent. While in his northern home, at Arksey, he was
seized with a sudden and fatal illness, and there he died, leav
ing three sons, the eldest, Thomas, being a child of only
eight years old.
The following is the will of Michael Welbore, who died
five days after its date : —
TESTAMENTUM MICHAELIS WYLBORE. P. C. C— BURKE, FO. 28.

In the Name of God Amen.
The xxj daye of July in the yere
of our Lorde god a Thousand fyve
hundreth fiftie and one.
I, Mychaell Wilbore, of Arksay,
withintheCountie of Yorke, gentilman,
being visited with the soden visitation
of god, yet notwithstondinge in very
good and perfytt remembraunce,
thankes be unto god, do make this my
last will and testament in this manner
and forme following : —
First, I bequeathe my soule to
Almyghtie god my maker, and to my
onlie saviour and Redemer, Jesus
Christ, and my bodye to be buried
within myparishe churche of Arksay.
Item, I bequeathe all my landes
whichelhave in all places to my sonne
and heyre, Thomas Wylbor.
Item, I bequeathe to Phillipe
Wilbor, my sonne, my lease of the
parsonage oj Arksay.
Item, I bequeathe to Samuell Wil
bor, my sonne, my lease of Fermholde
in JEssex,Provided that he'shall not in
enywise, nor noo man for hym, put out
thepoore man, Robert Wyburn,during
his lyfe, being nowe in my fernholde.
[sic] Item, I bequeathe to Phillipp and

to Samuell my sonnes, to either of
them, fourtie poundes.
Item,IbequeathPhillipemy sonne
with his Childesportion to the custody e
of my brother, Richarde Wilbore.
Item, I bequeathe my sonne Samu
ell with his portion, to the custody e of
my brother in Law, Robert Ussher.
Item, 1 bequeathe to every one of
my brethern, to William, John, and
Richard, vijli xiijs iiijd.
Item, to Genet Ussher, my sister,
tenne pounds.
Item, I bequeathe to the said
Genet, my white geldinge.
Item, to the said genett and to
every one of my Systors in Lawe, a
golde Ringe, the price of xls, with the
Image of deathe graved therein, in
Remembrance that they must neddes
dye this Corporall deathe.
Item, I bequeath to my uncle
Richard Wilbore, of Pomfrett, my
Ronyd gelding which he solde unto me.
Item, to Mathewe brodbery my
Redd geldinge.
Item, to Aliston Moldson twentie
shillings, yerelie duringe her lyfe, to
be payde oute of my hedcl house in
Arksay. Item, I bequeathe to my servaunte

64

THE BLACK FRIARS OF PONTEFRACT.

John Benister xls.
Item, to William Wilbore, my
servaunte, xls.
Item, to euery on of my servaunts
bothe here at Arksay, and in Essex,
tenne shillings.
Item, to Amy Wormlay xls.
Item, to Jenett barke twentie
shillings. Item, I will that Willm Barke
shall have the fermhold inAlme holme
painge yerely twentie shillings.
Item, I bequeth to every one of
my wiefs daughters tenne pounds.
Item, to Edwarde Mawde my
Curat xxs.
Item, to every one of my brothers
Children xxs, and to such of them as
be my god children xls.
Item, I bequeath to Sir John
Freman, the person [Parson] ofpellam
seven poundes.
Item, to the poore people of the
parishe of Arksay vjli xiijs iiiid, to
bepaid inthreeyeares nextensuyinge.
Item, to the poore people of Cla-
virynge, iijli vjs viiid.
Item, to the mending ofthe highe-
wayes in Arksay fourtie shillings.
Item, I bequeath tenne Cotts
[coats] yerely to tenne poor children
within the parishe of Arksay duringe
the space of three yeares.
Item, to Chr'ofer Senttinglcy
tenne shillings.
Item, to Renolde Soirby tenne
shillings. Item, to my Cosyn Thomas Hod-
shion twentie shillings.
Therestofmygoodsnotbequeathed
1 give to my loveinge wief phillipe
The peculiar notions of Mr Mawde with regard to the
spelling of proper names compel notice. He has four varie
ties of Wilbore in the five earliest mentions of the name.

Wilbore, whome I do make my sole
and only Executrix, desiring her
hertely as my trust ys in her, to se
that this my will befullfillyde and that
she paye my debts, and Receive all
debtes due unto me whiche debts she
shall perceyve more pleynly by my
Miles, obligacions and recongnisances
which ar in Essex with her, and at
London in my studye in the temple,
and in my Cofer here at Arksay.
Fynally, I do ordeyne and make
my brothern William Wilbore, the
parson, [of Bramwith, but not in
Torre's list] John Wilbore, Richard
Wilbore,and Robert Ussher, my brother
in Lawe, the supervisors of this my
last will and Testament, to se that all
thinges herein be done accordingly,
even to the tenor hereof.
Witnesses : Edwarde Mawde, my
Curat, Richard Wilbore, Robert
Ussher, Thomas Hodshion,Christopher
Senttyngley, John bruister and Wil
liam Wilbore.
per me, Edwardum Mawde, Cura-
tum de Arksay.
Probatum fuittestamentumcoram
domino Cantuariensis Archiepiscopo,
apud London, decimo die mensis
Octobris, Anno domini millesimo
quingentesimo quinquagesimo primo.
Juramento Johannis goodman nomino
parte testamento nominate. Ac appro-
batum insinuatum. Et commissa fuit
administractionis omnium bonorumd'C
dicti defunct, de bene die. Ac de
plena inventario &c. exhibendo ad
Sancta dei Evangelia in debita Juris
forma Jurat.

This son, Thomas, who ultimately founded a Cam
bridgeshire family, had even less Yorkshire interest than
his father, having parted with the Kellington] property in
1579 to Gilbert and Samuel Saltonstall. Finally in 1587,
he sold the pasture land in Pontefract to^ Thomas Wild-

THE WILBORE PEDIGREE.

65

bore, of Knottrngley, his second cousin half removed,
being the son of his father's uncle, Richard Wilbore, the
monastic tenant.
The following sketch ofthe descent of the Pontefract Wil-
bores is well supported by post mortem and other evidences,
as will be seen in the following pages : —

ss.5

a *-

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rJJ
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W
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Hpq"Opqi-lf-i
Ph"Opqn?J.
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•c
60 "5
09 t-.a "-<=
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S3 . <-i
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j •.'¦3 "3 . s 60
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-J* £"3
 -3 fl
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JI
11 homas= Pondes S
ih 15 30 and
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66

THE BLACK FRIARS OF PONTEFRACT.

The will ofhis father, Thomas Wilbore, is a fit accom
paniment to that of Michael, the grantee of the Black Friars.
They are nearly contemporary, and each is a valuable
repertory of the manners and methods of the class to which
this family then belonged ; that of yeomen, slowly but steadily
rising into the position of gentry.
Thomas Wilbore. — (York Wills, xiii., 730.)
Jn the name of God, Amen.
The xxx daie of Auguste in the
fourte yere of our sou'aigne lorde
kinge Edwarde the sexte [1550].
I Ihomas Wilbore of Arkesey
beinge seke in bodie but in good and
p'fite remembrance, thanked be god, do
maike my testament and last will after
this man'er and forme following.
First, I bequeth my soull to
almightie God my maker and Redemer
—and my bodie to be buried within the
p'ishe chirche of Arkesaye. Also I
bequeithe to the poore mennes boxevj s.
viij d. Item to my sone Michaett Wilbore
agreate standinge goblett withe a eouer,
and one old riall.
It'm to my sone John Wilbore a
siluer salte salte (sic) withe a couer
and an olde riall.
It'm to my sone Will'm Wilbore
the p' sone of Bramwithe, a silv' cup
p'cell gilte and an olde riall.
It'm to my sone Eicharde Wilbore
a title silv' cup, and sixe silv' spones
of the secounde sorte, — and an olde
riall. It'm io my sone in lawe, Eobert
Usher, one flat peice of silv' and one
olde riall. It'm to my god sone Thomas Wil
bore, sone of Eichard Wilbore, one
housse in Doncaster, nere unto the
Bell, to hyme and to his heires for ever,
whiche I had of the gifte of one John
Die ; and I bequeithe to the saide
Thames Wilbore xx li in money.
It'm to Will'm Usher iij li. vi s.
viij d. It'm to Jennett Vsher his suster, u,
salte and xxvj s. viij d.
It'm to Thomas Wilbore sone of
Michael Wilbore of Essex xxs.

It'm to Thomas Wilbore sone of
John Wilbore xx s.
Km io Andro Wilbore my god
sone xx s.
It'm to everie childe that my sone
Michael haithe, that John, that Eobert
Vsher, that Eicharde haithe, to everie
one of them a newe riall.
It'm to everie one of my sone p'son
children a yonge quie [a heifer.]
It'm to Amye Wormeley xl s.
It'm to everie one of her children
vj s. viij d.
It'm to Thomas Hodgeson xls.
It'm'. to Jennett Barke xxvj s.
viij d. It'm io Alison Moldson everie
yere duringe her lif xiij s. iiij d.
It'm to Jane Stringer a eowe.
It'm to euerie one of my seruaunts
iij s. iiij d.
It'm I bequeith my lease of the
p'sonedge ofArkesaie to Jennet Wilbore
my wif, to Michaell, John, Bycherd,
my sones, and to Bobert Vsher, my
sone in lawe, duringe my terme.
It'm I bequeithe to Bobert Vsher
my sone in lawe, my lease of all my
Bailiwicks apperteninge to Sancte
John's. It'm to Thomas Vsher his sone
xls. It'm to John Londe vj s. viij d.
It'm I bequeithe to the mending e
of the highe waies in Arkesae and the
cawsey to Bentley xx s.
It'm to my god doughter Ursula
Wilbore xxs.
It'm to my godsone Thomas Vi
cars v s.
It'm io the rep' aeon of the glasse
windowes in our churche vj s. viij d.
It'm I bequeithe to John Wilbore
the p'sone, to Eichard Wilbore, and

WILL OF THOMAS WILBORE OF ARKSEY,

67

lo William Wilbore, my bretheren, lo
everie one of them one olde riall.
It'm to Jennett Vsher my dough
ter vj li. xiij s. iiij d.
It'm to Edwarde Mawde my
curaitexs. It'm to Will'm Harpame vs.
The Eeste of all my goodes not
bcqueiihed, I bequeathe to Jennett
Wilbore my wif, duringe her lif. to
Will'm Wilbore, to Mychael Wilbore,
to John Wilbore, to Eicharde Wilbore,
my sones, and to Eobert Vsher, my
sone in lawe, whome I do maike the
Executores of this my last wyll and
testament, io dispoise the rest of all my
goodes after the deceasse of Jennett my
wif, to the use of all my children and
their children, by eguali porcons.
Provided alwaies that it shalbe
lawfull for ihe said Jennett my wif to
maike a toill or testament at anye tyme
or tymes, at her pleasor, ofthe half of
my goodes unbequeithed, and the other
half to be devided emonges my children,
and their children, at the discrecon of
myne Executores. And that she shall
have tlie custodie of all the plaite that
I have bequethid to my children, during
her natwrall lift
And I will that the above said
Will'm Wilbore, John Wilbore, Mi-
chaell Wilbore, Eicharde Wilbore, my
sones, and Bobert Vsher, my sone in
lawe, shall have for their paynes
taikinge in executinge iustelie and
trulie thismy will and testamente,everie
one of them xl s. clerly, and all their

cosies and chargies to be aUowed them
of the viholl.
And I will also that they shall
paye my Bettes, and receyue all my
defies due unto me, and bringe my
bodie honestly to my buriall— even as
my truste is in them, at the oversighte
of Mr. trances Frobissher, Mr. Ei
charde Fletcher, and my broder Ei
charde Wilbore, whome 1 do make the
Sup'visores of this my laste will and
testamente to see that it be well and
truelie executed, and for their paynes
taikeng I do give unto everie one of
them an olde riall.
Provyded alwae, that if any of my
children, beinge myne executores, shall
dissent or disagree withe his fellowes,
that then it shall be lawfull for my
sup'visores withe the assent and consent
of the rest oj myne executores io expulse
and put oute the same frome the benifite
of this Executorshippe.
And Fardermore p'vided alwaes
that if theire bee any thinge conteynid
in this my will and testament, that is
not consonante withe the lawe of this
Eealme of Englande, Then I will,
that my especiall and singuler good
jrende, Maister Frances Frobisher,
shall order everie suche thinge as it
shalbe thoughts good by his learninge
and discrecon. Witnesses: Sr Will'mBrokebanke,
prest,- Alexander Leyvesey. Will'm
Harpam, and Edwarde Mawde, preste.
Proved 16 April 1551 by the
ex'ors named in the will.

The names of many of the outside legatees in this will,
are naturally the same in the will of both father and son,
they being members of the household. The " curate " also,
was the same in each case.
The care is noteworthy, which so man)' testators in the
middle of the fifteenth century, as in this case, took to
contract themselves as it were out of illegality. Those who
are always ready and anxious to throw a stone at the King,
Henry VIII, are inclined to assert that this care was on
account of the fear which that determined ruler had instilled

k 2

68 THE BLACK FRIARS OF PONTEFRACT.
into the minds of his people. But such a motive could not
have influenced this testator, for the King had been dead
above three years, and yet Thomas Wildbore leaves to his
" special and singular good friend " the Recorder of Don
caster — for such was Francis Frobisher — the power to order
all according to his learning and discretion. That is, appa
rently, to change the provisions of the will, should they,
unknown to the testator, have become illegal, or in the
testator's own words " not consonant with the law of this
Realm of England."
It may be noted that the testator was very liberal with
his gifts of " rials," both " old " and " new " ; he gave
an " old rial " to each of his five sons, to each of his three
brothers, and to each of his three executors, eleven in all ;
while Richard, the mayor of 1538, being twice named (in
each case as brother, so that there is no reason why he should
be confounded with the son Richard, of Bentley) appears to
have obtained two, as being both brother and executor : and
that while he distinguished each of the parson-son's children
(the only mention I have found of those same children) by
the gift of a young heifer, he gave a " new rial " to each
child of the four lay sons.
What was the difference between an old rial and a new
one is not clear. The name " royal " was introduced to
the English coinage by Edward IV in 1465, as the name of a
gold noble, worth ten shillings ; but it was only rendered
appropriate by the subsequent issue in the early part of
the reign of Henry VII of a coin so called with the effigy of
the King sitting in his " royal " robes, and in regal state.
But even those coins would at the date of this will have
become " old." The only solution that occurs to me is that
the testator gave that name to the newly-coined angel, which
had St. Michael and the Dragon as reverse.
Before T leave this Will I would point out that these

THE DESCENT OF THE BLACKFRIARS. 69
Wildbore Wills make frequent mention of the lease of the
parsonage of Arksey : that is to say of the Rectory which at
this time belonged to the Cluniac monks of Lenton. They,
on 6 March 1532-3, had presented to the vicarage a William
Wilbore, for whom I have no place in this pedigree, since it is
clear that he cannot be William, the parson of Bramwith, the
testator's son, nor can he be William the testator's brother,
otherwise his connection with Arksey must have been
almost certainly mentioned in the will itself.
It is perhaps necessary to say that the manor did not
belong to the Wildborea. For although at this time the
Wyndhams, who had held it for some generations, were a
failing house, it was not till 1554 (Tudor Fines I. 180) four
years after the date of this will, that Sir Edmund Wyndham
Kt parted with it to Christopher Heyden Kt, Anthony Heve-
nyngham Kt, and Thomas Knolles Kt. Which indeed may
have been only by way of trusteeship, for it returned to
Francis Wyndham in 1570 (Tudor Fines I. 375). These
fines however show clearly that the Wildbores had no share
in it. But I must conclude what I have to say of Arksey
and the Arksey branch ofthe Wildbores, in order to continue
my story of the devolution of the property at Pontefract,
granted to Michael Wildbore.

Mr Thomas Wilbore of Knottingley and Jane his wife
parted with the Friars' property in 1611. The purchaser
was Thomas Austwick, Pontefract, and he owned it till his
death, in March, 1649. He had been Mayor in 1621 and
1640, and was an active volunteer defender of Pontefract
in the first siege. His son Lieut. Allan Austwick partook
of his sympathies ; was, in his turn, one of the contrivers of
the seizure of the Castle in 1648 ; and the ladders which
they used in their abortive attempt were hidden in the
Willow Tree Flatt as it was then called, Willow Park, as it
is now, which also belonged to Aid. Thomas Austwick. This

70 THE BLACK FRIARS OF PONTEFRACT.
Willow Tree Flat is just behind Baghill, the crest of which
partially screened it from the Castle. At Mr Austwick's death,
in 1649, the Friar Wood and other property fell to his sons,
Allan and Richard, a life interest remaining with Thomas
Austwick's widow. Shortly after her death in 1650, it was
sold, in the troublous times which followed the King's execu
tion. The purchaser was Thomas Heseltyne, Gent., and it
was styled (Fine, Trinity 1653) four gardens in Pontefract.
Fifty or sixty years afterwards it was in the possession of Mr
Johnston Heseltine, who sold it to Dr Marmaduke Fothergill,
a nonjuring clergyman who had no incumbency but resided
in Pontefract, being probably a descendant or connection of
Mr George Fothergill, who was vicar of Pontefract between
1645 and 1647, but whose name is strangely omitted in all the
published lists.
In the deeds by which it was conveyed to Mr Fothergill
in 1712, the property was described as (1) a Close of Pasture
called Fryer Wood, formerly demised to Thomas and Sarah
English ; (2) the two Messuages, Cottages and Tenements,
with garths, garden and orchards belonging ; (3) another
piece or parcel partly in the occupation of John Lund :
clearly the "four gardens" of 1653. — This I gather from
the Abstracts of Title, registered at Wakefield (E 142, 200 ;
345, 517), in which Johnson Heseltine is described as late of
the City of London, linen draper, and Mr Dickson, Dr
Fathergill's father-in-law, to have negotiated the purchase.
Dr Marmaduke Fothergill, who thus became the owner
of this property, was a learned, devout and godly man, and
when in ripe middle age married Mrs Dorothy Dickson, one
of the daughters of Mr Dickson, the town clerk, she being
twenty years his junior. The wedding took place in January
1706-7, and five years afterwards, there being no issue, Dr
Fothergill — he had performed all the exercises for a D.D.
of Cambridge, but would not take the oath, and so never
actually received his degree — attributing the fact that he had

THE BLACKFRIARS PROPERTY. 71
no children, to his being a holder of the Church property,
made an offer to the Corporation in 1712, that if they would
allow it to remain tax-free, he would give the reversion to the
establishment of an afternoon lecturer in St. Giles's Church,
subject to his own life interest and that of his wife. They
consented (see Book of Entries p. 304), and a deed of gift was
accordingly drawn up by which the properties were demised
to trustees for that end. And then singularly enough the
hitherto childless pair had two children ; Marmaduke (bapt-
28 April, 1714,) and Dorothy (bapt. 12 Jan. 1715-6) ; as if the
curse upon them had been removed. Each attained their
eightieth year. Dr Fothergill 'himself died in 1731, but his
wife survived till 1752, and in her will, as it was provided
she might do, she nominated her elder sister's child, Rev.
Francis Drake, to be the first lecturer.
By this means, the ancient Black Friars property was
restored to the Church by Dr Marmaduke Fothergill, as that
of the Trinities had been some years before by Mr Freeston ,
who gave it as an endowment to University College. About
twenty years ago, however, a new Vicarage was constituted
at All Saints, when this and other endowments for the Lec
turer became the principal provision for the new living,
But in the meantime another small exchange had been
made. The owners of three houses in Ropergate who wished
for slips of garden ground behind their houses, entered into
negotiation with the ecclesiastical authorities, transferred to
the Lecture endowment properties considered equivalent in
value and, of course unwittingly, received in exchange what
was really the site of the Church. And thus, as has since
been the case with St. John's Monastery, the site of the
Church of the Dominican Friars of Pontefract was separated
from the lands which were formerly attached to it, and reduced
into the private possession in which it still remains.
To anyone viewing the site in its present condition of
garden ground, and not aware of the use to which it was

72 THE BLACK FRIARS OF PONTEFRACT.
formerly devoted, there is now nothing whatever to indicate
that use, nor to show that beneath the surface lie the remains
of many of the most noble in their time. My endeavour will
be to locate the site definitely.

So far as its area was concerned, the Dissolution de
scription (seep. 61) was : —
The site itself with the Churchyard adjoining on the
north ; the Frater garden on the west ; another garden to
the south, and another garden to the east .... 1^ acres.
A close called the Wood  8 acres.
Total  9J acres.
The " close called the Wood " seems lo have been the
Hill and its dependencies as far as the brook : but tradition
has quite ceased to point out which of the gardens was
which, while the boundaries are so very much altered within
the curtilage, that I have found it exceedingly difficult to
locate the site of the building even approximately. To add
to the difficulty, the accounts given in the various surveys of
the town are crossly divided, while since this land was not
subject to the fee-farm rent no help can be obtained from the
fee-farm rent books. Moreover both Jollage's Map and the
Siege Plans, so far as they embrace the site, are almost
utterly fanciful.
Jollage's plan gives the whole area between Friar Wood
Lane E, Southgate N, the brook S, and the Carlton road W,
as divided into four gardens, each a rhomboid, all of about
equal area and making a total according to the scale of about
10,000 square yards, or rather over two acres. He shows
the gardens as four, and divides the Wood into three series of
plots running east to west of 6, 5, and 5 respectively ; but
there is nothing to show whether the divisions which he
gives are more than mere paths within a general enclosure.
Hepworth's plan, made about twenty-five years after

THE BLACKFRIARS SITE. 73
the Friar Wood and other property had been given as an
endowment for a Lecturer at the Church of St. Giles's, works
out thus : —

A.
R,
, p.
478 and 479
Fryer
Wood Gardens .
. 3
2
9
129
and
130
ditto
. 10
1
37
131
Fryer
Wood Hill
. 3
2
30
17 2 36
There was also a House " Top of Friar Wood Gardens,"
and another " House and garden there," the areas of which
are not given.
From Shipton's Survey, taken fifty years afterwards,
and subsequent to the exchange which I have mentioned, I
obtain the following quantities for the area of the whole
endowment of the Lecturer.
(478) 348 Fryer Wood Garden (Joseph Pinder)
(pt of 129) 347 do. (Flintoff Leatham)
. . Fryer Hill Garden (Michael Mitton)
(479) 345 Fryer Wood Garden
House there 
(130) 344 House, Stable and Fryer wood Garden 2 3 27
(131) 349 Fryer Wood Hill 3 0 30
Workshop &c. 2 0
A.
R. P.
1
0 0
1 30
1
3 17
2
3 5
1
1 13
14 0 2
While the following had been exchanged away : —
(pt of 129), 346 and parts of 347 348 to John Perfect 2 2 16
part of 347 to Michael Mitton 1 20
part of 348 to John Leatham 3 0
Making the total of 17 2 38
The equivalent in exchange had been of larger area; and
therefore more valuable to the endowment, even though it
were less useful for the purpose of those who made the
exchange. It consisted of Priest Bridge Close 4a. Or. 17p.
and the Canal Garden at Baghill Ir. 25p.
74 THE BLACK FRIARS OF POXTEFRACT.
The problem is now to disentangle the confusion made
by the merging of the Friars' properties with the other en
dowments of the Lecturer. And I think the solution is
this. The extent of the four gardens of the original plan
was : Southgate to the N ; road to Carlton to the W ; the
brook to the S ; while the eastern boundary was a part of
129 in Hepworth's Survey, 346 in tbat of Shipton. Then
when the exchange was made, only a portion of 348 was
alienated in order to form gardens for the houses belonging
to John Perfect, John Leatham, and Michael Mitton, the
Frater Garden being enlarged by the addition of a slip taken
from the south of Hepworth's 478. Mr Perfect's acquisition
was at the same time merged into 129, but the portions alie
nated to Mr Leatham and Mr Mitton were each enclosed from
the property to which it had hitherto belonged by a stone
wall four feet high which in the case of Mr Leatham's plot
was further heightened by a brick addition, as it remains to
this day. Now the ground of the enclosure behind this stone wall
is raised nearly to its level artificially, so that the erection is
virtually a retaining wall only : and under this raised soil,
at the natural surface, I firmly expect the remains of the
Friars' buildings, tombs &c, lie interred ; the " Churchyard "
which was to the north, being between Southgate and the
rest of the site. Any further detail can be ascertained only
by actual experiment.

it

I. THE WILBORE PEDIGREE.

Some few additional remarks on the Wildbores of
Pontefract and neighbourhood will doubtless be acceptable,
though I have lighted upon no evidence as to their origin.
They were evidently the progenitors of all those who were
afterwards so firmly rooted in South Yorkshire, inCambridge-
shire and in Essex, the tradition and practice of the family
having been for the eldest son to hive out, leaving his
younger brother with the remnant of the property at home
to improve it as best he could. This will be seen by a-glance
at the Pedigree on p. 65.
Neither have I met with anything to connect them
with a family that was in the Wapentake of Morley in the
14th century, and of whom I find a reference in 29 Ed. III.
(1355) to one Hugh Wildebore, "who lately died," having
" held one messuage and two ox-gangs in Ossett." In that
year John came to the Court and did fealty as his son and
heir. This line was continued, for in the Poll Tax, of 1378,
I trace that John Wylbor and his wife, and John Wylbor,
junior, each paid 4d to the Tax in the township of Ossett.
There was also in the neighbouring township of Southill, a
William Wylbore. And I have not yet bridged over the
l 2

76 THE BLACK FRIARS OF PONTEFRACT.
chasm between these Wilbores of the west, and those at
Pontefract, Arksey and Bentley.
Contemporary with the second generation of the Ponte
fract Wilbores were Adam and Edmund Wylbor inthe town
ship of Batley ; while in 1588, Edmund Wilbore, probably
the son of Adam, was bailiff of West Pontefract, (a district
of the Honour) under Talbot, Earl of Shrewsbury. But I
do not find that the Pontefract Wilbores professed any re
lationship with those of West Pontefract.
(1). William Wilbore, the first I know at Pontefract,
was Mayor in 1534, but I have not yet met with his will,
learned the name of his wife, or ascertained the date of his
death. In 1530 (Tudor Fines I. 56), and 1534 (Tudor
Fines I. 69), I find him named as plaintiff in Fines,
and in the latter year, about the time of his election to the
mayoralty, purchasing the manors of Scales and Brayton
Hall, and ten messuages with lands in Scales, Campsall,
Sutton, Bramwith, Tondefeld, Balne and Askern. But as
this was in conjunction with Thomas Fletcher, clerk, and
John Wade, it is probable that the transaction was one of
trust only.
(2). Thomas, his elder son, never took a part in the
municipal government of Pontefract. In 1528 (Tudor
Fines I., 52) he purchased two messuages with lands in
Masborough ; in 1532, he was associated (Tudor Fines I.,
62) with Francis Frobyssher, clerk, and Thomas Fletcher
in the purchase of three messuages with lands, &c, in Don
caster, Barnborough, &c, and in 1533, with William Wyl-
bore, clerk, (who might have been the Vicar of Arksey,
said to have been inducted in 1539 ; but of whom I can
learn nothing else), in the purchase of fourteen messuages
with lands in Rotherham, Brynsforth, &c. But a purchase
in 1534-5 from Thomas Portington, Esq., and Johanna,
his wife, of two messuages with lands in Arksey, Bentley,
Shaftholme, Stokbrig.and Almholme, seems to have been that
which determined bis position as a country gentleman. In
1540, he strengthened his stakes in the locality, by the
acquisition of four messuages and three cottages, with lands
in Doncaster, Bentley, Arksey, Owston, and Thorpe-in-
Balne. And this increasing interest in the neighbourhood

THE WILDBORE PEDIGREE. 77
of Doncaster, probably determined the purchase from the
King, by his son, Michael, of the properties of the Black
Friars at Pontefract, and the Gray Friars at Doncaster. His
will, dated 30th August, 1550, was proved 16th April,
1551 (see pp. 66-7) ; but I do not gather the date of his
death. I suspect that the Thomas Vicars named in the will
as the god-son (and namesake) of this Thomas Wilbore was
the Benefactor ; though, if so, he was some three years older
than the age given to him in his father's post mortem.
(3). Of John the parson, little or nothing is known.
He is mentioned first in order among the brothers, by his
elder brother, Thomas, who gives no particulars of him, nor
have I yet been able to learn any.
(4). Richard Wilbore, mayor of Pontefract in 1538,
to whom and his wife Margaret, his nephew Michael ob
tained permission to alienate the Black Friars property,
was already a tenant, had been a purchaser of some of the
moveables, and immediately after the Dissolution was the
custodian of what remained of the fabric. He was mayor
six times in 1538, 1548, 1550, 1558, 1561 and 1568, and
one of the supervisors ofhis brother's will in his third year
of mayoralty. On 9 June 1555, he witnessed the will of
John Skipton, alderman, the mayor of 1541 (York Wills
xiv. 208). In 1538, the year of his first mayoralty, he
witnessed the resignation of the Black Friars into the King's
hands, and contrived to make wealth out of the transaction.
In his second (2 Ed. vi) 1548, he was assessed as Rychard
Wylbore, mayor, at £18. In his third he was made super
visor of his brother's will, as we have seen, being on 9 June
1555 a witness to the will of John Skipton, alderman, the
mayor of 1541 (York Wills xiv. 208). Twice in office
during the reign of Edward vi, he was not Mayor in that of
Mary until her last year, when he witnessed the accession of
her sister Elizabeth ; and during all this time he had been
a childless man, the proverbial curse which attended the
traffickers in dedicated lands falling upon him, although he
had prospered in worldly goods. In 1537. Richard Wilbore
bad been a seller according to a Fine (Tudor Fines I., 77)
between Thomas Vycars, Thomas Fletcher, clerk, and Richard
Wilbore and Margaret hiswife, with regard to four messuages
with lands in Pontefract ; but in 1546 he did homage as for a

78 THE BLACK FRIARS OF PONTEFRACT.
hundredth part of a Knight's fee, on the acquisition by
purchase from Michael, his nephew, of the properties late
belonging to the Black Friars. His inq: p, m. which is to
be found in the Court of Wards (vol xvm fo 12) is a some
what lengthy document. It was held at York Castle on 20
March 19 Eliz [1577] and states that he and Margaret his
wife had held of the Queen for the life of the heir of Thomas
Welbore, the site of the late Priory of the Friars Preachers
at Pontefract with closes and an orchard formerly called the
Frater Garden ; that Margaret died 13 Dec. 4 & 5 Ph. and
M. [1557], that he himself died on the 9th ofthe previous
May [1576], and that his son and heir Thomas was then 15
years old. His heir was therefore clearly not the son of his
wife, Margaret ; and as the inquisition does not name his
mother we might be at sea, but that on this point referring to
the Pontefract Registers which commence in 1585, 1 find on
a very early page the entry of burial on 19 Jan. 1587-8 of
" Jenitt ye wyfe of Ric'd Wylbure," doubtless the second
wife and mother of the heir, who at her death would have
been twenty-five or twenty-six j'ears old.
(5). William is named in the will of his brother,
Thomas, which is all I learn of him.
(6). Michael Wilbore, the grantee in 1544 of the
Black Friars, Pontefract, (a life interest in which he sold
to his uncle, Richard, in 1546, who was already the tenant)
and other monastic properties, had been settled for some
years at Pondes in Clavering, having married an Essex lady,
Philippa, daughter of William Bradbury, of Littlebury.
He bad only a very short tenure of what may be called
the family property, for he died within a few weeks of his
father, leaving a small family, the eldest of whom was but
eight years old. He had retained his properties at Kelling-
ley, when parting with tbat at Pontefract, and in 1551
(Tudor Fines I., 155) had added to it by tbe purchase
from Arthur Darcye, Knt., and Margaret, his wife, of " two
messuages and six cottages with lands in Kyllyngley,"
part of the surrendered possessions of the Monastery of St.
John's, Pontefract.
(7). John Wildbore had acquired in 1548 a messuage
with lands in Arksey and Bentley (Tudor Fines I., 140), but
was selling lands at Owston, in 1552, (Tudor Fines I., 163),

THE WILDBORE PEDIGREE. li)
and at Rotherham, in 1561 (Tudor Fines I., 248 and 249).
In his will dated shortly afterwards (22 July, 1561) he
makes bequests to Helen, his wife, Richard, Robert, Andrew
and Nicholas, his sons, and Frances, Joan, and Ursula, his
daughters, while he practically cut off with £10 his eldest son
Thomas, who had already made great demands upon him. He
does not mention either of his brothers, but he remembers a
Samuel Wildbore, who was probably the younger son of his
brother Michael, whose interests were at that time in Essex
though he subsequently acquired Yorkshire properties. The
will was proved 8 Nov., 1564, and may be found at York,
xvn, 397. His widow, Elline, as she spells her name,
made her will on 8 July, 1566, and it was proved on the
following 18th April (York Wills, xvii, 636). She Dames
her four sons and three daughters in exactly the order in
which they occur in her husband's will — omitting Thomas ;
and she includes a cousin John Bradford, probably one of
her own relatives.
(8). John's brother Richard, also of Bentley, bought
land there in 1554. In his will dated 8 August, proved 26
Nov., 1557 (Vol. xv, part 2, page 90) he names his daugh
ters Jennet, Elizabeth, Frances, Margaret and Ursula,
whom he appoints guardian of his son Thomas during his
eight years of non-age. He names also his sons Samuel,
Zachary and Lionel, his brother John and his sister Agnes
Jennings (possibly his wife's sister.) As he does not mention
his sister Joan, who had married Robert Usher, she was
probably dead.
(9). Jenet, or Joan, Michael's sister, married Robert
Usher, of Campsall, and founded an important family, his
son, Matthew, being named as son and heir apparent, in a
Fine of 1571, concerning some meadow land, and a moiety
of pasture land in Pontefract, which they sold to Boniface
Savage. (10). Thomas, eldest son of Michael, named Thomas
after his grandfather, married Ursula, daughter of Sylvester
Danvers. They were the founders of the Wildbores of
Clavering, where she died 26 Dec, 1591. Her name was
given to one of the daughters of both John and Richard, of
Bentley. Thomas had a son named Matthew, who succeeded
him at Pondes. He sold the Kellingley property in 1579

80 THE BLACK FRIARS OF PONTEFRACT.
(Tudor Fines IL, 136) to Gilbert and Samuel Saltonstall.
At the inq: p. m. of his great uncle Richard who died 9 May,
1576, this Thomas was said to have been aged 30 and more.
Philip, the second son, received his mother's name in its
masculine form. He married Anna, daughter of William
Walter, of Much Mundell, Herts, and settled at Foxton,
in Cambridgeshire. He had two sons and three daughters,
who took up a position both in that County, and in its uni
versity town. The elder son was an alumnus of St. John's,
the second became a draper there. He had at least two
daughters, Susannah, who married the Rev. John Ellis, of
Cambridge, and died a widow in 1700, and Sarah, who
married Samuel Newton, Mayor of Cambridge. The third
son, Samuel, left no male heir. His inq : p. m. was held
at Pontefract on 10 April, 33 Eliz [1591] when it was
reported that he left four daughters and co-heiresses
(Katherine, Dorothy, Ellen and Mary.) His wife's name
was Katherine. (11). The Pontefract Registers commenced in 1585
only, so that they are no help towafd determining the
parentage of Thomas of Knottingley — or indeed whether
Richard, the mayor, was his father, his grandfather, his uncle
or his great uncle. He himself died in 1612, and in making
the entry of his burial the Registrar committed a blunder
which had it not been corrected would have landed us in a
hopeless maze. For had the Burial Register of Pontefract
Church been permitted to retain the name of Mr John
Wildbore, as that of a person buried on 27 Sept. 1612,
the difficulty of identifying or correctly placing him would
have been excessive. " John " was, however, erased, and
Thomas being substituted, the history becomes coherent,
downwards. I bave not discovered the date or place of his
marriage, or of the baptism of his two eldest children, John,
(the subsequent Capt. John Wildbore, of Knottingley,) and
Elizabeth ; but the other three were baptised at Pontefract,
Barbara on 10 Aug., 1609 ; Richard on 17 January, 1610-1 ;
and Gilbert on 19 Jan., 1611-2. His children seem to have
been coming fast ; for at his decease he had five under seven
years of age. His death was somewhat sudden, and his
will was made only four days before. His wife was Jane,
daughter of Sir Thomas St. Andrew, of Gotham, Notts,

THE WILBORE PEDIGREE.

81

and she re-married on August 16, 1615, at Pontefract Church,
with Christopher Byerley, gent., of Medridge Grange, in
the bishopric of Durham. [" Mr Christopher Byerlawe and
Mrs Jane Wilbore was married p' license "]. The following
is the will of Thomas Wilbore of Knottingley : —
Thomas Wilbore. — York Wills, xxxii. 259.
bodie lawfullie begotten. And for
default of such yssue to the right heyrs
of me the said Thomas Wilbore for
ever. It'm I giue and bequeith unto
Elizabeth Wilbore my daughter two
hundreth poundes of good and lawfull
english money to be paied- by my said
executrixe to my said daughter at ihe
age of twentie and one yeares, or in
and upon the day oj her marriage w'ch
of them shall first happen.
It'm, I giue and bequeath unto
Eichard Wilbore my sonne and Gilbert
Wilbore my youngest sonne, and like
wise unto my other daughter Barbara
li ilbore all suchfiliall and childesparte
andpartes,porconandporcons as to the
discrecon oj my executrixe hereafter
named, shalbe thought fittinge and
convenient, to be paied io them and
every of them as they shall accomplish
the age of xrjtie yeares, or at the time
of marriage w'ch oj them shall first
happen. It'm the residue of all my goodes
and chattells whatsoever, my debtes
beinge paied, and funerall expences
discharged, I giue and bequeath vnto
my said welbeloved wife Jane Wilbore
vihome I doe hereby ordeyne, constitute
and maie,my sole and onely executrixe
of this my last will and testament.
In witnes whereof I have herevnto
sett my hand.
Sealed, deliv' ed and acknowledged
in the presence oj Henrye Grimsditch,
John Skipton, Eicharde Bullocke,
Thomas Oglethorpe, Thomas Sothebie.
Proved 9 Jan. anno predicto
[1612-3'].

Jn the name of God, Amen.
I, Thomas Wilbore of Knottingley .
in the Countie of Yorke, gen', beinge
sicke in bodie, but of good and perfect
memorie, laud and praise be therefore
given unto Almightie god, doe ordeyne
constitute and make this my last will
and testament, in manner and forme
followinge, bearinge date this present
xxiijth day of September Anno d'ni
1612. Imprimis, 1 give and bequeath my
soule into the handes of Almightie god,
beleevinge constantlie by the pretious
death and passion of our lord and
Saviour Jesus Christ to be saved. And
my bodie to be buried in such place as
to my executrixe hereajter named shalbe
thought most convenient.
It'm I giue and bequeith all and
singuler my landes, tenementes and
hereditamentes whatsoever, as well
freehould as Coppiehould, w'th all
rentes yssues profiles and com'odiiies
thereunto or to any part or p'cell
thereof belonginge, or in any wise
apperteyninge, unto my wellbeloved wife
Jane Wilbore jor and duringe her
naturall life.
And after the deeease of the said
Jane Wilbore my will is, and I giue
and bequeath all and singuler my
landes, tenements and heridiiaments
whatsoev' ,unto John Wilbore my sonne
and heyre apparant, and to the heyres
Males of his bodie lawfully begotten.
And for default of such yssue unto
Eichard Wilbore my second sonne, and
io the heyres males ofhis bodie lawfullie
begotten. And for dejault of such
yssue unto Gilbert Wilbore my young
est sonne and to the heyres males ofhis

The trustees are not named herein, but it is entered in
the Court of Wards (Vol. 93) under date 13 Feb., 1612-3,
that "The Lands, &c, of Thomas Wilbore, deceased, during

M

82 THE BLACK FRIARS OF PONTEFRACf.
the minority of John Wilbore, his son and heir, being aged
six years and eight months old, 28 Sept, 1612, on which day
the said Thomas Welbore died, are demised to Jane Wel
bore, William St. Andrew and Roger Mears."
(12). According to the inquisition at his father's post
mortem, Capt. John Wilbore was born in Jan., 1606-7. He
would therefore have been of age, and have come into pos
session in 1627 or 1628. He was married shortly after this
date to Baptista, daughter of John Grimsditch, of New
Hall, Knottingley, having been in 1643, a captain of foot in
the service of King Charles I, in the regiment of Sir George
Wentworth of Woolley. Sir George Commanded the fourth
watch ofthe gentlemen volunteers, during the first siege of
Pontefract Castle, in 1644-5, and was one of those chosen to
treat for the surrender of the Castle, when it was no longer
tenable (See Sieges of Pontefract Castle), but Capt. Wilbore
was not one of the garrison. The children of Capt. John
Wilbore were John(bapt. 10 June, 1633), Margaret (bapt. 23
Aug — buried 7 Oct., 1635), Thomas and Baptista, bapt. 7
Sept., 1638). Of his two sons, John married Mary, daugh
ter of Mr Charles Jackson, of Carlton, Rothwell, and they
had at least two children, John and Francis. Thomas
married Jane, daughter of Mr Rogers,- and widow of Mr.
Rutland, of West Markham, Notts.
The family of Grimsditch, Gramsditcb, or Grahamsditch
was of Hertfordshire extraction, though the name " Grim "
might well bespeak a Danish origin, and it may be that when
they settled at Knottingley, where they were seated for at
least four generations, they did but hark back to a former
habitat. The will of the father of Baptista is however the
first I have found at York, where it occurs among the
unregistered documents proved during the long vacancy of
the see after Archbishop Williams forsook it. It was proved
on 6 May 1647, but is dated April 18, 1638. He therein
describes himself as " John Grymesdyche, of New Hall, co.
York, esquire," names his children Frances, John, Thomas,
Henry, Baptista, and Mary ; his " ungracious son Francis " ;
his " noble brother-in-law Sir Francis Windebank, kt, " the
secretary of state to King Charles I ; his sister " Mrs Elnor
Woodward " ; and desires to be buried " near my good old
father in the parish church of Pontefract." He had had

THE WILBORE PEDIGREE. 83
another son, William ; for among the Pontefract burials are
the entries,
7 July, 1623, Henry Grimsditch, -was huried in the Church.
2 August, 1624, William, son of John Gramediche, of Knotingley, in the Church.
The former was doubtless the " good old father " whom
in his will, made fifteen years afterwards, though it did not
come fully to light till nearly a quarter of a century had
elapsed, his son John referred to with so much filial reverence
and love. The widow " Margaret Grymesdyche " as she also calls
herself, (in her will dated June 26, 1649, proved 17 Nov.,
same year), adopting thereby tbe orthography which had
been used by her deceased husband, describes herself as
of Knottingley, widow, requests to be buried in Pontefract
Church, near her husband ; names her daughter Mary
Dean, her daughter Baptista's three children, John, Thomas
and Baptista, her son John G., and her "poor innocent
brother" Henry.
From these notes I obtain the following :
Henry Grimsditch, the good old father, of New Hall,
 | Knottingley, buried 7 July, 1623.

John Grimsditch=Margaret (? Windebank, Eleanor (Woodward.)

will d. 11 Apl, 1638;
p. 6 May, 1647.

sister of Sir Francis
Windebank, Kt.)

Francis, the John. William, Thomas. Henry, Baptista= John Wildbore Mary
ungracious bu. 2 Aug, the poor (Dean).
son of his 1624. innocent son
father. of his mother.

John. Margaret. Thomas. Baptista.
This second John, probably a more gracious son than
his elder brother, was the Lieut. Grimsditch taken prisoner
by the Republicans at Willoughby Fight in July, 1648 (See
Sieges of Pontefract Castle pp 179, 244).
With reference to the graceless son, there is a curious
document in the Public Record office, which is now catalogued
as No 20 in the Domestic Series of Charles I, 1637.
It is a letter from John Grymesdych to Secretary
Windebank under date April 3 of that year. The writer
says that he has concluded with Sir Arthur Ingram (for the
m 2

84 THE BLACK FRIARS OF PONTEFRACT,
sale to Sir Arthur ofhis house at Knottingley, now the Swan
Inn). He encloses Sir Arthur's letter, dated 31 March, 1637,
which was indexed when I saw it some years ago as Vol.
cccli, No 46, authorising the writer to receive the £1000
which had been deposited for him in the hands of the
Secretary Windebank. He enumerates various sums out at
interest which he desires the Secretary to have paid for him,
and which will evidently absorb the greater part of the
money due to him. These are £250 to Mr Blower ; £200
to " Mr Savage of Highgate " ; £300 to Mr Dethick, " a
proctor in Knightrider St.," for which his brother Read
stands bound ; £130 to his sister Woodward " lent to pay
Mr Lucas ; " and £50 lent by Windebank himself, to
Grymesdyche's "graceless son who is still in London, choos
ing rather to lurk there disreputably, than to make true use
ofthe favours " of Lord Goring and Windebank. " For that
trick," Grimesdych declares, that he " will no more (God
willing) acknowledge him as his " ; and as we have seen he
continued in the same mind next year, when he made his
testamentary disposition, which was moreover left unaltered
till his death. His letter enclosed a formal receipt for £1000
in part payment by Sir Arthur Ingram, ofthe purchasemoney
for the house, (called New Hall, to distinguish it from the
residence of the Wilbores at Old Hall, a few rods away) his
leases of Knottingley mills, the Minster mills of York, and
the inheritance of the Abbey mills of Pontefract.
The house thus purchased, an Elizabethan mansion of
two stories, is now perhaps the most interesting building
in Knottingley. It still contains elaborately carved stone
mantels, and much of the original carved oak, one room
being even now entirely wainscotted. One mantel with an
allegorical subject sculptured in stone and 12ft wide by 10ft
high, — is in remarkable preservation.
The purchaser, Sir Arthur Ingram, of Hull, surveyor
of the Customs there, was succeeded by his son, Arthur,
Groom of the Stole to Charles II., who, ih the Visitation of
1665, described himself as of Thorpe-on-the-Hill, parish of
Rothwell, and as in his 28th year. His son, another
Arthur, married Dorothy, daughter of William Horsfall, of
Storthes Hall, Kirkburton, but he dying in 1733 without
issue, the property descended to his cousin Rev. Goodrich

THE WILRORE PEDIGREE. 85
Ingram, Vicar of Kirkby Malzeard, who also died without
issue in 1755. His widow lived in Pontefract, where she
died in 1787.

There was however in the parish another Grimsditch
family, whom I fail at present to connect with the owners
and perhaps builders of this magnificent dwelling. The
second family centred round Mr Stephen Grimsditch of Crid-
ling Park, who departed 30 Sept. 1652, and was buried the
following day in the parish church, his widow and a daughter
having predeceased him by several years.
3 Sept., 1637, Joan, the wife of Mr Stephen Grimsditch, was buried in the
Church.
28 Aug., 1641, Katherine. daughter of Mr Stephen Grimsditch, was buried in the
Church.

Though the arms differentiate the bearer from the
Pontefract Wilbores, it may add to the interest of these
notes, if I append the following inscription at Kirkby-cum-
Osgodby Church, co. Lincoln. It is extracted from Ger-
vase Holles's Church Notes, taken about 1640. (N.B. The
tomb still exists). In the Quire.
A faire Tombe raysed above ye grounde, where lyes
John Wildebore, and his wife at his feete. The Tombe is
of a great length. He lyes in compleat Armes gilt. Upon
his surcoat three Boares passant, Ermine. In divers places
of the Monument three Boares, and an Escarbuncle. Vnder
his head lyes his Helmett; his crest a Boare seiant, Ermine.
The inscription thus : —
Hie jacet Johannes Wildebor qui obijt tertio Nonas
Octobris, An'o D'ni Millesimo trecentesimo Nonagesimo
octauo. Cujus anime &c.
Above his wive's head, two Escocheons : —
(1). Three Boares passants Ermyne. — Wildebore.
(2). A Cheuron betweene 3 Bulls passant. — Tourney.
The inscription thus : —
Hie jacet D'na Margareta, quondam vxor Joh'is Wilde
bor, cujus anime &c.
Other Monuments in ye Quire much defaced, when the
Quire was taken downe.

86 IHE BLACK FRIARS OF PONTEpRAtif t

II. THE PONTEFRACT AUSTWICKS,

The Austwick family was of considerable importance in
Pontefract for above two hundred years. Indeed at the
Visitation of 1665, they claimed to have been on the ground
much longer; though as the compiler of the pedigree then
presented made no attempt to prove the connection of his
own branch with those that were known to have been
resident in Pontefract in the time of Edward III, we seem
to be absolved from the necessity of doing so. In any case
no proof has emerged that the fourteenth century Austwick
was an ancestor. The two families presented great contrasts ;
or perhaps rather they excelled in different fields.
The Austwicks were an eminently religious family,
each in its generation making bounteous gifts to the service
of religion : the Wilbores the rather endeavoured to profit
by the circumstances of the great catastrophe of the Dis
solution. The Wilbores aimed at distinction beyond the borough,
but refused to register their arms when summoned to the
1585 Visitation, in the person of " Nicholaus Wildbore, de
Newell, gen. " : the Austwicks on the other hand, though
they did not set themselves up as a county family were
keen to get their arms registered, and to make an apparent
claim to a long pedigree. But while thus not pretending
to distinction beyond the bounds of the borough itself, they
had had a considerable share in its government, even before
the grant of the mayoral charter ; and they furnished twelve
mayors between 1489 and 1691, in which year one of the
family held the mayoralty for 17 days, an episode not
referred to by either of the town chroniclers.

The earliest Austwick will on record at York is the
following of a York man : —

THE PONTEFRACr AUSTWICKS.

87

John Awstwyk, of York. — York Wills ii. 574, 660.

In dei nomine Amen.
Ego Johannes Awstwyk, Civis et
Talior de Ebor', compos mentis et sane
memorie, Yicesimo tercio die mensis
Septembris Anno domini Millesimo
ccccmo Vicesimonono, condo testamen-
tum meum in hunc modum.
In primis commendo animam
meam omnipotenti deo, et corpus meum
sepeliendum in cimiterio Sancti Samp-
sonis juxta Thursday Market in Ebor' .
Item lego nomine mortuarii mei
optimum pannum meum corpori meo
talliatum. Item lego f ibrice prefate eeclesie
mee parochialis ijs.
Item lego iiZ6 cere ad combureudam
in obsequiis meis funeralibus, et ceteras
expensas funerales secundum disposicio-
nem executorum meorum.
Item lego fraternitati beate Marie
apud Whittefreres xiid.
Item lego Johauni filio uxoris mee
vjs. viijd. Item patri meo, togam meam blo-
diam, et capucium album stragulatum,
et equummeum, et relaxo legandos eidem
patri meo iijs. iiijd., michi debitos.
Item lego matri mee, unam (sic)
velum panni colorati ad capucium.
Item lego Thome fratri meo,aliam
togam talarem bipartitam, et meliores
forpices. Item lego minores forpices Rober
to apparentic (sic) WiUelmi Merkyng-
ton'. Item lego WiUelmo Markington
xiid. Item lego Willelmo Eypon apta-
torium meum.
Item lego Johanni Corbrigg xijd.
Item lego Alicie Varum xiid.
Item lego Nicholao Brokyngbank
ijs. Residuum vero bonorum meorum
superius non legatorum do et lego
Cecilie uxori mee,ut ordinet et disponat
cum provisione et consilio WiUelmi
Markyngton pro anima mea, prout sibi
melius videbitur, quam quidem Ceciiiam
uxoreiu meam facio executricem meam

In the Name of God, Amen.
I, John Awstwyk, citizen and
tailor of York, sound of mind, and of
good memory, the twenty-third day of
the month of September, in the year of
our Lord 1429, do make my will in
this manner : —
First I commend my soul to God
Almighty and my body to be buried in
the church yard of St Sampson, next
Thursday market in York.
Item,I bequeath in the name of my
mortuary my best clothing fitted to my
body. Item, I bequeath to the fabric of
my aforesaid parish church ijs.
Item, I bequeath ij lb of wax to be
burnt at my funeral rites, and all
other juneral expenses according to
the disposition of my executors.
Item,Ibequeathto the brotherlwod
of the Blessed Mary at Whitefriars
xijd. Item, I bequeath to John the son
of my wife vjs. viijd.
Item,to my father, my purple gown
and striped white hood, and my horse ;
and I remit payment to my said father
iijs. iiijd. owing to me.
Item, I bequeath to my mother, a
veil of coloured cloth for a hood.
Item, I bequeath to Thomas my
brother, another long gown, in two,
and the better shears.
Item, I bequeath the lesser shears
to Robert the apprentice of William
Merkyngton. Item, I bequeath to William Mar
kington xijd.
Item, I bequeath to William Ry-
pon, my shaping-board.
Item, I bequeath to John Cor-
bridge xijd.
Item, I bequeath to Alice Yarum
xijd. Item, I bequeath to Nicholas Bro
kyngbank ijs.
And the rest of my goods not
above bequeathed, I give and bequeath
to Cecily my wife, to order and dispose
them with the advice and counsel of
William Markington, for my soul, as
shallappear best to them; whichCecily ,
my wifejmake my executrix,andWil-

88 THE BLACK FRIARS OF PONTEFRAcf.
et Willelmum Markyngton subtutorem liam Markington, the under guardian
legatorum meorum, ut bene et fideliter of my legatees, that my Mgacies may
legata peragantur. be well and faithfully performed.
In cujus rei testimonium huic In witness of which I hdveplaced
presenti testamento meo sigillum meum my seal to this my present will, these
apposui. Hiis testibus Willelmo Mars- being witnesses, William Marshall,
chall capellano, Johanne Huke capel- chaplain, John Hook, clidplain, and
lanp, et Willelmo Rypon. William Ripon.
Datum Eboraci die et anno domini Given, at York ihe day and year
snpradietis. . of our Lord abovesaid.
Tercio die mensis Decembris Anno The third day of the month of
Domini Millesimo ccccmo vicesimo nouo . December, in the year of our Lord,
probatumfuitprescriptumtestamentum, 1429, the above-written will was
et commissa administracio Executrici in proved and administration granted to
eodBm testamento nominate, in forma the executrix named in that will,
juris j urate. - sworn in form of law .
It may be noticed as a singularity connected with this
will, that its commencement is on fo. 574 and the conclusion
on fo. 660 : the fact being that the loose sheets of the
Register were transposed while still unbound. They seem
to have passed the binder's hands shortly before 1600, and
after having been bound were folioed, apparently by Sir
Richard Gascoigne. This volume and others were rebound
in 1890, and although the mal-arrangements had then
become well known, yet considering the many references
which existed to the book in its dis-order, it was thought
better on many accounts not to attempt to rectify the mal-
arrangement. The will of this John Austwick exhibits no Pontefract
connection ; nor did his surviving father or brother leave a
will by which such a connection could be demonstrated,
None of the family attained civic dignity in the archiepisco
pal city.

All the other early Austwick wills at York are of
Pontefract people. Among whom the earliest appearing in
public affairs in this borough is Robert, who on St. Blaze
day (Feb. 3) 6 Henry vi (1490) was eighth of a party of
twenty-six assenting parishioners in a tri-partite agreement
with regard to the election of Churchwardens, of which the
first twelve appear to be the aldermen, though not so named.

THE PONTEFRACT AUSTWICKS.

89

The thirteenth, the head of the non-aldermanic portion of
assentors, was the John Bule, whose will has been given on
page 25. His name, however, appears on this record, and
indeed generally, as John Bull.
At the Visitation of 1665, the then Mayor, Richard
Austwick, put in a pedigree in which he claimed that he was
the sixth in lineal succession of a family of mayors, his
father having been mayor in 1621 and 1640, his grand
father Allan in 1589 and 1594, Allan's father Thomas in
1542 and 1559, his grand-father Dennis in 1508, and his
great grand-father, this Robert, in 5 Henry vii [1490]. No
such claim could have been made on behalf of Robert's
father, for he died before the mayoral charter was obtained ;
and it is remarkable that the pedigree made no mention of the
mayoralty having been held by Hugh, a collateral ancestor.
The following is the will of John Austwick : —
John Austewyk, of Pontefract. — York Wills, v. 25.

OF
In dei nomine, Amen.
Secundo die mensis Junij Anno
domini Millesimo ccccmo octogesimo
Becundo, Ego Johannes Austewyk de
Pontefracto, tiuctor, compos mentis et
sane memorie, tamen eger corpore,
condo testamentum meum in hunc
modum. In primis lego et commendo ani-
mam meam deo omnipotenti, beate
Marie Virgini, et omnibus Sanctis dei,
corpusque meum sepeliendum infra
ecclesiam parochialem omnium sancto
rum de Pontefracto predicto.
Item lego nomine mortuarii mei
unum equum cum sella et aliiB perti
nenciis. Item lego summo altari dicte
eeclesie omnium sanctorum vs.
Item servicio beate Marie xiid.
Item lego gilde corporis Christi
xiid. Item lego Johanne Austewik,uxori
mee, omnia terras et tenementa mea,
redditus et servicia, cum omnibus suis
pertinenciis ad terminum vite sue ; et
post decessum dicte Johanne Austewik

In the name of God, Amen.
On the second day of the month
of June, in the year of our lord 1482,
I, John Austewyk, of Pontefract,
dyer, sound of mind and of good
memory, yet sick in body, make my
will in this manner.
In the first place, I give and
commend my soul to God Almighty,
the Blessed Mary the Virgin, and to
all the Saints of God, and my body
to be buried within the Parish Church
of All Saints, of Pontefract aforesaid.
Item, I leave in the name of my
mortuary, a horse, with saddle and
other appurtenances.
Item, I leave to the high altar of
the said Church of All Saints, vs.
Item, To the Service of the
Blessed Mary, xiid.
Item, I leave to the Gild of
Corpus Christi, xiid.
Item, I leave to Joan Austewik,
my wife, all my lands and tenements,
rents and services, with all their ap
purtenances to her life's end. And
after the decease of the said Joan

N

90

THE BLACK FRIARS OF PONTEFRACT.

volo et concedo WiUelmo Austewik,
filio meo, duo tenemepta jacencia in
vico vocato le Bale, in quibus WiUelmus
Adamson et Thomas Birbynshawe inha
bitant. Item lego dicto Willelmo sex
acras terre arrabilis (sic) divisim jacen-
tes in campis de Pontefracto predicto,
quarum due acre jacent " in campo
boreali dicte ville. Item una aera jacet
in loco vocato le Tathes juxta Bubwt
houses, et buttat super rivnlum. Item
una aera jacet in campo orientali ville
predicte juxta le Grevelathes. Item
due acre simul jacent in loco vocato
Streteforlong. Habendum'et tenenduni
predicta duo tenementa et sex?' acras
terre prefato Willelmo et heredibus de
corpore suo legitime procreatis.' " ' '
Et si contingat dictum Willelmum
sine heredibus de corpore suo>legiiime
procreatis obire (quodabsit), tunc dicta
tenementa et sex acre terre' Hug'o'ni
filio meo et heredibus de corpore suo
legitime procreatis integre revertantur.
Item lego Hugoni filio meo tene-
mentum meum in quo inhabito cum
tenemento nuper empto de Willelmo
Wynke capeUano.
Item lego dicto Hugoni omnes
alias terras superius non legatas, cum
clausura nuper de Henrico Lawe
perquesita ; habendum et tenendum
predictum tenementum cum omnibus
clausuris, (erased) aUisque terrisp'antea
non specificatis, ac cum dicta clausura
prefato Hugoni (et omitted) heredibus
de corpore suo legitime procreatis. Et.si
contingat dictum Hugonem sine heredi
bus de corpore suo legitime procreatis
obire (quod absit), tunc omnia predicta
terre et tenementa cum clausura
prenominata prefato Willelmo Auste
wik et heredibus de corpore suo legi
time procreatis sine interrupcione ali-
cujus revertantur. Et si contingat
predictos Willelmum et Hugonem sine
heredibus de eorum corporibus legitime
generatis obire, tunc volo quod omnia
predicta terre et tenementa remaneant
Gardianis eeclesie Omnium Sanctorum
et successoribus suis imperpetuum,

Austewik, I will and -grant- to William
Austewik, my son, two tenements
lying in the Street called The Bailey,
in whichWilliamAdamson andTliomas
Birkynshaw live. Also I leave to
the said William, six acres of arable
land, lying separately in the Fields
of Pontefract aforesaid, of which two
acres lie in the North Field of the
said town. Item, one acre lies in the
place called the Tathes near Bubwith
houses, and abuts upon the brook.
Item, one acre lies in the East Field
oj the aforesaid town near the Greave-
lathes. Item, two acres lie together
in the place called Street Furlong.
The aforesaid two tenements and six
acres of land, to be had and held by
the aforesaid William and the heirs
of his body lawfully begotten.
And if it should happen that the
said William should die without heirs
, of Ms body lawfully begotten (which
1 &dd jorbid) then the said tenements,
and six acres of land, shall revert
entirely to Hugh, my son, and the
' heirs of his body lawfully begotten.
Item, I bequeath to Hugh, my son,
my tenement, in which I live, with the
tenement lately bought of WilUam
Wynke, chaplain.
Item, I bequeath to the said Hu'gli
all other lands not above bequeathed,
¦pith the close recently acquired from
Henry Lawe ; the abovesaid tenement
to be had and held with all [closes]
and other lands not previously speci
fied', and with the said close, by the
. abovesaid Hugh [and] the heirs of
Jlfs body, lawfully begotten. And if
it shall happen that the said Hugh
should die without heirs of his body
lawfully begotten (which God forbid),
then' all the aforesaid lands and
tenements with the above named close
shall revert without the interruption of
any one to theaforesaid WilliamAuste-
wik and the heirs of his body lawfully
begotten. And if it shall happen tliat
the aforesaid William and Hugh
should die, without heirs of their
bodies lawfully born, then I will
that all the aforesaid lands and tene
ments shall remain with the Wardens
ofthe church of All Saints and their
successors for ever, to pay thence

THE PONTEFRACT AUSTWICKS.

91

ieddendo iude annuatim per manus
dictorum Gardianorum capellano ho-
nesto infra dictam ecclesiam pro auime
mee salute et Johanne' uxoris meo et
omnium benefactorum meorum divina
celebraturo, verum valorem dictorum
terrarum et tenementorum.
Item lego vicario eeclesie de
Daryngton ad summum altare ibidem
iis. Item lego domino Ricardo fratri
meo, c s, pro salario unius anni.
Item lego alteri sacerdpti celebra
turo infra dictam ecclesiam Omnium
Sanctorum ville predicte suificiens
stipendium pro uno anno iutegro post
fiuem primi anni.
Item lego domino Johanni Auste
wik filio meo xs, et unum craterem .
Item lego Roberto fratri meo et
Johanni Potter pro labore ipsorum
utrique eorum xs.
Item lego Johanni Richardson
dimediam (sic) partem majoris plumbi
mei. Item lego Elizabethe Watson sex
oves vocatas ewes.
Item lego Georgio Austewik unum
borem. Residuum vero bonorum meorum
superius non legatorum post expensas
meas funerales et debita mea soluta, et
de integro bonorum meorum sumpta,
do et lego Johanne uxori mee, Roberto
Austewik fratri meo et Johanni Potter,
quos quidem ordino facio et constituo
ineos executores ut ipsi ordinent et
disponant pro anime mee salute prout
eis melius videbitur expedire.
Item lego Georgio Jakson consan-
guineo meo, quo tempore fuerit intra
ordinem sacerdotis, ilibrum vocatum ' 'a
portus," et ij alteros libros. Et si
contingat prefatum Georgium non fore
presbiterum.tuuc predicti libri vendan-
tur, et pecunia pro eis recepta pro
anima Johannis Gregson capellani,
avunculi mei, disponatur.

Hiis testibus, Dominis Johanne
Tailyour, Waltero Bubwith, capellano,
Thoma Watkynson.
Datum die mense et anno Domini
snpradictis. And then follows, as a fresh paragraph

yearly by the hands of the said War
dens the true value of the said lands
and tenements to a competent chap
lain within the said church to cele
brate mass for the good of my soul,
and (that) of Joan, my loife, and of
all my benefactors.
Item, I bequeath to the vicar of
the church of JDarrington for the high
altar there, 2s.
Item,Ibequeathto Sir Richard,my
brother, 100s, for salary for one year.
Item, I bequeath to another priest
to celebrate within the said church of
All Saints in the said town, a suffi
cient stipend for one whole year after
the end of the first year.
Item, I bequeath to Sir John Aus
tewik, my son, 10s, and a bowl.
Item, I bequeath to Robert, my
brother, and to John Potter, to each
of them for their labour, 10s.
Item,I bequeath to John Richard
son the half part of my larger lead.
Item, I bequeath to Elizabeth
Watson six sheep called ewes.
Item, I bequeath to George Aus
tewik an ox.
And the rest of my goods not
above left, after my funeral expenses
and my debts paid, and taken from my
whole estate,Igive and bequeath to Joan
my wife, Robert Austewik, my brother,
and John Potter, whom I ordain,
make and appoint my executors to
order and dispose, as shall seem to
them to be most expedient, for the
health of my soul.
Item,IbequeathtoGeorge Jackson,
my kinsman, when he shall be within
the order of priesthood, a book called
a Portuary, and 2 other books. And
if it shall happen that the aforesaid
George shall not become a priest, then
the said books shall be sold, and the
money received for them shall be dis
posed of for the soul of John Gregson,
chaplain, my uncle.
These being witnesses. Sir John
Taylor, Sir Walter Bubwith, chap
lain, Thomas, Watkynson.
Given on the day, month and
year of our Lord, abovesaid.

92

THE BLACK FRIAB.S OF PONTEFRACT.

Hee est ultima voluntas mei
Johannis Austewik, tinctoris, de Ponte
fracto. Iu primis lego animam meam deo
patri omnipotenti, corpusque meum
sepeliendum ut in testamento meo
plenius apparet.
Item volo quod executores mei
solvant mea debita si inventus fuero a
retro in solucione.
Item quod ipsi distribuant egenis
et pauperibus xxvjs. viijd., singulis
singulos denarios, tam monachis et
fratribus de Pontefracto quam capel*
lanis de collegiis et aliis ecclesiis ejusdem
ville, etundicunque concurrentibus se
cundum eorum dignitatem et status, et
inferiofibus iiij or ad miuus, scilicet ;
et clericis duos conferant denarios iu
die sepulture mee pro anima mea et
omnium fidelium devote orantibus.

Item volo quod dicti executores
mei distribuant de i'acultatibus meis,
parochianis et peregrinis, egenis et
advenis convolantibus in cie octavo de
cibario ad summam vijJi. Ita quod in
die sepulture et die octavo, ipsi execu
tores bene, libere, et fideliter, disponant
in pios usus, et in elemosinis, decern
libras de facultatibus et meis bonis.
Item volo quod executores mei
provideant de stipendio vel salario
competenti uni capellano veldiversisper
spacium duorum annorum dejbonis meis.
Item volo quod uxor mea habeat
residuum bonorum meorum non legato-
rum, tam mobilium quam immobilium,
terrarum et tenementorum, iu villa et
campis de Pontefracto, adeptorum de
Johanne Potter et Willelmo Wynk
capellano, de Henrico I.owe, et de aliis
quibuscunque, ut in cartis inde confec-
tis plenius continetur, et gaudeat usque
diem clauserit extremum, sine aliqua
molestacione, gravamine, violencia aut
peticione pencionis aut porcionis a
liberis meis et aliis quibuscunque.
Item volo quod si WiUelmus et
Hugo sublati fuerint de medio (quod
absit) , sine liberis de uxoribus legitimis,

This is the last will of me, John
Austewik, dyer, of Pontejract.
In the first place, I leave my
soul to God the Father Almighty, and
my body to be buried as in my testa
ment more fully appears.
Item, I will that my executors
sliall pay my debts, if I shall have
been found behind in payment.
Item, that they sliall distribute
to the needy and poor 26s 8d, a
penny to each, both to the monks
and friars of Pontefract, and to the
chaplains oj colleges and other chur
ches of that town ; and to those coming
from other places, according to their
dignity and condition, and to the
lower class id ut least, that is to say ;
and on the day of my burialthey shall
pay to the clerks devoutly praying for
the soul of myself and of all the faith-
jul, two pence.
Item, I will that my said execu
tors shall distribute of my goods to the
parishioners and wayfarers, to the
needy and strangers assembling at ti-e
octave, food to the amount of £7. So
that on the day of the burial, and
on the day of the octave, the executors
themselves shall expend, well, freely
and faithfully, in pious uses and in
alms, ten pounds from my means and
goods. Item, I will that my executors
provide from my goods, for a stipend
or salary for the space of two years
for one or several suitable chaplains.
Item, I will that my wife have
the rest oj my goods, lands and tene
ments unassigned, whether moveable
or immoveable, in the town and Fields
of Pontefract, obtained from John
Potter and William Wynk, Chaplain,
from Henry Lowe and certain otliers,
as in charters made in that behalf is
more fully contained ; and that while
she lives, she shall enjoy them without
any molestation, offence, violence, or
request for pension or portion, from
my children or from any others
whatsoever. Item, I will that if William and
Hugh shall have been removed from
our midst (which God forbid) without
children of lawful wives, all the

THE PONTEFRACT AUSTWICKS,

93

quod omnia predicta terre et tenementa
a quibuscumque adepta, per executores,
feoffatores,et in eis potestatem habentes
ordinentur,disponantur, et in cantariam
convertantur, in ecclesia parochiali de
Pontefracto predicto, ad divini cultus
augmentum,ut unus capellanus ydoneus
inibi oret, et divina officia percantet, ad
dei laudem pro anima mea, uxoris mee,
filiorum meorum, parentum meorum,
et omnium fidelium defunctorum.
Item volo et reqniro in nomine
Jesu Christi crucifixi, ut omnes feoffato-
res mei, et potestatem habentes in terris
et tenementis predictis, sint omnino
prompti et parati cum fuerint requisiti
ad deliberandum asseisinam, statum,
feoffamentum, et potestatem executori-
bus meis, aut executoribus uxoris mee,
vel executoribus filiorum meorum pre-
dictorum, et duodecim aliis viris fide-
dignis,cum uno capellano ; vel ad minus
decem in quorum manibus vis, status,
seisina, feoffamentum et potestas, firmi
ter permanebit imperpetuum.
Item volo quod ipsi executores, et
potestatem habentes in predictis terris
et tenementis, simul et insolido, ordi-
nent et disponant de ydoneo capeUano,
infra mensem quociens contigerit ipsam
cantariam vacare per mensem de jure
vel de facto, exceptis casibus in jure
expressis. Preterta volo quod quocies
dimedia (sic ) pars prefatorum feoffato-
rum in Mis potestatem habencium sit
via universitatis ingressa, ad senarium
numerum, tocies augeatur et reintegra
te (sic) numerus duodenarius feoffato-
rum, temporibus duraturus.

Et fiualiter, volo et concludo quod
si predicti feoffatores et executores
hujus ultime mee voluntatis, in aliquo
predicto, fuerunt a retro aut negligen-
tes, remissi aut variantes in ordinacione,
disposicione vel provisione cantarie
predicte, devolvitur ad decanum et
capitulum matricis eeclesie Ebcraci,
tociens quociens, ut ipsi .conferant
predictam cantariam capellano ydoneo
in ecclesia omnium sanctorum de Pon-

aforesaid lands and tenements, from
whomsoever obtained, shall be, by
my executors, feoffees, and those
having in them power, ordered, ar
ranged and turned into a chantry in
the Parish Church of Pontefract
aforesaid, to the furtherance of
divine worship, in order that a suit
able chaplain may pray and sing the
divine offices there, to the praise of
God, for the souls of myself, my wife,
my children, my parents, and all the
faithful dead.
Item, I will and require, in the
name of Jesus Christ, the Crucified,
that all my feoffees, and those having
power in the lands and tenements
aforesaid, be thoroughly prompt and
ready when they shall have been
required, to deliver seisin, estate,
feoffment and power to my executors,
or the executors of my wife, or the
executors of my children aforesaid,
and twelve other trustworthy men,
with a chaplain ; or ten at least, in
whose hands tlie control, estate, seisin,
feoffment and power, shall remain
firmly jor ever.
Item, I will that the said execu
tors, and those having power over
the aforesaid lands and tenements,
shall together and in a body, ordain
and arrange for a fit chaplain with
in a month, as ojten as it happens
that the said chantry is vacant for a
month, by law or in deed, cases ex
pressed, in law being excepted. More
over I will that as often as half of
the aforesaid feoffees having power
herein, have died, to the number
of six, so often the number of twelve
feoffees slw.ll be increased and
renewed, to last for the time
being. And lastly, I will and determine
that if the aforesaid feoffees and exe
cutors of this my last will, have been
behind hand or neglectful in any
thing aforesaid, remiss or at variance,
in the ordination, arrangement, or
provision of the aforesaid chantry, it
shall lapse to the dean and chapter of
the mother church of York, as often
as may be, in order that they may
themselves bestow the aforesaid chan
try upon a fit Chaplain, to celebrate

94 THE BLACK FRIARS OF PONTEFRACT.
tefracto celebraturo. Et prohibeo ne in the church of All Saints, Ponte-
quis ausus fuerit hanc meam ultimam fract. And I forbid any one to dare
voluntatem infringere vel subvertere infringe or overturn this my last
sub pena divine ulcionis, sed in melius will, under pain of divine vengeance ;
reformare liditum est, hac ultima but it is allowed to change it for the
voluntate servata, et forma que supra better, this my last will being ob-
vallatur valebit imperpetuum. served ; and the form which is above
defined shall stand fast for ever.
[Proved at Broderton, 8 Oct., 1482, by Johan the widow, and Robert Austewik, the
executors, John Potter their co-executor having died before Probate.]
Many irregularities seem to have occurred in tbe Will
Registers during the first three years of Abp. Rotherham
(1480-1483), but they were really due to the neglect in the
time of his predecessor. When the business-like Rotherham
succeeded to the archiepiscopate, the arrears ofhis predeces
sor had to be coped with ; so that Volume V. (which contains
all the wills of both Booth and Rotherham) is headed on its
first folio, Rotherum, while the fasciculi into which in due
order the Booth Wills were copied, were so disarranged be
fore the volume was bound, that its order is now A. and
C. of Booth ; C, B., D. and A. of Rotherham ; D. (itself
slightly disarranged) and B. of Booth, followed by the re
mainder of Rotherham. John Austwick's is on the second
folio of the C. fasciculus of the Rotherham Wills, and thus
follows closely on those of 1477, in C. of Booth.

There was no trace at the Dissolution of any such
Chantry as that thus proposed to be endowed in the Parish
Church of All Saints, Pontefract. And therefore it is to be
presumed tbat as Hugh the son of the testator survived, and
had children, the bequest contained in what was practically a
codicil to the will failed. If, as Dugdale reported in the 1665
Visitation, this testator had a son Robert, he is not mentioned
in the will; though the omission might have been because
thebulkofhisfather's real estatehad been during the testator's
life vested in trustees for Robert's use ; such a practice being
very common at the time. I am, however, inclined to think
that it was not so in the case before us, but tbat the Visita-

THE PONTEFRACT AUSTWICKS.

95

tion pedigree was faulty in that point, and that the son Hugh,
when it did not mention, became the head of an elder branch.
But there was another complication. John Potter, the
co-executor, was himself struck with death, almost as soon
as he had' been nominated ; and thus his will, of which the
following are notes, was the first to come forward for proof.

JOHN POTTER ALIAS

To be buried in the Parish
Church of All Saints', Pontefract.
My horse, with all its trappings,
for my mortuary.
To the high altar of said church
for tithes and oblations forgotten 3s
4d. To the Gild of Corpus Christi
in said town, 12d.
To the support of the service of
the Blessed Mary in said Church, 12d.
To the support of the Gild and
the service of the Blessed Mary within
the Chapel of St. Giles in said town,
12d, to be equally divided between
them. To the fabric of the Parish
Church of Fereby, diocese of Lincoln,
in which tlie body of my mother is
buried, 20s.
To John Puljrave, of Fereby,
6s 8d. To Alice Boston, of Grantham,
10s. To my kinsman (cognato) William
Boston, 3s 4d.
To my daughter Agnes, the third
part of all my goods " preter donum
juris sue," (over and above her law-

ELLES, OF PONTEFRACT. — YORK WILLS,
VOL. V. 69.
3rd July, 1482. -.-_.. „ . \
Item, I bequeath to obtain and
acquire two wooden logs [ligna] for
the repair and amendment, (if, a pool
in a certain narrow way leading to
tlie road to Achwortli bridge; 12d,
To a fit priest to celebrate mass
for one whole year in the said church
for the health of .my -.soul; and. those
of my parents and friends, 7 marks.
To every friar, being a'priest, in
the house of the Preachers in, ^Oftte-
fract, 4d, and to the Prior, 8d, and
to every novice, 2d. . '• -
Residue to Joan yniy wife,
Christopher Leeston, and Robert
Austewik, whom I appoint executors.
If my said wife shall die before
my said 'daughter ' Agnes ' shall be
married (which God forbid), I ap
point my said daughter executrix in
her stead. To said Robert Austewik for his
pains, 10s\ ' '
Item, , I will '. that the said
Christopher shall look for reward for
his labour to tMsaid Joan, my wife.
Witnesses, fVilliam Wynke and
Tliomas tlawson, chaplains, and
Richard Sproxton, parish clerk.

ful portion). [Proved 1 Aug., 1482, by the executors named in the will.]

Some remarkable circumstances centre around the next
two Austwick wills, which are those of husband and wife.
The archiepiscopal records do not seem to have been well
kept during the short pontificate of Abp. Savage, and at its
close there was an accumulation of the uncopied wills that
had been proved during the previous three years. According

96 THE BLACK FRIARS OF PONTEFRACT.
to custom, the Dean and Chapter took charge during the
vacancy of the temporalities of the see, and there seems to
have been then a vigorous effort made to catch up the
arrears. The result was that while the officer of the
Dean and Chapter proceeded to copy the new wills as they
came in, which now form Volume 7, the officer of the late
Archbishop took in hand the copying of the arrears, and
that while doing so with some pretence to regularity, there
were occasional irregularities, which without a consideration
of the circumstances of the case are quite unintelligible and
unaccountable. Thus in tbe very middle of a group of
wills of the year 1505, occurs one of May 1507, which had
been evidently missqrted ; and this kind of thing is of fre
quent occurrence through much of Volume 6, which repre
sents the wills proved during the archiepiscopate of Abp.
Savage. The mishap, however, is one connected with the
copying only ; the arrangement of the copied documents
does not seem to have been afterwards disturbed.
A very similar state of things occurred during the
archiepiscopates of Abp. Neile (1631-1641), and Abp. Wil
liams (1641* ) ; only a few of the wills proved during the
former pontificate (Volume 42, 1632-7) having been copied,
and none of the latter. A different fate, however, awaited the
uncopied wills of the seventeenth century to that which had
befallen those of the sixteenth. For the later wills have re
mained uncopied during all these generations, and their exis
tence even has been almost unknown. It is these documents,
some 9,000 or 10,000 in number, which through the efforts
of the Yorkshire Archaeological Society, and the industry
of Dr Collins, have now been to a certain extent made
known to the public through the Record Series, Volume IV.
But they are still uncopied in the seventeenth century bundles.
Among them are the will of John Grymesdyche, of
which I have given notes on p. 82, and two interesting
documents, the wills of Alderman Thomas Austwick and his

THE PONTEFRAd AUSTWICKS.

97

widow Jane, evidently a second wife not named in the Visita
tion Pedigree. These will follow in due course.

The first of the following two wills exhibits a very
singular anomaly, mainly caused by this practice of allowing
uncopied documents to accumulate. In this case the accu
mulation must have been allowed to go on, till the work was
at least three years in arrear ; and then, when the general
setting in order occurred, the will of John Bull (or Bule)
dated in 1507, already given at page 25, was entered among
the documents of 1505. But even more singularly, this will
of Robert Austwick was copied among those of the pontificate
of Abp. Savage, and in the same volume, while the probate
shuffled itself into Volume 7 with those of the subsequent
vacancy. Owing to the name having been spelt in two
differentwaysin tbe two documents it is hardly to be wondered
at that the severance has remained undiscovered till now.

Robert Astwyke.—
In dei Nomine Amen, vijmo die
Maij Anno domini Millesimo Qmovto
Ego Robertus Astwyke compos mentis
et sane memorie, tamen eger in corpore,
condo testamentum meum in hunc
modum. In piimis do et lego animam meam
deo omnipotenti, beatissime Marie et
omnibus Sanctis ejus, corpusque meum
sepeliendum in troitu (sic) chori sanc-
tissime dei genetricis, in dextera parte.
Item lego nomine mortuarii mei ut
mos est. Item lego monsterio (sic) Sancti
Johannis EvangeUste in ponte fracto
xxxs. iiijd., pro decimis oblitis et obla-
cionibus, et pro frateruitate mea, ita
quod ut ipsi dent mihi plenam remissi-
onem, et mittatur nomen meum per
breviarios suos, et desidero quod con-
ventus celebret missam cum derige, et
habebunt pro labore vjs. viijd.
Item lego unum acram pasture in
benett ynges quam emi de Thoma
Lenthorpe fratre meo, cantarie Jhu in

York Wills, vi. 202.
In the name of God, Amen. On
the 7th day of May, in the year of
our Lord 1505, I, Robert Astwyke,
being whole of mind and of sound
memory, yet sick in body, make my
will in this manner.
Firstly, I give and bequeath my
soul to God Almighty, the most
Blessed Mary, and all his Saints,
and my body to be buried at the en
trance of the quire of the most holy
mother of God, on the right side.
Item, I bequeath in the name of
my mortuary, as is the custom.
Item, I bequeath to the monastery
of Saint John the Evangelist in
Pontefract, 30s 4d for tithes for
gotten and offerings, and for my
brotherhood, so that they may give
me full absolution, and my name may
be put into their breviaries. [See p.
104.] And I desire that the convent
celebrate mass with dirge, and they
shall have for their labour 6s 8d.
Item, I bequeath one acre of
pasture in Bennett Ings, which I
bought of Thomas Lenthorpe, my
brother, to the chantry of Jesus, in

98

THE BLACK FRIARS OF PONTEFRACT.

ecclesia omnium Sanctorum de Ponte
fracto, servicio beate virginis iijs. iiijd.,
servicio gilde xxd., et servicio Jhu iiijd.
Item lego decem marcas pro copa.
Item do et remitto Dionisio Ast
wyke filio meo xxii. quas mihi debet, et
Waltero Astwyke fiUo meo xjli. quas
simiUter mihi debet.
Item lego Johanni Astwyke filio
meo teem marcas.
Item lego Thrustino . Banke sex
marcas, et remitto sibi iiijor marcas
quas debuit mihi.
Item lego Roberto filio meo xx Zi . ,
et decem marcas ad fiuem termini
apprentidii stli, qua3 decent marcas
Thomas Eldislay habet in manu sua.
Item lego Thome Eldyslay quinque
marcas. Item lego singulis filiis et filiabus
filiorum et filiarum meorum unum
cocleare argenteum.
Item lego cuilibet filiolorum ac
filiolarum iiij d.
Item lego presbiteo idoneo xj li.
xiij s. iiij d.,ut celebret pro salute anime
mee per spacium duorum anUorum et
dimidii alterius anni.
Item lego ad emendacionem vie
juxta crucem de Carlton iijs. iiijd.
Item lego Alicie Schotylworth
sorori mee xls.
Item lego quinque pauperibus,
quinque togas albas et quinque torcheas
quas quinque pauperes portabunt ad
sepulturam meam. Et volo quod due
sorchie illarum quinque remaneant
tummo altari, una altari beatissime
marie, alia gilde, et alia altari quo
sacerdos celebret pro salute anime mee.
Item lego Henrico Wyldman xs.
et nova indumenta, et sorori sue vocate
Grace xs.
Item lego fratribus pro reparacione
domus eorum vj s. viij d.
Item lego Anacorite (sic) xxd.

the Church of All Saints, in Ponte
fract, for the service. of the Blessed
Virgin 3 s 4d, for the service of the
Gild 20 d, and for the service of
Jesus 4 d.
Item, I bequeath ten marks for a
cope. Item, I give and remit to Dennis
Astwyke, my son, 20li, which he owes
to me, and to Walter Astwyke, my
son, 11 li, which similarly he owes to
me. Item, I bequeath to John Ast
wyke, my son, 10 marks.
Item, I bequeath to Thurstin
Banke, six marks, and I remit to
him 4 marks, which he owed to me.
Item, I bequeath to Robert, my
son, 20 li, and ten marks at the close
of the term of his apprenticeship,
which ten marks Tliomas Eldislay
has in his possession.
Item, I bequeath to Thomas
Eldyslay, five marks.
Item, I bequeath to each of the
sons and daughters of my sons and
daughters, a silver spoon.
Item, I bequeath to each of my
godsons and goddaughters 4d.
Item, I bequeath to a suitable
priest 111 13s id that he may cele
brate for the health of my soul, for
the space of two years, and the half
of another year.
Item, I bequeath to the amend
ment of the road near the cross of
Carlton 3s 4d.
Item, I bequeath to Alice Shuttle-
worth, my sister, 40 s.
Item, I bequeath to five poor men
five white gowns, and five torches
which the five poor men shall carry
at my burial. And I will that two
torches of those five remain for the
high altar, one for the altar of the
Blessed Mary, another for the Gild,
and another for the altar at which
a priest shall celebrate for the health
of my soul.
Item, I bequeath to Henry Wild-
man 10s, and. new clothing, and to
his sister called Grace 10 s.
Item, I bequeath to the Friars
for the repair of their house 6s 8 d.
Item, Ibequeath to the Anclioress
20 d,

THE PONTEFRACT AUSTWICKS.

99

Item lego unam acram prati subtus
Brandisthill vocate eowe et the calfe
pro obitu in ecclesia omnium sanctorum
aunuatim celebrando pro anima mea et
Katrine uxoris mee et omnium benefac-
torum nostrorum.
Item lego Katrine uxori mee omnia
mea terras et tenementa, reditus
(sic) et servicia, cum omnibus suis
pertinenciis ad terminum vite sue ; post
cujus decessum volo et concedo Dionisio
Astwyke filio meo omnia mea terras et
tenementa reditus (sic) et servicia, cum
omnibus suis pertinentiis vocatis free-
lwlde,et volo et concedo quod Walterus,
Johannes et Robertus filii mei habebunt
omnia mea terras et tenementa, re
ditus (sic) et servicia, cum omnibus suis
pertinenciis nuncupatis copyholde, di-
vidende eis ad visum Hugonis Astwyke
tunc majoris ville et Kateriue Astwyke
et Dionisii filii sui.
Residuum vero omnium bonorum
meorum superius non legatorum post
expensas meas funerales plenaria
solutas, et debita mea plenarie soluta,
et de integro omnium bonorum meorum
sumpta, do et lego Katerine uxori mee,
Dionisio et Waltero filiis meis, quos
quidem facio, ordino et constituo, meos
executores ut ipsi disponant et ordinent
pro salute anime mee prout eis melius
videbitur expedire, ac eciam facio et
ordino Hugonem Astwyke tune majorem
ville hujus ultime mee voluntatis super -
visorem, legoque ei pro labore suo xls.
Hiis testibus Hugone Astwyke,
Willelmo Mire capellano, Willelmo
Tanner capellano, Matheo Eobynson,
et Thoma Lenthorpe et aliis.
This document, in common with very many more in the
portion of the Register in which it appears, has no Pro
bate ; so that the date can be fixed approximately only
from the fact that it appears among wills belonging to
the close of 1505, a date which agrees fairly with the inter
nal evidence of the will of the widow, dated 26th August,
1506, in which she refers to her husband as then dead. In the
next volume, however, this Probate appears, dated 26th

Item, I bequeath an acre of mea
dow under Brandisthill, called the
Cow and Calf, for an obit to be cele
brated yearly in the Church of All
Saints for the soul of myself, of
Catherine my wife, and of all our
benefactors. Item, I bequeath to Catherine,
my wife, all my lands and tenements,
rents, and services, with all their ap
purtenances to the end of her life ;
after whose decease I will and grant
to Dennis Austwick, my son, all my
lands and tenements, rents and ser
vices, with all their appurtenances
called freehold ; and I will and
grant that Walter, John, and Robert,
my sons, shall have all my lands and
tenements, rents and services, with
all their appurtenances called copy
hold, to be divided by them at the
oversight of Hugh Astwyke, now
mayor of the town, and Catherine
Astwyke, and Dennis, her son.
But the rest of all my goods not
above left, after my funeral expenses
are fully paid, and my debts fully
discharged, and paid from the bulk
of all my goods, I give and bequeath
to Catherine, my wife, Dennis and
Walter, my sons, whom I make, ap
point, and constitute my executors,
that they may arrange and otdainfor
the health oj my soul, as to them
it shall seem expedient to carry out.
And also I make and appoint Hugh
Astwyke, now mayor of the town,
supervisor of this my last will ; and
I bequeath to him for his labour 40s.
These being witnesses Hugh Ast-
wy ke, WilliamJMire, chaplain, William
Tanner, chaplain, Matthew Robinson,
and Thomas Lenthorpe and others.

o 2

100 IHE BLACK FRIARS OF PONTEFRACT.
July, 1508 : which was probably a second Probate" granted
to the son Dennis.
Probacio testamenti Roberti Aust- Probate of the will of Robert Aust-
wyk, nuper de Pontefracto, defuncti : wick, late of Pontefract, deceased :
dimiss' . discharged.
ProbatumfuittestamentumRoberti The will of Robert Austwick,
Austwik nuper de Pontefracto, defuncti late of Pontefract, deceased, was
xxvj die mensis Julii Anno Domini m. proved the 26th day of the month of
ccccc. viij°. et commissa erat adminis- July, in the year of our Lord 1508,
tracio omnium bonorum dicti defuncti and administration of all the goods of
Dionicio (sic) Austewyk, executori in the said deceased, was committed to
eodem testamento nominato, in forma Dennis Austwick, executor in the
juris jurato coram Decano Decanatus same will named, sworn in legal
de Pontefracto. form before the dean of the deanery of
Pontefract.

There are two points of special local interest ia this
will of Robert Austwick. It mentions a Cross at Carleton,
and the Anchoress of Pontefract.
I have already stated my belief tbat it is mainly in the
direction of the Friars that I look for the discovery of the
origin of the village crosses of this neighbourhood ; that in
fact they were erected for the use of the Black Friars of
Pontefract, as preaching stations. But this is the very
first definite bequest I have been able to ascertain, which
recognises one of them, and provides for its reparation ; and
in this instance, the Cross itself has absolutely disappeared,
and left behind it not the smallest trace of its site, nor the
slightest tradition of its existence. At present it baffles con
jecture even.
The Anchoress referred to here was attached to St.
Nicholas Hospital, where at the time of Robert Austwick,
there had been a succession for, at least, ten generations.
The earliest mention of her, which I have come across, is in
the will of Adam Wygan, rector of the Church of St.
Saviour's York, made 20th April, 1433, who gave to the
"Anchoress enclosid at Pontefract" 2s. This passage in
Robert Austwick's will is a second ; and some years after
the Dissolution, in the early part of Queen Mary's reign, I
find the following third allusion to her. Mr Hamerton

THE PONTEFRACT AUSTWICKS.

101

writing to Cardinal Pole, apparently in May, 1556, makes a
piteous appeal for the restoration of the College and Hospital
of the *' moste blyssyd Trynetys" by way of help to the spiri
tual condition of the town. He enumerates the suppressed
religious foundations ; one Abbey (the Priory of St. John)
Two Colleges (St. Nicholas and Trinity), The Friars
Preachers, One Anchoress, and One Hermit, Four Chantry
Priest and a Gild Priest. The Chantry Priests were those
of St. Thomas the Apostle (Rish worth's Chantry, established
after the date of this will) Our Lady's Chantry, and St.
Roque's Chantry, in All Saints' Church ; and our Lady's
Chantry in St. Giles's Chapel. The Gild Priest was
attached to the Chapel of Corpus Christi. And each of
these obtained remembrance in the testamentary disposition
of this religiously-minded couple.
Catherine Austwyk. — York Wills, vi. 163.

In dei Nomine Amen xxvj to die
mensis AugustiAnno domini Millesimo
D vjto Ego Katerine Austwyk, compos
mentis et sane memorie, condo testamen-
tum meum in hunc modura.
Imprimis do et lego animam meam
deo omnipotenti, beate marie virgini et
omnibus Sanctis, corpusque meum sepe-
liendum in introitu chori sancte dei
genetricis, in dextera parte omnium
sanctorum. Item lego pro meo mortuariomeum
optimum animal.
Item lego presbitero idoneo ut
celebret pro salute anime mee et anime
Roberti Austwik quondam mariti mei
per spacium iii] or annorum xxii.
Item lego Monasterio Sancti Jo
hannis Evangeliste in Pontefracto pro
decimis oblitis vs.
Item lego eidem Monasterio ut
conventus celebret derege (sic) cum
missa vjs. viijd.
Item lego servicio beate marie in
ecclesia parochiali xijd.
Item lego gilde corporis Christi
vjd.

In the name of God, Amen. On
the 26th day of the month of August,
in the year of our Lord 1506, I,
Catherine Austwyk, being whole of
mind and of sound memory, do make
my will in this manner.
First, I give and bequeath my
soul to God Almighty, to the Blessed
Virgin Mary and all saints, and my
body to be buried in the entrance
of the choir of the holy Mother of
God, on the right hand of All Saints'.
Item, I bequeath for my mortuary
my best beast.
Item, I bequeath to a suitable
priest, that he may celebrate for the
health of my soul, and of the soul of
Robert Austwick, formerly my hus
band, for the space of 4 years, 20li.
Item, I bequeath to the Monas
tery of St. John the Evangelist, in
Pontefract, for tithes forgotten, 5s.
Item, I bequeath to the same
monastery that the convent may cele
brate a dirige and mass, 6s 8d.
Item, I bequeath to the service
of tlie Blessed Mary in the Parish
Church, 12d.
Item, I bequeath to the gild of
Corpus Christi, 6d.

102

THE BLACK FRIARS OF PONTEFRACT.

Item lego servicio beate [Marie]
in capella Sancti Egidii iiijd.
Item lego fratribus de Pontefracto
Item lego Dionisio Austwik unum
plumbeum sesterne,unum hayr,et wort .
ledes infra domum meam.
Item lego Roberto Austwik meum
optimum fetherbed. optimum counter,
unum caminum ferreum, et unum plum
bum. Item lego Waltero Austwyk unum
fetherbed, unum plumbeum sesterne.
Item lego Johanni Austwyk unum
fetherbed, unum counter, et unum
plumbeum sesterne.
Item lego Thurstano Bank xlii
in mantl sua propria, ad maritagia
ijarwm filiarum suarum.
Item lego Johanne Leventhorpe,
filie Thorne fratris mei, xls., unum
lectum honestum, unam albam zonam
argenteam, et utencele.
Item lego Agneti Mortimer famule
mee ij suppellectes, unum par linthia-
minum, et unam ollam eneam.
Item lego cuilibet f amulo et f amul-
infra domum meam ijs.
Item lego [cuilibet] filiolorum et
filiolarum meorum iiijd.
Item lego Thome Ellesley unum
goublet argenteum, cum coopertorio, et
post decessum ejusdem Thome,remane-
tit Roberto filio suo.
Item lego Hugoni Austwyk xs.
Item lego Thome Leventhorpe
unam murram precii vjs. viijd.
Item Dionisio Leventhorpe filio
ejusdem Thome iijs. iiijd.
Item eeclesie parochiali omnium
sanctorum de Pontefracto ad empcionem
unius vestimenti iiijK. xiijs. iiijd.
Item lego gilde corporis Christi in
capella Sancti Egidii ad' empcionem
unius albe iiijs.
Item lego Katerine uxori Johannis
Austwyk, meam optimam togam, opti
mum Kirtle, unum girdill argenteum et
enamilid, coloris rubii, et unum par
precularum argentearum ; et post deces-

Item, I bequeath to the service
of the Blessed [.Mary] in the chapel
of St. Giles, 4d.
Item, I bequeath to the Friars of
Pontefract, 2s.
Item, I bequeath to Dennis
Austwick a leaden cistern, a sieve (?),
and the wortleads within my house.
Item, I bequeath to Robert Aust-
wick,my best featherbed,a best counter,
an iron chimney (See will of Thomas
his grandson xviii 188,post),and a lead.
Item, I bequeath to Walter Aust
wick a feather bed and a lead cistern.
Item I bequeath to John Aust
wick a featherbed, a counter and a
lead cistern.
Item, I bequeath to Thurstan
Bank 40U in his own hands jor the
marriage of his two daughters.
Item, I bequeath to Joan Leven
thorpe, daughter of Thomas, my bro
ther, 40s, a good couch, a white silver
girdle and fitting (?).
Item, I bequeath to Agnes Mor
timer, my maid servant, two pieces of
furniture, u, pair of sheets and a
brass pot.
Item, I bequeath to every man
servant and maid servant in my
house, 2s.
Item, I bequeath to each of my
godsons and goddaughters, 4d.
Item, I . bequeath to Thomas
Ellesley a silver goblet, with u. lid,
and after the decease of the said
Thomas, it shall remain to Robert,
his son. Item, I bequeath to Hugh Aust
wick, 10s.
Item, I bequeath to Thomas
Leventhorpe a cup, worth 6s 8d.
Item, to Dennis Leventhorpe, son
of the same Thomas, 3s 4d.
Item, to the Parish Church of
All Saints of Pontefract for the pur
chase of a vestment 4li 13s 4d.
Item, I bequeath to the gild of
Corpus Christi in the chapel of St.
Giles's for the purchase of an alb 4s.
Item, I bequeath to Catherine,
wife of John Austwick, my best gown,
a best short gown, a silver and
enamelled girdle, of a ruby colour,
and a set of silver beads ; and after
the decease of the said Catherine,

THE PONTEFRACT AUSTWICKS,

103

sum ejusdem Katerine par precularum
remanebit Katerine filie sue.
Item lego uxori Dionisii Austwyk
unum Kirtle de tawny, unam zonam
argenteam et deauratam.
Item lego uxori Hngonis Austwyk
unam zonam argenteam et deauratam.
Item lego uxori Johannis Wynk
de Crofton unam zonam argenteam de
velvet. Item lego Marione Tailyour, fa-
mule Dionisii Austwyk unum suppellex,
unum par linthiaminum.
Item lego Roberto Austwik filio
Walteri Austwyk x s.
Item lego Elizabethe Austwik x s.
et Margarete Austwyk, filiabus Walteri
Austwik, xs.
Item lego Willimo (sic) filio Dio
nisii Austwik vjs. viijd.
Item Elizabethe filie Dionisii
Austwik x s.
Item Katerine filie Johannis
Austwik x s.
Item lego Roberto Elesley xs.
Item lego fabrice ecclesieparochiali
de Castitford ij s.
Item ordino et facio Dionisium
Austwyk,WalterumAustwyk, Johannem
Austwyk et Robertum Austwik meos
veros executores, et Hugonem Austwik
supervisorem presentis testamenti mei.
Residuum vero omnium bonorum
meorum superius non legatorum, do et
lego predictis executoribus meis ut
distribuantur et eque dividantur in
eosdem, cum concessu (sic) et assensu
supervisoris mei predicti.
Hiis testibus Christofero Casse
capellano, Thoma Huntyngden, Thoma
Leventhorpe, Matheo Robyuson, et
multis aliis.

the set of beads shall remain to
Catherine, her daughter.
Item, I bequeath to the wife of
Dennis Austwick, a short gown of
tawny, a silver and gilt girdle.
Item, I bequeath to the wife of
Hugh Austwick, a silver and gilt

Item, I bequeath to the wife of
John Wynk, of Grojton, a silver
girdle of velvet.
Item, I bequeath to Marion
Tailyour, the maid servant of Dennis
Austwick, a piece of furniture, a pair
of sheets. Item, I bequeath to Robert Aust
wick, son of Walter Austwick, 10s.
Item, I bequeath to Elizabeth
Austwick, 10s, and to Margaret
Austwick, daughters of Walter Aust
wick, 10s.
Item, I bequeath to Wrilliam, son
of Dennis Austwick, 6s. 8d.
Item, to Elizabeth, daughter of
Dennis Austwick, 10s.
Item, to Catherine, daughter of
John Austwick, 10 s.
Item, I bequeath to Robert Elles
ley, 10s. Item, I bequeath to the fabric of
the Parish Church of Castleford, 2s.
Item, I appoint and make Dennis
Austwick, Walter Austwick, John
Austwick, and Robert Austwick, my
true executors, and Hugh Austwick,
the overseer of my present will.
But the residue of all my goods,
not above bequeathed, I give and be
queath to my said executors, that
they may be distributed and equally
divided among them, with the assent
and consent of my said overseer.
These being witnesses, Chris
topher Cass, chaplain, Thomas Hunt
ingdon, Thomas Leventhorp, Mat
thew Robinson and many others.

[Proved 31 Oct., 1506, by the executors in the will named.]
The very clear mention in the wills of both Catherine
and her husband, of the Choir of the Holy Mother of God on
the right hand, points to the large Chapel on the south ofthe
Chancel. The Choir proper is called the Choir of St. John's,
as belonging to the Rectory, which was in the possession of

104 THE BLACK FRIARS OF PONTEFRACT.
the Monks of St. John, and had belonged to them for nearly
three hundred years.
The will of Hugh, John Austwick's younger son,
surviving nephew of Robert and Katherine, and supervisor
to the will of them both, upon whose life had depended the
question of the erection of an Austwick chantry in All Saints'
Church, will fitly complete the series of Pre-Reformation
Wills. Apparently his life was a doubtful one in 1482, but
he survived his father some thirty-four years, lived an
honoured and respected life, and became mayor in 1505.
He was mayor when his uncle Robert made his will (see page
99), and received a legacy the following year from his aunt
Catherine, so that there can be no possible doubt as to his
prenomen, and yet he survives in the list of Mayors of the
town as Henry. So necessary is it to have every statement
of every document confirmed by some independent mention,
wherever such mention is possible.
Hugh Austwyke, Marcer. — York Wills ix. 40.
In dei nomine amen, The third to be praede fore. And to have
day of Novembre, In the yere of our placebo and dirige, and one saull
lorde God, a Thousande ccccc xvth. masse of Requiem, at the day of my
I, Hugh Awstwyke, off Ponte- buryall, and to be assollde [assoiled-
fract, marce [r] , hooll off mynde and absolved] in theyr Chapitor liowe
remembraunce, ordeyns and makes my [house.] And allso that ther brevi-
testament, in maner and Forme Fol- ter may be be (sic) sende, wt my
lowing. name, to all suche howses of there
First, I bequeth my soull to religion, as they be wonte to go, after
Allmyghty Gode, to our lady saynt the decesse of any of there bretheren.
marie, and to all the sayntes in Allso I bequethe to the lady
heven, my bodie to be buriede within Alter, in the parishe churche of
the parishe churche of all hallowes in Pontefract, xiid.
Pontefract, nye unto the Sepultur of Allso I will that my feoffez shall
my Father, John Astwyke. Allso I after my decesse make estate of and
bequethe to my mortuarie my best in one chambre, the which Sir John
qwyke goode. - Hadden, prest, nowie (sic) occupies,
Allso I bequethe to the highe Alter to certeyn Feoffez as can be devisede
for forgotten tithes xijd. to the use of Jhus [Jesus] Gilde, in
Item, I bequethe to the Monas- Pontefract, in the church of all
terie of saynt John thappostle and hallowes aforesaide, soo that I, my
Evaungeliste of Pontefract, a lyttyll wiffe, my Fader and moder, and, all
standyng masere ; itt to be in the xpen [christian] sowles may be praide
kepyng of Dane Richard Wytton for fore for ever. And yerely to have
terme of his lyffe, and vs in money, furthe ther upon a dirige and a saull

THE PONTEFRACT AUSTWICKS.

105

messe [mass] of iijs iiijd, accordyng
as is comprehendede in a pare of in-
denturs theroff maid, wheroff one
parte remeynethe with myn heyres,
and the other parte remeyneth in the
Gawell [Jewel] cheste in the church
aforesaide. Allso I will that a Surrender be
maide to the maisters and preestes
of our lady's service, within all
hallowes churche aforesaide, to the
forty fying of our lady messe, of ij
landes lying at the mylne hill, payng
yerely to the grave [The Greave, the
Local Officer] xijd, if itt be so that M'
[Master] Maire and his bretherne
[The Mayor andAldermen] be contente.
Allso I will that my Feoffes shall
feoffe, and make a releasse to Marga
rett, my wyffe, of howsez, one wherin
Robert Channian dwelles in. And the
other wherein Johanne Skypton
dwelleth, and vj acrez of lande,
of the lande of the beste, at the
Sight of my Sone Sir Richarde, in
every felde ij leies to hir behove,
dureying hyr lyffe ; and after hir de
cesse to my ryght heyres to remeyn
for ever. Also I will that my Feoffes
shall releasse to my wyffe one closse
att the parke ende to the tyme that
my Sone, Hugh Astwyke, come forthe
of his prenteshipe. And then iff his
broder, John Awstwike will gyve to
hym in hand towardes his Stoke
[stock, capital] xxti nobles, he too
have the closse. And iff nott, I will
that my Feoffes shall sell itt to the
beste Avauntage, and make of itt a
Stocke to my Sone, Hughe.
Allso I will that my Feoffes shall
releasse to my wyffe on chambre
wherein Sir Richard With dwelleth to
hir behove, duryng hir lyffe. And
after hir decesse to remeyne to the
Right heyres of me the forsaid Hugh
forever. Item, I giffe to George, my sone,
forever to fynd hym at the scolle, all
my classes at the milne hill.
Allso I will that my said Feoffes
shall after my decesse suffer myn exe
cutours to have all such services and
profettes comyng and growyng of j
place, with all the landes therto be
longing, in Pontefract, in the which

I dwell, my selfe, for iij yeres next
comyng, the on yere towardes pay
ment of my dettes, the second yere
towardes the Fyndyng of a preste for
a yere, the third yere towardes the
marrige of my doghter Isabell, yf so
be she wilbe orderde after my Super
visors of my Wyll, and myn executors,
or elles nott. And after thende of
iij yeres I will that my said Feoffes
shall make an estate of and in the
said place and landes ajoresaide, to
John Awstewike, my sonne and heyre,
and to the heyres of his body law
fully begotten for ever. And for de-
fawt of such Issue to the right heyres
of me the said Hugh Awstewike for
ever. And Allso I bequeth to the
Freres to be prayed for o« quarter
barly malt.
Allso I bequeth to my cosyn Denys
[Robert's son] on candilstike with sex
Georges [? Serges].
Allso I bequeth to Sr Richard,
my sone, my silver salte with the
coverying. Allso I bequeth to Margarett
Mowes on quarter barly, a quarter
barly (sic).
Allso I bequeth to my occupacon
[The Trade Company of Mercers or
Grocers] a quarter barly.
Allso I bequeth to my sone, John,
a morter that I lent to hym.
And allso my counter that
standes in the best parlor.
Allso I bequeth to every of my
sones Sir Richarde Tenauntes at
Norton, to be pray ed for iiijd.
Allso I bequeth to Robert Knef-
ley a sliepe.
Allso I bequethe to Sr John
Moder an Hewe.
Allso I bequeth to Jennett
Slater ij yerdes clothe, or elles a
wyndell malt.
Allso I gyve to the lady ser
vices, and to Jhus Guylde in Ponte
fract, iiijd of Ere rente forth of ane
howse off Mr Wakefelde, in Roper
gaite, to have yerely a dirige and a
sail messe said evermore on the Fri
day in Witsonwyke [Whitsun-week].
The Residewe oj all my goodes
nott bequethed I gyve to Margaret,my

106 THE BLACK FRIARS OF PONTEFRACT.
wyffe, and to Sr Richard, my sone, Theis beyng witnes, Sir John
whome I make myn executors. And Nelstorpe, parishe preste, Sr Xpo/er
allso Mr Frost and Mr Dennys Awst- Casse, Sr Roger Banke and Sr
wick, supervisors of the same. William Clarke, wt other.
[According to the Act Book at York, he died 4 Nov., 1516. His will was
proved on the 26th of the same month, by the executors in the said will named.]
As Hugh Austwick does not describe himself as Alder
man, he may have resigned his office. He had survived his
uncle and aunt some ten years, and he left a family of five.
Neither of them however made a mark in the town, and
after him I lose touch altogether of the elder branch. The
family Was up- grown, or nearly so, at the death of their
father ; for adopting what seems to have been a family
tradition to allow one of its members to take orders, the
second sorij Sir Richard was a priest, which testifies to his
manhood. The third son was not yet out of his apprentice
ship, and the fourth was at school.
It is singular that none of these should have flourished
so as to leave a will at York ; for unless Henry (xiii. 903)
should prove to be a grandson, I have hitherto unearthed no
trace of the descendants of this branch.

One advantage of perusing such a series of wills as this
is that they cast and reflect light upon each other ; the
obscure wording in the one case being as it were translated
into the phraseology of a later generation. Thus the ex
pression in Robert Austwyke's will " et mittatur nomen
meum per brevarios suos," receives a full illustration from
the corresponding English phrase of this his grandson, " that
their breviter may be sent, with my name " &c.

Hugh Austwick makes a bequest to his " occupation,"
concerning which I may say a few words now, though I
have printed their Constitutions, and much information
concerning them, in " The Booke of Entries of the Pontefract
Corporation " (pp 367-385) to which I must refer those who
are specially interested in these bodies.

THE PONTEFRACT AUSTWICKS. 107
I may however say briefly that tbere were in Pontefract
five different Companies or Merchant Guilds, traces of which
are extant. These were the Fleshers or Butchers, dealers in
Meat ; the Tailors and Drapers, dealers in Woollen goods ;
the Shoemakers and Cordwainers, dealers in Leather goods ;
the Cowpers and Wrights, dealers in Wooden goods ; and
the Grocers and Mercers (for they used the names indif
ferently), dealers in Miscellaneous Articles. And that I have
been able to recover and print in full, the Constitutions of
three of them.
The following is the Will of Henry Awstwicke, doubt-
less-of this family, though I have not yet made out the con
nection. It may be noticed however that John, the first here
ofthe name, so far as we know, had ordered his burial within
the parish church of All Saints ; that Robert, his son, was
more definite in his directions, and mentioned as his place of
burial, the entrance of the Lady Quire there, on the right
side : a wording followed by his wife without the assignment
of a reason, though it may fairly be assumed that she selected
the position because it was the place of her husband's inter
ment, and where his tomb bad but recently been erected.
Hugh, of the elder branch, bad wished to be buried
" nye unto the Sepultur of my Father," without saying where
it was ; Dennis, the son of Robert was buried at Darrington,
as we shall presently see ; but Thomas his son, as we shall
also see, reverted to what may be called the formula of the
younger branch, and requested burial within the " Lady
Quire door," clearly the position chosen by his grandfather
and grandmother ; a position to this day indicated perhaps
by the remains of two figures on the south wall of the south
chapel ; that is on the right hand of those entering the Lady
Quire from the north aisle of the Church.
On the other hand, this Henry Austwick, though pro
bably equally near in blood to the founder, simply expresses
his wish to be buried within the Church, and I should add

108

THE BLACK FRIARS OF PONTEFRACT.

that Dodsworth who made some slight notes on the tombs of
All Saints' Church does not mention those of the Austwicks.
Henry Awstwicke. — York Wills xiii, 903.
oute of William Atkenson liowse,
then she to have the rente of
William Jackeson howse, duringe
viijt yeres nexte after my decease.
And yf it chance the said Margarete
to dye before she come to lawfull
Ayge, then hir porcon wth the rente
of William Jackeson Howse to re-
mayne to Agnes, Elizabethe <& AUce,
hir sistores. I bequeathe to John Awstwicke,
my sone, my greate cownter,my brasyn
morter, my lande Iron and gallow
trees, wth crokes, and a trussinge
bede, as lierelomes, to remayne to the
howse, wth a payre of bede stockes
lykewise, in the nether parler that I
lye in. Also I will that my sone, John,
shall have for his childes porcon
xxvjs viij d.
I bequeathe to -William Chamber
xi d. I bequeathe to Xpo/er Reade a
wether lambe, <& to Thomas milner a
wether lambe, to Anne Goldsburghe
an ew lambe. And to Katheryne
Goldesburghe an ewe lambe.
Also I give to Jane Goldesburghe
a quarter of malte at the day of hir
marryage. Also I bequeathe to Ellinge, my
servaunte, a seeke of malte.
And the Resydew of all other my
goodes not bequeathed I will that
they be at the order of Dorothe, my
wyfe, <& Elizabethe &¦ Alice, my
dowghters, whome I make my hole
executors jointly to gether.
Also linstytute in this my laste
will, William Atkenson oftheStubbes,
and John Skipton, the elder, to be the
supervisore of this my laste will.
In witnes herof John Milner, the
elder, Richarde Tatam di William
chamber, my curet, withe other mo.
Also I will that every one of the
witnesses of this my will shall have
iiijd for the paynes takeinge.

In the name of God, Amen. I,
Henry Awstwicke, of Pomfrett, in the
cownly of YOrke, tanner, beinge hole
of mynde, of off perfyte memory, the
xxcjlh day of Awguste, in thefowerte
yere of or souerainge lorde King
Edwarde the Sexte [1550] by the
grace of god, off Inglande, France of
Ierlande> Kinge, defender of the
Faythe, & in earthe of the Churche of
Inglande dridlerlande supreme heade,
dothe make this my laste will d:
testamente iii this manner &' forme
followinge. Fyrste, I biquiaihe my sowell to
almighty god, my redemer &
sayueyor, and my body to be bewryed
in my parishe churche of All Saynctes
at Pomfrett, or elles wher It sliall
please god.
Also 1 bequeathe io Willm Jacke
son my buckskyn dublet.
And to Henry Hewet my can-
ves dublett. I bequeathe to NichoUs Furthe
one mett of wheate.
I bequeathe to Thomas Atkenson,
yf it please god that he live, the
gowne wch was given me by John
braye. I bequeathe to William Atkenson
my best velvet Cappe, and all the
wayne gere &plowghe gere, that John
braye dyd give me.
Also Ibequeathe to Henry Atken
son childe one ewe of one lambe.
I bequeathe to John Atkinson
one ewe <& one lambe.
Also I will that my dowghter,
Agnes, shall have for her childes
porcon iijli vjs viijd, & my gared
eowe, one ewe & one lambe.
I will also that my dowghter,
Margarete, shall have for hir chyldes
porcon iijli, <£¦ my whyte kowe, of
one ew <& one lambe, & vs iiijd in
money, owte of WiUiam Atkenson
howse, duringe x yeres, and yf she
have not the rente of vs iiijd

[Proved 5th September, 1552, by the widow Dorothy.]

THE PONTEFRACT AUSTWICKS. 109
I now resume the consideration of the Wills of that
which I find to be a younger branch of the descendants of
John Austwick, having shown that Robert Austwick who
married Catherine Lenthorpe or Leventhorpe was his brother
and not his son, as says Dugdale ; and thus with Dionise as
he calls himself, Denis as be is in Dugdale, we complete the
descent into the second generation, and enter upon the
immediately Pre-Reformation period. As his elder cousin,
Hugh, had been the supervisor of each ofthe wills of Robert
Austwick and his wife Catherine, so this Dennis, their eldest
son, had been the executor to them both.
By one of her later bequests, Catherine Austwick
showed that she had some interest at Castleford. This in
terest Dennis appears to have increased so much that he
could make an estate there for a son, though his own
interest had come to be at Darrington. The following is his
will, which is the first in English of the series. It was made
in 1533, when the air was rife with the omens of the coming
changes, and it was brought in for Probate while the blow
was imminently impending, and while the measure for
suppressing the smaller monasteries was actually under
debate in the Commons ; ten days after the opening of the
Session, and not much more before the Bill passed its last
stage and became an Act.
This Will clearly shows the direction of the current.
Those of earlier date that we bave considered previously are
full of bequests to the smaller foundations of the town ; but
in the present, there is a complete falling off. The burial of
the testator before the rood in the aisle of Darrington Church,
apparently in the South Chapel, that of the Blessed Lady,
a small bequest to the Church works there, as if some were
then in progress, and his mortuary " according unto the
Kinges Acte of bys Parliament," completed the full tale of
the religious gifts of the testator.
His eldest son was at Pontefract, apparently prosperous

110

THE BLACK FRIARS OF PONTEFRACT.

and thriving, and if he had not already had his share, there
was little for him now. But the testator had secured his
second son by giving him, during his life time, and before
he became " feeble, and erased in his body," the bulk of his
possessions at Castleford, not an infrequent practice in this
century, which doubtless in many cases led to evil by
tempting the son to ingratitude ; indeed Shakspeare's " King
Lear " largely turns upon such a divestment by a father for
the benefit of his children. AVilliam, the testator's third
son, mentioned in the Will of Catherine (page 101), was
probably dead ; and Elizabeth, his daughter, who had now
become the wife of John Hyrst, was with her husband named
residuary legatee, to look after the details of the funeral.
Dionise Austwicke. — York Wills, xi. 184.
In dei nomine^ amen, the \ith heyres lyke as apereth in one scedule

daye of February in the yeare of our
lord God, ml. vc. xxxiii th. I Dio
nise Austwicke beinge feble underused
in my bodye, makes this my last
will and testament in maner and
fourme foloyng.
First I will and bequeathe my
soule to Almightie God in heven, my
bodie to bee buried in the Parishe
Kyrke of Darthington, in the allows
[alley], before the blessed roode there.
Also I bequeath to my curate for
my mortuarie according unto the
kinges acte of hys Parliament [See
ante pp. 38-39].
Also I bequeathe unto the Kyrke
workes of Darthington iij s iiijd.
Also I bequeathe unto Thomas
Austwicke, my sone, xxs, and he to
clame (sic,for disclaim) then to have no
more of my goodes.
Also I gif unto Richard Aust
wicke, my sone, xx s, and he to have
no more of my goodes bicause I have
gyven unto hym certayne landes being
in Castleforthe, to hym and to his

annexed to a deade of Feoffamente
maid unto Robt Adam and odre moo.
Item, I will that the gilde
maisters of Corpus Cristi (sic) have
vi s viij d, wiche I borowed of theme.
The residewe of all my goodes
not before gyven I gyf theme jrelie,
wtoiet any hurte unto there conscience
to bring me furthe the daye of my
beriall, <& io dispose jor my saule as
they shall thinke beste ; wiche per
sons I name and make my executours
to fulfill thys my will,that is towitte,
John Hyrste, and Eliz' Hyrste, my
doughter. Thyes being witenes of this my
will and true mynde,Sr Robert Long-
ley, preste ; Cristofer Bradforde,
gentleman ; Hughe Herryson and
oder moo.
In wittenes herof I have setto
my seale the daye and yeare above.
Commission for Probate 14 Feb.,
anno predicto [1535] . Certificate of
Probate 5 April following, by the
executors named in the will.

With the will of Thomas his son, another generation
.introduces another set of ideas, a new phraseology, and a
much improved orthography.

THE PONTEFRACT AUSTWICKS.

Ill

Thomas Austwicke. — York Wills, xviii. 188.

In the name of God, Amen, the
vth day of July, in the year of our
Lord God, 1569, I, Thomas Aust
wicke, of Pomfret, within the countie
of Yorke, alderman, being holle of
mynde and of perfite rememberaunce,
ordayneth, declarithe, and makthe
this my last Will and Testament in
maner and forme followinge.
Fyrst I gyve and bequithe my
soull to almyghtie God, my maker and,
redemer, and my bodye to be buried
within the parishe churche of al-
liallowes in Pomfret, within the
ladie queare dore there.
I gyve and bequithe to Allan
Austwicke, my sonne and heire, the
longe taiblein the house as ytstandith
at this daye, all my beddsteades in all
my Chambers except the best, the iron
chimney in the haule ; my silver
salte ; whiche parcells I will shall
remayne as heire lomes forever, and
Isabell, my wyf, to have the occupa-
con of them duringe her lyf, Also I
gyve to Katherine Austwicke, my
daughter, one garthe withe thap-
purtenance in Northe gaite now in
Tenure of Widdow Cowper, and one
roide of lande, to the said Katherine,
to her heires and assignes jor ever,
and also my cupbourde in the house,
or els xxvjs viijd, and also in
money, for her hole porcon xxiiij li.
Allso I gyve and bequithe to
Margaret Austwicke, my doughter,
my best framed bedsteade, or els
xxvjs viijd, and also one garthe in
Milkkelgaite, nowe in the tenure and
occupacon of Nicholes Waneman.
To have and to holde the same garthe
with thappurtenance to the said
Margaret, to her heires and assignes
for ever, and also in money for her
holle porcon xxiiij li.
Also I gyve and bequithe to Jane
Austwicke, my doughter, my beste
f ether bedde and bolster, two pillowes
withe pillow-beares, a paire of lynnen
sheitts, and two coverletts of the best,
and one borgage onbylded in North-
gaite, nowe in the Tenure of Robt
Wildman, to have and to holde, the
saideburgaigewithe thappurtenance to

the saide Jane, her heires, and assignes
for ever, and also in money e, xxiiij li
infullpdyment of her childes porcon.
And yf it fortune any of my
saide doughters to departe or dye
before there full aige, or before the
tyme ofreceyte of there severall por-
cons, than I will that parte of her or
hers that so shall fortune to die, to
remayne to my saide sonne Allan
Austwicke, and to my other doughters
that then shall fortune to be lyvenge,
to be equallie devided amongest them.
Also I will that Isabell, my saide
wyfe, shall have Thorder and bring-
inge upp of all my said children unto
they accomplishe there full aige. And
also further I will that my said wife
and her assignes shall have, occupie
and enjoy e, to lett, sett and to receyue
yearlie duringe Twelve yeares after
my decease for and Towardes the
payment of the severall somes above
naymedde, all suche rents and fermes
as is hereafter naymed, that is to sale
for the rent of one close lyinge in
Pomfret, in the valeye, called Bulhall
by yeare xlvjs viiid, one other close
in Benet ynges, conteanynge foure
acres nowe in the tenur of me the said
Thomas, By yeare xlvi s viii d, And
further of my ferm hold withe Thap
purtenance in Castelforthe, now . in
the Tenure of Hughe Miller by yeare
xxvj s viii d.
Also I geve and bequithe to
Richard Thwayth, son of John
Thwayth, laite of Pomfret, deceased,
two acres and a half of land, lyinge
in the west feild of Pomfret, under
Brandshill, nowe in the severall
Tenurs of Widowe Couper, and John
Jackson in full recompense of the
lease whiche Ihadde of Willers lande
called Bulhall. To have and to holde
the saide two acres and a half of land
to tlie said Richarde, his heires and
assignes for ever. Provided alwaye
that the saidRichard shall permit and
suffer the saide widowe Couper and her
assignes to occupie quietlie, witlwute
anythinge paynge during her lyf, one
acre of the same, nowe beinge in her
own occupacon.

112 IHE BLACK FRIARS OF PONTEFRACT.
Item, I gyve to the said Richard day of my buriall, I gyve them frelie
one acre off arrable land lyynge in and liollie to the said Isabell, my
the Northe Feilde of Pomfret, neare wyf, whom lordayne and make my
unto the highe wage that leadeth to full executrix, aud she to bring upp
Blinde Hardwicke, next lands to- my children unto they come at full
wards Pomfret parke that I have aige,and to dispose all other things to
there. To have and to holde the said her conscience, as she thinketh best.
acre arrable lande to the said Rich- Thesbeingewitnesss{sic)Edwarde
arde, his heires and assigns for ever. Stearis, Leonard Healath, Tliomas
The residewe oj all my goods and Gaill, John Eldslay, with others.
cattels as well moveable and unmove- [Commission (13 April, 1570) to
able,not bequithe, my said legacs and Isabell, widow.]
debtts paid, my funeralls maid thee
His will shows the worldly prosperity of this testator.
His children were onlv one son and three daughters,
whom he names by their maiden names, as if each was
unmarried ; and he was the first of the name here to register a
Fine in the King's Courts. He was plaintiff in 1 563 for lands
in both Pontefract and Carleton, though he held the property
for four years only.
The race was long-lived, and as a rule, its members
appear to bave been prudent in marriage ; at any rate, they
could not have married early. Thomas was bead of the
family for thirty-five years, as his father had been for thirty :
but his son Alan exceeded them both in this respect, his
tenure extending to very nearly half a century. It was to
this Alan Austwick that Edward Talbot, second son of the
then Earl of Shrewsbury, presented the mace which was
for nearly two hundred years the pride of the Pontefract
Corporation, but which was melted down in 1774 to furnish
material for the present handsome symbol of office, as an
inscription thereon testifies.

Allan, who was married to Mary Corker of Wragby in
May 1580, must have lived to a good old age, and be
perhaps died suddenly, for he died intestate. Administration
to his goods was taken out by his widow, and their younger
daughter Elizabeth, on July 27th, 1617, his elder daughter
having with her marriage lost most of her interest in Ponte
fract. An administration to the widow was on May 9,

THE PONTEFRACT AUSTWICKS. 113
1622, taken out by George Etherington. This was during
the first mayoralty of their son, Thomas, who had been,
as it may be remembered, only a few years before, the
purchaser of the small estate of the Pontefract Friars, which
he retained during his life (See page 69). He also was an
only son, and he was twice Mayor. An uncompromising
Royalist and Churchman, at the approach of the Parliamen
tary forces, he retired to the Castle in 1644, where he en
rolled himself among Sir George Wentworth's volunteers,
and was one of the eleven out of the thirteen Pontefract
aldermen who suffered siege there.
As an Alderman of Pontefract, Mr Austwick seems to
have considered it his duty to remain with the garrison.
There were constant interchanges between Pontefract and
Newark, but we do not learn that he ever sought to throw in
his lot either there or elsewhere other than with Pontefract,
although the fact that Mr. Corker, one of the preachers to
the garrison in the division commanded by Sir John Rams
den, and probably a relation to him on the mother's side,
had very early in the siege transferred himself to the Not
tinghamshire stronghold, might have been an inducement
to him to follow the example. But he continued faithful to
the locality where he was born, and where his ancestors for
so many generations had run so prosperous a career, and
bore the siege in Pontefract.
When the garrison was utterly starved out, and had
determined upon the surrender of the Castle, Mr Austwick
was one of the two aldermen originally chosen to treat with
the besiegers. The surrender of the Castle after this siege took place on
Monday, July 21, 1645.
There is no record of what became of the garrison,
when allowed to depart, and an expression in Mr Austwick's
will, made tbe following year, might favour the supposition

114

THE BLACK FRIARS OF PONTEFRACT.

that on some plea he was imprisoned by the victors ; but
there is no evidence that such was the case, and it is possible
that he refers to the siege as the period of his imprisonment.
The following is the document : —
Thomas Austwick.— York Wills, Unregistf.red.

In the Name oj God, Amen I,
Thomas Austwick, of Pontefract, with ¦
in the Countie fy Dioces of Yorke.
Alderman, being in p'fect health fy
memorie (thanks be given to God for
it) yet tailing to minde the frailtie of
man's nature, together with thep'plexi-
ties, db distraccons of these o'r tymes,
doe in this my said health di p'fect
memorie, ordaine of make this my last
will db testament in manner db forme
following': FirstI co 'mitt of co'mend my soule
into the handes of Almighty God, my
maker, who first gave the same vnto
me, when he fashioned me in my
mother's wombe, stedfastly trusting
through the merrittes, bitter death, db
passion of Jesus Christ, my alone
Saviour, to have free pardon of for-
givenes of my sinnes. Andlyeildmy
body to the earth from whence it came,
to be buryed where it shall please my
friends. Now whereas I should give my
younger children porcons out of my
goodes, the tymes hath beene so badd.
and soe continues, and keeping me in
prison hath spent the rest, soe that I
must give them portions out of my land.
My will is that out of the Eight acres
of meadow in the West Feild, and
Seaven acres in the Checkers and Five
acres db u halfe on the taithes, and
Seaven aores in the North Feild,
Seaven and twenty acres and a halfe
in all, Sarah Saile have u hundred
poundes ; Jane Austwicke a hundred
poundes ; and Richard Austwick a
hundred poundes. If Allan Austwick
will pay them three hundred poundes,
he to have this land, but if he -will not,
my will is that the meadow in the

West Feild, and the Seaven acres in
the Checker feild [The Willow Close],
db someofthe other Land, w'ch may best
be spared, be sold topay this money.
Item, I give to my sister, Booth,
my ring w'th the death's head on it.
I give to Andrew Bamshay, my
servant, vii , soe that he give my wife
content. I have made a Lease of that garth
next to Mr Tatam. to Eichard Aust
wick after his mother's decease.
The residue of my goods and
chaitells not form'ly disposed of, I
give and bequeath them unto Alice
Austwicke ('"recusant," written above
in different ink) my wife, whom I
make Executrix of this my last will of
testament. And I doe intreate Mr
John Tatam, and Mr John Wilkinson,
Aldermen, to be Sup'visors of this my
will, in seeing it p' formed according to
the tenour and minde of me the said
Thomas Austwicke : And I doe give to
either of them tenne shillings a peece.
In Witness whereof I have sett my
hand and seale the seaventh day of
September, in the yeare of o'r Lord
God, 1646. In the p'nce of John
Tatam, John Wilkinson, witnesses,
Jane Austwicke. fjur, written above,)
andWilliam Oates, (jut, written above).
Memorand'm. what remaines of
the goodes after my debtes be paid be
distributed amongst the children.
(No Seal) Tho : Austwick.
Collacione facta fideli > h h
concordat hac coma ( . . *
cumTestamentopre- «"¦«"<«»»»
dicto. Ex' d per me. ) P^licum.
Vid. renunc. coram Decano.
Endorsed : Cert, per Eadcliffe 4
May, 1649. Entred.

He left two sons and two daughters. Allan, his elder
son, like his father, was a strong Royalist, and became a
lieutenant of horse in the service of the King. He was one

.THE PONTEFRACT AUSTWICKS. 115
of the chief in the gallant seizure of the Castle on 3rd June,
1648, and in the attempt to make Col. Rainsborough a pri
soner in the midst ofhis troops at Doncaster, in order to bring
him forth as a hostage, and safe bond, for General Langdale,
then in Nottingham Castle, threatened with death.
At tbe surrender of Pontefract Castle in March, 1618-9,
Lieut Allan Austwick was one of those excepted from
mercy, as the phrase went ; that is one of those to be vir
tually given up to death by the garrison. But he was al
lowed to attempt to fight, his way through the surrounding
troops ; which, as he failed in doing, the garrison enclosed
him and his companions in the Sally Port under Piper
Tower, whence they escaped after the surrender of the for
tress. The others were taken, but he made tbe attempt
good, and survived till 1657.
The result of this final Siege, seems to have broken the
heart of the poor father, for he died that March.
The surviving son, Richard Austwick, who made tbe
entry at the Visitation, did not mention his father's second
wife, bis mother-in-law, whose name was Alice. She re
nounced administration under her husband's will, and did
not long survive him.
The following is her testamentary disposition : —
Alice Austwick. — York Wills, Unregistered.
The Nuncupative will of Alice one Eidinge suite.
Austwicke, widdowe, late of Pontefract, All the rest of her Gooddes vube-
deceassed, made ihe fifth day of May. queathed her Debtts payd di funerall
Anno Domino, 1650, inthe presence of expences discharged, shee gave vnto
Edward Fielde, one of the Aldermen of Eichard Austwicke, [juratus, written
Pontefract, and Jane Austwicke, as above"] her sonne inLawe, db did nomi-
foUoweth : — note ofappointe Mm to be sole executor.
lnps shee gave vnto the poore Wittnesses hereoj,
people of Pontefract, xxs. Edward Fielde,
It', shee gave vnto Susan Farrar, Jane Austwicke.
her servantt the Beddinge. and one Bond dated 25 Oct, 1650, from
pare of sheetes whereon shee lay Rd. Austwicke, of Pontefract grocer,
It' , shee gave vnto Andrew Earn- of F,dwardFeild, of same, Alderman, to
shay, her servant, one Chiste. the Commissary in £40, for due pay -
It', shee gave vnto Mr Joseph ment of debts, dbc.,by exor.
Ferrett, the Minister of Pontejract, xs Endorsed :— Cert, per Radcliffe,
If, shee gave vnto Jane Wood, 6o Nov., 1650. Entred.
Q 2

116 THE BLACK FRIARS OF PONTEFRACT.
Inasmuch as it contains express mention of Richard
Austwicke, as her son-in-law, this nuncupative will makes
the fact of Thomas Austwicke's second marriage quite certain.
Andrew Ramshay, the servant of Thomas and his wife
Alice, would have appeared to have " given his mistress
content," as she added to the former benefaction from her
husband, a further bequest on her own part.
It is curious that notwithstanding the bequest to the
Vicar, Mrs Alice Austwick was buried " in their proper
buryal place in Frere wood Orchard" — (See Ante, page 62).
Mr Joseph Ferrett, the minister of Pontefract, was the
Presbyterian Vicar who had tbe vicarage during the Com
monwealth. Some remarks will be made concerning him, in
the next note.

" Richard Austwick, grocer " was the last male heir
of his family. He made his will, in which he received his
legal title of Gentleman, on 8th July 1694, (proved 1 Aug.
1698), whereby he gave all his lands to his daughter Sarah,
after the death of her mother Isabel, and gave to his sister,
Mrs Jane Austwick five shillings, while commending her to
the care of his wife and daughter, between whom the residue
was to be divided, and who were appointed executors.
The daughter had married Mr John Waddington, of
Wakefield ; and their daughter Margaret, who inherited.mar-
ried Hugh Wright. I mention this, inasmuch as the tomb
stone of this Margaret is the most curious of those at present
in the churchyard of All Saints. She died 31st March 1727,
aged 42, and her grave-stone bears the following, after the
statement of her name and age : —
[Figure of an Eye] findeth, [Figure of a Heart] chuseth,
[Knot=Marriage] bindeth, [Skull=Death] looseth].

VICARS OF PONTEFRAd. 117

III.-VICARS OF PONTEFRACT, OMITTED IN
TORRE'S LISTS.

Torre's lists are invaluable ; and he succeeded in putting
on record a vast mass of matter for which we should have
been at a great loss, had it not been for his persevering
industry. Moreover, for every one of his facts he gives his
authority in a species of cypher which enables those who are
interested to refer to the original. In some few instances
he misses his mark ; and when that happens to be the case,
the reason is generally not far to seek. For instance, when
Abp. Williams abandoned the diocese, some confusion was
naturally introduced into the registration : on which account
probably that painstaking investigator missed two Vicars of
Pontefract, whose names I am now glad to supply from
information I have unearthed from various i epositories,
including chiefly the Public Record Office.
Among the Kalendars and Indexes there (M, shelf 4, no
132), I found one with an indexed list of those who com
pounded for their First Fruits, during the practical vacancy
of the See of York : and in the corresponding volume
(labelled Composition First Fruits, vol. 20), I found an entry
of the fact that George Fothergill compounded on 3 Feb. 17
Charles I [1642] for those of the vicarage of Pontefract.
Its value in the King's Books was put at £18/6/8, the
tithe of which was £1/16/8, which was to be paid in four half
yearly instalments on 1 Aug. 1642, 1 Feb. 1642-3, 1 Aug.
1643 and 1 Feb. 1643-4. Tbere is no indication of Mr
Fothergill's vicariate in the Church Books, and it is pro
bable that the termination of Mr Styles's incumbency was
indicated by the close of the earliest or A Register book, in
March, 1641-2. For the date of the compounding of a new
incumbent was generally about a twelvemonth after the
date of his appointment.

118 THE BLACK FRIARS OF PONTEFRACT.
Mr Fothergill's bondmen for due payment of First Fruits
to the King were Edward Humble of the parish of St. Dunstan
in the West, of London, and Christopher Seamer, of Knaith
in the county of York, gentleman. His predecessor, William
Styles compounded for Hessle and Hull on 18 Feb. in the
following year.
Vol. 21 of the First Fruits volume begins with 1646,
and is continued to Sunday January 28, 1648 9, two days
before the execution of the king. There was no subsequent
entry until April 1, 1649, after which the entries continue
till Oct. 31, 1651. Vol. 22 is missing, and it is not known
to have been in the Registry ; but its Index contains a refer
ence to Joseph Ferrett, as compounding on 28 Feb. 1652-3,
for his First Fruits, though he really entered in November,
1647. The presentation (vice Joseph Firra, resigned) of
his successor Samuel Drake, appears on the Patent Rolls of
Charles II (13 Charles II, page 47, No. 255, Westminster, 6
April) ; and he compounded for his First Fruits the following
Easter (1661), William Pickering of Greyes Inn, Gent,
being his bondman. The payments were to be made on 1
Sept 1661, 1 March 1661-2, 1 Sept. 1662, and 1 March
1662-3. It is worthy of note that, notwithstanding these
evidences, Calamy, Palmer, Miall and the host of non-confor
mist writers who copy each other, make Joseph Ferrett to
have been ejected on St. Bartholomew's day 1662, at which
time his successor had been in possession above atwelvemonth.
Not one of them seems to have made even the slightest effort
to discover the truth. But this instance of Joseph Ferrett
at Pontefract, is only a solitary example of the utterly
unscrupulous misrepresentations set on foot by Calamy.
It is remarkable that the fact has been lost sight of, for
in Walker's Sufferings of the Clergy, Vol. II, 247, Mr George
Fothergill is thus mentioned among the ejected clergy.
" Fothergill  , (blank for degree), Pontefract V.
" He lived to the Restoration, and having gotten better

ADDITIONAL BEQUESTS. 119
preferment did not return to his Vicaridge, but quitted it,
(if I mistake not) to Dr Drake who then succeeded."
It will be seen that this was a mistake, inasmuch as Mr
Ferrett held the vicarage for at least sixteen years. I have
not traced by what instrumentality he was originally
appointed. I noticed in '* The Sieges of Pontefract Castle," that Mr
Alderman William Oates in his Will (dated 28 Aug. 1643,
proved 24 March 1645), left £5 to Mr George Fothergill,
whom he desired to preach at his funeral ; and it is very
satisfactory that I am now able to appeal to official documents
relating to the point, which are contained in the Public
Office. To the particular volumes I give the full references,
and for the information of those who are not aware of the
fact, I may say that, they can be seen and examined almost
without restriction or even the slightest previous application.
A casual passer-by who wishes to see them, can do so with
no more delay than will be necessary to enable an official to
fetch the document, if it should not happen to be in the
room.
IV— ADDITIONAL BEQUESTS TO THE FRIARS.

Since the earlier sheets of this volume were printed I
have traced the following bequests, which require to be
added to those I have given between page 16 and page 32.
John Potter, York Wills v. 69 : (See p. 95) .
Hugh Austwick,Do. ix. 40 : " To the Freres to be prayed
for, on quarter of Barley Malt." (See p. 105).
John Baghill, Do. n. 325. By his will (dated January
12, proved July 5, 1451) John Baghill (he had dropped the
"de" of his twelfth- century ancestor, a Pontefract man,
who named himself from tbe Baghill which so frowningly
overlooks Pontefract Castle) " to the Friars Preachers,
6s. 8d." : also to John Ellis, his servant, his horse called
" Scott."

120 THE BLACK FRIARS OF PONTEFRAd.
Katherine Baghill, his widow, Do. v. 304., by her Will
(dated 16 Aug., 1486, proved 4 May, 1487) bequeathed 10s.
to the Friars of Pontefract.
Note, how the widow, so much more liberal to the
Friars, gave half as much again as her husband. Similarly
Robert Austwick (see p. 97) gave the Friars nothing or at
least only the penny which he dispensed to every ecclesiastic
in the town; his widow, Catherine, (see p. 101) made them
a bequest of 2s.
There is a very interesting history, of which I can but
give the outline here, connected with this John Baghill and
his widow. One of them probably rebuilt Featherston
Church which is of their time ; while both font and bells
bear unmistakeable marks of their influence.
The font is octagonal, and contains on three of its sides
shields with arms, by means of which, if not by the workman
ship of the whole, the date may be pretty accurately ascer
tained. The East face bears the single word Baghill over
the Baghill arms, (1) Three Eagles' heads on a bend (tinister),
impaling, (2) Barry of Eight, charged with three annulets.
This points to a Greystock connection, the Greystock arms
being Barry of Eight, charged with three chaplets. The
North face of the font is inscribed Joh'es de Baghill et
Katerina uxsor eius, while the south face has what seems
to be Baghill quartering the arms of John Neville, Marquis
of Montague, brother to the King-maker Earl of Warwick,
who with him was killed at the Battle of Barnet in 1471.
The west face bears Ermine, a saltire ; Scargill of Stapleton.
Had not the name of John of Baghill himself been
coupled on its north face as one of the benefactors, this
remarkable font would almost appear to have been a memorial
of the battle of Barnet and to have been erected by the
surviving partner (possibly of Greystock descent) of John of
Baghill. Her widowhood exactly covered the period of the
struggle between York and Lancaster, and she overlived the

ST. RICHARD OF PONTEFRACT. 121
commencement of tbe Tudor period, though only by a little
over a vear.

The Featherston bells are three in number, all apparently
of the fifteenth century. One has for inscription,
In multis annis resonet, Campana Johannis ;
(May John's Bell sound for many years.)
And I cannot resist the inference that the John was
John of Baghill. The other two bells bear respectively,
Hanc Sancti Petri, and Hanc S'ti Jacobi.
So that Peter and James and John are assembled together
in Featherston Tower, ready at any time to call the people
together to pray, to mourn, or to rejoice.

The Baghill family ended in an heiress who married
John Ussher, whose son Robert married Alice Wentworth of
West Bretton. Their son Robert appears in the pedigree at
page 65, as the husband of Jenet or Joan Wildbore of
Bentley and Arksey.
V.— ST. RICHARD OF PONTEFRACT.

I mentioned (see p. 8) tbat the Church of the Black
Friars, at Pontefract, was the only one in the Kingdom
whose dedication I could trace to St. Richard ; though the
Church of Aberford was sometimes ascribed to him ; but
that such an ascription could be only modern, inasmuch as
there was a Church at Aberford long before the canonization
of St. Richard.
This theory I find entirely supported by facts ; for I
bave since ascertained that by a Charter of 35 H. 3 [1251]
Henry Grammary had, with the grant of a market at Aber
ford every Wednesday, that of a fair on the eve, the day,
and the day after St. Ruherius (Dec. 6). I have, therefore,
no doubt tbat the name of this little known saint was that
of the dedication of Aberford Church, and that it has been of

122 THE BLACK FRIARS OF PONTEFRACT.
late years corrupted to Richard. The Charter of Henry 3
was renewed to Hugh le Despenser in 35 Ed. I [1307] No.
45 ; and to Wm. Grammary in 9 Ed. 3 [1335] No. 21, in
which last named Charter the Ruherius still appears ; but
tbe fair itself has been long discontinued.
VI. -POSTSCRIPT.

I have since found at York (Act Book vol 10, 1576)
that the administration of Richard Wilbore, intestate, late of
Pontefract, and the tuition of his daughter Katherine, was
granted on August 31st of that year to John Skipton and
Janet his wife. The similarit}' of name favours tbe suppo
sition tbat Richard's second wife, Janet, was the daughter of
this John and Janet Skipton.

$. HOLMES,
"ADVERTISER" OFFICE,
PONTEFRACT.

ADVERTISEMENTS. i
Either of the following will be sent Post Free at the Price
named, by Richard Holmes, Advertiser Office,
Pontefract. Of some only a few copies remain.
Foolscap Octavo.
L— A MANUAL FOE THE VISITOE TO PONTE
FRACT CASTLE : With a Map, based on the Ordnance
Survey — Paper Cover, Price 6d.
2.— PONTEFEACT : ITS LOEDS, AND ITS
CASTLE— Paper Cover, Price 1/6.
3.— PONTEFEACT : ITS NAME, ITS LOEDS,
AND ITS CASTLE -with an Appendix of Notes and
Illustrations, and an Index of 3250 References — Cloth, 3/6.
Demy Octavo, Scarlet Cloth, Gilt Top.
1.— THE BOOK OF ENTEIES OF THE PONTE
FRACT CORPORATION, Containing the Minutes of
the Council from 1648 to 1726, with Illustrative Remarks,
and many Genealogical Illustrations — 12/6.
2.— THE SIEGES OP PONTEFEACT CASTLE,
1644-1648, Comprising a Verbatim Reprint of Drake's
Diary, and Other Documents connected with the Sieges,
and Eighteen Autographic Reproductions. With a
Supplement containing a full description of the Castle
Buildings, and a Comparison of all the Known Plans and
Engravings. Uniform with The Book of Entries, 18/-.
Also, in Paper Covers, One Shilling Each.
1.— PAPEES AND DOCUMENTS Connected with
the Endowment and Erection of St. Stephen's Church,
East Hardwick  1871
2.— THE OEIGIN AND HISTOEY OF THE
ANCIENT HERMITAGE AT PONTEFRACT, &c. 1880
3.— ACCOUNT OF THE EAELIEE CHAEITIES
OF PONTEFRACT  1881
4. — PAPEES Prepared for the Yorkshire Union of
Mechanics' Institutes, with a Geological Map of the
District  1881
5. — LIST of Mayors and Aldermen of the Borough
of Pontefract ; and of the Members of the Corporation
under the Municipal Acts  1882

ADVERTISEMENTS.  PRESS NOTICES.

2.

And at Two Shillings.
— PAPERS Prepared for the Bradford Historical and
Antiquarian Society, Including Papers on Pontefract
Castle, All Saints' Church, St. Nicholas Hospital, the
Priory of St. John, &c, 102 pp with an Engraving. .1889
-THE BLACK FRIARS OFPONTEFRACT,120ppl891
[A Few Copies may be obtained in Cloth at 3/6.]

The Volume is well printed, and
plentifully supplied with photographs,
and plans, and portraits, and does
great credit to the liberality of the
member of the Yorkshire Archaeologi
cal Association, at whose expense it
appears to have been published. —
Guardian. Pontefract will shoktly have
a history recorded that few Yorkshire
towns will equal. The several his
tories that have hitherto been known
and valued will be left far behind, for
Mr. Holmes, it is well known, not only
has the plodding industry of a charter
antiquary, but the scrutinising acumen
of an original investigator. Old stories
will not be retold without research and
verification. — ¦ Yorkshire Notes and
Queries. * * * The value of the
volume is greatly enhanced by eighteen
excellent photographic illustrations,
some of which represent the ruins as
they now stand, others are portraits of
the Generals during the Civil War,
that of Major-General Lambert being
especially noteworthy, and a fac-simile
of a portion of the Drake MS. is in
teresting in spite of its partial illegi
bility. A supplement has been added,
giving a collection of all known en
gravings and plans of the sieges of the
Castle, which are accompanied by full
notes in which the plans are carefully
compared, and the connection between
them explained. Mr. Holmes's
" Sieges of Pontefract Castle " is
hardly likely to become popular with
the general reader, but to the anti
quarian and student of history, this
work must be of the greatest possible
interest. — Literary World.

Thb second Volume of " Col
lections towards the History of Ponte
fract " now appears, handsomely
printed, suitably bound, and illustrated
with some portraits, plans, and pictures
of siege money. Although the con
tents of the volume cover a space of
only four years, we deem the labour not
at all ill-spent. What we have is not
a mere summary of the incidents of the
Pontefract sieges, but a long and
orderly catena of extracts from con
temporary sources, elucidated here and
there by explanatory paragraphs. The
story is thus told in the language of
men who made their own notes of
what for the most part took place
before their own eyes. The result
is that the reader receives a very
vivid impression of the course of
events. * * * Mr. Holmes had
nearly concluded his work, when the
news came of the existence in the
Bodleian, among the Clarendon State
Papers, of a history, in MS., of the
third Siege. The document seems to
have bean previously unknown, and
Mr. Holmes acts with becoming dig
nity as its god-parent. He finds it to
contradict in several important points
the recorded history, and to throw a
new light on the relations of the un
fortunate Colonel Morris with the
Castle. The transcription of this one
document alone would be sufficient to
give Mr Holmes's book a very strong
interest for all historical scholars, and
they may profitably seek to decide be
tween Clarendon and Captain Thomas
Paulden. We ought to add that a very
full supplement and a copious index
help to increase the value of this work.
— Yorkshire Post.

PRESS NOTICES.

IU

The Editor of this book has
with great care and patience collected
a vast amount of information relating
to the sieges which Pontefract Castle
sustained during the Great Rebellion.
* * * With its excel
lent commentary, index, plans, por
traits, and reproductions, it is really
au excellent example of what such a
work should be.— Antiquarian Maga
zine. We have no words but those of
unqualified praise for ' ' The Sieges of
Pontefract Castle," which is unques
tionably a valuable addition to our
local historical and archaeological li
terature. It is the second of a series
of works whose aim is to furnish a
History of Pontefract, and is eminently
deserting of being widely read both
within and without the borders of our
county. The first part of the volume
is based upon an old manuscript, known
as Nathan Drake's Diary, which has
been handed down among Drake's
lineal descendants to the present day,
and if we are not mistaken, is now in
the possession of Mr F. H. Drake, of
Headingley. The diarist was a Gentle
man Volunteer, who took part in the
defence of Pontefract Castle, during
the two first sieges in 1644 and 1645,
and his journal contains a long and
circumstantial record of the various
incidents that occurred. The MS. is a
foolscap folio of thirty-two pages,
written in double columns in a neat
hand-writing, and sewn up roughly in
part of a sheet of draft still containing
fragments of some legal pleadings. In
presenting it to the reader, the editor,
as he modestly styles himself, introdu
ces copious explanations and comments
on the various paragraphs, which are
obviously based upon a wide and
critical knowledge of the subject in its
various ramifications. The second siege
came to an end on July 21st, 1645,
with the surrender of the garrison, and
Drakesubsequentlytookuphisresidence
in Pontefract, but seems not to have
resumed his military life. Between
the second and third sieges came au
interval of nearly three years, the
history nf which is neatly summarised
from the records of local chroniclers,

Clarendon and others. In 1648, on
June 3rd, the castle was seized by a
band of Royalists, who provisioned and
armed it, prepared to resist its recapture
by the Parliamentary forces. In a
short time the castle was weakly in
vested by Sir H. Cholmley, but the
siege did not in reality commence until
November the 9th, Cromwell having
arrived on the scene about a week be
fore. It does not appear, however,
that Cromwell did much more than
organise the siege, for on December
4th, Major-General Lambert took the
matter in hand, while Cromwell trans
ferred himself to London, where impor
tant events were pending. Christmas
and the opening of the new year saw
the siege still in progress, but by the
following March the garrison were re
duced to the necessity of surrendering,
and the Castle was handed over into the
hands of the besiegers on the 24th of
that month. Full details of the siege
are given by the author, and these are
followed by minute accounts of the
subsequent and ultimate fate of the
chief actors on the Royalist side. These
are on a par with other well-known
narratives dealing with the events of
the period, and need not be particularly
referred to. Suffice it to say that the
leaders were put to death, and the
commonalty sent to the plantations, and
then, to prevent it ever again repeating
the history of the last four years, that
' ' princely palace' ' of Pontefract Castle
was razed to the ground. The story
of the sieges and the Castle thus told,
the main work of our author is finished,
but his volume is not thereby con
cluded. For now we come to a series
of important and interesting reprints of
documents which illustrate the use to
which the Castle was put in its palmy
days, or furnish circumstantial narra
tives of events which occurred there.
Following these are a number of genea
logical and other appendices of con
siderable value for the facts they em
body, and finally a supplement, iu
which are described in detail the eigh
teen photographs which embellish, the
volume, the published engravings of
the Castle, and the siege plans which
are also reproduced. — Leeds Mercury.

PRESS NOTICES.

Mr. Holmes is a well-known
local antiquary, who has worked for
years on the history of Pontefract, and
deserves all the credit due for zealous
and unremunerative labour. We feel
sure that it is no exaggeration to say
that he knows more of the history of
that picturesque old town than any of
his contemporaries. His book is a
storehouse of facts, and we have de
tected no errors of any importance. —
Athenceum. This is the second volume of a
selection of historical records relating
to Pontefract, and contains the "Sieges
of Pontefract Castle, 1644-1648."
The second siege is made specially
noticeahle by the hard measure meted
out to the Royalist commander, Colonel
Morris or Marris. After a trial in
which the Court treated him with a
brutality and injustice which can only
be matched with that of Jefferies after
the Monmouth Rebellion, he was con-,
demned to be hanged. His crime
seems to have been that he contiuued
resistance after all reasonable people
had given it up as hopeless. To Ponte
fract Castle undoubtedly belonged the
honour, such as it is, of having been
the last place to hold out for King
Charles. Marris seems to have been
not only harshly treated at the time,
but maligned afterwards. Carlyle
speaks of him as " a desperate man"
and " a highway robber." He really
was a man of position, and an honest
but somewhat reckless partizan. No
scoundrel could have done what is re
lated of him on good authority. He
attempted to escape, and had practi
cally succeeded, when the rope gave
way with his companion, who fell and
broke his leg. Marris would not

leave him and was recaptured. * A
very interesting volume this. — The
Spectator. This is, if we mistake not, the
second volume edited by Mr. Holmes
containing collections towards a history
of Pontefract. In the work now be
fore us we are told all that is at pre
sent known about the memorable sieges
of ' ' the key of the North, " as Ponte
fract was called in the seventeenth
century. Mr. Holmes writes as be
comes an historian, and gives us a
clear picture of the times he tell us of.
Also he is very careful to inform us
whence he gets his facts, and his re
ferences are given with the utmost ex
actness. There is little or nothing
that is new ; but all that is known
about Pontefract during the Civil War
is here gleaned, and the work is done,
on the whole, in a manner that makes
us wish that all our towns had as en
thusiastic a lover of their past histories
at present dwelling in them as Pomfret
is blessed with. No one can possibly
estimate the value it would be to his
tory in its highest and widest sense if
the local inhabitants of a place would
only set to work and record what is
known about it, for the use of future
writers. * * * We trust
that Mr Holmes may be induced to
continue his labours. No one knows
better than he how much there yet
remains to be done, or how few people
there are fitted to do it. The Supple
ment, giving an accouat of " the re
sults of a comparison of all the known
engravings of the Castle and Plans of
its Sieges," adds very much to the in
terest and value of the book. — Notes
and Queries.

YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY

3 9002 04078 5074

§1