"B^G^ U^,

/S9S.

MEMOIRS OF
HER MAJESTY
QUEEN CAROLINE AMELIA ELIZ.
CONSORT OF GEORGE IV.
KING OF GREAT BRITAIN.

By JOHN WILKS, Jun.

"Veritas nihil veretur nisi abscondi. Tek.

VOL. II.

LONDON :
PRINTED FOR SHERWOOD, NEELY, AND JONES,
PATERSrOSTEE KOW.
1822.

CHAPTER L
Prelimin'ary Observations relative to the Trial
or THE Queen — and character of Witnesses —
Tabular Analysis of Trial— and ulterior pro
ceedings IN THE House of Lords to the with-
DRAWMENT OF TIIE BlLL OF PaINS AND PENALTIES 
PRIVATE HISTOKY OF HER MaJESTY TO THAT PERIOD.
1 HE trial of the Queen for alleged adultery-
was the most important event in her life, whether
her personal interest was considered, or the
effects "which such a measure must necessa
rily produce on the laws and liberties of the
country. Reports of the trial, professedly
verbatim, have been published by various
persons, and it "would be mere book-making to
transcribe them into the present work. An
Analysis of the trial will be hereafter presented,
which will contain the substance of the charges
and defence, in a perspicuous and tabular arrange
ment. The first column will include the charges
brought against the Queen, nearly the whole of
which are from the Attorney- General's speech,
and- as much as possible in his own words. In
the second column the names of the witnesses who
supported these charges will be inserted, and the
variations between the statement of the Attorney-
General and the evidence brought to support it,
will be noticed. Any important additions to the
original charges wliich appeared in the evidence
vox,. 11. A

and not in the address, will be also inserted.
The third column will contain the defence ; and
the fourth, the names of the witnesses for the
Queen, and occasional references to the Appendix
of documents ; and in the fifth column will be re
corded the general result of such charges and
defence. It is, however, only justice to the memory
of the Queen to remark, that this plan, of
arranging the account of the trial will present
the evidence for the prosecution in a more
favorable aspect than it does in the trial at
length, because a considerable part of that evi
dence was given in the most fearful and evasive
manner, and it was not till after a long exa
mination that many of the witnesses gave any
explicit evidence. All this circumlocution, which
greatly impaired their credit, is necessarily
avoided in a short analysis. A similar observa
tion may be made relative to those points which
were evidently contained in the Attorney-Gene
ral's brief, but which he in vain attempted to
substantiate by evidence. In almost innumerable
instances he propounded leading questions, which
were answered by, " I am not sure," "I do not
remember." As his instructions were prepared
from the previous depositions of these witnesses,
such repeated failures created a strong suspicion
that the witnesses had fabricated no inconsiderable
part of their narratives, and that, like all liars,
they found it difficult to repeat a fictitious state
ment without variation. Yet this verbosity must
be exqluded from any abridgement of the trial.

Of still more importance, in the consideration
of this part of the life of the Queen, is the cha
racter of the witnesses, by whose testimony the
charges were attempted to be proved, and as this
could not conveniently be introduced into the
columnarian arrangement a brief attempt to
supply this deficiency must be here made.
Demont and Maj occhi were the chief supporters
of the allegations. Other witnesses were called
to corroborate them, or to prove insulated cir
cumstances, but the names of these two persons
are found in almost every page of the Analysis,
and on their characters much depends.
On Demont's cross-examination two letters
were produced (and admitted by her to be
genuine), one of them written by her, after she
was discharged from the Queen's service, to her
sister, and the other to Her Majesty. These ex
pressed her unlimited attachment to the Queen —
her admiration of her Majesty's character ¦ — her
desire to be restored to her situation — intimating
that she had refused offers of high protection from
London — and her wish that the Queen would
take into her service a younger sister, nineteen years
of age. When cross-examined, she attempted to
explain these passages as a double entendre, but
in this she completely failed. And had she
succeeded, her case would have been little better.
On another occasion she told Fanchette Martigner
that she (Demont) had never observed any thing
about the Queen but what was good — that her
Majesty had always been surrounded by spies —
that her simplest actions, done with the best
A 2

intentions, were misrepresented — that she did no
action but what she was willing all the world
should know — and that the old King was the
only support the Queen had. But this is not all :
John Whitcombe swore that Demont invited him
to her bed-room.*
As to Majocchi, he was discharged from the
service of Count Pino for theft.-f On his ex
amination his evidence was minute and parti
cular in the extreme, but when cross-examined,
fearing his answers might be serviceable to the
cause of Her Majesty, he was determined not
to recollect any thing. This difference was so
great, that it could not have been the effect of
chance. In the first instance, he could remember
all the rooms and doors in the Villa d'Este, but
when cross-examined, he could not recollect that
a whole new wing had been added to the build
ing. His knowledge of time varied in the same
manner. When examined, he could give not only
the hours but the minutes in which certain trans
actions took place, but when cross-examined, he
had no knowledge of time, in truth, " he had no
watch." His recollection of numbers was equally
convenient, he did not remember whether there
were two or twenty-two sailors on board the
polacca. So inveterate was his forgetfulness, that
he became better known to the public by his
favourite answer, " Non mi ricordo," than by that
bf Majocchi.
To the veracity of these persons, Demont and
* Evidence, p. 311 to 384. 571. 975.
t Appendix, cxciii. cxciv.

Majocchi, and these alone, the Attorney- General
was indebted for the confirmation of by far the
greater part of his statements ; and evidence like
theirs would be insufficient to convict a known
offender, on his twentieth appearance at the bar
of the Old Bailey.
Sacchi's character is sufficiently exposed in the
analysis and in the appendix. It is, however,,
worthy of notice, that, when cross-examined, he>
said, that on the day of the late King's funeral,
he came to London, and delivered letters at
" the house where was the Court of the King,''
(Carlton House), and saw there Mr. Powell. He
went there afterwards, and saw " a big man,
" rather a handsome man, who did not talk either
" French or Italian, and spoke to me by signs."
Gargiulo, the master of a Polacca, acknow
ledged, that he was to receive 1,000 dollars per
month for his time, when retained as a witness,
though the Queen paid him only 750 dollars per
month, and port charges, for his vessel and
twenty-two sailors.*
Paturzo, the mate of the Polacca, admitted,
that he received 800 dollars per month, to com
pensate for loss of time and business. A dollar is
worth about 4s. 4d.t ; so that, without they were
individuals of unblemished reputation, they had
great inducements to overstate the facts to the
truth of which they were required to attest.
Bianchi tried, by the promise of money, to
induce Garignani to depose against the Queen.
Garignani replied, that he never saw any thing
* Evidence, p. 127 and 132. f Evidence, p. 102.

improper in the Queen's conduct, and refused
to comply with Bianchi's requests, on which the
latter called Garignani a fool.*
BiroUo declared in the presence of three de
ponents, that he had never seen any thing indecent
on the part of the Princess or Pergami, or not
befitting the rank or the respect due to the Prin
cess ; and added, that all those who deposed to
the contrary were blackguards. f
Rastelli endeavoured to prevail on Pomi to
" make a man of himself, by giving evidence
against the Queen, adding, that Demont had
gained a great sum. He made similar pro
positions to Giarolini, and told him, that he
(Rastelli) had given various persons money,
to appear as witnesses against the Queen,
besides paying their travelling expences. Ras
telli offered Angelo £4,000, and also wages
for six years, at 2,000 livres of Italy per annum,
if he would give evidence against the Queen.
When Rastelli was called, for the purpose of
being re-examined, relative to bribing witnesses,
he was not forthcoming ; and Mr. J. A. Powell
acknowledged, that he had sent him to Italy,
to assure the friends of the witnesses of their
safety. Other couriers had, however, carried dis
patches, who had taken letters to the friends of
the witnesses. This fact therefore excited great
indignation throughout the whole English nation.
Rastelli was dischargod from the Queen's service
for fraud. "^* Appendix, ccvi. t ditto, ccxxiv.
I Eviden,c,e, 811, &c. and Appendix, passim.

Perhaps those who may not attentively peruse
the trial, may suppose that the evidence of these
witnesses was corroborated by that of more re
spectable persons. But this was not the case.
The only witnesses called for the prosecution,
who were known to be credible and respectable,
were Captains Briggs and Pechell, and these
gentlemen were generally called the Queen's wit
nesses, because their testimony was of great
advantage to her cause. One of them distinctly
stated, that he had seen nothing improper in the
conduct of her Majesty. When the known pro
fligacy of part of the witnesses is considered, and
the total want of corroboration, from the evidence
of persons of acknowledged respectability, is it
not fair to look with extreme distrust towards
those parts of the charges which were not dis
tinctly and individually disproved. It is impos
sible to bring negative evidence to bear on the
whole of such a series of accusations ; many of
the actions, according to the statements of the
witnesses, having taken place in the presence of
only one individual.
The Milan Commission is charged, on oath,
with practices not less disgraceful than those of
the witnesses just referred to. Many documents
of this kind will be found in the Appendix. The
following statement is from page 857, &c. of the
Evidence. Bonfiglio Omati was confidential clerk to
the Advocate Codazzi, at Milan, who was her
Majesty's professional agent. Offers were made
to Omati provided he would betray his trust;
in consequence of which he waited on Vi-

8
mercati, who , promised him an employment
in the police of Milan more lucrative than
that which he held under Codazzi, provided
he would bring certain papers belonging to the
Queen, then in the possession of Codazzi. Omati
carried various papers to Vimercati at seven or
eight times, but not being sufficiently remune
rated, he applied to Colonel Browne, who desired
him to call on Vimercati on the following day.
Omati did so call, and received the remainder of
the money which Vimercati had promised. Omati
received in all between 350 and 400 francs. Ri-
ganti was concerned in this affair. Omati swore
he would receive nothing for coming over to give
his evidence, his only motive being to remedy
the evils he had inflicted.
Having thus delineated the character of the wit
nesses for the prosecution, itis necessary to advert
to those for her Majesty, and the contrast will be
as striking as it is satisfactory. Most of them were
highly respectable, and several were of noble rank.
Sir Wm. Gell never saw any thing in the con
duct, manners, or conversation of the Queen
which induced him to entertain an idea that
there was a criminal intercourse between her
and Pergami. "I never," (said he) "saw the
"Princess speak to Pergami but on matters of
"business, though I was in the house for three
" months at once with them."*
The Hon. Keppel Craven remained more than
six months with her Majesty, and did not observe
any impropriety of conduct, or any degrading
familiarity between the Queen and Pergami. f
* Evidence, p. 555 and 559. f Evidence, p. 531 and 537.

Dr. Holland affirmed that the Queen's conduct
to Pergami was that of a Mistress to a servant,
and Pergami's conduct to the Queen was unpre-
suming and respectful. During the whole time
that Dr. Holland attended the Queen, he did not
observe any indecent, immodest, or improper
behaviour in her Majesty.*
Charles Mills, Esq. never saw the smallest
impropriety of conduct between the Queen and
Pergami, nor any thing in her behaviour, either in
public or private, to which just exception could
be taken. f
The Earl of Guildford, J the Earl of Landaff",^
the Domestic Chaplain of the Pope,|| the Cardinal
Albani,^ the Marquis Antaldi,** the Priest of the
parish in which the Villa d'Este was situated,!!
the Marchioness Mosca Pussionej,J! Count Odo-
ardo Machirelli,§§ and Felici, Judge of the Tribu
nal of Pesaro,l||| have given their several testimo
nies to the good conduct of the Queen. If this list
should not be completely satisfactory, the reader
may easily add to its length by referring to the
Evidence adduced before the Lords, and to the
Appendix to this work, pages cxxv to clxiv. To
these names may be added those of the witnesses,
who appeared rather for the purpose of disproving
insulated charges, than of speaking to the general
character or conduct of her Majesty.
* Evidence,, p. 610 and 616. t Evidence, p. 622, &c.
I Evidence, p. 508. § Evidence, p. 529.
II Appendix, p. cxxv. IT Appepdiv, p. cxxix.
•* Appendix, p. cxxx. ft Appendix, p. cxxxiii.
Jt Appendix, p. cxxxviii. §§ Appendix, p. cxl. |||| Appendix, p. cxlii.

10
The Attorney General's speech contained a
standing charge, which was made to apply to
almost every place, at which the Queen remained
on her journies for even one night. A constant
attempt was made to demonstrate, that the
bed rooms of her Majesty and Pergami were
purposely arranged so as to afford an easy com
munication. For instance, Majocchi* said, that at
Tunis the rooms were only separated by a small
room and a passage, in neither of which any person
slept; and this evidence was given with all possible
particularity, for the purpose of producing an im
pression unfavourable to her Majesty ; but Lieut.
Hownamf stated that Pergami's room was not on
the same floor as the Queen's, and that there were
three or four rooms between that of her Majesty
arid the flight of stairs which led to Pergami's
room. Many other instances might be adduced,
where the charges were either refuted or their
apparent impropriety explained. But though the
arrangements of the rooms, and the inferences to
be drawn from those arrangements were mis
stated by the Attorney- General and the witnesses
for the prosecution; it is certain that the Queen
generally had some male servant near her bed
room for the object of securing her personal
safety. That this was necessary, is apparent,
from the circumstance of a man being seized by
Pergami in the Villa d'Este, who had been sent
by Baron Ompteda to obtain the keys of her Ma
jesty's apartment, for the purpose of counterfeiting
* Evidence p. 22, t Evidence, p. 704.

11
them.* Pergami was not, however, the only ser
vant who guarded her Majesty. Sometimes Hie-
ronymus, and at others Sicard, performed this
duty.t The Official publication of the Minutes of Evi
dence taken on the second reading of the Bill,
&c. in the House of Lords, has been consulted in
preparing the Analysis of the Trial, and the re
ferences in figures are, to the pages of that official
publication; whilst those in roman numerals,
are to the pages of the Appendix to this work.
The preparation of this Analysis has been a
much more laborious undertaking than the author
anticipated, or probably than the reader would
credit. The official publication of the evidence
(which does not include the addresses of counsel)
extends to one thousand and eight folio pages,
every sentence of which it was necessary not
only to read, but attentively to weigh. Sur
rounded by such a mass of unarranged matter,
he may possibly have committed some over
sights. But he is firmly persuaded that the errors
(if any) will neither be numerous or important.
The examination of witnesses commenced on
the 21st of August, 1820, and finally closed on
the 24th of October.
Having thus closed the observations which it
appeared necessary to make preparatory to pre
senting an Analysis of this important Trial, it is
now inserted, and to it the most serious attention
is requested. * Appendix p. cxxxiii. t Evidence p. 546.

12

CHARGE,
And by whom made.

Witnesses who supported the
Charge.

In the year 1814, her Majesty left
this country, going in the first in
stance to Brunswick, and afterwards
to Italy. Attorney General.
Here Bartholomew Pergami* was
taken into her service. He was in
the greatest poverty — had been in
prison at Lodi"^ — had been employed
by an Excise Officer, to mark casks
of wine* — and, had served General
Pino"" as Valet de Chambre, for three
livres of Milan per day.
The witnesses whose names are given.

•Demont's Evidence, p. 247.

•"Oggioni's Evidence, p. 238.
'Mejanis's Evidence, p. 230.
^ Majocchi's Evidence, p. 3.

13

DEFENCE.

Witnesses for the
Defendant.

General Resnlt.

Admitted.

Bartholomew Pergami is of
an ancient and most respect
able family.' His father was
possessed of considerable pro
perty in land and houses." Per
gami was educated at the Col
lege of San Martino of Crema,
and during the vacation, was
placed under a private tutor.'
But the family was reduced to
poverty by the French Revolu
tion.* Pergami entered the
1st regiment of Italian Hussars
as a "Volunteer, and held the
rank of Mareschal de Logis,
which is equivalent to that of
Serjeant in a regiment of foot.
In this service he always con
ducted himself as a good and
valiant soldier.'
Afterwards he was confiden
tial Courier to General Pino.'
Pergami was hired as the
Queen's courier, by Sicard, un
der the direction of Sir "W.
Gell, without any communica
tion with the Queen. He was
recommended by the Marquis
Ghisiliari, who stated that he
had long known the family, and
felt interested about them —

Charges of Demont,
Oggioni,Mejani andMa-
' See Appendix, jocchi, completely re-
p. clxxxviii. futed.
' See an official
valuation of them
in Appendix, page
clxxxix.° See Appendix, p.
clxxxviii. * Sir "Wm. Cell's
Evidence, p. 548
to 550.
* See two certifi
cates in Appendix,
page clxxxvii, and
Teuille's Evidence,
p. 628 to 631.
'Teuille's Evidence
p. 628 to 631.

14

CHARGE.
nd by whom made.

Witnesses who supported the
Charge.

On the 8th November 1814, the
Queen and her attendants arrived at
Naples. On the first night after her
arrival at that place, William Austin,
as usual, slept in her Majesty's room,
and Pergami at an opposite side of
the house, but on the following morn
ing, orders were given to remove
William Austin's bed to another
room, his age (the Qileen said) ren
dering his longer stay improper. And
by her Majesty's express desire Per
gami's bed was removed to a room
from which there was a free commu
nication with that of the Queen's, by
means of a corridor.
Attorney General's Speech,
On this evening the Queen went to
the Opera, but returned very early
and appeared much agitated.* Demont.
Pergami took possession of his new
room — her Majesty was observed to
go from her own room towards that

Demont's Evidence supports
this paragraph except the dates.

' Demont's Evidence.

15

DEFENCE.
that Pergami was perfectly
honourable, honest, and trust
worthy — that he was above the
office he was about to enter,
and the Marquis hoped he
would be gradually advanced.
When the Marquis took leave of
Pergami, he kissed him, a cus
tomary manner of shewing re
spect in that country.'
The alteration of the rooms
was made by Sicard, without
communicating with the Queen,
and his principal reason for the
change was, that there was a
glass door into the garden,
which he thought not safe,
without some male servant
sleeping near it.'
William Austin was removed
from the Queen's room, at the
recommendation of the Hon.
K. Craven."

Witnesses for the
Defendant.

General Result.

I Evidence of Sir
WiUiam Gell,
Hon. K. Craven,
and Sicard, p. 548
to 601.

' Sicard's Evidence
p. 593.

f Hon. K. Craven's
Evidence, p. 537.

The alteration in the
disposition of the rooms,
is, therefore, fairly ac
counted for, and the
charge refuted.

The Queen remained at the
Opera till all the performances
were over, and retumed home
'ite.

Craven's Evidence,
p. 535, and Sir
Wm. Gell's ditto,
p. 551.

Charge refuted.

This charge is not
borne out by evidence,
(and the evidence is De-

16

CHARGE,
And by whom made.
assigned to Pergami, and in the
morning it was discovered that she
had not slept in her own room, (the
bed being almost precisely in the
same state as on the preceding
evening), and Pergami's bed was
decisively marked as if two persons
had reposed in it.'' Many persons of
rank called on the Queen in the
morning, but she was not visible till
a late hour."" Attorney General,

A few days after this period, the
Queen gave a masked ball, at the
house of the King of Naples. Her
first assumed character was a Nea-
(politan peasant. She withdrew to a
private room to change her dress, and
Pergami was sent for to attend her.
She took off her first dress, and put
on the second in the presence of Per
gami alone. This second dress was
to represent the Genius of History,
and was of an indecent and disgust
ing kind. Attorney General.
She again changed her dress to
that of a female Turkish peasant, and
Pergami accompanied her, dressed
also as a Turkish peasant.

Witnesses who supported the
Charge.
¦"This part of the Attorney
General's speech is supported
by Demont, but her evidence
is not sufficiently specific to
bear out the charge, and what
she did swear to was extorted
piecemeal. On the first ex
amination, she said, the bed
was tumbled — on the second
examination, that it had the
appearance of more than one
person having slept in it — but
it was not till the third exami
nation, that she spoke of the
stains. 'Unsupported by Evidence.
Demont's Evidence.

Demont says, she changed
her dress entirely.
Demont's Evidence.
Demont says, the Queen's
arms and breasts were bare.
Demont's Evidence, p. 245.

DEFENCE.

17
Witnesses for the
Uefciidank.

Ceni'ral Result.
niont's, on whose testi
mony no reliance can
be placed) the last sen
tence rests on the autho
rity of the Attorney Gene
ral alone.

The Queen wore a plain un
der dress which came up to
the neck, and was not taken
off when she changed charac
ters. The dress to represent the
Genius of History was an imi
tation of the Townley Curiatius
in the British Museum, or Mr.
Hope's Minerva. The hon. K.
Craven has no recollection of
this dress being indecent, on
the contrary, he thinks it com
pletely covered the b'osom of
the Princess.
Sicard and Hieronymus, ser.
vants of her Majesty, also at
tended this ball, dressed as
Turks.

Sir William Gell,
p. 548—563.

Sir William Gell,
p. 552, &c.

Evidence, p. 536.
Sicard's Evidence,
p. .595.

This charge is attempt
ed to be supported by
Demont's Evidence; but
1st, The dress objected
to, appears to have been
decent. 2nd, The under
dress mentioned by Sir
Wm. Gell, is a sufficient
answer to Demont's im
putations, respecting the
change of dresses ; and
3rd, Part of the Attor
ney General's statement
is unsupported by evi
dence.

18

CHARGE,
And by whom made.
He did not remain long at the
ball, but returned home apparently
dissatisfied. Her Majesty followed
him home and pressed him much
to return to the ball, but he declined.
She returned alone to the ball, but
did not remain long.
It was observed that at whatever
hour she arose in the morning, Per
gami rose at the same time, and also
that her Majesty was in the habit of
breakfasting in her apartments, in
company with him alone.
Attorney General.
During her residence at Naples,
Pergami received a kick from a horse,
which confined him to his room. Her
Majesty hired a servant to attend on
Pergami. This man slept in a room
close to that occupied by Pergami,
and on three or four occasions, ob
served her Majesty, after her house
hold had retired to rest, go from her
own room with rauch caution, along
the passage, to that of Pergami's.
On each occasion she remained in
the room a considerable time, and
this man could distinctly hear them
kissing.' Attorney General.

Witnesses who supported the
Charge.
None.

None.

Majocchi's Evidence, p.
to 7.

'Majocchi said, he heard only
whispers.

19
DEFENCE Witnesses for the General Result.
Defendant.

This part of the charge
does not appear to be
borne out by any Evi
dence.

This charge does not
appear to be supported
by Evidence.

This statement rests
on the authority of Ma
jocchi alone, who was
convicted of perjury; and
besides which, Majocchi,
when cross-examined, (p.
39) admitted that there
was another passage to
Pergami's room, by which
the Queen might have
gone without passing
through the room in which
Majocchi slept. Conse
quently if this witness is
believed, the Queen ran
the greatest risk of dis
covery, without the least
necessity.

B 2

20

CHARGE,
And by whom made.

Her Majesty resided at Naples
from November to March, and during
the whole of that period the intimacy
continued, and during the same time
she lost the greater part of her Eng
lish suite. Mr. St. Leger left her
Majesty at Brunswick, Lady Forbes,
Sir William Gell, Honorable Keppel
Craven, and Captain Hesse, were left
behind at Naples. Lady Lindsay
accompanied her Majesty from Na
ples, but left her at Leghorn, in
March 1815.
It is probable that at another stage
of the proceedings, proper reasons
will be assigned for the departure of
these persons. Attorney General.

Witnesses Who supporeted the
Charge.
Various witnesses, see Evi
dence, passim.

21

DEFENCE.
Mr. St. Leger' left her Ma
jesty on account of his health,
but hastened to pay his respects
to her on her return to England.
Sir W. Gell^ was disabled by
the Gout from proceeding with
her Majesty, but he occasion
ally attended her afterwards
at various places. The hon.
K. Craven' originally purposed
to attend her Majesty about
two months, but remained six
months. He saw no impro
priety in her conduct.
Lady Lindsay' had arranged
to quit her Majesty at Leghorn,
before they met. She had seen
no impropriety in her Majesty's
conduct. She again joined her
at Naples, with her brother
Lord North.
The Earl and Countess of
Llandafi"' visited the Queen,
dined with her, and were at
her evening parties, yet saw
nothing improper. The gene
rality of English and all the
Neapolitan Noblesse visited
the Queen.'
The gentlemen, and more
particularly the ladies, who
joined her Majesty at her own ^
request during her travels,
might here be enumerated,
but the defence to this charge
aeeds no addition.

Witnesses tot the
Defendant.
' See Evidence, p.
499.

' See Evidence, p.
552.

' See Evidence, p.
532.

' See Evidence, p.
513 and 532.

" Earl of Llandaff's
Evidence, p. 527.

I Earl of Llandaff
as above, and Dr.
Holland, p. 609.

General Result.
It is admitted that the
persons named, did leave
the Queen's suite, but
the unfavourable infer
ence attempted to be
drawn from that fact, is
shewn to be without foun
dation.

22

CHARGE,
And by "whoin made.
While at Naples, her Majesty at
tended a public Masquerade at the
Theatre St. Charles, accompanied by
Pergami and Demont, Their dresses
were of so indecent' a description,
that the party were received with
marked disapprobation, and were
obliged almost immediately to retire.
Attorney General,

Witnesses who supported the
Charges.
Demont's Evidence, p. 256.

' Demont only called the dress
' ugly and monstrous."

Her Majesty quitted Naples, and
embarked from Civitta Vecchia, on
board the Clorinde, for Genoa, and
during the whole of the voyage, Per
gami waited at table upon her Majes
ty as usual. Attorney General,
Up to this period, the Queen en
tertained a Chaplain, who performed
divine service every Sunday, but now
the practice was discontinued. The
Queen told Demont she intended to
have Masses said, for the soul of
Pergami's father.
While at Genoa, Pergami attended
her Majesty in all her rides and
walks, and had a bed room near that
of her Majesty, as he had at Naples.
It was observed/ here, also, that
her Majesty's bed. had scarcely ever
been occupied at night, while that of

Demont's Evidence, p. 30S.

Majocchi's Evidence, p. 9,
Demont's Evidence, p. 258.

Demont's Evidence, p. 260.

DEFENCE.
Her Majesty remained till a
late hour. SirW. Gell remem
bered this, because he was very
lame, and " had to stand be
hind her Royal Highness the
whole night."

23
Witnesses for tlie
Defendant.
Sir William Gell's
Evidence, p. 651.

General Result.
1st. This charge was
supported by Demont
alone; '2nd. She did not
say that the dress was
indecent, but only " ugly
and monstrous ;"and 3rd.
Demont was positively
contradicted by Sir W,
Gell as to the duration of
the Queen's stay at the
Masquerade, and as to the
disapprobation, stated to
have been evinced.

Admitted.

Admitted.

This charge rests on
Demont's authority, but
is as immaterial, as it is
probably untrue.

These charges rest
solely on the authority
of Majocchi and Demont,
and are therefore un-
«ntitled to belief.

24

CHARGE,
And by whom made.
Pergami, bore evident marks of havr
ing been occupied by two persons.
Attorney General,
The sister, brother, and mother of
Perganji, were taken into her Majes
ty's household, also a daughter of
Pergami's, about three years of age.
But his wife was not admitted, and
her Majesty who knew that he was
a raarried man, gave out that he was
not, and that the child was illegiti
mate. Attorney General.
Her Majesty, after having remained
at Genoa, until May 15th, went to
Milan, leaving Lady Campbell be
hind. She was afterwards joined at
Milan, by that Lady, who remained
with her for a short time, but quitted
her before the end of the same
month. When Lady Campbell left her
Majesty, she remained without any
lady of rank as her attendant.
She received the second sister of
Pergami as a companion, under the
title of the Countess of Oldi, and
while she sat at table with her Majes
ty, Pergami, his mother, brother, and
other sister, lived with the servants.
It was here put to the vote whe
ther the Queen should be admitted
to the Cassino, and decided in the
negative. Atturney General's Speech,

Witnesses who supported the
Charges.

Majocchi's? Evidence, p. 1 1 .

Demont's Evidence, p. 362,

Demont's Evidence, p. 309,

DEFENCE,

25
Witnesses for the
Defendant.

General Result.
This charge was un
supported by Evidence.

The latter part of the
sentence unsupported by
Evidence. The former part ad
mitted.

Part of this] tissue of
charges are unsupported
by Evidence ; the wit
nesses for the remainder
are Majocchi and De
mont, And the latter is
contradicted in one of
the most material parts
of her statement, viz.
that the -Queen was not
allowed to become a
Member of the Cassino.

It appears that the Queen
never made application to be
admitted a Member of this
Society.

See certificate of
the Society Appen
dix ccxviii.

Disproved,

26

CHARGiE,
And by whom made.
After a short residence at Milan,
the Queen set out for Venice, where
she resided at an hotel. Here she
was observed to take a gold chain,
and place it round Pergami's neck —
he put it on her neck, and she again
put it on his. This toying continued
some time. Attorney General.

Witnesses who supported the
Charges.

Bianchi's Evidence, p.
to 219.

213

Mr. Burrell quitted her Majesty's
service at Villa Villani. As the En
glish attendants quitted her service,
there appeared less reserve in her at
tention to Pergami. Attorney General.
The Queen and servants after this
played in the saloon, in the evenings^
at blind man's buff, &c. Demont.

Demont's Evidence, p. 264,

In August, 1815, she visited Mount
St. Gothard ; thence she proceeded
to Vannes,where she retired to a bed
room with Pergami, and they re
mained shut up for a considerable
time. After dinner, they went to
Madona il Monte, where they slept,
and next day they travelled to the
Borromeo Islands. Her Majesty had
the best apartment assigned for her
use, but on this occasion she did not
accept it, not affording her an oppor
tunity of having Pergami as near as
usual. She took meaner apartments

Demont alone supported
any of these Charges, p. 268.

DEFENCE.
Fanna, who was stated to
lave sold this chain, has de-
lied that he sold it.

27
Witnesses for the
Defendant.
Vide Appendix,

General Result.
Charge refuted.

This statement is made
solely by the Attorney
General.

This charge rests sole
ly on the Evidence of
Demont.

Part of these charges
are unsupported by Evi
dence — part rest on De
mont's assertions, — and
in the consideration of
the last allegation, it is
necessary to take into
account, that it was on
a journey, in the midst
of imperfect arrange
ments, that Pergami
dined with her Majesty
in his Courier's dress,
and that this circum
stance appears to have
taken place only once.

28

CHARGE,
And by whom made.
for this purpose. On this journey
over St. Gothard, Pergami first dined
with her Majesty, but he did not do
this regularly till some time after at
the Villa d'Este. Pergami was in
the dress of a courier, and in that
dress dined at her Majesty's table.
Attorney General.

Witnesses who supported the
Charges.

The Queen now established herself
at d'Este, near Como. Here their
rooms were only divided by a small
cabinet ; their apartments were, how
ever, cut off frora all coramunication
with those of the other servants;
Pergami retiring at night and rising
in the morning at the same hour as
her Royal Highness. Attorney General.

Demont's Evidence, p. 272.

Here he was advanced to the dig
nity of her Majesty's Chamberlain,
and always dined at her table, toge
ther with his sister, the dame d'
honneur. Attorney General.

Admitted.

She remained at d'Este till Nov.
1815, and embarked on board the Le
viathan on the 15th of that month.
Attorney General,

Admitted.

29
' DEFENCE. Witnesses for the Gonenil Result.
Defendant.
This part of the Charge ad
mitted by Hownam, p. 702 and
26; but vide explanation
Qade in p. 27.

This charge was solely sup- Rests on Demont's
ported by Demont, and is Evidence alone.
therefore not to be believed.

Admitted.

Admitted.

30

CHARGE,
And by whom made.

The best apartments were allotted
in the Leviathan, to her Majesty, and
the cabins contiguous to each other,
were prepared for her and her female
attendants, but immediately on her
Majesty coming on board, the ar
rangement was altered, and the room
next to that occupied by her Majesty
was appropriated to Pergami,
Attorney General.

Witnesses who supported the
Charges.
Captain Briggs's Evidence,
p. 160 and 163.

Her Majesty reached Palermo on
the 26th of November. Here she
went to Court, accompanied by Per
gami in a magnificent hussar dress.
Attorney General.
Arrived at Messina, the bed
rooms were arranged as in other
places, except that their rooms were
separated by that in which the
Countess of Oldi slept.
Attorney General.

No Evidence.

Majocchi's Evidence, p. 17.

31

DEFENCE.
'fe Captain Briggs neutralized
is evidence against the Queen,
ly adding, that it was possible
lut not probable that Pergami
ould have passed from his
oom to tliat of the Queen's
without being observed; that
n order to get from his room
o the Queen's, he must have
lassed through the common
lining-room— that by the alter-
ition made in the cabins by the
3ueen, the cabin of Countess
31di was made to open into
ler own — that the Queen's
room and that of the Countess
Oldi divided that part of the
ship between them. And that
he saw no improper conduct
on the part of the Queen, dur
ing her stay on board his ship.

Witnesses for the
Defendant.
Captain Briggs's
Evidence, p. 160
and 163.

General Result.
The unfavourable in
ferences attempted to be
drawn from the arrange
ments on board the Le
viathan are refuted by
the witness for the pro
secution.

Unsupported by Evi
dence,

It was absolutely necessary
to pass through the room of the
Countess of Oldi, in order to
get firom Pergami's room to the
Queen's, and the Countess al
ways slept there.

Majocchi.

Charge refuted.

32
CHARGE, Witnesses who supported the
And by whom made. Charge.
It was observed that her Majesty No Evidence for the first part
seldom required that female assist- of the charge.
ance which ladies of her rank demand ;
and that she called Pergami " her „ ^ ^g^^. ffjgjj^ « <, jyj
dear," " her love," and played fami- j^^^^^^,, jy^^^^^^ p. j,'^,
liarly with him. Attorneg General.
On the 5th of January her Majesty Admitted.
left Messina, and embarked in the
frigate Clorinde, the vessel which
had previously carried her Majesty
from Civitta Vecchia to Genoa.
On the former voyage on board the c^pt. Pechell's Evidence,
Clorinde, Pergami was her menial p^ j^g^
servant — now he was her Chamber
lain, consequently Captain Pechell
objected to sit at the some table with
him. Her Majesty took a day or two
to consider what she should do, and
in the end declined the table and
and society of Captain Pechellj for
that of Pergami. Attorney General.

DEFENCE.

Witnesses for the
Defendant.

General Result.
Charge unsupported.
The statements of At
torney General and De
mont do not precisely
agree — and Demont was
the only witness who sup
ported the charge.

This publicity, so far front
raising a presumption of guilt,
was the moSt indisputable proof
of innocence.

No unfavourable in-
fbrence can be drawn
from the Queen's con
duct.

The Queen complained to
Captain Briggs, of Captain
Pechell's conduct in the former
voyage ; and, therefore she did
not feel anxious to] have |the
company of Captain Pechell :
and she also said to Captain
Briggs, that it was to prevent
Captain Pechell's keeping two
tables — and that she thought
as Captain Briggs had sat
down at table with Pergami,
Captain Pechellj might do the
same.

Captain Briggs's
Evidence, p. 162.

Ditto.

Vol. II.

34

CHARGE,
And by whom made.
From Messina her Majesty went
to Syracuse, where she remained till
the 30th of that month, and then
proceeded to Catania.
At first Pergami's bed-room was at
a distance from the Queen's, but the
same change took place here as on
other occasions.
The filles de Chambres, one night
saw Pergami's door open, and her
Majesty coming out undressed, and
with a pillow under her arm.
Attorney General.

Witnesses who supported the
Charges.

Majocchi's Evidence, p. 19.
Demont's Evidence, p. 278.
This was Demont, but she
stated the time to have been
about ten o'clock in the morn
ing. See Evidence, p. 275.

Pergami's child slept in her Ma- None.
jesty's room, and after in her bed,
and was subsequently dignified with
the title of Princess. Attorney General.
Her Majesty procured Pergami a
Knighthood of Malta, and afterwards
she always addressed him as Cheva
lier. Attorney General.
While at Catania she, at first, en
joyed the Society of the first persons
there, but after a short residence, she
becarae regardless of all society but
that of Pergami's. Attorney General.
In the month of March, 1816, she Majocchi's Evidence, p. 21.
left Catania, for Augusta, also in Demont's Evidence, p. 285.

Demont's Evidence, 284.

Unsupported by Evidence.

DEFENCE
The room of the Queen was
below, and Pergami's above ;
and the Queen's room had
another entrance that led into
the saloon, where they dined.

35
M'itnesses for the
Defendant.
Majocclii, p. 19.

General Result.
No unfavourable in
ference can be drawn
from the statement and
Evidence taken together.

Ist. Demont is the only wit
ness to this fact. 2nd, There
is no evidence that Pergami
was then in the room alluded
to. 3rd, The Countess of Oldi
and her child slept at that
time in the Queen's room, and
4th, there is a manifest dis
crepancy between the state
ment of the Attorney General
and Demont.

Charge unsupported
by sufficient Evidence.

Unsupported by Evi>-
dence.

Admitted.

No unfavourable in
ference can be drawn
from this fact.

This statement is not only
unsupported by evidence, but it
is actually untrue.

Charge not proved.

C 2

36

CHARGE,
And by whom made.
Sicily. Both the rooms of the Queen
and Pergami opened into a court, and
no person had access to that court
but those two.
She obtained for Pergami the title
of Baron de la Francino.
Either at Augusta or at Catania,
she sat for her picture. In one in
stance, she sat in the character of a
Magdalen in a dress in which her
person was very much exposed. In
another picture she was painted in
the dress of a Turkish Lady. Along
with her was the child Victorine in a
similar dress. Pergami was also
painted in a Turkish dress.. One, if
not two, of these pictures were pre
sented to Pergami. Attorney General,

Her Majesty set out on a voyage
to Tunis, and afterwards visited
Greece. For the voyage she hired a vessel,
called a Polacre. Her Majesty's
cabin, as well as that of the Countess
of Oldi, communicated with the
dining cabin, and on the other side
were some apartments for the other
female attendants.
There were two doors leading vnto
the cabin, one for the Queen and the
other for her female servants. For a
few days, Pergami slept at some dis
tance from the Queen's apartment.

Witnesses who supported the
Charges.

Majocchi's Evidence, p. 21.
Demont's Evidence, p. 282
to 284.

Demont stated this picture was
in the Queen's possession. She
arranged the neck of Pergami's
shirt when he sat for his pic
ture. Demont, p. 284, and
286. Majocchi's Evidence, p. 21.

Gaetano Paturzo's Evidence,
p. 9.5.
Plan of the Vessel, p. 109.
Vincenzo Gargiulo's Evi
dence, p. 117.

DEFENCE,

37
Witnesses for the
Defendant.

General Result.
These charges were
only supported by De
mont and Majocchi,

Admitted,

These charges were
only supportedby De-
mont and Majocchi.

Admitted.

Admitted.

Admitted,

Admitted.

38

CHARGE,
And by whom made.
But very soon one of the doors, that
which served for a communication of
the servants into the eating-room, was
ordered to be closed up, leaving only
one entrance to the dining room, and
the Queen's bed room. A bed was
ordered to be brought for Pergami
into the dining cabin, and this bed
was so placed, that when the door
of the Queen's sleeping room was
open, she and Pergami could see
each other while in bed, and hold
conversation together. The only ac
cess to her Majesty's bed room was
through the eating room, in which
Pergarai slept, and when the door of
this room was shut, there was no
means of access to the Queen's. The
door of the eating cabin was con
stantly shut after they retired to
rest.- Attorney General.

Witnesses who supported the
Charges.

Demont's Evidence, p. 286.
Demont says, she saw them
conversing together in this
manner, p. 287.

Her Majesty proceeded to Utica.
In the House in which she slept there
were only two bed rooms; one was
allotted to her Majesty and Victorine,
and another to the Countess of Oldi,
and the other female attendants.
The rest of the suite were in various
parts of the town. Pergami came at
an early hour in the morning, before
her Majesty was up, and entered her

Demont's Evidence, p. 286.

DEFENCE.

39
Witnesses for the
Defendant.

General Result.

This part
wholly false.

of the charge

From the plan of the vessel,
(Evidence p. 109) it appears
that the Countess Oldi slept in
the room adjoining the Queen's
room, and that there was a
door which opened from the
Countess of Oldi's room into
the Queen's apartment.

Lieu. Flinn stated
that the Queen and
Pergami could not
see eac h other,
when in bed, if the
doors were open,
p. 654.

The plan of the vessel
disproved some of the
statements.

These charges there
fore are either denied, or
explained.

40

CHARGE,
And by whom made.

apartment, without asking leave, and
there remained alone with her a con
siderable time. Attorney General.

Witnesses who supported the
Charges.

Her Majesty visited Savona, or
Savenha, or Zavouan, near Tunis.
The house in which she slept there,
had only two rooms, and the outer
room, which was assigned to Pergarai
had no bed; the inner roora, which
was occupied by her Majesty, had a
very l&rge one. ("There was no access
to the inner room except through the
outer room). The morning after her
Majesty had slept here, her bed had
the appearance of having been slept
in by two persons. Attorney General.
Frora the coast of Africa, her Ma
jesty sailed to Athens. The Captain
of an English ship which touched
there, landed, and called on the
Queen. He was introduced to her
sitting in an alcove in a garden, in
which were also the Countess of Oldi
and Pergami ; the latter seated and
wearing a foraging cap. Her Majesty
rose to receive the Officer, and de
sired him to be seated. Pergami
continued seated, and after a short
time, left the place without making
the least obeisance. He left the
room as if he were a person of equal
rank to her Majesty. Attorney General.

A t Tunis , the rooms were only
separated by a small room and
a passage, in neither of which
any person slept. Majocchi,
p. 22.

Demont does not assert
what is contained in the begin
ning of the paragraph, but she
thinks two persons had slept
in the bed. Evidence, p. 289.
None.

DEFENCE.
In Italy it is usual for men
servants to go into a bed-room
while the ladies are still in bed.

41
Witnesses for the
Defendant.

Sir W,
555.

Gell, p.

General Result.

Charges supported by
Demont alone.

Pergami's room was not on the
same story as the Queen's, and
'there were three or four rooms
' between her room and the flight
of stairs which led to Pergami's
room.

Lieut. Hownam's
Evidence, p. 704.

Majocchi's statenient
is distinctly contradicted

Charges not supported
by Evidence.

Unsupported by Evi
dence.

42

CHARGE,
And by whom made.
She next proceeded to Ephesus,
where she directed a bed to be placed
under a vestibule, , which front^ed a
church shaded by trees. Dinner was
prepared, but the weather was hot,
and her Majesty had retired to the
vestibule to repose. Pergami was
seen coming from this vestibule in
dishabille, when no other person
was supposed to be there but her
Majesty. Dinner was ordered to be served
in the vestibule, for her Majesty and
Pergami. She sat on the sraall bed,
and he beside her. None of her
attendants were admitted, and she
and Pergami remained alone together
for a considerable time.
Attorney General.
Soon after her Majesty proceeded
to Aun, a place in Syria. Here a
tent was erected, and a bed fitted up
within it for her Majesty. While she
was in bed in this tent, Pergami was
seen sitting in his shirt sleeves, and
almost undressed on the side of the
bed. From this tent he was after
wards seen coming in a state of
undress.

Witnesses who supported the
Charges.
Majocchi's Evidence, p. 22
and 23.

In the journey to Aun (Aum)
they travelled at night, and
slept in the day,' under tents.
Her Majesty's tent contained
a sofa for her own use, and a
travelling bed for Pergami: in
this manner they slept with the
tent closed; Pergami's child
was in the tent sometimes,
also.

Attorney General. Majocchi's Evidence, p. 24.

Demont says, that she as
sisted the Queen in undressing,
and that she was undressed as
usual. Evidence, p. 290.

DEFENCE.

43
Witnesses for the
Defendant.

Gencriil Result.
This charge solely rests
on Majocchi's testimony.

The Queen and all her at-
;ndants dined together under
le portico of an old Mosque.

Lieutenant How
nam's Evidence, p.
705.

These statements are
supported by Majocchi
alone, and the most ma
terial part of them is
directly contradicted.

The ¦ Queen was so much
aligned on this journey, that
;he fell from the ass, she was
.ravelling on, more than once.

- Demont, when cross-exarain-
, jd, admitted, that the Queen
jnlyputoffher travelling dress,
md retained the rest of her
clothes.

Lieutenant How
nam's Evidence, p.
707.

Evidence, p. 32 1 ,

I St. These charges rest
on the authorities of Ma
jocchi and Demont, and
the latter contradicts her
self on her cross-exami
nation, in the most ma
terial point. 2nd. Ma-
jocchisays thattheQueen,
Pergami, and his child,
slept under the tent, but
does not say that no
other person slept there.

44

CHARGE,
And by wliom made.
Her Majesty proceeded to Jeru
salem, where she obtained for Per
gami the order of St. Sepulchre.
She also instituted an order of her
own, called the " Order of St. Caro
line," after conferring this order on
several of her domestics, she made
Pergami the grand master.
Attorney General.

Witnesses who supported the
Charges.

Vincenzo Gargiulo's
dence, p. 125.
Demont's Evidence, p.

Evi-

249.

She embarked at Jaffa for Italy,
on board a polacre ; finding it incon
venient to remain in the cabin during
the night, she directed a tent to be
erected on the deck of the vessel in
order to sleep in it. In this tent a
sofa or bed was placed for her Ma
jesty, and also a sofa for Pergami.
In this way they slept, without parti
tion, every night till their arrival in
Italy. After dinner her Majesty and Per
gami frequently retired into the tent,
and the canvass was let down.
Attorney General.

Demont's, Evidence, p. 292.
Majocchi's Evidence, p. 25.
Gaetano Paturzo's Evidence,
p. 98.
Vincenzo Gargiulo's Evi
dence, p. 119.
Francisco BiroUo's Evi
dence, p, 144,

45

DEFENCE.

' Pergami, W. Austen, and
Count Scavini (Schiavini) were
all made Knights of the order
of St. Sepulchre.

' Hownam believes that Pei"-
gami did sleep under the tent
— the sofa and bed were three
or four feet apart — thinks it
necessary that some one should
have slept there with the Queen.
When there was any sea, that
the vessel was in motion, the
female attendants were as help
less as her Majesty, conse
quently a male attendant was
necessary; besides, from an
attack £nade on her Majesty's
house at Genoa, and from the
attempts of Baron Ompteda,
the Queen entertained appre-
'hensions for her personal safety,
and thought it necessary to
have some man always near
her. Believes that neither the
Queen nor Pergami ever took
off their clothes when they re
posed under the tent ; there was
a communication between the
tent and the dininc;-room.

Witnesses for the
Defendant.
Gaetano Patur
zo's Evidence, p.
97, and Lieutenant
Hownam's, p. 740.

Lieutenant How
nam's Evidence, p.
709 to 770.

Goncnil Result.
In procuring the order
of St. Sepulchre, and in
the institution of the
Order of St. Caroline, no
greater favour was shewn
to Pergami, than to seve
ral of the Queen's other
attendants, except that
he was made Grand
Master of the latter Or
der. The Queen left the
cabin, where (had she
been so inclined) the com-
missionof adultery would
have been more secure
and less liable to obser
vation, and the circum
stances of the case were
such as to convey no sus
picion to the mind of
Lieutenant Hownam, who
as an eye-witness, was
best qualified to judge of
their impropriety. Be
sides the Evidence of
the Steersmen, since
given, completely refutes
the charge.

46

CHARGE,
And by whom made.

Witnesses who supported the
Charges.

During this voyage, she had a Demont's Evidence, p. 293,

bath prepared on board the vessel,
in which she bathed, no person being
present, or in attendance, except Per
gami. Attorney General.

Majocchi's Evidence, p. 26.
He says, the bath was in
her Royal Highness's cabin.

On the 24th of August being St.
Bartholomew's day, great festivities
took place on board the vessel, (Per
gami's christian name being Bartho
lomew). At this entertainment the
health of her Majesty, and the health
of Pergami wore drank together.

Gaetano Paturzo's Evi
dence, p. 100.
Vincenzo Gargiulo's Evi
dence, p. 124.

47

DEFENCE.
The two Steersmen, since
the trial, have stated, that
when the wind shifted they
were obliged to alter the awn
ing, for wliich purpose they
were in the habit of going into
the tent at night, without no
tice, and that whenever they so
went in, the Queen and Perga
mi were reposing separately on
their respective sofas.
These circumstances (taken
collectively) conveyed no sus
picion of an improper con
nexion to the mind of witness.
Hownam never saw the tent
closed in the day time.
The tub was too large to go
into the cabin, it stood in an
other room.

Witnesses for tho
Defendant.
. Private informa
tion.

General Result.

Lieutenant How
nam's Evidence, p.
714.
Lieutenant Flynn's
Evidence, p. 649.

1 St. This charge rests
on the authority of De
mont and Majocchi. 2nd.
Demont thinks the bath
was in the dining-room,
and Majocchi says it was
in the cabin. 3rd. Two
respectable witnesses say
the tub was too large to
stand in the cabin.

48

CHARGE, ,
And by whom maje.
The sarae festivities had taken
.place on the same day in the pre
ceding year, at the Villa d'Este.
Attorney General.
Throughout the voyage, the Queen
occupied herself in the most menial
offices for Pergami. She even mend
ed his clothes. Attorney General.

The Queen arrived in Italy in the
month of September, and proceeded
to the Villa d'Este on the Lake of
Como, which she had before oc
cupied. Attorney General.
During her absence the situation
of the rooms had been filtered, so as
to afford an easier mode of commu
nication between Pergami's and the
Queen's rooms. Attorney General.

Witnesses who supported the
Charge.
lij.Raggazoni's Evidence, p.
224. Brusa's Evidence, p. 395.

Demont, whose Evidence was
intended to support this, falls
short of the Attorney Gene
ral's statement. She says, the
Queen worked for Pergami's
daugiiter. p. 293.
During the voyage Pergami
played tricks to amuse the
Queen — he put a cushion un
der his gown. Demont's Evi
dence, p. 296.
Evidence, p. 295 and 405.
Demont and Cassina.

A theatre had been fitted up at
the Villa, and the Queen after her
return, often performed on the stage,
she in one character, and Pergami in
another. The characters were of a
low kind, and Pergami generally per
formed the character of a lover.
Attorney General.

The Queen was singing,
Pergami playing upon a musi
cal instrument, Lucini, p. 40L
The Queen performed the
part of a sick woman, and Per
gami, in the character of a doc-
ter, felt her hand, (pulse, I sup
pose, Ed.)
Raggazoni, p. 225.

49

DEFENCE.

St. Bartholomew's day is ge
nerally observed in Italy as a
festival.

Witnesses for the
Defendant.

General Result.
Charge satisfactorily
explained.

Charge not proved.

Cliai'ge unsupported
by Evidence.

Pergami stuffed himself in
this manner in derision of the
EngUsh Consul, at Jaffa, who
was very pompous.

Lieutenant How
nam's Evidence, p.
714.

Charge explained.

It appears from Cassina's
evidence, that the alteration
only consisted in opening an
old door way which the witness
had formerly been employed to
wall up.

Hownam does not recollect,
that the Queen performed the
part of Columbine, or that she
performed any part with Per
gami. All the household as
sisted in the performance, and
more than 200 persons were
present.

Lieutenant How
nam's Evidence, p.
731 and 732.

The alteration appears
to have merely consisted
in restoring that arrange
ment in the rooms of the
Villa, which had existed
previously to its occupa
tion by the Queen.
That which was per
formed before 200 per
sons wa^ surely not very
improper, unless the
Queen was determined
to expose herself to
those enemies by whora
she was surrounded.

Vol. ir.

50

CHARGE,
And by whom made.

At this Villa, the Queen and Per
gami were seen, alternately riding in
a chair with castors, one pushing the
chair, and the other riding. Raggazoni,
There was a figure of Adam and
Eve in the garden, each provided
with a fig leaf, fastened on the figures
by raeans of a wire. They put the
leaf aside to look at what was under
neath, and talked and laughed to
gether. Raggazoni,

Witnesses who supported the
Ciiarge.
Louis Pergami performed
Harlequin, the Queen Colum
bine. Demont, p. 296.
The Queen performed the
part of an Automaton.
Hownam, p. 731.
Evidence, p. 222 to 224.

Evidence, p. 222 to 224.

The door of a room in which Per
gami and the Queen were sitting, was
accidentally opened, and Pergami
was seen having his arm round the
Queen's neck, which was uncovered.
Pergami got up and said, " what do
you want here you son of a dog."
Luini Galdini,
The Queen was in the habit of
going out with Pergami in a sort of
carriage, large enough for only one

Evidence, p. 386.

Gerolamo Mejani's Evi
dence. Giovannis Lucini's Evidence,
p. 400.

DEFENCE.

51
Witnesses for the
Defendant.

General Result.

These statues of Adam and
Eve were in a room, and were
so placed that they could not
be seen from the place where
Raggazoni was at work.

See Santino Gu-
giari's Evidence,
and the two plans
he drew, p. 782 to
792, alsoGuiseppe
Giarolinis's Evi
dence, p. 793.

These two charges are
made by one witness only,
and as the latter is con
tradicted, no reliance can
be placed on the former.

Tlie witness states this cir
cumstance to have taken place
about 10 or 11 o'clock in the
day, in a room which had seve
ral doors, and many workmen
being in the house.

ble.

Charge most improba-

This manner of riding is
usual in Italy.

Lucini's Evi
dence, p. 401.

D 2

As this practice is
usual in Italy, no unfa
vourable inference ought
to be drawn, even if true,
but which is denied.

52

CHARGE,
And by whom made.
person to sit down in, and another to
sit in his lap. In this manner she
went out, with Pergami's arms round
her, which position was necessary to
enable him to guide the horse.
Attorney General.
They wer6 seen together in a carioe
upon the lake. Attorney General.

Witnesses who supported the
Charge.

Francisco Birollo's Evidence,
p. 149.
Raggazoni'sEvidence,p 222.
Finetti's Evidence, p. 391.
Brusa's Evidence, p. 395.
Earl of Guilford's Evidence,
p. 507.

Upon one occasion they were seen
bathing together in the river Brezzia.
Attorney General,

Bianchi's Evidence, p. 399.

On her return from the East, she
brought in her train, a man named
Mahomet, who at the Villa d'Este,
at various times, exhibited the most
atrocious indecencies in the presence
of her Majesty, Pergami being pre
sent. Attorney General,

Majocchi's Evidence, p. 37.
Birollo's Evidence, p. 149.
Oggioni's Evidence, p. 245.
These witnesses say Maho
met exhibited an indecent
dance before the Queen.

53

DEFENCE.

Witnesses for lln
Di'fendant.

Geuei;il Result.

This Canoe could not have
held a third person conve
niently.

Hownam's Evi
dence, p. 727.

This charge is very
frivolous, especially when
it is considered, that
the lake is covered with
boats, and is the common
medium of communica
tion between the several
parts adjacent to its
banks.

This is not a proper place to
bathe in. It is a torrent rather
than a river. It is nearly dry
at sorae tiraes and runs with
araazing rapidity at others.
" It was a raost simple dance,
by no means indecent."
It is something like the
Spanish Bolero dance, which
has been exhibited at a London
theatre. ' There is nothing indecent or
unfit for women to witness, in
the Moorish dance. Witness
has seen it at the Government
House at Calcutta, the Mar
quess and Marchioness of
Hastings being present.

Hownam's Evi
dence, p. 716.

Vassali's Evi
dence, p. 940.
Sir W. Gell's
Evidence, p. 556.
'Granville Sharp,
Esq.'s Evidence, p.
781.

Charge evidently im
probable, and only sup
ported by one witness of
very bad character.

The indecency of the
dance (which is the es
sence of the charge,) dis
proved.

54

CHARGE,
And by whom made.

At the Villa d'Este, Pergami's bro
ther was elevated to the situation of
Prefect of the palace. His mother
was ordered to be called Madam
Livia, and the mother and brother
had separate tables from the rest of
the servants. Attorney General,

Witnesses who supported the
Charge.
Demont's Evidence, p. 295.

A tour was next made to Lugano,
and some other places, in the course
of which, a courier was dispatched
with a letter to a person at Milan,
and returned with an answer early
next morning, while all the Queen's
household were at rest. The courier
wishing to deliver it without delay,
went to Pergami's chamber. He was
not there, but in a short time he saw
him coming, in his shirt and robe de
chambre, out of the Queen's chamber
to his own.
Pergami told the courier, that he
had heard his child cry, and had
gone to quiet her, and the next morn
ing he desired the courier to say no
thing about it. Attorney General,
Her Majesty visited a place, which
has since been purchased at her ex-
pence for Pergami. It was called the
Villa Bergami, (Pergami) or Barona.
In this purchase she expended seve
ral thousand pounds. In this place
she resided some time, during which

Sacchi relates this circum
stance, only he does not say
that Pergami came from the
Queen's room ; on the contrary,
he did not know where the
Queen slept.
Evidence, p. 430 and 431.

This part of the story is not
mentioned by Sacchi.

At the Barona, balls were
given, at which persons of dis
tinction at first attended, but
people of low condition being
introduced, and the Queen's
servants taking liberties with
some of the women, persons of

DEFENCE. Witnesses for the General Result.
Deleudant. This, which is any
thing but a criminal
charge, is probalily true
in all its parts.

The charge is unsup
ported by Evidence.

The Barona is a small Coun- Hownam's
try House, in which no large Evidence, p. 716.
fete could be given ; and the
entertainments were, in fact*
only to amuse the household
and the farmer's daughters.
The wives and daughters of

56

CHARGE,
And by whom made.
a carnival was held, and the most
disgraceful scenes took place.
Attorney General.

Her Majesty made a journey
through the Tyrol into Germany.
On her arrival at Charnitz, it was
necessary that Pergami should return
to Inspruck, in order to obtain a
passport for the continuance of the
journey. During his absence her
Majesty had one of her filles de cham
bre to sleep in her room during the
night. In tlie middle of the night,
Pergami returned from Inspruck,
came into her Majesty's roora. She
ordered her female attendant (who
was asleep) to leave the room, and
take her bed along with with her.
Attorney General.

Witnesses who supported the
Charges.
distinction, were no longer seen
at the balls.
Sacchi's Evidence, p. 432,
&c. The Queen danced some
times alone, sometimes with
Pergami. None but low per
sons attended.
Oggioni's Evidence, p. 238.
Persons of a low description
attended the balls. The Queen's
and Pergami's bed rooms were
near to each other.
Majocchi's Evidence, p. 28.
There was an easy commu
nication between the bed
rooms. Demont's Evidence, p. 299.

Demont's Evidence, p. 301.

DEFENCE.
respectable persons were pre
sent and witness never saw any
thing indecent or indecorous.
Respectable persons and their
families attended these balls —
the Queen's servants did not
come in till the Queen had re
tired. There was nothing im
proper or indecent.

57
Witnesses for the
Defendant.

VassaU's Evi
dence, p. 934.

General Result.

Charge refuted.

Her Majesty was stopped at
the barrier, because she had not
a passport. Vassali went with
Pergami for the passport ; when
he returned he went into the
Queen's room, where he met
Pergami, Victorine, and De
mont. Soon after Schiavini
and the Countess of Oldi came
into the room. Witness did
not sro to bed, but assisted in
preparing for the journey — was
never more than a quarter of
an hour, or half an hour with
out going into the Queen's

Hownam's Evi
dence, p. 718.

Charge refuted.

Vassali's Evi
dence, p. 938.

58

CHARGE,
And by whom made.

Witnesses who supported the
Charge.

In the course of this journey, her
INIajesty proceeded to Munich and
Carlsruhe. At Munich the arrangement of the
rooms was altered, that Pergami
might be near the Queen. Majocchi.
She gave directions to Sacchi to
enquire if there were any EngUsh, and
if there , were, to seek lodgings at
some other place. Saeehi.

Evidence, p. 29.

Evidence, p. 435.

At Carlsruhe, a similar arrange
ment took place about the bed-rooms,
to those which have been mentioned
before. At this place, her Majesty was
one day found in Pergami's roora sit
ing upon his bed, he being in bed with
his arms round her neck.
In the same bed was found a cloak
which her Majesty was afterwards
seen wearing, and in that bed, certain
marks were observed by one of the
servants.' Attorney General.

Barbara Kress's Evidence,
p. 181 to 213.

Kress only says, that hei*
Majesty wore a similar cloak.
'This servant Was Kress.

59

DEFENCE.
lom — saw Pergarai in the
itchen, on the stairs, at the
oor, and in the room of her
lajesty. Pergami was not at
11 undressed.
It is common in Italy for
entlemen to make morning
Lsits to ladies when in bed.

Witnesses for the
Defendant.

Earl of Llandaff 's
Evidence, p. 530.

General Result.

This rests on Majoc
chi's Evidence alone.

Dr. Holland never observed
hat her Majesty avoided the
English, during the period he
vas with her. He left her at
i'^enice. At Carlsruhe, her Majesty
ivas almost always at Court,
or in the family of the Grand
Duke. She usually dined at
Court or at the Margravine's,
the Grand Duke's Mother, and
usually supped with parties at
the Grand Duke's.

Dr. Holland's
Evidence, p. 609.

Hownam's Evi
dence, p. 717.
Vassali's Evi
dence, p. 135.

This rests on Sacchi's
authority alone, and his
character is sufficiently
exposed in the account
of the journey to Sene-
gaglia, and in the Appen
dix to this work.
1st. The evidence falls
short of the charge. 2nd.
It is improbable that the
Queen would have been
so rauch at Court, had
her raind been ingrossed
by a guilty passion for
Pergami.

60

CHARGE,
And by whom made.
In the early part of 1817, the
Queen visited Vienna, where she re
mained only a very short time, and
then went to Trieste.
Upon the journey to Trieste, a two-
wheeled carriage was purchased by
Pergami, in which the Queen and
hiraself travelled together. Before
this she had been accustomed to
travel in a carriage which contained
also Pergami, the Countess of Oldi,
and the little Picaroon, her Majesty's
Protege. Attorney General,
At Trieste she remained but a few
days, yet here again arrangements
were made of the bed-rooms, similar
to those so often noticed before. In
her Majesty's bed there were the ap
pearances of two persons having slept,
and Pergami's bed had not been
made use of. Attorney General.

The washing basins in the Queen's
apartment appeared to have been
used by two persons, and from the
situation of the rooms, Pergami was
the only person who could have
access to the Queen. Attorney General,

Witnesses who supported the
Charges.
Demont's Evidence, p. 303.

Cuchi's Evidence, p. 1(57.
Demont's Evidence, p. 303.

Majocchi declares in gene
ral terms, that on the journey
from Carlsruhe to Vienna,
Trieste, &c. the arrangement
of the rooms was generally di
rected by Pergami and the
Queen, and their sleeping
rooms usually communicated
with each other.
Evidence, p. 31 and 32.
Cuchi states this, with the
variation that Pergami and the
Countess of Oldi, were the only
persons who had access to the
Queen's room. He adds, that
he has seen Pergami three or
four times, about eight o'clock
in the morning, coming out of
the Queen's room. He is sure
that she remained six days at
Trieste. Evidence, p. Ifi7 to 181.

DEFENCE.

61
Witnesses for the
Defendant.

General Result.

Admitted.

This charge is frivolous,
if true.

Her Majesty arrived at Trieste,
about noon — went to the Opera
in the evening — and about five
or six o'clock in the evening of
t\ie. following day left Trieste.
The Austrian Gazette was
offered by the Attorney Gene-
neral of the Queen, to prove
that she left Trieste the day
following; that of her arrival.

Hownam's Evi
dence, p. 718.

Evidence, p. 165.

The intentional false
hood of this charge is
so cleariy shewn, that
this circumstance ahme
is sufficient to consider
ably discredit the whole
of the case for the prose
cution.

62

CHARGE,
And by whom made.
In the course of this journeyj when
her Majesty had occasion to stop, she
and Pergami frequently sat or reposed
upon the same bed. Attorney General.

Upon her Majesty's return from
Milan, where she had been for some
time, to the Barona, Pergami, his
mother, and his brother, who had
formerly exercised some of the most
menial offices in the palace, were per
mitted to dine at her Majesty's table.
Attorney General,
On a journey from Rome to Se-
negaglia, the Queen and Pergami tra
velled in a carriage together, and
their hands were observed in a situ
ation too indecent to describe. They
were also seen kissing. Sacchi.

Witnesses who supported the
Charges.
At Monte Falcone, the
Queen and Pergarai went into
a bed room, and remained
there more than an hour— no
other person being present.
Sacchi, p. 433.
Demont's Evidence, p. 303,
except, that she does not say
any thing of these parties exer
cising menial offices.

Sacchi's Evidence, p. 438.

DEFENCE.

63
Witnesses for the
Defendant,

General Result.

Supported by Sacchi
alone.

The latter part of this
sentence appears to be
correct, the former un
supported by evidence.

On the journey to Sene-
gaglia, the Queen, Countess of
Oldi, Pergami, and Victorine,
travelled together in a Landau-
let; the Countess of Oldi sit
ting between the Queen and
Pergami. Sacchi travelled in
a carriage (and not as he stated
on horseback) and he set out
two hours earlier than the
Queen, consequently the whole
of his indecent statement is
false. Carlo Forti (and not
Sacchi) was the Courier who
accompanied the Queen on this
journey. Sacchi, after he left the
Queen's service, assured Luigi
Marzi, that there was nothing
in the conduct of the Queen

Carlo Forti's Evi
dence, p. 632 to
635, corroborated
in most points, by
Olivieri's Evidence,
p. 911, and Vassa
li's Evidence, p.
939.

Appendix, p. cc.

64

CHARGE,
And by whom raade.

Witnesses who supported the
Charges.

Her Majesty returned to Rome, to
a. palace called Ruffinelli, at which
place she was seen going into Perga
mi's bed room. Attorney General.

Here Pergami was ill, and
got out of bed to have the bed
warmed, the Queen being pre
sent. The same witness has seen
the Queen put her arms round
Pergami, and has seen them
kiss. Finetti's Evidence, p. 302.
Pergami was ill and in bed,
Sacchi went to visit him about
eleven o'clock at night, and
saw the Queen stretched on a
sofa by the side of the bed.
Sacchi's Evidence, p. 437.

Her Majesty purchased the Villa
Brandi, and an arrangement of the
apartments, as before, took place.
Pergami was observed, by one of the
servants, two or three tiraes, at an un
seasonable early hour of the morning,

Sacchi's Evidence, p. 437.

DEFENCE.
and Pergami which could give
rise to the least suspicion of an
'mproper intimacy.
Sacchi said, in the presence
of Seraphino Sifratori, that he
was going to Vimercati relative
to the Princess of Wales — that
he (Sacchi) had no work, was
desperate, and would say what
they told him to say.
See also two documents in
Appendix, p. ccx.

65
Witnesses for the
Defendant.

Appendix, p. ccix.

General Result.

This charge refuted
so completely as quite to
destroy the credit of
the whole of .Sacchi's
evidencej

The weather was so hot that
the door of Pergami's chamber
was left constantly open, in or
der to cool the roora. It would
have been absurd to warm Per
gami's bed, and it never was
warmed. There was no sofa
or bed in the chamber, except
that on which Pergami lay.

Appendix, page
Cxcviii to cc.

Charge refuted.-

Supported by Sacchi
alone.

Vol. II.

66

CHARGE,
And by whom made.
going from his own bed room to that
of the Queen's, and there remaining.
This was in the month of July, 1817.
Attorney General.
At this Villa, as on other occasions
iPergarai was admitted into her Ma
jesty's presence when she was dress
ing, and in that state of dishabille,
which made such admission improper.
Attorney Genertil.
In the month of August, 1817, the
Queen removed to Pesaro, where she
afterwards almost entirely resided.
She rode out in an open carriage
along with Pergami, and was seen
having her hand in an indecent posi
tion. They were also seen kissing. Rastelli.

Witnesses who supported the
Charges.

Pergami was present when
the Queen was dressing, her
neck and breast were bare,
and she wore pantaloons.
Demont's Evidence, p. 307.

Rastelli's Evidence, p. 407
and 408.

Pergami was a man in the greatest
poverty. In October 1814, he was
received into her Majesty's service,
and in the short space of five or six
months, he was not only in habits of
the greatest familiarity with her, biit
his whole family surrounded her.
When settled at Pesaro, she had
Pergami as grand chamberlain; his
mother, who did not appear to have
held any particular situation in her
household ; his brother Lewis, who
from the station of courier, became
equerry; the Countess of Oldi who
was maid of honour; Fran cess Per
gami (a cousin) director of t\v e palace ;
Faustina the sister ; Martina, a page ;
Frances a relation ; and the house
steward, besides the Piccaroon.
Attorney General,

Cario Forti admitted (with
trifling variation) the state
raent of the number of Per
gami's relations in the service
of the Queen, and their sta
tions. Evidence, p. 639.

DEFENCE.

'Wilupsscs for llie
Defendant.

general lirMiU.

Supported by Demont
alone.

This charge is made
by Rastelli alone, whose
character is sufficiently
exposed in the beginning
of this chapter, and on
whose testimony no reli
ance can be placed.

Admitting such statement
to be correct, it only proves
that Pergami, being a deserv
ing man, and an honourable
servant, received the patronage
of the Princess ; and that, as
his family needed assistance,
such assistance she did not
withhold.

Proves nothing crimi
nal or even improper.

E 2

68
Having closed the account of the trial ; a narra
tive of subordinate public events, and of the per
sonal history of her Majesty, from the time when
the charges were opened by the Attorney Gene-
rali to the withdra-wrnent of the Bill, will complete
the Memoir up to that time.
At an early period her Majesty made apJDlication
to Ministers for a Residence, a service of Plate^
and an Equipage suitable to her rank. The first of
these was long a topic of dispute. The Royal
Palaces were denied^ but a list of such Houses to
be disposed of, in London, as it was thought
would suit her Majesty, was furnished to her.
The first that she made choice of, was the late
Duke of Queenberry's in Piccadilly. She was
informed, in reply, that this House could not be
obtained, but the reason was not assigned. She
next selected Lady Francis's House, in St. James's
Square. Neither, however, could this be pro
cured, and as in the other case, no reason was
given. The Queen then selected Cambridge House ;
but that \vag too expensive. Ministers then
offered the Duke of Bedford's House, in Hamilton
PlacCj and Dr. Lushington and Alderman Wood
signed an acquiescence, on the part of the Queen,
to accept of that Mansion. This was, however,
no sooner effected than a lettef was received^
stating that it was disposed of:
As her Majesty was denied the use of the Plate
belonging to the Crown, a public subscription was
entered into for the purpose of purchasing a ser
vice, and a considerable sum of money was raised.

69
That money, however, which was intended to
be devoted to the purchase of plate to grace her
Majesty's side-board, will probably be appro
priated in the erection of a monument to record
her death. As to the Equipage she required, it
was promptly supplied.
Grateful for the respectful attentions of the
City of London, her Majesty, in the month of
September, offered to the Corporation a portrait
of herself, as a demonstration of her respect, and
as a testimony of her gratitude for the sincere and
zealous devotion they had ever manifested in her
cause. In the Court of Common Council, the
offer was discussed, but the followirjg resolution
was adopted by a large majority. " That her
" Majesty's most generous offer of her portrait be
" gratefully acknowledged ; and that the thanks
" of this Court be presented to her Majesty, for
" this mark of her condescension and regard for
" the Corporation and citizens of the city of
" London." The examination of witnesses having closed,
Prince Leopold visited her Majesty on the 27th
of October, and at which interview the Queen
expressed her surprise at the past conduct of the
Prince, towards her, but affectionately condoled
with him on his irreparable loss, and made many
inquiries respecting her beloved but departed child.
The Duke of Sussex now also visited her Ma
jesty, and arrived at her House at Hammersmith,
from Tunbridge Wells, on the 29th of October,

70
when, after remaining some time with the Queeh,
he returned to Tunbridge. Many persons of dis
tinction now also hastened to demonstrate their
respect for her Majesty, by visiting her, among
whom Lord and Lady Fitzwilliam, Earl Thanet,
Earl Cowper, Marquis of Downshire, Lord Arthur
Hill, Duke of Leinster, Duchess of Somerset, Earl
Fortescue, Lord LandafF, Lord Clifden, Hon.
Mrs. Darner, Marquis and Marchioness of Tavi
stock, and Lord Hawke, may be particularized.
On the memorable 10th of November, her
Majesty received the news of the third reading
of the Bill with great fortitude, and signed the
petition, drawn up by her Counsel, with a smiling
air; saying, as she wrote the words Carolina
Regina, " There, Regina still, in spite of them."
In a few minutes, her Counsel rushed into the
room with the glad tidings, that the Bill was
withdrawn. Her Majesty spoke not a word : she
looked fixed and insensible as a statue. Mr.
Brougham suggested the propriety of her pro
ceeding immediately to her carriage. Her
attendants handed her down stairs, and she
still remained perfectly silent, and thus pen
sive, though evidently agitated, she continued
for some time, but at length resumed her usual
a'flfability and serenity. — The intelligence o^he
withdrawment of the Bill rapidly circula'^ed
throughout the metropolis, and on the same
evening, nearly the whole was illuminated; and
ali was hilarity and joy. To the surround-

71
ing villages the news was also speedily commu
nicated, and the inhabitants demonstrated similar
feelings of delight.
On the following evening, the illuminations
were much more brilliant than on the preceding
night, and on the succeeding Monday they were
even additionally splendid; and even on the
fourth evening a partial illumination took place.
The country kept pace with the metropolis,
and the rejoicings extended to the remotest cor
ners of the Island. The bonfires blazed on the
hills ; oxen and sheep were slain, roasted, and
distributed gratuitously among the poor; busi
ness was disregarded, and every possible expe
dient was resorted to, to express the unfeigned
and unmingled delight of the nation.
Even the Stock Exchange felt the general
impulse, and the funds experienced a sudden rise
of one half per cent.
The addresses presented to her Majesty during
the progress of the trial, were extremely nume
rous, as the list subjoined in the note will demon
strate.* Most of such addresses were signed by a
* Worcester, Boston, Bath (ladies), Bath (males), Silk Wea
vers of Spitalfields, Bethnal Green, Reading, Northampton,
Dalkeith, Liverpool, Clerkenwell, Mary-le-bone (ladies), Mary-
le-bone (males), Camberwell, Kimpton, Seven Incorporate Trades
of St. Andrews, Whitechapel, Aldersgate, Derby, Ladies of
Sheffield, Ladies of Halifax, Haddington, Stockport, Halifax,
Malmesbury, Captains, Mates and Seamen of the British Mer
chant Service, Ladies of Edinburgh, Ladies of Exeter, Ipswich,
St. Sidwell in the City of Exeter, United Corporations of Mary's
Chapel of the City of Edinburgh, Cripplegate-ward, within.

72
great number of individuals, and many were pre-
senti^d by deputations, in barouches drawn by
four horses. The processions of the different
trades were unusually splendid, and the sums
expended by the addressers exceed all supposi
tion or calculation.
The joy which was thus universally felt and
expressed, was not, however, in all individuals
precisely of the same description. Some rejoiced
Farringdon-ward, without, Paddington Parish, Spitalfields
Parish, Leeds, Leicester, Manchester, Birmingham, Coventry,
Tiverton, Kettering, StroUd, Parish of St. Luke (Middlesex),
St. Botolph without, Ship-wrights, Metropolitan, Bristol
(ladies), Bristol (males), Monmouth, St. Katherine's Tower, St.
James's Westminster, Jedburgh, Abergavenny, Newcastle-under
line, Caine, (Wilts,) Chipping Sedbury, Lightermen and Water-
pen, Edmonton, St. Pancras, St. Saviours, St. George's in the
East, St. Pancras Chichester, Ely-place Liberty Holbom, Croy
don, Wandsworth, St. Ann's (Limehouse), Farringdon within,
Portsoken-ward, Horsley-down, Christchurch (Surrey), Win
chester, Oxford, St. Ives, Hereford, Stockton-on-Tees, Cardifl!",
North Petherton, Taunton, Truro, Sedgeley, Colebrook, Milford,
Surrey, Kendal, Ambleside, Kirby-Lonsdale, Milnthorpe, Letter
press Printers, Evesham, Hinckley, Glasgow, United Guildries of
Perth, Banff, St. John's (Southwark), Coventry, St. Andrew
Holbom (two), St. George the Martyr, Miijdlesex, All Saints
Poplar, Witney, Roman Catholics of the Metropolis, Operative
Coach-makers, Sawyers, Hereford, Southampton, Cricklade,
Kidderminster, Cirencester, Swansea, United Society of Curriers,
Carpenters, Glass-workers, Bakers, Inhabitants of Sudbury,
Aberdeen, Pingwall, Wigtown, Crieff", Weavers of Edinburgh,
Beverley, Brecknock, Parish of St. George's Hanover Square,
Wootten-under-bridge (Gloucestershire), Haverfordwest, Lanark,
Huntingdon, West-Ham, St. John's Wapping, Bridge- Ward,
Wool-Combers, Braziers, Law Clerks.

73
for the Queen — others for the nation. Some re
joiced that public morals would no longer be
assailed, public decency injured, and political
rancour excited. Others rejoiced that the Bill,
so unconstitutional and illegal in itself, was relin
quished, and many regarded it as the triumph of
law, of justice, and of intiocence. But whatever
might be the precise cause of such delight, it was
most sincere and ardent.

CHAPTER n.
From the period of the withdrawment of the Bill or
Pains and Penalties, to the Interment of her
Majesty at Brunswick.
Thus terminated proceedings, which commenc
ed under auspices the most unfavourable, but
which concluded with scenes of festivity and joy.
During the trial, the health of her Majesty was
good, and her mind tranquil. She always main
tained, that whatever might be the fate of the
Bill, she should ever be supported by a conscious
ness of innocence : and her friends felt persuaded
that although the measure might receive the
sanction of the Upper House of Parliament, it
would be rejected in the House of Commons.
But though the parliamentary proceedings had
thus terminated, the nation loudly called for re
dress, and an enquiry into the conduct of Minis
ters, and into the history and operations of the
Milan Commission, were by some regarded as
essential to the completeness of the triumph.
Those enquiries were not however instituted, and
it would be now not only useless, but baneful to

75
recommence an examination, which has already
disgusted the country, and will be a subject of
astonishment and regret to the wise and good of
future generations.
Though, however, such enquiries were not pro
ceeded in, her Majesty felt that unless she was
provided with a palace; her name restored to
the Liturgy ; and herself crowned ; her victory
would be incomplete. She therefore determined
on immediately requiring to be supplied with a
palace, suitable to her dignity as Queen Consort,
and directed her Vice-Chamberlain to write to
Lord Liverpool the following letter on the subject
" Her Majesty's Vice-Chamberlain informs Lord
Liverpool, that he has her Majesty's commands
to require from his Majesty's Government, that,
without any further delay, a palace and establish
ment be provided, suitable to her Majesty's rank
in the country, in which she is now to reside.
" That this has been much too long deferred,
with a view either to the station of her Majesty,
or the honour of the Crown; nevertheless, that
in the circumstances of the time, her Majesty is
willing to overlook such delay.
" But that it must be evident that no further
time ought to elapse without finally arranging
this matter." ISth November, 1820.
To this communication. Lord Liverpool ad
dressed the following reply.

76
" Lord Liverpool has received his Majesty's
** commands to inform the Queen, through the
" same channel, that it is not possible for his
" Majesty, under all the circumstances, to assign
" any of his Royal Palaces for the Queen's resi-
*' dence. Lord Liverpool has been further com-
¦f manded to inform the Queen, that until Parlia-
" ment shall meet for the despatch of business,
" the allowance which has hitherto been enjoyed
" by the Queen will be continued to her, and that
" it will then be for Parliament to determine the
" amount of the future provision to be granted
" to her Majesty."
Fife House, \lth November, 1820.
Such reply could not have surprized the Queen
and if she had reflected on the subject she could not
but have felt that the withdrawment of the Bill of
Pains and Penalties was a measure, which not
being dictated by a conviction of her innocence of
the charges imputed to her, tended additionally
to irritate her enemies, and to render them even
less disposed to manifest to her any kindness, or
to treat her with that courtesy and politeness, to
which, as Queen Consort, she was entitled.
To this diplomatic communication of Lord Liver
pool, she dictated the following reply, which was
transmitted in her name to his Lordship on the
following day.
" My Lord, — I have been honoured by her Ma-
" jesty's commands, to acknowledge the receipt

n
" of your Lordship's letter of yesterday, and to
" state that her Majesty cannot for a moment
" misunderstand its real purport.
" The Queen perceives that the King's ministers
" have resolved to prevent Parliament from assem-
" bling for the despatch of business, at the time
" to which both Houses had adjourned. The
" justice and wisdom of the Legislature would at
" that period, beyond all doubt, have restored her
" to the full enjoyment of those rights, which the
" Constitution has vested in the Queen Consort.
" The ministers plainly show, that such is their
" belief, and they are determined, for some pur-
" poses of their own, to delay the redress to which
'• she is entitled.
" In a measure thus alike contemptuous towards
" Parliament and the nation, the Queen perceives
" a still deeper design. It is impossible to doubt
" that the authors of the late Bill have formed the
" project of trying, in some other shape, their
" baffled scheme of degrading her Majesty, and
" ruining the best interests of the august Family
" to which she belongs. Defeated in their first
" attempt — disgraced in the eyes of the people —
" consigned to the contempt of all Europe— de-
" serted by the most rational and ¦ respected of
" their own adherents, they meditate a new at-
" tack on the honour of the Queen. Their specu-
" lations must be founded on the hope, that the
*' public sentiment, so loudly and universally ex-
" pressed, will at length be wearied and exhausted,
" and that then herself will no longer have pa-

78
" tience to resist such cruel and endless persecu-
" tion. But her Majesty owes it to the British
" nation to declare, that she has the firmest reli-
" ance, upon their support as long as she is the
" victim of oppression; and to herself she deems
" it due to add, that no harassing treatment on
" the part of the King's ministers, will ever shake
" the duty she owes to this generous people.
" She has also the strongest conviction that the
" the King's highest interests are at the present
" moment as much betrayed as those of the State,
*' by the evil counsellors who are now once more
" plotting her destruction.
•" To the offer of money, with which Lord
*' Liverpool has thought proper to accompany his
" notice of the intended prorogation of Parlia-
" ment, her Majesty has no answer to give, but
" a direct refusal. Nearly ten months have elapsed
" since his late Majesty's death, and no parlia-
" mentary provision has been yet proposed for
" her. As long as the Bill was pending, the
" Queen saw the propriety of accepting the ad-
" vances made for her accommodation ; but she
" wiU not accept as a favour from the Ministers,
" what a due regard for the honour of the Crown
" would induce Parliament to grant, as a right;
" and she is still more averse to impose upon
" the people the unnecessary burden of finding a
"palace for her, when the national munificence
" has already provided royal residences, for all
" the Princesses who fifl her exalted station.
" The Queen expressly commands me to add,

79
" that her Majesty, as well as the King and the
" country, have reason deeply to regret, that the
" persons who have involved all these parties in
" their present unhappy difficulties, should still
" have influence to prevent that adjustment of
" differences which the Queen regards as essen-
" tial to their common interests. Her Majesty has
" never entertained a doubt, that the King, if left
" to the guidance of his own sound judgment and
" honourable feelings, would, at once, listen to
" the Queen's claims upon his justice, and to the
" united prayers of his loyal people.
" I have the honour to be,
" my Lord,
" Your Lordship's obedient humble servant,
" R. Keppel Craven.
" Brandenburgh House, Nov. IQth, 1820."
In consequence of the communications from
Lord Liverpool, and of the manifest intentions of
Government, not to assign to her Majesty any
palace, or to restore her name to the Liturgy, she
determined to appeal to Parliament on the subject,
at the approaching meeting, on the 26 th of Nov.
On that day the House of Commons assembled,
but only to be again prorogued. Mr. Denman ap
peared, on behalf of her Majesty, to present to the
House a communication from her ; but the Minis
ters, apprized of the fact, at that moment summon
ed the House of Commons to appear in the House
of Peers, and the message could not be, therefore,
received. T^^iis ungentlemanly and undignified

80
proceeding excited universal disapprobation, and
induced a yet stronger sensation in favour of her
Majesty. The following is the message with which Mr^
Denman was entrusted: —
" Caroline R.
" The Queen thinks it proper to inform the
' House of Commons, that she has received a com-
' munication from the King's Ministers, plainly
* intimating an intention to prorogue the Parlia-
' ment immediately, and accompanied by an offer
' of money for her support, and for providing her
* with a residence until a new session may be
' holden. *' This offer the Queen has no hesitation in
' refusing. While the late extraordinary pro-
* ceedings were pending, it might be fit for her to
' accept the advances made for her temporary
' accommodation ; but she naturally expected,
' that the failure of that unparalleled attempt to
' degrade the Royal Family would be imme-
' diately followed by submitting some permanent
' measure to the wisdom of Parliament ; and she
' has felt, that she could no longer, with pro-
' priety, receive from the Ministers, what she is
' well assured the liberality of the House of Com-
' mons would have granted, as alike essential to
' the dignity of the Throne, and demanded by the
' plainest principles of justice.
" If the Queen is to understand, that new pro-
' ceedings are meditated against her, she throws
' herself", with unabated confidence, on the Repre-

81
" sentatives of the people, fully relying on their
" justice and wisdom to take eff'ectual steps to pro-
" tect her from the further vexation of unnecessary
" delay, and to provide that these unexampled per-
" secutions may, at length, be brought to a close."
As demonstrative of the feelings of all ranks
of the commumty, with respect to the prorogation
of Parliament, without arrangements having been
previously made for the establishment and support
of her Majesty, the following communication from
the Duke of Bedford supplies a striking and im
portant proof. The offer which it contained was,
in itself, unimportant ; but the sentiments which
dictated the communication, deserve especial con
sideration. The letter was addressed to the Houi
Keppel Craven. St. James's Square, Novembei- 29/A, 1820^
"Sir,
" As the King's Ministers haA^e thought fit to
" prorogue the Parliament, without assigning
" to her Majesty any state, or even providing
" means for the support of her title and dignity,
" I am led to conclude, that amongst other priva-
" tions to which the Queen is thus compelled to
" submit, she is without boxes at the theatres.
" Should her Majesty feel disposed at any
" time, to honour either Drury Lane or Covent
'^' Garden with her presence, I feel it to be my
" duty to say, that my boxes at either of these
" theatres, are wholly at her Majesty's commands.
" May I beg of you to lay this assurance respect-
" fully before the Queen, at any time you may
" think fit.
Vol. II. F

82
" I am in town for a few hours only, but should
•• you have any communication to make to me on
" the subject, a letter addressed to my house, in
" St. James's Square, will be forwarded to me
" without delay in the country.
" I have the honour to be,
" Sir,
" Your obedient humble servant,
" Bedford."
Notwithstanding, however, repeated applica
tions for a palace, and an establishment suited to
the Queen's rank and dignity, she was eventually
obliged to continue her residence at Brandenburgh
House, whieh was formerly one of the seats of her
Serene Highness the late Margravine of Anspach.
To Brandenburgh House, indeed, no objection could
be urged, except that it was out of repair, and
was unsuited to the dignity of a Queen. It is
situated on the banks of the Thames, in. the vici
nity of Hammersmith. A mansion on this spot
was first erected by Sir Nicholas Crispe. In the
progress of the civil war it was plundered by the
Parliamentarians; and when their army was
stationed at Hammersmith and the adjoining
viUages, in 1647, Fairfax chose it for his resi
dence. It was afterwards sold by the nephew
of Sir Nicholas Crispe, in 1683, to Prince
Rupert, who bestowed it on his mistress, Mar
garet Hughes, the actress. In the year 1704, it
was purchased by Bubb Doddington, Esq. after
wards Lord Melcombe, who bestowed on it the
name of La Trappe.— On the death of Lord Mel-

83
combe, this villa descended to his relative Thomas
Wyndham, Esq. and after passing through the
possession of Mrs. Sturt, was purchased, in 1792,
by the late Margrave of Brandenburg-Anspach,
and Bayreuth. Brandenburgh-House comprises
some constituent portions of the building erected
by Sir Nicholas Crispe, but the alterations made
under the direction of Lord Melcombe, have en
tirely changed both its external and internal
character. The chief approach to the mansion is
from the Hammersmith side ; and the state apart
ments comprize five rooms, besides the gallery.
The drawing-room was fitted up with conspicuous
splendour. The ceiling was painted for Lord
Melcombe — there is in it a very elegant chimney-
piece, principally representing the marriage of
Thame and Isis. The few contiguous state rooms
are not large, but were adorned with beautiful
paintings. The gallery is 82 feet in length, 20
in width, and 30 in height. The ceiling is of
mosaic work, chastely ornamented. In this suite
of apartments there was a collection of fine paint
ings, of the first masters. The marble hall is
a spacious apartment on the ground floor, paved
with black and white marble.
Froni the withdrawment of the Bill of Pains
and Penalties, to the month of June, in the fol
lowing year, addresses of congratulation to her
Majesty were presented from all parts of the
United Kingdom. Some of them were adopted
at Parochial, or County meetings, and others were
privately subscribed. — Some were presented by
F 2

84
deputation of members o,f Parliament, and others,
by hundreds of individuals of all ranks and des
criptions, who formed processions most expensive
and surprising. The addresses were, as usual,
political as well as personal, and strongly repro
bated the conduct of the Administration. To each
of them a distinct answer was returned by the
Queen. Those replies were principally prepared
by the Rev. Mr. Fellowes ; and without discussing
the political maxims or reproofs which they con
tained, and as to which various opinions may
with propriety be entertained, it must be admitted
that they were generally written with elegance
and propriety, and that they demonstrated consi
derable knowledge, both local and general, and
were singularly adapted to the nature of the ad
dress and the character of the addressers.
Yet some of them were injudicious, and even
improper, but those, probably, were not prepared
by Mr. Fellowes.
A list of the addresses, which were presented
at various times, from the withdrawment of the
Bill, to the end of the month of June, is subjoined,
in a note, and the perusal of such list will con
vince, that first the sympathy, and afterwards the
disgust which were excited, by the proceedings
against her Majesty, were as universal as they
were sincere.*
* Stafford, Cabinet-makersi Edinburgh, New Deer, Dalby,
Dumfries, Hereford, Glastonbury, Wokingham, Monmouth,
Museum Brothers, Clayton, East Kent Militia, Ashton-under-

85
Her Majesty now resolved on returning public
thanks to the Great Disposer of all events, for
the deliverance she had obtained from the evils
apprehended, and for the withdrawment of the
Lyme, Gold and Silversmiths, Tidwell, Ramsgate, Leigh, Bray,-
Truro, Buckland Briers, Irvine, Dover, Lord Mayor, Aldermen,
and Common Council of London, Ward of Cripplegate without.
Ward of Cripplegate within. Ward of Bishopsgate, St. Mary,
Lambeth, Great Yarmouth, Huddersfield, Chorley, Gloucester,
Boston, Worcester, Hammersmith, Laxley, Edmonton, New Mal-
ton, Kinghorn, Schoolmasters, Dunstable, Benefit Societies,
Berks, Carlow, (Ireland) Stay and Corset-makers, St. Matthew
Bethnal-Green, Farrington within, Hackney, Leather dressers,
Northampton, Kimpton and Grately, Newcastle-under-Lyme,
Eye, Linlithgow, Huddersfield, Welliugboro', Buckland, Morn-
hill, Hertford, Kelso Incorporated Trades, Kelso Merchants'
Company, St. Neot's, Grimsby, Great Yarmouth, Bury St. Ed
monds, Chippenham, Arbroath, Gainsborough, Nottingham,
Sutton, Norwich, Brighton, King's-Lynn, Hilton Derbyshire,
Castleton, Preston, Andover and Charlton, Whitchurch,
East Woodhay, West Woodhay, Whitway and Newtown
Benefit Societies, Southwark, Godalrning, Aldersgate, St. Leo
nard's Shoreditch, Clerkenwell, St. James's Westmister, St.
Paul's Covent Garden, Seamen, Stourport, Cork, Ardesier,
Spalding, Wellington, Axminster, Bow and Bromley, Con-
gleton, Buckfastleigh, Seleby, Whitehaven, Stranraer, Bene
fit Societies Prestonpans, Dartmouth, Lincoln, Shrewsbury,
Caulkers, St. Anne Westminster, Curriers, St. Mary
Whitechapel, St. Mary Rotherhithe, St. Anne Limehouse,
Letter-press Printers, St. Mary Islington, Bricklayers,
Middlesex, Highland Society of London, Farrington without
(ward of), Winchester, St. Mary Magdalen's Bermondsey,
Rochester, Reading, Bristol, Chatteris Isle of Ely, Here
ford, Perth, St. Mary's Chapel Edinburgh, Winchelsea,
Dorset, Wraxhall, Worcester, Gospel Church Portsea, Leeds,

86
Bill of Pains and Penalties. The propriety of the
measure, has indeed, been much questioned, and
it has been alleged, that it was only designed as
an open insult to the Chief Magistrate of the
Bristol, Framlingham Suffolk, Cranbrook, Devizes, Crediton
Devon, St. Botolph Aldgate, Corporated Trades of South Leith,
Kingmer Sussex, Langport Somerset, New York America,
Ely, Worthing, Great Marlow, Dundee Trades, Ayr, Warwick,
Marylebone, Guildford, Livery of London, Camberwell, Brass-
workers London, Industrious Classes, Westminster, Kensington,
Tin-plate-wqrkers, Glass-blowers, Carpenters and Joiners, Trow
bridge, Reading, Berkshire, Newcastle-upon-Tyne, Poole, Dub
lin, Guild of Glovers and Skinners, Amicable Society Not
tingham, Strand Society, Wellingford, Berwick-upon-Tweed,
Concentric Society Liverpool, Camberwell Labourers, Blackburn
male and female, Stamford, Newcastle-upon-Tyne females,
Blythe, Lymington, Reformers of Yarmouth, Methodist Friendly
Societies, Brechin Incorporated Trades and Guildry, Inverary,
Brechin Odd Fellows, Dundee Flax-dressers, Shepton Mallett,
Cowbridge Glamorganshire, Newbury, Alford, Kent, King
horn, Burnt Island, Southampton, Chipping Sedbury, New Shore-
ham, Langholm, West Teignmouth, Falkirk, Lake and neigh
bourhood of Horncastle, Colyton, Devon, Oxford, Coachmakers,
Bridgewater, Kettering, Northallerton, Smithden, Gallow and
Brothercross, Norfolk, Daventry, Stirling, Welwyn Herts,
Chester, Poplar, Blandford, Biggleswade, Birmingham, North
Leach, Warrington, Warrington Tender, Newlyn, Wood-
bridge, Sudbury, Margate, St. Pancras Chichester, Abing
don, Lachford Hundred, Taunton, Lichfield, Manchester,
Higham Ferrers, Hull, Monmouth, Dartford, Ross, Brecknock,
Wrington, Guildry of Dundee, Nairn, Pennycuick, Bedford,
Bookbinders, Spitalfields, St. Pancras Middlesex, St.
Andrews Holborn, and St. George the Martyr, Lambeth,
Committee for escorting her Majesty to St. Paul's, Belfast,
Kidderminster, Inverkeithing, Horsham, Romney, Nottingham,

87
country, and to the Members of the House of
Peers who had voted in favour of the Bill. That
political as well as religious feeling, determined
her Majesty publicly to offer up her acknow
ledgments to Heaven, cannot be denied, but that
she felt grateful for her deliverance from ap
proaching danger and calamity, cannot be dis
puted ; and indeed, she frequently expressed her
conviction that the providence of God had inter
fered in her behalf. Whether such convictions
were correct, is not the question, but whether she
was sincere, and her sincerity should not be ques
tioned, and if sincere, it was dignified and cor
rect to appear in the Grand Cathedral of the
metropolis, there to offer up her acknowledgments
and pour forth her supplications. The publicity
of her attendance was an avowal of her belief in
the great doctrines of Christianity, and was a
proceeding neither novel nor improper, but the
Thatcham, Richmond (Yorkshire,) St. James's and St. Paul's
Market Lavington, Odd Fellows, Monmouth, Basingstoke and
Tadley, St. George Hanover Square, Ross United Friendly
Societies, Harrington, North Leach, Sudbury, Hinckley, Lei
cester, Bath, Cambridge, Appledore, South Molton, the
Friendly Societies of the Metropolis, the Friendly Societies of
Painters and Glaziers, St. George's Hanover Square, Cam
bridge, Wotton-under-Edge, Wilton Carpet-weavers, Croydon,
Woolcombers of Warwick, Ross, Hampstead, Norris, Marlborough
and Ramsbury, Kingsclear, Pamber, Inhurst, Lechlade, Clanfield,
Grafton, Bradfield, Stanford, Dingley, Bampton, Southam, Gun-
makers, Birmingham, Andover, Whetstone, Hungerford, St.
Luke, Kidderminster, Society of Coopers, Coventry.

88
nature of the procession, and the feelings which
the shouts of the populace were calculated to
inspire, alas, ill accorded with those feelings of
reverence and humility with which a creature
should approach the Governor of the Universe.
In pursuance of her determinaltion, on the 29th
pf November, she attended at St. Paul's Cathe
dral, and it is difficult, if not impossible, to con
vey an adequate idea of the intense interest
which the procession excited.
Her Majesty left Brandenburgh House in her
State carriage, attended by two other carriages,
the first of which was occupied by the Honour
able Keppel Craven, the second by the Church
wardens and officers of the Parish of Hammer
smith. A gi'eat number pf gentlemen on horse
back preceded and followed the carriage. At
Hyde Park Corner, the procession was joined by
a considerable number of gentlemen on horseback.
Sir Robert Wilson and Mr. Hume, M. P. rode
at the side of her Majesty's carriage ; Mr. Hob-
house, Mr. Peter Moore, and several other
Members of Parliament, following in their
carriages. Early in the morning the streets of the metro
polis were crowded. Various parties of gentlemen
and tradesmen on horseback occupied different
stations in the line of the procession, and though
not splendid, it was interesting from its novelty
and the diversity of character which appeared in
every stage of its advance.

89
By the Corporation of the City, she was form
ally received at Temple Bar, and at half past
twelve, arrived at the outer gate of the grand
entrance of St. Paul's, where she was received
with the simultaneous acclamations of the po
pulace. Application had been made to the proper
authorities that a Sermon might be delivered on
the occasion, and the Reverend Archdeacon Ba
thurst solicited the honour of delivering a Dis
course which he had prepared, but the request was
refused, and the usual daily Service was alone
performed. Her Majesty then returned to her
carriage, and the procession retraced its steps.
The whole ceremony was conducted with pro
priety and decorum ; but the act unfortunately
tended to increase the enmity of those who were
opposed to her, although it perpetuated, and
indeed, increased the number and the zeal of her
friends. Notwithstanding the abandonment of the Bill
of Pains and Penalties, her Majesty's name was
not inserted in the Liturgy. It was in vain urged
that she was either acquitted, or not acquitted —
that in the latter case Ministers ought to bring
forward their accusations and commence new
proceedings — or that if she was acquitted, she
ought to be put in possession of her rights.
This question was one of great difficulty, and
of nearly equal importance. Her friends viewed
it with a jealous eye, and the nation considered
it as a question of prerogative. Her Majesty

90
felt more keenly this mark of disrespect, than
any other which she had been called on to en
dure, and accordingly urged her friends if possi
ble to obtain the insertion of her name in the
Liturgy, or a declaration from Parliament, that
by it it was desired that such insertion might be
made ; but the 'applications of her friends were
unattended With any beneficial result, and the
resolution proposed to Parliament on the subject,
were necessarily rejected.
The first application on the subject was made
by Lord Archibald Hamilton, who moved,, on
January 26th, the following resolution.
" That the Order in Council, dated 12th Feb-
" ruary, 1820, in which the name of her Majesty,
" Queen Caroline, Consort of this Realm, was
" directed to be omitted in the Liturgy, appears
" to this House to be a measure ill advised and
" inexpedient." But this motion was negatived by a majority
of 101. Two hundred and nine voting for the
motion, and three hundred and ten against it.
In favour of this resolution, petitions were
presented to both Houses of Parliament from all
parts of the nation, and its rejection was learnt
with feelings of general dissatisfaction.
Notwithstanding such rejection the measure
was still considered as attainable and important,
and the Queen constantly entreated her friends,
by some method, if possible, to effect the restora-

91
tion of her name. Petitions continued daily to
be presented to both Houses of the Legislature,
and Mr. John Smith consented to bring the sub
ject again under the consideration of Parliament.
On the 13th February, he accordingly moved,
" That an humble address be presented to his
" Majesty, expressing that the House having
" taken into their consideration that the Queen's
" name has not been inserted in the Liturgy, and
" having considered the numerous petitions of
" the people upon that subject, are of opinion
" that in all the existing circumstances, it is
" highly expedient to insert her Majesty's name
" in the Liturgy, as a measure that would greatly
" tend to remove the discontents on that subject in
" the public mind."
But the motion was lost by a majority of 120.
The question which was so repeatedly discus
sed, was difficult and curious. It certainly in
volved not the rights of her Majesty alone, but
of all Queen Consorts, as well of the present as
of succeeding generations. It was, first, whe
ther the Law of the Land had ^'ested in the
Privy Council of the King, a power to leave
out or to insert as it might think fit, the name
of the Queen Consort. It was a question of
a civil nature, and it was also this, whether
that privilege which for three centuries had been
supposed to attach not to the natural person of
the Queen, but to her exalted public station and
character, might after the' lapse of so many years,
be legally and fairly taken away by the decision

92
of the Privy Council. By all parties it was ad
mitted that subsequent to the Reformation, the
supremacy in all ecclesiastical affairs, was vested
in the King, as head of the Church, nor w:as it
denied by the friends of the Queen, that in the
reign of Henry VIII. the Crown had the power
of regulating the service of the Church as it
pleased. The ecclesiastical Government of the
country from this time was, however, intermingled
and identified, with the civil ordinances of the
State. In the reign of Edward VI. a Liturgy
founded upon these priiiciples was established,
and in succeeding reigns, various Acts of Parlia
ment were passed, which from time to time made
the Liturgy of the Church, and all matters con
nected with it, subjects of civil regulation. All
this was undoubtedly originally the effect of the
Reformation. In subsequent reigns it was altered
by Queen Mary, and in that of James I. it was
arranged in nearly the same form in which it at
present exists. Thus it continued until the reign
of Charles I. when it experienced some changes
of a partial nature. Church and State were now
mingled and connected ; the Church and all parts
of Church Government, were part and parcel of
the State itself ; and the King recognized as the
head of the Church, was also the head of the
State. The union of these circumstances led to the
fact, that, after the Reformation, very different
regulations in ecclesiastical matters were adopted,
because they were jiot ordered, as formerly, by

93
the authority of the Pope, but subjected to civil
authority by the power of Parliament. In other
words, the Liturgy was established by Act of
Parliament, and the regulations and enactments
ordained and provided by the Act of Uniformity,
and by all others, made in furtherance of the same
object, became of equal validity and power, and
exacted as much obedience as any other statutes.
Thus then, whatever might have been the prero
gatives of Henry VIII. it is clear that the regu
lations of the Church are now part of the civil law
of the country, and are to be governed by that
law as well as by any other matter. The
prerogatives of the King were subsequently
lost by the Crown itself, having delegated them
to Parliament. In 1661, it was resolved to
establish a Liturgy that should unite, as closely
as possible, all religious parties in the State,
and make them submit to its authority. The
object proposed to be accomplished by the Act
of Uniformity, was to settle and ensure to all
the component parts of the State in facie ecclesi<£,
a legal definition of all the civil parts of the eccle
siastical Institutions of the country. Such was
the principle of this Act, which has been repro
bated by a variety of writers, of all sects and
parties, and has been by others lauded and ex
tolled. This Act of Uniformity, however, con
firmed the Liturgy, as it was left by the various
Acts of Edward VI. and James I. It was thus
expressly confirmed, and carried into effect, by
Act of Parliament. This then was the Liturgy

94
of Charles II. which, being settled, was annexed
to the Act of Parliament, and directed to be taken
as part thereof; so that, in fact, it was as legally
binding as the Act to which it was annexed. The
prayer-book, therefore, really as much formed a
part of the Act of Parliament as if it had been
inserted therein ; and the Act directed twenty-one
copies to be made, and deposited in the Tower
of London and other places. Hence it appears
fair to argue, that it is not competent for the King
or his Council to alter the Liturgy, except so far
as directed by the statute which has been just
referred to. That direction is contained in the
following clause, and to the words of which par
ticular attention should be paid: — "xxv. Pro-
" vided always, and be it further enacted by the
" authority aforesaid, that, in all those prayers,
" litanies, and collects, which do, in any way, relate
" to the King, Queen, or Royal Progeny, the names
" be altered and changed, from time to
" TIME, AND FITTED TO THE PRESENT OC-
" CAS I ON, according to the direction of lawful
" authority.'"'' By those who support the prero
gatives of the King and his Council in this matter,
and contend that they are absolute, it has been
urged, that this clause is conclusive on the subject,
and that such prerogatives cannot be, with any
propriety, disputed.
But it has been replied, that the words of the
clause only sanction the alteration of names as
suited the occasion, and that if more had been
intended by those who prepared the Act, it is

95
absurd to suppose that the statute would not also
have given power to omit, and not merely to alter
and change, so as simply to adapt the words to
the names of the then present Royal Family.
Such observation unquestionably deserves the
most serious consideration.
This Act was made after a period of civil dis
turbance, and it adopted the principle adhered to
in former liturgies, of omitting the name of the
Queen, as was the case in the reigns of Henry
VIII., James I., and Charles I. When the
Act of Uniformity passed, Charles II. was not
married ; and a blank was left in one Collect for
the name of the Queen, leaving it perfectly to be
understood, that it was to stand, pro re nata, for
the insertion of the Queen Consort's name when
the King should marry; and not only was the
blank left for the name, but also for the titles; and
in fact, after the marriage of the King, some
copies of the Book of Common Prayer had the
blank filled up, and the name of her Majesty, the
Queen Consort, inserted. From that time down
to the reign of George I. the Queen Consorts
had been habitually prayed for. But then, it has
been urged, that the Consort of George I. was
not so prayed for, and the chain was therefore
broken. To that objection it has been replied,
that it is insufficient to sustain the alteration made
by his present Majesty. George I. ascended the
Throne in 1714, and for eighteen years before that
period, the Princess of Zell had been confined in
a Hanoverian prison. She was never known, nor

was she represented in this Country ; and she
remained in that prison until her death. For the
period of eighteen years prior to his accession to
the Throne of England, George I. had also been
divorced from her; and she was, therefore, neither
legally his Consort, nor was she so considered by
the nation, who never referred to her. Again';
though George I. had not been divorced from the
Princess of Zell, by Act of Parliament, he would
of course have obtained such Act if he had applied,
since the real divorce was notorious, and by both
parties it was acknowledged. The Duchess of
Kendal was in fact his wife; and, therefore, it
would have been absurd to have included the
name of the Princess of Zell in the Liturgy, and
its omission cannot, with fairness, be adduced as a
precedent. With such exceptions, these Queen
Consorts have been habitually prayed for, and the
consuetude regni being so established and demon
strated, furnishes a powerful argument in favour
of the right of the Queen so to be prayed for,
established by usage ; and especially, as by the
Act of Uniformity, the Common Prayer Book be^
came part of the statute law of the land ; and was
thereby no longer entrusted to the management of
the King or his Council. In addition to such ar
guments, it has been contended that the Queen,
though a subject, has privileges and rights which
attach to her in her political character— that it is
not in the power of the King to give, or to take
them away— that the privilege of having her name
included in the Liturgy is among the number, and

1)7
that, therefore, on c\'ery principle ol' rcasonino' —
from analogy — precedent — and law it is demon
strative, that the exclusion of the name of her
Majesty originally was improper, and that by its
subsequent non- introduction a precedent was es
tablished which is principally to be deplored, be
cause it affects the constitutional rights and liber
ties of the people.
In the speech delivered by his Majesty, at the
opening of the Session of Parliament, he recom
mended that some provision should be made for
the Queen, aud it was accordingly proposed by
the Administration, that the annual sum of £50,000
should be allowed her.
Disappointed at the refusal of Parliament to in
terfere in the question of the Liturgy, her Majesty
was advised to decline the acceptance of the prof-
ferred grant, unless her name was restored. Her
Majesty was, however, averse to the measure; she
felt that as it was the first act of Royal favour
which, on her, had been bestowed, she should ac
cept it: and, thatwhilst she would not relinquish the
question of the Liturgy altogether, it should not at
present be further urged. In reply to such sugges
tions it was stated, that if she refused to accept
the grant, the ministry would yield to her wishes,
with respect to the Liturgy; since she would never
be allowed even by them, to remain without funds,
and without a palace, or an establishment ; and
that she would thus at once obtain those rights and
privileges which she would otherwise, ineffectu
ally endeavour to procure. These arguments were.
Vol. II, G

98
however, ineffectual to convince her Majesty; and
until she was assured that efforts should be made
by THE Whigs to raise her an annuity by the con
tributions of themselves, and of the people, ade
quate to the proposed Parliamentary grant ; she
would not assent to any message being transmitted
from her on the subject. At length, she was in
duced to sign the following message, which was
communicated to the House of Commons, by Mr.
Brougham, on the 31st of January.
" Caroline R.
" The Queen having learned, that the House
" of Commons has appointed this day for taking
"into consideration the part of the King's most
" gracious Speech which relates to her, deems it
" necessary to declare, that she is duly sensible
" of his Majesty's condescension in recommend-
" ing an arrangement respecting her to the
" attention of Parliament. She is aware that
" this recommendation must be understood as re-
" ferring to a provision for the support of her
" estate and dignity; and from what has lately
" passed, she is apprehensive that such a provi-
" sion may be unaccompanied by the possession
" of her rights and privileges, in the ample mea-
" sure vdierein former Queens Consort, her Royal
" predecessors, have been wont in times past to
" enjoy them.
"It is far from the Queen's inclination, need-
" lessly to throw obstacles in the way of a settle-
" ment, which she desires in common with the

91)
" whole country, and which she feels per-
" suaded the best interests of all parties equally
" require ; and being most anxious to avoid
" every thing that miglit create irritation, she
" cautiously abstains from any observation upon
" the unexampled predicament in which she is
" placed ; but she feels it due to the House and
" to herself, respectfully to declare, that she per-
" severes in the resolution of declining any ar-
" rangement while her name continues to be ex-
" eluded from the Liturgy."
" Brandenburgh House, January 3lsf, 1821."
Notwithstanding this protest, the House pro
ceeded to make the proposed grant, and although
it did not totally disregard the communication so
made, yet it only excited feelings of surprise and
regret, and was viewed by her enemies as an act
of defiance, and by her friends as imprudent and
even absurd. Those opinions in the end were
demonstrated to be correct, for although at a
meeting of some of the leading whigs, the Earl
Fitzwilliam, and a few others, generously offered
to become contributors to a large amount, the
measure did not receive general support, and it
was totally abandoned. The failure of the mea
sure occasioned to the Queen much real grief and
regret. She felt that by the reception of the
grant at this time, after its previous rejection, she
would be lessening her dignity, and laying her
character open to the charges of caprice and
cowardice, and yet she knew that without re-
G 2

100
sources she could not maintain her establishment,
and must either borrow without the probability
of at p;resent reimbursing, or make an appeal to
the public, which might not, under all the cir
cumstances, be attended with success.
When the Bill had received the sanction of the
legislature, she received from Lord Liverpool the
following letter.
" Lord Liverpool thinks it right to inform the
" Queen, that the Bill for her Majesty's annuity,
" having received the Royal assent, the King's
" warrant has been signed and countersigned ;
" and the letters patent will probably be com-
" pleted in the course of next week.
" Lord Liverpool conceives that it may be con-
" venient to the Queen, as soon as possible to be
" apprized, that from the whole sum of £62,500,
" being five quarters from the 5th January, 1820,
" to the 5th April, 1821, are to be deducted,
" the various sums issued to the Queen, since the
" decease of his late Majesty, amounting altoge-
" ther to £30,277 8s. lOd. so that there will be
" due to the Queen on the 5th April next, the
" sum of £32,222 lis. 2d. and arrangements will
" be made for the issue of this sum, in as few days
" after the 5th April, as the forms of office will
" permit." " Fife-House, 2d March, 1821."
It now became necessary for her Majesty to
determine what line of conduct she would adopt.

101
She had not at this time ten pounds in the house,
and her bankers were in possession of no assets.
Three thousand Pounds had been already
advanced to her by her Bankers, on the security
of two distinguished Noblemen, and yet further
sums were required. In order therefore to avoid
all further discussion she immediately transmitted
the following reply.
" The receipt of Lord Liverpool's letter of the
" 2nd instant, has informed the Queen that her
" Annuity Bill had received the Royal assent.
" The Queen considers the present measure as
" emanating from his Majesty: and cannot doubt
" but that it is connected in his generous mind
" with the gracious intention of inserting her
"Majesty's name in the Liturgy: and of in-
" vesting her with all those rights and dignities,
" which have uniformly been conferred upon the
" Consorts of former Kings. This pleasurable
" expectation has removed the repugnance which
" would otherwise have predominated in her
" Majesty's mind, to accept the grant announced
" by Lord Liverpool.
" The refusal of Prince Leopold to give up
" Marlborough House, has obliged her Majesty
" to purchase Cambridge House. This purchase
" will cost the Queen £15,000, and this sum with
" the gross amount of deductions, mentioned by
" Lord Liverpool, some of which were totally
" unexpected, and combined with her Majesty's
" current expences, will leave her totally without

10'2
" money on the 5th of April next. When her
" Majesty is on the point of commencing an es-
" tablishment suited to her rank, some prepara-
" tory expense must unavoidably be incurred;
" for which her Majesty is convinced that it
" would not have been less in unison with his
" Majesty's wishes than with those of his people,
" if some specific provision had been made."
Drandenburgh House, Ath March, 1821.
This reply excited general surprize. It so
completely varied with her former communication
to Parliament on the subject, and without any
real or imaginary cause for such variation, that
her sanguine friends were disappointed at this
instance of vascillation, and those who were
opposed to her of course accused her of meanness
and of cowardice. The occurrence she ever after
deplored, and frequently said, " Nothing distresses
" me more than that, because I must appear to
" every one as having forfeited my word, and
" concerning money, which I never regard."
The residence of her Majesty at Brandenburgh
House, although healthy and pleasant, was not
suited to the Queen Consort of Great Britain.
She accordingly determined on obtaining some
suitable premises in London. To her, Marl
borough House, which was near to Carlton Palace,
and which was then tenanted by the Prince Leo
pold, appeared to be peculiarly desirable, and she
accordingly contracted for the purchase of the
lease ; but it having been communicated to her,

103
that by its selection the King was much dis
pleased, and had determined in case she there
resided, never again to return to Carlton Palace,
she directed the following letter to be addressed
to the Earl of Liverpool.
" Brandenburgh House, Mth January, 1820.
" My Lord,
" I have received the Queen's commands to
inform your Lordship, that her Majesty has been
in treaty for the purchase of the lease of Marl
borough House, and that she has now the imme
diate prospect of concluding the bargain ; but it
has been suggested to her Majesty, upon authority
entitled to great attention, that the King had
intimated a strong disinclination to her Majesty
fixing her residence there, and had even ex
pressed an intention of not returning to Carlton
Palace in that event.
" Before the transaction is closed, the Queen
is anxious to be informed whether or not there is
any foundation for this statement, and her Majesty
has directed me to request this information from
your Lordship." " I have the honour to be,
" My Lord,
" Your very obedient servant,
"K. Craven."
After an interval of a few days, the Earl of
Liverpool addressed to the Hon. Keppel Craven
the following reply : —

104
" Fife House, llth January, 1821.
" Sir,
" I beg to acknowledge the receipt of your
explanatory letter, respecting the lease of Marl
borough House.
" The terms in which your letter of the llth
inst. were couched, rendered it impossible for me
tp do more than to lay the substance of it before
his Majesty, and I have since laid before him your
explanation. " The King has commanded me to say, in
answer, that, as Prince Leopold is in the actual
possession of Marlborough House, with a term
of five years unexpired, and as his Royal Highness
has never informed his Majesty of his desire to
dispose of that term to the Queen, the King must
decline giving any opinion upon the subject.
" I have the honour to be,
" Sir,
" Your very obedient humble servant,
" Liverpool."
Thus disappointed of the residence she preferred,
she now resolved on purchasing the lease of
Cambridge House, in South Audley- street, and
in that occasionally dwelt till the period of her
death, though the greater part of her time she
continued to spend at Hammersmith.
The Queen now appeared more in public. She
visited the theatres, where she was received
with the most decided demonstration of respect ;
Public Institutions, where the Governors and

105
Committees welcomed her visits with enthusiasm ;
and, for the benefit of one of which, she attended
at a concert, on the first of March, at the Mansion-
house of the city of London. That concert was
held for the benevolent purpose of extricating
from debt a Lancasterian Institution, founded in
1813 by Mr. Alderman Wood, in the City-road,
in the north-eastern part of the metropolis, in
which several hundred children are yearly edu
cated. To that Institution she also presented t-^vo
hundred pounds, and promised that during her
life such sum should be annually contributed by
her. By such examples of benevolence, and
especially by attachment which they indicated
that she felt to the instruction of the poor, and
to that education on liberal principles, she grati
fied her friends, and increased their number and
respectability. By the nobility she was now recognized, and from
the following distinguished personages she received
visits more or less frequent. The list is long and un
interesting ; but it is eminently important that it
be introduced, because it demonstrates, that by the
higher ranks of society her character was respected,
and that they deemed it their duty as their honour to
present themselves to her Majesty. Some few of
the individuals whose names are inserted only visited
her Majesty once during her residence in England,
but the majority were introduced to her several
times, and many of them were not unfrequently
guests at her table.

106
Duke of Sussex, Prince Leopold, Duke and
Duchess of Leinster, Duke and Duchess of Bed
ford, Duchess of Somerset, Duke of Norfolk, Earl
and Countess of Jersey, Marquis and Marchioness
df Tavistock, Earl and Lady Fitzwilliam, Lord
and Lady Wm.* Russell, Lord and Lady Milton,
Lord and Lady Ossulston, Earl and Countess of
Tankerville, Lady Francis, Hon. Mrs. H. Bennet,
Lady R. Spencer, Lady Mary Bentinck, Lady
Charlotte Lindsay, Lady Kingston, Dowager Lady
Monson, Misses Monson, Dowager Lady de Clif
ford, Lady Vernon, Lady Perceval, Countess of
Harrington, Dowager Countess Albemarle, Dowa
ger Lady Tancred, Hon. Mrs. Damer, Lady Sarah
Butler, Lady Lucy Foley, Lady Louisa Lambton,
Lady Elizabeth Whitbread, Earl of Essex, Lord
Nugent, Viscount Folkestone, Earl of Darlington,
Lord Robert Spencer, Earl Grosvenor, Lord A.
Hamilton, Earl of Oxford, Lord Wm. Fitzgerald,
Lord Ballantyne, Lord Viscount Duncannon, Earl
of Albemarle, Earl of Guildford, Viscount Anson,
Marquis of Devonshire, Lord Arthur Hill, Earl of
Fortescue, Lord Foley, Lord Harley, Lord Henry
Fitzgerald, Lord John Russel, Lord James
Stewart, Lord Landaff, Lord Clifden, Earl Car
narvon, Lord Francis Osborne, Earl Grey, Hon.
Henry Grey Bennet, M.P. Sir Robert Wilson,
M. P. Sir William Guise, Bart. M. P. Sir H.
Englefield, Bart. Sir Godfred Webster, Sir
Robert Dundas, Sir Bethell Codrington, Bart.
Sir Simon Clarke, Sir William De Crespigny,
Bart. M. P. ^ Honourable William Burrell,

ro7
Hon. R. Smith, M. P. Hon. Douglas Kinnaird,
Lieut. -General Sir Ronald Ferguson, M. P. Hon.
Charles Butler, Hon. G. Agar Ellis, Sir Thomas
M. Wilson, Sir Francis Burdett, Bart. M. P. Sir
M. W. Ridley, Bart. M. P. Sir G. Robinson,
Viscount Bury, M. P. Hon. M. Wood, and fa
mily. Sir G. Noel, Bart. M. P. Sir Wm. Rowley,
M. P. Sir G. Anson, M. P. Hon. T. Dundas,
M. P. Hon. C. M. Pelham, M. P. Hon. G. Bla-
guifere, and Lady Blaguifere, Peter Moore, Esq.
M. P. W. Whitbread, Esq. M. P. Sandford Gra
ham, Esq. M. P. Joseph Birch, Esq. M. P. Tho
mas Creevey, Esq. M. P. T. Martin, Esq. M. P.
Robert Gordon, Esq. M. P. W. P. Honeywood,
Esq. M. P. M. A. Taylor, Esq. M. P. and Mrs.
Taylor, Robert Hurst, Esq. M. P. 
Ellice, Esq. M. P. C. F. Palmer, Esq. M. P.
A. Baring, Esq. M. P. E. B. Wilbraham, Esq.
M. P. Joseph Hume, Esq. M. P. and Mrs.
Hume, R. Bernal, Esq. M. P. General Phipps,
M. P. T. Hobhouse, Esq. M. P. C. Western, Esq.
M. P. Pascoe Grenfell, Esq. M. P. Richard
Vyall, Esq. M. P. William Williams, Esq.
M. P. Colonel Hughes, M. P. S. Whitbread, Esq.
M. P. Lieut.-Colonel Roberts, M. P. Thomas
Pares, Esq. M.P. T. B. Monck, Esq. M. P.
Francis Pyp;!, Esq. M. P. A. Baring, Esq. M. P.
J. C. Lambton, Esq. M. P. W. A. Maddocks,
Esq. M. P. T. A. Warre, Esq. M.P. R. P. Pryse,
Esq. M.P. Colonel Palmer, M.P. T. B. Lennard,
Esq. M.P. G. P. Scudamore, Esq. M.P. J. Mac
donald, Esq. M. P. Henry Bright, Esq. M. P.

108
R. Smith, Esq. M. P. G. Heathcote, Esq. M. P.
R. Boughton, Esq. M. P. Mr. and Mrs. Challe-
nor, Mr. and Mrs. Ponsonby, General Lister,
Miss Lister, and Miss M. Lister, Mr. and Mrs.
F. Webb, Rev. Archdeacon Bathurst, Mrs. H.
Bathurst, Rev. G. M. Bates, Lieut.-Colonel
Jones, Major Russell, Lieut. - General Long,
Major Dodd, Admiral Halliday, Rev. G. Lock,
Captain Gardiner, Dr. Holland, General We
therell, Rev. Edward Grey, James Fitzgerald,
Esq. Lieut.-Colonel Fitzgerald Stanhope, Colonel
Webb. The King had long determined that his Coro
nation should occur in the month of July of this
year, and the preparations were now rapidly pro
ceeding. At such ceremonies it had been almost
invariably the custom that Queens Consort should
be crowned, and the propriety of maintaining the
custom cannot be disputed. Her Majesty felt
that if she was only nominally Queen Consort,
then all those rights which according to consue
tude regni had been enjoyed by them were at once
declared to be nullities. Already it had be ende-
termined that her name should not be included
in the Liturgy. In either of the Royal Palaces
she was not allowed to reside — plate was refused
her; and now her husband, the King of Great
Britain was to be crowned in the presence of the
nation, and herself was destined not to participate
in the ceremony. That it is merely a ceremony
must indeed be omitted, and if the coronation of

109
Kings was discontinued, no possible evil could
result. But whilst such ceremony was continued
in one case, the Queen felt that without some ade
quate reason, she ought not to be prevented from
also enjoying the honour so conferred. To the
King she, therefore, personally addressed a let
ter, and accompanied it by a request, that it
might be unopened by the ministers, but might
be at once forwarded to his Majesty. In that
letter she requested that she should be crowned;
and briefly stated the reasons why she expected
that her requisition would not be refused. The
King had, however, long directed that no letter
from the Queen should be communicated to him,
until its contents were first perused by his minis
ters ; and such letter was accordingly opened by
them. With the nature of the application he was,
however, apprized, and after having deliberated
with his law officers, on the legality of the claim
made by her Majesty, to be crowned as of right ;
he directed the following reply to be transmitted.
" Lord Liverpool has the honour to inform the
" Queen, that as it has been his Majesty's invariable
" determination, for some years, to receive no
" written communication from the Queen, except
" through his government ; the King directed
" Lord Liverpool to open the Queen's letter, and
" Lord Liverpool having laid the substance of it
" before his Majesty, the King has commanded
" Lord Liverpool to say, in answer, that it is his

no
" Majesty's prerogative to regulate the ceremonial
" of his coronation in such manner as he may
"think fit; that the Queen can form no part of
" that ceremonial, except in consequence of a
" distinct authority from the King ; and that it is
" not his Majesty's intention, under the present
" circumstances, to give any such authority.
" Lord Liverpool thinks it must be unnecessary
" in consequence of this communication, to no-
" tice the other points in the Queen's letter; but
" he will further add that the King has dispensed
" with the attendance of all Ladies upon his
" Coronation.
" Fife House, ith May, 1821."

Unintimidated by this reply, her Majesty re
solved on memorializing the King and on repre
senting to him, that even if he refused to her those
rights which she claimed as attatching to her poli
tical character, yet that as many manors and
lands were held on the express tenure, that ser
vices should be done by them for Queens Consorts
at their coronations, it was peculiarly proper that
siich tenures should not be invalidated, nor such
services discontinued; lest their discontinuance
should be subsequently construed into a prece
dent. To the King she, therefore, addressed the
following memorial, and anxiously awaited his
determination thereon.

Ill
" To THE King's most excellent Majesty."
" The Memorial of her Majesty the Queen."
" Sheweth,
" That your Majesty has by your Royal Pro-
" clamation, bearing date at Carlton House, the
" ninth day of June instant, declared your Royal
" will and pleasure to celebrate the solemnity of
" your Royal Coronation, upon Thursday the
" 19th of July next, at your palace, at Westmin-
" ster, but that directions have not been given
" for the Coronation of the Queen, as hath here-
" tofore been accustomed on the like occasions.
" That divers of your Majesty's subjects by
" antient customs and usages of these realms, as
" also in regard of divers tenures of sundry
" manors, lands, and other hereditaments do
" claim, and are bound to do and perform divers
" services, on the day and at the time of the
" Coronation of the Queens Consort of these
" realms, as in times precedent their ancestors,
" and those from whom they claim, have done
" and performed at the Coronation of Queen's
" Consort in times past.
" That the Queen most dutifully claims as of
" right, to celebrate the ceremony of the Royal
" Coronation, and to preserve as well as her
" Majesty's said right, as the aforesaid lawful
" rights and inheritances of others of your
" Majesty's subjects.

112
" The Queen respectfully prays that your
" Majesty will be graciously pleased forthwith
" to issue your Royal Proclamation thereby to
" appoint the same 19th day of July next, at
" Westminster, aforesaid, to celebrate the cere-
" mony of the Coronation as Queen Consort, and
" to direct that all such as by the said customs
" and usages, and tenures, are bound to do and
" perform at the services aforesaid, do duly give
" their attendances accordingly, at the said day
" and time of the Coronation aforesaid, in all
" respects furnished as to so great a solemnity
" appertaineth, and answereth to the dignities
" and places which every one of them holdeth
" and enjoyeth; and further, that your Majesty
" will be graciously pleased to issue your Royal
" Commission, under your great seal, appointing
" Commissioners to receive, hear, ^nd determine
" the petitions and claims which' shall be made
" to them in this behalf.
" And the Queen, as in duty bound, will ever
" pray, &c."
This memorial was of course transmitted to
the Secretary of State for the Home Department,
and by him it was submitted to the King. The
public now felt an intense anxiety on the sub
ject. The Coronation itself was a ceremony
which, at a time when the nation groaned
under the pressure of poverty, when a national
debt, unequalled in magnitude in the history

113
of the world ; when poor rates were quadrupled
within half a century ; and taxes as enormous as
they were ruinous ; was regarded not only as
unwise, but improper; and when, in addition to
these circumstances, it was made a political instru
ment of oppression, its impropriety became ad
ditionally evident, and it was either desired that
the measure should be wholly abolished, or that
all parties should meet at the Throne and Altar,
and consign to oblivion their various contentions.
But the Ministers determined otherwise to act.
They resolved that the King should be crowned,
but that the Queen should not be, and Lord Sid-
mouth accordingly addressed to Lord Hood, as
her Majesty's Chamberlain, the following letter.
'• My Lord,
"Having taken the earliest opportunity of
laying before the King, the memorial of the
Queen claiming as of right to celebrate the cere
mony of her Coronation, and praying that his
Majesty would be graciously pleased to issue the
Proclamation, fixing the 19th instant for that
purpose, and directing that all such, as by cus
tom, usage, and tenures, are bound to perform
services on that occasion, should attend for that
purpose; his Majesty was pleased to refer the
said memorial to the Attorney and Solicitor
General, and those Officers having reported to
his Majesty their opinion, that the Queen Con
sort has not any claim, of right, to celebrate the
ceremony of the Coronation ; and that the rights
Vol. ii. h

114
of those who may hold lands or offices by the
tenures of performing services at the Coronation
of the Queen Consort, (if any such there be),
will not be prejudiced or affected by that cere
mony not being celebrated ; I have to acquaint
your Lordship, that his Majesty has not been
pleased to issue any directions in pursuance of
the prayer of the Queen's memorial.
" I take this occasion of acknowledging the
receipt of your Lordship's letter of yesterday's
date, in which your Lordship signifies the wish
of the Queen to be heard forthwith by her Coun
sel, in support of the prayer of the above men
tioned memorial, which your Lordship describes
as a memorial to the King in Council, and I
have to inform your Lordship, that as the said
memorial was addressed to the King himself, and
not to his Majesty in Council, (as your Lordship
supposes), no opportunity can occur for the
Queen's Counsel being heard in support thereof."
" I have the honour to be,
" Your Lordship's,
" Obedient humble Servant,
" Sidmouth."
To Lord Hood,
The perusal of tKe foregoing letter will have
explained that the memorial was improperly
addressed, solely to the King, and not to his
Majesty in Council, and also that it was the
desire of the Queen, if possible, by the arguments

115
of her Law Officers, to convince those who were
opposed to her, that her claim of right was legal
and just, and ought to be allowed.
The following memorial was therefore immedi
ately prepared and transmitted.
" To THE King's most excellent Majesty
in Council."
" The Memorial of her Majesty the Queen,
" Sheweth,
" That your Majesty having been pleased to
" issue your Royal Proclamation appointing the
" 19th day of July, at your Majesty's palace,
" at Westminster, for the Coronation of your
" Majesty; but no directions having been issued
" for the Coronation of the Queen, her Majesty
" most dutifully prayed by her humble memorial
" in maintenance of her own rights and inherit-
" ances of divers of your Majesty's subjects,
" bound to perform services at the Coronation of
" the Queen Consort, that your Majesty would
" according to ancient usage be graciously pleased
" to appoint the same day and place, for the
" Coronation of her Majesty. That in such pro-
" ceedings, her Majesty fully trusted that either
" her said claim would forthwith be allowed, or
" that if any doubts should be entertained res-
" pecting its validity, the question would be im-
" mediately referred to the decision of your
" Majesty in Council.

U6
" That several days having elapsed without any
" answer being sent to her Majesty's said memor-
" ial, the Queen was led to apprehend that such
" doubts were entertained, and her Majesty
" therefore caused a second memorial to be pre-
" sented to your Majesty in Council, whereby
" she prayed to be heard iji support of her right,
" in that behalf. That it has been since intimated
" to the Queen, that the prayer of the memorial
" first mentioned was not to be granted, because
" your Majesty's Attorney and Solicitor General,
" have stated an opinion that her Majesty has no
" claim of right to celebrate the ceremony of
" her Coronation.
" That the Queen humbly trusts that neithei*
" she, nor any of your Majesty's subjects, can be
" debarred from the enjoyment of their rights,
" by any opinion obtained from those whose
" official situations wOuld call them to resist the
" claim : nor can she believe that it is yout
" Majesty's intention, to preclude her from as-
" serting her own privileges, by advocates ap-
" pointed by herself.
" That the Queen, therefore, once more solemn-
" ly requires to be heard before your Majesty in
" Counsel, in support of the prayer of her first-
" mentioned memorial." " C. R."
In compliance with such requisition, the King
appointed a meeting of his Council, and the Law
Officers of her Majesty were directed to attend.

117
The application of the Queen was considered
and discussed. Mr. Brougham, in a speech of
considerable length and of great ability, main
tained the question of right, and by the clearness
of his statements, the eloquence of his address,
and the propriety of his historical illustrations,
produced a considerable effect on the minds of
many members of the Council. That Council
was numerously attended during the period of
the discussion, and the decision which ultimately
was made on the question, was carried by a
considerable majority.
To the points at issue, it will here, however,
be necessary to refer, and to investigate the nature
and accuracy of the claim which was made by the
Queen. In the preparation of such investigation,
the arguments of Mr. Brougham have been con
sulted, and an historic view of the matter is alone
presented. The question referred to the decision of the
Privy Council was, whether or not the Queen
Consort of this realm is entitled, as of right, to
be crowned when the King celebrates the solem
nity of his Coronation ; and this was a question
of constitutional law, to be determined by the
principles which regulated public rights ; it ad
mitted, however, of illustration from those prin
ciples which regulated the rights of private
persons. In considering this question, the history of the
ceremony must be examined, because Coronation
is the creature of precedent, and rests rather upon

118
practice than principle, although the reason of it
also may be traced.
There is no occasion for enquiring into the
practice, when a successful warrior was held up
to his followers in the field upon a buckler, and
hailed as King among a crowd of soldiers, and in
the necessary absence of his family. But when
the solemnity assumed the form of a civil ob
servance, the Consort appears to have shared its
honours. As early as the year 784, Edelburga,
the wife of Brichtrich, King of the West Saxons,
having been guilty of attempts against her hus-
,band's life, the Queens of WeSsex were " deprived
of all titles, majesty, and royalty," which Spelman
and S el den understand to have included Coro
nation, and this was effected by an express law.
How long it remained in force is uncertain ; but
in 856, Judith, the wife of Ethelwolf, of the same
kingdom, was crowned at Rheims, and afterwards
received with royal honours in England. Mr.
Selden, referring to the universality of the prac
tice in all other kingdoms, says, that " the Saxon
" Queens \vere, in the late times, crowned like
" other Queens, so that the law of the West
" Saxons was soon repealed, as if it were a soli-
" tary exception to the general rule in those
" times."
Advancing to the Kings of the Norman line,
from Willia,m the Conqueror to Henry 7th, in
clusive, not one of the married Kings appears to
have been crowned, that had not the Coronation
of his Consort celebrated at the same time, except

119
those who were not married at their ascension,
in which case, the Queens Consort were crowned
upon the celebration of their nuptials. The usage
of four centuries is sufficient to establish the rule
in respect of a State ceremony : it evinces the
practice of England in this respect ; it is sufficient
to settle more essential points ; it fixes the custom
of the Monarchy, and authorizes the conclusion,
that any subsequent deviations are to be deemed
capable of explanation, in the absence of positive
evidence, and to be only reckoned exceptions,
even if it were shewn or granted that they cannot
be explained.
Henry 8th was crowned with his first wife,
Katherine ; and, upon his marriage with Anne
Boleyn, she was crowned alone. There may be
no evidence of his other wives being crowned,
any more than of the contrary position. If they
were not, of which, however, no proof exists, the
unsettled state of ecclesiastical affairs at that
period, is sufficient to account for the omission.
The cases of Edward 6th, who died unmarried,
and of Queen Mary and Queen Elizabeth, have,
of course, no bearing on the question. James 1st
was crowned with his Queen in England, almost
immediately after his accession, they having both
been previously crowned in Scotland.
Charles 1st is said to have been crowned alone,
though there are grounds for a contrary suppo
sition. If that was the case, two powerful reasons
may be assigned for that course.

V
120
The marriage of Charles with Henrietta Maria,
a Catholic, had given extreme umbrage to the
country. The Commons refused supplies, on
account of grievances, particularly the growth of
Popery, and the supposed leaning of the Court
towards it, and the Parliament was suddenly dis
solved. The Coronation took place in the interval
between this dissolution and the calling of a new
Parliament. It was not improbable, therefore,
that one motive for not crowning the Queen was
the danger of reviving alarms respecting her
religion. But the tradition among antiquaries is,
that she declined the ceremony unless she might
be crowned by a priest of her own persuasion,
which was, of course, refused. It was natural for
her to regard with abhorrence a ceremony, in
which the rites of the Protestant religion entered
so largely ; a ceremony, performed at a Protestant
altar, by a Protestant prelate, in the language of
a Protestant ritual. It is probable that the
country, the King and the Queen, all acquiesced
in the omission of the ceremony ; which, however,
all parties would have admitted to be her right.
Charles II. was crowned before his marriage,
with Catherine of Portugal. The religious ani
mosities of the last reign were now greatly in
creased. A motion in Parliament had been made,
to prevent Charles's marriage with a Catholic;
and the existence of scruples in Katherine's mind
is on record. If then it be admitted, that she
was never crowned, (of which there is no proof,)

121
the omission falls within the scope of the argu
ment respecting the case of the Consort of Ch-arles
I. with this difference, that Katherine's case, how
ever explained, or if left unexplained, does not
affect the rule of a Queen being always crowned
with her Consort, if married at the time of his
coronation. James II. and his Queen, Mary of Modena,
were crowned together, both being Catholics.
The solemnity of the sacrament is said to have
been omitted on this occasion, but how the diffi
culties were got over which arose from the other
parts of the service, seems hard to comprehend.
The utmost use that can be made of their sub
mitting to the ceremony, is unavailing against the
argument respecting Henrietta, Maria, and Ka
therine; for that which is objeccted to by the
conscience of one person may not affect the con
science of another.
Since the Revolution no exception whatever
can be found to the rule ; for the Consort of
George I. never visited England ; was not known
as Queen, nor even mentioned officially at all till
after her decease, and then named by the title she
took after the divorce, which is understood to
have • dissolved her marriage before the accession
of the house of Brunswick. It may be remarked,
that the last proclamation issued, namely, the one
directing the late Queen to be crowned, was
issued some days after that which authorized
the King's Coronation, the marriage having been
solemnized in the interval ; and it summoned
all persons, bound by their tenures or other-

122
wise, to attend and do service at the Queen's
Coronation. The ascertainment of the facts does more in this
case than lay a foundation for the argument,
because every thing depends upon usage. It was
agreed that in England, no Queen Consort had
ever been denied a Coronation. There are, it is
true, four or five instances in which no record
remains of the performance of the ceremony, but
it is not reasonable to infer, that because there
is no record, either the one way or the other,
that the ceremony in all those instances was
omitted. If, however, the omission could be
proved, in all those instances where no authen
tic record remains, it is contended that such
omissions have been sufficiently accounted for.
There is the greatest difference between an
omission and an interruption — a mere non-usor,
and a denial. An occasional omission of the
exercise of a right, does not destroy that right.
The King's right to be crowned might stand in
the same predicament ; for, although it happens
that his coronation has only been omitted in one
instance, that of Edward V. which is easily ac
counted for, the omission might well have been
more frequent. The intervals between accessions
and coronations have been long enough to leave
many risks of the demise of the crown before the
ceremony could be performed ; yet, had such cases
occurred, and the delay not been accounted for,
the unexplained omission would not have availed
against the right of future Kings. No instance
whatever is alleged of the Queen having been

123
prevented from enjoying the honour in question.
On the contrary, two attempts were made to
disturb her, and both failed. Henry II. and
afterwards Henry VII. delayed the coronation of
their consorts, and endeavoured to withhold the
ceremony altogether ; but both were obliged to
yield to the general usage, and those consorts
were crowned. As one successful interruption
would countervail many instances of uncontested
user, so one failure in the attempt to interrupt, is
worth many instances of peaceable enjoyment.
If no purpose could be discovered to which the
ceremony can now be subservient, or if even its
original could not be traced, there would not, on
that account, arise a presumption, that the Sove
reign may ordain or dispense with it. He is him
self the creature of the law ; and in contemplation
of law he has no caprice. Mere personal matters
of such a nature, as plainly belong to his indivi
dual, not his corporate character, he may regu
late at will ; but the leaning of the law and con
stitution of this country is to narrow the class of
those personal functions as far as possible, and to
regard the natural as merging in the politic ca
pacity. It is absurd and wholly inconsistent with
every thing in the history and in the ceremony of
the Queen's coronation, to suppose that it may be
ordered or omitted, like a Court dinner or ball.
They who maintain that it is optional, must con
tend that it is quite indifferent, and that it never
had any meaning or importance ; but they must
further be prepared to shew -why that alone.

124
of all the coronation customs, which it so nearly
resembles, both in its nature and history, is
both senseless and useless; for no one pretends
that the King's coronation may be performed or
omitted at pleasure, and yet it rests upon the same
foundation of usage with the Queen's. They who
rely upon the usage have no occasion to shew
either the origin or the purpose of the solemnity ;
but then they must take all the parts of it toge
ther. They who hold one part to be necessary
and the other optional, must distinguish the two ;
but where any thing is found so long established,
the law will contend that it must have had a
reasonable origin. The King's coronation, most
probably, was connected with his election. He
was either chosen or acknowledged upon that
occasion. But it does not follow that the recep
tion of his Queen, together with him, by his
subjects, was an unimportant part of the solemnity,
even if no further explanation could be given of
its use — for her high rank and near connection
with him might render it proper. However,
the use of crowning the Consort appears to be
obvious from her connection with the Royal pro
geny. The Coronation was the public recognition
of the King as Sovereign, and of the Queen as
his lawful wife, and the mother of the heirs to
the crown ; it was the ceremony by which the
Sovereign's own title and that of his issue was
authenticated. Crowning the King, acknow
ledged him as the rightful Monarch. Crowning
the Queen, perpetuated the testimony of the

125
marriage, on the validity of which depended the
purity of the succession to the throne ; and on the
undisputed acknowledgement of which depended
the safety and peacefulness of that succession.
The especial favourite of the law of England, as
regards the Queen Consort, is, and always has
been, the legitimacy of the Royal progeny. The
main objects are to prevent a spurious issue from
being imposed on the realm ; and to remove all
doubts upon this point, which, if contested, would
endanger the peace of the country.
The Queen Consort's coronation is not so much
a. right in herself as in the realm; or rather it is
a right given to her for the benefit of the realm,
in like manner, as the King's rights are conferred
upon him for the common weal; and hence is
derived an answer to the objection, that the
Queen has always enjoyed it by the favour of her
Consort, who directs her to be crowned as a mat
ter of grace. The law and constitution of this
country is utterly repugnant to any such doctrine
as grace or favour from the crown regulating the
enjoyment of public rights. The people of these
realms hold their privileges and immunities by
the same title of law whereby the King holds his
crown, with this difference, that the crown itself
is only holden for the better maintaining those
privileges and immunities ; and it is absurd to
contend, that a firmly established usage, well
known in all ages, and subservient to impor
tant public purposes, can depend upon any thing
but the law and practice of the monarchy.

126
The same answer may be made to the objec
tion, that the Queen's coronation has always been
solemnized by force of a proclamation from the
crown, which is indeed only another form of the
last objection ; and is not much aided by refer
ring to the words in the proclamation, "We have
resolved to celebrate," &c. The right is not
claimed adversely against the King; it has his
right as well as the Queen's, that she should be
crowned ; or rather, it is the right of the realm by
law, and the King, as executor of the law, is to
see that the ceremony be performed. But this
objection would disprove the existence of all
rights, public and private ; for without the nomi
nal intervention of the crown, none can be en
forced if resisted, and many of the most important
cannot be enjoyed by the realm, or by individuals.
All writs run in the King's name ; not to mention
judicial writs. The heir to whom a peerage is
limited, cannot enjoy his highest privilege with
out a writ of summons to Parliament. And though
this is issued by the King, and though, except by
impeachment of his Ministers, there be no re
medy if it be withholden, yet there can be no
doubt that the subject has a right to it. So a
petition of right is the subject's only remedy for
the crown's intrusion upon his lands or goods. So
of the right which the realm has by statute to a
new Parliament, once in seven years at the least,
the enactment being, that the " King, his heirs,
and successor, shall with him, &c. direct legal
writs to be issued under the Great Seal, for calling

127
and holding a new Parliament," &c. Now, in all
these cases the right is not the less admitted to be
in the subject, because it can only be enforced or
enjoyed through the interposition of the crown.
A right to that interposition is exactly part of the
right in question ; if it be withholden a wrong is
done ; and the possibility of this is so far from
disproving the right, that the law will not suppose
such a possibility.
This appears to be the constitutional and cor
rect mode of viewing this question ; and if it be
correct, then the determination of the Privy Coun
cil, as expressed in the following resolutions, re
mains unaccounted for and apparently inaccurate.
At the Court at Carlton House, July 10, 1821.
PRESENT
The King's most excellent Majesty in Council.
Whereas there was this day read at the Board,
a Report from a Committee of the Lords of his
Majesty's most honourable Privy Council, in the
the words following, viz.
" Your Majesty having been pleased by your
" order in Council of the 3d of this instant, to re-
" fer unto this Committee the several Memorials
" of her Majesty the Queen, claiming a right to
" be Crowned, on the same day and at the same
" place which has been appointed for the Corona-
" tion of your Majesty; and praying to be heard
" by Counsel in support of the said claim : the
" Lords of the Committee, in obedience to your

128
" Majesty's said order of reference, have accord-
" ingly heard her Majesty's Attorney and Solicitor
" General, in support of her Majesty's said claim;
" and having also heard the observations of
" your Majesty's Attorney and Solicitor Gene-
'• ral, thereupon, their Lordships do agree hum-
" bly to report to your Majesty their opinion,
" that, as it appears to them, that the Queens Con-
" sort of this realm are not entitled, as of right,
" to be crowned at any time; her Majesty the
" Queen is not entitled, as of right, to be
" crowned at the time specified in her Majesty's
" Memorial." " His Majesty having taken the said Report
into consideration, was pleased, by and with the
advice of his Privy Council, to approve thereof."
(Signed) C. C. Greville.
This resolution certainly created considerable
disappointment, and much angry feeling. The
arguments of Mr. Brougham appeared to be as un
answerable as they were unanswered ; and it was,
therefore, very generally expected, that her re
quest would be allowed as a boon, if not admitted
as a right.
Desirous, if possible, to believe that which she
desired to be true, the Queen participated in such
expectations ; and her disappointment was unusu
ally great. Still she hoped that the determina
tion of the King, which had been so often ex
pressed to her, might be altered, and against hope
she continued to hope, that her request would be
complied with.

129
To Lord Sidmouth she, therefore, immediately
addressed the following letter, stating her determi
nation to be present at the ceremony; and re
quiring that she should be properly received, and
that to her a place should be assigned. The fol
lowing is a copy of that communication :

Brandenburgh House, July Wth, 1821.
" My Lord,
" Your Lordship's letter of yesterday to Lord
" Hood, conveyed to me the report of the Com-
" mittee of Council on my Memorial to the King
" in Council, claiming my right to be crowned,
" and as I find the Council positively denies the
" right which I have claimed, and which all
" Queen Consorts have enjoyed, without oneexcep-
" tion arising from the will of the Sovereign, I
" consider it necessary to inform your Lordship,
" that it is my intention to be present at thecere-
" mony, on the 19th, the day fixed for his Ma-
" jesty's Coronation; and I, therefore, demand
" that a suitable place may be appointed for me."
(Signed) " Caroline R."
" To the Right Hon. Viscount Sidmouth."

In addition to that letter, her Majesty signed the
following Protest against the decision of the Privy
Council, which was prepared by her legal advisers,
and transmitted to Government : —
Vol. II. I

130
" Caroline Regina.
" To the Kings Most Excellent Majesty.— The
" Protest and Remonstrance of Caroline Queen
" of Great Britain and Ireland.
'" Your Majesty having been pleased to refer
" to your Privy Council the Queen's memorial,
" claiming, as of right, to celebrate the ceremony
" of her Coronation on the 19th day of July, being
" the day appointed for the celebration of your
" Majesty's Royal Coronation; and Lord Viscount
" Sidmouth, one of your Majesty's principal
" Secretaries of State, having communicated to
" the Queen the judgment pronounced against her
" Majesty's claim; in order to preserve her just
" rights, and those of her successors, and to pre-
" vent the said minute being in after-times re-
" ferred to, as deriving validity from her Majesty's
" supposed acquiescence in the determination
" therein expressed, the Queen feels it to be her
" bounden duty to enter her most deliberate and
" solemn protest against the said determination;
" and to affirm and maintain, that by the laws,
" usages, and customs of this realm, from time
" immemorial, the Queen Consort ought of right
" to be crowned at the same time with the King's
" Majesty. " In support of this claim of right, her Majesty's
" law officers have proved before the said Council,
" from the most ancient and authentic records, that
" Queen Consorts of this realm have, from time im-
" memorial, participated in the ceremony of the
" Coronation with their royal husbands. The few

131
" exceptions that occur demonstrate, from' tlie
" peculiai" circumstances in which they originated,
" that the right itself was never questioned,
" though the exercise of it was from necessity sus-
" pended, or from motives of policy declined.
" Her Majesty has been taught to believe, that
" the most valuable laws of this country depend
" upon, and derive their authority from custom ;
" that your Majesty's royal prerogatives stand
" upon the same basis : the authority of ancient
" usage cannot therefore be rejected, without
" shaking that foundation upon which the most
" important rights and institutions of the country
" depend. Your Majesty's Council, however,
" without controverting any of the facts or reasons
" upon which the claim made on the part of her
" Majesty has been supported, have expressed
" a judgment in opposition to the existence of
" such right. But the Queen can place no con-
" fidence in that judgment, when she recollects
" that the principal individuals by whom it has
" been pronounced, were formerly her successful
" defenders; that their opinions have waved with
" their interest, and that they have since become
" the most active and powerful of her persecutors;
" still less can she confide in it, when her Majesty
" calls to mind, that the leading members of that
" Council, when in the service of your royal father,
" reported, in the most solemn form, that docu-
" ments reflecting upon her Majesty were satis-
" factorily disproved as to the most important
" parts, and that the remainder were undeserving
I 2

132
of credit. Under this declared conviction, they
strongly recommended to your Majesty's royal
' father to bestow his favour upon the Queen,
' then Princess of Wales, though in opposition
' to your Majesty's declared wishes. But when
' your Majesty had assumed the kingly power,
' these same advisers, in another minute of
' Council, recanted their former judgment, and
' referred to and adopted these very same docu-
' ments, as a justification of one of your Majesty's
' harshest measures towards the Queen — the
' separation of her Majesty from her affectionate
' and only child.
" The Queen, like your Majesty, descended
' from a long race of Kings, was the daughter of
' a sovereign house, connected by the ties of
' blood with the most illustrious families in
' Europe, and her not unequal alliance with your
' Majesty was formed in full confidence, that the
' faith of the King and the People was equally
' pledged to secure to her all those honours and
' rights which had been enjoyed by her royal
' predecessors. " In that alliance her Majesty believed that she
' exchanged the protection of her family for that
' of a royal husband, and of a free and noble-
' minded nation. From your Majesty, the Queen
' has experienced only the bitter disappointment
' of every hope she has indulged. In the attach-
' ment of the people, she has found that powerful
' and decided protection which has ever been her
' steady support and her unfailing consolation.

133
" Submission from a subject to injuries of a private
" nature may be matter of expedience — from a
" wife it may be matter of necessity — but it
" never can be the duty of a Queen to acquiesce
" in the infringement of those rights which belong
" to her constitutional character.
" The Queen does therefore repeat her most
" solemn and deliberate protest against the de-
" cision of the said Council, considering it only
" as the sequel of that course of persecution
" under which her Majesty has so long and so
" severely suffered, and which decision, if it is to
" furnish a precedent for future times, can have
" no other effect than to fortify oppression with
" the forms of law, and to give to injustice the
" sanction of authority. The protection of the
" subject, from the highest to the lowest, is not
" only the true, but the only legitimate object of
" all power; and no act of power can be legiti-
" mate which is not founded on those principles
" of eternal justice, without which law is but the
" mask of tyranny, and power the instrument of
" despotism.
Queen's House, July ITth.
To the Earl Marshal, the Archbishop of Canter
bury, and to other persons connected with the
Coronation, the Queen also addressed letters,
stating to each of them her determination to
attend, and insist on the ceremony of Coronation.
From them she received replies, acquainting her
that they had received no directions to prepare

134
for her Coronation — that they were servants of
the King, and therefore that they could not com
ply with her wishes, or further her designs.
Thus baflfled and defeated, it was hoped by
her friends that she would here rest, and that she
would not carry her threats into execution. If
her object was solely personal, she had done
every thing which was necessary and proper.
She had submitted her case to a tribunal — she
had acknowledged its' competency — she had
there by Counsel, been heard in support of her
claim — and it was disallowed. Being so dis
allowed, a protest was perhaps unnecessary, but
at any rate a protest was all that could possibly
be required ; and her personal attendance at the
Cathedral on the day of Coronation, was cen
sured by all parties throughout the nation. If, as
she stated, she only resorted to those measures,
that posterity might not accuse her of having
willingly sacrificed the rights of Queen Consorts,
then by the appeal she had made to the King —
to the Counsel — to the nation — and finally by the
foregoing protest, she had done every thing that
was necessary to give form and substance to her
objections, and to rescue her character from the
possibility of having the charges brought against
her, which she apprehended.
But the Queen determined on personally at
tending at Westminster Abbey to claim admis
sion. Some of her friends dissuaded her from
the proceeding, but headless of their advice, she
resolved not to relinquish her project. For her

135
chai-acter — her feelings — her comfort, and indeed
her life — it would have been well if their advice
she had 'followed, since it cannot be doubted but
that, it ultimately occasioned her death.
The morning of the 19th at length arrived. The
preparations for the Coronation of the King were
completed. Multitudes attended to witness it,
and the pageant was splendid and attractive; but
it was only a pageant, and the enormous sums
which were expended in its production, rendered
the measure generally obnoxious. Yet it would
be improper not to admit that by multitudes it
was viewed with delight, and that the higher
classes of society were much interested by the
spectacle. At a very early hour in the morning, in pursu
ance of her resolution, the Queen proceeded to
Westminster in a carriage drawn by six horses.
Her approach was announced by loud acclama
tions, mingled with murmurs of discontent without
the barrier, and accompanied with a kind of con^
fusion and anxious agitation within. Her car
riage without the least interruption passed the
barrier, and proceeded to the door of Westminster
Hall, where she stopped, uncertain what course
to take; great confusion prevailed among the
officers and soldiers on, and near the platform.
Astonishment, hurry, and doubt, agitated the
minds of the populace, and every heart thrilled
either with pity, surprize, or disapprobation. Her
Majesty, after some consideration, alighted from
her carriage, and accompanied by Lord and Lady

136
Hood, and Lady Anne Hamilton, demanded ad
mission — this movement produced a considerable
sensation within, and the door was immediately
closed. The officer on guard was summoned
to the spot, and demanded her Majesty's
ticket; she replied, "that she had none, and
" as Queen of England, needed none." He pro
fessed his sorrow, but said, " he must obey orders,
" and that he could not admit her without a
" ticket." At the doOr of the Duchy of Lancas
ter, she made a similar application, but was again
refused. Accompanied by her attendants she
then demanded admission at a third entrance.
When she arrived at the other extremity of
the platform, her progress was arrested by a
file of a dozen soldiers, who were ordered to
form across the platform. Her Majesty then
quitted it, and walked on to the House of Lords,
there to repeat the same request. In the course
of a few minutes she returned, and having ordered
the top of her carriage to be taken down, rode
off amidst the mingled hisses and acclamations
of the people.
The treatment her Majesty received on the
morning of this day, was to her a most severe
trial, but yet she studied to conceal her feelings.
When she returned from the Abbey, she sent for
some friends to visit her, and she appeared to be
in excellent spirits, she related to them the re
fusals she had met with, and said, " the people
"did all they could." Mr. Brougham called
upon her whilst she was breakfasting, and she

137
amused her party by relating anecdotes. She
said, " she had put on her jewels to demonstrate
" to the people that she had not sold them;" and
when she was complimented for her courage, in
facing so many dangers, she replied, " I never
" was afraid of any thing in my life. I do not
" know what fear is ; I do not wish to die, but
" when the moment comes I shall not fear it."
Yet though she thus feigned to be the gayest
of the party during the greater part of the morn
ing, it was evident to her intimate friends, that
the transactions of that day had tended more
completely to subdue her natural heroism and
magnanimity, than any other occurrences which
had hitherto taken place ; and that the smile of
satisfaction was only adopted as a veil to hide
from observation, her real mortification and un
happiness. She felt that she was only nominally
a Queen, and that after all the efforts which had
been made by herself and others, to effect her
recognition in that capacity, and the preservation
of her rights, all their efforts had proved abortive,
and she was nearly as much degraded as if the
Bill of Pains and Penalties had passed both
Houses of the Legislature.
On the 30th of July, her Majesty attended at
Drury Lane Theatre. Whilst there, she was much
indisposed; but could not be persuaded to retire,
till the performance was over. Her mind had not
recovered from the extreme disappointment and
vexation which she had so lately sustained ; and
although on the following day she was some-

138
what .better, she was too agitated completely
to recover. Her disorder was originally ob
struction of the bowels ; and which, subsequent
ly terminated in inflammation and mortifica
tion. Her physician. Dr. Holland, together with
two other professional gentlemen, now attended
her; and to the public it became necessary to
announce her situation. The usual and every
proper methods were resorted to, to effect the re
moval of the disorder ; but on August 2nd, it was
formally announced, that although the symptoms
were mitigated yet that they were not removed.
On the 3rd of August, Dr. Ainslie was called in
to attend her Majesty, when she was somewhat
relieved by immersion in a warm bath ; but it did
not tend permanently to affect the complaint.
Connected with the inflammation was a nausea
at the stomach, which repelled both food and
medicine; and which rendered it yet addi
tionally improbable that she would be restored to
health. Towards the morning of Saturday the 4th, her
Majesty obtained some sleep, and in the course of
the day was able to receive a little nutriment. Mor
tification was, however, subsequently apprehended,
and her Majesty's legal advisers attended at Bran
denburgh House to assist in the arrangement of
her property; audits disposition by will. Dur
ing the whole of this day, pain continued accom
panied by stupor ; and whilst she was not worse,
her health was not improved. Bulletins were
now issued twice or oftener, every day, in order

139
to satisfy the intense anxiety of the public. Those
who before developed no peculiar interest in her
Majesty, or her cause, now hastened to Branden
burgh House ; and the vicinity of her town resi
dence was incessantly thronged with individuals
of all classes of society, deeply interested in her
welfare, and solicitous for her restoration.
His Maj esty had previously quitted England, on
an excursion to Ireland, and the intelligence of her
illness was transmitted to him. To the Home
Office, bulletins were also forwarded ; yet no en
quiries were ever made at Brandenburgh House
respecting her, and the customary attentions,
which are due to exalted rank, were from her
withheld. It would have been absurd to expect that the
King or his Administration should, indeed, have
been affected by the news of the illness of the
Queen. For her they had long ceased to feel any
interest; and though her death was, doubtless,
not desired, yet it was not likely to affect their
minds or hearts.
When her illness first assumed a serious charac
ter. Dr. Holland requested her permission to send
for another physician, observing, that whatever
might be his own individual skill, and attention ;
yet the public would necessarily expect in, the
case of a Queen, that every possible aid should
be had recourse to. The Queen answered with a
smile, " My dear Doctor, do what you please. If
" it will be any relief to your mind, to call in as-
" sistance, do so ; but do not do it for my sake, I

140
" have no wish to live : I would rather die."
From the period that her Majesty was assured of
the very serious nature of her indisposition, she
manifested the same kind of indifference as to
death; indeed, she appeared sincerely to desire it,
and even heard, with reluctance, any hopes ex
pressed for her recovery, by her physicians and
friends. " Why do you wish me to live!" she ex
claimed, on one occasion, in the early part of her
illness ; " life to me can be nothing but a series
" of sorrows and persecutions ; I should be much
" happier in another world than in this."
It was observed, that she desponded too much,
that public opinion was in her favour, and would
make her amends for all her sufferings. Her Ma
jesty asked, " What has public opinion done for
"me?" It was answered, that it produced the
withdrawment of the Bill of Pains and Penalties.
Her reply was prompt and firm — " What am I
" the better for the failure of that Bill ? if it had
" passed I should have been degraded, and what
" is my situation now ? I have, indeed, the empty
" title Queen; but am I Queen of England ? Have
" I the privileges, the power, the dignities of a
" Queen of England ? No, no ! I am a mere pri-
" vate person ; I am not Queen of England."
On Friday, the symptoms of her Majesty's dis
order had become very alarming, and the hopes of
the physicians had entirely ceased. Her Will she
then signed, and afterwards appeared more cheerful.
Mr. Brougham expressed his hopes, tfiat she felt
herself easier and better ? Her Majesty answered,

141
" Oh, no, my dear Mr. Brougham, I know I shall
" die ; and I do not at all regret it." Mr. Brou
gham said, that he was of a different opinion, and
expected her Majesty to recover; but added, that
the step she had just taken, was perfectly proper,
in case of the disorder proving fatal. Her Ma
jesty persisted in saying, that she knew she was
dying. In the course of the evening, she observed,
" I do not know whether I shall suffer bodily pain
" in dying ; but I can assure you, I shall quit this
" world without regret : I have no reason to be
" attached to life."
On the subject of her death she frequently con
versed, and said that she anticipated her release
from trouble, and her escape from the malice of
her enemies. She said, that in this world, whe
ther in England or abroad, the rancour of her
persecutors would always beset her ; and it was
only in another world, she could look for peace
and justice. To her attendants she expressed
herself grateful and attached, and her sincere re
gret, that from the limited amount of her pro
perty, she should be unable, suitably to reward
the fidelity and kindness of her Household ; but,
expressed her hopes that Government would re
munerate them. She, also, declared herself sin
cerely grateful, and desired that her gratitude might
be communicated to that generous portion of the
people of England, whose support of her had been
most steady, when most wanted ; and who had been
alarmed at neither the power or malice of her op
pressors. " England," she exclaimed, " has cer-

142
" tainly been to me a land of sorrow and persecu-
"tion; but I know how to love those faithful
" English, who have always sympathized with my
" sorrow, and have done all in their power to
" defeat the malice of my^persecutors."
On one occasion, she referred to the conduct of
the Milan Commission, and of their co-conspi
rators in this country, when at length her mind
appeared greatly agitated, but she exclaimed,
" They have destroyed me, but I forgive them.
" I die in peace with all mankind." Soon after
she sent for Demont's sister, who continued in the
employment of the Queen, and directed her, after
her Majesty's death, to assure Demont that she
had forgiven her for all the cruel falsehoods she
had propagated respecting her.
The anxiety which now pervaded Hammer
smith and its vicinity, on her Majesty's account,
was intense, nor was the anxiety so restricted,
for the road from London to Hammersmith was
crowded with persons anxious to learn the precise
state of the health of the Queen. Anxiously did
they wait for the bulletins, and an announcement on
the evening of the 5th, of her partial improvement,
was hailed by the populace, and indeed all classes
of society, with delight. In England, nothing
similar had been manifested since the accouche
ment of her illustrious daughter; ^and even the
humblest individual in the neighbourhood of Ham
mersmith, before he retired to rest, attended to
inspect the bulletin, to ascertain the precise state
of her health.

143
Soon aftei* eleven o'clock on Sunday night, her
Majesty enjoyed some little repose ; and through
out the night, though no crisis had taken place,
she was more free from actual pain, than she had
previously been, on any night since the com
mencement of her indisposition.
Towards the morning of Monday, her Majesty
again enjoyed some sleep, and it was the opinion
of her physicians, that the violence of her com
plaint had somewhat abated. This intelligence
was communicated by them, and the bulletin
afforded much pleasure to all who were anxiously
waiting its announcement, and indeed to the whole
nation, as it afforded some hope of her Majesty's
ultimate recovery.
As her Majesty appeared to be considerably
improved in health, Drs. Maton, Warren, and
Holland, left Brandenburgh House for London.
Dr. Ainslie remained alone with the Queen.
On Sunday Dr. Baillie had been sent for to
attend her Majesty, and arrived at Hammersmith
on the following day. He immediately visited
her. She had been raised from her bed and
was sitting in an easy chair, and to him it ap--
peared that her restoration to health was very
probable. Till nine o'clock on Monday evening the ac
counts given at Brandenburgh House continued to
be favourable, and she had, in fact, been permitted
to take a little refreshment. Yet, however, she
stated that the disorder would prove fatal, but
continued to speak of her dissolution with firm
ness and resignation.

144
On the evening of the 6th August hei* Majesty
still continued apparently better, and the bulletin
indicated that her symptons were of a favourable
nature. The anxiety to obtain intelligence regarding
the state of her Majesty's health, was as intense
on this day as upon any prior time since the
commencement of her illness. The first bulletin
that was published in the course of the day, gave
unfeigned pleasure to the inhabitants of the me
tropolis, as it held out hopes to them that the
crisis of her Majesty's disorder was past. In
order to allay the intense anxiety under which
all classes of people evidently laboured. Official
bulletins were posted at Cambridge House, and
at the Mansion House of the city of London.
These various bulletins, and all the arrangements
connected with them, were conducted by the fa
mily of Mr. Alderman Wood, the devoted attach
ment of all of whom to her Majesty was developed
by repeated acts of kindness and attention, which
she properly appreciated, and which the public
have since acknowledged by their marked appro
bation. Nothwithstanding the favourable opinions of
the physicians, who considered her Majesty out of
ail danger, she assured them to the contrary, and
said she felt she was dying, and thought she
should expire before nine o'clock the next even
ing. It is very probable that she then felt the
symptons of incipient mortification. Thus feeling,
she determined on adding a codicil to her Will,

115
relative to the place of her interment. Her fir.st
wish was to be buried in the same grave with her
beloved daughter. " But," she added, " 1 can
" have little hope that the Government will grant
" this wish. I desire, therefore, to be buried in
" the same grave with my father and brother, at
" Brunswick." When her Majesty had signed
this codicil, she conversed at considerable
length with Mr. Wilde. The physicians fearing
the conversation might disturb her, wished to
withdraw that gentleman from the room, and he,
from the same motive, was anxious to leave ; but
her M-ajesty begged him to st'ay. " I thank my
"physicians," she observed, "for their kind at-
" tentions, they mean nothing but what is right :
" but they do not understand my character. They
" think that it agitates me to talk of death; they
" are mistaken. To me, who have little pleasure
" in life, it is pleasing to contemplate my approach-
" ing death; and why may I not speak what I
" feel ?"' These observations were made with great
calmness and placidity.
Two circumstances which occurred at this pe
riod of her illness, strongly illustrate her conscious
innocence, and the amiability of her disposition.
On the 4th of August, when her professional ad
visers were receiving instructions respecting the
disposition of her property, one of them suggested
the propriety of sending a messenger to Italy tp
seal up her papers to prevent their falling into the
hands of her enemies. " And what if they do,"
exclaimed her Majesty, " I have no papers that
" they may not see. They can find nothing; be-
VOL. II. K

146
" cause there is nothing, nor ever has been, to
" impeach my character." One of her legal ad
visers said, he was perfectly aware of that ; but
he could not but believe that her enemies might
put there what they did not find. She replied,
" I have always defied their malice, and I defy
" it still."
Her Majesty had accustomed herself for some
time to keep a diary, in which she entered various
reflections on the events of the preceding day.
In that diary she not unfrequently recorded any
peculiarity of character, that had forced itself on
her attention. " But," said the Queen, " the
" sole purpose of this journal was to wile away
" a few hours of time that sometimes hung rather
" heavily, and the purpose having been answered,
" it is now proper to destroy the book, especially
" as, though written with no such intention, it
" might cause pain, where I should grieve to create
"any feeling but pleasure; I, therefore, direct
" thai it may be destroyed." Her directions were
complied with, and the diary was committed to
the flames.
The night between Monday and Tuesday was
passed without sleep, in consequence of that
restless anxiety which generally accompanies the
process of mortification. Her Majesty's physi
cians were, however, not without hope of her
recovery, but the bulletin, on Tuesday morning,
checked the sanguine expectations which the
public had formed, and no inconsiderable feeling
of despondency was created, when it was learnt
that the favourable symptons of the preceding

147
night had not increased ; and that her symptons
were more alarming.
Shortly after the publication of this bulletin,
appearances yet more unfavourable succeeded, and
the Queen suffered most acutely, but manifested
her usual heroism and strength of mind, by con
cealing her sufferings and bearing them with
patience and resignation. Opiates were now ad
ministered, and for a length of time they soothed
her frame ; but at two o'clock increased inflam
mation became visible to every one present, and
the attendance of the physicians was desired with
the utmost possible speed. Drs. Baillie, Maton,
and Holland speedily arrived ; and to the public
was communicated the fact, that she was much
worse. During her long and painful illness her young
protegfe, William Austin, frequently visited her
alone. She informed him that she had provided
for his future comfort and respectability in her
Will, and offered to him the most excellent advice
as to the future conduct he should display. She
admonished him to endeavour to gain the respect
of all good men, by his upright conduct through
life. " You will find kind friends in those indivi-
" duals (naming some especially) who have been
" faithful to me to the last ; and I charge you
" never to act without their advice." The last
time he visited her room, she was unable to
speak, but she looked at him affectionately, and
pressed his hand. He was in the room during
the last moments of her existence, but then she
was insensible. K 2

148
During the whole of her illness, her anxiety as
to his future welfare and conduct, appeared nearly
wholly to engross her attention, and to a friend
she said, "I know his faults as well as any one — ¦
" they are all my faults, poor fellow, not his ; and
" I hope he will conduct himself well through life."
Opiates could only now be administered to
induce repose, and by such means to alleviate as
much as possible the sufferings of the royal pa
tient, and to blunt the acuteness of the shaft of
death. — The awful crisis was, however, fast ap-
preoching, and it excited universal surprize, that
in the last stage of the disease her life, should be
so long protracted. But while on the counte
nances of all who surrounded her, the look of
cloudy apprehension was depicted, her Majesty
displayed great serenity, and even cheerfulness.
Between four and five o'clock, Mr. Wilde was
summoned to the chamber of death — an alarming
alteration had already taken place in the appear
ance of her Majesty, who was perfectly aware of
the change — and spoke with calmness and resig
nation of her approaching dissolution. She hailed
with joy an intimation that it would be proper
that she should make any alterations she might
desire in her Will, and immediately comprehended
the idea before it was half expressed. " I under-
" stand you perfectly, I am quite ready; send
" for my lawyers."
She spent some time in calmly and deliberately
giving instructions as to the management of her
property, and -adding a codicil to her Will; and

149
after signing it exclaimed, " There, now 1 am
" ready to die."
During the latter part of her Majesty's illness,
she twice expressed an anxious desire to partici
pate in the Holy Sacrament, and for that pur
pose the Rev. Mr. Atwood, of Hammersmith, was
summoned to Brandenburgh House ; but the fatal
change in her Majesty's disorder taking place, her
intentions were frustrated.
To a friend who entered her room, she observed,
" My true friends ought not to weep for me, as
" I am going to be much happier, and I had
" nothing worth living for in this world. I have
" no wish to live, and I hail death with joy."
She then enquired after all her friends by name,
and wished to see them, and regretted her ina
bility to reward all those who had been so faithful
and kind to her. " I freely forgive all my ene-
" mies (she continued), and hope something will
" be done for all those of my Household, whom it
" is not in my power to reward."
The dangerous state of her Majesty having been
publicly divulged, Dr. Lushington, Mr. Hob-
house, the Hon. D. Kennaird, and many other
personal friends of the Queen, hastened to Ham
mersmith, and messengers arrived from their
Royal Highnesses the Duchess of Kent and the
Duke of Sussex.
About four o'clock, ah accession of fever came
on, which, operating on a frame already almost
exhausted, produced, for a short time, a greater
exuberance of spirits than had before been mani
fested; when she expressed herself with more

150
vehemence of manner, but with the same for
bearance of language, relative to the cruel con
spiracies of her inveterate foes ; but the fever sub
siding, she recovered her usual tone and manners.
Stupor then rapidly succeeded, and which lasted
till nearly eight o'clock; when, on awakening,
she observed Dr. Holland by her bed-side, who
had frequently expressed a hope of her recovery.
She said to him with a smile, " Well, my dear
" Doctor, what do you think now." A short time
before her death, she said to a female attendant,
" The doctors do not understand my malady; it
" is here, (laying her hand upon her heart) ; but
" I will be silent; my lips will never make it
" known." The physicians now remained at Brandenburgh
House till some decided alteration had taken
place. Every symptom of approaching dissolu
tion was now manifested, and the continued
existence of spasmodic affection convinced her
attendants, that nature must soon give up the
struggle, and that a frame, already exhausted by
suffering of mind and body, must sink under the
pressure pf such accumulated ills. Their appre
hensions were correct; for, after sleeping for
some time, her eyes became fixed, her muscles
rigid, and a stupor ensued, from which she never
awoke; and, at twenty-five minutes after ten
o'clock, on August 7th, 1821, expired the Queen
Consort of George IV.
The knowledge of the fact by the household
excited grief the most poignant and vehement.
To her Majesty her domestics were unquestionably

151
devotedly attached, and the loss was to them
irreparable. The nation sympathized with them.
Her enemies sighed at her sufferings, and her
friends wept at her wrongs. National regret was
indeed intense ; and now she -vias departed, all
feelings were lost in the general sentiments of
pity and sorrow.
On her conduct during her last illness, a few
observations should be made. It may be said,
she did not fear death — but did she anticipate
the bliss of Heaven? To this it is replied, she
expressed herself certain of future happiness,
though she did not communicate the grounds of
her confidence. To the Christian Religion, to the
Protestant Faith, and to the Lutheran Church,
she was certainly attached, and in her last mo
ments she at least evinced one of the distinguish
ing precepts of Christianity, by forgiving her ene
mies. Of her creed it is indeed difficult to speak.
She was a friend to universal toleration, but whe
ther it arose from indifference, or purely from
principle, or from mixed causes, it is not very
easy to determine. Her kindness, benevolence,
and generosity cannot possibly be doubted, and
to the education of the poor, and the dissemina
tion of the Holy Scriptures, she always expressed
herself a friend. But as to the precise state of
her religious feelings, or the nature of her faith,
nothing is distinctly known, as she always con
sidered religion as an affair between the creature
and the Creator.
Common honesty has demanded that these ob-

152
servations should be made, and the christian can
dour of all parties will be best displayed, by al
lowing her conduct to be the test of her principles,
and by hoping that as she acted with so much
kindness, generosity, and benevolence, to the
creature, she was not unmindful of the obligations
which she owed to her Creator.
The intelligence of the death of her Majesty
was immediately transmitted to the King and his
Government. The former received it without
emotions either of a painful or of a pleasing na
ture. To him it was an event wholly unexpected ;
and to him it was almost unimportant. He did
not love or respect her. The former passion he
had never pretended to feel, and the latter senti
ment could not be cherished by him, if he con
sidered her guilty of the crimes which had been
alleged against her, and which he certainly did
not totally discredit. During the period, however,
which elapsed between her death and the re
moval of her corpse to Brunswick, his Majesty
did not appear in public, and refrained from any
expressions as to her character. Not with equal
propriety, however, did some agents of the Go
vernment, or even members of the Administra
tion conduct themselves. The knell which pro
claimed her decease, only fanned into a flame the
expiring embers of party aversion, and induced
her enemies again to revive the charges of Lady
Douglas, and of the Milan Commission.
Before proceeding to narrate the circumstances
connected with, the interment of her Majesty,

153
it will be proper to insert her Will, a.s ])Rpa-
ratory to any observations on the manner in
which her wishes were attended to.
" This is the last Will and Testament of mc,
" Caroline, Queen Consort of the United King-
" dom of Great Britain and Ireland : —
" I revoke all former wills.
" I constitute and appoint Stephen Lushington,
" Doctor of Laws, and Thomas Wilde, Esq. Bar-
" rister at Law, trustees and executors of this
" my w^ill.
" In execution of all powers given me by the
" will of ray late mother, Augusta Duchess of
" Brunswick-Lunenburgh, I appoint, limit, give,
" devise, and bequeath to my said trustees, all
" my right, title, and interest under the said will,
" and also all the rest of my property, real and
" personal, debts and effects, of whatsoever na-
" ture or kind soever, and wheresoever situate,
" upon trust, to receive and collect the same ;
" and, when collected, convert into money, and
" invest it at their discretion in the funds of the
" United Kingdom, or otherwise ; and, upon fur-
" ther trust, to pay the principal of the whole of
" the said trust property to William Austin, who
" has been long under my protection, on his
" attaining the age of twenty-one years ; and, in
" the mean time, to pay the interest and pro-
" eeeds of the same, or so much thereof as to

154
" them may seem meet, towards the maintenance,
" and education of the same William Austin ; and
" I do declare that my said trustees and execu-
" tors shall not be chargeable in respect of the
" default of each other, or of any agent employ-
" ed by them or either of them, but only for
" their own respective receipts, acts, and wilful
" defaults. I also give and bequeath to my said
" executors, to be disposed of according to their
" will and pleasure, all and every my documents,
" manuscripts, papers, writings, and memoranda,
" wheresoever being at the time of my death."
" Caroline R." (Seal.)
" Signed, sealed, and published this 3rd day
" of August, in the year 1821, at Brandenburgh
" House, in the presence of
" H. Brougham,
" Thomas Denman,
" Henry Holland, M.D.
" Hood.
" This is a codicil to my Will, dated this 3rd
" day of August: —
" I give all my clothes here and in Italy, to
" Mariette Brun. I direct that a particular box,
" by me described, be sealed with my seal, and
" delivered to Mr. Obichini, of Coleman Street,
" merchant; and I acknowledge that I owe him
" £4,300. I wish that Government would pay
" the £15,000, the price of my House in South

155
" Audley Street. I desire to be buried at Bruns-
" wick. I leave my coach to Stephen Lushing-
" ton, my executor; my landaulet to John Hier-
" onymus. " Caroline R."
Witnesses,
" HoOD,
" H. Brougham,
" T. Denman,
" Henry Holland, M. D.
" This is a codicil to my last will : —
" I give to John Hieronymus, and Mariette
" Brun, all my bed and table linen, which has
" already been used. I give to Louis Bischi, the
" sum of £1,000, and an annuity of £150 per
" annum, payable half yearly. I give the large
" picture of myself and late daughter, to the
" Cardinal Albano. The half length picture of
" myself, to Lady Anne Hamilton. I give the
" picture of myself, which is a copy of that given
" to the City of London, to my executor, Stephen
" Lushington. There are two pictures remain-
" ing, of which I bequeath to the Marquis An-
" taldi, that which he shall choose; and the
" remaining one to William Austin. I give to
" the Viscount and Viscountess Hood, £500 each.
" I have already given to John Hieronymus one
" carriage; I also give him the other open car-
" riage. I declare that my interest under my
" mother's will is given to William Austin, as a
" specific legacy. I desire and direct that my

156
" body be not opened, and that three days after
" my death, it be carried to Brunswick for in-
" terment; and that the inscription upon my
" coffin be — " Here lies Caroline of Brunswick,
" the injured Queen of England." " Caroline R."
" Signed in the presence of
" Henry Holland, M. D.August bth, 1821.
" A codicil to my last Will : —
" I give and bequeath to Williaih Austin, all
" my plate and household furniture at Branden-
" burgh House, and also all unused linen.
" I direct my executors to make application to
" his Majesty's Government to pay to them such
" sum of money, as at the time of my decease I
" may have paid, or which they may be called
" upon to pay, for the purchase of my House in
" South Audley Street ; and I give and bequeath
"  sum of money, as my said executors shall
" procure and obtain in that respect, unto them
" my said executors, in trust for William Austin,
" according to the provisions pf my will : such
" sum to be considered a specific legacy. And in
" case, the Government shall refuse to repay such
" sum, I direct my executors to sell my interest
" in the said House, and also the furniture and
" things therein. And I give and direct the pro-
" eeeds thereof to be paid and applied to and for
" the use of the said William Austin, in like
"manner, as a specific legacy; but in case the

157
" Government shall repay the purehu.se money of
" the said House, in that ease, the proceeds which
" maybe reali'zed by the sale, are to fall into the
" general residue of my estate. Dated the 7th
" d-ay of August, 1821." " Caholi.n'e, R."
Witnes.s, Henry U. Thomson,
Kensington.
Without entering into an uninteresting and
unimportant controversy, relative to the interment
of her Majesty, and entering into details wholly
unnecessary, it must be here recorded, that the
corpse of her Majesty was too speedily removed
from Hammersmith — that the arrangements made
by Government respecting her interment, were
too rapidly devised and executed — that the feel
ings of her domestics and friends were not pro
perly respected — and that the remains of the
illustrious dead were not treated with that respect
to which at any rate her rank and station entitled
them. The 18th of August was fixed on, as the day
when her corpse should be conveyed to Har
wich, and from thence to Brunswick. In vain
did her friends protest against the arrangements
— in vain did they urge the personal incon
venience which they should sustain — the orders
were imperative, and they were obeyed.
The morning of the day arrived. All the streets
of the metropolis were crowded — though the
rain descended in torrents ; but the line of pro-

158
cession of the funeral was unknown. Her Ma
jesty's Executors in vain endeavoured to obtain
information from the agents of the Government, or
even from Lord Liverpool, and it was not till the
morning of the funeral, that the following direc
tions were communicated by the conductor of the
procession. " The funeral cavalcade to pass from the Gate
of Brandenburgh House through Hammersmith, to
turn round by Kensington Gravel Pits, near the
Church, into the Uxbridge Road, to Bayswater,
from thence to Tyburn Turnpike, down the Edge-
ware Road, along the New Road to Islington,
down the City Road, along Old Street, Mile End,
to Romford, &c. -A squadron of the Oxford Blues
from Brandenburgh House to Romford, to attend
the procession ; a squadron of the Light Dragoons
from Romford to Chelmsford; another squadron
of the same regiment, from Chelmsford to Colches
ter, and another escort from Colchester to Harwich,
where a Guard of honour is waiting."
By this route the city of London was designed
to be avoided, public curiosity to be ungratified,
and public sympathy and grief to be disregarded.
But the populace, apprized of the intentions of
Government, to take the corpse along bye roads,
and out of the direct line, determined to prevent
this last act of disrespect to their late persecuted
and unhappy Queen. The propriety of such de
termination may, indeed, be questioned ; but the
conduct of Government in resolving on the mea
sure which gave such general offence, and which
afterwards occasioned such serious evils, cannot

159
be censured in terms too inarked or decisive.
When the funeral arrived at the Gravel Pits of
Kensington, the road had been previously blocked
up by the people, with waggons ; and the pave
ment was also torn up, additionally, to render
certain its obstruction. After a short contest be
tween the police officers and the people, the
director of the procession, finding all attempts to
pass that way fruitless, sent to Government for
orders, or for assistance.
After continuing there for some time, the pro
cession proceeded in the direct road to Hyde Park.
Here an attempt was made to cross the Park, and
by that method to reach the North Western Road,
which would have been equivalent to proceeding
by the Kensington Gravel Pits. The Park gate
had, however, been blocked up, and after some
vain efforts to force it open, the procession moved
on to Hyde Park Corner. In addition to a Guard
of Honour accompanying the corpse, a reinforce
ment of Life Guards had been obtained, and with
some difficulty the hearse was conveyed through
the Park gate at this place ; leaving the principal
part of the procession in the rear. • After crossing
the Park with considerable speed, the next diffi
culty was to force the gate on the opposite side.
At this place a general conflict ensued, and the
Park wall was pulled, down for a considerable dis
tance, to supply weapons for the people. At this
spot two persons, named Honey and Francis,
were shot by the soldiers ; and over their remains
Coroner's Inquests were, subsequently, held ;

160
when, as to one of them, th^ Jury returned a ver
dict of Manslaughter, and as to the other, of Wil
ful Murder, against some of the Life Guards,
whose names were unknown. As, however, the
transactions which took place on that day, and
which were afterwards investigated before Juries,
may become the subject of legal Inquiry, it would
be improper, because unjust to the accused, to in
vestigate too minutely the conduct of the soldiers;
yet it cannot be denied, that unnecessary force
was by them exerted, and the most violent and
intemperate measures were adopted.
The Life Guards, at this place were, however^
victorious, and the corpse reached the NewRoadj
Paddington ; on which it proceeded, without fur
ther interruption, till it reached Tottenham Court
Road. There the same system of obstruction
with carts, waggons, drays and hackney coaches,
was resorted to, and the further progress of the
procession along the line, designed by Government,
was impossible, without the destruction of many
lives; and, indeed, without the introduction of
artillery. Yet, because the Chief Magistrate of the Police
acted with humanity and propriety, and ultimately
yielded to the wishes of the people, rather than
improperly sacrifice the lives of his fellow sub
jects, it has been necessary for him to resign ; and
Sir Robert Wilson, a General of distinguished
valour and intrepidity, and who has fought with
singular success in behalf of the liberties of Eu
rope, has been deprived of his Commission, for

161
attending at the funeral of her Majesty, and for
protesting against the indiscriminate firing of the
soldiers. The English nation, however, has rightly felt
the injurious operation, which such a measure
was likely to produce ; and by a public subscrip
tion, will speedily ensure to him the same yearly
income that he would have received if he had not
been so deprived.
The case of Sir Robert Wilson is one, indeed,
of peculiar importance ; and, as a soldier, he has
received the thanks of most of the European
Powers — the thanks of his country, and of his
King; and against his personal character, no
charges can be brought, because he has invariably
conducted himself with that propriety which has
ensured to him a just and general respect. Nor
should it be forgotten, that his Commission was
by him purchased, and that all inquiry into the
alleged impropriety of his conduct has been wholly
refused. The funeral now moved on towards Temple Bar.
Intelligence of the alteration in the intended route,
had been given to the Lord Mayor, who hastened
to meet the procession, and in virtue of his au
thority, directed the Life Guards not to enter the
city ; but the Oxford Blues he permitted to escort
the corpse of her Majesty, as they had manifested
great urbanity during the whole of the previous
unparalleled, and distressing scenes.
Through the City the procession now advanced
to Whitechapel, and from thence to Stratford,
Bow, and Romford.
Vol. II. L

162
A description of the procession has been previ
ously omitted, in order to prevent any want of con
nection in the narrative ; but it is now necessary
that it should be inserted. The following is a
description of the procession when it quitted
Brandenburgh House :¦ —
Beadle of Hammersmith, at the head of Latimer's School
Charity Children, who strewed the way with flowers.
Pages, three and two.
Oxford Blues, three and two.
Four Mutes, two and two.
First Mourning Coach and Six,
containing the servants of her Majesty's Chamberlain, and
Longuez, the black.
Second Mourning Coach and Six,
containing Mr. Wilde's male and female servants, and a
servant of Sir George Nayler.
Mutes and Pages, two and two.
His Majesty's eight Deputy Marshals, two and two, in state,
on horseback.
Twelve Pages on horseback, two and two, with black cloaks
and hatbands.
Two Oxford Blues.
Her late Majesty's State Carriage, with six horses,
containing Sir George Nayler, in his state dress as Clarencieux
King of Arms, accompanied by Mr. Hood, the Herald.
[Sir George carried the Crown and Cushion from the state
apartment to the door, and having got into the carriage, they
were placed on his lap by the Herald, who afterwards took a
seat by his side, with their backs towards the horses. The
Cushion was about two feet long, and one foot wide — black
velvet, edged with gold fringe, and a large gold tassel at each
of the four corners. It was an Imperial Crown which was
carried upon the cushion.]
Twb of her Majesty's state servants behind the carriages.
Squadron of Horse,
two and two, attended by their commanding officer.

163

HE.lftSK WITH EIGHT BI,.\CK HORSES.

« IHL cs
Ph p.1
o BODY. <o

[Each side of the hearse was decorated with an escutcheon.
Postilions in black rode upon the two leading horses. At the
end of the hearse was an imperial crown with the letters C. R.
The horses in the coaches also were decorated with large
black feathers.] Four Soldiers, two and two, with flag.
Trumpeter.
Eighteen Soldiers, two and two.
Third Mourning Coach and Six,
containing James Thomas, Esq. of the Lord Chamberlain's
office, with a gentleman in the same department.
Fourth Mourning Coach and Six,
in which was alone Lord Hood, Her Majesty's Chamberlain.
Fifth Mourning Coach and Six,
containing Lady Hood and Lady Anne Hamilton.
Sixth Mourning Coach and Six,
containing Dr. Lushington and his Lady.
Seventh Mourning Coach and Six, '
prepared for Mr. and Mrs. Wilde.
Eighth Mourning Coach and Six.
containing Mr. Alderman Wood and Count Vassali.
Ninth Mourning Coach and Six.
containing Captain Hesse and Mr. Wilson (son of Sir Robert,)
her late Majesty's Equerries, with the Rev. Mr. Wood, her
Majesty's Chaplain, and Mr. William Austin.
Tenth Mourning Coach and Six,
containing Lieutenants Hownam and Flynn, with two other
gentlemen belonging to the household.

164
Eleventh Mourning Coach and Six,
containing Mr. Hieronymus, her Majesty's Steward, Mariette
Brun, (De Mont's sister,) Lady Hood's female servant, and
Lady Anne Hamilton's.
Twelfth Mourning Coach and Six,
containing her Majesty's three Pages, Mr. Melburn, Mr.
Adolphus, and Mr. Nicolini.
Sheriff Waithman's carriage.
Thirteenth Mourning Coach,
containing Mr. Bailey, and two other gentlemen, who accom
panied the procession to Brunswick, to see the last rites per
formed over the body of her Majesty, according to his instruc
tions from the British government.
Escort of Pages and Gentlemen residing in Hammersmith.
A carriage with a servant, containing luggage belonging to the
different persons in the cavalcade.
Two Highland Officers in a chaise.
A Page.
The carriages of the different Gentlemen, friends of her late
Majesty.
But to return : no language can adequately ex
press the universal and unparalleled interest excited
by the funeral of her Majesty. From Hammer
smith to Romford, a distance of upwards of twenty
miles, not only the direct, but cross-roads were
lined for the whole day with anxious and waiting
spectators. The Mart and the 'Change were
wholly unfrequented — the Shops were closed —
the bells mournfully tolled — mourning dresses were
generally worn — the day was rainy and drear, and
in one word the past history of the Country,
cannot probably supply any fact which created
feelings; occasioned scenes; and effected results.

165
so distressing as the death and interment of her
Majesty. It is impossible to describe in terms too pow
erful, the immense number of spectators, drawn
together on this occasion, from all parts of the
country ; either by sympathy or curiosity. The
City of London presented a scene of activity and
bustle, and great masses of the people hastened
from spot to spot, according to the rumours, which
were received relative to the route of the procession.
It was, therefore, particularly imprpper in the
members of the administration to endeavour by
any proceeding to prevent the gratification of cu
riosity so intense, and sympathy so sincere ; yet
however, it must be admitted, that the populace
should have coincided, rather than by their deter
mination, have occasioned the sacrifice of human
life, and the multitudinous evils which subse
quently ensued. Still the wishes of the nation,
when not inconsistent with its peace and happi
ness, are not to be disregarded by those who for
the time have been entrusted with the management
of the state. There could be no possible reason
why the funeral procession should not follow the
route which was desired, not only by her Majesty's
Executors and her private friends ; but, also, by
thousands of her subjects. If such line of con
duct had been adopted, the sacrifice of human life
might have been spared, the public peace would
have remained undisturbed, and the harmless and
natural wishes of the populatiori of the metropolis
would have been gratified.

166
The route through the city was along Fleet-
street and Ludgate-hill, through Cheapside, Corn-
hill, and Whitechapel. The representatives of
various public companies followed to this place,
and marched in ranks, with banners and emblems
of their professions. These were, indeed, con
stituted principaUy of the poorer classes of society,
but amongst the number were men of great re
spectability. The procession moved slowly on
through Bow, Stratford, and Ilford, to Romford,
where it was determined that the principal per
sons of her Majesty's suite should stay at that
place during the night ; but that the corpse should
be conveyed to Chelmsford. At every town the
procession was received with every possible de
monstration of respect ; and at the last-mentioned
place, the coffin was conveyed to the church, and
there followed by the members of her household.
On the succeeding day, the procession continued
its progress to Harwich. On the second day,
they arrived at Colchester. At this place in con
formity with the directions of her Majesty's Will,
the Executors placed on the coffin a plate, con
taining the inscription which she desired. That
plate was, however, removed by the direction of
the agent of the Government, and the usual latin
inscription was substituted. At this place the in
terest of the public was equally manifested, and
every suitable mark of respect was shewn by the
inhabitants. On the following day the procession
advanced to Harwich, and at noon arrived at that
place. It was met by a detachment of the 86th,

167
but the procession was conducted in a manner so
disorderly and improper, that on its entrance it
excited astonishment and indignation. A small ad
vanced guard of cavalry preceded ; Mr. Chitten
den, the undertaker, on a lame horse, headed ten
undertakers on horseback. Then followed three
mourning coaches and six, one of which con
tained the real directors of this singular pro
cession. Mr. Bailey was the head undertaker,
and Mr. Thomas the deputy of the then non
existent Lord Chamberlain. About twenty-five
cavalry, 4th dragoons, followed. Then succeeded
her Majesty's own carriage, drawn by six bay
horses, containing Sir George Nayler, his com
panion, the cushion and crown : the crown, which
was a tawdry bauble decorated with feeads, strung
round in a manner that would have disgraced a
country stage. Then followed the hearse, drawn
by eight black horses, without plumes on the
horses, and with only a few paltry feathers on the
hearse. No plateaus of plumes carried, as is the
case at almost all respectable funerals. The royal
arms were still left upon the hearse, but all the
escutcheons were removed from the horses. No
attendance of heralds or marshal's -men. Nine
mourning coaches, containing Lord Hood, Lady
Hood, and Lady Anne Hamilton, and those of her
Majesty's family before enumerated, then followed,
and the appearance of the carriages, horses and
drivers, surprised or disgusted 'every beholder.
Then followed the private carriage of Mr. Brou
gham, containing himself and Sir Robert Wilson,

lr6B
and Mr. Hume and Mr. Hobhouse, in another
carriage, succeeded. A few other carriages con
tinued the scene, and a detachment of dragoons
closed the whole.
Nothing could possibly be more disrespectful,
and therefore improper, than the conduct of Go
vernment and its agents during the whole of this
singular and unheard of spectacle. The good
sense and right feelings of all who had even been
opposed to her among the people, were shocked
at such proceedings, and by all parties the con
duct of ministers was disapproved.
The procession thus entered the town. The
dragoons preceding played the Dead March in
Saul on their trumpets. The infantry, with arms
reversed, took up the tune, going before the ca^
valry. The infantry had one stand of colours,
the cavalry two standards, and without a mo
ment's pause in the town, the procession arrived
at the jetty for the embarkation of the corpse.
The troops drew up, opened their ranks, and
formed a line on each side. Mr. Chittenden and
his ten men dismounted ; and it then, for the first
time, appeared that the body was to be instantly
removed. Without detailing the particulars of
the embarkation, during the whole of which the
most marked disrespect was manifested to her
Majesty's remains, and to all her friends ; the
body was deposited in the Glasgow frigate, for
the purpose of conveying it to Brunswick.
A short time afterwards Lord and Lady Hood,
Lady Ann Hamilton, Dr. and Mrs. Lusl^ington,

169
Count Vassali, and Mr. Austin, sailed in one of
the boats of a schooner in the offing, and imme
diately proceeded to the vessel which was ready
to receive them.
Long before the funeral arrived at Harwich, the
beech was filled with spectators, and the river
was covered with boats, assembled to witness the
conclusion of the mournful scene.
When the cofiin was lowered down into the
boat, it was observed that the friction occasioned
by the indecent rapidity with which it was hur
ried along the road, had rent off the crimson velvet
which was placed there for the purpose of orna
ment. On the crown being lowered into the boat,
it immediately proceeded to the Pioneer schooner,
and was followed at a small distance by numbers
of the boats which had been previously stationed
around the Jetty, and of which several had arrived
from the neighbouring ports. The coffin on the
boats reaching the schooner, was hoisted on board
and received by a party of marines with their
arms reversed.
The schooner reached the Glasgow frigate at half
past four o'clock, the other ships composing the
funeral squadron immediately weighed anchor, and
proceeded to join the Glasgow, the wind was favor
able for Germany, and the squadron arrived at Cux-
haven on Sunday the 19th, and anchored in the har
bour. The Glasgow was no sooner moored, than
preparations, which had been previously arranged,
were made for the removal of her Majesty's remains
to a smaller vessel, suited to the navigation of the

170
Elbe, and the Gannet sloop of war was appointed
for this purpose, and to it the coffin vvas with
proper solemnity transferred.
The Gannet accompanied by the Wye, then
sailed up the Elbe for Stade, where it arrived on
Monday. Thousands of persons were assembled
on the banks of the narrow river to witness the
arrival of the corpse. The Wye continued to fire
minute guns until the approach of the boats to
Stade became visible from the fort; the Wye then
ceased to fire, and the Gannet commenced firing
minute guns for half an hour. The Hanoverian
guard-ship immediately after fired for the same
time ; while the guns of the fortress announced
to the inhabitants of Stade the approach of the
^..^jemains of their late Queen.
At the moment the boats of the British ships
approached to the draw-bridge, the bells of the
three churches of the town were tolled. A pro
cession was then formed from the chief landing
place to the principal church, where a solemn
dirge announced its arrival, and continued whilst
the mourners remained.
The inhabitants and burghers of Stade mani
fested their respect for her late Majesty in a
manner the most unequivocal and satisfactory.
Their grief appeared to be most sincere, and they
spoke of the character of her Majesty, in terms of
admiration. On the following morning at an early
hour the procession, somewhat altered in arrange
ment and improved in appearance, proceeded to
wards Buxtehude. At Bergen it rested for a

171
short time. The commandant of the place,
Colonel Friegen, entered the house to condole
with the illustrious mourners, but was for some
time absolutely unable to speak from emotion. At
length in a few words, he stated, that in the very
room which they then occupied, he had, in the
same month seven years before, received the
Queen of England when she came to meet her
brother, the late Duke of Brunswick. He spoke
of her character in terms of respect, and several of
the inhabitants united in the praises he bestowed.
At this place also the hussars who accompanied
the funeral were relieved by a guard of cuirassiers ;
and the entrance of the cavalcade into Celle was
marked by demonstrations of the highest regard
and attention. The authorities met the procession.
The bells were tolled ; the streets were lined with
soldiers, girls strewed flowers before the hearse;
and the coffin being carried into the great church
of the city, was placed (by a singular coincidence,)
upon the tomb of the unfortunate sister of George
III., Matilda Queen of Denmark. At Buxtehude
the procession rested for the night.
On the 24th of August it arrived at Offau, and
was met by the Count Aldenslaben, grand Cham
berlain of the Court. He intimated to Lord Hood
and Dr. Lushington, that he wished to make
arrangements for the interment, which was to
take place upon the same evening. They resisted
such proposal, as it appeared to them inconsistent
with the respect which was due to the remains of
the illustrious deceased; but, he stated, that it

172
had been the invariable custom in the family of
the Dukes of Brunswick to bury at midnight, and
that his orders had been imperative. It was then
agreed that the principal mourners should in
stantly proceed to Brunswick; that the funeral
procession should follow so as to arrive at ten at
night at the gates of the city; and that, at that
tittle, the personages attending and officiating
should go out to meet it. This arrangement was
accordingly carried into effect ; and, at ten o'clock
at night the hearse arrived at the outer barrier.
Though the inhabitants had not received any
intimation that her Majesty's remains were to be
buried in the tomb of her ancestors till the
evening preceding their arrival ; yet, the en
thusiastic regard of the Brunswickers for the
deceased Queen, was so sincere, that the whole
population of forty thousand souls, simultaneously
resolved to demonstrate their affectionate attach
ment. It should not here be forgotten, that Mr. Alder
man Wood arrived at Brunswick before the other
mourners — travelled alone, and at his own ex-
pence, and materially assisted in conducting the
preparatory arrangements. According to the ar
rangements which had been previously acceded
to, the corpse was met by the mourners at eleven
o'clock at night — the coffin was deposited on a
magnificent open car — and the car was drawn by
the citizens. The mourners followed in coaches,
and the whole was conducted by torch light to
the burial place of royalty. The road along

173
which it proceeded, was wide and open, yet it
was crowded by the inhabitants — the most so
lemn silence reigned — the front lines of this as
semblage carried torches; and on double rows of
willows on each side the road were suspended
lamps of various colours. The procession then
moved slowly towards the town; and, as the
clock struck twelve, reached the inner barrier.
Here the mourners descended from the carriages,
and the whole cortege now proceeded on foot,
with the exception of Sir George Nayler, who
remained in the first carriage. Along the town
the procession slowly advanced, accompanied by
a detachment of Brunswick cavalry. No female
was however seen in the streets. They were.
only spectators at the windows of the houses
The arrangements were proper and suitable ; and
the interest evinced by the Brunswickers demon
strated that the old had not forgotten her kind
ness when young; and that, as the young had
heard of her charity and benevolence, when a
Princess of Brunswick, they now deplored her '
loss. As the corpse passed along the aisle into the
place of sepulture, a hundred young ladies of the
first families in Brunswick, dressed in white,
stood on each side, and scattered flowers before it.
In a few seconds the coffin, and the mourners had
all arrived in the family vault of the illustrious
House of Brunswick. The entire space is very
large, and already contains fifty-seven coffins of
different branches of that ancient family. A por-

174
tion, about seven yards square, was separated
from the rest by hangings of black cloth, and was
illuminated with wax lights. In the middle of
this section stood a platform, raised about two
feet from the ground : on one side of which was
the coffin of the celebrated Duke of Brunswick,
and at the foot was the coffin of the gallant brother
of her Majesty, who was killed at Quatre Bras.
No funeral service was read over her Majesty,
nor were any directions given as to the ceremony,
but the intelligent and excellent Minister of re
ligion, the Reverend Mr. Wolff, in the most
solemn and devout manner offered up the following
prayer. " Transient is our life, perishable all the fortune
" and glory of the earth! Thus, all-wise God,
" thou hast ordained it: but in death are termin-
" ated all the hardships, troubles, and sufferings,
" that attend the life of man in this state of im-
" perfection. Not in this world where we are
" strangers, where we live in a constant struggle
"with adversities and even our infirmities : no!
" only in that to come, for which thou hast
^' created our immortal spirit, do we find the
" desired felicity, and purer untroubled unperish-
" able joys. Penetrated even in the inmost re-
" cesses of our hearts, by this solemn and con-
" soling truth, we elevate with pious devotion our
" hearts to thee, the Infinite One! in this sacred
" place, and at the coffin of a deceased whom
" thy all-wise will once destined for a terrestrial

175
" throne, and now, after a rare change of destiny,
" didst call into the land of eternal peace. With
" hearts deeply affected do we view the burying
" place of this descendant of a beloved and
" princely family. Thou, her benign Creator
" didst adorn her with high advantages of mind
" and body, and didst bestow upon her a heart
" full of clemency and benignity : thy providence
" placed her where she could, and was resolved
"to do much good, to the honour of her high
' ' family, and for the weal of the country whose
" Princess she was. Unsearchable, O eternal,
" are thy ways : after a transient and troublesome
" life, she has now finished her earthly career,
" and her inanimate body returns to the vault,
" where her ever memorable father, her brother,
" and her relations, are resting.
" Almighty God, with elevated hearts we
" glorify thy grace, for all the benefits thou hast
" given to the deceased during her life, and we
" infinitely revere thy wisdom, in the present
" termination of her severe trials : whereby after
" thy most benign intention she should be puri-
" fied of human infirmities, and be prepared for
" a better life. Thanks to thee for the comfort
" thou hast richly granted her in her last hours,
" thanks for the rare strength thou didst inspire
" her with, both in her life, and in her last
" moments, to a patient and courageous suffer-
" ance of her grievances ; thanks for the hope
" strengthened in her soul, wherewith, full of
" desire and serenity of faith, she passed from

176
" a mortal to an immortal life. Now may her
" released soul enjoy the peaceful and blissful tran-
" quility, which this world cannot grant: and may
¦" thy grace, thou all just and most righteous
" Lord, recompense her in that state of perfection,
*' for what was but deficient here on earth. But
" to us let her ever-memorable remembrances be
" a moving and beneficial lesson, thus to believe^
" thus to hope, thus to live, that we may once
" courageously pass over to the life of just requital.
" And now, most gracious God, preserve to us
" graciously the remaining most beloved members
" of our princely family, for our joy and for the
" welfare of our country, and attend their days
" with thy richest blessing. Grant our most pious
" wishes ! Amen."
The Mourners then separated. For them the
inhabitants of Brunswick expressed the most sin
cere respect, and demonstrated by their conduct,
that they appreciated their attachment to the
Queen. They returned to this country; and they
were greeted on their return. The loss of her
Majesty was widely and sincerely felt. Funeral
sermons were delivered in various places of wor
ship, some of which have been subsequently prin
ted. Her friends yet constitute an overwhelming
majority in the nation ; the conduct of the govern
ment towards her is yet censured by multitudes ;
inquiry into their conduct is by some even yet
demanded, and may possibly become the subject
of Parliamentary inquiry. Efforts are still mak
ing to injure in reputation, happiness or property.

177
her friends and adherents ; and those who de
fended her whilst living, or who have vindicated
her since dead, have become the objects of mini
sterial aversion, and will be exposed to all the
evils of a misdirected and improper inveteracy.
By some, indeed, the cause of the Queen was
only made an instrument of political discontent,
and entirely a party question; but such feelings
are gradually subsiding ; the questions are begin
ning to be calmly and properly discussed, and it
is now apparent to many, that her imperfections
were magnified into vices, by slander and malice ;
and that her excellencies were absurdly extolled,
by friends whose attachment was too ardent, and
whose opinion was therefore not sufficiently im
partial.

Vol. II. M

CHAPTER IH.
Concluding Observations.
1 HE page of biography has thus closed ; and as
the historian retires, it is the business of the mo
ralist to advance. These volumes of individual
history will be perused with pain and regret, by
every one whose mind is rightly constituted, and
whose heart is not incapable of noble and generous
sympathy. They develop actual positive misery,
and one continued narrative of sorrow and suffering.
Whatever might have been the cause of such evils^
their existence cannot be disputed, and that reality
must therefore excite pity and regret. But what
were the causes of such occurrences ? The pre
ceding pages have practically answered the ques
tion, and they are as much to be deplored as the
effects. That the Heir- Apparent to the Throne of a free
country, should be compelled, against his inclina
tions, to unite his destiny with an individual whom
he did not love, is a circumstance which the
statesman, the moralist, and the philanthropist
must deplore. And that the daughter of the
brave, and virtuous, and noble Duke of Brunswick,
should also be induced to consent to an union, to
which she was averse, is equally lamentable.

179
Against such arrangements of national policy
many objections to their theory might be urged ;
but the history of this marriage is so replete with
proofs of their baneful operation, that theory is
superseded by fact, and supposition by demon
stration. To all nations, and to all governments
it must read a lesson which should never be for
gotten, and which should not only be deplored,
but should induce an universal determination to
repeal or discontinue all laws or customs, however
sanctioned by experience, or venerable for anti
quity, which are the real causes of evils so dire,
and which unhappily are as frequent as they are
distressing. But the marriage took place. What should
have been the conduct of each of the distinguished
personages under such circumstances ? As a
woman and a wife, the Princess should have been
courteous, kind, respectful, attentive, and sub
missive. She should not have expected that
ardour of affection, and that care and assiduous
attention which she would have had a right to ex
pect, if the Prince had professed to love her, and
if she had loved the Prince. Her rank, her cha
racter, her accomplishments, her family, her rela
tionship to the reigning Monrach, and to the Heir-
Apparent ; ought, however, to have obtained for
her, the public and private respect, confidence, and
society of the Prince. These she did not obtain.
Others, far less deserving, studied to supplant her,
and they succeeded. Under such circumstances,
M 2

180
she should have been retired in her habits — avoided
subjects which excited painful feelings or recol
lections, and submitted to what was unavoidable.
Here, however, she must necessarily stop, and her
conduct respecting Lady Jersey, was dignified,
judicious, and commendable. If she had not so
acted, she would not have deserved the respect
which she claimed ; and because her demands
were proper, George III. insisted on the dismissal
of that Lady from the establishment of the Prince,
and she was accordingly removed.
As to the Prince, his situation was even more
peculiar. He consummated a marriage without
sufficiently reflecting on its consequences. He for
got that Lady Jersey, and Mrs. Fitzherbert must
be wholly relinquished, and so relinquished for a
Princess, whom he did not love, though he had
made her his bride. But he speedily discovered
his error, and that was the moment of difficulty.
His determinations have been related, and the con
sequences which followed, have been also unfolded.
Of the conduct of the Princess he did not, how
ever, complain. The path in which it was proper
for her to proceed she generally persevered in,
but her occasional variations, perhaps, increased
the evils which embittered her future life, and
rendered her case the most unparalleled for mis
fortune and unhappiness, that is recorded in the
pages of ancient or modern history. Those vari
ations must, however, be partly attributed to her
natural disposition, which was eminently opposed

i81
to concealment or secresy. Her (ii.slikes she
never attempted to hide, and her friendsliips were
as ardent as they were durable.
But they were separated. That act was origin
ally that of the Prince. His celebrated letter
tacitly admitted it. Yet it was afterwards ap
proved by the Princess, and was then wise and
necessary. Thus living apart, they should
each have avoided acts which each were confident
were disapproved by the other; to say notiiing
of those which might be fairly left to their mutual
discretion. The inventions of Lady Douglas should
not, therefore, have been so readily accredited ;
and when subsequently demonstrated to be as
false as they were malicious, the Princess should
have received from her illustrious husband, a pub
lic as well as a private recognition of her innocence.
But the reverse of this acknowledgment was the
conduct pursued ; and when the reigning Monarch
was about to receive her Royal Highness into his
presence and favour, he was requested to delay
such proofs of his satisfaction of her innocence.
Thus were the measures of Lady Douglas unre-
probated by the Prince, when she should have be
come the object of his most cordial detestation.
That, however, the Prince was in no way con
cerned in the invention of her plot, or in its
development, cannot be too clearly stated ; and
at first he was unquestionably imposed on by the
positivity of her allegations. They demanded
enquiry ; but when proved to be false, they should
have been so considered. By the nation they

182
were regarded with abhorrence, and '^ Lady
" Douglas" and " Perjury" are terms universally
identified. She afforded a sad and mournful ex
ample of the effects of jealousy, malice, and re
venge, when wholly unsubdued by moral or
religious feelings.
The reinvestigation of her allegations was an
act of injustice, and a work of supererogation. The
report of the Commissioners had been so distinct,
that it was so unnecessary for the Prince, the Royal
Family, and the nation ; and the result of such re
investigation demonstrates the correctness of this
observation. Again and again were the statements
of Lady Douglas proved to be perjuries, and
admitted so to be, by one of the Ministers of the
Crown in the senate of the nation.
Her subsequent rejection at Court, and her de
privation of the RIGHTS OF A MOTHER, WCrC UU-
kind and vexatious proceedings ; and now was
demonstrated the truth of statements which had
been often made, and as often denied, that the
various enquiries relative to the Princess, were
sanctioned by some members of the Royal Family,
and even by the Prince himself.
But what was the line of conduct adopted by
the Princess ? It could not be expected that she
should spend her future years in, solitude; but
there is a distinction between solitude and retire
ment. Her sufferings, as they were exclusively
of a private nature, she ought to have concealed ;
and whilst she could not but lament her situation,
she should have felt, that it should not excite

183
surprize, though it could not fail of producing
unhappiness. The conduct of the late Queen to her was,
doubtless, unkind and oppressive ; but she should
have felt, that she was a subject of the reigning
King, and that her enemy was his Consort. That
the Prince should have differently acted to his
wife and his cousin cannot be disputed ; but she
should have recollected, that there is always a
wide separation between the Prince and the
people, and that it would be neither honourable
nor praiseworthy to attempt its extension. She
should not, therefore, have publicly exposed her
situation, nor appealed to national feeling on a
subject exclusively at that time personal; nor, on
the same principle, should she, in a less public
manner, have discussed in her literary and friendly
circles, the conduct of one whom all knew that she
did not love, and whose happiness she could not
then be expected to promote. Approbation of his
character she was not required to bestow; but
censure it was unnecessary and improper publicly--
to pronounce.
But the circumstances of the case were com
municated to the people, and her total rejection at
Court and the alienation of her daughter from her
were the consequences which ensued. The latter
act unquestionably was as harsh as it was unpre
cedented. The rights of a mother are natural, and
no laws or prerogatives should deprive her of their
enjoyments. The rights of parents are, in this
respect, equal, and neither should have the power

184
or the inclination exclusively to exercise them.
To her mother the Princess Charlotte was much
attached. She desired her society and advice,
especially as she had received an offer of marriage,
which she hesitated either to accept or refuse.
But such society and advice were prohibited, and
the Princess of Wales in vain appealed for justice
and her rights. What then was to be done?
She was advised to publish her letter to the
Prince in the public prints. Such advice was
imprudent and absurd. If by such act, it was in
tended solely to create national antipathy to the
Prince, the proceeding was imprudent, because,
from such result, no possible good could accrue;
and, as a subject, she was bound to act with sub
mission ; and if it was intended to alarm the
Prince, and thereby obtain the ends desired, then
the measure was absurd. Yet it must be admitted,
that her situation was painful and vexatious; and
it can be easily conceived, that any disinterested
and well-intentioned advice might be then adopted
by her without due consideration. Tossed on the
billows of adversity, chagrin, and disappointment,
she only contemplated her misfortunes ; and every
straw which floate.d on the surge, and which pro
mised relief or salvation, was eagerly seized,
though their eventual insufficiency only increased
her misfortunes. i
Her non-introduction to the foreign Emperors
who visited this country, was a petty act, un
worthy of any wise or good men. Her father had
braved the storm which threatened to involve the

185
liberties of Europe; and her brother, like his
illustrious sire, had died in defence of the liberties
of Germany. She, therefore, should not have
been forgotten, and some proceeding should have
been adopted to recognize her existence in this
country, and her connection with the Prince
Regent, though it could not be expected that she
should become the centre of all that was brilliant
and splendid.
Thus disappointed, and mortified, she deter
mined to quit this country, especially as by such
act she would, in her estimation, improve the con
dition of her daughter. But that determination
was improper. Some of her friends advised the
measure ; but they were few in number, and their
arguments were as futile as they eventually proved
to be incorrect. Yet it must be conceded, that
she so resolved firom motives the most pure, and
which reflected honour on her heart, although her
judgment cannot be applauded.
Having, however, come to this resolution, she
should have conducted herself with peculiar cir
cumspection, and endeavoured to avoid even the
appearance of evil. That she indulged in vices of
the most immoral description has been incorrectly
stated ; yet, it must be admitted, that if she had
duly and properly estimated the probable effects
which many acts she performed were likely to
produce, she would have abstained from their
commission ; and thus, to a certain extent, pre
vented evils which embittered her future life, and
speedily consigned her to the tomb.

186
Still it should be admitted, that Aany of such
actions were in themselves unexceptionable,
though they were unfortunate in their results.
Thifs it appears only just to admit, that the
honours which she conferred on Pergami, by no
means demonstrated that she was guilty of the
charge subsequently brought against her ; and yet,
that speedy elevation was injudicious, not to say
improper. As, however, on the other hand, she had quitted
this country — had left the Prince to enjoy un
molested by her presence, the adulation of his
friends, and the luxuries of English hospitality
and English comfort — and as the moral and politi
cal conduct of the Prince, whether of a more
public or private nature, were no-w by her wholly
uninquired about, it was improper, unjust, and
cruel of any Administration, to advise enquiries to
be instituted into all the minutiae pf her Con
tinental arrangements ; and it was base and wicked
to invent charges, or to employ agents, who were
capable of thus sacrificing every honest and vir
tuous principle. That there was no real state
necessity for such enquiries, has been admitted.
The succession was not in danger. The brothers
of the King were numerous, and some of them
much respected. The Princess of Wales was on
the Continent. — From her the Prince was prac
tically divorced, and although if she had com
mitted crimes, she ought to be punished for them,
yet as the favourite ladies of the Prince were in
England, well known, and even their names un-

187
concealed, it was not delicate or proper that
punctilios should be too nicely regarded by the
one party, when if the same rigid principles had
been applied to the case of the other, the result
might have been far less satisfactory.
But was the Queen guilty of adultery? The
charge has not certainly been proved, nor is it
accredited. Some witnesses indeed endeavoured
to support such an allegation, but notwithstanding
their characters, and notwithstanding the sums of
money they received, as inducements to give evi
dence unfavourable to the Queen, no distinct
charge could be clearly proved, but the statements
of one hour, were contradicted in the next.
Yet it cannot be properly contended, that if the
Queen had been really guilty of the charges brought
against her, she should not have been tried and
condemned, for no circumstances can constitute
any apology for the commission of vices so flagrant
and detestable, — so long perpetrated, and so fre
quently repeated, as those which she was stated
to have perpetrated. If she was guilty, then for
the honour of the country,— for the benefit of
mankind, — for the dignity of the crown, it was
right that she should be not only exposed, but
punished. — But not condemned unheard, — not
denied the prayers of the people before one charge
was substantiated, — not held up as an object of uni
versal detestation before one allegation was proved.
It was right that if guilty, she should be punished,
but not be tried by her accusers —by her decided
enemies — by those who had planned her destruc-

188
tion, and who now sought, by her condemnation,
to vindicate their past conduct. No, all this was
unjust, and therefore improper, and succeeding
generations when calmly deliberating on the
transactions of the last few years of this eventful
sera, will accurately perceive the source of many
of the calumnies which have existed, and will
trace them to the baneful and improper efforts of
an unprincipled and unjust Administration.
Her return to this country was a measure,
which, if innocent of the crime laid to her charge,
was dignified and noble ; but if guilty, it was an
act of daring impudence and outrageous inde
corum. Guilty she was not proved to be, and
therefore innocent she must be presumed to have
been. Her return was therefore to be presumed
as an act of propriety, and an avowal of innocence.
The mere fact of her return neither proved inno
cence or guilt, though it afforded a presumption
of innocence, because guilt is seldom so hazard
ous and daring. It has been argued, that even if
guilty, the conduct of the Queen should not have
been investigated by the King or by the nation ; —
that she was virtually repudiated ; — that her ex
ample could not have been pernicious to the
morals of a country, from which she was far
removed ; — and that, there was no reason why
the moral acts of the Prince should not have
with far greater propriety become the subjects of
judicial enquiry. The accuracy or inaccuracy of
such reasoning, need not, however, be investi
gated, She was not only not proved to be guilty.

189
but by deduction as well as by proof, she was
demonstrated to be innocent.
As to the charges of general levity and flip
pancy of conduct, distinct from the main allega
tion of adultery, it must be conceded even by her
friends, that she possessed in too great a degree,
the familiarity of the French, and the peculiarity
of the Italian character. Her conduct was fre
quently inexplicable, though perfectly virtuous.
" Prudence" was a word with which she was not
sufficiently familiar, and her virtues were public
and splendid, not retired and unassuming. Her
friendships were, if possible, too ardent, and her
antipathies too inveterate. But she was ge
nerous, noble minded, honourable, just, and for
giving. She was all kindness and sensibility;
but, she was so unaccustomed to sincerity and
constancy, that when she discovered them in an
individual, she valued them, if possible, too
highly. Alas ! she was too much the child of
circumstances ; and, it is a lamentable fact, that
she was the child of sorrow. If she was im
prudent in any of her domestic arrangements,
it should not be forgotten, that, at the age of
twenty-eight, she was practically a widow ! Nor
did the Queen Consort of George III. endeavour
to relieve the misery of her situation by her ad
vice or direction. Almost unaided, she had ori
ginally to form her establishment, her society,
her habits ; and, she was, after all, a foreigner
to English manners, and English prejudices.
On her return to England, she was improperly

190
treated. No palace was assigned to her —
honour paid her ; — but, as if convicted of crime,
she was denied the honours of royalty, and even
the respect and attention to which she was en
titled as a woman. When practically acquitted,
she was denied the ceremony of Coronation — the
introduction of her name into the Liturgy — and
the palaces of her predecessors. Her requests
were all refused ; and, though Queen Consort,
she was unadmitted into the Royal presence —
unacknowledged at Court — and unnoticed by
those who, if her daughter had survived, would
have courted her favour, and basked in the
sunshine of her prosperity.
But yet the Queen acted with indiscretion.
She acknowledged that she was a subject, and
yet she reprobated in some of her answers to the
addresses of her fellow subjects, the conduct of
her King too pointedly and severely — she spoke
too much to the people- — she appeared too much
to seek to widen the distance between herself
and the King — the acts of conciliation of one day
were succeeded by threats on the next — she at
tacked the House of Peers, the House of Com
mons, the Privy Council, and the King. If she
had not so acted, she would have been even more
supported by the higher classes of society,
because to them she would then have appear
ed to connect herself less with ,any supposed
faction, to which on political groi^nds they were
opposed.

191
But Death approached to prevent furtiier con
flict and opposition. She welcomed his arrival,
and smiled at its certainty. She died the victim
of grief. Her grief was occasioned by di.tappoinl-
ed pride, and the repeated insults to which she
was subjected by her ci'iiel and relentless ene-
mies. This fact must be recorded ; — and to
Monarchs it may read a lesson, which, amidst all
the splendour of their equipages ; and the variety
of their pleasures ; and the flattery of their cour-
ties; and all which glares and lures by its specious
and meretricious appearance, must sometimes be
made to reach their ears, if not to affect their
hearts — that all their dignity and grandeur, all
which now attracts the notice of the heedless,
and the acclamations of the ignorant, they may
speedily be required to relinquish — aye, and to
resign at the very moment, when in security they
seemed to repose, and when having overcome the
difficulties which were opposed to them, they
looked forward to many days of satisfaction and
delight.

FINIS.

Priiileil hy J. Hadilnn, Tabeniacle-Walk.

APPENDIX

No. I.

(No. I.)
Letter from Her Royal Highness the Princess of Wales
to His Majesty King George the Third, containing her
Defence to the Charges preferred against her by Lady
Douglas and oihers, in 1806.

Sire,
iMPaEssED with the deepest sentiments of gratitude for the
countenance and protection which I have hitherto uniformly
received from your Majesty, I approach you with a heart un
dismayed, upon the occasion, so awful and momentous to my
character, my honour, and my happiness. I should indeed
(under charges such as have been now brought against me) prove
myself undeserving of the continuance of that countenance and
protection, and altogether unworthy of the high station 'Which I
hold in your Majesty's family, if I sought for any impartiality,
for any indulgence, for any thing more than what is due to me
in justice. My entire confidence in your Majesty's virtues as
sures me that I cannot meet with less.
The situation which I have been so happy as to hold in your
Majesty's good opinion and esteem, my station in your Majesty's
august family, my life, my honour, and through mine, the honour
of your Majesty's family, have been attacked. Sir John and
Lady Douglas have attempted to support and direct a precise
charge, by which they have dared to impute to me the enormous
guilt of High Treason, committed in the foul act of Adultery. In
this charge the extravagance of their malice has defeated itself.
The Report of the Lords Commissioners acting under your Ma
jesty's Warrant, has most fully cleared me of that charge.
But there remain imputations, strangely sanctioned and
countenanced by that Report, on which I cannot remain silent
without incurring the most fatal consequence to my honour and
character. For it states to your Majesty, that ' circumstances
B 2

IV APPENDIX.
detailed against me must be credited till they are decisively con
tradicted.' To contradict with as much decision as the contra
diction of an accused can convey ; to expose the injustice and
malice of my enemies ; to shew the utter impossibility of giving
credit to their testimony; and to vindicate my own innocence,
will be the objects. Sire, of this Letter.
In the course of my pursuing these objects, I shall have much
to complain of, in the substance of the proceeding itself, and
much in the manner of conducting it.
That any of the charges should ever have been entertained
upon testimony so little worthy of belief, which betrayed in every
sentence the malice in which it originated ; that even if they
were entertained at all, your Majesty should have been advised
to pass by the ordinary legal modes of inquiry into such high
crimes, and to refer them to a Commission, open to all the ob
jections which I shall have to state to such a mode of inquiry ;
that the Commissioners, after having negatived the principal
charge of substantive crime, should have entertained considera
tions of matter that amounted to no legal offence, and which
were adduced, not as substantive charges in themselves, but as
matters in support of the principal accusation ; that through the
pressure and weight of their official occupations, they did not, —
perhaps they could not, — bestow that attention on the case,
which, if given to it, must have enabled them to detect the
villainy and falsehood of my accusers, and their foul conspiracy
against me, and must have preserved my character against the
weighty imputation which the authority of the Commissioners
has for a time cast upon it ; and above all, that they should
upon this ex parte examination, without hearing one word that I
could urge, have reported to your Majesty an opinion on these
matters, so prejudicial to my honour, and from which I can have
no appeal to the laws of the country (because the charges,
constituting no legal offence, cannot be made the ground of
judicial inquiry ;) these, and other circumstances connected,
with the. length of the proceedings, which have cruelly aggra
vated to my feeling, the pain necessarily attendant upon this
inquii-y, I shall not be able to refrain from stating and urging as
matters of serious lamentation at least, — if not of well-grounded
complaint.

APPENDIX. V
" In commenting upon any part of the circumstances which
have occurred in the course of this inquiry, whatever observa
tions I may be compelled to make upon any of them, I trust I
shall never forget what is due to officers in high station and
employment uuder your Majesty. No apology, therefore, can
be required for any reserve in my expressions towards them'.
But, if, in vindicating my innocence against the injustice and
malice of my enemies, I should appear to your Majesty not to
express myself with all the warmth and indignation which inno
cence so foully calumniated must feel, your Majesty will, I trust,
not attribute my forbearance to any insensibility to the grievous
injuries I have sustained, but will graciously be pleased to ascribe
it to the restraint I have imposed upon myself, lest, in endeavour
ing to describe in just terms the motives, the conduct, the
perjury, and all the foul circumstances which characterise and
establish the malice of my accusers, I might use language, which,
though not unjustly applied to thera, might be improper to be
used by me to any body, or unfit to be employed by any body,
humbly, respectfully, and dutifully addressing your Majesty.
That a fit opportunity has occurred for laying open my heart
to your Majesty, perhaps I shall hereafter have no reason to
lament. For more than two years, I have been informed, that upon the
presumption of some misconduct in me, my behaviour had been
the subject of investigation, and my neighbours' servants had
heen examined concerning it : and for some time I had received
mysterious and indistinct intimations, that some great mischief
was meditated towards me ; and in all the circumstances of my
peculiar situation, it would be thought strange, that, however
conscious that I had no just cause for fear, I should ^et feel
some uneasiness on this account. With surprise certainly, (be
cause the first tidings were of a kind to excite surprise,) but
without alarm, I received the intelligence, that, for some reason,
a formal investigation of some parts of my conduct had been
advised, and had taken place.
His Royal Highness the Duke of Kent, on the 7th of June,
1806, announced it to me. He announced to me, the Princess
of Wales, the near approach of two attornies (one of them, I
since find, the Solicitor employed by Sir John Douglas,) claiming

VI APPENDIX.
to enter my dwelling with a Warrant to take away one half of my
Household, for immediate examination upon a charge against
myself. It now appears it was the charge of High Treason, com
mitted in the infamous crime of Adultery. His Royal Highness
will, I am sure, do me the justice to represent to your Majesty,
that I betrayed no fear — that I manifested no guilt — that I sought
no excuses to prepare or tutor my servants, for the examination
which they were to undergo. The only request which I made to
his Royal Highness was, that he would have the goodness to rer
main with me till the servants were gone, that he might bear wit
ness that I had no conversation with them before they went. In
truth, Sire, my anxieties under a knowledge that some serious
mischief was planning against me, and while I was ignorant of its
quality and extent, had been so great, that I could not but re
joice at an event which seemed to promise me an early oppor
tunity of ascertaining what the malice of my enemies intended
against me. It has not been, indeed, without impatience, the
most painful, that I have passed the interval which has since
elapsed. When it was not only known to the world (for it was
known to the world) that enquiry of the gravest nature had
been instituted into my conduct, I looked to the conclusion
with all the eagerness that could belong to an absolute convic
tion that my innocence and my honour, to the disgrace and
confusion of my accusers, would be established, and that the
groundless malice and injustice of the whole charge would be
manifested to the world, as widely as the calumny had been
circulated. I knew that the result of an ex parte inquiry from
its very nature, could not, unless it fully asserted my innocence,
be in any degree just; and I had taught myself more firmly to
believe, that it was utterly impossible that any opinion which
could in the smallest degree work a prejudice to my honour
and to my character, could even be expressed in any terms,
by any persons in a Report upon a solemn formal inquiry, and
more especially to your Majesty, without my having some
notice and some opportunity of , being heard ; and I was con
vinced, that, if the proceeding allowed me, before an opinion
was expressed, the ordinary means which accused persons
have of vindicating their honour and their innocence, my
honour and my innocence must, in any opiniori which could

APPENDIX. Vll
then be expressed, be fully vindicated and effectually estab
lished. What then, Sire, must have been my astonishment
and my dismay, when I saw that notwithstanding the prin
cipal accusation was found to be utterly false, yet some of the
witnesses to those charges which were brought in support of
the principal accusation, — witnesses whom any person, inte
rested to have protected my character, would easily have shewn,
out of their own mouths, to be utterly unworthy of credit, and
confederates in joint conspiracy with my false accusers, are re
ported to be ' free from all suspicion of unfavourable bias ;' their
veracity, in the judgment of the Commissioners ' not to be
questioned;' and their infamous stories and insinuations against
me to be such as deserve ' the most serious consideration, and
as such to be credited till decisively contradicted.'
The inquiry, after I thus had notice of it, continued for
above two months. I ventured not to complain, as if it had been
unnecessarily protracted. The important duties and official avo
cations of the Noble Lords appointed to carry it on, may natu
rally account for and excuse some delay. But, however ex
cusable it may have been, your Majesty will conceive the pain
and anxiety which this interval of suspence has occasioned ; and
your Majesty will not be surprised if I further represent, that I
have found a great aggravation of my painful sufferings in the de
lay which occurred in communicating the Report to me ; for
though it is dated on the I4th of July, I did not receive it till the
1 Ith of August, notwithstanding your Majesty's gracious com
mands. It was due unquestionably to your Majesty ,..that the
result of an inquiry commanded by your Majesty, upon advice
which had been offered, touching matters of the highest import,
should be first, and immediately, communicated to you. The res
pect and honour due to the Prince of Wales, the interest he must
necessarily have taken in this inquiry, combined to make it
indispensably fit that the result should be forthwith also stated
to his Royal Highness. I complain not therefore that it was
too early communicated to any one ; I complain only, and I
complain most seriously, (for I felt it most seriously), of the delay
in its communication to me.
Rumour had informed the world, that the Report had been
early communicated to your Majesty and to his Royal Highness.

'TUl APPENDIX.
I did not receive tlie benefit intended for me, by your Majesty's
most gracious command, till a month after the Report was signed.
But the same rumour had represented me, to my infinite pre
judice, as in possession of the Report during that month; and
the malice of those who wished to stain my honour, has not
failed to suggest all that malice could infer from its remaining
in that possession so long. May I be permitted to say, that,
if the Report acquits me, my innocence entitles me to receive
from those to whom your Majesty's commands had been given,
an immediate notification of the fact that it did acquit me; —
that, if it did condemn me, the afflicting weight of such a
sentence should not have been left to settle in any mind, much
less upon your Majesty's, for a month before I could even
begin to prepare for an answer, which, when begun, could not
speedily be concluded ; and that if the Report could be repre
sented as both acquitting and condemning me, the reasons,
which suggestefi the propriety of an early communication in
each of the former cases, combined to make it proper and
necessary in the latter.
And why all consideration of my feelings was thus cruelly
neglected — why I was kept upon the rack, during all this time,
ignorant of the result of a charge which affected my honour
and my life — and why, especially in a case where such grave
matters were to continue to be credited to the prejudice of my
honour, till they were ' decidedly contradicted,' the means of
knowing what it was that I must endeavour to contradict, were
withholden from me a single unnecessary hour, I know not,
and I will not trust myself in the attempt to conjecture.
On the 1 Ith of August, however, 1 at length received from the
Lord Chancellor a packet, containing copies of the Warrant
or Commission, authorising the Inquiry; of the Report, and
of the Examinations on which the Report was founded; and
your Majesty may be graciously pleased to recollect, that on
the 13th I returned my grateful thanks to your Majesty for hav
ing ordered these papers to be sent to me. Your Majesty will
readily imagine, that, upon a subject of such importance, I
could not venture to trust only to my own advice ; and those
with whom I advised, suggested, that the Declaration or Charge,
upon which the Inquiry had proceeded, and which the Com*

APPENDIX. IX
missioners refer to in their Report, and represent to be the
essential foundation of the whole proceedings, did not accompany
the Examination and the Report, and also that the Papers
themselves were not authenticated.
I ventured, therefore, to address your Majesty upon the
supposed defects in the communication, and humbly requested
that the Copies of the Papers which I then returned, might,
after being examined and authenticated, be again transmitted
to me, and tliat I might also be furnished with the Copies of
the written Declarations, so referred to in the Report, and my
humble thanks are due for your Majesty's compliance with my
request. — On the 29th of August I received, in consequence,
the attested Copies of those Declarations, and a Narrative of his
Royal Highness the Duke of Kent; and a few days afterwards,
on the 3rd of September, the attested Copies of the Examinations
which were taken before the Commissioners.
The Papers which I have received are as follow :
Narrative of his R. H. the Duke of Kent, dated 27, Dec. 1805.
Copy of the written Declarations, of Sir John and Lady Douglas,
dated Dec. 3, 1805.
A Paper containing the ¦written Declarations, or Examinations, of the
persons hereafter enumerated : — The title to these Papers is, " For the
Purpose of confirming the Statement made by Lady Douglas, of the cir
cumstances mentioned in her Narrative. The following Examinations
have been taken, and which have been signed by the several persons who
have been examined."
Two of Sarah Lampert ; one, dated Cheltenham, Jan. 8, 1806 ; and the
other, March 29, 1806. '
One of Wm. Lampert, baker, 114, Cheltenham, apparently same date
as the last of Sarah Lampert's.
Four of W. Cole, dated respectively, Jan. 11, 14, 30, and Feb. 23, 1806.
One of Robert Bidgood, dated Temple, April 4, 1806.
One of Sarah Bidgood, dated Temple, April 23, 1800.
One of Frances Lloyd, dated Temple, May 12, 1806.
The other Papers and Documents which accompany the Report are,
1806

May 1 No

. 1.

The

King'

s Warrant or Commission,

June 1

2.

Deposition of Lady Douglas.

 1

3.

of Sir John Douglas.

 6

4.

of Robert Bidgood.
 6
5.
of William Cole.
 7
6.
of Frances Lloyd.
 7
7.
of Mary Wilson.
.  7
8.
of Samuel Roberts.
X APPENDIX.
1806, June 7 9. Deposition of Thomas Stikeman.
 7 10. of J. Sicard.
 7 11. of Charlotte Sander.
 7 12. of Sophia Austin.
 20 13. Letter from Lord Spencer to Lord Gwydir.
 21 14. from Lord Gwydir to Lord Spencer.
 21 15. from Lady Willoughby to Lord Spencer.
 23 16. Extract from Register of Brownlow-st. hospital.
 23 17. Deposition of Elizabeth Gosden.
 23 18. of Betty Townley.
 25 19. of Thomas Edmeades.
 '25 20. of Samuel G. Mills.
 26 21. of Harriet Fitzgerald.
 27 22. Letter from Lord Spencer to Lord Gwydir.
July 3 23. from Lord Gwydir to Lord Spencer.
 3 24. Queries of Lady Willoughby and Answers.
 3 25. Further Deposition of R. Bidgood.
 3 26. Deposition of Sir Francis Milman.
 3 27. of Mrs. Lisle.
 4 28. Letter from Sir F. Blilman to the Lord Chancellor.
 16 29. Deposition of Lord Cholmondeley.
 14 30. The Report.
By the Copy which I have received of the Commission, ot
Warrant, under which the Inquiry has been prosecuted, it appears
to be an Instrument under your Majesty's Sign Manual, not
counter-signed, not under any Seal. It recites, that an Abstract
of certain written Declarations, touching my conduct, without
specifying by whom those Declarations were made, or the nature
of the matters touching which they had been made, or even by
whom the Abstract had been prepared, had been laid before
your Majesty; into the truth of which it purports to authorize
the four noble Peers, who are named in it, to enquire and to
examine upon oath, such persons as they think fit, and to report
to your Majesty the result of their Examination.
By referring to the written Declaration, it appears that they
contain allegations against me, amounting to the charge of high
treason, and also other matters which, if understood to be, as
they seem to have been acted and reported upon by the Commis
sioners, not as evidence confirmatoi-y (as they are expressed to be
in the title) of the principal charge, but as distinct and substan
tive subjects of examination, cannot, as I am advised, be repre
sented as in law amounting to crimes. — How most of the Declara-

APPENDIX. xi
tions referred to were collected, by whom, at whose solicitation,
under what sanction, and before what persons, magistrates, or
others, they were made, does not appear. By the title, indeed,
which all the within Declarations, except Sir John and Lady
Douglas's, bear, viz. ' That they had been tahenfoi- the purpose of
confirming Lady Douglas's statement,' it may be collected, they
had been made by her, or at least by Sir John's procurement, and
the concluding passage of one of them, I mean the 4th declara^
tion of William Cole, strengthens this opinion, as it represents
Sir John Douglas, accompanied by his solicitor, Mr. Lowten, to
have gone down as far as Cheltenham, for the examination of
two witnesses, whose declarations are there stated. I am, how
ever, at no loss to know at this moment, whom I am to consider,
or whom I could fix upon, as my false accuser. From the cir
cumstance last mentioned, it might be inferred, that Sir John
Douglas, or one of them, is the accuser. But Lady Douglas, in
her written declaration, so far from representing the information
which she then gives, as moving voluntarily from herself, ex
pressly states, that she gives it under the direct command of his
Royal Highness the Prince of Wales, and the Papers leave me
without any information from whom any communication to the
Prince originated, which induced him to give such commands.
" Upon the question how far the advice is agreeable to law,
under which it was recommended to your Majesty, to issue this
warrant or commission, not counter-signed, or under a seal, and
without any of your Majesty's advisers, therefore, being on the
face of it responsible for its issuing, I am not competent to deter
mine. And, undoubtedly, that the two high legal authorities,
the Lord Chancellor, and the Lord Chief Justice of the King's
Bench, consented to act under it, it is with the greatest doubt
and diffidence that I can bring myself to express my suspicion of
its illegality. But if it be, as I am given to understand it is,
open lo question, whether consistently with law, your Majesty
should have been advised, to command, by this warrant or com
mission, persons, not to act in known character, as Secretaries of
State, as Privy Counsellors, as Magistrates otherwise em
powered; but to act, as Commissioners, and under the sole
authority of such warrant, to enquire (without any authority to
hear and determine any thing upon the subject of those Inquiries)

xn APPENDIX.
into the crime of High Treason, under the sanction of oaths, to
be administered by them as such Commissioners, and to report
the result thereof to your Majesty. If, I say, there can be any
question upon the legality of such a Warrant or Commission,
the extreme hardship, with which it has operated upon me, the
extreme prejudice which it has done to my character, and to
which such a proceeding must ever expose the person who is the
object of it, obliges me, till I am convinced of its legality, to
forbear from acknowledging its authority ; and, with all humility
and deference to your Majesty, to protest against it, and against
all the proceedings under it.
If this, indeed, were matter of mere form, I should be ashamed
to urge it. But the actual hardships and prejudice, which I
have suffered by this proceeding are most obvious. For, upon the
principal charge against me, the Commissioners have most satis
factorily, and " without the least hesitation," for such is their
expression, reported their opinion of its falsehood. Sir John and
Lady Douglas, therefore, who have sworn to its truth, have been
guilty of the plainest falsehood ; yet upon the supposition of the
illegality of this Commission, their falsehood must, as I am in
formed, go unpunished. Upon that supposition, the want of legal
authority in the Commissioners to inquire and to administer an
oath, will render it impossible to give to this falsehood the cha
racter of perjury. But this is by no means the circumstance
which I feel the most severely. Bgyond the vindicating of my
own character, and the consideration of providing for my future
security, I can assure your Majesty, that the punishment of Sir
John and Lady Douglas would afford me no satisfaction. It is
not, therefore, with regard to that part of the charge, which is
negatived, tut with respect to those, which are sanctioned by the
Report, those, which, not aiming at my life, exhaust themselves
upon my character, and which the Commissioners have, in some
measure, sanctioned by their Report, that I have the greatest
reason to complain. Had the Report sanctioned the principal
charge, constituting a known legal crime, my innocence would
have emboldened me, at all risques, (and to more, no person has
ever been exposed from the malice and falsehood of accusers,)
to have demanded that trial, which could legally determine upon
the truth or falsehood of such charge. Though I should even

APPENDIX. XKI
then indeed have had some cause to complain, because I should
have gone to that trial, under the prejudice, necessarily taised
against me, by that Report ; yet in a proceeding before the just,
open, and known tribunals of your Majesty's kingdom, I should
have had a safe appeal from the result of an ex parte investiga
tion; an investigation whichhas exposed me to all the hardships
of disccret inquiry, without giving me the benefit of secrecy ; and
to all the severe consequences of a public investigation, in point
of injury to my character, without affording me any of its sub
stantial benefits in point of security. But the charges which the
Commissioners do sanction by their Report, describing them, with
a mysterious obscurity and indefinite generality, constitute, as I
am told, no legal crime. They are described as " instances of
great impropriety and indecency of behaviour," which must " oc
casion the most unfavourable interpretations ;" and they are
reported to your Majesty, and they are stated to be, " circum
stances which must be credited till they are decisively contra
dicted." From this opinion, this judgment of the Commissioners, bear
ing so hard upon my character (and that a female character,
how delicate, and how easily to be affected by the breath of ca
lumny your Majesty well knows,) I can have no appeal. For, as
the charges constitute no legal crimes, they cannot be the sub
jects of any legal trial. I can call for no trial. I can therefore
have no appeal ; I can look for no acquittal. Yet this opinion,
or this judgment, from which I can have no appeal, has been pro
nounced against me upon mere ex parte investigation.
This hardship, Sire, I am told to ascribe to the nature of the
proceeding under this warrant or commission ; for, had the in
quiry been entered into before your Majesty's Privy Council, or
before any magistrates, authorised by law as such, to inquire
into the existence of treason, the known course of proceeding
before that council, or such magistrates, the known extent of
their jurisdiction over crimes, and not over the proprieties of be
haviour, would have preserved me from the possibility of having
matters made the subjects of inquiry which had in law no sub
stantive criminal character, and from the extreme hardship of
having my reputation injured by calumny altogether unfounded,
but rendered at once more safe to my enemies, and more in-

XlV APPENDIX..
juriou.s to me, by being uttered, in the course of a proceeding, as
suming the grave semblance of legal form. And, it is by the
nature of this proceeding, (which could alone have countenanced
or admitted of this licentious latitude of inquiry, into the pro
prieties of behaviour in private life, with which no court, no
magistrate, no public law has any authority to interfere,) that
I have been deprived of the benefit of that entire and unqualified
acquittal and discharge from this accusation, to which the utter
and proved falsehood of the accusation itself so justly entitled
me. I trust, therefore, that your Majesty will see that if this pro
ceeding is not one to which, by the known laws of your Majesty's
kingdom, I ought to be subject, that it is no cold, formal objec
tion, which leads me to protest against it.
I am ready to acknowledge, Sire, from the consequences which
might arise to the public, from such misconduct as have been
falsely imputed to me, that my honour and virtue are of more im
portance to the State than those of other women. That my con
duct therefore may be fitly subjected, when necessary, to a se
verer scrutiny. But, it cannot follow, because my character is
of more importance, that it may therefore be attacked with more
impunity. And as I know, that this mischief has been pending
over my head for more than two years, that private examinations
of my neighbours' servants, and of my own, have, at times,
during that interval, been taken, for the purpose of establishing
charges against me, not indeed by the instrumentality of Sir John
and Lady Douglas alone, but by the sanction, and in. the pre
sence of the Earl of Moira (as your Majesty will perceive by the
deposition of Jonathan Partridge, which I subjoin ; — and, as I
know also, and make appear to your Majesty likewise, by the
same means, that declarations of persons of unquestionable
credit, respecting iny conduct, attesting my innocence, and
directly falsifying a most important circumstance respecting my
supposed pregnancy, mentioned in the declarations, on which
the inquiry was instituted ; as I know, I say, that those declara
tions, so favourable to me, appear to my infinite prejudice,
not to have been communicated to your Majesty, wheu that
inquiry was commanded; and, as I know not how soon, nor how
often, proceedings against me may be meditated by my enemies.

APPENDIX. XV
I take leave to express my humble trust, that, before any
other proceedings may be had against me, (desirable as it may
have been thought, that the inquiry should have been of the na
ture which has, in this instance, been obtained,) your Majesty
would be graciously pleased to require to be advised, whether
my guilt, if I were guilty, could not be as effectually discovered
and punished, and my honour and innocence, if innocent, be more
effectually secured and established by other more known and re
gular modes of proceeding.
Having, therefore, Sire, upon these grave reasons, ventured to
submit, I trust without offence, these considerations upon the
nature of the commission and the proceedings under it, I will
now proceed to observe upon the Report, and the Examinations ;
and, with your Majesty's permission, I will go through the whole
matter, in that course which has been observed by the Report
itself, and which an examination of the important matters that
it contains, in the order in which it states them, will naturally
suggest. The Report, after referring to the Commission or Warrant
under which their Lordships were acting, after stating that they
had proceeded to examine the several witnesses, whose depo
sitions they annexed to their Report, proceeds to state the effect
of the written declarations, which the Commissioners considered
as the essential foundation of the whole proceeding. " That they
were statements which had been laid before his Royal Highness
the Prince of Wales, respecting the conduct of her Royal High
ness the Princess; that these statements not only imputed to
her Royal Highness great impropriety and indecency of beha
viour, but expressly asserted, partly on the ground of certain al
leged declarations from the Princess's own mouth, and partly
on the personal observation of the informants, the followingvmost
important facts ; viz. that her Royal Highness had been pregnant
in the year 1802, in consequence of an illicit intercourse, and
that she had in the same year, been secretly delivered of a male
child ; which child had ever since that period been brought up
by her Royal Highness in her own house, and under her imme
diate inspection. These allegations thus made, had, as the
Commissioners found, been followed by declarations from other
persons, who had not indeed spoken to the important facts of the

XYI APPENDIX.
pregnancy or delivery of her Royal Highness, but had related
other particulars, in themselves extremely suspicious, and still
more so, when connected with the assertions already mentioned.
The Report then states, that, in the painful situation in which his
Royal Highness was placed by these declarations, they learnt
that he had adopted the only course which could, in their judg
ment, with propriety be followed, when informations such as these
had been thus confidently alleged and particularly detailed, and
had in some degree been supported by collateral evidence, ap
plying to other points of the same nature (though going to a far
less extent,) one line could only be pursued."
" Every sentiment of duty to your Majesty, and of concern for
the public welfare, required that these particulars should not be
withheld from your Majesty, to whom more particularly belonged
^he cognizanbe of a matter of state, so nearly touching the honour
of your Majesty's Royal Family, and by possibility affecting the
succession of your Majesty's crown."
The Commissioners, therefore, your Majesty observes, going,
they must permit me to say, a little out of their way, begin their
Report, by expressing a clear and decided opinion, that his Royal
Highness was properly advised (for your Majesty will undoubtedly
conclude, that, upon a subject of this importance, his Royal
Highness could not but have acted but by advice of others,
in referring this complaint to your Majesty, for the purpose of
its undergoing the investigation which has followed, and un
questionably, if the charge, referred to in this Report, as made
by Sir John and Lady Douglas had been presented under circum
stances, in which any reasonable degree of credit could be given
to them, or even if they had not been presented in such a
manner, as to impeach the credit of the informers, and to bear
internal evidence of their incredibility, I should be the last person,
who would be disposed to dispute the wisdom of the advice
which led to make them the subject of the gravest and most
anxious inquiry. And your Majesty, acting upon a mere ab
stract of the declarations, which was all, that, by the recital of
the warrant, appears to have been laid before your Majesty, un
doubtedly could not but direct an inquiry concerning my conduct.
For though I have not been furnished with that abstract, yet I
must presume that it described the criminatory contents of these

APPENDIX. xvii
declarations, much in the sarae manner, as tliey are stated
in the Report. And the criminatory parts of these decla
rations, if viewed without reference to those traces of malice
and resentment, with which the declarations of Sir John and
Lady Douglas abound ; if abstracted from all these circum
stances, which shew the extreme improbability of the story,
the length of time, which my accuser had kept my alleged
guilt concealed, the contradictions observable in the decla
rations of the other witnesses, all which, I submit to your Ma
jesty, are to an extent to cast the greatest discredit upon
the truth of these declarations; — abstracted, I say, from these
circumstances, the criminatory parts of them were unquestionably
such, as to have placed your Majesty under the necessity of
directing some inquiry concerning them. But that those, who
had the opportunity of reading the long and malevolent narration
of Sir John and Lady Douglas, should not have hesitated before
they gave any credit to it, is matter of the greatest astonishment
to me. ' ..
The improbability of the story would of itself, I should havS
imagined (unless they believed me to be as insane as Lady Doug
las insinuates), have been sufficient to have staggered the belief
of any unprejudiced mind. For to believe that story, they were
to begin with believing that a person guilty of so foul a crime, so
highly penal, so fatal to her honour, her station, and her life,
should gratuitously and uselessly have confessed it. Such a per
son under the necessity of concealing her pregnancy, might have
been indispensably obliged to confide her secret with those, to
whom she was to look for assistance in concealing its conse
quences. But Lady Douglas, by her own account, was informed
by me of this fact, for no puipose whatever. She makes me, as
those who read her declarations cannot fail to observe, state to
her, that she should, on no account, be entrusted with any part
of the management by which the birth was to be concealed.'
They were to believe also, that, anxious as I must have been
to have concealed the birth of any such child, I had determined
to bring it up in my own house ; and what would exceed, as
I should imagine, the extent of all human credulity, that I
had determined to suckle it myself: that I had laid my plan.

xvni APPENDIX.
if discovered, to have imposed it upon his Royal Highness as his
child. Nay, they were to believe, that I had stated, and that Lady
Douglas had believed the statement to be true, that I had in fact
attempted to suckle it, and only gave up that part of my
plan, because it made me nervous, and was too much for my
health. And after all this, they were then to believe, that having
made Lady Douglas, thus unnecessarily, the confident, of this
most important and dangerous secret ; having thus put my cha
racter and my life in her hands, I sought an occasion, wantonly,
and without provocation, from the mere fickleness, and wilfulness
of my own mind, to quarrel with her, to insult her openly and
violently in my own house, to endeavour to ruin her reputation ;
to expose her in infamous and indecent drawings enclosed in
letters to her husband. The letters, indeed, are represented to
have been anonymous, but though anonymous they are stated to
have been written with my own hand, so undisguised in penman
ship and style, that every one who had the least acquaintance
with either, could not fail to discover them, and (as if it were
through fear, lest it should not be suffieiently plain from whom
they came) that I had sealed them with a seal, which I had
shortly before used on occasion of writing to her husband. All
this they were to believe upon the declaration of a person, who,
with all that loyalty and attachment which she expresses to your
Majesty, and his Royal Highness the Prince of Wales, with all
her obligation to the whole Royal Family, (to whom she expresses
herself to be bound by ties of respectful regard and attachment
which nothing can ever break;) with all her dread of the mis
chievous consequences to the country, which might arise, from
the disputed succession to the Crown, on the pretensions of an
illegitimate child of mine ; — nevertheless continued, after this sup
posed avowal of my infamy, and my crime, after my supposed
avowal of my infamy and my supposed acknowledgment of the
birth of this child, which was to occasion all this mischief, to pre
serve, for near a twelvemonth her intimacy and apparent friend
ship with me ; nay, for two years more, after that intimacy had
ceased, after that friendship had been broken off by my alleged
misbehaviour to her, continued still faithful to my secret, and
never disclosed it till (as her declaration states it,) "The

APPENDIX. XIX
Princess of Wales recommenced a fresh torrent of outrage
against Sir John ; and Sir John discovered that she was at
tempting to undermine his and Lady Douglas's character.''
Those, then, who had the opportunity of seeing the whole of
tliis narrative, having had their jealousy awakened by these cir
cumstances to the improbability of the story, and to the discredit
of the informers when they came to observe, how maliciously
every circumstance that imagination could suggest, as most cal
culated to make a woman contemptible and odious, was scraped
and heaped up together in this narrative, must surely have had
their eyes opened to the motives of my accusers, and their minds
cautioned against giving too easy a credit to their accusation,
when they found my conversation to be represented as most
loose, and infamous ; my mind unlnstructed and unwilling to
learn ; my language, with regard to your Majesty and the whole
of your Royal Family, foully disrespectful and offensive; and all
my manner and habits of life most disgusting, I should have
flattered myself, that I could not have been, in character, so
wholly unknown to them, but that they must have observed a
spirit, and a colouring at least in this representation, which must
have proved much more against the disposition and character of
the informers, and the quality of their information, than against
the person who was the object of their charge. But when, in
addition to all this, the Declaration states, that 1 had, with
respect to my unfortunate and calamitous separation frora his
Royal Highness, stated that I had acknowledged myself to have
been the aggressor, from the beginning, and myself alone;
and it then further states, that if any other woman had so
played and sported with her husband's comfort and popularity,
she would have been turned out of his house, or left alone
in it, and have deservedly forfeited her place in society ; and fur
ther still, when, alleging that I had once been desirous of pro
curing a. separation from his Royal Highness, and had pressed
former Chancellors to accomplish this purpose, it flippantly adds,
that " The Chancellor may .'now perhaps be able to grant her
request.'' The malicious object of the whole must surely have
been most obvious.
For supposing these facts to have been all true ; supposing
c 2

XX APPENDIX.
this infamous and libellous description of my character, had been
nothing but a correct and faithful representation of my vices and
my infamy, would it not have been natural to have asked why
they were introduced into this Declaration ? What effect could
they have had upon the charge of crime, and of Adultery, which
it was intended to establish '? If it was only, in execution of a
painful duty, which a sense of loyalty to your Majesty, and obe
dience to the commands of the Prince of Wales at length
reluctantly drew from them, why all this malicious accom
paniment ? " His Royal Highness," indeed they say, " de
sired that they would communicate the whole circumstances
of their acquaintance with me, from the day they first spoke
with me till the present time ; a full detail of all that passed
during our acquaintance," and " how they became known to me,
it appearing to his Royal Highness, from the representation
of his Rpyal Highness the Duke of Sussex, that his Majesty's
dearest interests, and those of this country, were very deeply
interested in the question," and " that he particularly com
manded them to be very circumstantial in their detail respect
ing- all they might know relative to the child that I affected
to adopt."
But from the whole of this it is sufficiently apparent, that the
particularity of this detail was required, by his Royal Highness,
in respect of matters connected with that question, in which the
dearest interests of your Majesty and this country were involved;
and not of circumstances which could have no bearing on those
interests. If it had been therefore true, as I most solemnly pro
test it is not, that I had in the confidence of private conversation,
so far forgot all sense of decency, loyalty, and gratitude, as to
have expressed myself with that disrespect of your Majesty which
is imputed to me;— If I had been what I trust those who have
lived with me, or ever have partaken of my society, would not
confirm, of a mind so uninformed and uncultivated, without edu
cation or talents, or without any desire of improving myself, in
capable of employment, of a temper so furious and violent, as
altogether to form a character, which no one could bear to live
with, who had the means of living elsewhere ; — What possible
progress would all this make towards proving that I was guilty of
adultery; These, and such like insinuations, as false as they are

APPENDIX. XXI
malicious, could never have proved crime in me, however mani
festly they might display the malice of my accusers.
Must it not, then, have occurred to any one, who had seen the
whole of this Narrative, if tne motive of my accusers was, as they
represent it, merely that of good patriots, of attached and loyal
subjects, bound, in execution of a painful duty, imposed upon
them by his Royal Highness the Prince of Wales, to disclose, in
detail, all the facts which could establish my guilt, that these
circumstances never would have made a part of their detail ?
But on the other hand, if their object was to traduce me ; — if,
falsely attributing to his Royal Highness, sentiments which could
belong to no generous bosom, but measuring his nature by their
own, they thought, vainly and wickedly, to ingratiate themselves
with him, by being the instruments of accomplishing my ruin; —
if aiming at depriving me of my rank and station, or of driving
me from this country, they determined to bring forward a, charge
of Treason against -me, which, though they knew in their con
sciences it was fsdse, yet they might hope would serve at least as
a cover, and a pretence for such an imputation upon my charac
ter, as rendering my life intolerable in this country, might drive
me to seek a refuge in another; if, the better to effectuate this
purpose, they had represented all my misfortunes as my faults,
and my faults alone, drawn an odious and disgusting picture of
me, to extinguish every sentiment of pity and compassion, which,
in the generosity, not only of your Majesty's royal bosom, and of
the members of your Royal Family, but of all the inhabitants of
your kingdom, might arise to commiserate the situation of an
unfortunate stranger persecuted under a charge originating in
their malice ; — if, for this they flung out, that I had justly for
feited my station in society, aud that a separation from my hus
band was, what I myself had once wished, and what the Chan
cellor might now perhaps procure for me— or, if, in short, their
object was to obtain my condemnation by prejudice, jnflamed by
falsehood, which never could be obtained by justice, informed by
truth, then the whole texture of the declaration is consistent, and
it is well contrived and executed for its purjiose. But it is
strange, that its purpose should have escaped the detection of
intelligent and impartial minds. There was enough at least to
have made them pause before they gave such a degree pf credit

XXU APPENDIX.
to informations of this description, as to have made them the
foundations of so important and decisive a step, as that of advis
ing them to be laid before your Majesty;
And, indeed, such seems to have been the effect which this
declaration at first produced. Because if it had been believed,
the only thing to have been done (according to the judgment of
the Commissioners,) would have been to have laid it immediately
before your Majesty, to whom, upon every principle of duty, the
communication was due. But the declaration was made on the
3rd of December, in the last year, and the communication was
not made to your Majesty till the very eud of May. And that
interval appears to have been eraployed in collecting those other
additional declarations, which are referred to in the Report, and
which your Majesty has likewise been pleased, by your gracious
commands, to have communicated to me.
These additional declarations do not, I submit, appear to furnish
much additional reason for believing the incredible story. They
were taken' indeed — " for the purpose," (for they are so described,
this is the title which is prefixed to them in the authentic copies,
with which I have been furnished,) " for the purpose of confirm
ing the statement made by Lady Douglas of the circumstances
mentioned in her narrative,'' and they are the examinations of
two persons, who appear to have formerly lived in the family of
Sir John and Lady Douglas, and of several servants of my own ;
they are filled with the hearsay details of other servants' declara
tions. And one 'of thera, W. Cole, seems to have been examined
over and over again. No less than four of his examinations are
given, and some of these evidently refer to other examinations of
his, which are not given at all.
These, I submit to your Majesty, are rendered, from this marked
circumstance, particularly undeserving of credit; because, in the
only instance in which the hearsay statement, related to one ser
vant, was followed by the examination of the other, who was stated
to have made it, (I mean an instance in which Cole relates what
he had heard said by F. Lloyd) — F. Lloyd does not appear to have
said any such thing, or even to have heard what she is by him
related to have said, and she relates the fact that she really did
hear, stripped of all the particulars with which Cole had coloured
it, and which alone made it in any degree deserving to be men-

APPENDIX. XXlll
tioned. Besides this, the parents of the child which ik ascribed
to me by Lady Douglas, are plainly pointed out, and a clue is
afforded, by which, if followed, it would have been easy to have
ascertained, that that child was no child of mine, (if indeed it
ever had been seriously believed to be so) and to have proved
whose child it was, before the appointment of the Commissioners,
as it had been found to be afterwards.
So far, therefore, from concurring with the Commissioners jn
approving the advice, under which his Royal Highness had acted,
I conceive, it to have been at least cruel and inconsiderate, to
have advised the transmission of such a charge to your Majesty,
till they had exhausted all the means which private inquiry could
have afforded, to ascertain its falsehood or its truth.
And when it appears that it was not thought necessary, upon
the first statement of it, as the Commissioners seem to have ima
gined, forthwith to transmit to your Majesty ; but it was retained
for near six months, from the beginning of December till near
the end of May ; what is due to myself obliges me to state, that
if there had but been in that interval, half the industry employed,
to remove suspicious, which was exerted to raise them, there
would never have existed a necessity for troubling your Majesty
with this charge at all. I beg to be understood as imputing this
solely to the advice given to his Royal Highness. He must, of
necessity, have left the detail and the determination upon this
business to others. And it is evident to me, frora what I now
know, that his Royal Highness was not fairly dealt with ; that
material information was obtained, to disprove part of the case
against me, which, not appearing in the declarations that were
transmitted to your Majesty, I conclude was never communi
cated to his Royal Highness.
Feeling, Sire, strongly, that I have much to complain of, that
this foul charge should have been so readily credited to my great
prejudice, as to have occasioned that advice to be given which re
commended the transmission of it to your Majesty, (who, once
formally in possession of it, could not fail to subject it to some
inquiry,) I have dwelt perhaps, at a tedious length, in disputing
the propriety of the Commissioners' judgement, in thus approv
ing the course which was pursued. And, looking to the event,
and all the circumstances connected with it, perhaps I have rea-

XXIV APPENDIX.
son to rejoice that the Inquiry has taken place. For if three
years' concealment of my supposed crime) could not impeach the
credit of my accusers, three times that period might perhaps be
thought to have left that credit, still unimpaired. And, had
the false charge been delayed till death had taken away the real
parents of the child, which Lady Douglas charges to be mine ;
if time had deprived me of those servants and attendants, who
have been able so fully to disprove the fact of my alleged preg
nancy, I know not where I could have found the means of dis
proving facts and charges, so falsely, so confidently, and posi
tively, sworn to, as those to which Lady Douglas has attested.
Following, as I proposed, the course taken in the Report, I
next come to that part of it, to which unquestionably I must
recur with the greatest satisfaction ; because it is that part,
which so completely absolves me of every possible suspicion,
upon the two material charges of pregnancy and child-birth.
The Commissioners state in their Report, that they began
by examining " on oath the two principal informants. Sir
John and Lady Douglas, who both positively swore, the for
mer to his having observed the fact of pregnancy, and the
latter to all the important particulars contained in her former
declaration, and above referred to. — Their examinations are
annexed to the Report, and are circumstantial and positive.
The most material of " the allegations, into the truth of which
they had been directed to inquire, being thus far supported
by the oath of the parties from whom they had proceeded,"
they state, "that they felt it their duty to follow up the In
quiry by the exarpination of such other persons as they judged
best able to afford them information, as to the facts in ques
tion." " We thought it,'' they say, " beyond all doubt, that
in this course of Inquiry many particulars must be learnt which
would be necessarily conclusive on the truth or falsehood of
these declarations."
So many persons must have been witnesses to the appearance
of an actual existing pregnancy, so many circumstances must
have been attendant upon a real delivery, and difficulties so
numerous and insurmountable must have been involved in any
attempt to account for the infant in question, as the child of
another woman, if it had been in fact the child of the Princess ;

APPENDIX. XXV
that we entertained a full and confident expectation of aniving
at complete proof, either in the athrmative, or negative on this
part of the subject." " This expectation," they proceeded to
state, "was not disappointed." "We are happy to declare to
your Majesty, our perfect conviction that there is no foundation
whatever for believing that the child now with the Princess is
the child of her Royal Highness, or that she was delivered of
any child in the year 1802 : nor has any thing appeared to us
which would warrant the belief that she was pregnant in that
year, or at any other period within the compass of our inquiries."
They then proceed to refer to the circumstantial evidence, by
which they state that it was proved that the child was, beyond
all doubt, born in Brownlow-street Hospital, on the llth of
July, 180'2, of the body of Sophia Austin, and brought to my
house in November following. " Neither should we," they add,
" be more warranted in expressing any doubt that the alleged
pregnancy of the Princess, as stated in the original declarations;
a fact so fully contradicted, and by so many witnesses, to whom,
if true, it must, in various ways, have been known, that we
cannot think it entitled to the smallest credit." Then, after
stating that they have annexed the depositions from which they
have collected these opinions, they add — '* We humbly offer
to your Majesty our clear and unanimous judgement upon them,
formed on full deliberation, and pronounced without hesitation,
on the result of the whole Inquiry."
These two most important facts, therefore, which are charged
against me, being so fully, and so satisfactorily disposed of, by
the unanimous and clear judgment of the Commissioners-;
being so fully and completely disproved by the evidence which
the Commissioners collected, I might, perhaps, in your Majesty's
judgment appear well justified, in passing them by without any
observation of mine. But though the observations which I shall
make shall be very few, yet I cannot forbear just dwelling upon
this part of the case, for a few minutes ; because, if I do not
much deceive myself, upon every principle which can govern
the human mind, in the investigation of the truth of any
charge, the' fate of this part of the accusation raust have de
cisive weight upon the determination of the remainder. I there
fore must beg to remark, that Sir John Douglas swears to my

xxvi APPENDIX.
having appeared, some time after our acquaintance had com
menced, to be with child; and that one day I leaned on the
sofa, and put my hand on my stomach, and said, " Sir John,
I shall never be Queen of England ; " and he said, " not if you
don't deserve," and I seemed angry at first."
This conversation, I apprehend, if it has the least relation to
the subject on which Sir John was examined, must be given for
the purpose of insinuating that I made an allusion to my
pregnancy, as if there was a sort of understanding between him
and me upon the subject, and that he made me angry, by an
expression which implied, that what I alluded to would forfeit
my right to be Queen of England. — If this is not the meaning
which Sir John intends to be annexed to the conversation, 1 am
perfectly at a loss to conceive what he can intend to convey.
Whether at any time, when I may have felt myself unwell, I
may have used the expression, which he here imputes to me, my
memory will not enable me, with the least degree of certainty to
state. The words themselves seem to me to be perfectly inno
cent ; and the action of laying my hand upon my breast, if occa
sioned by any sense of internal pain at the moment, neither un
natural, nor, as it appears to me, in any way censurable. But
that I could have used these words, intending to convey to Sir
John Douglas that meaning, which I suppose him to insinuate,
surpasses all human credulity to believe. I could not, how
ever, forbear to notice this passage in Sir John's examination,
because it must serve to demonstrate to your Majesty, how
¦words, in themselves most innocent, are endeavoured to be tor
tured, by being brought into the context with his opinion of my
pregnancy, to convey a meaning most contrary to that, which I
could by possibility have intended to convey, but which it was
necessary that he should impute to me, to give the better colour
to this false accusation.
As to Sir John Douglas, however, when he swears to the
appearances of my pregnancy, he possibly might be only mis
taken. Not that mistake will excuse or diminish the guilt of so
scandalous a falsehood upon oath. But for Lady Douglas there
cannot be even such an excuse. Independent of all those ex
travagant confessions which she falsely represents me to have
made, she states, upon her own observation and knowledge,, that

APPENDIX. XXVII
I was pregnant in the year 180^. Now, in the habits of inter
course and intimacy, with which I certainly did live with her,
at that time, she could not be mistaken as to that fact. It is im
possible, therefore, that in swearing positively to that fact,
which is so positively disproved, she can fail to appear to your
Majesty to be wilfully and deliberately forsworn.
As to the conversations which she asserts to have passed
between us, I am well aware, that those, who prefer her word
to mine, will not be satisfied to disbelieve her upon my bare
denial ; nor, perhaps, upon the improbability and extravagance
of the supposed conversations themselves. But as to the facts
of pregnancy and delivery, which are proved to be false, in the
words of the Report, " by so many witnesses, to whom, if true,
they must in various ways have been known," no person living
can doubt that the crime of adultery and treason, as proved by
those facts, has been attempted to be fixed upon me, by the
deliberate and wilful falsehood of this my most forward accuser.
And when it is once established, as it is, that my pregnancy and
delivery are all Sir John and Lady Douglas's invention, I should
imagine that my confessions of a pregnancy which never existed ;
my confession of a delivery which never took place ; my con
fession of having suckled a child which I never bore, will hardly
be believed upon the credit of her testimony. The credit of
Lady Douglas, therefore, being thus destroyed, I trust your
Majesty will think that I ought to scorn to answer to any thing
which her examination may contain, except so far as there
may appear to be any additional and concurrent evidence to
support it.
This brings me to the remaining part of the Report, which I
read, I do assure your Majesty, with a degree of astonishment
and surprise, that I know not how to express. How the Com
missioners could, upon such evidence, from such witnesses, upon
such an information, and in such an ex parte proceeding, before
I had had the possibility of being heard, not only suffer tjiera-
selves to form such an opinion, but to report it to your Majesty,
with all the weight and authority of their great names, I am
perfectly at a loss to conceive. Their great official and judicial
occupations, no doubt, prevented that full attention to the sub
ject which it required. But I am not, surely without just

XXVIU APPENDIX.
grounds of complaint, if they proceeded to pronounce an opinion
upon my character, without all that consideration and attention,
which the importance of it to the peace of your Majesty's mind,
to the honour of your Royal Family, and the reputation of the
Princess of Wales, seem, indispensably to have demanded.
In the part of the Report already referred to, the particulars
of the charge, exclusive of those two important facts, which
have been so satisfactorily disposed of, are, as I have already
observed, variously described by the Commissioners ; as "mat
ters of great impropriety and indecency of behaviour;'' as
" other particulars in themselves extremely suspicious, and still
more so, when connected with the assertions already mentioned ;"
and as " points of the sarae nature, though going to a much
less extent." But they do not become the subject of particular
attention in the Report, till after the Commissioners had con
cluded that part of it, in which they give so decisive an
opinion against the truth of fhe charge upon two material
facts. They then proceed to state, " That they cannot close
their Report there,'' much as they could wish it ; that be
sides the allegations of the pregnancy and delivery of the
Princess, those declarations on the whole of which your Majesty
had required their Inquiry and Report, contain other particulars
respecting the conduct of Her Royal Highness, sueh as must,
especially considering her exalted rank and station, necessarily
give occasion to very unfavourable interpretations. That from
various depositions and proofs annexed to their Report, par
ticularly from the examination of Robert Bidgood, W. Cole,
F. Lloyd, and Mrs, Lisle, several strong circumstances of this
description, have been positively sworn to, by witnesses, who
cannot in the judgment of the Commissioners, be suspected of
any unfavourable bias, and whose veracity in this respect,
they had seen no ground to question." They then state that
" on the precise bearing and effect of the facts, thus appearing,
it is not for them to decide, these they submit to your Majesty's
wisdom. But they conceive it to be their duty to report on this
part of the Inquiry, as distinctly as on the former facts ; that as,
on the one hand, the facts of pregnancy and delivery are, in their
minds, satisfactorily disproved, so on the other hand they think
that the circumstances to which they now refer, particularly

APPENDIX. XXIX
those stated to have passed between Her Royal Highness and
Captain Manby, must be credited until they shall reeei.cc some
decisive contradiction, aud ij true arc justly entitled to the most
serious consider at io7i."
Your Majesty will not fail to observe that the Commissioners
have entered into the examination of this part of the case, and
have reported upon it, not merely as evidence in confirmation
of the charges of pregnancy and delivery, which they have com
pletely negatived and disposed of, but as containing substantive
matters of charge, in itself. — That they consider it indeed as
relating to points " of the same nature, but going to a much
less extent," not therefore as constituting actual crime, but as
amounting to " improprieties and indecencies of behaviour, ag
gravated by the exalted rank which I hold," as " occasioning un
favourable interpretations,'' aiid as " entitled to the most serious
consideration." And when they also state that it is not for them
to decide on their precise bearing and effect, I think I am justi
fied in concluding that they could not class them under any
known head of crime ; as, in that case, upon their bearing and
effect they would have been fully competent to have pronounced.
I have, to a degree, already stated to your Majesty, the un
precedented hardships to which I conceive myself to have been
exposed, by this ex parte inquiry into the decorum of my private
conduct. I have already stated the prejudice done to my
character, by this recorded censure, frora which I can have no
appeal : and I press these considerations no further upon your
Majesty, at present, than to point out in passing this part of
the Report, the just foundations which it affords me for making
the complaint.
Your Majesty will also, I am persuaded, not fail to remark
the strange obscurity and reserve, the mysterious darkness, with
which the Report here ^expresses itself ; and every one must feel
how this aggravates the severity and cruelty of the censure, by
rendering it impossible distinctly and specifically to meet it.
The Commissioners state indeed that some things are proved
against me, which must be credited till they shall receive a de
cisive contradiction, but what those things are they do not state.
They are " particulars and circumstances, which, especially con-
" sidering my exalted rank, must give occasion to the most un-

XXX APPENDIX.
" favourable interpretations. There are several strong circum-
" stances of this description," " they are, if true, justly deserving
" of the most serious consideration," and they " must be credited
" till decidedly contradicted." But what are these circum
stances ? What are these deeds without a name ? Was there
ever a charge so framed ? Was ever any one put to answer
any charge, and decidedly to contradict it, or submit to have it
credited against him, which was conceived in such terms without
the means of ascertaining what these things are, except as con
jecture may enable me to surmise, to what parts of the examina
tions oS the four witnesses on whom they particularly rely, they
attach the importance and the weight which seem to them to
justify these dark and ambiguous censures on my conduct?
But such as they are, and whatever they may be, they must,
your Majesty is told, be crediteft, unless they are decidedly
contradicted. Circumstances, respecting Captain Manby, indeed, are par
ticularized ; but, referring to the depositions which apply to him,
they contain much matter of opinion, of hearsay, of suspicion.
Are these hearsays, are these opinions, are these suspicions, and
conjectures, of these witnesses, to be believed against rae, unless
decidedly contradicted ? How can I decidedly contradict
another person's opinion ? I may reason against its justice, but
how can 1 contradict it ? Or how can I decidedly contradict
any thing which is not precisely specified, nor distinctly known
to me?
Your Majesty will also observe that the Report states, that it
is not for the Commissioners to decide upon the bearing and
effect of these facts ; these are left for your Majesty's decision.
But they add, that, if true, they are justly entitled to the most
serious consideration. I cannot. Sire, but collect from these pas
sages an intimation, that some further proceedings may be medi
tated. And, perhaps, if I acted with perfect prudence, seeing
how much reason I have to fear from the fabrications of false
hood, I ought to have waited till I knew what course, civil or
criminal, your Majesty might be advised to pursue, before I
offered any observations or answer. To this alternative, how
ever, I am driven. I must either remain silent, and reserve my
defence, leaving the imputation to operate most injuriously and

APPENDIX. xxxi
fatally to my character, or I must, by entering into a defence
against so extended a charge, expose myself with much oreater
hazard to any future attacks. But the fear of possible dano-er,
to arise from the perverted interpretation of my answer, cannot
induce me to acquiesce under the certain mischief of the un
just censure and judgment which stands against me, as it were,
recorded in this Report. I shall, therefore, at whatever hazard,
proceed to submit to your Majesty, in whose justice I have
the most satisfactory reliance, my answer and my observation
upon this part of the case.
And here. Sire, I cannot forbear again presuming to state to
your Majesty, that it is not a little hard, that the Comraissioners
(who state in the beginning of their Report, that certain parti
culars, in themselves extremely suspicious, were, in the
judgment which they had formed upon them, before they en
tered into the particulars of the Inquiry, rendered still more
suspicious from being connected with the assertion of pregnancy
aiid delivery,) should have made no observation upon the de
gree in which that suspicion must be proportionably abated,
when those assertions of pregnancy and delivery have been
completely falsified and disproved; that they should make
no remark upon the fact, that all the witnesses, (with.
the exception of Mrs. Lisle,) on whom they specifi
cally rely, were, every one of thera, brought forward by
the principal inforraers, for the purpose of supporting the
false statement of Lady Douglas ; that they are the witnesses
therefore of persons, whom, after the complete falsification of
their charge, I am justified in describing as conspirators, who
have been detected in supporting their conspiracy by their
own perjury. And, surely, where a conspiracy, to fix a charge
upon an individual, has been plainly detected, the witnesses of
those who have been so detected in that conspiracy, — witnesses
that are brought forward to support this false charge, — cannot
stand otherwise than considerably affected in their credit, by
their connection with those who are detected in that conspiracy.
But, instead of pointing out this circumstance, as calling, at
least, for some degree of caution and reserve, in considering
the testiraony of these witnesses, the Report, on the contrary,
holds them up as worthy of particular credit as witnesses, who.

XXXn APPENDIX.
in the judgment of the Commissioners, cannot be suspected of
unfavourable bias ; whose veracity, in that respect, they have
seen no ground to question; and, who must be credited till
they receive some decided contradiction.
Now, Sire, I feel the fullest confidence that I shall prove
to Your Majesty's most perfect satisfaction, that of all these
witnesses (of course, I still exclude Mrs. Lisle) are under the
influence, and exhibit the symptoms of the raost unfavourable
bias; — that their veracity is, in every respect, to be doubted; —
and that, they cannot, by any candid and attentive raind, be
deemed worthy of the least degree of credit. Upon this charge,
your Majesty will easily conceive, how great my surprise and
astonishment must have been at this part of the Report. I am,
indeed, a little at a loss to know whether I understand the
passage which I have cited from the Report: — " The witnesses
" in the judgment of the Commissioners, are not to be suspected
" of unfavourable bias, and their veracity, in that respect, they
" have seen no reason to question." What is meant by their
having seen no reason to suspect their veracity in that respect ?
Do they mean, what the qualification seems to imply, that they
have seen reason to question it in other respects ? Is it meant to
be insinuated that they saw reason to question their veracity,
not in respect of an unfavourable bias, but of a bias in my
favour? I cannot impute to them such an insinuation, because
I am satisfied that the Commissioners would never have intended
to insinuate any thing so directly contrary to the truth.
The witnesses specifically pointed out, as thus particularly de
serving of credit, are W. Cole, R. Bidgood, F. Lloyd, and Mrs.
Lisle. With respect to Mrs. Lisle, I trust your Majesty will per
mit me to make my observations upon her examination, as dis
tinctly and separately as I possibly can, from the others. Because,
as I ever had, and have now as much as ever, the most perfect
respect for Mrs. Lisle, I would avoid the possibihty of having it
imagined that such observations as I shall be under the abso
lute necessity of making upon the other witnesses could be
intended, in any degiee, to be applied to her.
With respect to Cole, Bidgood, and Lloyd, they have all lived
in their places, for a long time ; they had lived with his Royal
Highness the Prince of Wales before he married, and were ap-

APPENDIX. xxxiii
pointed by him to situations about me; Cole and Lloyd immedi
ately upon ray marriage, and Bidgood very shortly afterwards.
I know not whether from this circumstance they may consider
themselves as not owing that undivided duty and regard to me,
which servants of my own appointment might possibly have felt;
but, if I knew nothing more of them than that they had consented
to be voluntarily examined, for the purpose of supporting the
statement of Lady Douglas on a charge so deeply affecting my
honour, without communicating to me the fact of such examina
tion, your Majesty would not, I am sure, be surprised to find
that I saw, in that circumstance alone, sufficient to raise some
suspicions of an unfavourable bias. But, when I find Cole, par
ticularly, submitting to this secret and voluntary examination
against me, no less than four times, and when I found, during
the pendency of this Inquiry before the Commissioners, that one
of them, R. Bidgood, was so far connected and in league with
Sir John and Lady Douglas, as to have communication with the
latter, I thought I saw the proof of such decided hostility and
confederacy against me, that I felt obliged to order the disconti
nuance of his attendance at ray house till further orders. Of
the real bias of their rainds, however, with respect to me, your
Majesty will be better able to judge from the consideration of
their evidence.
The imputations which I collect to be considered as cast upon
me, by these several witnesses, are, too great familiarity and in
timacy with several gentlemen. Sir Sidney Smith, Mr. Lawrence,
Captain Manby; and I know not whether the same are not
meant to be extended to Lord Hood, Mr. Chester, and Captain
Moore. With your Majesty's permission, therefore, I will examine
the depositions of the witnesses, as they respect these several
gentlemen, in their order, keeping the evidence, which is ap
plicable to each case, as distinct from the others as I can.
And I will begin with those which respect Sir Sidney Smith,
as he is the person first mentioned in the deposition of W. Cole.
W. Cole says, " that Sir Sidney Smith first visited at
Montague House in 1802; that he observed that the Prin.
cess was too familiar with Sir Sidney Smith. One day, he
thinks in February, he (Cole) carried into the Blue Room, to
D

XXXIV APPENDIX.
the Princess, some sandwiches which she had ordered, and was
surprised to see that Sir Sidney was there. He must have corae
in from the Park. If he had been let in from Blackheath, he
must have passed through the room in which he (Cole) was
waiting. When he had left the sandwiches, he returned, after
some time, into the room, and Sir Sidney Smith was sitting very
close to the Princess on the sofa. He (Cole) looked at her
Royal Highness ; she caught his eye, and saw that he noticed
the manner in which they were sitting together ; they appeared
both a little confused.
R. Bidgood says also, in his deposition, on the 6th of
June, (for he was examined twice) " that it was early in 1802
that he first observed Sir Sidney Smith come to Montague
House. He used to stay very late at night; he had seen
him early in the morning there, about ten or eleven o'clock.
He was at Sir John Douglas's, and was in the habit, as well as
Sir John and Lady Douglas, of dining or having luncheon, or
supping there every day. He saw Sir Sidney Smith, one day in
1802, in the Blue Room, about eleven o'clock in the morning,
which was full two hours before they expected ever to see com
pany. He asked the servants why they did not let him know
Sir Sidney Smith was there: the footmen told him that they had
let no person in. There was a private door to the Park, by which
he might have come in if he had a key to it, and have got into
the Blue Room without any of the servants perceiving him. And
in his second deposition, taken on the 3rd of July, he says he
lived at Montague House when Sir Sidney came. Her (the
Princess's) manner with him appeared very familiar ; she ap
peared attentive to him, but he did not suspect any thing further.
Mrs. Lisle says that the Princess at one time appeared to hke
Sir John and Lady Douglas. " I have seen Sir Sidney Smith
there very late in the evening, but not alone with the Princess.
I have no reason to suspect he had a key of the Park-gate : I
never heard of any body being found wandering about at
Blackheath." Fanny Lloyd does not mention Sir Sidney Smith in her
deposition. Upon the whole of this evidence, then, which is the whole that
respects Sir Sidney Smith, in ahy of these depositions (except

APPENDIX. xxxv
some particular passages in Cole's evidence, which arc so im
portant as to require very particular and distinct statement) I
would request your Majesty to understand that, with respect to
the fact of Sir Sidney Smith's visiting frequently at Montague
House, both with Sir John and Lady Douglas, and without them ;
with respect to his being frequently there, at luncheon, dinner
and supper; and staying with the rest of the company till twelve,
and one o'clock, or even sometimes later, if these are some of the
facts "which must give occasion to unfavourable interpretations,
" and must be credited till they are contradicted ; they are
facts, which I never can contradict, for they are perfectly tme.
And I trust it will imply the confession of no guilt, to admit that
Sir Sidney Smith's conversation, his account of the various and
extraordinary events, and heroic achievements, in which he had
been concerned, amused and interested me; and the circum
stance of his living so much with his friends. Sir John and Lady
Douglas, in my neighbourhood on Blackheath, gave the oppor
tunity of his increasing his acquamtance with me.
It happened, also, that about this time I fitted up, as your
Majesty may have observed, one of the rooms in my house after
the fashion of a Turkish tent. Sir Sidney furnished me with a
pattern for it, in a drawing of the tent of Murat Bey, which he
had brought over with him from Egypt. And he taught me
how to draw Egyptian Arabesques, which were necessary for the
ornaments of the cieling ; this may have occasioned, while that
room was fitting up, several visits, and possibly some, though I
do not recollect them, as early in fhe morning as Mr. Bidgood
mentions. I believe, also, that it has happened more than once,
that, walking with my ladies in the Park, we have met Sir Sidney
Smith, and that he has come in with us, through the gate from
the Park. My ladies may have gone up to take off their cloaks,
or to dress, and have left me alone with hira : and, at some one
of these times, it may very possibly have happened that Mr.
Cole and Mr. Bidgood may have seen him, when he has not
come through the waiting-room, nor been let in by any of the
footmen. But, I solemnly declare to your Majesty, that I have
not the least idea or belief that he ever had a key of the gate
into the Park, or that he ever entered in or passed out at that
gate, except in company with myself and my ladies. As for the
D 2

XXXVI APPENDIX.
circumstance of my permitting him to be in the room alone with
me, if suffering a raan to be so alone is evidence of guilt, from
whence the Commissioners can draw any unfavourable inference,
I must leave them to draw it. For I cannot deny that it has
happened, and happened frequently; not only with Sir Sidney
Smith but with many, many others ; gentlemen who have visited
me ; tradesmen who have corae to receive my orders ; masters
whom I have had to instruct me, in painting, in music, in
English, &c. that I have received them without any one being
by. In short, I trust I am not confessing a crime, for unquestion
ably, it is a truth, that I never had aii idea that there was any
thing wrong, or objectionable, in thus seeing men in the morning;
and I confidently believe your Majesty will see nothing in it from
which any guilt can be inferred. 'I feel certain that there is
nothing immoral in the thing itself; and I have always under
stood, that it was perfectly customary and usual for ladies of the
first rank, and the first character, in the country, to receive the
visits of the gentlemen in the morning, though they might be
themselves alone at the time. But if, in the opinions and
fashions of this country, there should be more impropriety
ascribed to it than what it ever entered into my mind to con
ceive, I hope your Majesty, and every candid mind, will make
allowance for the different notions which my foreign education
and foreign habits may have given me.
But whatever character may belong to this practice, it is not a
practice which commenced after my leaving Carlton-House.
While there, and from my first arrival in this country, I was
accustomed, with the knowledge of His Royal Highness the
Prince of Wales, and without his ever having hinted to me the
slightest disapprobation, to receive lessons from various masters
for ray arauseraent and improvement ; I was attended by thera,
frequently from twelve o'clock till five in the afternoon ; — Mr.
Atwood for music, Mr. Geffadiere for English, Mr. Tourfronelli
for painting, Mr. Tutoye for imitating marble, Mr. Elwes for
the harp. I saw them all alone ; and, indeed, if I were to see
them at all, I could do no otherwise than see them alone. Miss
Garth, who was then sub-governess to my daughter, lived, cer
tainly, under the same roof with me, but she could not be sparM
from her duty and attendance on my daughter. I desired her

APPENDIX. XXXVll
sometimes to come down stairs, and read to me, during the time
when I drew or painted, but my Lord Cholmondely informed me
this could not be. I then requested that I might have one of my
bed-chamber women to live constantly at Carlton-House, that I
might have her at call whenever I wanted her; but I was
answered that it was not customary that the attendants of the
Royal Family should live with them in town ; so that request
could -not be complied with. But, independent of this, I never
conceived that it was offensive to the fashions and manners of
the country to receive gentlemen who might call upon me in
the morning, whether I had or had not any one with me ; and
it never occurred to me to think that there was either impro
priety or indecorum in it, at that time, nor in continuing the
practice at Montague House. But this has been confined to
morning visits, in no private apartments in my house, but in my
drawing-room, where my ladies have at all times free access ;
and as they usually take their luncheon with me, except when
they are engaged with visitors, or pursuits of their own, it could
but rarely occur that I could be left with any gentlemen alone for
any length of time, unless there were something, in the known
and avowed business, which might occasion his waiting upon me,
that would fully account for the circumstance.
I trust your Majesty •will excuse the length at which I have
dwelt upon this topic. I perceive, from the examinations, that
it had been much inquired after, and I felt it necessary to repre
sent it in its true light. And the candour of your Majesty's
mind will, I am confident, suggest, that those who are the least
conscious of intending guilt are the least suspicious of having it
imputed to them ; and, therefore, that they do not think it neces
sary to guard themselves, at every turn, with witnesses to prove
their innocence, fancying their character to be safe as long as
their conduct is innocent, and that guilt will not be imputed to '
them frora actions quite indifferent.
The deposition, however, of Mr. Cole is not confined to my
being alone with Sir Sidney Smith. , The circumstances in which
he observed us together he particularizes, and states his opinion.
He introduces, indeed, the whole of the evidence, by saying that
I was too familiar with Sir Sidney Smith ; but, as I trust I am
not yet so far degraded as to have my character decided by the
D 3

XXXVUl APPENDIX.
opinion of Mr. Cole, I shall not comment upon that observation,
He then proceeds to describe the scene which he observed on the
day when he brought in the sandwiches, which, I trust your
Majesty did not fail to notice, I had myself ordered to be brought
in. For, there is an obvious insinuation that Sir Sidney must
have come in through the Park, and that there was great impro
priety in his being alone with me. And at least the witness's
own story proves, whatever impropriety there might be 'ta this
circumstance, that I was not conscious of it, nor meant to take
advantake of his clandestine entry from the Park to conceal the
fact from my servants' observation. For if I had had such con-
sciousness, or such meaning, I never could have ordered sand
wiches to have been brought in, or any other act to have been
done, which must have brought myself under the notice of my
servants, while I continued in a situation which I thought im
proper and wished to conceal. Any of the circumstances of
this visit, to which this part of the deposition refers, my memory
does not enable me in the least degree to particularize and recal.
Mr. Cole may have seen me sitting on the same sofa vnth Sir
Sidney Smith. Nay, I have no doubt he must have seen me,
over and over again, not only with Sir Sidney Smith, but with
other gentlemen, sitting upon the same sofa; and I trust your
Majesty will feel it the hardest thing imaginable, that I should
be called upon to account what corner of a sofa I sat upon four
years ago, and how close Sir Sidney Smith was sitting to me. I
can only solemnly aver to your Majesty, that my conscience sup
plies me with the fullest means of confidently assuring you, that
I never permitted Sir Sidney Smith to sit on any sofa with rae in
any raanner, which, in ray own judgraent was in the slightest
degree offensive to the strictest propriety and decorura. In the
judgment of many persons, perhaps, a Princess of Wales should
at no time forget the elevation of her rank, or descend in any
degree to the familiarities and intimacies of private life. Under
any, circumstances, this would be a hard condition to be annexed
to her situation. Under the*circumstances, in which it has been
my misfortune to have lost the necessary support to the dignity
and station of a Princess of Wales, to have assumed and main
tained an unbending dignity would have been impossible; and,
if possible, could hardly have been expected from me.

APPENDIX. XXXlX
After these observations, Sire, I must now request your Ma
jesty's attention to those written declarations which are mentioned
in the Report, and which I shall never be able sufliciently to
thank your Majesty for having condescended, in compliance with
my earnest request, to order to be transmitted to me. From
observations upon those declarations themselves, as well as upon
comparing them with the depositions made before the Commis
sioners, your Majesty will see the strongest reason for discredit
ing the testimony of W. Cole, as well as others of these witnesses
whose credit stands in the opinion of the Coraraissioners so unim
peachable. They supply important observations, even with re
spect to that part of Mr. Cole's evidence which I am now con
sidering, though in no degree equal in importance to those which
I shall afterwards have occasion to notice.
Your Majesty will please to observe, that there are no less
than four different examinations, or declarations, of Mr. Cole.
They are dated on the llth, 14th, and 30th of January, and on
23rd of February. In these four different declarations he twice
mentions the circumstance of finding Sir Sidney Smith and my
self on the sofa ; and he mentions it not only in a different man
ner, at each of those times, but at both of them in a manner
which materially differs from his deposition before the Commis
sioners. In' his declaration on the llth of January, he says,
he found us in so familiar a posture as to alarm him very
much, which he expressed by a start back and a look at the
gentleman. In that dated the 23rd of February, however, (being asked, I
suppose, as to that which he had dared to assert, of the familiar
posture which had alarmed him so much,) he says, " there was
" nothing particular in our dress, position of legs, or arms, that
" was extraordinary ; he thought it improper that a single
" gentleman should be sitting quite close to a married lady on
" the sofa, and from that situation and former observations h&
" thought the thing improper.'' In this second account, there
fore, your Majesty perceives he was obliged to bring in his
former observation to help out the statement, in order to account
for his having been so shocked with what he saw, as to express
his alarm by " starting back." But, unfortunately, he accounts
for it, as it seems to me at least, by the very circumstance

xl APPENDIX.
which would have induced him to have been less surprised, and,
consequently, less startled by what he saw ; for, had his forraer
observations been such as he insinuates, he would have been pre
pared the more to expect, and the less to be surprised at, what
he pretends to have seen.
But your Majesty will observe, that in his deposition before
the Commissioners, (recollecting perhaps how awkwardly he had
accounted for his starting in his former declaration,) he drops
his starting altogether. Instead of looking at the gentleman
only, he looked at us both ; that I caught his eye, and saw that
he noticed the manner in which we were sitting, and instead of
his own starting, or any description of the manner in which he
exhibited his own feelings, we are represented as both appearing
a little confused. Our confusion is a circumstance, which
during his four declarations, which he made before the ap
pointment of the Commissioners, it never once occurred to him
to recollect. And now he does recollect it, we appeared, he
says, " a little confused." — A little confused ! — The Princess of
Wales detected in a situation such as to shock and alarm her
servant, and so detected as to be sensible of her detection, and
so conscious of the impropriety of the situation as to exhibit
symptons of confusion! Would not her confusion have been
extreme? Would it have been so little as to have slipped the
memory of the witness who observed it, during his first four
declarations, and at last to be recalled to his recollection in
such a manner as to be represented in the faint and feeble way
in which he here describes it?
^ What weight your Majesty will ascribe to these differences in
the accounts given by this witness, I cannot pretend to say. But
I am ready to confess that, probably, if there was nothing
stronger of the sarae kind to be observed, in other parts of his
testiraony, the inference which would be drawn from them would
depend very rauch upon the opinion previously entertained of the
witness. To me, who know many parts of his testimony to be
absolutely false, and all the colouring given to it to be wholly
frora his own wicked and raalicious invention, it appears plain,
that these differences in his representations are the unsteady,
awkward, shuffles and prevarications of falsehood. To those,
if theie are any such, who from preconceived prejudices in his

APPENDIX. Xli
favour, or from any other circumstances, think that his veracity
is free from all suspicion, satisfactory means of reconciling them
may possibly occur. But before. 1 have left Mr. Cole's examina
tions, your Majesty will find that they will have much more to
account for, and much more to reconcile.
Mr. Cole's examination before the Comraissioners goes on
thus: — " A short tirae before this, one night about twelve
" o'clock, I saw a man go into the house from the Park, wrapt
" up in a great coat. I did not give any alarm, for the impres-
" sion on my mind was, that it was not a thief." When I read
this passage. Sire, I could hardly believe my eyes, when I found
such a fact left in this dark state, without any further explanation,
or without a trace in the examination of any attempt to get it
further explained. How he got this impression on his mind,
that this was not a thief? Whom he believed it to be ? What
part of the house he saw him enter ? If the drawing-room,
or any part which I usually occupy, who was there at the time ?
Whether I was there ? Whether alone, or with my Ladies ? or
with other company ? Whether he told any body of the circum
stance at the time ? or how long after ? Whom he told? Whether
any inquiries were made in consequence? These, and a thousand
other questions, with a view to have penetrated into the mystery
of this strange story, and to have tried the credit of this witness,
would, I should have thought, have occurred to any one : but
certainly must have occurred to persons so experienced, and so
able in the examination of facts, and the trying of the credit of
witnesses, as the two learned Lords unquestionably are, whom
your Majesty took care to have introduced into this Commis
sion. They never could have permitted these unexplained and
unsifted hints and insinuations to have had the weight and effect
of proof. — But, unfortunately for me, the duties, probably, of
their respective situations prevented their attendance on the ex
amination of this, and on th#first examination of another most
important witness, Mr. Robert Bidgood — and surely your Majesty
¦will permit me here, without offence, to complain, that it is not a
little hard, that, when your Majesty had shewn your anxiety to
have legal accuracy and legal experience assist on this examina
tion, the two most important witnesses, in whose examinations
there is more matter for unfavourable interpretation than in all

xiii APPENDIX.
the rest put together, should have been examined without the
benefit of this accuracy and this experience. And I am the
better justified in making this observation, if what has been sug
gested to me is correct; that, if it shall not be allowed that the
power of administering an oath under this warrant or commission
is questionable, yet it can hardly be doubted, that it is most
questionable whether, according to the terms or meaning of the
warrant or comraission, as it constitutes no quorum, Lord Spencer
and Lord Grenville could administer an oath, or act in the ab
sence of the other Lords; and, if they could not, Mr. Cole's
falsehood must be out of the reach of punishment.
Returning, then, from this digression, will your Majesty per
mit me to ask, whether I am to understand this fact, respecting
the man in a great coat, to be one of those which must necessa
rily give occasion to the most unfavourable interpretations ? which
must be credited till decidedly contradicted? and which, if true,
deserve the most serious consideration? The unfavourable inter
pretations which this fact may occasion, doubtless are, that this
man was either Sir Sidney Smith, or some other paramour, who
was admitted by me into ray house in disguise at midnight, for
the accomplishment of my wicked and adulterous purposes.
And is it possible that your Majesty, is it possible that^any can
did mind, can believe this fact, with the unfavourable interpre
tations which it occasions, on the relation of a servant, who, for
all that appears, mentions it, for the first time, four years after
the event took place ; and who gives, himself, this picture of his
honesty and fidelity to a master whom he has served so long,
that he, whose nerves are of so moral a frame, that he starts at
seeing a single man sitting at mid-day, in an open drawing-room,
on the same sofa with a married woman, permitted this disguised
midnight adulterer, to approach his master's bed, without taking
any notice, without making any alarm, without offering any inter
ruption. And why? because (as Ife expressly states) he did not
believe him to be a thief : and because (as he plainly insinuates)
he did believe him to be an adulterer.
But what makes the manner in which the comraissioners suf
fered this fact to remain so unexplained, the more extraordinary
is this ; Mr. Cole had in his original declaration of the llth of
January, which was before the Commissioners, stated " that one

APPENDIX. xliii
night about twelve o'clock, he saw a person wrapped up in a great
coat, go across the Park into the gate at the Green House, and
he verily believes it was Sir Sidney Smith." In his declaration
then, (when he was not upon oath) he ventures to state, " that
he verily believes it was Sir Sidney Smith." When he is upon
his oath, in his depositions before the Commissioners, all that he
ventures to swear is, " that" he gave no alarm, because the im
pression upon his mind was, that it was not a thief! !" I believe
him, and the impression upon my mind too is, that he knew it
was not a thief — that he knew who it was — and that he knew it
was no other than my watchman. What incident it is that he
alludes to, I cannot pretend to know. But this I know, that if
it refers to any man with whose proceedings I have the least ac
quaintance or privity, it must have been my watchman ; who if he
executes my orders, nightly, and often in the night goes his
rounds, both inside and outside of my house. And this circum
stance, which I should think would rather afford, to most minds,
an inference that I was not preparing the way of planning facili
ties for secret midnight assignatio'ns, has, in my conscience, I
believe, (if there is one word of truth in any part of this story,
and the whole of it is not pure invention) afforded the handle,
and suggested the idea, to this honest, trusty man, this witness,
'' who cannot be suspected of any unfavourable bias," " whose
veracity in that respect the Commissioners saw no ground to
question," and " who must be credited till he received decided
contradiction," suggested, I say, the idea of the dark and vile in
sinuation contained in this part of his testiraony.
Whether I am right or wrong, however, in this conjecture, this
appears to be evident, that his examination is so left, that sup
posing an indictment for perjury or false swearing, would lie
against any witness, examined by the Commissioners, and sup
posing this examination had been taken before the whole four, —
If Mr. Cole was indicted for perjury, in respect to thisdeposition,
the proof that he did see the watchman, would necessarily acquit
him; would establish the truth of what he said, and rescue him
from the punishment of perjury, though it would at the same
time prove the falsehood and injustice of the inference, and the
insinuation, for the establishment of which alone the fact itself
was sworn.

xliv APPENDIX.
Mr. Cole chooses further to state, that he ascribes his removal
from Montague House to London, to the discovery he had made,
and the notice he had taken of the improper situation of Sir Sid
ney Smith with me upon the sofa. To this I can oppose but little
more than my own assertions, as my motives can only be known
to myself. — But Mr. Cole was a very disagreeable servant to me :
he was a raan, who, as I always Conceived, had been educated
above his station. He talked French, and was a musician, play
ing well on the violin. — By these qualifications he got admitted
occasionally, into better company, and this probably led to that
forward and obtrusive conduct, which I thought extremely offen
sive and impertinent in a servant. I had long been extremely
displeased with him ; I had discovered, that when I went out, he
would come into my drawing-room, and play on my harpsichord,
or sit there reading books ; — and, in short, there was a forward
ness which would have led to my absolutely discharging him a long
time before, if I had not made a sort of rule to myself, to forbear,
as long as possible, from removing any servant who had been
placed about me by his Royal Highness. Before Mr. Cole lived
with the Prince, he had lived with the Duke of Devonshire, and I
had reason to believe that he carried to Devonshire House all the
observations he could make at mine. For these various reasons,
just before the Duke of Kent was about to go out of the king
dom, I requested his Royal Highness the Duke of Kent, who had
been good enough to take the trouble of arranging many particu
lars in my establishment, to take the arrangements with respect
to Mr. Cole ; which was, to leave him in town to wait upon me
only when I went to Carlton House, and not to come to
Montague House, except when especially required. This ar
rangement, it seems, offended him. It certainly deprived him
of some perquisites which he had when living at Blackheath ;
but, upon the whole, as it left him so much more of his
time at his own disposal, I • should not have thought it had
been much to his prejudice. It seeras, however, that he did not
like it, and I raust leave this part of the case with this one observa
tion more — That your Majesty, I trust, will hardly believe, that,
if Mr. Cole had, by any accident, discovered any improper con
duct of raine, towards Sir Sidney Smith, or any one else, the
way which I should have taken to suppress his information, to

APPENDIX. xlv
close his mouth, would not have been by immediately adopting an
arrangement in my faraily, which was either prejudical or dis
agreeable to him : or that tlie way to rfemove him from the oppor
tunity and the temptation of betraying my secrets, whether
through levity or design, in the quarter where it would be most
fatal to me that it should be known, was by making an arrange
ment which, while all his resentment and anger were fresh and
warm about him, would place him frequently, nay, almost daily,
at Carlton House ; would place him precisely at that place, from
whence, unquestionably, it must have been my interest to have
kept him as far removed as possible. ,
There is little or nothing in the examinations of the other
witnesses which is material for rae to observe upon, as far as
respects this part of the case. It appears from them indeed,
what I have had no difficulty in adraitting, and have observed
upon before, that Sir Sidney Smith was frequently at Montague
House, that they have known him to be alone with me in the
morning, but that they never knew him alone with me in an
evening, or staying later than my corapany or the Ladies — for
what Mr. Stikeman says, with respect to his being alone with
me in an evening, can only mean, and is only reconcileable with
all the rest of the evidence on this part of the case, by its being
understood to mean alone, in respect of other company, but not
alone, in the absence of my Ladies. The deposition indeed of
my servant, S. Roberts, is thus far material upon that point, that
it exhibits Mr. Cole, not less than three years ago, endeavouring
to collect evidence upon these points to my prejudice. For your
Majesty will find that he says, " I recollect Mr. Cole once ask
ing me, I think three years ago, whether there were any favourites
iu the family. I remember saying that Captain Manby and Sir
Sidney Smith were frequently at Blackheath, and dined there
oftener than other persons.'' He then proceeds, " I never knew
Sir Sidney Smith stay later than the Ladies : I cannot exactly
say at what time he went, but I never remember his staying
alone with the Princess."
As to what is contained in the ¦written declarations of Mr, and
Mrs. Lampert, the old servants of Sir John and Lady Douglas,
(as from some circumstance or other respecting, I conceive,
either their credit or their supposed importance,) the Commis-

xlvi

APPENDIX.

sioners have not thought proper to examine them upon their
oaths, I do not imagine your Majesty would expect that I should
take any notice of them.. And as to what is deposed by
Lady Douglas, if your Majesty will observe the gross and horrid
indecencies with which she ushers in, and states my confessions
to her, of my assented criminal intercourse with Sir Sidney
Smith, your Majesty, I am confident, will not be surprised that
I do not descend to any particular observations on her deposition.
One, and one only observation will I make, which, however,
could not have escaped Your Majesty, if I had omitted it. That
your Majesty will have an excellent portraiture of the true female
delicacy and purity of Lady Douglas's mind and character,
when you will observe that she seems wholly insensible to what a
sink of infamy she degrades herself by her testimony against me.
It is not only that it appears, from her statement, that she was
contented to live, in familiar and apparent friendship with me,
after the confession which I made of my adultery, (for by the
indulgence and liberality, as it is called, of modem manners, the
company of a'dulteresses has ceased to reflect that discredit upon
the characters of other women who admit them to their society,
which the best interests of female virtue may perhaps require.)
But she was content to live in familiarity with a woman, who if
Lady Douglas's evidence of me is true, was a most low, vulgar,
and profligate disgrace to her sex. The grossness of whose ideas
and conversation, would add infamy to the lowest, most vulgar,
and raost infamous prostitute. It is not, however, upon this
circumstance, that I rest assured no reliance can be placed on
Lady Douglas's testimony : but after what is proved, with regard
to her evidence respecting my pregnancy and delivery in 1 802, I
am certain that any observations upon her testiraony, or her
veracity, must be flung away.
Your Majesty has therefore now before you the state of the
charge against me, as far as respects Sir Sidney Smith. And
this is, as I understand the Report, one of the charges which,
with its unfavourable interpretations, must in the opinion of the
Commissioners, be credited till decidedly contradicted.
As to the facts of frequent visiting on terms of great intimacy,
as I have said before, they cannot be contradicted at all. How
inferences, and unfavourable interpretations, are to be decidedly

APPENDIX. xlvii
cdntradicted, I wish the Commissioners had been so good as to
explain. I know of no possible way, but by the declaration of
myself and Sir Sidney Smith. Yet we being the supposed guilty
parties, our denial, probably, will be thought of no great weight.
As to my own, however, I tender it to your Majesty, in tho most
solemn manner, and if I knew what fact it was that I ought
to conti-adict, to clear my innocence, I would precisely address
myself to that fact, as I am confident, my conscience would
enable me to do, to any from which a criminal or an unbecoming
inference could be drawn. I am sure, however, your Majesty
¦will feel for the humiliated and degraded situation, to which this
report has reduced your Daughter-in-law, the Princess of Wales;
when you see her reduced to the necessity of either risking the
danger, that the most unfavourable interpretations should be
credited ; or else of stating, as I am now degraded to the neces
sity of stating, that not only no adulterous or criminal, but no
indecent or improper intercourse whatever, ever subsisted between
Sir Sidney Smith and myself, or any thing which I should have
objected that all the world should have seen. I say degraded to
the necessity of stating it; for your Majesty must feel that a
woman's character is degraded when it is put upon her to make
such statement, at the peril of the contrary being credited unless
she decidedly contradicts it. Sir Sidney Smith's absence from
the country prevents my calling upon hira to attest the same
truth. But I trust when your Majesty shall find, as you will
find, that my declaration to a similar effect, with respect to the
other gentlemen referred to in this Report, is copfirmed by their
denial, that your Majesty will think that in a case, where nothing
but my own word, can be adduced, my own word alone may be
opposed to whatever little remains of credit or weight may, after
all the above observations, be supposed yet to belong to Mr.
Cole, to his inferences, his insinuations, or his facts. Not indeed
that I yet have finished my observations on Mr. Cole's credit ;
but I must reserve the remainder, till I consider his evidence
with respect to Mr. Lawrence ; and till I have occasion to com
ment upon the testiraony of Fanny Lloyd. Then, indeed, I shall
be under the necessity of exhibiting to your Majesty these
witnesses, Fanny Lloyd and Mr. Cole, (both of whom are
represented as so unbiassed, and so credible) in flat, decisive.

xlviii

APPENDIX.

and irreconcileable contradiction to each other.
The next person, with whom my improper intimacy is in
sinuated, is Mr, Lawrence the painter.
The principal witness on this charge is also Mr. Cole, Mr.
R. Bidgood says nothing about hira, Fanny Lloyd says nothing
about him ; and all that Mrs. Lisle says is perfectly true, and I
am neither able, nor feel interested to contradict it. " That she
" remembers ray sitting to Mr. Lawrence for my picture at Black-
" heath, and in London ; that she has left rae at his house in
" town with him, but she thinks Mrs. Fitzgerald was with us;
" and that she thinks I sat alone with him at Blackheath." But
Mr. Cole speaks of Mr. Lawrence in a manner that calls for
particular observation. He says " Mr. Lawrence the painter
" used to go to Montague House about the latter end of 1801,
" when he was painting the Princess, and Jie has slept in the
" house two or three nights together. I have often seen him
" alone with the Princess at 11 or 12 o'clock at night. He has
" been there as late as one or two o'clock in the morning. One
" night I saw him with the Princess in the Blue Room, after
" the ladies had retired. Some time afterwards, when I sup-
" posed he had gone to his room, I went to see that all was safe,
" and I found the Blue Room door lopked, and heard a ichisper-
" ing in it, and I went away." Here, again, your Majesty
observes, that Mr. Cole deals his deadliest blows against my
character by insinuation. And here, again his insinuation is
left unsifted and unexplained. I here understand him to
insinuate that, though he supposed Mr. Lawrence to have gone
to his room, he was still where he had said he last left him; and
that the locked door prevented him from seeing me and Mr.
Lawrence alone together, whose whispering," hoviever, he not
withstanding overheard.
Before, Sire, I come to my own explanation of the fact of Mr.
Lawrence's sleeping at Montague House, I must again refer to
Mr. Cole's original declarations. I must again examine Mr.
Cole against Mr. Cole: which I cannot help lamenting it does
not seem to have occurred to others to have done, as I am per
suaded if it had, his prevarications, and his falsehood, could
never have escaped them. They would then have been able to
have traced, as your Majesty will now do, through my observa-

APPENDIX. xllX
tions, by what degrees he hardened himself up to the infamy (for
I can use no other expression) of stating this fact, by which he
means to insinuate that he heard me and Mr. Lawrence, locked
up in this Blue Room, whispering together, and alone. I am
sorry to be obliged to drag your Majesty through so long a de
tail ; but I am confident your Majesty's goodness, and love of
justice; will excuse it, as it is essential to the vindication of my
character, as well as to the illustration of Mr. Cole's.
Mr. Cole's examination, as contained in his first written decla
ration of the llth of January, has nothing of this. I mean not
to say that it has nothing concerning Mr. Lawrence, for it has
much, which is calculated to occasion unfavourable interpreta
tions, and given with a view to that object. But that circum
stance, as I submit to your Majesty, increases the weight of my
observation. Had there been nothing in his first declaration
about Mr. Lawrence at all, it might have been imagined that
perhaps Mr. Lawrence escaped his recollection altogether ; or
that his declaration had been solely directed to other persons;
but as it does contain observations respecting Mr. Lawrence, but
nothing of a locked door, or the whispering within it ; how he
happened at that time not to recollect, or if he recollected not to
mention', so very striking and remarkable a circumstance, is not,
I should imagine, very satisfactorily to be explained. His state
ment in that first declaration stands thus, "In 1801, Lawrence
" the painter was at Montague House, for four or five days at a
" time, painting the Princess's picture. That he was frequently
" alone late in the night with the Princes, and much suspicion
" was entertained of him." Mr. Cole's next declaration, at
least the next which appears among the written declarations, was
taken on the Wth of January; it does not mention Mr. Law
rence's name, but it has this passage : " When Mr. Cole found
the drawing-room, which led to the staircase to the Princess's
apartments, locked (which your Majesty knows is the sarae which
the witnesses call the Blue Room) he does not know whether any
person was with her ; but it appeared odd to him, as he had
formed some suspicions." The striking and important observa
tion on this passage is, that when he first talks of the door of the
drawing-room being locked, so far from his mentioning any thing
of whispering being overheard, he expressly says, that he did not

1

APPENDIX.

know that any body was with me. The passage is likewise de
serving your Majesty's most serious consideration on another
ground; for it is one of those which shews that Mr. Cole,
though we have four, separate declarations made by him, has
certainly made other statements which have not been transmitted
to your Majesty ; for it evidently refers to something, which he
had said before, of having found the drawing room door locked,
and no trace of such a statement, is discoverable in the previous
examination of Mr. Cole, as I have received it, and I have no
doubt that, in obedience to your Majesty's commands, I have at
length been furnished with the whole. I don't know, indeed,
that it should be matter of complaint from me, that your Ma
jesty has not been furnished with all the statements of Mr. Cole,
because from the sample I see of them, I cannot suppose that any
of them could have furnished any thing favourable to me, except
indeed that they might have furnished me with fresh means of
contradicting him by himself.
But your Majesty will see that there have been other states
ments not communicated ; a circumstance of which both your
Majesty and I have reason to complain. But it may be out of
its place further to notice that fact at present.
To return, therefore, to Mr. Cole ; in his third declaration,
dated the 30th of January, there is not a word about Mr. Law
rence. In his fourth and last, which is dated on the 23d of
February, he says " the persop who was alone with the lady at
" late hours of the night (twelve and one o'clock,) and whom he
" left sitting up after he went to bed, was Mr. Lawrence, which
" happened two different nights." Here is likewise another
trace of a former statement which is not given ; for no such per
son is mentioned before in any that I have been fumished with.
Your Majesty then here observes that, after having given evi
dence in two of his declarations, respecting Mr. Lawrence by
name, in which he mentions nothing of locked doors, and after
having, in another declaration, given an account of a locked door,
but expressly stated that he knew not whether any one was with
me within it, and said nothing about whispering being overheard,
but, impliedly, at least, negatived it; — in the deposition before
the Commissioners, he puts all these things together, and has the
hardihood to add to them that remarkable circumstance,' which

APPENDIX. li
could not have escaped his recollection, at the first, if it had been
true, " of his having on the same night in which ho found mc and
" Mr. Lawrence alone, after the ladies were gone to bed, come
" again to the room, when he thought Mr. Lawrence must have
" been retired, and found the door locked and heard the whisper-
" ing ;" and then again he gives another instance of his honesty,
and upon the same principle on which he took no notice of the
man in the great coat, he finds the door locked, hears the
whispering, and then he silently and contentedly retires.
And this witness, who thus not only varies in his testiraony,
but contradicts hiraself in such iraportant particulars, is one of
those who cannot be suspected of unfavourable bias, and whose
veracity is not to be questioned, and whose evidence must be cre
dited till decidedly contradicted.
These observations might probably be deemed sufficient, upon
Mr. Cole's deposition, as far as it respects Mr. Lawrence ; but
I cannot be satisfied without explaining to your Majesty, all
the truth, and the particulars, respecting Mr. Lawrence, which
I recollect. What I recollect then is as follows. He began a large picture
of me, and of my daughter, towards the latter end of the year
1800, or the beginning of 1801. Miss Garth and Miss Hayman
were in the house with me at the time. The picture was painted
at Montague House. Mr. Lawrence mentioned to Miss Hayman
his wish to be permitted to remain sorae few nights in the house,
that by rising early he might begin painting on the picture, before
Princess Charlotte (whose residence being at that time at Shooter's
Hill, was enabled to come early,) or, myself, came to sit. It was
a similar request to that which had'been raade by Sir William
Beechy, when he painted my picture. And I was sensible of no
impropriety when I granted the request to either of them. Mr.
Lawrence occupied the same room which had been occupied by
Sir William Beechy : — it was at the other end of the house from
my apartment.
At that time Mr. Lav(rence did not dine with me ; his dinner
was served in his own roora. — After dinner he came down to the
room where I and my Ladies generally sat in an evening — some
times there was music, in which he joined, and sometimes he read
poetry. Parts of Shakespeare's Plays, I particularly remeraber,
E 2

lii APPENDIX.
from his reading thera very well ; and sometimes he played chess
with me. It frequently may have happened that it' was one or
two o'clock before I dismissed Mr. Lawrence and my Ladies.
They together with Mr. Lawrence, went out of the same door, up
the same stair-case, and at the same time. According to my
own recollection I should have said that in no one instance, they
had left Mr. Lawrence behind them, alone with me. — But I sup
pose it did happen once for a short time, since Mr. Lawrence so
recollects it, as your Majesty will perceive from his deposition,
which I annex. He staid in my house two or three nights to
gether ; but how many nights in the whole, I do not recollect.
The picture left my house by April, 1801, and Mr. Lawrence
never slept in my house afterwards. That picture now belongs
to Lady Townshend. He has since completed another picture of
me ; and about a year and a half ago, he began another, which
remains at present unfinished. I beUeve it is near a twelve month
since I last sat to him.
Mr. Lawrence lives upon a footing of the greatest intimacy with
the neighbouring families of Mr. Lock and Mr. Angerstein : and
I have asked hira sometimes to dine with me to meet them.
While I was sitting to him at my own house, I have no doubt I
must often have sat to him alone ; as the necessity for the pre
caution of having an attendant as a witness to protect my honour
from suspicion, certainly never occurred to me. And upon the
same principle, I do not doubt that I may have sometimes con
tinued in conversation with him after he had finished painting.
But when sitting in his own house, I have always been attended
with one of ray ladies. — And indeed nothing in the examinations
state the contrary. One part of Mrs. Lisle's examination seems
as if she had a question put to her, upon the supposition that I
had been left alone with Mr. Lawrence at his own house ; to which
she answers, that she indeed had left me there, but that she
thinks she left Mrs. Fitzgerald with me.
If an inference of an unfavourable nature could have been
drawn from my having been left there alone ; — was it. Sire,
taking all that care which might be wished, to guard against
such an inference on the part of the Commissioners, when they
omitted to send for Mrs. Fitzgerald to ascertain what Mrs. Lisle
may have left in doubt. The Commissioners,^ I give them the

APPENDIX. liii
fullest credit, were satisfied, that Mrs. Lisle thought correctly
upon this fact, and that Mrs. Fitzgerald, if she had been sent
for again, would so have proved it, and therefore that it would
have been troubUng her to no purpose. But this it is, of which
I conceive myself to have raost reason to complain ; that the ex
aminations in several instances have not been followed up so as
to remove unfavourable impressions.
I cannot but feel satisfied that the Commissioners would have
been glad to have been warranted in negativing all criminality,
and all suspicion on this part of the charge, as completely and
honourably as they have done on the principal charges of preg
nancy and delivery. They traced that part of the charge with
ability, sagacity, diligence, and perseverance ; and the result was
complete satisfaction of my innocence ; complete detection of the
falsehood of my accusers. Encouraged by their success in that
part of their Inquiry, I lament that they did not, (as they thought
proper to enter into the other part of it at all,) with similar in
dustry pursue it. If they had, I am confident they would have
pursued it with the same success; but though they had con-.
victed Sir John and Lady Douglas of falsehood, they seem to
have thought it impossible to suspect of the same falsehood, any
other of the witnesses, though produced by Sir John and Lady
Douglas. The most obvious means therefore of trying their cre
dit, by comparing their evidence with what they had said before,
seems to me to have been omitted. Many facts are left upon
surmise only and insinuation ; obvious means of getting further
information on doubtful and suspicious circumstances are not
resorted to ; and, as if the important matter of the inquiry (on
which a satisfactory conclusion had been formed) was all that
required any very attentive or accurate consideration ; the remain
der of it was pursued in a manner which, as it seems to me, can
only be accounted for by the pressure of what may have been
deemed raore important duties — and of this I should have made
but little complaint, if this inquiry, where it is imperfect, had not
been followed by a Report, which the most accurate only could
have justified, and which such an accurate inquiry, I am confi
dent, never could have produced.
If any credit was given to Mr. Cole's story of the locked door,
and the whispering ; and to Mr. Lawrence having been left with
E 3

liv APPENDIX.
me so frequently of a night when my Ladies had left us, why
were not aU my Ladies examined ? why were not all my servants
examined as to their knowledge of that fact? And if they had
been so examined, and had contradicted the fact so sworn to by
Mr. Cole, as they must have done, had they been examined to it;
that alone would have been sufficient to have removed his name
from the list of unsuspected and uni^uestionable witnesses, and
relieved me frora much of the suspicion, which his evidence, till
it was examined, was calculated to have raised if! your Majesty's
mind. — And to close this statement, and these observations, and in
addition to them, — I most solemnly assert to your Majesty, that
Mr. Lawrence, neither at his own house, nor at mine, nor any
where else, ever was for one moment, by night or by day, in the
same room with me when the door of it was locked ; that he
nev6r was in my company of an evening alone, except the mo
mentary conversation which Mr. Lawrence speaks to, may be
thought an exception ; and that nothing ever passed between him
and me which all the world might not have witnessed. And,
Sire, I have subjoined a deposition to the same effect from Mr.
Lawrence. To satisfy myself, therefore, and your Majesty, I have shewn,
I trust, by unanswerable observations and arguments, that there
is no colour for crediting Mr. Cole, or, consequently, any part of
this charge, which rests solely on his evidence. But to satisfy
the requisition of the Coraraissioners, I have brought my pride to
submit, (though not w^ithout great pain, I can assure your Ma
jesty) to add the only contradictions which I conceive can be
given, those of Mr. Lawrence and myself.
The next person with whom these examinations charge my
improper familiarity, and with regard to which the Report repre
sents the evidence as particularly strong, is Captain Manby.
With respect to him, Mr. Cole's examinatioii is silent. — But the
evidence, on which the Commissioners rely on this part of the
case, is Mr. Bidgood's, Miss Fanny Lloyd's, and Mrs. Lisle's. —
It respects my conduct at three different places ; at Montague
House, Southend, and at Ramsgate. I shall preserve the facts,
and my observations more distinct, if I consider the evidence, as
applicable to these three places, separately, and in its order; and
I prefer this mode of treating it, as it will enable me to consider

APPENDIX. Iv
the evidence of Mrs. Lisle in the first place, and consequently
put it out of the reach of the harsher observations, which I may
be under the necessity of making, upon the testimony of the other
two. For though Mrs. Lisle, indeed, speaks to having seen
Captain Manby at East Cliff, in August, 1803, to the best of
her rememberance it was only once. She speaks to his meeting
her at Deal, in the same season; that he landed there with some
boys whom I took on charity, and who were under his care ; yet
she speaks of nothing there that can require a single observation
from me. — The material parts of her evidence respecting her
seeing hira at Blackheath, the Christmas before she had seen him
at East Cliff. She says, it was the Christmas after Mr. Austin's
child came, consequently the Christmas 1802-3. — He used to
come to dine there, she says — he always went away in her pre
sence, and she had no reason to think he staid after the Ladies
retired. He lodged on the Heath at that time ; his ship was
fitting up at Deptford; he came to dinner three or four times a
week or more. — She supposes he might be alone with the Prin
cess, but that she was in the habit of seeing Gentlemen and
Tradesmen without her being present. She (Mrs. Lisle) had
seen him at luncheon and dinner both. The boys (two boys)
came with him two or three times, but not to dinner. Captain
Manby always sat next the Princess at dinner. The constant
company were Mrs. and Miss Fitzgerald, and herself — all retired
with the Princess, and sat in the same room. Captain Manby
generally retired about eleven; and sat with us all till then.
Captain Manby and the Princess used, when we were together
to be speaking together separately, conversing separately, but not
in a room alone. He was a person with whora the Princess ap
peared to have greater pleasure in talking than with her Ladies.
Her Royal Highness behaved to him only as any woman would,
who likes flirting. She (Mrs. Lisle) would not have thought
any married woman would hava behaved properly, who behaved
as Her Royal Highness did to Captain Manby. She cannot
say ifihether the Priiicess was attached to Captain Manby, only
that it was a flirting conduct. She never saw any gallantries,
as kissing her hand, or the like.
I have cautiously stated the whole of Mrs. Lisle's evidence
upon this part of the case ; and I am sure your Majesty in read-

Ivi APPENDIX.
ing it, will not fail, to keep the facts, which Mrs. Lisle speaks
to, separate from the opinion, or judgment, which she forms upon
them. I mean not to speak disrespectfuUy or slightingly, of
Mrs. Lisle's opinion; or express myself as in any degree indif^
ferent to it. But whatever there was, which she observed in my
conduct, that did not become a married woman, that " was only
like a woman who liked flirting," and "only a flirting conduct,''
I am convinced your Majesty must be satisfied that it must have
been far distant from affording any evidence of crime, of vice,
or of indecency, as it passed openly in the company of ray Ladies,
of whom Mrs. Lisle herself was oiie.
"The facts she states are, that Captain Manby came very fre
quently to my house; that he dined three or four times a week
m the latter end of the year 1802; that he sat next to me at
dinner ; and that my conversation after dinner, in the evening,
used to be with Captain Manby, separate from my Ladies.
These are the facts : and is it upon thera that ray character, I
will not say, is to be taken away, but is to be affected ?
Captain Manby had, in the auturan of the same year, been
introduced to me by Lady Townshend, when I was upon a visit
to her at RainKam. I think he came there only the day before I
left it. He was a naval officer, as I understood, and as I still
believe, of great merit. What little expence, in the way of
charity, I am able to afford, I am best pleased to dedicate to
the education of the children of poor, but honest persons ; and
I most generally bring them up to the service of the Navy. I
had at that tirae two boys at school, whora I thought of an aga
fit to be put to sea. I desired Lady Townshend to prevail upon
Captain Manby to take thera. He consented to it, and' of course
I was obliged to hira.
About this tirae, or shortly afterwards, he was appointed to
the Africaine, a ship which was fitting up at Deptford. To be
near his ship, as I understood and believe, he took lodgings at
Blackheath ; and as to the mere fact of his being so frequently
at my house, — his intimacy and friendship with Lord and Lady
Townshend, which of itself was assurance to me of his respecta
bility and character — my pleasure in shewing my respect to them,
by notice and attention to a friend of theirs, — his undertaking
the care of my charity boys, — and his accidental residence at

APPENDIX. Ivii
Blackheath, will, I should trust, not unreasonably accoimt for it.
I have a similar account Ukewise to give of paying for the linen
furniture, with which his cabin was furnished. Wishing to make
hira sorae return for his trouble with the boys, I desired that I
might choose the pattern of his furniture. I not only chose it,
but had it sent to him, and paid the biU; finding, however, that
it did not come to more than about twenty pounds, I thought it
a shabby present, and therefore added some trifling present of
plate. So I have frequently done, and I hope without offence,
may be permitted to do again to any Captain, on whom I impos9-!v
such trouble. Sir Samuel Hood has now two of my charity boys
with him ; and I have presented hira with a silver Epergne. I
should be ashamed to notice such things, but your Majesty
perceives that they are made the subject of Inquiry from Mrs.
Fitzgerald, and Mr. Stikeman, and I was desirous that they
should not appear to be particular in the case of Captain Manby.
But to return to Mrs. Lisle's examination. Mrs. Lisle says
that Captain Manby, when he dined with me, sat next to me at
dinner. Before any inference is drawn from that fact, I am sure
your Majesty will observe that, in the next line of Mrs. Lisle's
examination, she says, " that the constant company was Mrs.
" and Miss Fitzgerald, and herself, Mrs. Lisle." The only
gentleman, the only person of the whole party who was not of
my own family, was Captain Manby, and his sitting next to me,
under such circumstances, I should apprehend could not pos
sibly afford any inference of .any kind. In the evening we were
never. alone. The whole company sat together ; nay, even as to
his being with rae alone of a morning, Mrs. Lisle seems to know
nothing of the fact, but frora a conjecture founded upou her
knowledge of ray known usual habit, with , respect of seeing
gentlemen who might call upon me. And the very foundation
of her conjecture demonstrates that this circumstance can be no
evidence of any thing particular with regard to Captain Manby.
As to my conversing with Captain Manby separately, I do
not understand Mrs. Lisle as raeaning to speak to the state of
the conversation uninterruptedly, during the whole of any of the
several evenings when Captain Manby was with rae ; if I did so
understand her, I should certainly most confidently assert, that
she was not correct. That in the course of the evening, as the

Iviii

APPENDIX.

ladies were working, leading, or otherwise amusing themselves,
the conversation was sometimes more, and sometiraes less
general; and that they soraetimes took more, sometimes less
part in it ; — that frequently it was between Captain Manby and
myself alone; and that, when we were altogether, we two might
frequently be the only persons not otherwise engaged, and there
fore be justly said to be speaking together separately. Besides
Captain Manby has been round the world with Captain Vancovre.
I have looked over prints in books of voyages with him ; he has
explained them to me ; the ladies may or may not have been
looking over them at the same time ; they may have been enr
gaged with their own amuseraents. Here again, we may be said
to have been conversing separately, and consequently that Mrs,
Lisle, in this sense, is perfectly justified in saying that " I used to
" converse separately with Captain Manby,'' I have not the least
difficulty in admitting. But have I not again reason to complain
that this expression of Mrs. Lisle's was not more sifted, but left
in a manner calculated to raise an impression that this separate
conversation was studiously sought for, was constant, uniform,
and uninterrupted, though it by no means asserts any such
thing? But whether I used always so to converse with him; or
generaUy, or only sometimes, or for what proportion of the
evening I used to be so engaged, is left unasked and unexr
plained. Have I not likewise just reason to complain, that
though Mrs. Lisle states that Mrs. Fitzgerald and Miss Fitz
gerald were always of the party, they are not both examined as
to these circumstances ? But Miss Fitzgerald is not examined at
all ; and Mrs. Fitzgerald, though examined, and examined too
with respect to Captain Manby, does not appear to have had a
single question put to her with respect to any thing ¦which passed
concerning him at Montague House. May I not therefore com
plain that the examination, leaving the generality of Mrs. Lisle's
expression unexplained by herself; and the scenes to which it
relates unexamined into, by calling the other persons who were
present, is leaving it precisely in that state, which is better Cal
culated to raise a suspicion, than to ascertain the truth.
But I am persuaded that the unfavourable impression which
is most likely to be made by Mrs. Lisle's examination, is not by
her evidence to the facts, but by her opinion upon them. " I

APPENDIX. li.S:
" appeared," she says, " to like the conversation of Captain
" Manby better than that of my ladies. I behaved to him only
" as a woman who likes flirting, my conduct was unbecoming a
" married woman ; she cannot say whether I was attached to
" Captain Manby or not; it was only a flirting conduct." — Now,
Sire, I must here again raost seriously complain that the Com
missioners should have called for, or received, and much more
reported, in this manner, the opinion and judgment of Mrs.
Lisle upon my conduct. Your Majesty's Warrant purports to
authorise them to collect the evidence, and not the opinion of
others ; and to report it, with their own judgment surely, and
not Mrs. Lisle's. Mrs. Lisle's judgment was formed upon those
facts which she stated to the Commissioners, or upon other facts.
If upon those she stated, the Comraissioners, and your Majesty,
are as well able to form the judgment upon thera as she was.
If upon other facts, the Commissioners should have heard what
those other facts were, and upon them have formed and reported
their judgment.
I am aware, indeed, that if I were to argue that the facts which
Mrs. Lisle states, afford the explanation of what she means by,
" only flirting conduct," and by " behaviour unbecoming a mar
ried woman," namely, that it consisted in having the same gen
tleman to dine with me three or four times a week ; — letting him
sit next me at dinner, when there were no other strangers in
company; — conversing with hira separately, and appearing to
prefer his conversation to that of the ladies, — it would be ob
served, probably, that this was not all ; that there was always a
certain indiscribable soraething in manner, which gave the cha
racter to conduct, and must have entered mainly into such a
judgment as Mrs. Lisle has here pronounced.
To a certain extent I should be obliged to agree to this ; but,
if I am to have any prejudice from this observation ; if it is to
give a weight and authority to Mrs. Lisle's judgment, let me
have the advantage of it also. If it justifies the conclusion that
Mrs. Lisle's censure upon my conduct is right, it requires also
that equal credit should be given to the qualification, the
limit, and the restriction, which she herself puts upon that
censure. Mrs. Lisle, seeing all the facts which she relates, and ob-

Ix

APPENDIX.

serving much of raanner, which perhaps she could not describe,
limits the expression, "flirting conduct," by caUing it "only
flirting,'' and says (upon having the question asked to her, no
doubt, whether from the whole she could collect that I was at
tached to Captain Manby,) says " she could not say whether I
was attached to him, my conduct was not of a nature that proved
any attachment to him, it was only a flirting conduct." Unjust,
therefore, as I think it, that any such question should have been
put to Mrs. Lisle, or that her judgraent should have been taken
at all ; yet, what I fear from it, as pressing with peculiar hard
ship upon me, is, that though it is Mrs. Lisle's final and ultimate
judgraent upon the whole of my conduct, yet, when delivered to
the Commissioners and your Majesty, it becomes evidence,
which, connected with all the facts on which Mrs. Lisle had
formed it, may lead to still further and more unfavourable con
clusions, in the minds of those who are afterwards to judge upon
it ; — that her judgment will be the foundation of other judgments
against me, much severer than her own; andthat, though she
evidently limits her opinion, and by saying, " only flirting," im
pliedly negatives it as affording any indication of any thing more
improper, while she proceeds expressly to negative it as affording
any proof of attachment ; yet, it may be thought by others, to
justify their considering it as a species of conduct, which shewed
an attachment to the man to whom it was addressed ; which in a
married woman was criminal and wrong.
What Mrs. Lisle exactly means by only flirting conduct —
¦*vhat degree of impropriety of conduct she would describe by it,
it is extremely difficult, with any precision, to ascertain. How
many women are there, most virtuous, raost truly raodest, inca
pable of any thing irapure, vicious, or immoral, in deed or
thought; ^Yl^o, frora the greater vivacity of spirits, from less
natural reserve, from that want of caution, which the very con
sciousness of innocence betrays them into, conduct themselves in
a manner, which a woman of a graver character, of more reserved
disposition, but not with one particle of superior virtue, thinks
too incautious, too unreserved, too familiar; and which, if forced
upon her oath to give her opinion of it, she might feel herself,
as an honest woman, bound to say in that opinion, was
flirting ?

APPENDIX. I.\i
But, whatever sense Mrs. Lisle annexes to the word " flirting,"
it is evident, as I said before, that she cannot mean any thing
criminal, vicious, or indecent, or any thing with the least shade
of deeper impropriety than what is necessarily expressed in the
word " flirting."' She never would have added, as she does in
both instances, that it was only flirting; if she had thought it
of a quality to be recorded in a formal Report, amongst circum
stances which must occasion the most unfavourable interpreta
tions, and which, deserved the most serious consideration of
your Majesty. To use it so, I am sure your Majesty must see
is to press it far beyond the raeaning which she would assign to
it herself. And, as I havb admitted that there may be much indescribable
in the manner of doing any thing, so it must be admitted to me
that there is much indescribable, and most material also in the
manner of saying any thing, and in the accent with which it is
said. The whole context serves much to explain it ; and, if it is
in answer to a question, the words of that question, the raanner
and the accent in. which it is asked, are also raost material to
understand the precise meaning, which the expressions are in
tended to convey; and, I must lament therefore extremely, if
my character is to be affected by the opinion of any witness, that
the question by which that opinion was drawn from her, were
not given too, as well as her answers, and if this inquiry had
been prosecuted before your Majesty's Privy Council, the raore
solemn and usual course of proceeding there would, as I am in
formed, have furnished, or enabled me to furnish, your Majesty
with the questions as well as the answers.
Mrs. Lisle, it should also be observed, was, at the time of her
examination, under the severe oppression of having, but a few
days before, heard of the death of her daughter; — a daughter,
who had been happily married, and who had lived happily with
her husband, in mutual attachment, tiU her death. The very
circumstance of her then situation would naturally give a graver
and severer cast to her opinions. When the question was pro
posed to her, as a general question, (and I presume it must have
been so put to her) whether ray conduct was such as would be
come a married woman, possibly her own daughter's conduct,
and what she would have expected of her, might present itself to

Lxii APPENDIX.
her mind. And, I confidently submit to your Majesty's better
judgment, that such a general question ought not, in a fair and
candid consideration of my case, to have been put to Mrs. Lisle,
or any other woman. For, as to my conduct being, or. not being,
becoming a married woraan ; the same conduct, or any thing
like it, which may occur in my case, could not occur in the case
of a married woman, who was not living in my unfortunate
situation ; or, if it did occur, must occur under circumstances
which must give it, and most deservedly, a very different
character. A married woman, living well and happily with her
husband, could not be frequently having one gentleman at her
table, with no other company but ladies of her family ; — she
could not be spending her evenings frequently in the same
society, and separately conversing with that gentleraan, unless
either with the privity and consent of her husband, or by -taking
advantage, with some management, of his ignorance and his ab
sence ; if it was with his privity and consent, that very circum
stance alone would unquestionably alter the character of such
conduct, — if with management she avoided his knowledge, that
very management would betray a bad motive. The cases there
fore are not parallel; — the iUustration is not just; — and the
question, which called for such an answer from Mrs. Lisle,
ought not, in candor and fairness, to have been put.
I entreat your Majesty, however, not to misunderstand me ;—
I should be ashamed indeed to be suspected of pleading any
peculiar or unfortunate circumstance, in ray situation, as an
excuse for any criminal or indecent act. With respect to such
acts, most unquestionably such circumstances can make no
difference ; — and afford no excuse. They must bear their own
character of disgrace and infamy, under all circumstances. But
there are acts, which are unbecoming a married woraan, which
ought to be avoided by her, frora an apprehension lest they
should render her husband uneasy, not because they might give
him any reason to distrust her chastity, her virtue, or her morals,
but because they might wound his feelings by indicating a pre
ference to the society of another man, over his, in a case, where
she had the option of both. But, surely, as to such acts, they
must necessarily bear a very different character, and receive a
very different construction, in a case, where, unhappily, there can

APPENDIX. Ixiii
be no such apprehension, and where there is no such option. I
must, therefore, be excused for dwelling so much upon this part
of the case ; and I am sure, your Majesty will feel mc warranted
in saying, what I say with a confidence, exactly proportioned to
the respectability of Mrs. Lisle's character, that, whatever she
meant, by any of these expressions, she could not, by possibility,
have meant to describe conduct, which to her mind afforded
evidence of crime, vice, or indecency. If she had, her regard to
her own character, her own delicacy, her own honourable and
virtuous feelings, would in less than the two years, which have
since elapsed, have found some excuse for separating herself
from that intimate connexion, which by her situation in my
household, subsists between us. She would not have remained
exposed to the repetition of so gross an offence and insult, to a
modest, virtuous, and delicate woman, as that of being made,
night by night, witness to scenes, openly acted in her presence,
offensive to virtue and decorum.
If your Majesty thinks I have dwelt too long, and tediously,
on this part of the case, I entreat your Majesty to think what I
must feel upon it. I feel it a great hardship, as I have frequently
stated, that under the cover of a grave charge of High Treason,
the proprieties, and decencies of my private conduct and be
haviour, have been made the subject, as I believe so unprece
dentedly, of a formal investigation upon oath. And that in con
sequence of it, I raay, at this moment, be exposed to the danger
of forfeiting your Majesty's good opinion, and being degraded and
disgraced, in reputation, through the country, because what Mrs.
Lisle has said of my conduct, — that it was " only that of a woman
who liked flirting," has become recorded in the Report on this
forraal enquiry, made into matters of grave crimes, and of essen
tial importance to the State.
Let me conjure your Majesty, over and over again, before you
suffer this circumstance to prejudice me in your opinion, not only
to weigh all the circumstances I have stated, , but to look round
the first ranks of feraale virtue, in this country, and see how
many women there are of most unimpeachable reputation, of
most unsullied and unsuspected honour, character, and virtue,
whose conduct, though living happily with their husbands, if
submitted to the judgment of persons of a severer cast of mind.

Ixiv

APPENDIX.

especially if saddened at the moment by calamity, might be
styled to be " flirting." I would not, however, be understood as
intending to represent Mrs. Lisle's judgment, as being likely to
be marked with any improper austerity, and therefore I am cer
tain she must either have had no idea that the expressions she
had used, in the manner which she used them, were capable of
being understood in so serious a light as to be referred to, amongst
circumstances deserving the most serious consideration, and which
must occasion unfavourable interpretations ; or she must by the
imposing novelty of her situation, in private examination before
four such grave characters, have been surprised into the use of
expressions, which, with a better opportunity of weighing them,
she would either not have used at all, or have accompanied with
still more of qualification than that, which she has, however, in
some degree, as it is, annexed to them.
But my great complaint is the having, not, particularly, Mrs.
Lisle's opinion, but any person's opinion, set up, as it were, in
judgment against the propriety of my private conduct. How
would it be endured, that the judgment of one raan should be
asked, and recorded in a solemn Report, against the conduct of
another, either with respect to his behaviour to his children, or
to his wife, or to any other relative ? How would it be endured,
in general, and I tmst, that my case ought not, in this respect, to
form an exception, that one woman should in a similar raanner
be placed in judgment, upon the conduct of another ? And that
judgment be reported, where her character was of the most im
portance to her, as amongst things which must be credited till
decidedly contradicted ? Let every one put these questions home
to their own breasts, and before they impute blame to me, for
protesting against the fairness and justice of this procedure, ask
how they would feel upon it, if it were their own case ?
But perhaps they cannot bring their imaginations to conceive
that it could ever become their own case. A few months ago
I could not have believed that it would have been raine.
But the just ground of my complaint may perhaps be more
easily appreciated and felt, by supposing a more familiar, but an
analogous case. The High Treason, with which I was charged,
was supposed to be committed in the foul crime of Adultery.
What would be the impression of your Majesty, what would be

APPENDIX. IxV
the impression upon the mind of any one, acquainted with the ex
cellent laws of your Majesty's kingdom, and the admirable ad
ministration of them, if upon a commission of this kind, secretly
to inquire into the conduct of any man, upon a charge of High
Treason, against the state, the Commissioners should not only
proceed to inquire, whether in the judgment of the witness, the
conduct of the accused was such as became a loyal subject ; but,
when the result of their Inquiry obliged them to report directly
against the charge of Treason, they, nevertheless, should record
an imputation, or libel, against his character for loyalty, and re
porting, as part of the evidence, the opinion of the witness, that
the conduct of the accused was such as did not become a loyal
subject, should further report, that the evidence of that witness,
without specifying any part of it, must be credited till decidedly
contradicted, and deserved the most serious consideration? How
could he appeal from that Report? How could he decidedly
contradict the opinion of the witness ? Sire, there is no difference
between this supposed case and mine, but this : That in the case
of the man, a character for loyalty, however injured, could not
be destroyed by such an insinuation. His future life might give
hira abundant opportunities of falsifying the justice of it. But
a female character, once so blasted, what hope or chance has
it of recovery ?
Your Majesty will not fail to perceive, that I have pressed this
part of the case, with an earnestness which shews that I have
felt it. I have no wish to disguise from your Majesty, that I
have felt it, and felt it strongly. It is the only part of the case,
which I conceive to be in the least degree against me, that rests
upon a witness who is at all worthy of your Majesty's credit.
How unfair it is, that any thing she has said should be pressed
against me, I trust I have sufficiently shewn. In canvassing,
however, Mrs. Lisle's evidence, I hope I have never forgot what
was due to Mrs. Lisle. I have been as anxious not to do her
injustice, as to do justice to myself. I retain the sarae respect
and regard for Mrs. Lisle now, as I ever had. If the unfavour
able irapressions, which the Coraraissioners seem to suppose,
fairly arise out of the expressions she has used, I am confident
they will be understood, in a sense, which was never intended by
her. And I should scorn to purchase any advantage to myself.

Ixvi APPENDIX.
at the expence of the slightest imputation, unjustly cast upon
Mrs. Lisle, or any one else.
Leaving therefore, with these observations, Mrs. Lisle's evi
dence, I must proceed to the evidence of Mr. Bidgood. The
parts of it which apply to this part of the case, I mea:n my con
duct to Captain Manby, at Montague House, I shall detail.
They are as foUow : " I first observed Captain Manby came to
Montague House either the end of 1803; or the beginning of
1 804. 1 was waiting one day in the anti-room ; Captain Manby
had his hat in his hand, and appeared to be going away ; he was
a long time with the Princess, and, as I stood on the steps wait
ing, I looked into the room in which they were, and in the re
flection On the looking-glass I saw them salute each other. I
mean that they kissed each other's lips. Captain Manby then
went away. I then observed the Princess have her handkerchief
in her hands, and wipe her eyes, as if she was crying, and went
into the drawing-room." In his second deposition, on the 3rd
of July, talking of his suspicions of what passed at Southend,
he says, " they arose frora seeing them kiss each other, as I men
tioned before, like people fond of each other ; — a very close kiss."
In these extracts from his depositions, there can undoubtedly
be no complaint of any thing being left to inference. Here is a
fact, which must unquestionably occasion almost as unfavour
able interpretations, as any fact of the greatest impropriety and
indecorum, short of the proof of actual crime. And this fact is
positively and affirmatively sworn to. And if this witness is
truly represented, as one who raust be credited till he is decided
ly contradicted; and the decided contradiction of the parties
accused, should be considered as unavailing, it constitutes a
charge which cannot possibly be answered. For the scene is so
laid, that there is no eye to witness it, but his own : and there
fore there can be no one who can possibly contradict him, howr
ever false his story may be, but the persons whom he accused.
As for rae, Sire, there is no mode, the most solemn that can be
devised, in which I shall not be' anxious and happy to contradict
it. And I do here most solemnly, in the face of Heaven, most
directly and positively affirm, that it is as foul, malicious, and
wicked a falsehood, as ever was invented by the malice of man.
Captain Manby, to whom I have been under the necessity of

APPENDIX. Ixvii
applying, for that purpose, in tho deposition whieh I annex, most
expressly and positively denies it also. Beyond these our two
denials, there is nothing which can by possibility be directly
opposed to iNlr. Bidgood's evidence. — All that remains to be done
is to examine Mr. Bidgood's credit, and to see how far he de
serves the character which the Commissioners give to him. —
How unfoundedly they gave such a character to Mr. Cole, your
Majesty, I am satisfied, must be fully convinced.
I suppose there must be some mistake, I will not call it by any
harsher name, for I think it can be no more than a mistake, in
Mr. Bidgood's saying, that the first time he knew Captain Man
by come to Montague House, was at the end of 1803, or begin
ning of 1804, for he first came at the end of the forraer year; and
the fact is, that Mr. Bidgood must have seen him then. — But,
however, the date is comparatively immaterial, the fact it is, that
is important.
And here. Sire, surely I have the same complaint which I have
so often urged. I would ask your Majesty, whether I, not as
a Princess of Wales, but as a party accused, had not a right to
be thought, and to be presumed, innocent, till I was proved to be
guUty ? Let me ask, if there ever could exist a case, in which
the credit of the witness ought to have been more severely
sifted and tried? The fact rested solely upon his single assertion.
However false, it could not possibly receive contradiction, but
from the parties. The story itself surely is not very probable.
My character cannot be considered as under inquiry; it is already
gone, and decided upon, by those, if there are any such, who
think such a story probable. — That in a room, with the door
open, and a servant known vto be waiting just by, we should have
acted such a scene of gross indecency. The indiscretion at
least might have rendered it improbable, even to those, whose
prejudices against me, might be prepared to conceive nothing
improbable in the indecency of it. Yet this seems to have been
received as a fact that there was no reason to question. The
witness is assurned, without hesitation, to be the witness of
truth, of unquestionable veracity. Not the faintest trace is there
to be found of a single question put to hira, to try and sift the
credit which was due to him, or to his story.
Is he asked, as I suggested before should have been done with
r2

Ixviii APPENDIX.
regard to Mr. Cole— To whom he told this fact before? When
he told it, what was ever done in consequence of this informa
tion ? If he never told it, till for the purpose of supporting Lady
Douglas's statement, how could he in his situation, as an old
servant of the Prince, with whom as he swears, he had lived
twenty-three years, creditably to himself, account for having con
cealed it so long? And how carae Lady Douglas and Sir John
to find out that he knew it, if he never had communicated it
before ? If he had communicated it, it would then have been
useful to have heard how far his present story was consistent with
his forraer ; and if it should have happened that this and other
matters, which he may have stated, were, at that time, made the
subject of any inquiry; then how far that inquiry had tended to
confirm or shake his credit. His first examination was, it is true,
taken by Lord Grenville, and Lord Spencer alone, without the aid
of the experience of the Lord Chancellor, and Lord Chief Jus
tice ; this undoubtedly may account for the omission ; but the
noble Lords will forgive me if I say, it does not excuse it, es
pecially as Mr. Bidgood was examined again on the 3rd of July,
by all the Commissioners, and this fact is again referred to them,
as the foundation of the suspicion which he afterwards entertain
ed of Captain Manby at Southend. Nay, that last deposition
affords on my part, another ground of similar complaint of the
strongest kind. It opens thus : " The Princess used to go out
" in her pheeton with coachman and helper, towards Long Reach,
" eight or ten times, carrying luncheon and wine with her, when
" Captain Manby's ship was at Long Reach, always Mrs, Fitz-
" gerald with her. — She would go out at one, and return about
" five or six, sometiraes sooner or later."
The date when Captain Manby's ship was lying at Long
Reach, is not given ; and therefore whether this was before, or
after, the scene of the supposed salute, does not appear. But
for what was this statement of Mr. Bidgood's made ? Why was
it introduced ? Why were these drives towards Long Reach
with luncheon, connected with Captain Manby's ship lying there
at the time, examined to by the Commissioners ? The first point,
the matter foremost in their minds, when they call back this
witness for his re-examination, appears to have been these drives
towards Long Reach. — Can it have been for any purpose but to

APPENDIX. Ixix
have the benefit of the insinuation to leave it open to be inferred,
that those drives were for the purpose of meeting Captain Man
by? If this fact was material, why in the name of justice, was
it so left? Mrs. Fitzgerald was mentioned by name, as accom
panying me in thera all : Why was not she called ? She perhaps
was my confidante ; no truth could have been hoped for from
her ; — still there were my coachman and helper, who likewise
accompanied me ; Why were they not called ? They are not
surely confidantes too. — But it is, for what reason I cannot pre
tend to say, thought sufficient to leave this fact, or rather this
insinuation, upon the evidence of Mr. Bidgood, who only saw,
or could see the way I went when I set out upon my drive, in
stead of having the fact from the persons who could speak to
the whole of it ; to the places I went to ; to the persons whom
1 met with.
Your Majesty wiU think me justified in dweUing upon this,
the raore from this circumstance, because I know, and will shew
to your Majesty, on the testimony of Jonathan Partridge, which
I annex, that these drives, or at least one of them, have been
already the object of previous, and, I believe, nearly cotempor-
ary investigation. The truth is, that it did happen upon two of
these drives that I met with Captain Manby; in one of them
that he joined me, and went with rae to Lord Eardley's, at Belvi-
dere, and that he partook of soraething which we had to eat ; —
that some of Lord Eardley's servants were examined as to my
conduct upon this occasion ; — and am confidently informed that
the servants gave a most satisfactory account of all that passed ;
nay, that they .felt, and have expressed some honest indignation
at the foul suspicion which the examination implied. On the
other occasion, having the boys to go on board the Africaine, I
went with one of my Ladies to see them on board, and Captain
Manby joined us in our walk round Mr. Calcraft's grounds at In
gress Park, opposite to Long Reach ; where we walked, while my
horses were baiting. We went into no house, and on that oc
casion had nothing to eat.
Perfectly unable to account why these facts were not more
fully inquired into, if thought proper to be inquired into at all,
I return again to Mr. Bidgood's evidence. As far as it respects
my conduct at Montague House, it is confined to the circum-

IxX APPENDIX.
Stances which I have already mentioned. And, upon those cir
cumstances, I have no further observation, which may tend to
illustrate Mr. Bidgood's credit to offer. But I trust if, from
other parts of his evidence, your Majesty sees traces of the
strongest prejudices against me, and the most scandalous infer
ences, drawn from circumstances, which can in no degree sup
port them, your Majesty will then be able justly to appreciate
the credit due to every part of Mr. Bidgood's evidence. -
Under the other head, into which I have divided this part of
the case, I mean my conduct at Southend, as relative to Captain
Manby, Mr. Bidgood is more substantial and particular. His
statement on this head begins by shewing that I was at South
end about six weeks before the Africaine, Captain Manby's ship,
arrived. That Mr. Sicard was looking out for its arrival, as if
she was expected. And as it is my practice to require as con
stant a correspondence to be kept up with my charity boys, when
on board of ship, as the nature of their situation will admit of,
and as Mr. Sicard is the person who manages all matters con
cerning them, and enters into their interests with the most
friendly anxiety, he certainly was apprized of the probability of
the ship's arrival off Southend, before she came. And here I
raay as well, perhaps, by the way, remark, that as this corres
pondence with the boys is always under cover to the Captain ;
this circumstance may account to your Majesty for the fact,
which is stated by some of the witnesses, of several letters being
put into the post by Sicard, some of which he may have received
from me, which were directed to Captain Manby.
Soon after the arrival of the Africaine, however, Bidgood says,
the Captain put off in his boat. Sicard went to meet him, and
immediately brought him up to me and my Ladies : — he dined
there then, and came frequently to see me. It would have been
as candid, if Mr. Bidgood had represented the fact as it really
was, though perhaps the circumstance is not very material : —
that the Captain brought the two boys on shore with him to see
rae, and this as well as raany other circurastances connected
with these boys, the existence of whom, as accounting in any
degree for the intercourse between me and Captain Manby, could
never have been collected from out of Bidgood's depositions,
Sicard would have stated, if the Commissioners had examined

APPENDIX. Ixxi
him to it. But though he is thus referred to, though his name
is mentioned about the letters sent to Captain Mauby, he does
not appear to have been examined to any of them, and all that
he appears to have been asked is, as to his rcinembering Captain
Manby visiting at Montague House, and to my paying the ex-
pence of the linen furniture for his cabin. But Mr. Sicard was,
I suppose, represented by my enemies to be a confidante, from
whom no truth could be extracted, and therefore, that it was
idle waste of time to examine him to such points ; and, so un
questionably, he, and every other honest servant in my family,
who could be supposed to know any thing upon the subject, were
sure to be represented by those, whose conspiracy and falsehood,
their honesty and truth, were the best means of detecting. The
conspirators, however, had the first word, and unfortunately their
veracity was not questioned, nor their unfavourable bias
suspected. Mr. Bidgood then proceeds to state the situation of the houses,
two of which, with a part of a third, I had at Southend. He
describes No. 9, as the house in which I slept ; No. 8, as that in
which we dined; and No. 7, as containing a drawing-room, to
which we retired after dinner. And, he says, " I have several
" tiraes seen the Princess, after having gone to No. 7, with Cap-
" tain Manby and the rest of the company, retire with Captain
" Manby from No, 7, through No. 8, to No. 9, which was the
" house where the Princess slept. I suspect that Captain Manby
" slept very frequently in the house. — Hints were given by the
" servants, and I believe that others suspected it as well as
" myself." — What those hints were, by what servants given, are
things which do not seem to have been thought necessary matters
of inquiry. At least, there is no trace in Mr. Bidgood's, or any
other witness's examination, of any such inquiry having been
made. In his second deposition, which applies to the same fact, after
saying that we went away the day after the Africaine sailed frora
Southend, he says, " Captain Manby v/as there three times a
" week at the least, whilst his ship lay for six weeks off Southend
¦" at the Nore ; — he came as tide served in a mornipg, and to
" dine, and drink tea. I have seen him next morning by ten
" o'clock. I suspected he slept at No. 9, the Princess's. She

Uxii APPENDIX.
" always put out the candles herself in. the drawing-rooln at
" No. 9, and bid me not wait to put them up. She gave me the
" orders as soon as she went to Southend. I used to see water
?' jugs, basins, and towels, set out opposite the Princess's door
" in the passage. Never saw them so left in the passage at any
'' other time, and I suspected he was there at that time ; there
" was a general suspicion through the house. Mrs. and Miss
" Fitzgerald there, and Miss Hammond (now Mrs. Hood) there.
" My suspicion arose from seeing them in the glass," &c. as men
tioned before. — " Her behaviour like that of a woman attached
" to a man, used to be by themselves at luncheon, at Southend,
" when the ladies were not sent for ; a nuraber of times. There
'' was a poney which Captain Manby used to ride; it stood in
" the stable ready for him, and which Sicard used to ride."
Then he says, the servants used to talk and laugh about Captain
Manby, and that it was matter of discourse amongst thera ; and
this, with what has been alluded to before, respecting Sicard's
putting letters for him into the post, which he had received from
hie, contains the whole of his deposition as far as respects Captain
Manby. And, Sire, as to the fact of retiring through No. 8,
from No. 7, to No. 9, alone with Captain Manby, I have no recol
lection of ever having gone with Captain Manby, though but for
a moment, from the one room in which the company was sitting,
through the dining-room, to the other drawing-room. It is, how
ever, now above two years ago, and to be confident that such a
circumstance' might not have happened,- is more than I will un
dertake to be. But, in the only sense in which he uses the ex
pression, as retiring alone, coupled with the iraraediate context
that follows, it is most false and scandalous. I know no means
of absolutely proving a negative. If the fact was true, there
must have been other witnesses who could have proved it as well
as Mr. Bidgood. Mrs. Fitzgerald is the only person of the party,
who was examined,, and her evidence proves the negative so far
as the negative can be proved ; for, she says, " he dined there,
" but never staid late. She was at Southend all the time I was
" there, and cannot recollect to have seen Captain Manby there,
" or known him to be there, later than nine, or half-past nine."
Miss Fitzgerald and Miss Hammond, (now Mrs. Hood) are not
called lo this fact; although a fact so extremely important, as

APPENDIX. Ixxiii
it must appear to your M ajesty ; nor, indeed, are they examined
at all.
As to the putting out of tlie candles, it seems he says, I have
the orders as soon as I went to Southend, which was six weeks
before the Africaine arrived ; so this plan of excluding him from
the opportunity of knowing what was going on at No. 9, was
part of a long meditated scheme, as he would represent it,
planned and thought of six weeks before it could be executed ;
and which, when it was executed, your Majesty will recollect,
according to Mr. Bidgood's evidence, there was so little con
trivance to conceal, that the basins and the towels, which the
Captain is insinuated to have used, were exposed to sight, as if
to declare that he was there.  It is tedious and disgusting.
Sire, I am well aware, to trouble your Majesty with such parti
culars ; but, it doubtless, is true, that I bid him not to take the '
candles away frora No. 9. The candles which are used in my
drawing-room, are considered as his perquisite. Those on the
contrary, which are used in ray private apartment, are the per
quisites of my maid. I thought that, upon the whole, it was a
fairer arrangement, when I was at Southend, to give my maid
the perquisites of the candles used at No. 9 ; and, I made the
arrangement accordingly, and ordered Mr. Bidgood to leave
them. This, Sire, is the true account of the fact respecting the
candles ; an arrangement which, very possibly, Mr. Bidgood did
not like.
But, the putting out the candles myself, was not the only
thing, from which the inference is drawn, that Captain Manby
slept at ray house, at No. 9, and, as is evidently insinuated, if
not stated, in ray bed-room. There were water-jugs, and basins,
and towels, left in the passage, which Mr. Bidgood never saw at
other times. At what other times does he mean? At other
times than those at which he suspected, from seeing them there,
that Captain Manby slept at my house ? If every time he saw
the basins, and towels, &c. in the passage, he suspected Captain
Manby slept there, it certainly would follow, that he never saw
them at times when he did not suspect that fact. But, Sire,
upon this important fact, — important to the extent of convicting
me, if it were true, of High Treason, if it were not for the indig
nation which such scandalous, licentious wickedness and malice

IXXiv APPENDIX.
excite, it would hardly be possible to treat it with any gravity.
Whether there were or were not basons and towels sometimes
left in the passage at Southend, which were not there generaUy,
and ought to have been never there, I really cannot inform your
Majesty. It certainly is possible, but the utmost it can prove, I
should trust, might be some slovenliness in my servant, who did
not put them in their proper places ; but, surely, it must be left
to Mr. Bidgood alone to trace any evidence, from such a circum
stance, of the crime of adultery in me. But, I cannot thus leave
this fact, for I trust, I shall here again have the same advantage
from the excess and extravagance of this man's malice, as I have
already had on the other part of the charge, from the excess and
extravagance of his confederate. Lady Douglas.
What is the charge' that he would insinuate ? That I meditated
and effected a stolen, secret, clandestine intercourse with an
adulterer ? No. — Captain Manby, it seems according' to his in
sinuation, slept with me in my own house, under circumstances
of such notoriety, that it was irapossible that any of my female
attendants, at least, should not have known it. Their duties
were varied on the occasion : they had ^to supply basons and
towels, in places where they never were supplied, except when
prepared for hira; and they were not only purposely so pre
pared, but prepared in an open passage, exposed to view, in a
manner to excite the suspicion of those who were not admitted
into the secret. And what a secret was it, that was thus to be
hazarded ! No less than what, if discovered, would fix Captain
Manby and myself with High Treason ! Not only therefore must
1 have been thus careless of reputation, and eager for infamy;
but I must have been careless of my life, as of my honour. — Lost
to all sense of shame, surely I must have still retained sorae
regard for life. Captain Manby too with a folly and madness
equal to his supposed iniquity, must then have put his life into
the hands of my servants, and depended for his safety upon their
fidelity to me, and their perfidy to the Prince jtheir master. If
the excess of vice and crime in all this is believed, could its
indiscretion, its madness find credulity to adopt it almost upon
an evidence ? But what must be the state of that man's mind,
as to prejudice, who could come to the conclusion of beUeving it,
from the fact of some water-jugs and towels being found in an

APPENDIX. IXXV
unusual place, in a passage near my bed-room ? For as to his
suspicion being raised by what he says he saw in the looking-
glass, if it was as true as it is false, that could not occasion his
believing, on any particular night, that Captain Manby slept in
my house : the situation of these towels and basins is what leads
to that belief.
But, Sire, may I ask, did the Commissioners believe this man's
suspicions? If they did, what do they mean by saying that
these facts of great indecency, &c. went to a much less extent
than the principal charges? And that it was not for them to state
tlieir bearing and effect ? The bearing of this fact, unquestionably,
if believed, is the same as that of the principal charge : namely,
to prove me guilty of High Treason. They therefore could not be
lieve it ; but if they did not believe it, and as it seems to me. Sire, no
men of common judgment could, on such a statement, how could
they bring themselves to narae Mr. Bidgood as one of those wit
nesses on whose unbiassed testiraony they could so rely? or how
could they in pointing him out with the other three, as speaking
to facts, particularly with respect to Captain Manby, which
must be credited till decidedly contradicted, omit to specify the
facts which he spoke to, that they thus thought worthy of belief,
but leave the whole, including this incredible part of it, recom
mended to belief by their general and unqualified sanction and
approbation. But the falsehood of this charge does not rest on its incredi
bility alone. My servant, Mrs. Sander, who attended constantly
on my person, and whose bed roo'm was close to mine, was ex
amined by the Commissioners ; she must have known this fact if
it had been true; she positively swears, " that she did not know
or believe, that Captain Manby staid till very late hours with me ;
that she never suspected there was any improper familiarity be
tween us." M. Wilson, who made my bed, swears " that she had
been in the habit of making it ever since she lived with me, that
another maid, whose name was Ann Bye, assisted with her in
making it, and swears from what she observed, that she never
had any reason to believe that two persons had slept in it." Re
ferring thus by name to her fellow servant, who made the bed
with her, but that servant, why I know not, is not examined.
As your Majesty then finds the inference drawn by Bidgood to

Ixxvi APPENDIX.
amount to a fact so openly and undisguisedly profligate, as to
outrage all credibility, as your Majesty finds it negatived by the
evidence of three witnesses, one of whom, in particular, if such a
fact were true, raust have known it; as your Majesty finds one
witness appealing to another, who is pointed out as a person who
must have been able, with equal means of knowledge, to have
confirmed her if she spoke true, and to have contradicted her if
she spoke false. And Sire, when added to all this, your Majesty
is graciously pleased to recollect that Mr. Bidgood was one of
those who, though in my service, submitted themselves volunta
rily to be examined previous to the appointment of the Corarais
sioners, in confirmation of Lady Douglas's statement, without
informing me of the fact ; and when I state to your Majesty upon
the evidence of Philip Krackeler, and Robert Eaglestone, whose
deposition I annex, that this unbiassed witness, during the pen
dency of these examinations before the Commissioners, was seen
to be in conference and communication with Lady Douglas, my
most ostensible accuser, do I raise my expectations too high,
when I confidently trust that his malice and his falsehood, as
well as his connection in this conspiracy against my honour, my
station in this kingdom, and my Ufe, will appear to your Majesty
too plainly for him to receive any credit, either in this or any
other part of his testimony ?
The other circumstances, to which he speaks, are corapara
tively too trifling, for rae to trouble your Majesty with any more
observations upon his evidence.
The remaining part of the case, which respects Captain Manby,
relates to my conduct at East Cliff.
How little Mrs. Lisle's examination affords for observations
upon this part of the case, except as shewing how very seldom
Captain Manby called upon me while I was there, I have already
observed. Mr. Cole says nothing upon this part of the case ; nor
Mr. Bidgood. The only witness amongst the four whose testi
monies are distinguished by the Commissioners as most material,
and as those on which they particularly rely, who says any thing
upon this part of the case, is Fanny Lloyd. Her deposition is
as follows :
" I was at Ramsgate with the Princess in 1803. One morning
when we were in the house at East Cliff, somebody, I don't recol-

APPENDIX. Ixxvii
leet who, knocked at my door, and desired mc to prepare break
fast for the Princess. This was about six o'clock ; I was asleep.
During the whole time I was in the Princess's service, I had
never been called up before to make the Princess's breakfast. I
slept in the houskeeper's room, on the ground floor. I opened
the shutters of the window for light. I knew at that tirae that
Captain Manby's ship was in the Downs. When I opened the
the shutters, I saw the Princess, walking down the Gravel-walk
towards the sea. No orders had been given me over-night to
prepare breakfast early. The gentleman the Princess was with
was a tall man. I was surprised to see the Princess walking with
a gentleman at that time in the morning. I am sure it was the
Princess." What this evidence of Fanny Lloyd applies to, I do not feel
certain that I recollect. The circumstances which she mentions
might, I think, have occurred twice while I was there, and which
time she alludes to, I cannot pretend to say. I mean on occasion
of two water parties, which I intended[; one of which did not
take place at all, and the other not so early in the day as was in
tended, nor was its object effected. Once I intended to pay
Admiral Montague a visit to Deal. But, wind and tide not
serving, we sailed much later than we intended ; and instead of
landing at Deal, the Admiral came on board our vessel, and we
returned to East Cliff in the evening, on which occasion Captain
Manby ¦was not of the party, nor was he in the Downs — but it is
very possible, that having prepared to set off early, I might have
walked down towards the sea, and been seen by Fanny Lloyd.
On the other occasion. Captain Manby was to have been of the
party, and it was to have been on board his ship. I desired him
to be early at my house in the morning, and if the day suited me,
we would go. He carae ; I walked with hira towards the sea,
to look at the morning: I did not like the appearance of the
weather, and did not go to sea. Upon either of these occasions
Fanny Lloyd might have been called up to make breakfast, and
might have seen me walking. As to the orders not having been
given her over night, to that I can say nothing.
But upon this statement, what inference can be intended to be
drawn from this fact ? It is the only one in which Fanny Lloyd's
evidence can in any degree be applied to Captain Manby, and she

Ixxviii APPENDIX.
is one of the important witnesses referred to, as proving some
thing which must, particulariy as with regard to Captain Manby,
be credited till contradicted, and as deserving the most serious
consideration. From the examination of Mrs. Fitzgerald I collect,
that she was asked whether Captain Manby ever slept iu the
house at East Cliff, to which she, to the best of her knowledge
answers in the negative. Is this evidence then of Fanny Lloyd's
relied upon to afford an inference that Captain Manby slept in
my house ; or was there at an improper hour ? or in a manner,
and under circumstances, which afforded reason for unfavourable
interpretations ? If this were so, can it be believed that I would
under such circumstances, have taken a step, such as calling for
breakfast, at an unusual hour, which must have made the fact
more notorious and remarkable, and brought the attention of the
servants, who must have waited at the breakfast, more particu
larly and pointedly to it ?
But if there is any thing which rests, or is supposed to rest,
upon the credit of this witness — though she is one of the four,
whose credit your Majesty will recollect it has been stated, that
there was no reason to question ; yet she stands in a predicament
in which, in general, at least I had understood it to be supposed,
that the credit of a witness was not only questionable, but
materially shaken. For, towards the beginning of her examina
tion, she states, that Mr. Mills attended her for a cold ; he
asked her if the Prince came to Blackheath backwards and for
wards, or something to that effect : for the Princess was with
child, or looked as if she was with child. This must have been
three or four years ago. She though it must be sometime before
the child (W. Austin) was brought to the Princess. To this fact
she positively swears, and in this she is as positively contradicted
by Mr. MiUs ; for he swears, in his deposition before the Com
raissioners, that he never did say to her, or any one, that the
Princess was with child, or looked as if she was with child ;—
that he never thought so, nor surmised any thing of the kind.
Mr. MUls has a partner, Mr. Edmeads. The Comraissioners,
therefore, conceiving that Fanny Lloyd might have mistaken one
of the partners for the other, examine Mr. Edmeads also. Mr.
Edmeads in his deposition, is equally positive, that he never said
any such thing — so the matter rests upon these depositions ; and

APPENDIX. I.VXIX
upon that state of it, what pretence is there for saying, that a
witness who swears to a conversation with a medical person,
who attended rae of so extremely important a nature, and is so
expressly and decidedly contradicted in the important fact which
she speaks to, is a witness whose credit there appears no reason
to question? This important circumstance must surely have
been overlooked when that statement was made.
But this fact of Mr. Mills and Mr. Edmeads's contradiction of
Fanny Lloyd, appears to your Majesty, for the first tirae, from
the examination before the Commissioners. But this is the fact
which I charge as having been known to those, who are con
cerned in bringing forward this information, and which, never
theless, was not communicated to your Majesty.— The fact that
Fanny Lloyd declared, that Mr. Mills told her the Princess was
with child, is stated in the declarations which were delivered to
His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales, and by him forwarded
to your Majesty. — The fact that Mr. Mills denied ever having so
said, though known at the same time, is not stated.
That I may not appear to have represented so strange a fact,
without sufficient authority, I subjoin the declaration of Mr.
Mills, and the Deposition of Mr. Edmeads, which prove it.
Fanny Lloyd's original Declaration which was delivered to His
Royal Highness, is dated on the 12th of February. It appears
to have been taken at the Temple ; I conclude, therefore, at the
chambers of Mr. Lowten, Sir John Douglas's Solicitor, who,
according to Mr. Cole, accompanied him to Cheltenham to pro
cure some of these Declarations. On the 1 3th of February, the
next day after Fanny Lloyd's Declaration, the Earl of Moira
sends for Mr. Mills upon pressing business. Mr. Mills attends
him on the 14th ; he is asked by his Lordship upon the subject
of this conversation ; he is told he may rely upon his Lordship's
honour, that what passed should be in perfect confidence ; (a
confidence which Mr. Mills, feeling it to be on a subject too im
portant to his character, at the moment disclaims :) — that it was
his (the Earl of Moira's) duty to his Prince, as his counsellor,
to inquire into the subject, which he had known for some time. —
Fanny Lloyd's stateraent being then related to Mr. MiUs, Mr.
MiUs, with great warmth, declared that it was an infamous
falsehood. — Mr. Lowten, who appears also to have been there

IxXX APPENDIX.
by appointment, was called into the room, and he furnished Mr.
Mills with the date to which Fanny Lloyd's declaration applied.
The meeting ends in Lord Moira's desiring to see Mr. Mills's
partner Mr. Edmeads, who, not being at home, cannot attend him
for a few days. He does, however, upon his return, attend hira
on the 20th of May : on his attendance, instead of Mr. Lowten,
he finds Mr. Conant, the raagistrate, with Lord Moira. He
denies the conversation with Fanny Lloyd, as positively and
peremptorily as Mr. Mills. Notwithstanding, however, all this,
the Declaration of Fanny Lloyd is delivered to His Royal High
ness, and accompanied by these contradictions, and forwarded
to your Majesty on the 29th. That Mr. Lowten was the
Solicitor of Sir John Douglas in this business, cannot be doubted ;
that he took some of those Declarations, which were laid before
your Majesty, is clear; and that he took this Declaration of
Fanny Lloyd's, seeras not to be questionable. That the Inquiry
by Earl Moria, two days after her Declaration was taken, must
have been in consequence of an early communication of it to
him, seems necessarily to follow frora what is above stated ; that
it was known, on the Mth of May, that Mr. Mills contradicted
this assertion; and, on the 20th, that Mr. Edraeads did, is per
fectly clear; and yet, notwithstanding all this, the fact, that
Mr. Edmeads and Mr. Mills contradicted it, seems to have been
not communicated to His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales ;
for he, as it appears from the Report, forwarded the Declarations
which had been delivered to His Royal Highness, through the
Chancellor, to your Majesty : and the Declaration of Fanny
•Lloyd, which had been so falsified, to the knowledge of the Earl
Moira and of Mr. Lowten, the Solicitor of Sir John Douglas,
is sent in to your Majesty as one of the documents, on which you
were to ground your Inquiry, unaccompanied by its falsification
by Mills and Edraeads; at least, no declarations by thera are
araongst those, which are transmitted to me, as copies of the
original Declarations which were laid before your Majesty. I
know not whether it was Lord Moira, or Mr. Lowten, who
should have communicated this circumstance to His Royal
Highness; but that, in all fairness, it ought unquestionably to
have been communicated by some one.
I dare not trust myself with any inferences from this proceed-

APPENDIX. IxXxi
ing ; I content myself with remarking, that it must now be felt,
that I was justified in saying, that neither His Royal Highness,
nor your Majesty, any more than myself, had been fairly dealt
with, in not being fully informed upon this important fact ; and
your Majesty will forgive a weak, unprotected woman, like my
self, who, under such circumstances, should apprehend that,
however Sir John and Lady Douglas may appear my ostensible
accusers, I have other enemies, whose ill-will I may have occa
sion to fear, without feeUng myself assured, that it will be
strictly regulated, in its proceeding against me, by the principles
of fairness and of justice.
I have now. Sire, gone through all the evidence which respects
Captain Manby ; whether at Montague House, Southend, or
East CUff ; and I do trust, [that your Majesty will see, upon the
whole of it, how mistaken a view the Commissioners have taken
of it. The pressure of other duties engrossing their time and
their attention, has made them leave the important duties of this
investigation, in many particulars, imperfectly discharged — a
more thorough attention to it must have given them a better and
truer insight into the characters of those witnesses, upon whose
credit, as I am convinced your Majesty will now see, they have
without sufficient reason relied. There remains nothing for me,
on this part of the charge to perform ; but, adverting to the
circumstance which is falsely sworn against me by Mr. Bidgood,
of the salute, and the false inference and insinuation, from other
facts, that Captain Manby slept in my house, either at Southend,
or East Cliff, on my own part raost solemnly to declare, that they
are both utteriy false ; that Bidgood's assertion as to the salute,
is a malicious slanderous invention, without the slightest
shadow of truth to support it ; that his suspicions and insinua
tions, as to Captain Manby's having slept in my house, are also
the false suggestions of his own malicious raind ; and that Cap
tain Manby never did, to my knowledge or belief, sleep in my
house at Southend, East Cliff, or any other house of mine what
ever; and, however often he raay have been in my company, I
solemnly protest to your Majesty, as I have done in the former
cases, that nothing ever ^passed between him and rae, that I
should be ashamed, or unwiUing that all the world should have
seen. And I have also, with great pain, and with a deep sense

Ixxxii APPENDIX.
of wounded delicacy, applied to Captain Manby to attest to tha
same truths, and I subjoin to this letter his Deposition to that
effect. I stated to your Majesty, that I should be obliged to return to
other parts of Fanny Lloyd's testimony ; at the end of it she says,
" I never told Cole that M. Wilson, when she supposed the
Princess to be in the library, had gone into the Princess's bed
room, and had found a man there at breakfast with the Princess ;
or that there was a great to do about it, and that M. WUson
was sworn to secrecy, and threatened to be turned away, if she
divulged what she had seen." This part of her examination,
your Majesty will perceive, must have been called from her, by
some precise question, addressed to her, with respect to a sup
posed communication from her to Mr. Cole. In Mr. Cole's
examination, there is not one word upon the subject of it. In
his original declaration, however, there is, and there your Majesty
will perceive, that he affirms the fact of her having reported to
him Mary Wilson's declaration in the very same words in which
Fanny Lloyd denies it ; and it is therefore evident that the
Commissioners, in putting this question to Fanny Lloyd, must
have put it to her from Cole's declaration. She positively
denies the fact: there is then a flat and precise contradiction,
between the examination of Fanny Lloyd and the original
statement of Mr. Cole. It is therefore impossible that they both
can have spoken true. The Commissioners, for some reason,
don't examine Cole to this point at all; don't endeavour to trace
out this story : if they had, they must have discovered which of
these witnesses spoke the truth, but they leave this contradiction,
not only unexplained, but uninquired after, and in that state,
report both these witnesses. Cole and Fanny Lloyd, who thus
speak to the two sides of a contradiction, and who therefore can
not by possibiUty both speak truth, as witnesses who cannot be
suspected of partiality, whose credit they see no reason to
question, and whose story must be believed tUl contradicted.
But what is, if possible, still more extraordinary, this sup
posed comraunication from F. Lloyd to Cole, as your Majesty
observes, relates to something which M. Wilson is supposed to
have seen and to have said ; yet though M. Wilson appears her
self to have been examined Ijy the Commissioners on the same

APPENDIX. Ixxxiii
day with Fanny Lloyd, in the copy of her examination, as de
livered to me, there is no trace of any question relating to this
declaration having been^put to her.
And I have not less reason to lament, than to be surprised,
that it did not occur to the Commissioners to see the necessity
of following this Inquiry still further. For, if properly pursued,
it would have demonstrated two things, both very important to
be kept in mind in the whole of this consideration. First, how
hearsay representations of this kind, arising out of little or
nothing, become magnified and exaggerated by the circulation
of prejudiced, or malicious reporters : and secondly, it would
have shewn the industry of Mr. and Mrs. Bidgood, as well as
Mr. Cole, in collecting information in support of Lady Doug
las's statement, and in improving what they collected by their
false colourings, and malicious additions to it. They would
have found a story in Mrs. Bidgood's declaration, as well as in
her husband's, who relates it as having heard it from his wife,
which is evidently the same as that which W. Cole's declaration
contains. For the Bidgood's declarations state that Fanny
Lloyd told Mrs. Bidgood that Mary Wilson had gone into the
Princess's bed-room, and had found her Royal Highness and Sir
Sidney in the most criminal situation; that she had left the
room, and was so shocked, that she fainted away at the door.
Here then are Mrs. Bidgood, and Mr. Cole, both declaring what
they had heard Fanny Lloyd say, and Fanny Lloyd denying it.
How extraordinary is it that they were not all confronted ! and
your Majesty will see presently how much it is to be lamented
that they were not. For, frora Fanny Lloyd's original declara
tion, it appears that the truth would have come out. As she
there states that, " To the best of her knowledge Mary Wilson
" said, that she had seen the Princess and Sir Sidney in the
" Blue Room, but never heard Mary Wilson say she was so
" alarmed as to be in a fit."
If, then, on confronting Fanny Lloyd with Mrs. Bidgood and
Mr. Cole, the Commissioners had found Fanny Lloyd's story to
be what she related before, and had then put the question to
Mary Wilson, and had heard frora her what it really was which
she had seen and related to Fanny Lloyd, they could not have
been at a loss to have discovered which of these witnesses told
g2

Ixxxiv APPENDIX.
the truth. They would have found, I am perfectly confident,
that aU that Mary Wilson ever could have told Fanny Lloyd,
was that she had seen Sir Sidney and myself in the Blue Room,
and' they would then have had to refer to the malicious, and con
federated inventions of the Bidgoods and Mr. Cole, for the con
version of the Blue Room, into the bed-room ; for the vile
slander of what M. Wilson was supposed to have seen, and for
the violent effect which this scene had upon her. I say their
confederate inventions, as it is impossible to suppose that they
could have been concerned in inventing the same additions to
Fanny Lloyd's story, unless they had communicated together
upon it. And when they had once found Mrs. Bidgood and Mr.
Cole, thus conspiring together, they would have had no difficulty
in connecting them both in the same conspiracy with Sir John
Douglas, by showing how connected Cole was with Sir John
Douglas, and how acquainted with his proceedings, in collecting
the evidence which was to support Lady Douglas's declaration.
For, by referring to Mr. Cole's declaration, made on the 23rd
of February, they would have seen that Mr. Cole, in explaining
sorae observation about Sir Sidney's supposed possession of a
key to the garden door, says that it was what " Mr. Larapert,
" the servant of Sir John Douglas, mentioned at Cheltenham to
" Sir John Douglas and Mr. Lowten." How should Mr. Cole
know that Sir John Douglas and Mr. Lowtgn had been down to
Cheltenham, to collect evidence from this old servant of Sir John
Douglas's ? How should he have known what that evidence was ?
unless he had either accompanied them himself, or at least had
had such a communication either with Sir John Douglas, or Mr.
Lowten, as it never could have occurred to any of them to have
made to Mr. Cole, unless, instead of being a mere witness, he
were a party to this accusation ? But whether they had con
vinced themselves that Fanny Lloyd spoke true, and Cole and
Mrs. Bidgood falsely ; or whether they had convinced themselves
of the reverse, it could not have been possible, that they both
could have spoken the truth ; and, consequently, the Commis
sioners could never have reported the veracity of both to be free
from suspicion, and deserving of credit.
There only remains that I should make a few observations on
what appears in the examinations relative to Mr. Hood, (now

APPENDIX. IXXXV
Lord Hood) Mr. Chester, and Captain Moore. And I reaUy
should not have thought a single observation necessary upon
either of them, except that what refers to them is stated in the
examinations of Mrs. Lisle.
AMth respect to Lord Hood it is as follows :
" I was at Catherington with the Princess ; — remember Mr.
" (now Lord Hood) there, and the Princess going out airing with
" him, alone in Mr. Hood's Uttle whisky ; — and his servant was
" with them ; Mr. Hood drove, and staid out two or three times ;
" — more than once, three or four times. Mr. Hood dined with
" us several times ; once or twice he slept in a house in the gar-
" den; she appeared to pay no attention to him, but that of
" common civUity to an intiraate acquaintance." Now, Sire, it
is undoubtedly true that I drove out several times with Lord
Hood in his one horse chaise, and some few times, twice I believe
at most, without any of my servants attending us ; and consider
ing the time of life, and the respectable character of my Lord
Hood, I never should have conceived that I incurred the least
danger to my reputation in so doing. If indeed it was the duty
of tbe Commissioners to inquire into instances of my conduct,
in which they may conceive it to have been less reserved and
dignified, than what would properly become the exalted station
which I hold in your Majesty's Royal Family, it is possible that,
in the opinions of some, these drives with iny Lord Hood were
not consistent with thafstation ; and that they were particularly
iraproper in those instances in which we were not attended by
raore servants, or any servants of my own.
Upon this I have only to observe, that these instances occur
red after I had received the news of the lamented death of your
Majesty's brother, the Duke of Gloucester. I was at that time
down by the sea side for my health. I did not like to forego the
advantage of air and exercise for the short remainder of the time
which I had to stay there, and I purposely chose to go out, not
in my own carriage, and unattended, that I might not be seen,
and known to be driving about (myself and my attendants out of
mourning) whUe his Royal Highness was known to have been so
recently dead. This statement, however, is all that I have to
make upon my part of the case, and whatever indecorum or im
propriety 'of behaviour the Commissioners have fixed upon me

IxXXVi APPENDIX.
by this circumstance, it must remain ; for I cannot deny the
truth of the fact, and have only the above explanation to offer of
it. As to what Mrs. Lisle's examination contains with respect to
Mr. Chester and Captain Moore, it is so connected, that I must
trouble your Majesty with the statement of it altogether.
" I was with her Royal Highness at Lady Sheffield's at Christ
mas, in Sussex ; I inquired what company was there when I came,
— she said, only Mr. John Chester, who was there by her Royal
Highness's orders ; that she could get no other corapany to raeet
her, on account of the roads, and the season of the year. He dined
and slept there that night ; the next day other corapany came ;
Mr. Chester remained. I heard her Royal Highness say she had
been ill in the night, and carae out for a light, and lighted her
candle in her servant's room. I returned from Sheffield-place to
Blackheath with the Princess. Captain Moore dined there ; I
left him and the Princess twice alone, for a short time ; he might
be alone half an hour with her in the room below, in which we
had been sitting. I went to look for a book to compleat a set her
Royal Highness was lending Captain Moore. She made him a
present of an inkstand, to the best of my recollection. He was
there one morning in January last, on the Princess Charlotte's
birth-day; he went away before the rest of the company. I
might be about twenty minutes the second tirae I was away, the
night Captain Moore was there. At Lady Sheffield's her Royal
Highness paid raore attention to Mr. Chester than to the rest of
the company. 1 know of her Royal Highness walking out alone,
twice, with Mr. Chester in the morning alone ; once, a short
time, it rained, the olher not an hour, not long. Mr. Chester is a
pretty young man ; her attentions to him were not uncommon ;
not the same as to Captain Manby."
And first. Sire, as to what relates to Mr. Chester. If there is
any imputation to be cast upon my character by what passed at
Sheffield-place with Mr. Chester, (and by the Commissioners re
turning to examine Mrs. Lisle upon my attention to Mr. Chester,
my walking out with hira, and above all, " as to his being a
pretty young raan," I conceive it to be so intended) I am sure
your Majesty will see that it is the hardest thing imaginable
upon me, that, upon an occurrence which passed in Lady Shef
field's house, on a visit to her, Lady Sheffield herself was never

APPKNDIX. Ixxxvri
examined, for if she had been, I am convinced that these Noble
Lords, the Comraissioners, never could have put me to the pain
ful degradation of staling any thing upon this subject.
The statement begins by Mrs. Lisle's inquiring, what company
was there ? and Lady Sheileld saying, " only Mr. John Chester,
who was there by her Royal Highness's orders ; that she could
get no other company on account of the roads." Is not this, Sire,
left open to the inference that Mr. John Chester was the only
person who had been invited by my orders ? If Lady Sheffield
had been examined, she would have been able to have produced
the very letter in which, in answer to her Ladyship's request,
that I would let her know what company it would be agreeable
for me to meet, I said, " every thing of the name of North, all
the Legge's, and Chester's, William and John, &c. &c. and Mr.
Elliott." Instead of singling out, therefore, Mr. John Chester,
I included him in the enumeration which I made of the near re
lations of Lady Sheffield ; and your Majesty from this alone can
not fail to see how false a colour, even a true fact cau assume, if
it be not sufficiently inquired into and explained.
As to the circurastances of ray having been taken ill in the
night, being obliged to get up, and light my candle; why this
fact should be recorded, I am wholly at a loss to conceive. All
the circumstances however, respecting it, connected very much
as they are with the particular disposition of Lady Sheffield's
house, would have been fully explained, if thought material to
have been inquired after, by Lady Sheffield herself; and I
should have been relieved from the painful degradation of allud
ing at all to a circumstance which I could not further detail,
without a great degree of .indeHcacy ; and as I cannot possibly
suppose such a detail can be necessary for my defence, it would,
especially in addressing your Majesty,- be wholly inexcusable.
With respect to the attention which I paid to Mr. Chester, and
my walking out twice alone with him for a short time, I know
not how to notice it. At this distance of time I am not certain
that I can, with perfect accuracy, account for the circumstance.
It appears to have been a rainy morning ; it was on the 27th or
28 th of December ; and whether, wishing to take a walk, I did
not desire Lady Sheffield, or Mrs. Lisle, or any lady, to accom
pany me in doing what, in such a morning, I might think might

Ixxxviii APPENDIX.
be disagreeable to them, I really cannot precisely state to your
Majesty. But here again, perhaps, in the judgment of sorae persons,
may be an instance of familiarity, which was not consistent with
the dignity of the Princess of Wales ; but surely prejudice
against me and my character must exceed all natural bounds in
those minds in which any inference of crime or moral depravity
can be drawn from such a fact. As to Captain Moore, it seems
he was left alone with me, and twice in one afternoon by Mrs.
Lisle; he was alone with me half an hour. The first tirae Mrs.
Lisle left us, her exaraination says, it was to look for a book
which I wished to lend to Captain Moore. How long she was
absent ori that occasion she is not asked, but it could have been
but ten rainutes, as she appears to have been absent twenty mi
nutes the second time. The Commissioners, though they parti
cularly retum to the inquiry with respect to the length of tirae of
her second absence, did not require her to tell them the occasion
of it: if they had, she would have told them, that it was in
search of the sarae book ; that having on the first occasion looked
for it in the drawing-roora, she went afterwards to seek for it in
Mrs. Fitzgerald's roora. — But I raade him a present of an ink
stand. I hope your Majesty will not think I am trifling with
your patience when I take notice of such trifles. But it is of
such trifles as these, that the evidence consists, when it is the
evidence of respectable witnesses speaking to facts, and conse
quently speaking only the truth. Captain Moore had conferred
on me what I felt as a considerable obligation. My mother is
very partial to the late Dr. Moore's writings. Captain Moore, as
your Majesty knows, is his son, and he promised to lend me, for
the purpose of sending it to my mother, a manuscript of an un
published work of the Doctor's. In return for this civility I
begged his acceptance of a trifling present.
There is one circumstance alluded to in these examinations,
which I know not how to notice, and yet feel it impossible to
omit — I meah what respects certain anonymous papers, or letters,
marked A. B. and C. to which Lord Cholmondely appears to have
been examined, upon the supposition of their being my hand
writing. A letter marked A. appears, by the examination of
Lady Douglas, to have been produced by her; and the two

APPENDIX. Ixxxix
marked B. and a cover marked C. appear to have been produced
by Sir John. These papers I have never seen ; but I collect
them to be the same as are alluded to in Lady Douglas's origi
nal declaration, and from her representation of them, they are
most infamous productions. Frora the style and language of the
letter, she says. Sir J. Douglas, Sir S. Smith and herself, would
have no manner of hesitation in swearing point blank (for that is
her phrase) to their being in my hand-writing ; and it seems,
from the statement of His Royal Highness the Duke of Kent,
that Sir Sidney Sraith had been imposed upon to believe, that
these letters and papers were really written and sent to Sir John
and Lady Douglas by me. I cannot help, however, remarking
to your Majesty, that though Sir John and Lady Douglas pro
duce these papers, and mark them, yet neither the one nor the
other swears to their belief of my hand- writing ; it does not, in
deed, appear that they were asked the question ; and when it
once occurred to the Comraissioners to be material to inquire
whose hand-^writing these papers were, I should have been much
surprised at their not applying to Sir John and Lady Douglas to
swear it, as in their original Declaration they offer to do, if it had
not been that, by that time, I suppose, the Commissioners had
satisfied themselves of the true value of Sir John and Lady
Douglas's oaths, and therefore did not think it worth while to
ask them any further questions.
His Royal Highness the Duke of Kent, as appears by his nar
rative, was convinced, by Sir Sidney Smith, that these letters
came from me. His Royal Highness had been applied to by rae,
in consequence of my having received a formal note frora Sir
John, Lady Douglas, and Sir Sidney Smith, requesting an
audience immediately; this was soon after my having desired to
see no more of Lady Douglas. I conceived, therefore, the
audience was required for the purpose of remonstrance, and
explanation upon this circumstance, and as I was determined not
to alter my resolution, nor admit of any discussion upon it, I
requested His Rpyal Highness, who happened to be acquainted
with Sir Sidney Smith, to try to prevent my having any further
trouble upon the subject. His Royal Highness saw Sir Sidney
Smith, and being impressed by him with the belief of Lady
Douglas's story, that I was the author of these anonymous letters,

xc APPENDIX.
he did that which naturally became him, under such belief; he
endeavoured, for the peace of your Majesty, and the honour of
the Royal Family, to keep from the knowledge of the worid,
what, if it had been true, would have justly reflected such in
finite disgrace upon me ; and, it seems, frora the narrative that
he procured, through Sir Sidney Smith, Sir John Douglas's as
surance that he would, under existing circumstances, remain
quiet, if left unmolested. " This result (His Royal Highness
says) he communicated to me the following day, and I seemed
satisfied with it." And undoubtedly as he only communicated
the result to me, I could not be otherwise than satisfied : for as
all that I wanted was, not to be obliged to see Sir John and Lady
Douglas, and not to be troubled by them any more, the result
of his Royal Highness's interference, through Sir Sidney Smith,
was to procure me all that I wanted. I do not wonder that his
Royal Highness did not mention to me the particulars of these
infamous letters and drawings, which were ascribed to me ; for,
as long as he believed they were mine, undoubtedly it was a
subject which he must have wished to avoid; but I lament, as it
happens, that he did not, as I should have satisfied him, as far,
at least, as any assertions of mine could have satisfied him, by
declaring to him, as I do now most solemnly, that the letter is
not mine, and that I know nothing whatever of the contents of it,
or of the other papers ; and, I trust, that his Royal Highness,
and every one else who may have taken up any false impression
concerning them to my prejudice, from the assertion of Sir John
and Lady Douglas, [will, upon ray assertion, and the evidence of
Lord Cholraondeley, reraove from their minds this calumnious
falsehood, which, with many others, the malice of Sir John and
Lady Douglas has endeavoured to fasten upon me.
To all these papers Lady Douglas states, in her Declaration,
that, not only herself and Sir John Douglas, but Sir Sidney
Smith, would have no hesitation in swearing to be in my hand
writing. — What says Lord Cholmondeley? "that he is perfectly
acquainted with my manner of writing. Letter A. is not of my
hand-writing ; that the two papers marked B. appear to be wrote
in a disguised hand ; that some of the letters in them remarkably
resemble raine, but, because of the disguise, he cannot say
whether they are or not ; as to the cover marked C. he did not

APPENDIX. XCl
see tlie same resemblance." Of these four papers (all of which
are stated by Lady Douglas to be so clearly and plainly mine,
that there can be no hesitation upon the subject), two bear no
resemblance to it, and although the other two, written in a dis
guised hand, have some letters remarkably resembling mine, yet, I
trust, I shall not upon such evidence, be subjected to so base an
imputation; and really. Sire, I know not how to account for the
Commissioners examining and reporti'ng upon this subject in this
manner. For I understand from Mrs. Fitzgerald, that these
drawings were produced by the Commissioners to her ; and that
she was examined as to her knowledge of them, and as to the
hand-writing upon them; that she was satisfied, and swore that
they were not my hand-writing, and that she knew nothing of
them, and did not believe they could possibly come from any
lady in my house. She was shewn the seal also, which Lady
Douglas, in her Declaration, says, was the " identical one with
which I had summoned Sir John Douglas to luncheon." To this
seal, though it so much resembled one that belonged to herself,
as to make her hesitate till she had particulariy observed it, she
was at last as positive as to tlie hand-writing, and having ex
pressed herself with some feeling and indignation at the supposi
tion, that either I, herself, or any of my Ladies, could be guilty
of so foul a transaction, the Coraraissioners tell her, they were
satisfied, and believed her ; and there is not one word of all this
related in her examination.— Now, if their Lordships were satis
fied from this, or any other circumstance, that these letters were
not my writing ; and did not come from me, I can account for
their not preserving any trace of Mrs. Fitzgerald's evidence on
this point, and leaving it out of their enquiry altogether ; but, if
they thought proper to preserve any evidence upon it, to make it
the subject of any examination; surely they should not have left
it on Lord Cholraondeley's alone ; but I ought to have had the
benefit of Mrs. Fitzgerald's evidence also. But, as I said before,
they take no notice of her evidence ; nay, they finish their Re
port, they execute it according to the date it bears, upon the
14th of July, and it is not untU two days afterwards, namely, on
the 16th, that they examine Lord Cholmondeley to the hand
writing — with what view, and for what purpose, I cannot even
surmise ; but with whatever view, and for whatever purpose, if

XCll APPENDIX. .^
these letters are at aU to be alluded to in their Report, or the
examinations accompanying it, surely I ought to have had the
benefit of the other evidence, which disproved ray connection
with thera.
I have now. Sire, gone through all the matters contained in
the examination, on which I think it, in any degree, necessary, to
trouble your Majesty with any observations. — For as to the ex
amination of Mrs. Townley the washerwoman, if it applies at all,
it must have been intended to Ijave afforded evidence of my
pregnancy and miscarriage. — Afad whether the circumstance she
speaks to was occasioned by my having been bled with leeches,
or whether an actual miscarriage did take place in my family,
and by some means linen belonging to me was procured and used
upon the occasion ; or to whatever other circumstance it is to be
ascribed, after the manner in which the Commissioners have ex
pressed their opinion, on the part of the case respecting my sup
posed pregnancy, and after the evidence on which they formed
their opinion, I do not conceive rayself called upon to say any
thing upon it ; or that any thing I could say could be raore satis
factory than repeating the opinion of the Coraraissioners, as
stated in their Report, viz. " That nothing had appeared to thera
which would warrant the belief that I was pregnant in that year,
(1802), or at any other period within the compass of their In
quiries — that they would not be warranted in expressing any
doubt respecting the alleged pregnancy of the Princess, as stated
in the original declarations, a fact so fully contradicted, and by
so many witnesses, to whora, if true, it must in various ways
have been known, that we cannot think it entitled to the smallest
credit." There are indeed sorae other matters mentioned in the original
declarations, which I might have found it necessary to observe
upon; but as the Commissioners do not appear to have entered
into any examination with respect to them, I content myself with
thinking that they had found the means of satisfying themselves
of the utter falsehood of those particulars, and therefore that
they can require no contradiction or observation frora me.
On the declaration, therefore, and the evidence, I have nothing
further to reraark. And, conscious of the length at which I have
trespassed on your Majesty's patience, I will forbear to waste

APPENDIX. XCllI
your time by any endeavour to recapitulate what I have said.
Some few observations, however, before I conclude, I must hope
to be permitted to subjoin.
In many of the observations which I have made, your Majesty
will observe that I have noticed, what have appeared to me to be
great omissions on the part of the Commissioners, in the manner
of taking their examinations ; in forbearing to put any questions
to the witnesses, in the nature of a cross-examination of them; — •
to confront them with each other; and to call other witnesses,
whose testimony must either have confirmed or falsified, in im
portant particulars, the examinations as they have taken them.
It may perhaps occur, in consequence of such observations, that
I am desirous that this Inquiry should be opened again ; that the
Commissioners should recommence their labours, and that they
should proceed to supply the defects in their previous examina
tions, by a fuller execution of their duty. — I therefore think it
necessary, most distinctly and emphatically to state, that I have
no such meaning ; and whatever may be the risk that I may
incur of being charged with betraying a consciousness of guilt,
by thus flying frora an extension or repetition of this Inquiry, I
raust distinctly state, that so far from requesting the revival of it,
I humbly request your Majesty would be graciously pleased to
understand me as remonstrating, and protesting against it, in the
strongest and most solemn manner in my power.
I am yet to learn the legality of such a Comraission to inquire,
even in the case of High Treason, or any other crirae known to
the laws of the country. If it is lawful in the case of High
Treason, supposed to be committed by me, surely it must be law
ful also in the case of High Treason supposed to be committed
by other subjects of your Majesty.
That there is much objection to it, in reason and principle, my
understanding assures rae. That such Inquiries, carried on upon
ex parte examination, and a Report of the result by persons of
high authority, may, nay raust, have a tendency to prejudice the
character of the parties who are exposed to them, and thereby
influence the further proceedings in their case ; — that are calcu
lated to keep back from notice, and in security, the person of a
false accuser, and to leave the accused in the predicament of
neither being able to look forward for protection to an acquittal

XClV APPENDIX.
of himself, nor for redress to the conviction of his accuser. —
That these and many other objections occur to such a mode of
proceeding, in the case of a crime known to the laws of this
country, appears to be quite obvious. — But if Commissioners
acting under such a power, or your Majesty's Privy Council, or
any regular Magistrates, when they have satisfied themselves of
the falsehood of the principal charge, and the absence of all
legal and substantive offence, are to be considered as empowered
to proceed in the examination of the particulars of private life ;
to report upon the proprieties of domestic conduct ; and the
decorum of private behaviour, and to pronounce their opinion
against the party, upon the evidence of dissatisfied servants,
whose veracity they are to hold up as unimpeachable, and to do
this without permitting the persons whose conduct is inquired
into, to suggest one word in explanation or contradiction of the
matter with which they are charged : it would, I submit to your
Majesty, prove such an attack upon the security and confidence
of domestic life, such a means of recording, under the sanction
of great names and high authority, the most raalicious, and foul
est imputations, that no character could possibly be secure ; and
would do more to break in upon and undermine tlie happiness
and comfort of life, than any proceeding which could be ima
gined. The public in general perhaps may feel, not much interest in
the estabUshment of such a precedent in my case. They may
think it to be a course of proceeding scarcely appUcable to any
private subject; yet, if once such a court of honour, of decency,
and of manners, was estabUshed, many subjects might occur to
which it might be thought advisable to extend its jurisdiction,
beyond the instance of a Princess of Wales. But should it be
intended to be confined to me, your Majesty, I trust, wUl not be
surprised to find that it does not reconcile me the better to it,
should I learn myself to be the single instance in your kingdom,
who is exposed to the scrutiny of so severe and formidable a tri
bunal. So far therefore from giving that sanction or consent to
any fresh Inquiry, upon similar principles, which I should seem
to do, by requiring the renewal of these examinations, I must
protest against it : protest against the nature of the proceeding,
because its result cannot be fair; I must protest, as long at least

APPENDIX. XCV
as it remains doubtful, against the legality of what has already
passed, as well as the legality of its repetition. — If the course be
legal, 1 must submit to the laws, however severe they may be.
But I trust new law is not to be found out, and applied to my
case. — If I am guilty of crime, I know I am amenable, I am
most contented to continue so, to the impartial laws of your
Majesty's kingdom; and I fear no charge brought against mc, in
open day, under the public eye, before the known tribunals of
the country, administering justice under those impartial and en
lightened laws. But secret tribunals, created for the first time
for me, to form and pronounce opinions upon my conduct, with
out hearing me ; to record in the evidence of the witnesses which
they report, imputations against my character upon ex parte ex
aminations, — till I ara better reconcUed to the justice of their
proceedings, I cannot fail to fear. And till I am better informed
as to their legality, I cannot fail in duty to my dearest interests,
most solemnly to remonstrate and to protest against them.
If such tribunals as these are called into action against me by
the false charges of friends turned enemies, of servants turned
traitors, and acting as spies by the foul conspiracy of such social
and domestic treason ; I can look to no security to my honour iu
the most spotless and raost cautious innocence.
By the contradiction and denial which in this case I have been
enabled to procure, of the most important facts which have been
sworn against me by Mr. Cole and Mr. Bidgood ; — by the ob
servations, and the reasonings, which I have addressed to your
Majesty, I ara confident, that to those whose sense of justice
will lead them to wade through this long detail, I shall have re
moved the impressions which have been raised against me. — But
how am I to insure a patient attention to all this statement?
How raany will hear that the Lord Chief Justice of the King's
Bench, the First Lord of the Treasury, and one of your Majesty's
Principal Secretaries of State, have reported against rae, upon
evidence which they have declared to be unbiassed and unques
tionable ; who wUl never have the opportunity, or if they had the
opportunity, might not have the inclination, to correct the error
of that Report, by the examination of ray statement.
I feel, therefore, that by this proceeding, my character has
received essentia! injury. For a Princess of Wales to have been

XCVl APTENDIX.
placed in a situation, in which it was essential to her honour to
request one gentleman to swear, that he was not locked up at
midnight in a room with her alone : and another, that he did not
give her a lascivious salute, and never slept in her house, is to
have been actuaUy degraded and disgraced. — I have been. Sire,
placed in this situation, I have been crueUy, your Majesty wUl
permit me to say so, cruelly degraded into the necessity of making
such requests. A necessity which I never could have been ex
posed to, even under this Inquiry, if raore attention had been
given to the exaraination of these raalicious charges, and of the
evidence on which they rest.
Much solicitude is felt, and justly so, as connected with this
Inquiry, for the honour of your Majesty's iUustrious Family. But
surely a true regard to that honour should have restrained those,
who really felt for it, frora casting such severe reflections on the
character and virtue of the Princess of Wales.
If, indeed, after the raost dUigent and anxious Inquiry, pene
trating into every circumstance connected with the charge,
searching every source from which information could be derived,
and scrutinizing with all that acuteness into the credit and cha
racter of the witnesses, which great experience, talent, and intel
ligence could bring to such a subject; and above all, if, after
giving me some opportunity of being heard, the force of truth
had, at length, compelled any persons to form, as reluctantly,
and as unwillingly as they would, against their own daughters,
the opinion that has been pronounced ; no regard, unquestion
ably, to my honour and character, nor to that of your Majesty's
Family, as in some degree, involved in mine, could have justified
the suppression of that opinion, if legally caUed for, in the course
of official and public duty. Whether such caution and reluct
ance are really manifest in these proceedings, I must leave to less
partial judgments than my own to determine.
In the full examination of these proceedings, which justice to
my own character has required of me, I have been compelled
to raake many observations, which, I fear, may prove offensive to
persons in high power — Your Majesty will easily believe, when I
solemnly assure you that I have been deeply sorry po yield to the
necessity of so doing. This proceeding manifests that I have
enemies enough : I could not wish unnecessarily to increase

APPENDIX. xeVU
their number, or their weight. I trust, however, I have done it,
I know it has been my puipose to do it, in a manner as little
offensive as the justice due to myself would allow of; but I have
felt that I have been deeply injured; that I have had much to
complain of ; and that my silence now would not be taken for
forbearance, but would be ascribed to me as a confession of
guilt. The Report itself announced to me, that these things
which had been spoken to by the witnesses, " great improprieties
and indecencies of conduct," " necessarily occasioning most un
favourable interpretations, and deserving the most serious con
sideration, must be credited till decidedly contradicted." The
most satisfactory disproof of these circumstances (as the contra
diction of the accused is always received with caution and dis
trust) rested in the proof of the foul malice and falsehood of my
accusers and their witnesses. The Report announced to Your
Majesty that those witnesses, whom I felt to be foul confede
rates in a base conspiracy against me, were not to be suspected
of unfavourable bias, and their veracity, in the judgment of the
Coraraissioners, not to be questioned.
Under these circurastances, Sire, what could I do ? Could I
forbear, in justice to myself, to announce to Your Majesty the
existence of a conspiracy against my honour, and ray station in
this country at least, if not against my life ? Could I forbear to
point out to Your Majesty, how long this intended mischief had
been meditated against me ? Could I forbear to point out ray
doubts, at least, of the legality of the Comraission, under which
the proceeding had been had ? or to point out the errors and in
accuracies, into which the great and able men who were naraed
in the coramission under the hurry and pressure of their great
official occupations, had fallen, in the execution of this duty ?
Could I forbear to state, and to urge, the great injustice and in
jury that had been done to my character and my honour, by
opinions pronounced against me without hearing me ? And if,
in the execution of this great task, so essential to my honour, I
have let drop any expressions which a colder, and more cautious
prudence, would have checked, I appeal to your Majesty's warm
heart, and generous feelings, to suggest my excuse, and to afford
my pardon.
What I have said, I have said under the pressure of rauch

XCVIU APPENDIX.
misfortune, under the provocation of great and accumulated in
justice. Oh! Sire, to be unfortunate, and scarce to feel at
liberty to lament ; to be cruelly used, and to feel it almost an
offence and a duty to be sUent is a hard lot ; but use had, in
some degree inured rae to it; but to find ray raisfortunes and
my injuries imputed to me as faults ; to be caUed to account
upon a charge, made against me by Lady Douglas, who was
thought at first worthy of credit, although she had pledged her
veracity to the fact, of my having admitted that I was myself
the aggressor in every thing, of which I had to complain, has
subdued aU power of patient bearing, and when I was called
upon by the Commissioners, either to admit, by my silence, the
guilt which they imputed to me, or to enter into my defence, in
contradiction to it — no longer at liberty to remain silent, I per
haps have not known how, with exact propriety, to limit my ex
pressions. In happier days of ray life, before ray spirit had been yet at
all lowered by ray misfortunes, I should have been disposed to
have met such a charge with the cotnempt which, I trust, by
this time, your Majesty thinks due to it ; I should have been
disposed to have defied my enemies to the utmost, and to have
scorned to answer to any thing but a legal charge, before a com
petent tribunal; but in ray present raisfortunes, such force of
raind is gone. I ought perhaps, so far to be thankful to thera
for their wholesome lessons of humiUty. I have, therefore entered
into this long detail, to endeavour to reraove, at the first possible
opportunity, any unfavourable irapressions ; to rescue myself
from the dangers which the continuance of these suspicions
might occasion, and to preserve to me your Majesty's good
opinion, in whose kindness, hitherto, I have found infinite conso
lation, and to whose justice, under all circumstances, I can con
fidently appeal.
Under the impression of these sentiments I throw myself at
your Majesty's feet. I know that whatever sentiments of re
sentment; whatever wish for redress, by the punishment of my
false accusers, 1 ought to feel, your Majesty, as the Father of
a Stranger, smarting under false accusation, as the Head of
your iUustrious "House dishonoured in me, and as the great
Guardian of the Laws of your Kingdom, thus foully attempted

APPENDIX. XCIS.
to have been applied to the purposes of injustice, will not fail
to feel for me. At all events, I trust your Majesty, will restore
me to the blessing of your Gracious Presence, and confirm to me,
by your own Gracious Words, your satisfactory conviction of my
innocence, I am. Sire,
With every sentiment of Gratitude and Loyalty,
Your Majesty's most affectionate
and dutiful Daughter-in-Law, Subject, and Servant,
C. P.
Montague House,
Oct. '2, 1806.

H 2

(No. II.)
Letter from her Royal Highness the Princess of Wales to
his late Majesty King George the Third.

Sire,
By my short letter to your Majesty of the 12th instant, in
answer to 'your Majesty's communication of the 10th, I notified
my intention of representing to your Majesty the various grounds
on which I felt the hardship of my case and a review of which, I
confidently hoped, would dispose your Majesty to recal your de-
terraination to adjourn, to an indefinite period, ray reception into
your Royal presence ; a deterraination which, in addition to all
the other pain which it brought along with it, affected me with
the disappointment of hopes, which I had fondly cherished, with
the most perfect confidence, because they rested on your Ma
jesty's gracious assurance.
Independently, however, of that communication frora your
Majesty, I should have felt myself bound to have troubled your
Majesty with much of the contents of the present letter.
Upon the receipt of the paper which, by your Majesty's com
mands, was transmitted to rae by the Lord Chancellor, on the
28th of last month, aud which comraunicated to me the joyful
intelligence, that your Majesty was " advised that it was no
longer necessary for you to decline receiving me into your royal
presence," I conceived myself necessarily called upon to send an
immediate answer to so much of it as respected that intelligence.
I could not wait the time, which it would have required, to state
those observations, whicli it was impossible for me to. refrain from
making, at some period, upon the other important particulars
which that paper contained. Accordingly, I answered it imme
diately ; and, as your Majesty's gracious and instant reply of
last Thursday fortnight, announced to rae your pleasure, that I
should be received by your Majesty, on a day subsequent to the

APPENDIX. CI
then ensuing week, I was led raost confidently to assure rayself,
that the last week would not have passed, without my having
received that satisfaction. I therefore determined to wait in
patience, without further intrusion upon your Majesty, till I
might have the opportunity of guarding myself from the possibi
lity of being misunderstood, by personally explaining to your
Majesty, that, whatever observations I had to make upon the
paper so communicated to me, on the 28th ultimo, and whatever
complaints respecting the delay, and the many cruel circum
stances which had attended the whole of the proceedings against
me, and the unsatisfactory state, in which they were at length
left by that last coramunication, they were observations and com
plaints which affected those only, under whose advice your Ma
jesty had acted, and were not, in any degree, intended to inti
mate even the most distant insinuation against your Majesty's
justice or kindness.
That paper established the opinion, which I certainly had ever
confidently entertained, but the justness of which I had not be
fore any document to establish, that your Majesty had, from the
first, deemed this proceeding a high and important matter of state,
in the consideration of which your Majesty had not felt yourself
at liberty to trust to your own generous feelings, and to your own
royal and gracious judgraent. I never did believe, that the cruel
state of anxiety, in which 1 had been kept, ever since the delivery
of ray answer, (for at least sixteen weeks), could be at all attribu
table to your Majesty : it was most unlike every thing which I
had ever experienced from your Majesty's condescension, feeling,
and justice ; and I found, from that paper, that it was to your
confidential servants I was to ascribe the length of banishraent
frora your presence, which they, at last, advised your Majesty, it
was no longer necessary should be continued. I perceive, there
fore, what I always believed, that it was to them, and to them
only, that I owed the protracted continuance of my sufferings,
and of my disgrace ; and that your Majesty, considering the
whole of this proceeding to have been instituted and conducted
under the grave responsibility of your Majesty's servants, had not
thought proper to take any step, or express any opinion, upon
any part of it, but such as was recommended by their advice.
Influenced by these sentiments, and anxious to have the oppor-

cu APPENDIX.
tunity of conveying them, with the overflowings of a grateful
heart, to your Majesty, what were my sensations of surprise, mor
tification, and disappointment, on the receipt of your Majesty's
letter of the 10th instant, your Majesty may conceive, though I
am utterly unable to express.
That letter announces to me, that his Royal Highness the
Prince of Wales, upon receiving the several documents which
your Majesty directed your cabinet to transmit to him, made a
personal comraunication to your Majesty of his intention to put
thera into the hands of his lawyers, accompanied by a request,
that your Majesty would suspend any further steps in the business,
until the Prince of Wales should be enabled to submit to your
Majesty the statement which he proposed to make ; and it also
announces to me that your Majesty therefore considered it incum
bent on you to defer naming a day to me, until the further result
of the Prince of Wales's intention should have been raade known
to your Majesty.
This deterraination of your Majesty, on this request, made by
his Royal Highness, I humbly trust your Majesty will perrait me
to entieat you, in your most gracious justice, to reconsider. Your
Majesty, I am convinced, must have been surprised at the time,
and prevailed upon by the importunity of the Prince of Wales to
think this determination necessary, or your Majesty's generosity
and justice would never have adopted it. And if I can satisfy
your Majesty of the unparalleled injustice and cruelty of this in
terposition of the Prince of Wales, at such a time, and under
such circumstances, I feel the most perfect confidence that your
Majesty will hasten to recal it.
I should basely be wanting to my own interest and feelings, if
I did not plainly state ray sense of that injustice and cruelty ;
and if I did not raost loudly coraplain of it. Your Majesty wUl
better perceive the just grounds of ray complaint, when I retrace
the course of these proceedings frora their comra.enceraent.
The four noble lords, appointed by your Majesty to inquire
into the charges brought against me, in their Report of the 14th
of July last, after having stated that his Royal Highness the
Prince of Wales had had laid before him the charge which was
made against me by Lady Douglas, and the declaration in sup
port of it, proceed in the following manner : —

APPENDIX. cm
" In the jpainful situation in which his Royal Highness was
placed by these communications, we learnt that his Royal High
ness had adopted the only course which could, in our judgment,
with propriety be followed. When informations such as these
had been thus confidently alleged, and particularly detailed, and
had been in some degree supported by collateral evidence, ap
plying to other facts of the same nature, (though going to a far
less extent,) one line only could be pursued.
" Every sentiment of duty to your Majesty, and of concern for
the public welfare, required that these particulars should not be
withheld from your Majesty, to whom raore particularly belonged
the cognizance of a matter of state, so nearly touching the
honour of your Majesty's royal faraily, and, by possibility, affect
ing the succession of your Majesty's crown.
" Your Majesty had been pleased; on your part, to view the
subject in the same light. Considering it as a matter which, on
every account, demanded the raost immediate investigation, your
Majesty had thought fit to comrait into our hands, the duty of
ascertaining, in the first iustanne, what degree of credit was due
to the inforraation, and thereby enabling your Majesty to decide
what further conduct to adopt respecting them."
His Royal Highness then pursuing, as the four lords say, the
only course which could, in their judgraent, with propriety be
pursued, submitted the matter to your Majesty. — Your Majesty
directed the inquiry by the four noble lords. — The four lords, in
their report upon the case, justly acquitted me of all crime, and
expressed (1 wiU not wait now to say how unjustly) the credit
which they gave, and the consequence they ascribed to other
matters, which they did not, however, characterize as amounting
to any crime. — To this report I made my answer. — That answer,
together with the whole proceedings, was referred by your
Majesty to the same four noble lords, and others of your
Majesty's confidentiaL servants. They advised your Majesty,
araongst rauch other raatter, (which raust be the subject of
further oBservations) that there was no longer any reason why
you should decline receiving me.
Your Majesty wUl necessarily conceive that I have always
looked upon my banishment from your royal presence as, in fact,
a punishment, and a severe one too. I thought it sufficiently

CIV APPENDIX.
hard, that I should have been suffering that punishment, during
the time that this inquiry has been pending, while I was yet only
under accusation, and upon the principles of the just laws of
your Majesty's kingdom, entitled to be presuraed to be innocent,
tUl I was proved to be guilty. But I find this does not appear
to be enough, in the opinion of the Prince of Wales. For now,
when after this long inquiry, into matters which required imme
diate investigation, I have been acquitted of every thing which
could call for my banishraent from your royal presence ; — after
your Majesty's confidential servants have thus expressly advised
your Majesty that they see no reason why you should any longer
decline to receive me into your presence;— after your Majesty
had graciously notified to me, your determination to receive me
at an early day. His Royal Highness interposes the demand of a
new delay ; desires your Majesty not to take any step, desires
you not to act upon the advice which your own confidential
servants have given you, that you need no longer decline seeing
me; — not to execute your intention and assurance, that you
would receive me at an early day; because he has laid the
documents before his lawyers, and intends to prepare a further
statement. And the judgment of your Majesty's confidential
servants is, as it were, appealed from by the Prince of Wales,
(whora, from this tirae at least, I must be permitted to consider
as assuming the character of my accuser ;) the justice due to rae
is to be suspended, while the judgment of your Majesty's sworn
servants is to be submitted to the revision of my accuser's coun
sel; and I, though acquitted, in the opinion of your Majesty's
confidential servants, of all that should induce your Majesty to
decline seeing me, ara to have that punishraent, which had been
inflicted upon me during the inquiry, continued after that
acquittal, till a fresh statement is prepared, to be again submitted,
for aught I know, to another inquiry, of as extended a continuance
as that which has just terminated.
Can it be said that the proceedings of the four noble lords, or
of your Majesty's confidential servants, have been so lenient and
considerate towards me and my feelings, as to induce a suspicion
that I have been too favourably dealt with by them ? and that
the advice which has been given to your Majesty, that your
Majesty need no longer decline to receive me, was hastily and

APPENDIX. CV
partiaUy delivered ? I am confident that your Majesty must see
the very reverse of this to be the case — that I have every reason
to complain of the inexplicable delay which so long withheld
that advice. And the whole character of the observations with
which they accompanied it, marks the reluctance with which they
yielded to the necessity of giving it.
For your Majesty's confidential servants advise your Majesty,
" that it is no longer necessary for you to decline receiving me
into your royal presence." If this is their opinion and their
advice now, why was it not their opinion and their advice four
months ago, frora the date of ray answer ? Nay, why was it not
their opinion and advice from the date even of the original report
itself? For not only had they been in possession of my answer
for above sixteen weeks, which at least furnished thera with all
the materials on which this advice at length was given, but
further, your Majesty's confidential servants are forward to state,
that after having read my observations, and the affidavits which
were annexed to them, they agree in the opinions (not in any
single opinion upon any particular branch of the case, but in the
opinions generally) which were submitted to your Majesty in the
original report of the four lords. If therefore, (notwithstanding
their concurrence in all the opinions contained in the Report,)
they have nevertheless given to your Majesty their advice, " that
it is no longer necessary for you to decline receiving me ;" — what
could have prevented their offering that advice, even from the
14th of July, the date of the original report itself? Or what
could have warranted the withholding it, even for a single
moment ? Instead, therefore, of any trace being observable of
hasty, precipitate, and partial determination in my favour, it is
impossible to interpret their conduct and their reasons together
in any other sense, than as amounting to an admission of your
Majesty's confidential servants themselves, that I have, in con
sequence of their withholding that advice, been unnecessarily
and cruelly banished from your royal presence, from the 14th of
July, to the 28tli of January, including a space of above six
months ; and the effect of the interposition of the Prince, is to
prolong my sufferings and my disgrace, under the same banish
ment, to a period perfectly indefinite.
The principle which will admit the effect of such interposition

CVl APPENDIX.
row, may be acted upon again; and the Prince may require a
further prolongation, upon fresh statements, and fresh charges,
kept back possibly for the purpose of being, from time to time,
conveniently interposed to prevent for ever the arrival of that
hour, which, displaying to the world the acknowledgment of my
unmerited sufferings and disgrace, may at the same tirae, expose
the true, malicious, and unjust quality of the proceedings which
have been so long carried on against me.
This unreasonable, unjust, and cruel mterposition of His
Royal Highness, as I must ever deem it, has prevailed upon your
Majesty to recal, to my prejudice, your gracious purpose of
receiving me in pursuance of the advice of your servants. Do I
then flatter myself too much, when I feel assured, that my just
entreaty, founded upon the .reasons which I urge, and directed
to counteract only the effect of that unjust interposition, will in
duce your Majesty to return to your original determination ?
Restored however, as I should feel myself, to a state of com
parative security, as well as credit, hy being at length permitted,
upon your Majesty's gracious reconsideration of your last deter
mination, to have access to your Majesty ; yet under all the cir
cumstances under which I should now receive that mark and
confirmation of your Majesty's opinion of ray innocence, my
character would not, I fear, stand cleared in the public opinion,
by the mere fact of your Majesty's reception of rae. This revo
cation of your Majesty's gracious purpose has flung an additional
cloud about the whole proceeding, and the inferences drawn in
the public raind from this circumstance, so mysterious, and so
perfectly inexplicable, upon any grounds which are open to their
knowledge, has made, and wUl leave so deep an impression to
ray prejudice, as scarce any thing short of a public exposure of
all that has passed, can possibly efface.
The publication of all these proceedings to the world, then
seems to me, under the present circumstances, (whatever
reluctance 1 feel against such a raeasure, and however I regret
the hard necessity which drives rae to it,) to be alraost the only
remaining resource, for the vindication of my honour and
character. The falsehood of the accusation is, by no means, all
that will, by such publication, appear to the credit and clearance
of my character ; but the course in which the whole proceedings

APPENDIX. ova
have been carried on, or rather delayed, by those to whom your
Majesty referred the consideration of them, will shew, that what
ever measure of justice I may have ultimately received at their
hands, it is not to be suspected as arising from any raerciful and
indulgent consideration of rae, of ray feelings, or of my case.
It will be seen how my feelings had been harassed, and my
character and honour exposed, by the delays which have taken
place in these proceedings ; it will be seen, that the existence of
the charge against me had avowedly been known to the public,
from the 7 th of June in the last year. — I say known to the
public, because it was on that day that the Coraraissioners,
acting, as 1 am to suppose, (for so they state in their report)
under the anxious wish that their trust should be executed with
as little publicity as possible, authorized that unnecessary insult
and outrage upon me, as I raust always consider it, which, how
ever intended, gave the utraost publicity and exposure to the
existence of these charges — I mean the sending two attornies,
armed with their lordships' warrant, to ray house, to bring before
thera at once about one half of ray household for exaraination.
The idea ofj privacy, after an act so rauch calculated, from the
extraordinary nature of it, to excite the greatest attention and
surprise, your Majesty must feel to have been impossible and
absurd ; for an attempt at secrecy, mystery, and concealment, on
my part, could under such circumstances, only have been con
strued into the fearfulness of guilt.
It will appear also, that frora that time, I heard nothing
authentically upon the subject till the llth of August, when I
was furnished, by your Majesty's commands, with the Report.
The several papers necessary to my understanding the whole of
these charges, in the authentic state in which your Majesty
thouo-ht it proper graciously to direct that I should have them,
were not delivered to rae till the beginning of Septeraber. My
answer to these various charges, though the whole subject of
' thera was new to those whose advice I had recourse to, long as
that answer was necessarily obliged to be, was delivered to the
Lord Chancellor, to be forwarded to your Majesty by the 6th of
October ; and, from the 6th of October to the 28th of January,
I was kept in total ignorance of the effect of that answer. Not
only will aU this delay be apparent, but it will be generally shewn

CVIU APPENDIX.
to the world how your Majesty's servants had, in this important
business, treated your daughter-in-law, the Princess of Wales ;
and what measure of justice she, a female, and a stranger in
your land, has experienced at their hands.
Undoubtedly against such a proceeding I have ever felt, and
stiU feel,'an alraost invincible repugnance. Every sentiraent of
delicacy, with which a female mind must shrink from the act of
bringing before the public such charges, however conscious of
their scandal and falsity, and however clearly that scandal and
falsity may be manifested by the answer to those charges ; — the
respect stUl due from me, to persons employed in authority under
your Majesty, however little respect I may have received from
them ; — my duty to His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales ; —
my regard for all the merabers of your august faraily; — my
esteem, my duty, ray gratitude to your Majesty, — my affectionate
gratitude for all the paternal kindness which I have ever ex
perienced from you ; — ray anxiety, not only to avoid the risk of
giving any offence or displeasure to your Majesty,, but also to
fly frora every occasion of creating the slightest sentiment of un
easiness in the mind of your Majesty, whose happiness it would
be the pride and pleasure of my life to consult, and to promote ;
all these various sentiments have compelled me to submit, as
long as human forbearance could endure, to all the unfavourable
inferences which were, through this delay, daily increasing in the
public mind. What the strength and efficacy of these motives
have been, your Majesty will do me the justice to feel, when you
are pleased, graciously, to consider how long I have been con
tented to suffer those suspicions to exist against my innocence,
which the bringing before the public of my accusation and my
defence to it, would so indisputably and iraraediately have dis
pelled. The raeasure, however, of mating these proceedings public,
whatever mode I can adopt (considering especially the absolute
impossibUity of suffering any partial production of thera, and
the necessity that, if for any purpose any part of them should be
produced, the whole must be brought before the public,) remains
surrounded with all the objections which I have enumerated ; and
nothing could ever have prevailed upon me, or can now even pre
vail upon me to have recourse to it, but an imperious sense of

APPENDIX. ClX
indispensable duty to my future safety, to my present character
and honour, and to the feelings, the character, and the interests
of my child. I had flattered myself, when once this long pro
ceeding should have terminated, in ray reception into your
Majesty's presence, that that circumstance alone would have so
strongly implied my innocence of all that had been brought
against me, as to have been perfectly sufficient for my honour
and ray security ; but accorapanied, as it now must be, with the
knowledge of the fact, that your Majesty has been brought to
hesititate upon its propriety, and accompanied also with the very
unjustifiable observations, as they appear to me, on which I shall
presently proceed to reraark; and which were raade by your
Alajesty's servants, at the time when they gave you their advice
to receive me ; I feel rayself in a situation, in which I deeply
regret that I cannot rest, in silence, without an iraraediate recep
tion into your Majesty's presence ; nor, indeed, with that recep
tion, unless it be attended by other circurastances, which may
mark my satisfactory acquittal of the charges which have been
brought against me.
It shall at no time be said, with truth, that I shrunk back
from these infamous charges ; that I crouched before my enemies,
and courted thera, by ray submission, into moderation ? No ; I
have ever boldly defied them. I have ever felt and still feel, that
if they should think, either of pursuing these accusations, or of
bringing forward any other which the wickedness of individuals
may devise, to affect my honour ; (since my conscience tells rae
that they must be as base and groundless as those brought by
Lady Douglas,) while the witnesses to the innocence of my con
duct are all living, I should be able to disprove them all ; and,
whoever may be my accusers, to triumph over their wickedness
and malice. But should these accusations be renewed ; or any
other be brought forward, in any future time, death may, I know
not how soon, reraove from my innocence its best security, and
deprive me of the means of my justification, and my defence.
There are therefore other measures, which I trust your Majesty
will think indispensable to be taken, for ray honour and for my
security. — Amongst these, I raost humbly submit to your Majes
ty my raost earnest entreaties that the proceedings, including not
only my first answer, and my letter of the 8th of December, but

ex APPENDIX.
this letter also, may be directed by your Majesty to be so pre
served and deposited, as that they may, all of them, securely
remain permanent authentic documents and memorials of this
accusation, and of the manner in which I met it ; of my defence,
as well as of the charge. That they may remain capable at any
time, of being resorted to, if the malice which produced the
charge originally, shall ever venture to renew it.
Beyond this, I am sure your Majesty will think it but proper
and just, that I should be restored, in every respect, to the sarae
situation, from whence the proceedings, under these false charges,
have removed me. That, besides being graciously received again
into the bosom of your Majesty's royal family, restored to ray
forraer respect and station araongst thera, your Majesty will be
graciously pleased, either to exert your influence with his Royal
Highness the Prince of Wales, that I may be restored to the use
of my apartments in Carlton-house, which was reserved for rae,
except while the apartraents were undergoing repair, till the date
of these proceedings ; or to assign to me some apartment in one
of your royal palaces. Some apartment in or near to London is
indispensably necessary for my convenient attendance at the
drawing-room ; and if I am not restored to that at Carlton-house,
I trust your Majesty will graciously perceive how reasonable it is,
that I should request that some apartment should be assigned to
me suited to my dignity and situation, which may mark my re
ception and acknowledgment as one of your Majesty's family,
and frora which my attendance at the drawing-room may be easy
and convenient.
If these measures are taken, I should hope that they would
prove satisfactory to the public mind, and that I may feel myself
fully restored in public estimation to ray forraer character. And
should they prove so satisfactory, I shall indeed be delighted
to think, that no further step raay, even now, appear to be neces
sary to ray peace of mind, my security, and my honour.
But your Majesty will permit rae to say, that if the next week,
which will make more than a month from the time of your Ma
jesty's informing me that you would receive me, should pass
without ray being received into your presence, and without hav
ing the assurance that these other requests of raine shall be
complied with ; 1 shall be under the painful necessity of consider-

APPENDIX. CXI
ing them as refused. In which case I shall feel myself compelled,
however reluctantly, to give the whole of these proceedings to
the world, — unless your Majesty can suggest other adequate
means of securing my honour and ray life from the effect of the
continuance or renewal of these proceedings, for the future as
well as the present ; for I entreat your Majesty to believe, that
it is only in the absence of all other adequate raeans, that I can
have resort to that raeasure. That I consider it with deep re
gret ; that I regard it with serious apprehension, by no means
so much on account of the effect it may have upon myself, as
on account of the pain which it may give to your Majesty, your
august family, and your loyal subjects.
As far as myself am concerned, I am aware of the observa
tions to which this publication will expose me. But I ara placed
in a situation in which I have the choice only of two raost un
pleasant alternatives; and I am perfectly confident that the
imputations and the loss of character which must, under these
circumstances, follow from my sUenee, are most injurious and
unavoidable ; that my sUence, under such circumstances, raust
lead inevitably to my utter infamy and ruin. The publication,
on the other hand, wUl expose to the world nothing which is
spoken to by any witness (whose infamy and discredit is not
unanswerably exposed and established) which can, in the slight
est degree, affect my character for honour, virtue, and delicacy.
There may be circumstances disclosed, manifesting a degree
of condescension and familiarity in my behaviour and conduct,
which, in the opinions of raany, raay be considered as not suf
ficiently guarded, dignified, and reserved. Circumstances, how
ever, which my foreign education and foreign habits misled me
to think, in the humble and retired situation in which it was ray
fate to live, and where I had no relation, no equal, no friend to
advise me, were wholly free frora offence. But when they have
been dragged forward, frora the scenes of private life, in a grave
proceeding on a charge of high treason and adultery, they seera
to derive a colour and character, from the nature of the charge
which thay are brought forward to support. And I cannot but
believe that they have been used for no other purpose than to
afford a cover, to screen from view the injustice of that charge ;
that they have been taken advantage of, to let down my accusers

CXU APPENDIX.
more gently ; and to deprive me of that full acquittal on the
Report of the four Lords, which my innocence of all offence most
justly entitled me to receive.
Whatever opinion, however, may be formed upon any part of
my conduct, it must in justice be formed, with reference to the
situation in which I was placed ; if I am judged of as Princess
of Wales, with reference to the high rank of that station, I must
be judged as Princess of Wales, banished from the Prince, un
protected by the support and the countenance which belong to
that station ; and if I am judged of in ray private character, as a
married woraan, I raust be judged of as a wife banished from
her husband, and living in a widowed seclusion from him, and
retirement from the world. This last consideration leads me to
recur to an expression in Mrs. Lisle's exaraination, which describes
my conduct, in the frequency and the manner of my receiving
the visits of Captain Manby, though always in the presence of
my Ladies, as unbecoming a married woraan. Upon the extreme
injustice of setting up the opinion of one woman, as it were, in
judgment upon the conduct of another; as well as of estimating
the conduct of a person in ray unfortunate situation, by reference
to that which raight, in general, be expected frora a married
woman, living happily with her husband, I have before generally
remarked. But, beyond these general remarks in forming any
estimate of my conduct, your Majesty will never forget the very
peculiar circumstances and misfortunes of my situation. Your
Majesty will remember that I had not been much above a year
in this country, when I received the following letter frora his
Royal Highness the Prince of Wales :
" Windsor Castle, April 30, 1796.
" Madam, — As Lord Cholraondeley inforras me, that you wish
I would define, in writing, the terras upon which we are to Uve,
I shall endeavour to explain myself upon that head, with as much
clearness, and with as much propriety, as the nature of the sub
ject will admit. Our inclinations are not in our power, nor
should either of us be held answerable to the other, because
nature has not made us suitable to each other. Tranquil and
comfortable society is, however, in our power; let our intercourse,
therefore, be restricted to that, and I will distinctly subscribe to

APPENDIX. CXm
the condition which you required, through Lady Cholmondeley,
that even in the event of any ficcident happening to my daughter,
which I trust Providence in its mercy will avert, I shall not in
fringe the terms of the restriction by proposing at any period a
connection of a more particular nature. I shall now finaUy close
this disagreeable correspondence, trusting that, as we have com
pletely explained ourselves to each other, the rest of our lives
will be passed in uninterrupted tranquillity.
" I am. Madam, with great truth, very sincerely your's,
" George P."
And that to this letter I sent the following answer :
" L'aveu de votre conversation avec Lord Cholmondeley, ne
m'fetonne, ni ne m'offense. C'fetoitme confirmer, ce que vous m'avez
taciteraent insinufe depuis une annee. Mais il y aurot apres
cela, un manque de delicatesse ou, pour mieux dire, une bassesse
indigne de me plainJre des conditions, que vous imposez a vous-
raerae. " Je ne vous aurois point fait de reponse, si votre lettre n'6toit
confue de raanifere d faire douter, si cet arrangement vient de
vous, ou de raoi ; et vous Sf avez que vous m'anonnaz I'honneur.
La lettre que vous m'annoncez corarae la derniere, m'oblige de
corarauniquer au roi, comme k mon souverain, et k mon pfere,
votre aveu et ma reponse. Vous trouverez fi-incluse la copie de
celle que j'6cris au roi. Je vous en previens pour ne pas ra'attirer
de votre part la raoindre reproch de duplicit6. Corarae je n'ai
dans ce raoraent, d'autre protecteur que sa Majesty, je m'en rap-
porte uniquement h lui. Et si raa conduite merite son approba
tion, je serai, du moins en partie, consolee.
" Du reste, je conserve toute la reconnoissance possible de ce
que je me trouve par votre raoyen, corarae Princesse de Galles,
dans une situation h. pouvoir me livrer sans contrainte, a une
vertu chere k mon coeur, ja veux dire la bienfaisance. Ce sera
pour moi un devoir d'agir de plus par un autre motif, syavoir celui
de donner I'exeraple de la patience, et de la resignation dans
toutes sortes d'^preuves. Rendez-raoi la justice de me croire,
que j^ ne cesserai jamais de faire des veeux pour votre bonheur,
et d'etre votre bien d^vouee.
Ce 6 de Mai, 1796." " Caroline."
I

CXlV APPENDIX.
The date of his Royal Highness's letter is the 30th of AprU,
1796. The date of our marriage, your Majesty wiU recollect, is
the 8th day of April, in the year' 1795, and that of the birth of
our only child the 7th of January, 1796.
On the letter of his Royal Highness I offer no comment. I
only entreat your Majesty not to understand me to introduce it,
as affording any supposed justification or excuse for the least
departure from the strictest line of virtue, or the slightest devia
tion from the most refined delicacy. The crirae, which has been
insinuated against rae, would be equally criminal and detestable;
the indelicacy imputed to me would be equally odious and abo
minable, whatever renunciation of conjugal authority and affec
tion the above letter of his Royal Highness might, in any con
struction of it, be supposed to have conveyed. Such crimes and
faults derive not their guilt frora the consideration of the conjugal
virtues of the individual, who may be the most injured by them,
however much such virtues may aggravate their enormity. No
such letter, therefore, in any construction of it, no renunciation
of conjugal affection or duties, could ever palliate them. But
whether conduct free from all crime, free from all indelicacy,
(which I maintain to be the character of the conduct to which
Mrs. Lisle's observations apply,) yet possibly not so measured
as a cautious wife, careful to avoid the slightest appearance of
not preferring her husband to all the world, raight be studious to
observe. Whether conduct of such description, and possibly, in
such sense, not becoraing a raarried woraan, could be justly
deemed, in my situation, an offence in me, I must leave to your
Majesty to determine.
In making that determination, however, it will not escape your
Majesty to consider, that the conduct which does or does not
become a married woraan, raaterially depends upon what is or is
not known by her to be agreeable to her husband. His pleasure
and happiness ought unquestionably to be her law; and his ap
probation the most favourite object of her pursuit. Differeint
characters of men require different modes of conduct in their
wives; but when a wife can no longer be capable of perceiving,
from time to time, what is agreeable or offensive to her husband,
when her conduct can no longer contribute to his happiness, no
longer hope to be rewarded by his approbation, surely to examine

APPENDIX. (XV
that conduct by the standard of what ought, in general, to be
the conduct of a married woman, is altogether unreasonable
and unjust.
What then is ray case ? Your Majesty will do me the justice
to remark, that, in the above letter of the Prince of Wales, there
is not the most distant surmise, that crime, that vice, that inde
licacy of any description, gave occasion to his determination ;
and all the tales of infamy and discredit, which the inventive
malice of my enemies has brought forward on these charges,
have their date, years and years after the period to which I am
now alluding. What then, let me repeat the question, is my
case? After the receipt of the above letter, and in about two
years from my arrival in this country, I had the misfortune en
tirely to lose the support, the countenance, the protection of my
husband — I was banished, as it were, into a sort of humble re
tirement, at a distance from him', and almost estranged from the
whole of the royal famUy. I had no raeans of having recourse,
either for society or advice, to those from whom my inexperience
could have best received the advantages of the one, and with
whom I could, most becomingly, have enjoyed the comforts of
the other ; and if in this retired, unassisted, unprotected state,
without the check of a husband's authority, without the benefit
of his advice, without the corafort and support of the society of
his faraUy, a stranger to the habits and fashions of this country,
I should in any instance, under the influence of foreign habits,
and foreign education, have observed a conduct, in any degree
deviating from the reserve and severity of British manners, and
partaking of a condescension and familiarity which that reserve
and severity would, perhaps, deem beneath the dignity of my
exalted rank, I feel confident, (since such deviation wUl be seen
to have been ever consistent with perfect innocence,) that not
only your Majesty's candour and indulgence, but the candour
and indulgence which, notwithstanding the reserve and severity
of British manners, always belong to the British public, will never
visit it with severity or censure.
It remains for me now to make some remarks upon the fur
ther contents of the paper, which was transmitted to rae by the
Lord Chancellor, on the 28 th ult. And I cannot, in passing,
orait to remark, that that paper has neither title, date, signature,
I 2

<-XVl APPENDIX.
nor attestation; and unless the Lord ChanceUor had accom
panied it with a note, stating, that it was copied in his own hand
frora the original, which his Lordship had received from your
Majesty, I should have been at a loss to have perceived any
single mark of authenticity belonging to it ; and as it is, I am
wholly unable to discover what is the true character which does
belong to it. It contains, indeed, the advice which your Ma
jesty's servants have offered to your Majesty, and the message
which, according to that advice, your Majesty directed to be de
livered to me.
Considering it, therefore, whoUy as their act, your Majesty
will excuse and pardon rae, if, deeply injured as I feel rayself to
have been by thera, I express myself with freedom upon their
conduct. I may speak, perhaps, with warmth, because I am
provoked by a sense of gross injustice ; I shall speak certainly
with firmness and with courage, because I am emboldened by a
sense of conscious innocence.
Your Majesty's confidential servants say, " they agree in the
" opinions of the four lords," and they say this, " after the
" fullest consideration of ray observations, and of the affidavits
" which were annexed to them." Some of these opinions, your
Majesty will recoUect, are, that " William Cole, Fanny Lloyd,
" Robert Bidgood, and Mrs. Lisle, are witnesses who cannot,"
in the judgment of the four lords, " be suspected of any unfa-
" vourable bias ;'' and " whose veracity, in this respect, they had
" seen no ground to question;" and " that the circumstances to
" which they speak, particularly as relating to Captain Manby,
" must be credited until they are decisively contradicted." Am
I then to understand your Majesty's confidential servants to
mean, that they agree with the four noble Lords in these opinions?
Am 1 to understand, that after having read, with the fullest
consideration, the observations which I have offered to your Ma
jesty ; after having seen WiUiara Cole there proved to have sub-
raitted hiraself, five tiraes at least, to private, unauthorized, vo
luntary exaraination by Sir John Douglas's solicitor, for the ex
press purpose of confirming the statement of Lady Douglas, (of
that Lady Douglas whose statement and deposition they are con
vinced to be so raalicious and false, that they propose to insti
tute such prosecution against her as your Majesty's law officers

APPENDIX. CXVU
may advise, upon a reference, now at length, after six months
from the detection of that malice and falsehood, intended to be
raade) — after having seen this WUliara Cole, submitting to such
repeated voluntary examinations for such a purpose, and although
he was all that time a servant on ray establishraent, and eating
my bread, yet never once communicating to me that such exarai-
nations were going on — ara I to understand, that your Majesty's
confidential servants agree with the four Lords in thinking that
he cannot, under such circurastances, be suspected of unfavour
able bias ? That after having had pointed out to them the
direct flat contradiction between the sarae Williara Cole and
Fanny Lloyd, they nevertheless agree to think thera both (though
in direct contradiction to each other, yet both) witnesses, whose
veracity they see no ground to question? After having seen
Fanny Lloyd durectly and positively contradicted, in an assertion
most injurious to my honour, by Mr. Mills and Mr. Edmeades,
do they agree in opinion with the four noble Lords, that they see
no ground to question her veracity 1 — After having read the
observations on Mr. Bidgood's evidence ; after having seen that
he had the hardihood to swear that he beheved Captain Manby
slept in my house, at Southend, and to insinuate that he slept
in my bed-room ; after having seen that he founded himself on
this most false fact, and most foul and wicked insinuation, upon
the circumstance of observing a basin and' some towels where he
thought they ought not to be placed ; after having seen that this
fact, and this insinuation, were disproved before the four noble
Lords themselves, by two maid-servants, who at that time, lived
with me at Southend, and whose duties about my person and my
apartments, must have made them acquainted with this fact, as
asserted, or as insinuated, if it had happened ; after having ob
served too, in confirmation of their testimony, that one of them
mentioned the narae of another feraale servant (who was not ex
amined,) who had, from lier situation, equal means of know
ledge with themselves — I ask whether, after all this decisive
weight of contradiction to Robert Bidgood's testimony, I ara to
understand your Majesty's confidential servants to agree with the
four noble Lords in thinking that Mr. Bidgood is a witness
who cannot be suspected of unfavourable bias, and that there is
no ground to question his veracity ? If, Sire, I were to go through

CXVni APPENDIX.
all the remarks of this description, which occur to me to make,
I should be obliged to repeat nearly all my former observations,
and to make this letter as long as ray original answer; but to
that answer I confidentially appeal, and I will venture to chair
lenge your Majesty's confidential servants to find a single impar
tial and honourable man, unconnected in feeling and interest
with the parties, and unconnected in councU, with those who
have already pledged themselves to an opinion upon this subject,
who wUl lay his hand upon his heart, and say that these three
witnesses, on whom that report so mainly relies, are not to be
suspected^of the grossest partiality, and that their veracity is not
most fundamentally impeaehed.
Was it then noble, was it generous, was it manly, was it just,
in your Majesty's confidential servants, instead of fairly admit
ting the injustice, which had been, inadvertently, and uninten
tionally, no donbt, done to me, by the four noble Lords in their
report, upon the evidence of these witnesses, to state to your
Majesty, that they agree with these noble Lords in their opinion,
though they cannot, it seems, go the length of agreeing any lon
ger tp withhold the advice which restores me to your Majesty's
presence ? and with respect to the particulars to my prejudice,
remarked upon in the report as those " which justly deserve the
" most serious consideration, and which must be credited till de-
" cisively contradicted," instead of fairly avowing, either that
there was originally no pretence for such a remark, or that, if
there had been originally, yet that my answer had given that dsr
cisive contradiction which was sufficient to discredit them ; inr
stead, I say, of acting this just, honest, and open part, to take no
notice whatsoever of those contradictions, and content themselves
with saying, that " none of the facts or allegations stated in pre
liminary examinations, carried on in the absence of the parties
interested, could be considered as legally or conclusively esta
blished r
They agree in the opinion that the facts or allegations, though
stated in preliminary examinations, carried on in the absence of
the parties interested, must be credited till decisively contradicted^
and deserve the most serious consideration. They read, with the
fullest consideration, the contradiction which I have tendered to
them ; they must have known, that no other sort of contradictioi^

APPENDIX. CXIX
could, by possibility, from the nature of things, have been offered
upon such subjects ; they do not question the truth, they do not
point out the insufficiency of the contradiction, but in loose, ge^
neral, indefinite terms, referring to my answer, consisting, as it
does, of above two hundred ¦written pages, and coupling it with
those examinations (which they admit establish nothing against
an absent party) they advise your Majesty, that " there appear
" many circumstances of conduct, which could not be regarded
" by your Majesty without' serious concern ;" and that, as to all
the other facts and allegations, except those relative to my preg
nancy and delivery, they are not to be considered as " legally
and conclusively established," because spoken to in preliminary
examinations, not carried on in the presence of parties concerned.
They do not, indeed, expressly assert, that my contradiction was
not decisive or satisfactory ; they do not expressly state, that
they think the facts and allegations want nothing towards their
legal and conclusive establishment, but a re-examination in the
presence of the parties interested, but they go far to iraply such
opinions. Thart those opinions are utterly untenable, against the
credit and character of those witnesses, I shall ever most confi
dently maintain ; but that those observations leave their credit
wholly unaffected, and did not deserve the least notice from your
Majesty's servants, it is impossible that any honourable man can
assert, or any fair and unprejudiced mind believe.
I now proceed. Sire, to observe, very shortly, upon the advice
further given to your Majesty as contained in the remaining part
of the paper ; which has represented that, both in the examina
tions, and even in my answer there have appeared many circum
stances of conduct which could not be regarded but with serious
concern, and which have suggested the expression of a desire and
expectation that such a conduct raay in future be observed by
me, as may fully justify these marks of paternal regard and
affection, which your Majesty wishes to shew to all your Royal
FamUy. And here. Sire, your Majesty wUl graciously permit me to
notice the hardship of the advice, which has suggested to your
Majesty to convey to me this reproof. I complain not so much
for what it does, as for what it does not contain : I mean the ab
sence of all particular mention of what it is that is the object of

CXX APPENDIX.
their blame. The circumstances of conduct, which appear in these
examinations, and in my answer to which they allude as those
which may be supposed to justify the advice, which has led to
this reproof, since your Majesty's servants have not particularly
mentioned them, I cannot be certain that I know. But 1 vpill
venture confidently to repeat the assertion, which I have already
made, that there are no circumstances of conduct, spoken to by
any witness, (whose infamy and discredit are not unanswer
ably exposed, and established,) nor any where apparent in my
answer which have the remotest approach either to crime, or to
indelicacy. For my future conduct. Sire, impressed with every sense of gra
titude for all former kindness, I shall be bound, unquestionably,
by sentiment as well as duty, to study your Majesty's pleasure.
Any advice which your Majesty may wish to give to me in respect
of any particulars of my conduct, I shall be bound, and be
anxious to obey as my law. But I must trust that your Majesty
wUl point out to me the particulars, which may happen to dis
please you, and which you may wish to have altered. I shall be
as happy in thus feeUng myself safe from blame under the bene
fit of your Majesty's advice, as I am now in finding myself se
cured from danger, under the protection of your justice.
Your Majesty will perrait me to add one word more.
Your Majesty has seen what detriment my character has, for
a time, sustained by the false and malicious statement of Lady
Douglas, and by the depositions of the witnesses who were ex
amined in support of her statement. Your Majesty has seen
how many enemies I have, and how little their malice has bpen
restrained by any regard to truth in the pursuit of ray ruin.
Few, as it may be hoped, raay be the instances of such deter
mined and unprovoked raalignity, yet I cannot flatter rayself that
the world does not produce other persons, who raay be swayed
by simUar motives to similar wickedness. Whether the state
ment lo be prepared by the Prince of Wales is to be confined to
the old charges, or is intended to bring forward new circum
stances, I cannot tell ; but if any fresh attempts of the same na
ture shall be made by my accusers, instructed as they will have
been, by their miscarriage in this instance, I can hardly hope
that they will not renew their charge, with an improved a!rtifice.

APPENDIX. CXXi
more skilfully directed, and with a malice, inflamed rather than
abated, by their previous disappointment. I therefore can only
appeal to your Majesty's justice, in which I confidently trust, that
whether these charges are to be renewed against me either on the
old or on fresh evidence ; or whether new accusations, as well as
new witnesses, are to be brought forward, your Majesty, after
the experience of these proceedings, will not suffer your royal
raind to be prejudiced by ex parte secret exarainations, nor ray
character to be whispered away by insinuations or suggestions,
which I have no opportunity of meeting. If any charge, which
the law wUl recognise, should be brought against me in an open
and a legal raanner, I should have no right to coraplain, nor any
apprehension to raeet it. But till I may have a full opportunity
of so meeting it, I trust your Majesty will not suffer it to excite
even a suspicion to my prejudice. I must claim the benefit of the
presumption of innocence till I am proved to be guUty, for without
that presumption, against the effects of secret insinuation and ex
parte examinations, the purest innocence can make no defence,
and can have no security.
Surrounded, as it is now proved that I have been for years, by
domestic spies, your Majesty must, I trust,- feel convinced, that if
I had been guilty, there could not have been wanting evidence to
have proved my guilt. And, that these spies have been obliged
to have resort to their own invention for the support of the charge,
is the strongest demonstration that the truth, undisguised, and
correctly represented could furnish thera with no handle against
rae. And when I consider the nature and malignity of that con
spiracy, which I feel confident I have completely detected and ex
posed, I cannot but think of that detection with the liveliest gra
titude as the special blessing of Providence, who, by confounding
the machinations of my enemies, has enabled rae to find, in the
excess and extravagance of their malice, in the very weapons,
which they fabricated and sharpened for ray destruction, the suf
ficient guard to ray innocence, and the effectual means of my
justification and defence.
I trust therefore. Sire, that I may now close this long letter,
in confidence that many days wUl not elapse before I shall receive
from your Majesty that assurance that ray just requests may be
so corapletely granted, as may render it possible for me (which

CXXn APPENDIX.
nothing else can) to avoid the painful disclosure to the world of
all the circumstances of that injustice, and of those unmerited
sufferings, which these proceedings, in the manner in which they
have been conducted, have brought upon me.
I remain. Sire,
With every sentiment of gratitude.
Your Majesty's most dutiful.
Most submissive Daughter-in-law,
Subject and Servant, (Signed) C, P.
Montague-house, jFebruary 16, 1807.

As these observations apply not only to the official comrauni
cation through the Lord Chancellor, of the 28th ult. ; but also
to the private letter of your Majesty on the 1 2th instant, I have
thought it most respectful to your Majesty and your Majesty's
Servants to send this letter in duplicate, one part through Colo
nel Taylor, and the other through the Lord Chancellor, to
your Majesty.
To the Eing. (Signed) C. P,

APPENDIX.

No. II.

Official and other Documents in Support of tlie Defence of
Her Majesty, to the Charges brought against her in 1820,
and which arrived too late to be tendered as Evidence
before the House of Lords.

CXXV

Documents, <Src. demonstrating that Her Majesty's Conduct
in Italy zcas not such as to bear out the Preamble of
the Bill of Paim and Penalties, or to bring great Scan
dal and Dishonour upon His Majesty's Family and this

Kingdom.

(No. I.)
Andrea de Conti Mastai Ferretti, Patrician of Sini-
gaglia and of Ancona, by the grace of God and of the Holy
Apostolic See, Bishop of Pesaro, Domestic Chaplain to His
Holiness the Pope, and Assistant in the holy labours of the
Pontifical Throne :
At the request of her Majesty the Queen of England, we do
hereby, to whomsoever it may concern, certify and attest, that
during the stay made by her Majesty, in Pesaro and its adjacent
dependencies, for the space of nearly ihree years, there was
never the slightest report spread that could be injurious to the
honour of her Majesty ; it being, on the contrary, always well
known, that at the entertainments, the festas, and conversaziones,
which were given by her Majesty, or which she condescended to
appear at, her Majesty always preserved that dignified deport
ment which is inherent in a person of her august birth and high
rank ; which, however, was still mingled with the utraost cour
tesy, politeness, and urbanity.
We further certify, that in the fulfilment of our pastoral duty,
we continuaUy receive secret notices of the conduct of individuals
living in our dioceses, but that we have received none of this
individual that could give us reason to suspect the decency of
her Majesty the Queen of England; nor can we doubt, that had
there really occurred any scandal, it certainly could not have
remained concealed from the vigilance of our Court. Therefore,
for the triumph of truth, and for the complete justification of the

CXXvi APPENDIX.
unspotted character of her Majesty, we have made no difficulty
in delivering and signing the present certificate, and causing our
seal to be thereunto affixed.
Given in Pesaro, at our Episcopal Residence, this 26th of
August 1820. Andrea, Bishop.
Gaetano Costantinini, Secretary.

(No. II.)
PONTIFICAL STATE.

In the narae of God, Amen ; in the year one thousand eight
hundred and twenty, his Holiness Pope Pius the Seventh happily
reigning, on Saturday the twelfth of August :
Before rae, the undersigned Notary and Witnesses personally
appeared the Honourable Paolo Lanzi, son of the late
Carlo, sixty years of age, a native of Reggio of Modena, resident
in Ancona, Aid-major of Place, of the said city, a person to me
¦well known, who upon his corporal oath by him taken on the
Holy Evangelists, and to him by me duly administered, said and
declared as real truth, as follows, viz.
That in the months of May or June, or thereabout, in the year
1817, to the best of his recollection, the time when her Majesty
the Queen of England, then Princess of Wales, carae to reside
in this city, he the deponent was invited and directed by his
most Reverend Excellency Monsigneur Lodovico Gazzoli, Apos
tolic Delegate, to be introduced to her Royal Highness in order
to pay her his humble respects. Afterwards the deponent was
commanded by the Government to accorapany her as far as
Rome, being further authorized by the said Government to re
main near her person, and to accompany her at her return.
During that journey, as well as on her return, which was done
by short stages, her Majesty was under the necessity of stopping
and passing the night at country inns, where she certainly was
deprived of the necessary accoraraodations which would have
been requisite for lodging a person of so much distinction; never
theless, and notwithstanding the imperious necessity of such cir-

APPENDIX. CXXVII
cumstances, and that degree of liberty which is allowed when
living in the country, he, the deponent, could not but observe
and admire the dignified deportment which constantiy marked
the conduct of her Majesty towards aU the persons in her retinue,
without any one amongst thera ever having taken the liberty of
assuming the least familiarity, which would be incompatible with
those marks of respect, which he observed at all tiraes paid to
her by aU. He further observed that, particularly her first
Chamberlain, Signior Baron Pergami, was the person who was
the first in keeping within the limits of the greatest submission ;
so much so, that during the said journey, as well as during the
residence of her Royal Highness at Rome, and at her return,
when he offered his arm to her that her Majesty might lean upon
it, the act was always preceded by a respectful inclination agree
able to that strict etiquette which is adopted towards a royal
personage. Tliat to the dignified deportment of Majesty, she united singu
lar instances of affability and kindness, and that in consequence
of her extreme goodness, her Royal Highness condescended to
converse with the deponent on matters relative to the situation in
which she had been placed for sorae years past; and he well
remerabers that her Majesty on such occasions would discourse
with him in regard to her retinue being entirely composed by
ItaUans, whora she had preferred to be about her person ; and he
particularly remembers that she represented to him, that it was
an absolute necessity which had induced her to act in that man
ner for the following reasons :
Ist. Because if she had formed for herself a suite consisting
merely of English persons, either that would have prevented her
passing her days in tranquilUty, or it would have caused the ruin
of those EngUsh families of which the individuals might have
attached theraselves to her establishment.
2d. Because having made choice for her service of some
resolute Italians, aU of them railitary raen, she thereby could
depend upon their personal courage to protect her against the
treacherous attacks with which she conceived herself to be
threatened. Those discourses took place between her Majesty and the
deponent during the three last years passed, at which time her

CXXVlll APPENDIX.
Majesty certainly could not foresee that she should one day be
under the necessity of making a judicial use thereof.
After her Majesty returned from Rome, he, the deponent, had
several occasions to present his respects and pay his court to
her Majesty at Pesaro, Sinigaglia, to be present at dinner parties,
conversaziones, the theatre, and balls ; on which occasions, he
the deponent could not but remark and adraire the same digni
fied deportment, to which he has jJready alluded, and the same
subraission and respect shown on the part of all the individuals
belonging to her retinue ; so that instead of its being possible to
suspect the least predilection or farailiarity on ber part, he could
not but be in the highest degree edified with the high decency
and dignity of deportraent shown on all occasions by her
Majesty. All which circumstances being fully within the knowledge of
the deponent, he has hereby, at the request of her Majesty, made
this present declaration, which upon his honor and conscience he
avers to be the truth.
Done, past, read, and published in this legal manner at Ancona
in the office of me the undersigned Notary, Out Porta-Farina,
at Catastale, No. 3, in presence of the undersigned witnesses
thereto competent and requested,
(Signed) Capt. Lieut. Paolo Lanzi, Aid-Major of
the Place of Ancona, attesting and deposing
as above.
(Signed) Cesare Postio, witness.
(Signed) Lodovico Alessandrini, witness in testimony
of the truth.
(Signed) Giuseppe Sertory, son of the late Paolo,
Paolo, Public Notary, resident in Ancona,
requested.
Registered at Ancona the Uth August, 1820, at fo. 38
division 4 of the registrar, under the number 14 of
civil acts ; written upon six pages and received 20
bajocchi.
(Slump.) The Prefect,
(Signed) A, Cherubini.
(Stamp.)

APPENDIX. cxxix
We do hereby certify that the preceding signature and firra of
office is that of Giuseppe Sertorj. — At the House of the Civil
Tribunal of First Resort, at Ancona this fourteenth (14) August,
1820. The President,
(Signed) Gio Ballad Marchesini. (L. S.)
We, the Chancellor of the Vice Consulate of France, at
Ancona, do hereby certify and attest to whora it raay or shall
concern, that the hereto annexed signature, is that of Marchesini,
President of the Civil Tribunal of this City, and that faith raay
be given thereto, both in and out of all courts of judicature.
In testiraony whereof, we have signed these presents artd
thereto affixed the royal seal of the Consulate.
Done in the Chancery, at Ancona, the Mth August, 1820.
(Signed) The Chancellor of the Vice-Consulate,
(L. S.) RuFEINI.

(No. HI.)
To Her Majesty.

I TAKE this opportunity to submit to your Majesty the present
sincere expressions of ray profound respect; and since circum
stances'* have not permitted me to accept the invitation your
Majesty most graciously honoured me with, I wish at least to
assure your Majesty that it occasioned rae sincere grief, and that
it would have been the height of my ambition to have contributed,
by my presence, towards an object so nearly interesting your
Majesty. Certainly your Majesty having deigned to allow me to attend
your Court, both in Pesaro and in Rome, I should have been
more able than any olher to have done justice to those eminent
virtues which I have adraired in your Majesty, and I should have
been able to testify that, in the various occasions that I have had
the o-ood fortune to approach your Majesty, you have been always
* His rank as a Cardinal, which would not permit hirn to be examined
before the House of Lords, was the sole difficuliy. Ed.
K

cxxx APPENDIX.
surrounded by the most select society ; and that your discourse,
your manners and deportment, all have corresponded, and been
such as became a personage of your exalted rank. But all this,
which ray circurastances so unfortunately prevent ray attesting,
I ara certain can be done by so raany many other Italian gentle
men, distinguished by their birth, merit and probity, who will im
mediately came forward ; and under the painful necessity which I
ara in of depriving rayself of the honour of serving your Majesty
personally, I shall feel some consolation in knowing that my part
has been well supplied by the above gentlemen, and that all has
redounded to your Majesty's greater consideration in the world
and higher glory. Such >. are the vows I form frora the high
opinion which I have conceived of your Majesty's incoraparable
raerit, and with these I shall conclude, having the honour to
subscribe rayself, penetrated with, the most devout respect, and
most profound veneration. Your Majesty's
Most humble, raost devoted,
MostobUged Servant,
Giuseppe, Cardinal Albani.
Rome, IZth August, 1820.

(No. IV.)

The Gonfalonier* of the City of Pesaro, Antaldo, Marquis
Antaldi, declares to all who raay be concerned in making legal
inquiries into the conduct of her Royal Highness the Princess
Caroline of Brunswick, Princess of Wales, that during the fifteen
months since her Royal Highness has honoured the neighbour
hood of this city by her residence in it, he has very frequentiy
had the high honour of approaching her Royal Highness, when
she has condescended to honour with her presence the public
representations of this city; and he asserts and affirms, that she
has preserved, and does preserve, towards the Chevalier Barto
lomeo Pergami, Baron of Franchina, her Head Chamberiain,
* That is the head of the Municipality. Ed.

APPENDIX. CXXXi
such a behaviour as is suitable to her high rank, and that, how
ever much she may regard hira as the raost faithful of her ser
vants, he has not, on that account, observed, that she has de
scended to any familiarity which was at all inconsistent with the
dignity of her station.
Declares, moreover, that he makes the present statement in
obedience only to the trulh, and for the purpose of rendering
vain the calumnies which the malevolent have propagated re
specting Her Royal Highness, and he is ready to ratify all this
as a Judge, and even abroad by oath.
Given at Pesaro, at the public residence, the 18th No.
veraber, 1818. The Gonfalonier,
(L. S.) Antaldi.

(No. V.)
Pesaro, this 2nd September, 1820.
Appeared personally before rae this day, and likewise before
the undersigned witnesses, Il Signor Cavaliere Camillo
Seroni, Captain and Adjutant of the fortress of Pesaro, to rae
well known, who voluntarily hath deposed, and does depose, as
follows : —
That having been invited, by a raost gracious raessage frora her
Majesty, the Queen of England, dated the 8th July, to appear in
London, for the purpose of answering such interrogatories as
might be addressed to him respecting this highly esteemed Lady,
but not being permitted by the Pontifical Governraent (to which
he is bound to pay all due respect) to absent hiraself from
his command, he will endeavour to supply the want of his per
sonal appearance in the best manner possible, by rendering sin
cere homage to truth, and to this purpose he deposes.
That by virtue of his office he visited every day, and some
times more than once, the Picket Guard* of troops of the line,
and that of Pontifical Carabiniers, situated at the villa where re-
* This guard was placed at the desire of the Princess, in consequence
of her apprehensions of personal safety. Ed.
k2

CXXxii APPENDIX.
sided Her Royal Highness the Princess of Wales, and that he
never had occasion to suspect that any acts of gallantry passed
between her Majesty and her first Chamberiain, Baron Pergami,
but that he had observed that he preserved towards her the most
decent deportment, and such as was due to her Majesty's ex
alted rank.
He further deposes and attests, that the instructions received
by the captain of this post were, that with regard to that part of
their duty which concerned the Queen, they were to receive the
necessary orders from her first Chamberiain, and he weU knows,
by the reports of the said captain, that at the evening the Cham
berlain gave the walch-word ; so ihat if an express courier, or
any kind cf news arrived, the same captain, notwithstanding
that he watched always in company with some one servant of ihe
court, had orders to go straight to ihe chamber of the said Baron
Pergami and wake him ; and, from other reports, he knows this
to have happened more than once, and that they have always
found ihe said first Chamberlain sleeping in his own room, and
that they have awakened him to communicate to him the business
for which they had entered.
^ . (Properly signed and authenticated.)

(No. VI.)
Milan, August 29, 1820.
Chevalier Bar-on Giusseppe Cavaletti, son of Wen-
cesilaus, native of Cremona, inhabitant of Milan, Landholder.
From the time of the Princess of Wales' arrival in this state,
he has had the honour of frequently visiting her, from October
1815, tiU her departure for VUla d'Este, near Corao. All the
time she remained at VUla d'Este, before her journey to Egypt
and afterwards, and whilst she was at the Barona, near Milan,
he always had the honour of visiting her ; and once her Royal
Highness honoured with her presence his paternal Villa of Mon-
triello, situated at Monte di Brianza.
He can truly declare, that never on these occasions did he ob
serve any act towards any person that cpuld degrade her in his
esteem, or contrary to the " dignity of her character and rank.

APPENDIX. CXXXIII
Nay, it was his constant idea that she insisted on nobody's using
any equivocal expressions, or acts, or freedoms, which could
seem in the least improper, and derogatory to that etiquette
which ought to be observed in the presence of a Princess of her
rank. The Princess behaved wilh a most decent affabUity towards
Signior Pergami, but within the limits which became her cha
racter and rank, and such affability as the most scrupulous
honour would allow a Princess to observe towards a dependent
who had saved her life ; witness hiraself being present when,
upon inforraation of a person having got into the kitchen al Villa
d'Este on the fete of St. Carlo wilh wicked intentions, Signior
Pergami courageously seized him and gave him in custody to the
police at Como ; and wiiness also knowing that the person thus
seized and attempted to corrupt Moritz, the chief person of Her
Royal Highness's stables, in order to obtain the keys of 'her
apartraent wilh the intentiop of counterfeiting thera. The Prin
cess having secretly learnt the plot, disraissed Moritz, who, in
terrogated by witness, repented, and confessed to hira the at
tempt made to corrupt hira, putting it in writing in the most de
tailed raanner before the then pensioned Ex-prefect of Copio,
Toraassia ; confessing that he had been seduced by money given
him by the person who was let into the kitchen, and who had
been sent by one Signior Ompteda, an Hanoverian, who at dif
ferent times caused money to be given him, though he does not
know the quantity. For this reason it is not wonderful if she
treated wilh some distinction Signior Pergami, to whose courage
she confided her existence. (Signed, &c.)

(No. VII.)
Cernobio, August 5, 1820.
Required to declare the sincere truth, I the undersigned
hereby certify, that being several times admitted to the honour
of the society of her present Majesty, the Queen of England, du
ring her slay at the Villa d'Este, a district of my parish, I have
had occasion lo observe that Her Majesty has always behaved

CXXXIV APPENDIX.
with the greatest decorum and exemplary delicacy, as "Became
her high station.
I further bear witness to her having most generously bestowed
alms on the poor of ray parish, and to her having left pubhc rao-
nuraents of her benevolence, which are held here in eternal rer
membrance. P. ,GIO^ M.\ Ostinelli, Priest.
The Imperial Royal and Cesarian Office of the second district
of Corao, August 5, 1820.
The above declaration of the Priest Gip. Ma. Ostinelli, prer
sent Curate of Cernobio, was made in my presence at the above
office on the aforesaid day.
Pasquali, G. R. pomp.

(No. VIII.)
Como, this IQth August 1819. t
'* I,' the' undersigned, hereby attest that duriiig a journey which
I made in Xj'ermany, I becarae known to the Princess Caroline,
since, wife of the Prince of Wales, now King of England ; and
that I afterwards visited Her Royal Highness the said Princess
of Wales, now Queen, during her stay of several months, now
about two years ago, in the suburbs of Corao, my country.
In all this time, and on all other occasions which were very
frequent ; visiting her sometiraes in the moming, in her boudoir,
sometiraes at her conversazione in the evening ; at other times
accompanying her in her walks, and often sitting by her side at
dinner, I always observed united in her; the most gracious affa
bUity and the most noble decorum, and indeed, such as often to
be noticed to me by the various other noble and distinguished
personages, who more or less, frequently came to offer her their
respects and enjoy the honour of her society.
(Signed) Count Alessandro Volta.*
* Medical professor, seventy years of age. Ed.

APPENDIX. CXXXV
(No. IX.)
Como, from the Colleggio Gall'io, 26lh August, 1820.
I the undersigned, hereby attest that every time that 1 had
occasion to attend on the Princess of Wales, in her VUla of
Cenobbio, to give an account of the progress of any of the youths
maintained by her in the Colleggio Gallio, I always returned
edified by the'solicitude she expressed for their progress in every
thing, but particularly in their morals.
I further attest to have seen her strike out wiih a pencil in
a French comedy of Regnard, all those places which scarcely
could be considered Ukely io offend the strictest modesty, in
order to their exclusion at the rehearsals at her palace, and whick
they actually icere.
FinaUy, I attest to have always seen in her Royal Highness,
a dignified and princely reserve, which concUiated towards her
a general and profound esteem.
(Signed) The Priest Giuseppe Pagani, Vice-Rector and
Professor, for thirty-four years, of eloquence,
and of the Greek language, in the above
College.

(No.' X.)
In the course of the numerous times that I was honoured by
admittance to the conversazione of her Royal Highness the
Princess of Wales Brunswick, at present Queen of England, and
on the several occasions on which I was witness to her appear
ance in public, which were frequent, I could not but admire the
noble and decorous reserve constantiy practised by her Royal
Highness, being invariably such as was proper for a person of
her illustrious birth.
At the sarae tirae should I atterapt to enuraerate the various
acts of beneficence, and the noble charities perforraed by her,
the task would prove too difficult ; but I shaU consider rayself
licensed to testify the existence of the highest degree of grati-

CXXXyi APPENDIX.
tude felt towards her by this population, which will never cease
to bless her name, and implore frora the Most High, all happiness
and felicity, upon her exalted head.
Como, this 18th August, 1820.
(Signed) Don Antonio Guaita, Freeholder, (Posse-
dente) and noble Deputy of the Province.

(No. XI.)
Pesaro, 3 1 st August, 1 820.
In the narae of God, Amen; I, the undersigned Francesco,
son of the late Count Gaetano Belluzzi, Patrician of Pe
saro, and Knight of the Order of Jerusalem, having been invited
^y her Majesty, Caroline Queen of England, by her Royal dis
patch of the 8th of July, to appear in London, there to answer
the interrogatories which might be put to me relating to the con
duct of her Majesty with respect to the Baron Pergarai, formerly
lier first Chamberlain ; but not being able from my weak consti
tution, and from the cares necessary to my numerous infant
family, to expose myself to so long a journey ; I will, in the best
manner possible, render public my sentiments on such a proposal,
and for the furtherance of truth and justice I depose as follows.
First. To have never seen, or beard from any upright person,
who has seen her Majesty, Caroline Queen of England, then
Princess of Wales, in the two years and a half of her residence
in this city, use any demeanor before her first Charaberlain Bar^
tholeraew Pergarai, which could cause any suspicion of a guilty
correspondence ; but on the contrary to have observed and heard
it observed by others, that her rauch esteeraed Majesty, spoke
with the above named Pergami, with that superiority correspond
ing to her royal education.
Secondly. I declare to have never seen, or heard that otjiers
had seen, that the above named Baron Pergarai ever appeared to
use too rauch farailiarity towards her Majesty, or in a manner to
cause suspicion, that there passed between thera any guilty cor
respondence, and that he either in public or in private ever
boasted of the secret favours of her Majesty ; I also attest to

APPENDIX. CXXXvii
have observed, and to have heard others observe, that the said
Baron Pergami used with her Majesty all that respect due to her
rank, and when speaking of her august person, both with rae,
and with other upright persons, he spoke of her with all due
veneration. (Signed, &c.)

(No. XII.)
Ancona, 15th Oct. 1820.
We, the undersigned, for the pure truth, under tender of oath,
declare, that when her Majesty, the Queen of England, came to
lodge for sorae days in the palace of his Royal Highness the
Prince Eugene, Duke of Leuchtenberg, and Prince of Eich-
stett, the bed-room where her Majesty reposed was made up '
wit'n one bed alone; the two beds which are there now, and were''
also there before, having been removed, because they were in-\.
tended for the use of the Prince Eugene and his consort;'
whereas her Majesty sleeping alone, the beds then there were
too small, and she could not use both.
We also certify, that the roora which was intended for the
occupation of the Signer Pergarai, her first Chamberlain, was at
the distance of three rooms on one side, and of a corridor and
three rooms on the other ; because her Majesty slept on the side
overlooking the sea, and the Baron in a room which looks upon
the yard, so that lo come from the one to the other of these bed
rooms, it was necessary that if the Baron went out on the right
hand side of his room, he must have passed through a very
spacious saloon and through another roora, to get into the bed-
roora of her Majesty ; and if he went out on the left hand side,
he must have passed through a corridor, then a saloon, then
another large room, and afterwards a cabinet.
From all which it is clear, that seeing the distance from one to
the otherj and the different apartments which were between them,
it was impossible that either, from their own room, would venture
to raake such a round, as the above specified, to see the other.
To the truth of which we have deposed under our own hand.
Leopold Bendoni, Agent of his Royal Highness
the Prince Duke of Leuchtenberg.
Maria Anna Villi Bendoni.

CXXXVIII APPENDIX.

(No. XIII.)
Pesaro, 2nd Nov. 1 820.
I, the undersigned, do hereby depose, that about three years
ao-o, the Princess of Wales, now Queen of England, carae to
reside at the palace of the ViUa Caprile, in the environs of this
city, belonging to my family, where not only I had the honour of
being presented to her Majesty, but also of being particularly
distinguished by her ; so much so, that I was honoured by issu
ing the invitations for all the distinguished personages, who also
through rae were introduced, and who appeared at all the enter
tainments, which on various occasions were given by her Majesty.
The anniversaries of San Carlo, name-day of her Majesty, and of
St. George, were the days on which the most numerous com
panies were assembled, aud were the most brilliant in point of
preparation; and as well on these occasions as on all others,
(I allude to her more retired circles), I have always had reason
to admfre in her Majesty that really dignified reserve, so justly
expected in a person of her rank.
This decorum was preserved with all the persons of her court
without any exception; and also in the course of her journies,
having had the honour to accompany her Majesty in her own
carriage three different tiraes for short journies, such as to Rimi
ni and to Sinigaglia, at the tirae of the fair.
Her Charaberlain, Mr. Pergarai, who by the duties of his
office must be near her person, never approached her wiihout the
accustomed etiquette in other sovereign courts, and always con
ducted hiraself with the strictest observance of the utraost
respect. And to the solemn truth of the above, I here depose :
Barbara, Marchioness Mosca Pussionej,
born Countess Anguissola.

APPENDIX. CXXXIX
No. XIV.
Ancona, 2Ut August, 1Q20.
Appeared personally before me Notary, and in the presence of
the undersigned witnesses, Cavalier James Mohnaui, native of
Pesaro, residing in Ancona, comraanding the 3d Corps of the
Financial Troops, to me well known, who does upon oath, and
making the sign of the cross, depose as follows :
" That being at Pesaro, about two years back, when the Queen
of England, then Princess of Wales, was residing there, the de
ponent had the honour of being presented to her, and thus often
paid his respects, and was frequently invited by her Majesty to
dinner, and likewise to conversaziones and entertainments ; and
on such occasions, he had a full opportunity of observing that
her Majesty, to the utmost courteousness, wilh which she received
every one of the nuraerous personages who had the honour of
being presented to her, united the greatest dignity of demeanor,
such as became her illustrious birth, and high rank, wiihout the
deponent having been able to see that her Majesty ^used any familia
rity with any person of her suite, all of whom she equally treated
with her accustomed affability, without, however, the least sha
dow of descending from her usual reserve (contegno).
He can also faithfully assert to have several times seen the
Baron Pergami (her first Chamberlain) escort hei* Majesty, being
on horseback, and near the carriage door, at a tirae when her
Majesty considered herself far from secure, having heard that
some of her enemies had come on to Pesaro.
As the deponent has been expressly desired by her Majesty's
agent to declare on his oath whether he ever perceived any
action which could bring scandal upon morals.* On this head
he can safely declare never to have noticed any action incon
sistent with- the most rigid moral uprightness. He declares,
likewise, tp have had several opportunities of associating wilh
the Baron Pergarai, whora he has often accompanied to ihe
chace. He declares to have always observed, that this person
always treated her Majesty with the respect and etiquette due to
* Here inight be quoted the words of tlfe Bill, but preference is given
to the very literal meaning, which has been hitherto adhered to. Ed.

cxl

APPENDIX.

her ; and that whenever he, the deponent, went, howeve rearly in
the raorning, to felch the Baron to hunting, he always found hira
in his own bed, and that in his own private roora, which the
Baron always occupied at the Villa, and this he has likewise
noticed when he, the deponent, slept at the Villa any night pre
vious to their being engaged to hunt. (Signed and attested, &c.)

No. XV.

Pesaro, this day, 2Qth August, 1820.
1 the undersigned, by the present attestation, affirm and de
clare, to whoraever it shall concern, and do for the love of truth
by my oath and sacred word as a gentleman maintain, that
•having been very many times admitted to the honour of dining
and being in the society of her Majesty Caroline, Queen of Eng
land, during the time of her residence in this our city of Pesaro,
\ have always recognized in her, and duly respected her for that
dignified reserve which distinguishes personages whose birth and
education fit them for reigning. And I considered this in her
Majesty as the more grand and decorous, as that with affable and
agreeable manners she tried to soften the austerity, and lessen
the immense distance between a reigning personage, and the
subjects who approach them. So that I always perceived that
her Majesty had acquired the difficult art of captivating the
respect and veneration of all with her noble manners, which
appeared exerted by her solely for the purposes of benevolence,
and inspiring the merabers of her society with self-confidence,
an artifice wholly useless if taught by policy, but in her a raost
adrairable prerogative, as it sprung from the excellence of her
heart, and realgrealness of her disposition. And I aWays saw that
she used the same courteous authority towards her dependants,
araongst whora, and the first of thera, was the Baron Pergami, who
managed the affairs of her household, and he, wirh the rest of
them, returned it with respectful subraission, and with the most
scrupulous attention to their duties ; so that, whatever I observed in
her conduct never made me have the least suspicion, or imagine

APPENDIX. Cxii
that her Majesty could abase herself by improper familiarity, nor
that her Chamberlain could take advantage of the office he was in
vested with, which naturaUy gave him more frequent opportunities
than the rest of the household of approaching her sacred person.
And all these things I can positively speak to, because I was
an absolute eye-witness of them, and in declaring them in this at
testation, I intend to affirm them from my own personal knowledge,
in order to render homage to truth and to justice, because in
case this declaration should not be considered sufficiently valid,
I protest and declare myself to be ready to confirm it in person,
before any tribunal that might be sent [here for that pur
pose, since, for insurmountable reasons,* I cannot go rayself to
London. (Signed) Count Odoardo Maciiirelli.
* His mother being in her 80th year, and in an infirm and sickly ^tate. Ed..

No. XVI.

The Municipality of the royal city of Como, 22d
August 1820, has the honour to certify, that her Majesty the
Queen of England has given distinct proofs of an excellent and
dignified conduct during ber residence in this royal city, and at
the Villa d'Este in the Commune of Cenobbio. The generous
and beneficent traits of the character of her said Majesty towards
the poor families of the said Commune, with the gifts of con
siderable suras of money to the parish of Cenobbio, attest the
praiseworthy feelings of her morality, goodness, and beneficence.
This Municipality also certifies, that her Majesty the Queen was
visited by persons of distinction at her conversaziones, and that
when she appeared in public, she exacted, by her dignified con
duct, that respect which was due to so illustrious a personage.
The Municipality further attests, that on the occasion of a fire hav
ing taken place in the said city of Como, her Majesty expressed
the most lively interest to know the famUies who had suffered,
and were worthy of assistance, which was iraraediately afforded
by her. (Signed, &c. with the usual formalities of authenticity.)

cxlii APPENDIX.

No. XVII.
The undersigned Tommaso Felici, Judge [of the Tribunal
of Pesaro, and Counsellor to the Court of Appeal in Bologna
and the " Sacra Rota" in Rome ; and Teresa, wife to the above,
would have been ready to have presented themselves as wit
nesses, according to the royal dispatch of the 8th July 1820, on
the trial of her Majesty the Queen of England before the Par
liament, if, on their arrival in London on the 9th of November,
the proceedings had not been already closed. But since the
delay necessary for providing themselves with a passport, which
was only granted to them in the month of October by the
Pontifical Government, has prevented thera, they, have endea
voured, in the most clear and legal manner, to declare the truth
in writing.
They, therefore, declare themselves to be ready to ratify, in
the most solemn manner, the following attestation : That they
had the honour of being received by the then Princess of Wales,
during the stay made by her in Pesaro, for nearly three years ;
and, on every occasion, they had the opportunity to observe the
very dignified principles and morals which formed the character
of the aforesaid Princess, who, towards the numerous persons
who had the honour to visit her, and towards the gentlemen of
her court, always preserved that deportment demanded by her
high rank; not allowing any free conversation, and anxious
for the decorous behaviour of their wives, upon whose good
conduct she considered their mutual felicity depended. That
having been repeatedly wilh her Majesty to the theatre, at
balls, and walking parties, and at various entertainments, she
always conducted herself with the utraost decency, and attracted
the love and adrairalion of all around her. That her raaternal
affection was as conspicuous as her olher virtues ; for when
death deprived her of her daughter, and took from England its
dearest hope, she remained in this afflicting season long without
comfort, or without seeing any of those persons who might, from
their sympathy with her, have diverted her mind frora that
dreadful depression, which at last injured her health, frora the

APPENDIX. cxliii
first very much affected. That the deponents having repeatedly
gone to the villas Caprile and Vittoria, where she lived, wiihout
giving previous notice, they never had occasion lo observe the
least indecorum. That being honoured on the 1st of June, 1819,
by the presence of her Royal Highness at a small country-house
of their own, with some gentlemen and ladies, whom they invited
to attend upon her during the whole of the day that she reraained
there, she clearly shewed how very particular she was in her
conduct, and that no one gentleman presuraed upon the least
familiarity ; that before she quitted the place, she distributed
much in charity. That having known and been acquainted with
the Baron Pergami, her charaberlain, they always remarked in
him the most repectful deference, and they have repeatedly heard
him call her benefactress ; as likewise she had repeatedly
declared to thera, that her benefactions were intended as a
recorapense to that individual for his fidelity ; he never having
hesitated for her safety to expose himself to raost iraminent
danger. That, in short, from the various things they had fre-,
quent opportunities both of hearing and seeing, they should
never have had the most distant suspicion of indecorum or im
morality in the Princess, whose affable, beneficent, and dignified
manners had rendered her an object of sincere admiration, grati
tude, and esteem. (Signed) Terisa Felice.
Tommaso Felicf..

(No. XVIII.)
London, 2'7th January, 1820.
I, the undersigned, declare the following things, and am
ready to maintain them on oath to whoever requires it.
Several times in the course of the year 1818, I was consulted
by letter, and called frora Bologna to Pesaro, on account of the
health of her Majesty, then Princess of Wales. But in October
of that year, according to the request of the courier who came to
me at Parma, I went wilh all haste to the VUla Vittoria, her
Majesty being attacked by a violent jaundice, with serious affec-

clxiv appendix.
tion of the liver and stomach; and there I remained for sorae
time, as well because it was an iUness that required long attend
ance, as because the autumnal vacation permitted my remaining
absent. In such circumstances I had occasion to be for entire days,
and sometiraes part of the night, with her Majesty. Admitted,
by the nature of ray office into the interior of her Majesty's
apartraents, and honoured with her confidence, I was able to
perceive that which by an occasional visitor could neither be
well known, and never sufficiently appreciated. And I can well
affirra for the sake of truth that never have I seen in her manners
any thing, not only that was not decent and correct, but that
was not really dignified, and such as became her rank. With
the persons of her court, whose offices attached them most to
her peison, I have always seen her preserve that decorum which
without varying from that goodness which is natural to her,
respected the bounds prescribed to her by her high rank. To
her inferiors, her Majesty certainly was raore condescending
than, unfortunately, is usual to those moving in so high a sphere ;
and I have seen her Majesty, though scarcely recovered, go down
and visit the lowest of her doriiestics, herself causing the medi
cines so to be adrainistered, and attending to see that every,
the sraallest assistance possible, was rendered to thera; but if
this condescension did not become a royal personage, and in
fact constitute its principal ornament, I think that her Majesty
would renounce the best privilege of her rank ; so natural to her
is benevolence and mildness towards her inferiors, and so irresis
tible to her feelings the wish to see all happy about her!
With respect to the persons with whom her Majesty liked to
associate principally, they were chiefly persons the most distin
guished in the country, both in point of rank and profession ;
and every individual, without exception, throughout her house,
during her illness, shewed the raost indefatigable attention to
her, added to veneration and respect.
(Signed) Giacomo Tommasini, Clinical Professor of
Medicine in the University of Bologna,
and one of the Forty Members of the
Italian Academy (delta Societa Italiana
delle Scienze.)

clxxxv

Documents, 8<c. proving that the Birth, moral Character,
Conduct and Connections of Bakon Peugami, mlh
whom solely this licentious and adulterous Litercourse wai
charged to have taken place, were not of such a nature as
to warrant the L ferences drawn from his Advancement to
the office of Head of her Majesty's Household, 8fc.

(No. I.)
3Iilan,AugiistS0,\820.
Deposition of Antonio Montferini, son of the late Giu
seppe Antonio, native of A sago, province of Milan, dolnicilated
at Pesaro ; fifty-five years of age ; raarried ; nine chUdren ; a
gentleman and landholder (possidente ;) catholic. Admonished
previously that he had nothing to expect from his deposition,
says, that about fourteen or fifteen years since he ¦was in posses
sion of an estate on lease, which belonged to Count Angelo Ser-
Ponte, but now is the properly of the heir of one Adamo Cra
mer, of MUan ; the narae of the estate is Cascina delle Donne,
and is situate in the province of Lodi. At the time witness pos
sessed the estate, Pietro Pergami, of Crera'a (the faiher Of
the Baron,) purchased from one Francesco Sordi, at CUvoaga,
in the province of Lodi, 600 perticas of land for the sum of
45,000 livres of MUan, with the houses upon it; but the mansion
was near to the land that witness held on lease above mentioned,
and this land joined, and was called the Dosso del Rovere. On
this occasion Pietro Pergami the faiher, with his wife Donna*
Livia Foreste, came from time to lime to this new purchase,
by which means the witness became acquainted with them ; and
when they had sold another estate that they had al Cremasco,
they came to live at Dosso del Rovere, when the witness" visited
them, and learnt from various persons acquainted wilh the family
that it was one of the wealthiest and most respectable of Crema,
anciently possessing very considerable estates ; but owing to a
*The term Donna is one of Nobility. Ed.
L

clxxxvi appendix.
tripartite division of the possessions among the members of the
family, the portion of Pietro Pergami was much diminished.
The father al his death was much indebted ; he left five children
two sons, Bartolomeo and Luigi ; three daughters, Angiolini
(the Countess of Oldi), wife of Count Oldi of Crema ; the other,
named Theresa, married one Signer Severgnini of Crema; the
third, Faustina, married Signer Lorenzo Martini, of a good
family of Lodi.
The faraily of Pietro Pergarai, i. e. Bartoloraeo Pergarai,
and his brothers and sisters above-mentioned, were obliged, on
account of the father's debts, to sell the estate U Dosso del
Rovere, part pf which was purchased by the Countess Pino,
and the other part by Signor Adarao Kramer.
The witness adds, that having had considerable opportunities
of knowing the family of Pergami, has always heard it esteemed
as one of the most respectable. The mother. Donna Livia, was
of the noble family of Foreste. After the sale of the estate for
the debts, there remained for the family the dower of the raother.
Bartoloraeo then entered the array as a conscript, and having
serve several olher offices, he was employed as Inspector of the
Duties in the city of Monza, and then became the courier of
Count Pino, who was Grand Captain of the Guard of Napoleon,
and General of Division in the Army of Italy. On the arrival
of the Princess in Italy, Bartolomeo was recommended to her
by General Bellegarde, the then Governor of Milan, or by the
Marquis GhisUieri, also ir ember of the Government of Milan,
but do not know which. Witness went frequently to visit the
Princess at the Barona and Villa d'Este.
Wiiness lived nearly two years in the same house with the
Queen, dining at the sarae table, i. e. from the end of 1818,
till she went to London.
Accorapanied her to Rome, and in her excursion to different
places .during the time, and always observed her to- conduct
herself in the most proper and correct manner ; and that when
she rode -she always wore long pantaloons, or a dress down to
her feet.
Ready to depose to the falsehood of all that is said against
the Queen, and the impossibility that, if true, he who was
present, sliould not have seen it.

appendix. clxxxvii

(No. II.)
Certificate of General and Colonel Generali (Colo-
NELLo) Veani
States that Bartholomew Pergami, of Crema, was an Hussar,
in the first regiment coraraanded by hira, and served in the same
some years, until the end of the year 1802. That at the end of
that year he obtained his discharge. That during the tirae of
his service in that corps, he always conducted himself as a good,
valiant, intrepid, exact, and obedient soldier. Dated at Milan,
2nd October, 1810 ; and signed Veani, with the usual formalities
of authenticity.

(No. III.) .
Certificate of General Galemberti, head of the
Staff of the first Military Division.
States that Bartholomew Pergami served several years as
Volunteer in the 1 st regiment of ItaUan'Hussars, in which the
General coraraanded a division; that he obtained his discharge
at the end of the year 1802. That during his service in this
corps, he conducted hiraself to the great satisfaction of his
coramanding officers, both in his duty as a soldier, and in his
private conduct. Dated at MUan, 12th October 1811; signed
Galaraberti, with the usual formalities of authenticity.

(No. IV.)
Deposition of Lodogario Persico, M.D. and Veterinary
Surgeon in the service of her Majesty, at Pesaro.
States that having received his appointment in her Majesty's
service, previous to his leaving Milan in 1818, where he had been
L 2

clxxxviii appendix.
employed, in the Military Hospital ; on the 6th of June in that
year he was accosted at MUan, in the street Botta Nuto, by a
person of the name of Rastelli, then unknown to him, who asked
him if he was not going to Pesaro into the service of her Royal
Highness the Princess of Wales, saying ray narae is Rastelli,
and I have been there in her service as Head Groora in the
stables, but through sorae false accusation I was obliged to corae
away. You will not find yourself very well satisfied; not-on
account of the Princess, who is a most exceUent character, a
most exemplary (onesta) good and reasonable lady, and deserves
that one should carry water in one's ear for her, (che meriterebbe
che se portasse I'acqua coUe orecchie) ; to express how much she
deserved to be served for her own goodness ; but on account of
tha insubordination which you will find in the stable, for you will
find the servants there will not obey your orders. Witness fur
ther deposes that he has never met, during his service in her
Royal Highness's family, with such insubordination ; that he
was at the College of San Martino of Crema, witii Sio-nor Barto
lomeo Pergami, for two years, witness being in the first class
and Pergami in a much higher class ; that during the vacation
Pergami was placed under a private tutor, the Rev, Gaetano
Donati, by his father, in order not to interrupt the course of his
studies; that he is of .an ancient and most respectable (c\nYi%-
sima) family.

(No. V.)
Official Valuation and Appraisements, shewing the Property
zehich 1st, the father of Baron Pergami Allotted to him
and his two sisters in 1786, which, Qtid, he retained for
himself; and which 3rd, he allotted to Signor Pantaleone
Pergamo.

appendix.

clxxxix

[1.]— 1785— October 15th.
Appraisement and Division, in Three Portions, of all the real Property,
both Entailed and Fee Simple, belonging to Sig. Francis Pergamo,
Doctor of Physic, Father of Baron Bernardo Pergamo,
Entailed Property, Portion A, to Sig. Bernardo and Sisters,
Wards, and Under Age.

A house at Pianeugo, inhabited by the
farmer Nicco 
Do  at Crema, near St. Savergnini .
Do  do. . . . near Canton della
Polenta 
Do  do. .. .let on lease to No
colino 

Beloic Pianengo,
A piece of land belonging to the house of
the above Nicco  Pertiches
A parcel . . do. . called La Novella 
Part of Prato VeccMo of the farmer Dente
A parcel of land called Gampo Delli Oppi
ho  do  La ilirtesa
Do  do  Campetto Prato
Vecchio 
Do. . . of arable land 

of uncultivated land 
of land called II Poisio 
 do. . La Luna 
 do. . La Binda 
Do  do. . II Gerusalemme,
below St. Maria della Croix 

Do
Do, Do
Do

Pert.
Entailed Property in the Parish of St
Stefano.
A parcel of land called II Bel Ladro. . .
Do  do  Lama, laying part
on the east 

Pert.
Fee Simple Property in the Parish of St.
Stefano,
Part of the above land, Cantacuccho,
situated on the east 
Total of the Portion A. to Sig. Bernardo
and his Sisters  Pert.t

a 23
51 r
14 19
23 15
17 14
10 10
46 0
18 0
12 11
3 7
4 0
6 0

210 10

36 4
17 3

600
600 450400200 350 150 40
180
200400 150

420 200

8,000 0 0
10,100 0 0
1,400 0 0
1,450 0 0

20959

263 17

13 8.2

277 1. 2

320

1,775
30,775 6,6509,4503,514

00
5 0
13

0 0
0 0
4

3,6456,900 720
2,242 658
1,600

16 00
10 6 0

800060

900

0

0

89,789

11

6

15,190

0

0

3,424

3

5

108,403

14

11

4,268

9

0

112,672

3

11

• Lire, MilaneBe, <jr Milan livres, are wortli rafter less than the French lirre: and 3a Milan livres
make a pound sterlin?. 3 0
t The proportion of the Italian pertica is to the English acre as follows, three perticas ancl^^
are equal to one Eiiglisli acre.

CXC APPENDIX.
(2.)— Portion B, to Signor Pietro Pergami.*

ENTAILED PROPERTY.
A house at Pianengo inhabited by the bai
liff Dente 
Do  do  do  Calendo
Part of a country house (Casa Padronale)
at Pianengo, looking to the east and
with the door on the middle lane 
A house in Crema, let on lease to Sig
Basinoni 

Below Pianengo.
A piece of land belonging to the house of
the above Dente 
Do  do. ... to the south of Calendo's
house, with the Ara Patronale in the
east 
A parcel of land called II Cozzone 
Do  do  La Mola 
Do  do  II Pione 
Do  do  Le Chiaviche . . .
Do  do  Prato dell' Ocche
Do  do  II Carmino 
Do  do  Le Selve 
Do,.  do  II Musignaceo . .
Do.  do  II Cagialetto e La-
metto 
Do  do  La Torre diSevio .
Pert

Property in ihe Parish of St. Stefano.
A parcel of land called II Zpmbone . . . .
Do  do  Zama, part of it
situated on the west 
Do  do  II Dossello ....
Do  do  II Paretto, part of
it situated on the East  Pert,

Fee Simple Property in the Parish of St.
Stefano.
Part on the west of the lower Cantacuccho
Total of the Portion B. to Sig. Peter Per
gamo  ,¦
Pert.

271 3^
The'fathcr of Baitolomeo Pergami.

2 0

Va
lued at
£.
600

600500
400400 400450400 200170 150200

Lire.
5,600 0 0
1,300 0 0

6,300 0 0
7,800 0 0

21,e00 0 0

1,200 0 0

1,112 10 0
13,645 16 8
6,683 6 8
5,450 0 0
2,116 13 4
8,193 15 0
18,650 0 0
3,900 0 0
4,172 1 8
2,187 10 0
3,666 13 4

91,878 6 8

480

6,780 0 0

200 170

1,350 16 7
1,246 13 4

380

7,147 18 4

108,403 14 11

270

4,268 9 0

112,672 3 11

APPENDIX. cxci
(3.)— Portion C, to Signor Pantaleone Pergamo.

ENTAILED PROPERTY.
A small country-house, with adjoining ha
bitations at Pianengo, called La Berga
mina 
Part of the country-house, Casa Padronale
at Pianengo, laying on the west, witli
the entrance on the main road 
A house in Crema, situate in the Corso,
near St. Spirito  ,

Property below Pianengo.
A piece of land belonging to the above
house Bergamina 
Ditto, belonging to the above house Padro
nale, situated towards the west 
A parcel of land, called the Lower Roviolo,
in four squares, facing the south 
A ditto, called the Upper Roviolo 
A ditto, called II Mojapane 
A ditto, called La Caresola 
A ditto, called II Sopravalle 
A ditto, called II Ramello 
A ditto, called II Poisio, the Rocolo in
eluded 
A ditto, called La Lama 
A ditto, called Lametto ; called also Filoni
A ditto, called Li Geroni, in two squares..
A ditto, called Geroso Avidato 
A ditto, called La Luna 
A ditto, called Lametto, confining -with the
wood 
A ditto, called La Torre di Serio 
A ditto, called La Torre di Sevio, surnam
ed Fuga 

Property in the Parish of Si. Stefano.
Aparcel of land, called Li Pradelli allaPesa
A ditto, called Spatto Vicino 
A ditto, called Paretto, partly situated on
the west 

Pertiche. 3 4
1 3
61 4
23 6
22 6
9 0
16 18
5 18
9 12i
7 12
4 0
17 15
3 0
7 14

Fee Simple Property in the Parish of
St. Stefano.
Part of the Upper Cantacuccho, on the east
Ditto of the lo-wer ditto,  ditto 
A parcel of land, called La Lametta, near
Prato "Vecchio 

Total of the portion C, inherited by Signor
Pantaleone Pergamo 

4 11

212 6J

10 13

34 IA

256 21J

5 1410
4 3 6

5 15

600000
450400400500300
265

200 150 2060
200 140
150
200

500
380

320
270
2 40

272 « 4

Lire.
4,000 0 0
9,300 0 0
6,800 0 0
20,100 0 0
1,900 0 0
075 0 0
27,525 0 0
9,306 0 0
8,900 0 0
4,500 0 0
5,025 0 0
1,523 15 0
2,500 0 0
1,500 0 0
2,100 0 0
352 10 0
180 0 0
1,516 13 4
280 0 0
618 15 0
891 13 4

89,388 6

8

5,270 16
800 0

8
0

12,944 11

7

108,403 14

11

1,797 16
1,120 12

75

1,350 0

0

112,672 3

11

CXCIl APPENDIX.
N. B. It is hereby declared, that that part of the house
Padronale, at Pianengo, which lays on the west side, and is
made over to the portion C, is understood to include all the pre
mises and appurtenances adjoining it, but on the express con
dition of a dead wall being raised to divide the portion B, so as
to proceed from the Crose a Monte, which lays under the arch
of the piazza, towards the croce of the South, and then passing
through part of the piazza itself, on the East, to be brought as
far as the croce at the end of the Muradella ; and this wall,
with respect to that of the two arches, must be completed as far
as those arches themselves; and with respect to that which
dividps the yard, must be raised no less than five braccia from
the ground : all this to be effected in the next spring.
(Signed) . Agostino Riboli, Public Surveyor,

CXCIll

Documents, 4'C. demonstrating first that the Character and
Conduct of many of the Witnesses, who were heard for the
Bill of Pains and Penalties, were such as to destroy the
validity of their Evidence. Secondly, that their having
been tampered zcith and suborned additionally proved the
invalidity of their testimony: and Thirdlg, that many
parts of the Evidence for the Bill were especially in
correct.

(No. I.)
(AS TO MAJOCCHI).
I, the undersigned, declare as the pure trulh, that Theodore
Majocchi, formerly servant in the house of her Royal Highness
the Princess of "Wales, was towards the end of the year 1813,
in the service of his Excellency General CorrBT Pino, in the
capacity of groom under the olher coachmen, and he was dis
charged because il was discovered, that whilst the equipages
and horses of his Excellency travelled from Milan to Bologna,
and from Bologna to Mantua, this raan, being in the suite, used
to pilfer in the places where they lodged in the various stations
several eflTecls ; that is, candlesticks, copper utensils belonging to
the kitchen, linen, &c. and used to hide thera in the baggage of
the General, which bore the public mark, and that from Mantua
he forwarded them to Milan, directing them to his wife.
(Signed) Leona Ti,
Lieutenant Colonel and Aid-de-Carap to his
Excellency Gfneral Pino.
(Here follow the usual forraahties to authenticate.)

CXCIV appendix. (No. II.)
(AS TO MAJOCCHI.)
Milan, 14<A September 1 820.
I, Pasquali Marelli, hereby certify that I served with
Theodore Majocchi in the carapaign of 1813, and I attest that
in the journey he would take whatever carae in his way, even to
the utensils of the kitchen, and put them in the baggage of His
Excellency General Count Pino ; these things consisted of towels,
shovels, saucepans, all and every sort of linen. Once we were
in an inn at Mantua, he wanted to take a silk dress ; by using
very great intreaties, I prevailed on hira to leave it. He would
even steal frora me ; he took from me once a waistcoat, and told
every one I had sold it to him, the said Theodore.
For the pure love of truth, and by ray own spontaneous act,
not excited by any one, I have written the above, and am ready
to maintain it by my own individual oath.
(Signed) Pasquali Marelli.

(No. III.)
(AS TO RASTELLI.)
The undersigned attests, under tender of oath before any
tribunal, that having been eraployed as tailor for the family of
Her Majesty the Queen of England since the year 1817, when
she transferred him to Caprile first and afterwards to Villa Vit
toria. By this means he has known all the individuals who com
posed the court of Her said Royal Highness. He knew the out
rider Rastelli, who, on an evening of the month of December
1817, if he do not mistake, it was about four or five months
after he came to Caprile, that he called on wiiness requesting
that he would accommodate him with a lodging for that night,
having been dismissed frora the service of Her Royal Highness,
and got his portmanteau conveyed to me by John Diambrini.
Witness found lodging for him in the house of one of his friends.
As soon as he entered the house, he unloosed a leathern girdle

APPENDIX. CXCV
which he had round his waist, and began to count a large quan
tity of golden pieces. As he did not exactly know the value of
these coins, which were louis-d'or, sovereigns, and Lisbon and
Spanish pieces, he requested witness to count them for him.
The amount of said coin was 750 dollars, of which wiiness has a
very good recollection, not including some few dollars more
which he had. Rastelli said he had gained all this money in
buying forage for the stables of Her Majesty. He also regretted
that he had not been able to make up his accounts with the
steward, for which reason he had lost about fifty dollars. The
undersigned asked him several times the reason of his departure
all on a sudden, and he answered that he had had a dispute,
without mentioning with whom ; and tearing his hair, said, that
he was obliged to depart. When he called on the undersigned,
he requested of him a vettura (carriage,) for the village of
Catolica, who fixed on the next morning for his departure with
Giovanni Fiorani, the vetturino : but when, after having counted
the money, he had returned home, and had gone to bed, he was
awaked on a sudden from his sleep, without knowing who it was
that called hira, in order to go iraraediately to Rastelli, who
wished instantly to set off, although it was not as yet day-break.
In fact he set off before it was clear day, and witness was asto
nished at the precaution he took in closing the windows of the
carriage in such a raanner as that whoever raet him on the road
could not of course know hira. On account of the hurry of his
departure, and the shutting up of his portraanteau, he did not find
room for a jacket of blue cloth with three rows of buttons, after
the fashion of an huzzar's jacket, which he wore in the service of
her Majesty; and then he asked wiiness to make him some
present, as all tradesmen were accustomed to do to the servants
of her Royal Highness. He offered to sell witness the jacket,
which he refused, knowing that it belonged to her Majesty.
However, he made him a present of two dollars, besides paying
for his lodging.
Afler the departure of Rastelli, the courier, Charles and Peter,
first coachmen to her Majesty, called on witness to know if he
had seen Rastelli, who informed thera of his departure, and they
then said, that they had raet him in the carriage with the blinds
shut, and they regretted that they had not known it, as they

CXCVl APPENDIX.
would have upbraided him with being a thief, because he had
thus treated thera when they were in want of forage for the
stables of ber Majesty. (Signed) L. Crestini.

(No. IV.)
(AS TO RASTELLI AND SACCHINI.)
Pesaro, 29th September, 1820.
I, the undersigned, &c. &c. do depose, that for the space
of two years - nearly, I had the honour of serving her Ma
jesty the Queen of England as Chief Veterinary Surgeon, and
had under my care sixty-four' or sixty-five horses. Some few
days afler I had entered upon my employment, a certain person
named Rastelli, but of whose christian name I am ignorant, but
who served her Majesty as Piqueur, made me certain proposals,
shewing that he and I could easily gain a considerable sura by
charging a higher price for the shoeing, and by entering a greater
number of horse-shoes than was actually had ; also by making
an agreement with the druggist to increase the number of horse
medicines, which could not be furnished without my order. I
lefused to consent to any of these proposals, and Rastelli was
«fraid to tempt me afterwards.
The above propositions, however, having let rae know that he
was a^bad man, I sought to penetrate into all his actions more
minutely, and by that means I found out, that if he could not make
unlawful gains in the ways above-mentioned, he found out some
other lucrative and equally unlawful gain, having discovered that
very often he diminished the portions both of corn and hay for
the horses, giving tbem very frequently raore straw than hay,
having seen him do this with my own eyes.
Some tirae having elapsed, I considered it my, duty to ac
quaint the Baron Pergami, First Chamberlain of her Majesty,
of all that I have deposed above, and I warned him also, that I
had seen that Rastelli carried about him, round his body a large
band of leather, in which he Jiad a great deal of gold money.

APPENDIX. cxcvii
which he shewed to me in my room; my wife Violante also be
ing present; adding, that he expected to gain ever so rauch
more, indeed, sufficient to retire from service and open a shop in
Milan. In short, I know that the Baron, being at length well
convinced of the bad qualities of Rastelli, turned him out of
the service, and that he left at night for fear of being abused by
the other servants ; many of whom had before been suspected
for his thefts. I knew likewise, al the court of her Majesty, Mr.
S.^cciiiNi employed in the stables, and for sorae time I con
sidered him an honest man. I ceased, however, to have that
opinion of him, when one day after he was turned off, but be
fore he left his place, he expressed himself to rae in threatening
terras of her Majesty and the Baron, saying they were wicked
people, and telling rae expressly, that that very sword he held',
should serve to revenge hira upon her Majesty, since the Baron
had accused hira of a criminal intimacy with Mademoiselle De
mont, for which, at least, according to what he told me, he was
discharged. These threa,ts surprised rae very much, because, before that,
Sacchini, on every occasion, had spoken wilh great respect,
giving every good quality to her Majesty, as well as to the Baron.
As, on the contrary, I was not surprised al hearing that he was
discharged for his intimacy with Demont, having myself per
ceived their friendship and familiarity ; on one occasion, partici*-
larly of some medicines that Sacchini had ordered of me for
Demont, and which in my presence he gave her.
(Signed) Giovanni Rosa.

(No. V.)
(AS TO RASTELLI.)
Milan, I5th October, 1820.
Gaetanp Cioffi, Deponent, states, that in the year 1812 he
entered the service of H. R. H., as Groom and Postillion, and
that when he was afterwards advanced to Rastelli's situation
of Head Groom in the stables, Rastelli having been raade
under piqueur (vice-piqueur) ; Rastelli said to deponent, pn
giving him the keys of the magazines, " Gaetano, do you

CXCVIII APPENDIX.
" know how to make a profit, and get something ; at present the
" magazines are full, but I shall soon buy some horse provender,
" and I will give you a share of the profit '. for example, when I
" buy ten thousand weight of hay, we will put down twelve
" thousand, .and so on.'' On my replying, that I would not do
this, and that it might be discovered, and we should be dismissed
as thieves, he replied, that " I was a beast ; that this was the
" moment to make a profit ;" and added, " if you did but know
" how "much I have gained this way !" — and so the discourse
ended.

(No. VI.)
(RELATIVE TO THE VILLA RUFFINELLI.)
Declaration of Elisabetta Bbunot, wife of Jean Brunot,
the agent or house-steward of Lucien Buonaparte for his villa of
Ruffinelli, acting in the capacity of housekeeper.- She remera
bers the Queen, then Princess of Wales, coraing to the Villa
Ruffinelli in the early part of June 1817. She had left before
the feast of St. John, but she thinks the Queen was there at
the feast of St Barnabas. The Queen came on a Sunday even
ing, and left Ruffinelli the following Saturday. An order had
been sent by Lucien to prepare the house for the reception of the
Queen, and she prepared accordingly. She remembers Signor
Pergami arrivingwith the Queen. Hewasveryill,and went tobed
imraediately. Deponent attended him every day : he was confined
'to his bed Until the day previous to the Queen's departure from
Ruffinelli. She made Signor Pergami's bed every day, al dif
ferent hours of the day, but always between the hours of nine
o'clock in the morning and four in the afternoon ; when she made
the bed, he remained in the room, and deponent did not, on any
one occasion, quit the room until Pergami was again in bed.
She is confident that his bed was not warmed. She invariably
remained in the roora after making the bed till Pergami was
again in it, and must have known if a warming-pan had been
used. The weather was at that time (as usual at that season)

APPENDIX. CXCI.X
very hot, and the door of Pergami's chamber was kept con
stantly open, in order to cool the room. She remerabers well the
furniture in Pergami's roora : it consisted of a sofa bed, on which
he lay, a chest of drawers, a large round table, a toilette opening
on the two sides, a night table, and sorae chairs ; but she does
not recollect how raany, nor whether, they were arra-chairs;
but she has a distinct recollection that there was no sofa in the
room, or what might have been taken for a sofa, beside that on
which Pergami slept. The Queen went out every day with an
Englishman and some others of her suite. She visited the Pope
at Castel-Gandolfo; dined at a Cardinal's; and was always
during the greater part of each day occupied in walking, riding,
or with her suite. When the parly left, the Queen left in one
carriag;e, and Pergami in another.

(No. VII.)
(RELATIVE TO THE VILLA RUFFINELLI.)
Jean -Brunot, the husband of the preceding, is the agent at
villa Ruffinelli ; has been wilh Lucien Buonaparte about eighteen
years. He remembers receiving an order frora Lucien to prepare
the villa for the reception of her Royal Highness. Recollects
Signor Pergarai coraing with her Royal Highness ; he was very
ill, and went to bed soon after his arrival. The furniture in his
roora was, according to his recollection, as follows : a little sofa-
bed on which Pergarai slept, a chest of drawers, a large table, a
night-chair, and a table of corresponding size, a lillie round
table for breakfast, one or two arm-chairs, sorae chairs of straw,
and some others of tapestry, to the number of six or eight. Wit
ness has been in the Baron's chamber once or twice, but never
saw a sofaj or any sofa-bed, except that on which Pergarai lay.
There was certainly none when the Queen came, and none when
she went away. The Queen was at Ruffinelli in the month of
June 1817, during the fete of St. Barnabas, and she reraained
six or seven days. When the Princess was about coming, wit
ness was at Roici Priory, but he carae to Ruffinelli sorae days
before her arrival.

cc APPENDIX.
(No. VIII.)
Signor Maestri, Physician of Trucati, attended a certain
Baron, whora he believes to have been Pergarai, at Ruffinelli,
five days ; bled him, he had^ a complaint in his chest, attended
also with a fever ; he never ordered his bed to be warmed ; the
weather was very hot, and it would have been absurd to have
warmed his bed. The Princess came into Pergarai's room he
believes every day that he visited Pergami, but never until after
his (the Doctor's) name had been announced, and then came in
with others.

(No. IX.)
(DEPOSITION OF LUIGI MARZI, AS TO SACCHI.)
Pesaro, llth October, 1820.
Witness states that he is a jeweller resident at Ancona, and
that in the month of November 1817, having occasion to travel
from Ancona to Leghorn, on account of his business, he^ngao-ed
at Pesaro with a veturino, and that in the same carriage was
another person, a stranger to him, who told him that his name
was Antonio Sacchi, an equerry, then disraissed from the service
of her Royal Highness. Witness having at that tirae heard
several reports about the Princess, put a good many questions
to him, through curiosity, about the Princess, and the.individuals
who coraposed her court. Wiiness recollects particularly that
this discourse took place while he and Sacchi were walking the
road side, having disraounted to warra their feet ; and that a
certain other person, naraed Signor Pietro, but whose sirname
witness does not know, but, by his accent, appeared to be frora
Lombardy, and was travelling in a gig frora the Villa Caprili,
where he had been on a visit to Signor Pergarai, who was also
present. Witness deposes that in this conversation Sacchi made
an eulogium on the Princess, but at the same time coraplained of
the Signor Baron (Pergarai,) to whora he manifested the most
violent hatred. On this occasion, witness asked Sacchi if there
was any improper intimacy between the Princess and Pergami,

APPENDIX. CCi
who assured him that every report was calumnious, and that no
one could know this better than himself, and that there was not
absolutely any relation (relazione) between them that could give
rise to the least suspicion.
Witness further deposes, that Sacchi, having found in discourse
that the witness knew the Marchese Mosca, he intreated him, at
his return, to beg her to interpose for him that he might be re
admitted in the Princess's service.

(No. X.)
(AS TO RASTELLI.)
Milan, September 1820.
Pietro Majerna, son of the late Giuseppe, about fifty,
native and inhabitant of the Barona ; married, with three chil
dren. Without hope of gain, is ready to prove :
That in 1817, near St. Carlos's day, in October, at a fete
given by the Princess of Wales, he was at Caprile, near Pesaro,
a town of Romagna, and at her house, where he had gone on
some employ, and remained there fifteen days, eating at the
second table. Exactly on St. Carlos's day, Rastelli, piquer, or
head of the stables, being in the stable, Sacchini, second equerry
(vece scudiere,) came in and ordered him to move a certain
saddle. Rastelli answered, he had orders to the contrary ; upon
which, Sacchini in a passion, gave Rastelli a blow with his fist
in the stomach, and knocked him against the manger. Rastelli
told the Baron of this in witness's presence, and the Princess
coraing out of a room, he thinks, must have heard it, but cannot
be sure of it, as he retired instantly through respect. Towards
the evening, Sacchini being in the pantry in a bad humour, began
to bring up the adventure of the raorning, coraplainiug of one
person receiving one order, and another a different one. He
added, he would do any thing for the Princess, were it to cost
Ilim his life, for she was a vjorthy lady, but that he could not
suffer such disorder. The butler, Rancati, hearing such ex
pressions, said in derision, " I don't believe much of that," (non
sara poi tanto,) on which, Sacchini looked at him, and continued

ecu APt-ENDIX.
talking in the sarae -way to witness, saying at last, that
he would go against an army for the Princess; and upon
this, Rancati having said, " That is not true," Sacchini said,
he was offended at such an insult, and from one word lo another,
the conversation growing warm, gave Rancati a blow in the
stbraach, who being near the door which opened into the court,
fell down into a gutter and was covered with raud. The Queen
being told this matter, sent for witness to know how the case
stood, and he tried to soften the business, saying, that it was
done in a passion, and that Sacchini repented of il, and was
ready lo make excuses : but her Royal Highness said, Sacchini
was a bad fellow if he had in one day struck two persons, and
that before going away, he had said he would cut some of their
throats, so that she herself might be perhaps of the number.
Wiiness, however, does not remember his having used such ex
pressions in his passion, although he did say something in French,
which however he cannot assert lo be the words mentioned by
the Princess. Sacchini however, was dismissed and came to
Milan ; at the same time that witness left, Sacchini being in a
carriage wilh some oihers, amongst whora was a young man of
Pesaro, who, he thinks, is a jeweller, or a seller of coral, and
witness himself travelled in a chaise with one seat (sediolo). It
being very cold during part of the journey, they walked on foot,
and Sacchini, talking with the young man of Pesaro in the pre
sence of witness; spoke in the highest terms of the Princess, and
shewed he had hopes of returning into her service.
Milan, Sept. 4, 1820.
Witness since adds as follows :
That whilst passing in the street Ne Rione di S, Francesco at
Milan, about the month pf April last, he found at the door of
Signor Acerbi, Rastelli. They saluted each other, and witness,
knowing he had been in Germany to get witnesses against the
Queen of England, said, " Ah, you recruit for witnesses." He
answered, " No, I do not, L only serve those who give me orders
and pay me, and J have nothing to say either against the Prin
cess or Signor Bartolomeo Pergami; only I am sorry that they
have dismissed me in a bad manner, and have ill-treated me ;
but that is not their fault, but the fault of Luigi, the Queen's

APPENDIX. CCIII
equerry, and the Baron's brother." On the 22nd of June, 1820,
at the public archive otfice at Milan near the great staircase, wit
ness met Rancanti, who said, " Here I am, poor old man, with
out a pension, after the Princess has given one to all the rest."
Witness answered, " You would come away, and it is your own
fault if you have no pension." Upon which he said, " Well, I
have nothing to say against tlie Princess but there is something
in tJie loind (v' 6 in aria un affare), / will make them know who
I am." Shewing- that his anger was raore against her suite
than against the Princess.

(No. XI.)
(As TO Vimercati and the Commission at Milan to
COLLECT Evidence against the Queen.)
Milan, the 8th September, 1820.
Rosa Villa, wife of Giovitta Villa, native of Novarra in Sar
dinia, aged thirty-seven, innkeeper at Cenobbio, deposes, that
sorae time before the Christmas of the year 1818, there came to
her house at Cenobbio, one Antonio Mazzerini, who lives near
Lugino, and who staid at the inn three days ; on the third day
he interrogated witness respecting the conduct of the Princess
of Wales, asking what she did, and if she had seen the Princess,
on the occasions of going to her house called the Villa d'Este,
using any farailiarities with the Signior Bartoloraeo Pergarai ? or
if she had heard any person say any thing about it, or frora the
servants or others ? to which questions witness replied that she
heard of nothing iraproper, nor seen any thing indecent; to
which he replied, that it appeared impossible that she had not
seen or heard something.
Further deposes, that on the 16th of June 1819, the said
Mazzerini carae again to witness's inn at Cenobbio, and told her
she must go to Como, to the Angel Inn, to speak to a gentleraan
there, his friend, and that he wished witness also to go there.
The next raorning he renewed his instances ; and in fact witness,
through curiosity, resolved to go ; but before going, he told her
m2

CCIV APPENDIX.
he wished to have the boatmen who had served the Queen, and
in fact, one of thera naraed Joseph Guggiari, happening to corae
into the inn, witness shewed hira to him ; Mazzerini then took
him up stairs, where he staid with him a good half hour ; he
afterwards came down and ordered breakfast, and made Gug
giari call his biother Giovanni Guggiari, wilh whom he Mazzerini
discoursed about the same time in an upper room. Witness
afterwards went to Tavernolo, about half a mile frora Cenobbio,
to take a boat to cross the lake to Como, as she did not wish to
be seen by. the people of her parish going in a boat with a person .
she suspected to be a spy. While witness was going in the boat
to C3ino, the gentleman whora witness went to see there, and
•whom she afterwards found to be the Advocate Vimercati, of
Milan, having gone in a boat to Cenobbio, and not finding wit
ness there, returned directly to Como. Witness went to the
Angel Inn at Como, and there in an upper room found the Advo
cate Vimercati with another person, whora she heard naraed
Arganti or Riganti; on seeing witness, Vimercati made Riganti
retire,, and only witness and Mazzerini remained. When Vimer
cati, rubbing his hands as if through pleasure, (fricandosi le mani
come per allegria) " oh, he said, here is La Giovitta, you will
know soraething of the Princess of Wales, at least frora the ser
vants, and you will have seen soraething soraetiraes in going to
the house ; you will have seen her ride in the small chair, or
Padovanello (Berocino) and sit upon the Baron Pergami's lap ;
that she would have seen the Princess go out a riding on horse
back or on an ass, and Pergami hold her on such occasions with
his arm round her neck and the like.'' Witness answered, that
she had seen noihing ; Vimercati further asked her if she had
heard from the servants of the house, if the Princess slept with
the Baron, or if they slept near each other. To which questions,
witness gave the same answer as before. He then told witness
she did wrong in being silent, that she renounced her fortune,
that she would have left off being an innkeeper, and that she
would have gained raore than by selling bottles of wine, and this
business was a lottery ticket. (" Egli allora mi disse, che facevo
male di tacere, che rinunziava mia fortuna, che avrei cessato di
far I'ostessa, & che gua dagnava piii che a vendere i boccali di
vino e questo era un ambietto all lotto"). To which witness

APPENDIX. CCV
rephed it was nothing to her, that she had ahvays been a poor
woraan, and would live as a poor woman, and that she would
• not do these things ; (e di ((Uelle cose li non lo voglio fare).
Then changing his countenance, and becoming serious, and beat
ing in despite his hands upon the book, and telling witness she
was a fool, he added, " well, you'll have to say it (that is the
things said by him) without security," (senza cauzione) ; as if he
meant to say, without gain, (corae s'avrebbe a dire senza guadag-
nare niente).
When witness was going away, Vimercati looking at her raore
pleasantly, said to her, " since you won't tell rae any thing, do
me the pleasure so tell me what George knows ;'¦ to which wit
ness, in order to get away, answered yes, yes, (si, si); and sla6^
ping the door after her went away in great haste.
This George had been a cook at the Princess's, both at Pesaro
and the Villa d'Este, and is named Corlicella.
Witness, further deposes to the good character and conduct of
the Princess, and her charily, and that various couriers came to
her inn, among whom were one Joseph or Giuseppe, one Luigi
Bianchi, and Rastelli, who were sent against the Queen to con
duct witnesses; and all three solicited her to go to England;
and among others, Bianchi, fifteen days before making this de
position, told her, that she betrayed her family by not going to
depose, and told her this in the presence of her eldest daughter.
Witness adds, that the couriers who came to her inn for the
above object, always took the witnesses up stairs, by which she
does not know what they said to them. But Bianchi told her,
" if you will go to England, you may say that your loss by leav
ing your house and affairs, would be 20 or 30 francs a day (lire).;
and if Vimercati gives you that, well and good, if not, you can
retum to your house."
Signed by the Deponent, after being read to her in the pre
sence of the following witnesses.
Carlo Luti Degli Antaldi, and
Pasquale Lagomaggiore.

CCVl APPENDIX. (No. XII.)
(AS TO BIANCHI.)
Milan, 23rd October 1820.
Antonio Cavazzi, native and dwelling at Bologna, waiter
at the inn of the Pellegrino, deposes, that being at Venice
about the end of last year, where witness was then waiter at the
Grande Europa, he was in corapany with one Giuseppe Garig
nani, his acquaintance, and also Pietri Valerio, and also Giuseppe
Bianchi, the porter of the Gran Bretagna, who was known by
thera all ; that, in drinking together, Bianchi took Giuseppe Ga
rignani aside, three or four paces frora the others, and said to
hira in a voice which they could hear : — " you who have been in
" the service of the Princess of Wales, will be able to say some-
" thing against the Princess, which will gain you at least 1 00
" louis." To which Garignani replied, he could say nothing
against the Princess, and would not do such things. That, on
this refusal of Garignani's, Bianchi said to him, in derision, "you
are a fool (minchione)," That after staying , about a quarter of
an hour there, they went away, and on the road Garignani said
to rae and Valerio : "that fellow wanted rae to depose against
" the Princess, but I would not do such an action, nor could I
" say any thing against her."

(No. XIII.)
(AS TO BIANCHL)
The Ath October, 1820. Venice.
I, the undersigned P. Valerio, declare to have heard, and
that in the presence of Antonio Cavazzi of Bologna, that
Bianchi, porter of the hotel, called the Hotel of Great Britain,

APPENDIX. CCVli
said to Gins. Garignani, late valet of the Baron Pergarai, who was
then servant to the Prince Erco ani, and lodging at ray inn of St.
Moses n Venice; " You who have been, as you say, cameriere
" or valet to Baron Pergarai, and who say you have discharged
" yourself for motives which obliged you so to do, must have
" been able to know and see every thing that passed between the
" Baron and the Princess of Wales, now Queen of England ; if
" then you will say that which I tell you, I will conduct jou to
" Milan, and there you shall depose, and they will raake you a
"present; and there will be to be gained at least 100 louis,
" aud then you will go to London, as 1 shall go, and our second
" waiter is going too. Corae, then, will you corae ? I know you
" will be satisfied." I then heard that the valet of the Prince
Ercolani replied, " Gius. Garignani, what would you have me go
" and say? I could not say any thing, because I never saw any
" thing that could be considered iraproper ; so that if I should
" say so, I should say and do as the other servants have done,
" who were discharged for such serious faults ; that sorae of
" them deserved iraprisonraent, and seeing that they can no lon-
" ger return to her Majesty's service, they take this expedient for
" revenge, and perhaps as you say, for interest, and vent their
" infinite wickedness, in diabolical iraaginations which I could
" never be capable of conceiving, much less saying; because a
" man of honour should not allow gold or motives of unjust re-
" venge, to make them say that which is not true, particularly
" when it may be of such serious injury to one's fellow creatures ;
" and you will see the end of such liars, that if they are not
" punished by justice in ]^this world, they certainly will be so by
" the justice of God."
This I can attest firmly and upon oath, as the pure truth, and
will always say it, without having burdened my conscience.
(Signed) P. Valerio of Venice.

CCVllI APPENDIX.

(No. XIV.)
(As TO THE Gold Chain alleged to have been pre,
SENTED to Pergami by the Queen, durins her
residence AT Vienna, and to have been purchased
OF Andrea Fanna.
Translation of the Certificate of Fanna, the Jevieller.
Vienna, 2lst September 1820.
I, the undersigned, do certify, that I never sold to her R. H.
the Princess of Wales, any kind of chain during the tirae of her
residence In Venice.
In testiraony of which I have thus signed ray name.
Andrea Fanna.

(No. XV.)
(AS TO THE COMMISSION AT MILAN.)
Deposition.
Milan, August 29, 1820.
Carlo Carmine, son of the late Gottardo, native of St.
Agatha, . Sardinian State, in the Upper Novarese, aged thirty-
three, painter, never was prosecuted, living at Milan, Agnello
Street, No. 971.
Without hope of gain is ready to prove : that from the 1 st of
May 1818, he was at Villa Vittoria, near Pesaro, a Roman State,
eraployed by the Princess of Wales, where he reraained about
three raonths and a half, to paint sorae rooras with two other
painters, one naraed Serafino, and as for the other he only knows
he was of Recaunati, as well as the first.
' Having finished painting, Signor Pergami told him, that if he
would put on a livery and remain in the Princess's service he
would retain hira there ; and, in fact, he did so for raore than

appendix. ccix
two years. He can safely declare, that during all this time, he
saw no indecent act or freedom between the Princess and Perga
mi, who was generally called il Signor Barone.
As he was a painter, and the Princess was fond of painting, he
was frequently called to her apai'tment for colours, and other
commissions. And serving her as laquais two years, he was
often called to receive her orders, but never saw any thing that
could degrade her.
Deposes further, that on the 1st of August 1820, being at the
coffee-house called Nazza, at Milan, a certain tall person, well
dressed, and of a florid complexion, said to witness, " you have
" been in the service of the Princess of Wales ; if you have any
" tiling to say against her you raay have five or six thousand
" franks, and I myself will give them to you." To which witness
answered, that he had nothing to say against the Princess.

(No. XVI.)
(AS TO SACCHL)
Milan, September 23, 1820.
Deposition of Seraphino Sifratori, School-master, dwell
ing at Milan, states that, two years since ; the end of Septeraber
or of October, he was in the house of Sacchi, a tailor, in cora
pany with one Luigi Merli, and that Sacchi in their presence
said : — " Now, I hope to finish soon my distress, as I have an
" affair with Vimercati, relative to the Princess of Wales, so
" that I shall get out of my distress." Witness deposes the oc
casion of bis going to Sacchi's house, was to see a room which
he had to let. Further deposes to drinking and smoking in
Sacchi's company, with Merli at a coffee-house, at Milan, near
the Porta Romana, and that on a question by Merli to Sacchi
how matters went on (come valla Sacchi,) he replied, " well."
Again, on Merli's saying to him, " where are you going ?" Sacchi
replied, " I am going for that affair of Vimercati's, who knows
*' when you will see me again." Merli then said, " Mind what
"you do;" to which Sacchi replied, "what would you have me
- " do ? I am desparate ; I have no work ; I will say what they
"' have told me to say."

t=cx appendix.
(No. XVI.)
(AS TO SACCHI AND THE MILAN COMMISSION.)
Lodi, September 30, 1820.
Deposition of Luigi Merli states, that about two years
since, in the beginning of October the witness, together with his-
friend, naraed Seraphino, was in the house of his (the witness' ;)
cousin, Gaetano Sacchi ; and after sorae conversation, Sacchi, in
answer to a question, how his affairs went on ? replied, " that
" they went on well, as he had received something from the
" Advocate Vimercati, and should soon be out of his distress
" (miseria.y He further states, that witness afterwards was in
corapany wilh Sacchi and Seraphino in a coffee-house, near Sac
chi's house, drinking and sraoking together, and on his asking hira,
" how the affairs of the Princess went on 1" he answered, " I am
" going to England ; I am well paid." On witness asking him
" what he went to do there ? he answered, " that he went to do
" that which the others did, and to say what they had told him to
" say ,mi respose che andava a fare quel che facevono gli altri e
" dire quello chi gli avevano detto di dire),"

(No. XVII.)
Milan, 29th September, 1820.
Cairo Patrizeo deposes that in the year 1818, in the
autumn, he was met by the tailor, Sacchi, with whom deponent
had worked, on the recommendation of deponent's relation Ma-
jochi; that Sacchi, after saluting him, said to him, " I have tried
" several tiraes to be re-admitted into the service of her Royal
" Highness, but I have not yet been able to succeed. I will try
" once more ; then if they do not receive rae, I know what I have
" to do." He then asked me if we should act together ?
Witness further deposes, that having worked with Sacchi, as a
tailor, in the service of her Majesty, at the Villa d'Este, he
never saw any thing improper, or on which he could have any
thing to say against her Majesty.

APPENDIX. CCXl
(No. XIX.)
(AS TO RASTELLI, VIMERCATI, AND BIROLLO.)
Milan, 6th October, 1820.
Francesco Manzoni, coppersmith, of Milan, was employed
by the Princess to furnish her kitchen at the Barona and the
Villa d'Este, slates that he was acquainted with Giuseppe Ras
telli at the time he was employed in the stables of Prince Eugene
BSUuharnois, and before witness knew hira to be an ungrateful
fellow and an impostor. That Rastelli came to him one day,
on his having been dismissed frora the Princess's service, to take
his jdvice, and said to hira that there was a process on foot
against the Princess, and that the advocate, Viraercati, had the
management or care of it (ne aveva I'assunto); that they had
interrogated some witnesses at Milan, and that they deposed
horrible things, and that also he had been called to be examined ;
that they had given him to understand that there would be the
means of gaining much, by making journies to seek for, and to
conduct the witnesses who were absent. I advised him to ac
cept the office of serving as a courier, advising to him, however,
to mind well what he said in his deposition, as I observed in him
a certain bad disposition (certo livore), not so much against the
Princess as the faraily of Pergarai, to revenge the injuries which
he said he had received at Pesaro, when he was dismissed the
service ; he replied, that as his office was in the stables he could
not depose any thing, not having ever seen what might take
place in the apartraents, and that he could not say any thing else
than having seen the Princess speak to Pergami with much farai
liarity, and so he began his office of courier.
Witness further deposes to his having seen Rastelli solicit
Francesco Birollo, forraerly the cook in the Princess's service, to
give evidence against her. Witness was also inforraed, by the
keeper of the Eraperor's stables, that one night two bricklayers,
who were found asleep in a state of drunkenness, in the market
place, were arrested by the patrole, and, on being searched,
money was found upon them, which, it seemed, they could not
have gained by work ; and on being interrogated by the patrole

CCXII APPENDIX.

they answered they had had it from one Rastelli, in order to go
and depose against the Princess of Wales,'but that they did not
know what they had to say.

No. XX.)
(AS TO RIGANTI.)
Milan, IQth October, 1820.
The deposition of Giovanni Donarini, native of, and inn
keeper at the Barona, near to Milan, deposes, that he was in the
habit, in going from the Barona to Milan, to stop at the shop of
one Riganti, which is on the road, and who sold tobacco, and
that he there occasionally took a glass of brandy ; and on one
occasion the said Riganti said to hira, that if he had seen any
thing pass between the Princess and Pergami, that is any amo
rous familiarities, kisses, or other things, he would have given
him a handfut of gold (Pugno d'oro,) and that he, witness, might
have made his fortune ; to which the witness answered, that he
could not say any such things, as he had never seen them ; that
on the contrary, he had always observed the Princess deport
herself decently ; and witness, in order not to be further annoyed
by his perfidious offers, ceased going to his shop; but, notwith
standing, twice afterwards, Riganti seeing witness pass, made the
same demands, and repeated his offers.

(No. XXI.)
(AS TO VIMERCATI, AND THE MILAN COMMISSION.)
Cenobbio, 22nd Sptember, 1819.
I, THE undersigned, certify that, in the beginning of the pre
sent year, I was called and engaged by a certain Felix Porta, of
Cenobbio, and Franfois Cassina, of the comraune of Piazza, to
go to Milan, to the house of a certain Vimercati, (a lawyer)
where they had examined other persons, and depose things against
the honour of Her Royal Highness the Princess of Wale's, and

APPENDIX. ccxiii
the Baron Pergami; that is to say: if in the house (where I
always was, in consequence of my employraent) I had seen them
erabracing each other, or other scandalous things ; that they
would find me in every thing, and that they would send and
fetch me in a carriage, and that they would give rae two pieces
(dollars) a day ; and that I answered, that I had seen noihing,
and that I would not go and depose falsehoods ; and, in fact, I
did not go, notwithstanding they came every day to solicit rae
to go, in telling me I should gain a considerable sum of money.
All this is the whole truth, and I am ready to declare it before
any tribunal. (Signed) Pietro Casnati.
Antonio Augustini, Wiiness.
Gasparo Guggiari, do.

No. XXII.)
(AS TO ROSSI.)
Villa d'Este, Aug. \Qth, 1820.
Carlo Casnati, son of Pietro, native and inhabitant of
Cenobbio, aged twenty-four; weaver by trade ; without hope of
gain, is ready to prove :
That his faiher being a carpenter, attached to Villa d'Este,
he had frequent occasions of going to the house daily, and never
saw any thing to make him speak ill of the Princess.
In jBnuary 1819, or thereabout, being at Giovitta's inn at
Cenobbio, he found there one Antony Rossi, of Lugano, a well-
dressed man, who said to him, he must have a good deal to de
pose against the Princess, as he worked at her house ; and, if he
had, that it would make his fortune. He answered, he had seen
nothing, and therefore could say noihing ; and he said this, be
cause he did not wish to make money by a falsehood.
All the country talks of those who are gone being gained by
money : they are raen of no character ; and it is only since the
searching for evidence that such bad things have been said of the
Princess.

ccxiv appendix.
(No. XXIII.)
(As TO the Conduct or the Queen at Barona.)
Milan, August 21tli, 1820.
Deposition of Giuseppe Riva, son of the late Giovanni,
native and inhabitant of Cassone, province of Como, aged thirty-
three ; married, two children ; bricklayer ; catholic.
Says, he was asked by Rastelli at Cassone, in the end of
January 1819, when he came to collect witnesses to go to Milan,
if he knew any thing that he could say against the Princess ?
He replied, no, that he only worked at the Barona, and not at
the Villa, when the Princess was there, and that he had seen her
frequently go out an airing, but never saw any thing improper;
and therefore refused to go to Milan to depose against the
Queen. Has never heard any of the other bricklayers, including those
five bricklayers who are gone to England to depose against the
Queen, say any thing against the Queen, although he knows
thera ; they are his friends, and he has worked with them. Does
not know what they can have to say. Those who are gone to
England are Arabrosio Bianchini, Domenica Brusa, Paolo Rag-
gazzoni, Onorato Mina, and Enrico Bai.
Says, the Queen has always done good for the country.

(No. XXIV.)
(As to the Milan Commission.)
Villa d'Este, August 18th, 1820.
Giuseppe Buti, son of Antonio, native of Cavalusca, in
habitant of Massanico, aged thirty-eight, wooden shoeraaker,
without hope of gain, is ready to prove: That towards the end
of Seplember, 1819, having bought twelve poplar plants of
Giuseppe dell' Orto, father-in-law of Antonio Tagliabue, he was
in return to make some wooden-shoes, that being his profession,.

appendix. ccxv
and in the house of Tagliabue. About St. Martin's day, whilst
he was working, there came one Giuseppe Ferrari, son of the
late Giovanni Battista of Cenobbio, a paper-maker, and he told
Tagliabue that a gentleman wanted to talk to him on the road ;
and he replied, " It is sorae Milanese about the business of the
Princess.'' After about an hour and a half he returned, and
whilst walking with deponent who carried a sack of flour,
Tagliabue said that he was going to Milan again, but that he
must not say any thing about it. After two or three days he
left, and remained absent about three days, telling Buti to look
after his house. On his return he said he had been to Vimer
cati's at Milan to plan sorae way of recniiting, i. e. to find people
who would give evidence against the Princess ; and on witness
asking how they ever could find any thing against her, he replied,
" With four stories one could get raoney." And at pther times
he said, that when he wanted money, he went to Vimercati's at
Milan. He said that besides Vimercati, there were an English
Colonel and a Secretary; that Vimercati, and sometimes the
Colonel, who spoke good Italian, examined. He said too that
they paid him, and gave him as much as he asked, and that they
gave whatever he proposed to those he brought as witnesses.
He said he once earned 200 francs in one journey, or convoy of
witnesses. A few days before leaving, Tagliabue said to deponent, in the
shop of the shoeraaker, Casanuova, that he was going to London,
and that he was paid for several days, whether six or ten francs
deponent knows not.

(No. XXV.)
(As TO the Conduct of the Queen at the Villa Villani.)
Milan, August 23rd, 1820.
Pietro Franchi, son of Doraenico, aged thirty-three; mar
ried, wilh two children, porter, inhabitant of Como, parish of St.
Fedele, Fosso Street, No. 575.

ccxvi,,,..^ appendix.

Without hope of gain is ready to prove— That he served the
Princess at Borgo Vico as porter, and saw her three or four tiraes
a'week whenhe went to Villa Villani, but never saw her act
otherwise than as a Princess. She was decently clothed, nor
did he observe any freedoms between her and Signor Pergami, or
any one else.
One Taghabue, of Cenobbio, when they first began to talk of
the Commission against the Princess, wanted him to go to depose
against the Princess, and he could have got money by it ; but,
having nothing to say, he refused.

(No. XXVI.)
(As to the Conduct or the Queen at the Villa
d'Este, and also as to the Milan Commission.)
' Villa d'Este, August 18, 1820.
Marco Pelrasco, son of the late Carlo, native of the
Corpi-Santi of Como ; inhabitant of Corao, in the road of arches
Xdei portiei,) on the bank of the lake ; aged fifty-one, raarried,
dealer and chapman.
Without liope of gain is ready to prove, in further explanation
of an attestation subjoined — That his house is on the road from
Borgo Vico to Villa d'Este, and about six or seven hundred
paces from the villa. When the road* frora Guemello to Villa
d'Este was began, her Royal Highness the Princess of Wales
came almost every day to see the work, accompanied by a great
suite ; amongst others the curate of Cenobbio, Professor Volta
and Configliachi; the then prefect of Como, Signor Toraassia,
the canon Peril, and many others: and when the road was
finished, the Princess carae often to his house and the neigh
bourhood, raaking him give her water, of which there was a cool
source near his house, and of which she drank. Whether accom
panied by raany persons, or by Signor Pergami alone, as some
tiraes happened, he (as he says in his attestation) never saw any
¦• 'Which was a road at the expence of the Queen, at the time of a
scarcity in the district, and great distress.

appendix. ccxvii
•i
equivocal conduct between them, but in both a decent and proper
deportraent, which he is ready to declare before any tribunal,
home or foreign.
Those who depose against her, and whora she has benefited by
so many alms, and by giving work to all the families around, can
only speak falsehoods, and money alone can have raade thera
invent such things; for they only began to be heard when
people came to Cenobbio with money, to take the inhabitants
there and elsewhere to the inn of Giovitta, at Cenobbio, where
they invited them to go to Milan to depose, witness knows not
what, but probably those calumnies now spread abroad.
He, too, about two months ago, was tempted to go to London
to depose against the Princess. One of those who call thera
selves conductors of witnesses (conduttori dei tesiimonj) invited
him to do so : he had a fat red face, was dressed in a blue
surtout under a white great-coat, wilh courier's boots'; and the
people said he was the King's courier, but he does not know his
name. He talked Tuscan (good Italian) ; but witness saw he
did not know it well. He tempted him outside of the inn, saying,
" I know you saw often the Princess of Wales, that she went
" always near your house, and always with Signor Pergami : if
" you will make a declaration of having always seen them
" together, touching each other — " (ioccarsi, using a metaphor,
to make hira say he had seen soraething wrong :) and thereupon
he opened a variegated purse with a steel clasp, and told witness
to take what he liked. He refused, saying, " You ought to be-
" asharaed to use such expressions to an honest raan," and
turned his back on hira. This conversation was outside the inn.
Sorae days after (he knows not precisely when,) the same came
to Cenobbio with letters from those who were gone to England
ao-ainst the Queen; and as the papers said the King and Queen
had accommodated matters, the conductor or courier being told
of it, answered (as some say) that it was no such thing ; and that,
if any one wished to leave, he was come for that purpose. Sorae
wrote from Holland, that they lived like lords, with their servant;
and another (he knows not his name,) that they were afraid
because they did not leave, and that they would be treated
badly.

CCXVIU APPENDIX.
(No. XXVII.)
(AS TO PERJURY OF DEMONT.)
" Society of Nobles of Milan."
" At the request of Signor Henry, Counsellor to her Majesty
the Queen of England, the Directors of the " Society of Nobles
of Milan" do certify, that it does not appear, frora the registers
and journals of the said Society, from its first establishment up
to the present day, that her Majesty, during her residence in
Italy, ever made application to be admitted as a member of the
said " Society of Nobles."
Milan, at the palace of the " Society of Nobles,"
the 1st of November 1820.
(Signed) By the President-Director of the Establishment,
Saule Conte Alabio,
Marco Bucellary, Secretary,
Carlo la Guerra, Witness to the
above Signatures.

(No. XXVIII)
(As to various Allegations made against the
Queen relative to her con duct at Villa D'Este.)
Milan, Aug. 21, 1620.
GiovANNA Ferreri, wife of Bartolomeo Negri, living at
Cenobbio, provence of Como, has declared before Wenceslaus
Cavaletti, son of the late Gaspare, lawyer and public notary at
Milan, Santa Maria Falcorina Street, No. 2551, as follows :
She Was employed at Villa d'Este to make the beds, sweep
the rooms, wash, iron, &c. and never saw any thing indecent, or
tending to compromise the Princess's character. About Christ
mas, 1818, a stranger came to her husband's house, and, on the

APPENDIX. CCXix
17th of January, two other strangers, who tried all they could to
induce her and her husband to give evidence against the Queen ;
saying, " He raust have seen the P^-incess bathe wilh Pergami
" in the garden, and sit with him on the English sofa there, and
" kiss him, and seen him put his hand in her bosom, and other
" indecent freedoms (scliersi) ; " which her husband denied, and
declared to be all false. They then addressed her, saying : " She,
" as laundress, and having assisted to make the beds, must have
" seen raany indecencies, and signs of improper intercourse,
" between the Princess and Pergami : " to all which witness re
plied, she had never seen any thing of the sort. These persons,
on receiving such answers, said, with a view to induce her and
her husband to depose falsely against the Queen, that, by not
deposing to such effect, they would lose their fortune ; that they
would have made them a fine present; and as to the Queen,
they would never be paid what was due to them for wages ; and
as she would never return to this country (Italy) that they would
never receive any payment or advantage.
Witness, disgusted at this, said, that rather than depose false
ly, she would beg her bread ; that they were paid for their ser
vice ; and that, if any thing was due, they were not afraid of
losing it.
The last two who came on this errand threatened them with a
letter frora the police, to corapel them to go to Milan to give
evidence : to which her husband replied, if he had received a
letter from the police, he would immediately have obeyed it.
Some time after, going out of church at Cenobbio, where she
had been at mass, a young woman belonging to the inn there
accompanied her, and asked, whether she and her husband were
to go to Milan ? Witness answered, when it suited or pleased
her (witness), but not on such a business as the other seemed to
understand ; and that she would not depose falsehoods, as many
others had done, and still do. Thus saying, they arrived at the
door of the inn, whence carae out a person not so well dressed
as the former collectors of evidence, and said to witness, " Come,
and take a glass of wine with me; I have sent for you often,
but you would never come." She said she was not a person to
drink at an inn, even with her husband, much less with a stran
ger ; and he replied, she made great difficulties to say what so
N 2

ccxx appendix.
raany others had already said against the Princess. Witness
answered sharply, that she would not speak falsehoods ; and that
she had never seen any but miserable wretches (mangia tocdhi)
depose falsehoods ; and then turned her back on him.

(No. XXIX.)
(As TO Evidence of Gargulo, and as to contract
OF THE Hire of the Polacca).
By the present private agreement (which is to be considered
by the parties in every respect as binding as if so rendered by
the formalities of law) is declared as follows :
Captain Anthony Isouard, of the ship I'lndustria, carrying the
English flag, now in quarantine in this port, of about 340 tons,
agrees to charter the above vessel to her Royal Highness the
Princess of Wales, on the following terms.
1st. The Captain will be answerable for the vessel being per
fectly sea-worthy, equipped wilh every possible precaution, carry
ing six-pounders, wilh a crew of twenty persons, and fit to pro
ceed to any quarter of the globe.
2d. The Captain engages his vessel to her Royal Highness
for a whole year, frora the first Michaelmas next, to the latter
end of Febmary 1817, viz. six months for a certainty, and the
other six months left to the option of her Royal Highness, with
the obligation of giving warning a month before the expiration of
the first six raonths, and for the other six raonths, as part of them,
extend the obligatory engagement from two months to two
months. 3d. The said Captain will hold at the disposal of her Royal
Highness, and for her exclusive use the liold of the ship, keeping
only possession of such part of the prow as is necessary for the
use of the Captain, crew, and of the rigging.
4th. The Captain will consent to every alteration being made
in the internal rooms of the vessel as may be suggested by her
Royal Highness.
5th. During the time of this charter the Captain is bound to

APPENDIX. CCXXI
be always in readiness to proceed wherever, and whenever, suits
her Royal Highness.
6th. The freight is fixed at 750 Spanish dollars per month,
wiihout primage, to be paid before hand every three months, the
Captain giving a receipt for the first three raonths for 2,250 dol
lars, an equal sum being due for the other three months on the
1st June 1816, and made payable to Signor Giuseppe Galalti,
of Messina, naraed by the Captain as his agent ; and the op-
tionary terra of the next six raonths to be paid also before hand
every two raonths; her Royal Highness having authorized Messrs.
Mendham, Cailler, and Co. to guarantee the payments.
7th. The Captain will receive in his vessel whatever goods
shall please her Royal Highness to order on board, and unload
the same in whatever port or place her Royal Highness may
direct him.
8th. Her Royal Highness engages to pay all port and qua
rantine charges, and Consul's fees; and the Captain is only
bound to pay the pilotage.
9th. Il is left to the option of her Royal Highness to order
on board the Polacca whomsoever she pleases to employ in the
alterations which she may require.
10th. All the olher expenses of the vessel to be defrayed by
the Captain, those of the goods by her Royal Highness. Two
copies are made of this agreement for the mutual security of the
parties, and it is to stand good as rauch as any public contract.
llth. It is further declared that in the above-raentioned rate
of freight, the primage must be understood to be included, and
it must be considered as a gift, and not as an obligation, any
coraphraent which her Royal Highness the Princess of Wales
raight think proper to make to the Captain.
1 2lh. Finally, the crew raust keep perfectly clean every part
of the vessel, particularly the rooras of her Royal Highness and
suite, and be bound to render them every service and assistance.
(Signed) Anthony Isouard.
Messina, 19tk Feb, 1816.

ccxxii appendix,

(No. XXX.)
Evidence of Gargiulo, as to where he stated that he was pro-
mised by Pergami a present of 6OOO dollars, although he
makes no mention of it in this letter to Pergami, writtefi after
the voyage, nor in the succeeding account.
Most Honourable Sir,
Her Royal Highness having condescended to give me a letter
for Mr. Gibbs, in order to recover from him the expenses due to
me on my vessel, and -which I have occasion for in this town, on
my. arrival here I immediately delivered the said letter ; but on
Mr. Gibbs opening it, seeing that the signature of her Royal
Highness was wanting, he made sorae difficulties and applied to
.the British Consul to ascertain the identity of the hand writing;
and the Consul, besides satisfying him on that head, lent us
every assistance, so 'that of 962 livres clairaed in conformity to
the first account presented, and in which the fees of the British
Consul were included, at present only 338 livres remain to be
paid me for actual expenses incurred as per the annexed ac
count, signed by the Consul of the Two Sicilies. But after de
laying my departure three days, Mr. Gibbs declined discharging
this small sum. Your Excellency is aware of the expense attend
ing the deraurrage of ray vessel, therefore I shall feel obliged by
your sending directions to pay the araount into the hands of
.Mr. Jonas Hargherman, who will rerait me the same to Naples ;
and, confident of your benevolent assistance, I -wish you every
happiness, and with all the due devotion, humility, and respect,
I kiss your hands. Your raost hurable and devoted Servant,
(Signed) Vincenzo Gargiulo di Serafinp.
(P. T. O.)
Genoa, bth Oct, 1810.
M, Signior Cavaliere Barone, Calonello Pergami, Equary.

appendix. ccxxiii
(No. XXXI.)
Account referred to in the preceding Letter.
Account of the expenses.due to Vincenzo Gargiulo, Master of
the Neapolitan Polacre, called L'Assunzione della B. V.
Livers Genoa.
Tonnage  169 2
Measure of do  8 0
Patent  19 q
Manifest of entry, inwards  10 10
Do. ...of  outwards  1 0
Fees of Lotrua  0 6
Consid's fees  26 0
Certificate, and other expenses  104 0
Office of Marine  0 8

Total livres  338 6

(Signed) Fietuo Benvenuto, (Vice Consul.)
Genoa, 29th Oct. 1816.

(No. XXXII.)
As TO the testimony of Birollo, to the general con
duct of the Queen.
Kingdom of Venetian Lombardt/'
Milan, 16th September, 1820.
Personally appeared before me Wenceslaus Qavaletti,
Notary of this city, and the under-signed witness : •
Philip Bozzi, son of the late Frances;
Ghetano Ghezzi, son of the late Philip ; and
Giovanni Bianchi, son of the late Toraaso ;

ccxxiv APPflNDIX.
all three domiciliated at Milan : and who, being duly sworn by
me, depose as ^follov?s : That Frances Birollo, a Piedmontese,
and forraerly under-cook to General Pino, having gone to the
house of the said General to sell sorae wine of Asti, in the
winter of the year 1819, on that occasion, and in the presence of
these three deponents, spontaneously declared, that in the course
of two years that he was in the service of her Royal- Highness the
Princess of Wales, as cook, he had never seen any thing on the
part of the Princess, or of Signor Pergarai, or any of the suite,
indecent or not befitting the rank or the respect due to the
Princess. He further declared, that her Royal Highness always
maintained a proper deraeanor and reserve, but, at the same
time, joined with affability ; as he coutinually had occasion to
see her and many times received orders from her respecting the
table : and added, that all those who deposed to the contrary
were blackguards (birbante.)
The above-mentioned three deponents further say, that, on
other occasions, the said Birallo has_ said to them, that he could
say nothing to the prejudice of the reputation of the Princess;
and always repeated, that those who deposed against the Princess
were blackguards.
Signed, in the presence of Antonio Tomazzi, a witness,
and the above Notary.

(No. XXXIII.)
Cop-y OF the Letter from Angelino Dragoni, to
H. R. H. THE Princess of Wales, containing
AN Account of the Offers made to him by
Rastelli.
Milan, October, 1.819.
Your Royal Highness :
Joseph Rastelli, who was employed in the stables of your
Royal Highness, is the person who, since the year 1818 last up
to the summer of this year, was always after me to engage me
in the number of the rascally party that is against your Royal

APPENDIX. CCXXV
Highness ; having offered me considerable sums from ths English
Colonel Browne : and lately he offered me £4,000, to recom
pense me for all that might be due lo rae, either for wages, or
for any other suras that I raight be creditor for, and also the
wages of six years; knowing that your Royal Highness gives
me 2,000 livres of Italy a year, as your procureur, or steward.
This is all I can depose, and of which I can take oath.
I am,
With the most profound esteem and respect.
Your obedient servant,
(Signed) Dragoni Angelo.

(No. XXXIV.)
Copy of a Letter from Ragionato Acerbi to
HIS Son-in-law Angiolino Dragoni.
Milan, 20th March, 1819.
My very dear Angiolino :
I am too persuaded of your honour ; consequently all the
solicitations that can be made to you by the English persons
(already known,) to have your deposition against her Royal
Highness the Princess of Wales, you ought never to consent.
The Doctor Ciceri has not failed to come to my house, expressly
to try to persuade me to engage you to allow yourself to be
examined, as I have said above. I answered hira, that I pitied
them, because they did not know your character, or mine ; and
I answered him, that, notwithstanding all they could do, they
could never succeed to draw frora you such a deposition. This
is all I can tell you, and ara.
Your very affectionate Father-in-law,
Ragionato Antony Acerbi.*
* Steward of the Duke de Liti.

ccxxvi appendix,
(No. XXXV.)
Copy of a Letter from Pompeo to his Brother-
in-Law Angiolino Dragoni.
Milan, 27/A August, 1819.
My dear Brother-in-Law :
A certain person of my acquaintance has come very often to
my house, soliciting me to engage you to put yourself in the
opposite party to her Royal Highness, in assuring you the
wages of four years as charge-d'affaires, and the acquittance of
all the debts you raay have with the persons of her family. I
assured him that I would not meddle, knowing that such an
action was not compatible with your honest character ; that on
the contrary, all steps on that head would be useless.
I warn you of it in order that you may regulate yourself ac
cordingly, and I beg you to believe me.
Your affectionate brother-in-law, PoMPEo Acerbi.

(No. XXXVI.)

(AS TO BARON OMPTEDA.)
London, 29th November, 1820.
1, THE undersigned, in witness of the truth, declare that the
Baron Ompteda, Hanoverian Minister at Rome, whom I had not
the honour of knowing, carae to me the 4th of December 1818,
(saving errors), in Pesaro, where I was Director of the Police ;
he became acquainted with me by raeans of persons whom I
could not refuse. He asked me several questions respecting the
conduct of the then Princess of Wales, there settled, and the
character of the persons who approached, or who were about her
person ; my answers were according to truth, but not according
to his wishes; he wished me to find him somebody who could

appendix. ccxxvii
acquaint him with the internal management of her house ; and
he told me that to retain that person, or those persons, who
might be able to give him sorae information respecting the indi
viduals in Her Royal Highness's house, I raight reckon upon one
thousand louis being at ray disposal. I merely let him know
the difficulties in so doing; the little use I considered it would
be, and refused any money whatever; informing him that if
there were any persons who could tell, I would have pointed them
out, and he might have agreed with them himself. He went
away iraraediately after the conversation and would have my
promise for a correspondence (carteggio) with him, which he him
self began as soon as he arrived at Rome ; but which he found
useless, as I could only give hira that information which every
other person could have done. Notwithstanding all this, he
would positively intrust me with a letter from Mademoiselle De
mont, forraerly in Her Royal Highness's service, to Maderaoiselle
Brunette, to be given secretly to this latter. I refused it under
plea of insurmountable difficulties, and of compromising my cha
racter, but he again pressed me in some way or other to its
delivery. The almost sudden death of the Baron Ompteda, which hap
pened shortly after his having written to rae, delivered me from
all this embarrassment, and the letter remained sealed, such as
it was delivered to me ; and I should never have made use of it,
had not the circumstances since happened to the Queen of
England, shewn me my duty.
It was only in February, 1820, that seeing this illustrious per
sonage threatened with a prosecution, I thought I ought not to
conceal frora her that, perhaps, this letter might contain proofs of
a conspiracy against her ; and under the influence of honour,
and the feeling that I ought to refuse nothing towards the triuraph
of truth, I went to Rome and delivered her the sealed letter, and
promised her that in case of urgent necessity I would resign
her the letter of Ompteda, and that she might depend upon me
as a witness.
All this being the pure truth, I make no difficulty in ratifying
the sarae before any one whorasoever, upon ray oath.
Louis Chevalier Bischi.

CCXXVIIl

Evidence, S;c. demonstrating that her Majesty during the
Proceedings against her, experienced very great difficulty
in procuring the attendance of Witnesses to this Country
from States in Amity with his Majesty.

(No. I.)
Translation of the Original of Refusal of Po
lice OF Milan, to grant Passports.
Demand.
Joseph Corticelli, of Cenobbio,
asks for a passport to go to Lon
don, to appear there as a witness
in favour of her Majesty the Queen
of England, presenting for that
purpose a written request from
Mr. Henry, as the Agent of her
Majesty, the said Queen. Answer.
As soon as the applicant
presents the original request of
her Majesty the Queen, or at
the least that of her Procureur
(Procuratore) Mr. Broughara,
the Meraber of Parliaraent, his
application will be iraraediately
complied with.
Milan, 25th August, 1820.
From the I. R. General Director of Police.
(Signed) By the Director General,
De Goeiiausen, Aulic Councillor.

APPENDIX. CCXXIX
(No. II.)
Translation of the Letter or P. Lagomagg'iore, con
cerning THE Difficulty of his obtaining Permission
to come over as a Witness.
To Mb. Henry-
Sir,
It is with feelings of poignant regret that I have to inform
you, that the Memorial which I presented to the Supreme Judi
cature since the 15th of September ultimo, in order to obtain
permission to proceed to England as a witness on behalf of her
Majesty the Queen, in corapliance with your kind letter of the
9th of this raonth, has not yet been deterrained upon ; and on a
second Memorial, which, in consequence of Mr. Brougham's re
pealed intreaties, I presented even to the Tribunal of Appello
Generate in Milan, was endorsed the following decree :
" Let the Memorial be returned to the applicant, in conforraity
"with the decree of the llth instant, issued by the I. R. Tri--
" bunal d' Appello Generate ; and let it be declared to him, that
" (in the expectation of the relative decision of the Senate Lom-
" bardo Veneto of the Supreme Tribunal of Justice, to whora a
" similar application was submitted by the said Tribunal of Ap-
" pello) that his request cannot be complied with."
"Como, at the I. R. Tribunal of Prima Instanza,
9th, October 1 820.
(Signed) " Sanpieto, Secretary."
Frora the delay which the Suprerae Judicature interpose to
their final answer (whatever il may be) to my application, as
well as from the constant (costante) aversion which the public
authorities themselves have repeatedly evinced on the subject, I
cannot but infer, that they intend me to waste the useful mo
ments before they grant the desired permission. I must add for
your government, that I have annexed to ray above-mentioned
Memorial of the 15th of Seplember, not only a copy of your
letter of the 9th ditto, but also a declaration of a nephew of

CCXXX APPENDIX.
mine, who offers to discharge my duties during my absence ; so
that the tribunal to which I belong would not be inconvenienced
by it. I enclose you the original of my other application of the
2nd instant, the original Decree being endorsed on the same.
I avail myself with pleasure of this opportunity to convey to
you the sentiments of my respect and esteem.
Your devoted obedient servant,
(Signed) Pasquale Lagomaggiore, qum.
Giuseppe.

(No. III.)
Copy of Letter from James Brougham, Esq.
to the above.
Milan, 30th September, 1820.
Being charged by Her Majesty the Queen to procure the de
positions of all those persons who may be useful in the process
against Her Majesty, I beg to be informed whether it would suit
you to proceed to London to that effect. In case of your being
disposed to undertake this journey, I am happy to inform you
that Lord Castlereagh has sent some comraunication to the
Austrian Governraent, by which every difficulty to obtain your
passport will be removed ; and further, you will have nothing to
fear as to losing your employraent, whatever may be the time of
your absence. I hope you will favour rae with an answer ; and
in the mean time, 1 beg to convey to you the assurance of my
regard. (Signed) J. Brougham.

(No. IV.)
TRANSLATION.
(To the High Tribunal d'Appello Generale
IN Milan.
Petition of Pasquale Lagomaggiore, in the eraploy of the
I. R. Tribunal in Como ; solicits an early answer to his Me
morial, by which he applies for leave to go out of the Kingdom.
Under date of 15th Septeraber idt. no. 7941.

appendix. CCXXXl
Most High Tribunal,
I have not yet received a final answer to my Memorial, sub
mitted to this High Tribunal, since the 15th of September ult. at
No. 7941 ; the object of which was to obtain leave of absence to
proceed to London as a witness on behalf of her Majesty the
Queen of England.
Now, upon my receiving fresh applications to that purpose (of
which I beg leave to annex a copy,) I feel the necessity of renew
ing, by the present, ray solicitations for a speedy answer to the
above Memorial, whatever may be the decision which the wisdom
of this High Tribunal thinks proper to adopt. ' Agreeably to the
annexed copy, Mr. Brougham assures rae that the I. R. Govern
ment will have received the necessary instructions from the Court
at Vienna, so that I shall have nothing to fear as to the continu
ance of my employment, which though not very profitable, I
should] like to preserve ; it is therefore with this view thst I intreat
this ' I. R. d^ Appello Generale to return an early answer, that
I may be able to give a final answer myself to the respectable
English gentlemen who have so kindly renewed their applica
tions. Mr. Cipriano Barisone, of your place, is authorized to
receive for me the above mentioned Memorial, as soon as it is
honoured by the relative Decree.
I am, with due submission,
(Signed) Pasquale Lagomaggiore,
eraployed by the I. R. Tribunal of Como.
Como, 2nd Oct. 1820.

(No. V.)
Translation of the Engineer Signor Ratti's Answer to Mr. Jas.
Brougham, stating that he was not able to obtain the consent
of the Superior in those Departments he was engaged in, to
come over as a Witness. Milan, October, 1820.
Sir,
Upon the receipt of your esteemed letter, by which you
request me to proceed to England for the sake of truth, and

ccxxxii appendix*
and as a witness in the cause of her Majesty the Queen, I lost
no time in asking my Superiors leave to be absent from the office
I belong to, for the necessary time ; but in consequence of sorae
important and urgent business, confided entirely to my manage
ment, they have formally (" par des decrets") refused to grant
the permission I had solicited.
It is their refusal only which, to ray great chagrin, prevents
my complying with your request : but any service which in any
other way I can render to her Majesty the Queen of England, I
shall consider as a sacred duty incumbent upon rae, entertaining
the raost sincere sentiraents of esteem and veneration towards
her Majesty.
I avail myself of this opportunity to assure you that I am,
with the greatest respect. Sir,
Your most obedient servant,
(Signed) Ing. Architetto Gaetano Ratti.
A Monsieur Mons. Jas. Broughara.

(No. VI.)
Translation of Mr. Brougham's Letter to the
Rev. Dom. Giovanni Ostinelli, Curate of Ce
nobbio.
Milan, nth Oct. 1820.
Sir,
Having learned that the High Police of Milan, caused one of
their clerks to subject you to an exaraination, for having furnish
ed a certificate on behalf of her Majesty the Queen of England,
I shall feel obliged by your inforraing me, whether you would
have the above certificate returned, in order to add to it some
new particulars ; or whether you wish to withdraw it altogether ?
for in either case, I shall direct its being sent back from London.
Please to accept the true sentiments of my regard.
(Signed) Jas. Brougham.

appendix. ccxxxiii
(No. VII.)
Tr.anslation or the Rev. Dom. Giovanni Ostinelli's
REPLY TO Mr. James Brougham.
Cenobbio, Oct, 18, 1820.
Sir,
Although the circumstance alluded to by your letter of yester
day (concerning the exaraination) is correct, still whatever is
stated in ray certificate will always hold good, for it contains
nothing but the trulh. I do not think it necessary to make any
addition to the same ; nor do I wish to withdraw it from Lon-
don; for I fear nothing, when I stand forth in support of trulh.
However, were you, or any one else, to consider my said certifi
cate of no use whatever, it may be destroyed or consigned to the
flames. I feel pleasure in offering you my warmest regard.
Your most obedient servant,
(Signed) Gio. M. Ostinelli, Curate,

(No. VIII.)
Lette'r from THE Curate of the BARotjA to
• Mr. Fyspn.
Baronit, Od, 25, 1820.
Sir,
Desired, by your esteemed favour of the 21st; instant, to give
an answer to the request made to rae to go to London, I have
the honour to inform you, that I have addressed myself to the
Archbishop my pastor, respectfully laying before him the letter,
and leaving myself, as in duly bound, to his entire guidance.
In pursuance of which he has declared to me, that, on account
of various important raotives, he could not consent to ray go^ng,
and that likewise the circumstance of my great age, appeared to
hira to render so long a journey improper, Q

CCXXXIV APPENDIX.
Thus, as I depend entirely on the will of the said Archbishop,
to which I have always conformed wilh implicit obedience, I can--
not dispose of myself wiihout his formal consent and even com
raand, as well as that of the Imperial Government, as I have
already deposed 'to the Advocate Codazzi. I am this raoraent
interrupted by pastoral duties, which raake me in haste sub
scribe myself, with the utmost esteem,
Your most devoted servant,
(Signed) Giuseppe Gandini,
Parish Priest of the Barona.

(No. IX.)
Declaration of Count Puppi as to his DirFicuj:.TY in-
obtaining A Passport.
London, the 27 ih January, 1821.
I, the undersigned, declare as follows : — That having taken
the plan of the apartraents in the Great Inn at Trieste (the place
of ray doraicile), in conformity to the request of Mr. Henry,
Counsellor to her Majesty the Queen of England, I went on the
27th of last September to the Police in that City, to obtain a
regular passport for appearing personally in London-, lo swear, if
necessary, to the truth and exactness of my plan ; but I could
not obtain the passport any further than to Milan, because the
Police at Trieste had not received the necessary instructions
frora Vienna; and on this account, when I arrived at Milan, with
the Advocate Codazzi, I presented myself there to the Govern
ment, to have the necessary passport direct for London, but was
obliged to wait for it several days, by which I have to regret hav
ing arrived in this city, just as the ParHament was going to close,
and there was no occasion to exaraine rae.
(Signed) Giovanni Battista Count Puppi,
Public Engineer and Civil Architect,
residing in Trieste.

APPENDIX. CCXXXV
(No. X.)
LOMBARD VENETIAN KINGDOM.
Bv Ordi;r or the I. R. Criminal Tribunal of
Milan.
The Advocate Signor Don Peter Codazzi, residing in the street
of St. Vittore al Teatro, No. 2521, in Milan, is hereby informed,
that in consequence of his Memorial of the 3 Ist July, at the
above number, instituting a process against Bonfilio Omati, for
his having stolen some papers of his correspondence, as Solicitor
of Her Majesty the Queen of England, the above-raentioned
Tribunal has enacted the following
DECREE.
" That the fact in question, which is stated as a crirae, and
" the papers, and every thing else relating lo the process, must
" be submitted to the Giudicaiura Politica, for the exaraination
" and sentence, as far as the above fact falls under their cog-
" nizance." And this is coramunicated to the said Advocate Codazzi, for
his guidance.
And the intimation of the present will be given full credit to,
upon the report of any public officer.
Milan, at the I. R. Criminal Tribunal, this llth of August,
1820. (Signed) Della Porta, President.
Sormani, Secretary.
Authenticated by Zucchi, Sped.
To the Advocate Don Peter Codazzi,
St. Vittoria al Teatro, No, 252J .
Milan, this IGth September, 1820.
The above has been served by order of the Imperial Royal
Criminal Tribunal, on the undersigned.
(Signed) Advocate Codaj^zi.

CCXXXVl APPENDIX.

(No. XI.)
The High Imperial Royal Criminal Tribunal of this city, on
the 16th of August last, with their note No. 4186, have referred
for examination and sentence, as far as it fell within the province
of this I. R. Giudicatura Politica, a process instituted by the
Advocate Codazzi, against Bonfiglio Omati, for having stolen
some papers concerning the affairs of her Majesty the Queen of
England, and entrusted to the said Advocate as her Majesty's
Solicitor, but which the said Bonfiglio carried over to the Advo
cate Vimercati.
The judgment of the above Judicature on the process in
" question, as well as the previous acts of the above mentioned I. R.
Criminal Tribunal, remain as yet in suspence.
This we certify in answer to the petition regularly presented
yesterday to this Tribunal, No. 3666, by the above-mentioned
Advocate Codazzi. r
Milan, at the I. R, Giudicatura Politica, the 12th September,
1820. The Counsellor Director,
(Signed) Mangiarottia Spella, Secretary,
Milan, the I3lk September, 1820.

I'liuteil by J. Haddon, Tabeniacle-Walk.

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