-
THE
SOCiKL TERCHiNGS
OF THE
JEWISH PROPHETS

WILL5AM BENNETT BIZZELL

'YAIUE-^MlT^IEiaSirinr-

CUMSHUWWKMWM.

DIVINITY SCHOOL
TROWBRIDGE LIBRARY

GIFT OF
BIBLICAL LITERATURE LIBRARY
Professor C. P. Kent.

THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS
A Study in
Biblical Sociology

BY
WILLIAM BENNETT BIZZELL
President Agricultural and Mechanical
College of Texas
Author of "Judicial Interpretation of
Political Theory"

BOSTON
SHERMAN, FRENCH & COMPANY
1916

Copyright, 1916
Sherman, French &= Company

TO
MY MOTHER

PREFACE
We are in the midst of a renaissance in the study
of the Old Testament scriptures. The evidence of
this fact is to be found in the large number of vol
umes that are now appearing from the press, deal
ing with many phases of Jewish literature. This
awakening is largely the result of recent efforts to
relate the ethical, legislative and social teachings of
Israel to the problems and conditions of the pres
ent day. The content of the prophetic literature is
rich in suggestiveness and social teaching for an age
like our own. The realization of this fact makes it
desirable to search out and evaluate this social con
tent. This point of view has given a new sig
nificance to the work of the Jewish prophet, and
stimulated a new interest in his message to the world.
This volume is the outgrowth of studies begun
in the University of Chicago several years ago, and
since made use of in a series of lectures delivered to
college students and instructors. The approach to
the study of prophetic literature from the social
point of view has aroused a genuine interest, but the
fact that I could find no book that exactly met the
requirements made the instruction somewhat difficult.
It happens that a volume or two has recently ap
peared which partially supplies this need.
It will be obvious to the Bible student that the
study has its limitations. No attempt has been

PREFACE
made to present a comprehensive analysis of the
prophetic books. There are many familiar passages
and many important religious views that lie outside
the province of this study. The Messianic and re
ligious elements have either been kept in the back
ground or ignored all together. Not that the au
thor thinks these unimportant, or less important,
but because they have repeatedly foeen the subject
of discussion by Bible scholars, and at the present
time there are many volumes in English that treat
them scholarly and adequately.
The plan of study assumes the necessity of an
understanding of the political and social situation
as a basis for an adequate appreciation of the social
teachings of the prophets. As a rule no attempt
has been made to separate the political from the so
cial in the background of the prophet's message.
This would appear to be desirable, but under condi
tions of Jewish life it would seem to be hardly
necessary or possible. However, it would be im
possible to understand the meaning of the social
program of a Jewish prophet without taking into
account the conditions that produced it. It is be
lieved, also, that every man is influenced in his think
ing and public activities by heredity and environ
ment. This makes it highly desirable to know as
much as possible about the life of each of the
prophets. An attempt has been made to reconstruct
the historical background, and to present all the
salient facts that appear in the life of each prophet.
With these facts before us, it is much easier to get
the proper social perspective for an understanding
of the prophet's real meaning.

PREFACE
This study also frankly assumes that the social
message of the Jewish prophet was intended for his
own times. Each had in mind a real and present
situation. This fact limits the application of the
prophet's social message in two ways. In the first
place, the social program of the prophets does not
include the social problems that have grown out of
new conditions that did not exist in their time. In
the second place, there were, in the days of the
prophets, acute social problems to which they di
rected their attention and which have either found
solution, or changing conditions have made unim
portant. On the other hand, there were incipient
social situations, like slavery, which were later to
grow into serious problems that baffled the reform
ers of many generations, but which received scanty
attention at the hands of the prophets.
It is hardly necessary to say that the author does
not claim great originality for the views expressed
in this book. The footnotes and list of readings at
the end of each chapter will reveal the fact that
many volumes have been referred to in the prepara
tion of the book. However, the diversity of opin
ions of Bible scholars and the fragmentary nature
of the social material has made it necessary to
choose between conflicting views, and to collect the
social data largely by independent effort. An at
tempt has been made to preempt the prophetic litera
ture of its social content, and let it convey its own
message. The author hopes that in the task he has
not made omissions of important data.
The book is offered as a guide to individual stu
dents and Bible classes who may be interested in the

PREFACE
social approach to prophetic literature. With this
purpose in view, a few topics for reports and investi
gations and a carefully selected list of books are
added at the end of each chapter. These may serve
the purpose of either intensifying or broadening the
scope of study.
Finally, I wish to express my appreciation to Dr.
C. P. Fountain, Professor of English, and Mr.
Charles E. Friley, Registrar, both of the Agricul
tural and Mechanical College of Texas, for assist
ance in reading the proof and preparing the index.
It is a pleasure to acknowledge the assistance ren
dered by these gentlemen.
W. B. B.
College Station, Texas.

CONTENTS

PAGE

1

DIVISION I

THE ESTABLISHMENT AND DEVELOPMENT
OF THE PROPHETIC OFFICE
CHAPTEK
I The Beginning of Jewish Prophecy
. 13
II The Prophet as Nation-builder .
. 21
Ill Successors to the Prophet Samuel .
. 32
IV The Ascendency of Prophecy .
. 45
DIVISION II
THE WRITING PROPHETS BEFORE THE
EXILE
V Amos of Tekoa  60
VI HOSEA BEN BEERI  74
VII Isaiah of Jerusalem  84
VIII The Political Reforms and Policies of
Isaiah  94
IX Micah the Morasthite  105
X Period of Reaction against Prophecy . 113
XI Zephaniah of Jerusalem  118
XII Nahum the Elkoshite  125
XIII Habakkuk  131
XIV Jeremiah of Anathoth  138
XV Political Policies of Jeremiah . . .153
CONTENTS
DIVISION III
THE PROPHETS OF THE EXILE
CHAPTER page
XVI Ezekiel  162
XVII Obadiah:  171
XVIII "Second Isaiah"  177
DIVISION IV
PROPHETS OF THE RESTORATION
XIX Haggai  187
XX Zechariah  194
XXjI Malachi  202
XXII -Nehemiah's Social Reforms .... 210
DIVISION V
THE PROPHETS OF THE LEGALISTIC
PERIOD
XXIII Joel  219
XXIV Jonah  226
Index  235

THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS

INTRODUCTION
We have come to understand, more clearly than
ever before, that the interests of the individual are
best promoted through his relationships. This so
cial doctrine is not new in the world. The Creator
proclaimed it when he said, " It is not good that man
should be alone." This conception predicated a sci
ence of society, but its formulation was destined to
be long delayed. Science implies a group of facts
that relate to a division of natural phenomena ; the
common attributes of these facts permit of their
classification, and the generalizations that the proc
ess of collection reveals supply the incentive of sci
entific effort. Sociology, as the science of society,
attempts to collect the facts of society, and to weave
them into a system of related phenomena. The field
of investigation includes the nature, origin, history,
structure, and institutions of society. Obviously,
the experiences of many generations were necessary
before much thought was given to human relation
ships. The Hebrews were the first people to face
seriously the problem of a social situation, and to
recognize the advantages of a well-ordered society.
It is surprising that the sociologist did not earlier
recognize the rich content of Hebrew institutions as
a source of important data for his field of investiga
tion. l

2 INTRODUCTION I
The term " biblical sociology " seems to have been
first used by Professor Shailer Mathews, of the Uni
versity of Chicago, in the Biblical World for Jan
uary, 1895.1 Four years later, Professor Frantz
Buhl, of the University of Leipzig, published his
" Die Socialen Verhaltnisse der Israeliten." The
emphasis of this book is on the social institutions of
Israel, and the point of view represents a distinct
departure in the study of biblical history. In 1901,
Day's " The Social Life of the Hebrews " appeared.
In the following year, Professor George A. Barton,
of Bryn Mawr College, published an important vol
ume entitled " A Sketch of Semitic Origins : Social
and Religious." 2 In 1909, Professor Ferdinand S.
Schenck, of the Theological Seminary of the Re
formed Church in America, published his " The So
ciology of the Bible." The " Sociological Study of
the Bible," by Louis Wallis, appeared in 1912.
Previous to the appearance of the two latter vol
umes, there was an increasing number of articles
and volumes on biblical themes that gave more or
less emphasis to the sociological content of the Bible.
It is not to be inferred that the functional view
point of biblical study had its beginning with the
appearance of these volumes. Obviously, it would
iSee Wallis' "Sociological Study of the Bible" (1912), p.
299. 2G. A. Smith's "Books of the Twelve Prophets" (Ex
positor's Bible Series) appeared in 1906. While the title does
not indicate the social emphasis of this volume, few books
have appeared that treat so completely the social content of the
prophetic literature.

INTRODUCTION 3
be difficult to determine the date that marked the
beginning of this movement, for the sociological
point of view must have long preceded printed arti
cles and volumes relating to the subject. Religious
sociology is not synonymous with biblical sociology.
In logical development, the latter may be said to be
the product of the former. Comte, who was the
first to use the word " sociology," takes, as his start
ing point, the idea of religion. " Since religion em
braces all our existence, its history must be an epit
ome of the whole history of our development." 3
Herbert Spencer devotes more than half of Volume I
of his " Principles of Sociology " to a study of re
ligious sociology. The papers that compose this
volume were written between 1874 and 1876. Spen
cer's approach was from the standpoint of social evo
lution. His method was antagonistic to the tradi
tional methods of Bible study, and for the time being
retarded rather than promoted " biblical sociology."
But the influence of Spencer appears in a volume by
John Fenton published under the title : " Early He
brew Life : A Study in Sociology." This volume ap
peared in England in 1880, and the author attempts
to trace the parallel between the social evolution of
the institutions of the Hebrews and that of other
historic peoples. A volume by Professor W. Rob
ertson Smith, of Cambridge, entitled, " Kinship and
Marriage in Early Arabia," and published in 1885,
more clearly reveals Spencer's influence. With the
adoption of the method of Spencer and Comte
by students of religion, it was but a natural con
sequence that the Bible should come in for its share
3 Edward Caird's " The Social Philosophy of Compte," p. 20.

4. INTRODUCTION
of attention by religio-sociological investigators.
The content of biblical sociology is difficult to de
fine at this stage of its development. Social origins
and social institutions,4 social legislation,5 social
pathology6 and the social attitudes of Jesus, dis
cussed in many familiar volumes, are representative
of the phases of the subject thus far developed in a
more or less satisfactory way. The social teachings
of the prophets relate to family, economic, political,
and religious institutions, with special reference to
the pathological conditions that characterized these
institutions. It is obvious that the Bible has not yet
been preempted of its social content.
II
The cause of biblical sociology has been stimulated
and promoted by the scientific methods of the mod
ern historian. The primary aim of the historian is
to ascertain facts. The relations of these facts are
a secondary problem of the historian. The primary
problem is one of analysis — the separation of fact
from fable, experience from romance.
The secondary problem is one of synthesis — the
determination of the relations, each to the other, of
the facts. The sociologist must rely upon the his
torian for his facts. If these facts be vitiated with
an element of myth, obviously the sociologist who
relies on them must arrive at wrong inductive con
clusions. The German historian's motto, " Was
war, wie es war" (What was, as it was), gains sig-
< Soares' " The Social Institutions of the Bible," pp. 19-27.
»Schaeffer's "Social Legislation of the Ancient Semites"
(1915). eSchenck's "The Sociology of the Bible," Chap. 19.

INTRODUCTION 5
nificance with the larger use that is now being made
of the data that the historian collects. Not only the
sociologists, but all social scientists must rely upon
the accuracy of the facts of history. Niebuhr and
his successors in Germany have contributed largely
to a real science of society. The application of this
Germanic doctrine to biblical history will assist the
sociologist in evaluating the experiences of Hebrew
life and conduct.
The historian's problem of establishing the con
nections between facts almost identifies his field with
that of the sociologists. The correspondence, how
ever, is not co-extensive. It is more accurate to say
that they overlap to a certain extent. With increas
ing complexity, human experience passes through
four phases : first, the analytic, or the process by
which the facts are isolated from myth and romantic
elements; second, the synthetic, or the process of
connecting the facts into complete experiences ;
third, the evaluative, or the estimate that is placed
on the facts ; fourth, the constructive, or the con
trol and direction of the facts.7 The first phase is
the exclusive province of history ; the second is the
joint province of history and sociology; the third
and fourth are within the exclusive province of so
ciology. History, in its exclusive sphere, must take account
of facts that relate to two classes of experiences —
those that are common to all peoples and those that
are peculiar. We are told sometimes that " His
tory repeats itself." That is only a partial truth.
There are constant elements in history, and these
7 Small's "The Meaning of Social Science," p. 186.

6 INTRODUCTION
have constituted the subject matter of many sci
ences, as, for example, comparative law, comparative
religion, and comparative government.8 But history
reveals its distinct and individual elements, and the
process of relating these to the constant elements is
the method used by the historian to vitalize and in
dividualize his subject matter. It is hardly neces
sary to say that these unique elements lie outside
the province of sociology. To attempt to make them
the province of sociology would be to make a science
of sociology impossible, for no generalization of im
portance that had to rely on such data would be
possible. In the present study, the historical situation has
been presented as a background against which a so
cial program has been constructed. The accuracy
of the facts has not been questioned, except in so far
as the best historical authority has been followed.
It happens that, in many cases, the accuracy of the
descriptive facts is corroborated by the social ap
peals of the prophet. The biblical historian needs
to check the facts of history with the proclama
tions of the contemporaneous prophet. That this
method has been followed by the best historians is
evident to the discerning student.
That the Jewish prophet had the point of view of
the sociologist is evident from his constant efforts
to evaluate the experiences through which his peo
ple were passing. He did not stop with a mere esti
mate of these experiences — he often attempted to
control the facts by proclaiming and advocating a
constructive program. History and prophecy ex-
s Giddings' " Inductive Sociology," p. 8.

INTRODUCTION 7
emplify, in the highest degree, the modern formula
tion of the relation of scientific history to sociology.
Ill
There are at least two ways of presenting the so
cial teaching of the Jewish prophets. One way would
be to take each social concept and trace it, in succes
sive relation, to each of the prophets who advocated
it. For example, we might trace the concept " so
cial justice," as advocated in succession by Amos,
Hosea, Micah, Isaiah, and Jeremiah. This method
has the advantage of giving distinctness and emphasis
to the various social concepts, and perspective also
would be given to the growth of the concept. There
would, however, be this disadvantage: the concepts
presented would, necessarily, be more or less detached
from one another and from their exponents. Be
sides, this method would prevent the presentation of
the complete social program of the prophet. It has
been thought best, therefore, to adopt the method of
presenting the social program of each prophet, in so
far as he had a program, in succession. In this way
it is comparatively easy to relate the prophet to the
social and political situation, and thus bring his so
cial teaching into clear relief.
There are two other considerations that have had
a bearing upon the plan of presenting the social con
ceptions of the prophets. In the first place, the so
cial concepts as conceived by the prophets do not
present themselves in successive stages of social evo
lution. Referring again to the concept " social jus
tice," we know that this is an advanced factor in the
scheme of social progress, yet Amos, the first of the

8 INTRODUCTION
writing prophets, conceived it more clearly and ap
plied it more accurately to his social environment
than did any of his successors. The relation of this
concept to civil and political justice has been well
presented by Lester F. Ward:
" Now the justice of which we have been speaking,
vast as its influence has been in securing man's moral
advance, is after all only civil and political justice.
It is a very different thing from social justice. The
civil and political inequalities of men have been fairly
well removed by it. Person and property are toler
ably safe under its rule. It was a great step in so
cial achievement. But society must take another
step in the same direction. It must establish social
justice. The present social inequalities exist for the
same reason that civil and political inequalities once
existed. They can be removed by an extension of
the same policy by which the former were removed.
The attempt to do this will be attacked and de
nounced, as was the other, but the principle involved
is the same. And after social justice shall have been
attained and shall become the settled policy of so
ciety, no one will any more dare to question it than
to question civil justice." 9
It is easy to see that the concept " social jus
tice " did not evolve in the prophet's mind in sequence
to civil and political justice. It presented itself in
the thinking of Amos as a full-grown idea. There
fore an effort to treat it as a product in an evolu
tionary process is impossible.
The other consideration that seems to make the
present plan of presentation preferable is the frag-
• " Applied Sociology," p. 24.

INTRODUCTION 9
mentary nature of the social messages of some of the
prophets. For example, the message of Amos is rich
in social content while it is almost negligible in
Nahum. The social situation that confronted the
prophets in successive eras made their social pro
grams differ widely. At best, the social schemes of
all the prophets did not include a synthesis of all the
divisions of human welfare. Of the six grand divi
sions, as summarized by Professor Small,10 the proph
ets recognized only four in the following group:
1. Achievement in Promoting Health.
2. Achievement in Producing Wealth.
3. Achievement in Harmonizing Human Relations.
4. Achievement in Discovery and Spread of Knowl
edge. 5. Achievement in the Fine Arts.
6. Achievement in Religion.
The prophets' largest emphasis was on the last fac
tor in this group, but the third factor came in for a
large share of attention. The production of wealth
and the spread of knowledge were less significant in
the prophets' scheme of achievement. The other two
— the promotion of health and attention to the fine
arts — were not a part of the social consciousness
of the prophets' time. Obviously, many phases of
the other four divisions of human welfare were un
known properties during the period of prophetic ac
tivity. IV
The plan of study predetermines a logical method
io "General Sociology," p. 718.

10 INTRODUCTION
of investigation. A comprehension of the teachings
of the prophets, whether prophetic or social, involves
a careful study of the historical record and prophetic
writings. By a process of analysis the special ma
terial is separated, and the method of synthesis is
applied in weaving this material into unity. The
classification of this material into a system involves
the application of the inductive method which lies
close to synthesis in every logical scheme. A study
of the social teaching of a prophet, therefore, in
volves, first, the collection of all the material from
every source of his social message, and, secondly, the
shaping of this material into a system or social pro
gram. Induction is the chief reliance of sociological in
vestigation,11 but the other methods of scientific re
search cannot be ignored in any scheme that has for
its object the construction of a social program. The
three logical processes herein indicated are absolutely
necessary in the construction of the social program
of any writer who has himself failed to arrange the
content of his thoughts into a definite system. Ob
viously, the prophets were not consciously sociol
ogists. In the process of analysis, therefore, the
student is constantly confronted with the question:
" Did the prophet have a social message? " With
the affirmative answer to this question comes another
question of equal importance : " What sociology did
the prophet advocate ? " The first question cannot
be answered until a patient study has been made of all
the sources of his material. The second question can
not be answered until this material has been collected
11 Giddings' " Inductive Sociology," p. 10.

INTRODUCTION 11
and systematized. The correctness of the investiga
tor's conclusions will depend on the reliability of the
historical data and fidelity to scientific method.
Accuracy in evaluating the prophetic literature is
very important in view of the influence that the teach
ings of the prophets are exerting on the modern
world. More and more the prophets are being
quoted as authorities on social questions. The so
cial principles proclaimed by them are finding new
applications to present world conditions.
A group of men with such an influence needs to be
correctly understood. This means that their mes
sages need to be accurately interpreted to the mod
ern world. The contents of this volume are offered
as a modest contribution to a better understanding
of the thought and motive of the Jewish prophet.

CHAPTER I
THE BEGINNING OF JEWISH PROPHECY
Moses has the distinction of being the first of
the Jewish prophets.1 The Hebrew word, " nabi,"
which means " prophet," had been used in a general
sense before,2 but the term is applied to Moses in
exactly the same sense that we find it used in referring
to the great moral and religious leaders of a later
age.3 We also find the method he used and his de
pendence on Jehovah very similar to that which char
acterized the prophets of later times.4 A brief study
of Moses, the prophet, will mark the starting point
for subsequent studies.
SOURCES OF FACTS IN THE LIFE OF MOSES
The commonly accepted facts about the life of
Moses are contained in the books of Exodus, Leviti
cus, Numbers, and Deuteronomy, four of the five
books which are known as the Pentateuch. These
have usually been called the " Five Books of Moses."
However, it is impossible to tell just how much of the
writings contained in these five books can be attrib
uted to him. The contents of these books would lead
us to believe that they represent facts and record
human experiences that must have extended over much
more than a single generation. These books contain
iDeut. 34: 10. sJer. 7: 25.
2 Gen. 20: 7. * Num. 11: 25.
13

14 THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
flegal systems that must have developed through long
• years of Hebrew history. The system of worship,
the social adjustments and political customs, all lead
to the conclusion that a comparatively long period
was represented in the recorded facts of these books.
But the view that Moses probably did not write all
of these books does not justify the conclusion that he
did not write any part of them. Cornill declares
that we know absolutely nothing of Moses. " All
original records are missing; we have not received a
line, not even a word, from Moses himself, or from any
of his contemporaries ; even the celebrated Ten Com
mandments are not from him, but, as can be proved,
were written in the first half of the seventh century
between 700 and 650 b. c. The oldest accounts we
have of Moses are five hundred years later than his
time." 5 The internal evidence does not support this
sweeping conclusion. Certain sections specifically
lay claim to Mosaic authorship.6 The many public
addresses found in Deuteronomy are explained with
least difficulty by accepting them as being Mosaic
deliverances. The record, as far as we can determine it, seems to
support the view that the facts connected with the
life of Moses and his public utterances were handed
down by oral tradition, and these traditions seem to
have come from four different sources. They were:
( 1 ) A compilation of earlier traditions, written about
the middle of the ninth century in the Kingdom of
Judah, and recorded in what has been called the
Judean or Jahvistic documents; (&) a compilation
widely circulated in the Northern Kingdom, written
5 Ex. 17: 14; 24: 4. 6 "The Prophets of Israel," p. 17.

OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS 15
about a century later (750 b. c), and called the Elo-
histic (E) documents; (3) a priestly document that
seems to have been written during the reign of Josiah
about 621 b. c, and called the Deuteronomic (D)
documents; and (4) a priestly document (usually
called the P documents) that is credited to the fifth
century. All these documents have been combined
to make up the sources in the life and work of Moses.
That these various records and documents reflect ac
curately many facts and utterances of this great
law-giver and prophet can hardly be denied ; but, on
the other hand, we are doubtless safe in asserting
that, in the historic stretch of years over which these
records extended, there crept into them many reli
gious conceptions, social ideals, and moral principles
that developed after the death of Moses, but which,
under the all-prevailing spell of hero worship, were
attributed to the first of the prophets.
EARLY LIFE OF MOSES
The sources on which we must rely for the facts
in the life of Moses tend to idealize this great moral
leader, and probably are overdrawn at various points,
but they are serviceable in giving the Jewish concep
tion of this great man.
The narrator traces the sojourn of the Hebrew
clans in Canaan and the incidents connected there
with. The conditions that lead to the removal to
the land of the Pharaohs are vividly portrayed. The
friendly reception, because of the high position held
by Joseph, a kinsman, is carefully related, and then
follows a brief account of the gradual unfriendliness
of the Egyptians toward all foreigners, which ulti-

16 THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
mately resulted in the Hebrews' being reduced to a
state of serfdom, in which condition they were com
pelled to perform the most burdensome labor upon
the engineering works of the king in the various proj
ects that he undertook to promote. Rameses II is
supposed to have been the Pharaoh of the oppression,
although this is not mentioned on the monuments of
the country. The hardships of the Hebrews grew
increasingly hard until the climax came with the
edict which was sent forth to destroy all the male
children of Hebrew parentage.
It was at this crisis in Hebrew affairs that Moses
was born. The remarkable narratives recorded in
Exodus regarding his birth, his romantic escape from
death, his adoption by the Egyptian princess, and his
education in the midst of the court of kings and
princes are too familiar to need rehearsing here.
After making due allowance for the compiler's cred
ulity, it is safe to assume that, in the essential fea
tures, the narrative may be accepted as a reliable
biography. EXPERIENCES IN MIDIAN
By the time Moses had reached manhood he had
become aware of the wrongs and injustice to which
his people had been subjected, and he seems to have
been deeply interested in the problem of relieving them
of their hard estate. He appears to have taken some
steps and planned some measures for their relief, al
though we cannot tell just how far he attempted to
carry these relief measures at this time. The im
portant fact in this connection is that he was not
prepared for the great task that confronted him.

OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS 17
He had had a large opportunity for education and
luxury in the court of Pharaoh, but this in itself had '
probably unfitted him for the task of leadership and j
reform. As we shall so often see in the lives of the j
prophets that followed him, he needed to experience I
some of the hardships, and to learn first hand some |
of the conditions of life with which he was called )
upon to deal. This opportunity came in an unex
pected way. Upon seeing an Egyptian task-master
strike a Hebrew laborer, Moses' anger was so great
as to cause him to slay the Egyptian, and hide his
body in the sand. This made it necessary for Moses
to flee from the land.
His flight took him to the east of the Gulf of
Akabah, in the region of Midian,7 where he took
refuge with a nomadic tribe. This is a deeply sig
nificant fact in the life of Moses. Here he found a
home, and after a time married the daughter of the
sheikh, and began to live the simple life of a shep
herd. Somewhere in this region was the mount of
Sinai or Horeb. Unconsciously, Moses was becom
ing familiar with a region that was to play a large
part in the history of his people under his leadership.
But even more interesting and important is the con
clusion reached by some that Moses first learned the
name " Yahveh " while an exile in this region.8
Thus had Moses acquired the essential prepara
tion for the task that confronted him. His edu-
7 Ex. 2: 15; 4: 28.
8 Cornill declares that the name of God (" Yahveh ") had
no obvious Hebrew etymology. He then proceeds to show
that the word must have been of Arabic origin, and concludes
as follows : " The Sinai peninsula belongs linguistically and
ethnographically to Arabia, and when we keep all these facts

18 THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
I cation was at last complete. He had acquired knowl-
j edge of the geography of the section through which
| he was to lead his people ; he had experienced some
| of the hardships of primitive and rural life, and,
j above all, he had gained possession of a name that
J was to become sacred and significant in the religious
i life of his people.
He was now prepared for his call to duty, which
came in the burning bush that failed to be consumed.
He interpreted the symbol, and in reverent silence
accepted the sacred call to service. He at once
thought of the hopes and promises cherished by his
people : that they were destined to return and possess
the land of Canaan, and that they were not to be
consumed when called upon to oppose powerful na
tions who possessed the land. He was now ready to
return and assist his people to realize the symbolism
in his call to service, and he was to carry to his peo
ple a new name that they were to reverence. Hereto
fore, they had known their God by the colorless title
of " Elohim," a general name for deity ; now they
were to give him the personal name of " Jahveh,"
the giver of every blessing, the personal Jehovah of
men and nations. SOCIAL MESSAGE OF MOSES
When Moses again appeared in Egypt, after years
spent in Midian, he was matured and disciplined. He
returned as a social reformer and leader. He did not
before us the conviction is forced upon us that Yahveh was
originally the name of one of the gods worshiped on Mount
Sinai, which from the earliest times was considered holy, and
that Moses adopted this name, and bestowed it on the God of
Israel, the God of their fathers."

OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS 19
seek to better their condition by urging radical re-1,
forms and advocating political changes, but realizing \
the futility of such a plan, he set about the task of ¦
removing his people from the land, as Jehovah had
commanded. His final triumph in the accomplish
ment of this undertaking, after almost insurmount
able difficulties, is familiar to every Bible student.
The Exodus 9 was the first achievement of Moses and
his first social victory, for the people had been saved
from the oppression of the Egyptians. Their needs,
however, were now greater than ever before. Their
social problems now became more internal than ex
ternal. The long years spent in the desert were
used by Moses in making those social and religious
adjustments so essential to the future tasks and trials
of his people.
The great work of Moses ended when the people
were led to the east bank of the Jordan, ready to
enter the land of Canaan. His achievement prob
ably exceeded that of any other character of history, i
He took a people in the status of enslaved serfs ; he j
left them a free people. He found them weak and \
without confidence ; he left them self-assertive and
sure. He found them a heterogeneous mass of in- j
dividuals ; he left them a homogeneous people, pre
pared to unite into a nation.
But, in exalting the hero, we must not ignore the
hero's material. Moses did not give to Israel its re
ligion ; that the people already possessed, and it was
a religion superior to all others that existed at the
time. Israel had never had a mythology, their deity
was never differentiated sexually, human sacrifice was
9 Ex. 4: 29; 15: 21.

20 THE JEWISH PROPHETS
unknown, and the degradation of woman had no re
ligious sanction. A people with such a religion of
fered to the reformer greater possibilities than a pa
gan people with idolatrous practices and a degraded
animalism. However, Moses contributed much of
the ethical and social element to this religion and
gave new applications of their religion to social ad
justments. The importance of the contribution of
Moses to the religion of Israel was duly recognized
by the author of Deuteronomy, who declared that,
" There hath not arisen a prophet since m Israel like
unto Moses, whom Jehovah knew face to face." 10
TOPICS FOR REPORTS AND INVESTIGATION
1. A Study of the Sources in the Life of Moses.
2. Moses' Midian Experience as a Preparation for
his Life's Work.
3. Moses' Contribution to the Religion of Israel.
4. Social Elements in the Legal System of the He
brews. 5. Social Conditions in Egypt during the Age of
Moses. FURTHER READINGS
Blakie's "Bible History"; Wade's "Old Testament
History " ; Kent's " Heroes and Crises of Early He
brew History (Historical Bible) chapters XXI, XXVI;
Cornill's " The Prophets of Israel," pp. 16-26 on
" The Religion of Moses " ; article on " Religion of
Israel" in Hasting's "Bible Dictionary"; articles on
Moses in encyclopedias and Bible dictionaries.
loDeut. 34: 10.

CHAPTER II
THE PROPHET AS NATION-BUILDER
The death of Moses came not far from 1200 b. c,
and soon thereafter the clans of Israel crossed the
Jordan and attempted to occupy the land of Canaan.
It probably required more than a century from the
time the Hebrews first gained a foothold in Canaan
until they were able even to begin to secure an estab
lished government. The story of the occupation is
vividly described in the first and second chapters of
the Book of Judges, which by some is regarded as
the oldest book in the Bible. We have here a vivid
account of the desperate struggle that Israel made
to gain a permanent foothold in the country. We
find that there was little unity of action. The tribe
of Judah drifted to the south, the two clans of Joseph
gained a foothold in the central section, while the
other tribes were scattered in various sections of the
country. After years of struggle, in which these
clans experienced alternately victory and defeat, the
conquest was complete over the Canaanites and Israel
secured control of the country.
THE AGE OF TRANSITION — THE JUDGES
The period between the beginning of nationality
and the actual establishment of the kingdom was
characterized by a new order of leadership. Long
after Israel had gained supremacy in Canaan the
21

22 THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
antagonisms and conflicts with the native population
continued. This was naturally to be expected. The
Canaanite civilization was much older than that of
the Hebrews, and in many respects it possessed su
perior elements of strength. We would expect the
social conflict to continue until the two civilizations
amalgamated through intermarriage, or until one
race was completely destroyed by the other. The
perils incident to this struggle developed here and
there some leader of note whose achievements exalted
him above his fellow men. These local heroes later
acquired the title of judges, but their functions were
rather those of military leaders than of judicial offi
cers. These judges did not follow each other in suc
cession, and there was no official relation between
them. Two or more often exercised their functions
at the same time, in different tribes, and there were,
doubtless, considerable intervals in which there was
no one who claimed title to the office. They were
not of equal prominence, for some, by virtue of un
usual powers or achievements, gained wider fame than
others. Among these were Othniel of Judah, Deb
orah and Barak of Issachar, Gideon of Manasseh,
Jepthah of Gilead, and Samson of Dan. These men
were not great moral leaders and reformers, but were
devoted to the national God of their people, and
doubtless some of them possessed real religious feel
ing. However, the great need of the time was the
appearance of a prophet like Moses who would exalt
*the name of Jehovah, and weld the people into a
nation. THE PROPHET SAMUEL
Samuel was raised up to fulfill this mission. He

OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS 23
marks the transition from judge to prophet, as Moses
marked the change from law-giver to prophet. The
story of the second great prophet of Israel is re
corded in the first of the two books that bear his
name, although he is not the author but the hero.
The four books of Samuel — Kings are really one
continuous prophetic record which interestingly in
terweaves biography and history. These books fur
nish us our first great experiment in nation building,
and some of the leaders connected with the process
deserve an imperishable fame. Samuel, who was one
of these, was born in the village of Ramah, which is
located a short distance southwest of Bethel and
about twelve miles to the south of Shiloh. He was
the son of Elkanah, a priest, and therefore of Leviti-
cal descent. His mother, Hannah, had sought from
God the gift of a son for a long time, as she was
childless ; so when the son was born she called him
Samuel, " the asked," or " heard of God." The early
life of this promising child is briefly summarized in
the following words : " The child Samuel grew on,
and was in favor both with the Lord, and also with
men." The judgeship of Samuel may be said to have be
gun immediately after the close of the disastrous bat
tle of Aphek, in which the Philistines totally defeated
the Hebrews. The ark, which had been carried into
the battle by superstitious priests, was also lost.
Shiloh was destroyed, and many of the priests were
slain. The people were hopelessly discouraged at
this disaster, and a grave crisis confronted them, for
they were left without moral or political leadership.
It was at this time that Samuel assumed leadership

24 THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
as the judge and adviser of his people. He aroused
the Hebrews to a new sense of their power by stim
ulating their faith and hope. He gathered the clans
and imparted to them a new sense of duty and power,
and, as a result of his efforts, Ebenezer won a tri
umphant victory,1 and the Philistines were conquered
and subdued when the Hebrews were attacked at
Mizpah. Doubtless the influence of Samuel as a prophet
was made possible because of his work as a judge in
Israel. His influence was great, for we are told that
" the word of Samuel came to all Israel." 2 He has
been called the first of the prophets.3 His twenty
years as prophet to his people is briefly told in three
{verses of scripture,4 but there is much we can infer
from other passages. He seems to have made regu
lar circuits 5 to the hill towns of central Palestine,
and remained for a time at each, giving instruction to
the people, and exalting before them the name of Je
hovah, the national God of Israel. The important
towns of Bethel, Gilgal, and Mizpah were frequently
visited by him because they were easily accessible to
the people of the neighboring districts, and their
early connection with religious rites made them popu
lar centers for moral instruction.
We cannot with certainty determine the actual
results of the visits of Samuel to these various re
ligious centers. It is certain that he exercised both
the office of judge and prophet, and doubtless the
prestige of the former made his influence as prophet
iSam. 7: 5-12. * Sam. 7: 2-4.
2 Sam. 4: 1. oSam. 7: 2-4, 15-17.
a Acts 3: 24.

OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS 25
more effective, for at this time prophecy had not
gained a commanding place in the estimation of the
people. But certainly the exercise of the functions
of both offices was not inconsistent in Israel, for
patriotism and religion were one with the Hebrews.
Loyalty to the nation was inseparably connected
with loyalty to Jehovah. Samuel saw that the su
preme need of his people was national unity, and he
sought to accomplish this by establishing a common
faith and worship of Jehovah, the God of Israel.
This was to be followed by the selection of a common
leader for all the tribes and clans among the Hebrew
people. Samuel knew the power of public opinion,
and he was a correct observer of the changing con
ceptions of the people, for, when he had secured
national recognition of the worship of Jehovah, we
see him taking the second step, which brought into
existence the kingdom of Israel and created a po
litical state on the basis of a theocracy. This tran
sition is one of the most interesting events of his
tory. SAUL CHOSEN KING
In the beginning of the public ministry of Samuel
it would have been impossible to unite the Hebrews
under one king. The situation at that time is well
summarized in a sentence found in the Book of
Judges : " There was no king in Israel in those days,
but every man did that which was right in his own
eyes." 6 But the prophet through his labors had
brought about a marvelous change in public opin
ion. The people had been brought to see the com-
6 Judges 17: 6; 21: 25.

26 THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
mon danger that threatened them if they remained
disunited, and the great opportunities that awaited
them if they united their strength in a common cause.
When this opportunity came, Samuel had reached old
age, and he decided to name his sons, according to
precedent, as his successors. They proved un
worthy, however, and on account of their dishon
esty and corruption, were promptly repudiated by
the people, whom Samuel had already trained to
cherish higher ideals. The logic of events pointed
to the next step. Other nations, such as Egypt,
Syria, Moab, and Edom had kings — " Why would
not such a plan be wise for us ? " This thought, no
doubt, had long been in the mind of Samuel. Did
Samuel possess the ambition to be the first king of
his people? Was he fearful that such a great civil
power would separate the people from the worship
of Jehovah? Was there the fear that a military
leadership would supersede the leadership of the
prophet? These questions are left unanswered ex
cept in so far as future action lifts the veil of doubt.
There are three different accounts of the choosing
of Saul as king of Israel, and each is instructive and
of peculiar interest. Samuel occupies an important
place in each, but the real attitude of Samuel was
not the same in each of the three records.
(1) In the first account, Saul was chosen by Sam
uel privately at Ramah, where he had gone to con
sult the seer while on a journey in search of his fa
ther's asses. His surprise was so great that he
could not believe the announcement of the prophet.
The reality of the situation was impressed on him
by certain signs that were revealed to him on his

OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS 27
way home, but his appointment lacked confirmation
by the whole people. This came later on, when
Jabesh-Gilead, a Hebrew town on the east side of the
Jordan, was besieged. Saul, in his own name and
that of Samuel, called the warring forces of Israel
together and forced the enemy to raise the siege.
This gave Saul preeminence and popularity, and he
was immediately proclaimed king of the people. In
this entire narrative the attitude of Samuel is one
of approval of the choice of Saul as king, and he
seemed to have regarded it as the final product of all
his labors.7
(2) In the second account, Saul is chosen by lot.
In this record we have some justification for be
lieving that Samuel was disappointed that he was
not made king.8 He seems here to have regarded ;
the demand for a king as unjustifiable, and a mani
festation of a lack of appreciation for his endeavors,
and disloyalty to Jehovah. In this account the peo
ple made their request to the prophet for a king,
and he seems to have reluctantly acceded to their
requests. When the people assembled at Mizpah, to
which place Samuel had summoned them, Saul was
chosen by lot.9
The apparent discrepancy in these accounts may
be easily explained by noting the different points em
phasized in each. In the first account, emphasis is
laid upon the kingship as the product of the needs of
the people for central authority and national leader
ship. In the second, the writer is alluding to the
danger that threatens Israel if it depends more upon
the new form of government and political leadership
7 1 Sam. 9. si Sam. 8: 1-22. » I Sam. 10: 17-24.

28 THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
than upon faith in Jehovah. This two-fold point of
view is the best possible evidence of the substantial
accuracy of both accounts as valid historical data.
(3) In the third account, Saul is described as
having been made king by public acclaim because of
a heroic deed.10 He had led the Hebrew forces to
victory against the Ammonites, who had besieged
the town of Jabesh-Gilead on the east side of the
Jordan. His successful leadership raised him to the
rank of a hero, and the people immediately assem
bled at Gilgal, and made Saul king of Israel. Here
the commanding influence of Samuel is clearly re
vealed. The people first consulted him about the
advisability of making Saul king, and the prophet
seems to have tested the faith of the hero before
giving an answer. The response of Saul seems to
have been satisfactory, for Samuel took the initiative
in arranging for the ceremonies of coronation at
Gilgal, and gave his hearty approval to all of them.
It is not the purpose of this study to follow the
fortunes of the kings of Israel, but a further word
is necessary to complete the record of Samuel as the
founder of the kingdom. The history of Saul's reign
is far from complete, but there is sufficient evidence
for us to determine the policy of his reign. He was
not willing to follow the advice of Samuel, which was
to magnify the name of Jehovah in his kingdom.
For this reason Samuel withdrew his support,11 and
later expressed bitter grief that he had approved
of making Saul king.12 But he did not give up the
idea of establishing a permanent kingdom, for he
began immediately to seek a successor to Saul. He
10 I Sam. 11: 15. "I Sam. 13: 8. 12 I Sam. 15: 11.

OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS 29
sought to prevent a successor from Saul's family by
the selection of David, the youngest son of Jesse,
whom the Lord approved,13 and immediately " the |
spirit of the Lord departed from Saul," and the I
power and influence of David increased from that;
day until he was finally invited to be king and his
capital was established at Hebron.
Thus did Samuel bring into existence the kingdom
of Israel as an established government, but his work
is of much greater significance than even that, for,
in making David king, he established the beginning
of the spiritual kingdom that was to be revealed and
perpetuated in Jesus, the Christ.
SAMUEL AS SOCIAL REFORMER
It is not contended that Samuel consciously had
in mind any social program in his work as prophet.
This can hardly be said to be true of any prophet of
Israel, but a student of the Bible cannot fail to see
that Samuel made distinct contributions to social
order. His fundamental contributions consisted in
directing the energies of the people to the estab
lishment of political unity and social security
through a military organization. This is what Pro
fessor Giddings,14 has characterized as the first of
the three great stages in the evolution of civil so
cieties. Samuel accomplished this task by exactly
isl Sam. 16: 11-13.
i* The three stages in the evolution of civil societies as de
scribed by Giddings may be stated as follows: (1) Military
organization, where there is little or no friendly relation with
similar societies; (2) the stage of intellectual and personal
freedom; (3) economic and ethical freedom. See Principles of
Sociology, p. 300.

30 THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
the same methods that are used by the modern social
reformer. He aroused public opinion by appealing
to the loftier motives of the people. In an age when
the world was ruled by primitive force, Samuel
taught his people that spiritual power was more
effective than martial strength, and he sought to
substitute the former for the latter. He did not
completely accomplish his task for the principle was
too new in the world, but his people never entirely
lost sight of it, and when the political kingdom that
he established had passed away, the Hebrews were
still able to make effective use of the spiritual doc
trine that he had taught. After all, this spiritual
power has made the Hebrews the reigning people of
the earth.
~ Samuel may be said to have been a typical prophet
of Israel. As a preacher of righteousness, he de
nounced the superstitions of the age, and exalted the
name of Jehovah; as a moral leader, he taught and
exemplified the highest ideals of right living; as a
social reformer, he read accurately the signs of the
times, and with sane judgment sought to better the
conditions of his people. It is not strange that at
his death such a man should be mourned by the na
tion as if it had been left fatherless, for he had made
large contributions to the progress and well-being
of his people. In the pages that follow we shall
trace the life history and the social contributions of
other great prophets, but none of these will show
greater devotion to the social welfare, or accomplish
more for the common good, than Samuel, the
Prophet of Ramah.

OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS 31
TOPICS FOR REPORTS AND INVESTIGATION
1. The Work of Samuel as Prophet in Contrast with
his Work as Judge.
2. The Strength and Weakness of Saul.
3. Samuel's Contribution to the Religion of the He
brews. 4. A Study of the Methods of Samuel in his Public
Ministry. 5. Foreign Influences on the Destiny of Israel during
the Age of Samuel.
FURTHER READINGS
Chamberlain's "The Hebrew Prophets," pp. 8-26;
Willett's " The Moral Leaders of Israel," Part One, pp.
33-46 ; Deane's " Samuel and Saul, their Lives and
Times''; Wade's "Old Testament History"; Kent's
" History of the Hebrew People " ; articles on Samuel
and Saul in Bible dictionaries and encyclopedias.

CHAPTER III
SUCCESSORS TO THE PROPHET SAMUEL
The number of names that have come down to us,
in connection with Jewish prophecy, is strangely
small. The names of a few scattering prophets ap
pear before the eighth century, and in the three or
four centuries that follow we have the names of
eight or nine.1 The student is likely to regard the
Jewish prophet as an isolated phenomenon. But a
careful study of the fragmentary record that has
come down to us is sufficient to convince the discern
ing student that prophets were numerous in the years
that intervened between the age of Samuel and the
beginning of the exile. The term " prophet " was
applied to hundreds in those days, and due recogni
tion was given to them as a separate class in He
brew society. Those who have had the honor to be
so named in the Scriptures are merely unusual types
whose surpassing personality, or relation to some
unusual event of history, have marked them for spe
cial mention. To call attention to some of those
whose names appear here and there in the sacred
i Daniel is not included in the list of prophets here studied.
The Book of Daniel does not find a, place among the prophets
in the Jewish Canon. The material is more appropriately
classed as apocalytic rather than prophetic literature. The
author of the Book of Daniel does not seem to regard himself
as a prophet. 32

THE JEWISH PROPHETS 33
record is the purpose of the present study. An ex
planatory word as to how the prophet's office devel
oped under Jewish influence will help to explain the
commanding position of the Jewish prophet.
TYPES OF THE JEWISH PROPHET
The Jewish prophet seems to have been an evolu
tion. In the process of development three rather
distinct types seem to appear, each in succession
representing a higher order of intelligence, and exer
cising a correspondingly larger influence.
(1) In the first type we have the fortune tellers
or superstitious diviners. These individuals gained
their reputation for wisdom and foresight through
certain rites that they performed, or mediums that
they used to reveal the divine will and purpose. We
get a glimpse of this type in the early writings of
sacred scripture. We are told that Joseph was a
diviner and that the movements of water in a cup was
the medium used.2 Responses were also sought by
means of colors in sacred stones. Saul, having been
denied the knowledge of the future outcome of his
conflict with the Philistines, sought the result by ob
serving the colors in the sacred stone Urim, which
was often used at that time for such purposes. The
casting of lots 3 was a common method of ascertain
ing the divine will. The Hebrews shared with the
Assyrian and other nations the belief that dreams
and oracles were means of conveying to men the di
vine will. The seer and prophet first came into pub
lic notice through the beHef that they had the power,
through these various agencies, to foretell the future.
2 Gen. 44: 5. 3 I Sam. 14: 41, 42.

34 THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
They were consulted when articles were lost or do
mestic animals strayed away, and the seer was re
warded for the information he gave.4 We get a bet
ter example of the influence of the prophet as a di
viner of the future in the case of Ahab summoning
the prophet to inquire of him the result of his pro
posed expedition against Ramoth-Gilead.5
(2) The second type of prophet was the emo
tional or ecstatic type. They resorted to the influ
ence of crude music, bodily distortions, and loud and
boisterous exclamations, instead of mysterious medi
ums or other forms of symbolism. They made use
of the simple musical instruments of their age, and
roamed about in bands, playing and attracting at
tention by their peculiar gesticulations. These rov
ing bands may have marked the beginning of what
later became the schools of the prophets. They
seem to have sought to influence the people by play
ing and dancing until they had worked themselves
into a frenzy, and in the end they would become com
pletely exhausted and limp with over-exertion.
These strange proceedings seem to have had a rather
remarkable influence on the people. For instance,
Saul, when he met one of these bands of wandering
prophets, was drawn irresistibly into their perform
ances, and, to the surprise of all, joined in their wild
and frenzied dance.6 The real nature of the per
formances of these prophets is best described in the
account of the prophets of Baal at Mt. Carmel.7
But gradually the people began to lose faith in these
prophets, and they came to be regarded almost as
*I Sam. 9: 3-8. el Sam. 10: 5-12.
5 I Kings 22: 5, 6. -¦ I Kings 18: 26-29.

OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS 35
mad men,8 and as unworthy of leadership or popular
approval as a religious order.
(3) The third type seems to have been merely a
higher stage of the second. Gradually the ecstatic
type gave up their roving, mendicant life, and gath
ered in important centers like Ramah, Bethel, and
Jericho. Gradually, too, these unlettered and emo
tional bands were transformed into intelligent men
with a fair degree of insight into the political, ethi
cal, and religious needs and conditons of the times.
Of course, they did not take rank with such prophets
and teachers as Moses or Samuel, their contempo
raries, but they were able to perform many of the
duties of moral and religious instruction, and their
influence must have been widely felt during the cen
tury or two that preceded the beginning of the work
of the writing prophets. The centers where these
prophets made their headquarters gained fame for
their intelligence and culture, and gradually became
seminaries of religious instruction, which soon took
the name of " the schools of the prophets." Sam
uel has been credited with having organized the
schools of the prophets, and defined their relations
to the nation and to society.9 He taught that the
members of the prophetic order were not to lead
ascetic lives, but they were, on the other hand, to con
cern themselves with the various problems that con
fronted the nation and the national faith. The con
tribution of these early orders of prophets to social
policy and religious ideals must have been consider
able, and the Bible student must feel a pang of disap
pointment to find that we are denied the privilege of
s II Kings 9: 11. =1 Sam. 10: 9, 10.

36 THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
knowing more about the organization and work of
these early prophetical societies.
What is the relation of the writing prophets to
these early bands of prophetic orders ? We may an
swer by saying that they were merely unusual types
of their class. Amos, Hosea, and Micah merely rise
above their contemporaries because of their unusual
ability to discern the real conditons of their respec
tive times and to attack the social and religious er
rors of the people with more definite and effective re
sults. These early prophets must have differed
widely in their talents and abilities and also in their
moral and spiritual capabilities. This fact accounts
for the obscurity of most of these prophets, and the
world-wide fame of others. Between these extremes,
we find, here and there a prophet whose name has
come down to us as a representative of those who
rose above the masses, but whose achievements did
not entitle him to a large or commanding place in the
biblical record. But some of these deserve mention
as successors to Samuel, and as links in the continu
ous chain of Jewish prophecy.
NATHAN THE PROPHET
Nathan is to be regarded as the logical successor
to Samuel as prophet-statesman of Israel. His re
lations to the king were very similar to those of Sam
uel to Saul. He seemed to have regarded his work
as that of chief adviser to King David, and David
gave great heed to the advice and counsel of the
prophet Nathan. His influence made him the most
commanding figure at David's court, and it is easy
to judge of the king's estimate of this prophet by the

OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS 37
absolute manner in which he accepted his rebukes.
Nathan first appears in connection with the gen
erous plans of David to build a temple in which to
shelter the ark of the Lord. The king's motive was
so unselfish 10 and the undertaking so laudable that,
it seems, Nathan approved the plan. At a later date,
however, before David had time to begin the actual
work, Nathan reconsidered and advised David to
postpone the project indefinitely. It seems that the
prophet's reconsideration was based on the belief
that David was not quite the right person to build
the temple for the Lord because he had been a man
of war. The real motive, however, was doubtless
more significant than the apparent one assigned by
the prophet. Nathan doubtless feared what many
later prophets experienced — that to centralize wor
ship and to enrich the liturgical form would decrease
its effectiveness and its vitality. For these deeper
reasons he thought best to postpone the enterprise
until the nation was better organized and the na
tional faith better established. But, on advising the
postponement, he gave to David the promise that his
seed should be established in Israel and that his suc
cessor should carry out his worthy project.
Nathan's most important work was in the lofty
ideals of social justice and personal morality that he
attempted to impress upon David and the people of
Israel. The incident that furnished the opportunity
grew out of the seizing of the wife of one of his of
ficers by David and the taking of her into his own
harem. This act was fearlessly denounced by Na
than. So forcibly did Nathan present the injustice
10 II Sam. 7: 2.

38 THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
of such a deed to David that the king was greatly
moved and humiliated. The parable n used by the
prophet to impress the king, and the profound im
pression that it made, furnishes us with one of the
most interesting social incidents in the history of
Jewish prophecy.
But in the interpretation of this incident the Bible
student must be careful not to give the wrong mean
ing to the emphasis in the prophet's rebuke. The
aspect of the offence of David that appealed to Na
than was not that of personal immorality, but that
of social injustice. This is easily seen from the par
able that was used by the prophet. The question of
personal immorality had not yet developed in Jewish
consciousness, and it was not destined to develop to
any great extent until the days of the writing
prophets. It is a fact of great interest and im
portance that we find thus early such a clear concep
tion of social justice, especially between a king and
his subjects. This bare incident is sufficient to
justify us in numbering Nathan among the impor
tant social prophets of Israel.
Nathan appears for the last time in connection
with the crowning of Solomon as king of Israel.12
In this capacity we also see his marked influence on
the destiny of his people. His relations to the king
were very similar, at every point, to those of Samuel
and his great predecessor. Both were largely re
sponsible for national policy because of their com
manding influence and their intimate relations with
the rulers of the nation. We shall see that their suc
cessors attempted at times to shape the national poli-
11 II Sam. 12: 1-15. 12 II Sam. 12: 1-4.

OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS 39
cies as well as to direct the social and moral con
sciousness of the people.
THE PROPHET GAD
Gad,13 like Nathan, was one of the chief advisers of
David. Professor Bennett calls these two prophets
" the domestic chaplains and spiritual advisers of
David." It was the mission of Gad to reveal to
David the displeasure of the Lord because of his sin
ful pride in taking the census of Israel, and to reveal
unto the king the three choices of punishment, one of
which he was required to accept.14 When David had
thoroughly repented, Gad again came to him and di
rected that he build an altar on the threshing floor
at Oman ; 15 which he did, and by his penitent wor
ship stayed the calamity that had befallen the land
because of his sin. In connection with Nathan, Gad
seems to have had an important part in the formula
tion of the tabernacle service under the general ap
proval of David.16 THE PROPHET ABLJAH
Prophecy was silent in Israel after the disappear
ance of Nathan and Gad until the reign of David had
ended and Solomon, his son, had been firmly seated
upon the throne. When Solomon began to manifest
his despotic power and tyranny over his subjects,
there appeared another prophet in Israel to offer
13 Gad is usually referred to as a " seer " (" roeh ") rather
than prophet (" Nabi"). The words are practically synony
mous, but the word " seer " seems to have been the more
ancient word. According to strict etymology there was a
difference in meaning between the words, but this distinction
was lost through common usage.
i* I Kings 1: 38. is II Sam. 24: 10-25. is II Chron. 29: 25.

40 THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
counsel and aid to the oppressed and downtrodden
people of Israel. This prophet was Abijah of Shi-
loah. The king, surrounded by his servile guards
and a brilliant court, felt too exalted to listen to the
advice or complaints of men of lowly estate. The
priests, as we shall often find, seem to have been
fobbed of their real power and mission by the royal
seductions of a court of flattery. In this crisis,
Abijah appeared, with the work of Samuel as a
precedent, to thwart injustice and to re-establish
social order on a new basis.
Abijah selected Jereboam, a brave and ambitious
youth of Ephraim, whom he encouraged to rebel
against Solomon. The prophet used great tact and
dramatic skill in notifying the youth of his selec
tion as the successor of Solomon. It seems that the
prophet waited until Jereboam had gone out of the
city into the country, perhaps on his way to visit his
widowed mother. Abijah made it a point to meet
Jereboam on the road, and his first act, which was de
signed as an impressive symbol, was to take from his
own shoulders a new garment that he had provided
for the purpose. The prophet then rent the gar
ment into twelve pieces, handing ten of these pieces
to Jereboam with the words : " Take these ten
pieces; for thus saith the Lord, the God of Israel,
Behold, I will rend the kingdom out of the hand of
Solomon, and will give ten tribes to thee." 1T These
words are followed, however, with words of assur
ance that one tribe would be left to Solomon's son,
that the lamp of Jerusalem might not be extinguished
and that the seed of David might not be completely
"I Kings 11: 31.

OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS 41
destroyed. This prophecy was literally fulfilled
when Rehoboam, Solomon's only son, became the
king of Israel and the ten tribes revolted and made
Jereboam their king.
Years after the meeting of Jereboam and Abijah
on the road way, and after the northern kingdom had
been established, Jereboam revealed his faith in the
old prophet when the king's son became very ill.
The queen was requested to go in disguise to Abijah
and seek information as to the outcome of the child's
illness. The prophet at once penetrated the queen's
disguise, and beckoned her into his presence. He
sent a message to Jereboam in which he execrated
him for not keeping the commandments of Jehovah,
and in closing he predicted that the child would die.
With the deliverance of the message and the fulfill
ment of his prophecy, the name of Abijah disappears
from the historic record. Among the early suc
cessors of Samuel he is next in importance to Nathan
in his social and moral influence. Abijah was in the
best sense a social reformer. The two great events
recorded of him are connected with social and po
litical reform. To relieve oppression and injustice,
when all else had failed, he appeared as the advocate
of a divided kingdom. When the new kingdom had
been established, and its ruler had forsaken the prin
ciples that furnished the justification for it, he lifted
his voice in rebuke, foretelling the afflictions that were
to come upon the disobedient king.
THE PROPHET SHEMAIAH
Reverting to the history of the southern kingdom
of Judah, we find Rehoboam after his elevation to the

42 THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
throne of Israel ready to attempt to recover the lost
part of Solomon's kingdom. He assembled a large
army from the tribes of Judah and Benjamin, and
when the king was about ready to invade Israel, the
prophet Shemaiah 18 appeared to thwart the plans
of Rehoboam. The prophet speaks as one with au
thority. " Ye shall not go up, nor fight against
your brethren, the children of Israel; return every
man to his house ; for this thing is from me." 19
The effect of the words of the prophet was remark
able. The expedition was abandoned, and the great
army was dispersed. No event of early Jewish his
tory reveals so clearly the commanding importance
of the Jewish prophet. To set aside the ambition
of Rehoboam, and to set at naught all the plans of
a great army of soldiery, involved boldness and cour
age. The attempt to invade Israel was not again
renewed during the reign of Rehoboam.
The abandonment of military ambition enabled Re
hoboam to direct his endeavors to the material de
velopment of his kingdom. Great prosperity came
to him, but we are told that in the hour of his pros
perity he forsook the law of the Lord, and to humble
him Shishak, king of Egypt, invaded Judah with a
large army, and the king was in great fear and dis
tress. At this juncture Shemaiah again appeared,
and declared that the invasion by a foreign foe was
Jehovah's punishment for his sin and the sins of the
princes of Judah. They at once humbled them
selves, and Jehovah accepted their penitence. She-
is This prophet is not to be confused with two false prophets
'of the same name and referred to in Neh. 6: 10-14, and Jer.
29: 24-32.
i» I Kings 12: 24.

OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS 43
maiah was told to convey this message of deliverance,
and at the same time he was directed to inform the
rulers of his people that they should serve Shishak,
" that they [the Jews] may know My service and the
service of the kingdoms of the countries." 20 With
this public service the prophet Shemaiah disappears
from the pages of history.
The three prophets, Nathan, Gad and Abijah,
represent the most important prophetic successors
to Samuel, and they seem to have been inspired by his
example to follow his policies and to adopt his
methods. As we have seen, each in turn influenced
kings, and directed their policies at critical times.
They dignified and gave importance to the work of
prophecy. Their patriotism caused them also to
become the annalists and historians of the nation.
Their farsightedness entitled them to be classed as
statesmen and their earnestness and honesty made
them the moral leaders of Israel. The work of these
prophets made possible the ascendency of prophecy
under their immediate successors, whose work will be
described in the next chapter.
TOPICS FOR REPORTS AND INVESTIGATION
1. The Function of the Prophet as Revealed in the
Study of Samuel's Successors.
2. Justification of Abijah in Encouraging the Division
of the Jewish nation.
3. Relations of Egypt and Israel during this Period.
4. The Influence of the Prophet on the Rise of the
Monarchy in Israel.
5. The Social Ideals of Samuel's Successors.
20 II Chron. 2: 8.

44 THE JEWISH PROPHETS
FURTHER READINGS
Article on " Prophetic Office in the Old Testament "
in the SchaiF-Herzog " Encyclopedia of Religious
Knowledge," Vol. Ill, p. 1936; Bennett's "First and
Second Chronicles " (" Expositor's Bible "), Chap. 9,
pp. 241-269 on "The Prophets"; Edersheim's "His
tory of Israel and Judah," Vol. V; articles on Nathan,
Gad, Abijah, and Shemaiah in Bible dictionaries and en
cyclopedias.

CHAPTER IV
THE ASCENDENCY OF PROPHECY
The sudden and dramatic appearance of Elijah
before King Ahab, and his remarkable deliverance,
marks the beginning of the real ascendency of Jew
ish prophecy. The importance of Elijah's mission,
and his peculiar fitness to fulfill it, raises him and
the order which he represented to a place of com
manding importance. His contribution to social re
form, and his defense of the religion of Jehovah, in
creased the importance of the office of prophet, and
his call of Elisha as his successor gave stability and
permanence to the prophetic office. These are some
of the reasons why we usually think of prophecy as
having begun with Elijah.
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
Ahab, whose reign began in 875 b. c, was the
fifth successor of Jereboam the first king of Israel.
Jereboam reigned for more than twenty years, but
his immediate successors had short reigns, and each
was characterized by intrigue and bloodshed. Na-
dab, the son of Jereboam, succeeded his father on the
throne, but was soon deposed by Baasha, who had no
claim whatever to the throne as a royal successor.
He was shortly succeeded by his son Elah, who was
soon murdered by his servant Zimri, who was in turn
driven from the throne by Omri, the head of the
45

46 THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
army, who, after a brief civil war, succeeded in
founding a new dynasty. His son was Ahab, who
ruled Israel for thirty-eight years.
Prophecy is almost silent during all these political
changes and upheavals. In the reign of Baasha,
which was the longest of the immediate predecessors
of Jereboam, we learn of the appearance of the
prophet Jehu, the son of Hanani. It appears from
his prophecy that Baasha had been favored by the
prophets against the rule of Jereboam, but that he
had lost their support and confidence because he
" had walked in the way of Jereboam, and had made
my people Israel to sin." a We naturally ask :
" Why did the prophets turn against Jereboam,
when he had been selected by Abij ah as the appropri
ate man to establish the new kingdom of Israel?"
The answer is probably to be found in the fact that
Jereboam displayed great unfriendliness towards the
prophets when he had once been securely seated upon
the throne of the northern kingdom. The prophets
not only turned against Jereboam, but they also
turned against his son, and in condemning him they
felt that the worst that could be said was that " he
walked in the way of his father." 2 With these ex
ceptions, the prophets during this period do not
seem to have been very active or very influential.
But, unconsciously, there were growing up two
hostile and irreconcilable policies in the nation.
There was an increasing desire to establish trade re
lations with neighboring nations, and the advocates
of this policy realized that this could not be accom-
il Kings 16: 2. 2 1 Kings 15: 26.

OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS 47
plished without first establishing closer social and
religious relations. Ahab, who favored the exten
sion of international trade, was willing to comply
with all demands necessary for the accomplishment
of this result. To this end, he married Jezebel, a
Phoenician princess, and freely admitted to Israel
the prophets of Baal (Baalim) and Astarte.3
Against this policy of the court was the intense
-opposition of the prophets of Israel, and especially
of Elijah, who suddenly emerges as the leader of the
prophetic forces. The issue was distinctly defined
by the prophet, and the contending forces clearly re
vealed. The nation was first to manifest complete j
loyalty to its God, and fidelity to her own social in- 1
stitutions, before being trusted in the field of inter
national trade relations. At this time safety lay in
national seclusion. The issue was clearly one of re
ligious idealism contending against political commer
cialism. The ascendency of Elijah was the result of
this issue, for
" Not in their brightness, but their earthly stains,
Are the true saints vouchsafed to human eyes.
Sin can read sin, but dimly scans high grace,
So we move heavenward with averted face,
Scared into faith by warning of sins' pains;
And saints are lowered that the world may rise." 4
SKETCH OF ELIJAH
Truly Elijah is an example of a saint who was
/" lowered " that the world might rise. Little is
known of his parentage except that he was born in a
certain locality called Tishbe, believed to have been in
3 I Kings 16: 31, 32; 18: 19. ¦* Newman.

48 THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
the northern section of the country. But it seems
that he lived for a time in Gilead, which is east of the
Jordan. While the facts connected with his earlier
life are scant, the public career of no other prophet
has received such an extended account. Much of the
narrative of the books of Kings is devoted to the
spectacular life of this prophet, and of Elisha, his
successor. Many of the incidents in the life of Elijah fall
outside of a sociological point of view. His sudden
appearance before Ahab, and his prophecy of a
three years' drought in Israel, followed by his flight
and experiences, his miracles, and his contest at Car-
mel, are in the main incidents connected with the
prophet's struggle to restore the true faith, and to
, destroy the false worship of heathen gods. Elijah
saw the insidious influences that would result to Is
rael if her religious barriers were destroyed. The
worship of Baal implied the spread and popular ac
ceptance of foreign luxury and immorality. His
task was that of safeguarding the virtues of his peo
ple. The incidents recorded about him are mere
illustrations of his earnestness and fidelity in at
tempting to avoid the calamity that he saw awaited
his people if they adopted the policy of Ahab and
his court. SOCIAL GLIMPSES
While these recorded incidents in the life of Elijah
imply that his conclusions and policies were deter
mined by social considerations, there are three inci
dents that directly reveal him as a defender_of popu
lar rights and the sympathetic friend of the poor.

OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS 49
(1) The first incident is that connected with the
unjust treatment accorded Naboth, the farmer of
Jezreel. The king sought to enlarge his grounds at
his summer capital, and in order to be able to do so
it was necessary to buy the vineyard owned by Na
both. The king offered a reasonable price, but Na
both, for sentimental reasons, (it being his ancestral
estate), felt that he could not part with it, and he
refused the offer of Ahab.
The king, realizing that there was no law to compel
Naboth to sell, and fearing openly to dispossess the
owner without lawful authority, returned to his pal
ace in disappointment, for, accustomed to having his
way, like a spoiled child he could not conceal his
displeasure. Queen Jezebel was quick to discern the
king's dejection and promptly ascertained the cause.
Being more resourceful than her husband, and anx
ious to vindicate the supremacy of the royal will,
Jezebel immediately set about the task of securing
the coveted property by foul and impious means.
She secured the arrest of Naboth on the charge of
impiety and disloyalty. With her own servants as
witnesses, it was easy to secure the conviction of
Naboth, and a corrupt court decreed death as the
penalty. The verdict was speedily carried into exe
cution, and Ahab came into possession of the prop
erty, which by the process of law now reverted to
the crown.
Up to this point the process seemed easy, but
Ahab had Elijah to reckon with at an unexpected
moment. Before the king had ceased exulting over
his coveted possession, Elijah appeared before him,
and with deep indignation at the king's approval of

50 THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
f the wicked methods of his queen, pronounced judg
ment upon him and his dynasty, and denounced him
! in the severest terms. Elijah even declared that
judgment would be literally meted out to him, saying
that Ahab's own blood should be shed on the exact
j spot where Naboth had been slain.5
Elijah here typifies the true reformer who is
jealous to maintain the principles of social justice
and popular rights. We must marvel at the keen
sense of appreciation for the social and legal rela
tions that should exist between men that Elijah mani
fested, for we find him judging Ahab almost a thou
sand years before the Christian era by standards
that would reflect credit upon the best men of our
own generation.
A consequence of the incident of Naboth has been
suggested by Mr. Louis Wallis.6 He suggests that
the principles of the Rechabites 7 may be traceable
to this incident. " The most characteristic thing
about these people was their avoidance of private
property in land. They would do nothing which im
plied ownership in the soil. They planted no seed,
because the sowing of seed would make it necessary
to possess fields ; they drank no wine, because the
raising of grapes would make it necessary to own
vineyards. Perhaps it was the seizing of Naboth's
vineyard by Ahab that suggested their avoidance of
land property. They may have reasoned that the
private holding of land was at the root of all evil.
By this token, if you have no land, the kings and
5 1 Kings 21: 19.
a" Sociological Study of the Bible" (1912), pp. 180, 181.
7Jer. 35: 2-9. See also article on "Rechabites" in Bible
Dictionaries.

OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS 51
nobles can take no land away from you." While
this suggestion of Wallis' is interesting, of course,
it contains an element of speculation. But a more
certain consequence of the dispossession of Naboth
is that it made property rights insecure, and it was
against this that the prophet protested, as well as
against the act of inhumanity connected with it.
It is a significant fact that Elijah pronounced the
doom of Ahab as a result of the manner of his gain
ing possession of Naboth's vineyard rather than in
connection with the fostering of Baal-worship.
(2) Another sidelight is thrown on the social con
ceptions of Elijah in connection with his visit to the
widow of Zarepath.8 For some reason the Lord saw
fit to direct Elijah to go to Zarepath, a Sidonian
city of Phoenicia. Why he should be sent into the
midst of these Baal-worshipers, against whom he was
protesting, was doubtless strange to the prophet of
the Lord. We are told that he had already learned
" dependence upon God " when the ravens fed him.
He was now to learn " fellowship with him " by shar- \
ing in the privations of the unfortunate classes on
a plane of equality.
The long journey from his retreat on the Jordan
to Zarepath was doubtless made at great peril and
privation. His arrival found him hungry and ex
hausted. The first person whom he saw was a woman
gathering sticks, and he asked her for water. Her
willingness to minister to his wants encouraged him
to ask that she bring him a morsel of bread also.
Her answer revealed the fact that she was herself
in extreme want, for her total supply of food con-
8 1 Kings 17: 8-24.

52 THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
sisted of only a handful of meal in the barrel, and a
little oil in the cruse.9 The prophet also learned
that she had become despondent and was now ready
to die. We are graphically told how Elijah came to
this woman's rescue, and miraculously supplied both
meal and oil.
Elijah was destined to face yet another problem
of social significance in connection with this woman
— that of disease and death. The son of the woman
fell sick, and at last died, and she felt that Elijah
in some mysterious way had taken the life of her son
as a rebuke for her sin. The manifestation of her
grief and her accusation caused the prophet to ap
peal to the Lord to restore the child to life, and his
prayer was answered.
The entire incident leads us to see that among
i other things God was here educating Elijah. His
chief concern had been for the welfare of the state;
' . . . .
he was here to learn the importance of individual
needs. In his concern for the welfare of Israel he
had come to despise all neighboring peoples ; he was
here to have his sympathies broadened through an
experience which taught him that there was good in
other people, even though they worshiped false gods
and knew not the ways of the Lord. Elijah was here
brought to think of the individual problems of pov
erty and~ disease, even at a time when he_ was grap
pling with the problem of, national faith and civic
righteousness. A man's usefulness is often deter
mined by his ability to keep the proper social per
spective, and it is probable that this was the need of
Elijah at this period of his life.
»I Kings 17: 12.

OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS 53
(3) The call of Elisha is the third contribution
of Elijah to the social ideals that he fostered. The
old prophet by this time had learned many impor
tant lessons in his long and varied career. Ahab
also had learned that his national policy had been
based upon false premises. Instead of friendly al
liances and mutual trade relations, had come dis
putes about boundaries, and war with Syria. Ben-
hadad, king of Syria, had even invaded Samaria, and
forced the payment of large tribute by Ahab. Only
when the Syrian king threatened the sack of Samaria,
the capitol city itself, did Ahab take courage to
resist, and he was rewarded with victory over the ene
mies, who happened to be in a drunken orgy at the
time of attack. But Ahab had about reached the
end of his career. With the assistance of Jehosha-
phat, king of Judah, he invaded Syria, and, in the
battle of Ramoth-Gilead, was .pierced by a random
arrow, and died within a few hours. Jehoram, the
son of Ahab, succeeded him on the throne, and while
he was far from being a righteous ruler, he was wise
enough to reverse the foreign policy of his father.10
Thus, at last, Elijah saw his paramount desire for
Israel accomplished. He was now ready to intrust
the moral and religious leadership to another, and
he was wise enough to see that his successor should
possess qualities far different from his own, in this
new era into which Israel had entered. God had
taught him that now was the time when the power of
the still small voice was to take precedence over the
earthquake in the moral and social conquest of Israel.
For this new leadership, Elijah selected a certain
10 II Kings 3: 2.

54 THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
farmer of Abel-meholah, whom he found ploughing
in the field near his home. The manner of Elisha's
call is told in a few verses.11 Elijah apprised Elisha
of his new calling by casting his mantle upon him,
and Elisha seemed to understand, for he immediately
asked permission to bid his father and mother good
bye, which was readily granted by the old prophet.
He took time before his final departure to prepare a
feast, and invite his friends to share his hospitality.
When these duties had been performed, he immedi
ately joined Elijah.
Elisha came to his work as the representative of
the highest civilization of the days in which he lived.
His devotion to his ancestral estate had given him a
sense of permanent attachment for the simple life of
the farm and the ideals of the home. Unlike Elijah,
he was no homeless Bedawy. His entire environment
was such as to prepare him for the problems of the
new era which he was called upon to solve, and these
were vastly different from those that had confronted
Elijah. ELISHA
After his call, we hear nothing more of Elisha for
six or eight years, when he is again brought into
prominence at the time of his master's translation.
For a period of more than fifty years following that
event, Elisha was the most important figure in the
history of his country. His public ministry extended
•through the reigns of Jehoram (851—842 b. c),
Jehu (842-814), Jehoahaz (814-797), and Joash
(797-781). In the midst of the recorded deeds of
"I Kings 19: 19-21.

OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS 55
these kings of Israel, as outlined in the Second Book
of Kings, the name of Elisha appears as the most
important and chief character. His ascendency
marks the return of the influence of the prophets
over the kings of his country. The renewed pre
dominance of the prophet is seen during the war of
the kings of Israel, Judah, and Edom against Moab.
During the invasion of Moab they found themselves
in the desert without water, and in the midst of their
dire distress, Jehosaphat, king of Judah, suggested
that all three kings appeal to the prophet of the
Lord. They sought out Elisha, who, after a rebuke
to Jehoram, king of Israel, ordered them at the di
rection of the Lord to dig trenches in the valley ; on
the following morning, the trenches were filled with
water. Thus refreshed, these allies were able to re
sist the onslaughts of the Moabites, and win a signal
victory over them. Elisha's opposition to Jehoram
resulted in Jehu being anointed by the prophet's
servant, and appointed king over Israel.12 Jehu re
warded the prophet with the destruction of all the
Baal- worshipers in his dominion. The influence of
Elisha on Jehoahaz does not appear to have been
great, for this king's reign was without moral or so
cial importance. But the estimate of the prophet by
Joash, uttered when the king visited Elisha on his
death bed, is one of the noblest tributes ever paid a
public servant. When the king looked into the
prophet's face and saw that the end was near, he ex
claimed : " My father, my father, the chariots of
Israel and the horsemen thereof," thus giving ex-
12 II Kings 9: 6, 7.

56 THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
pression to the thought that Elisha was worth more
to Israel than armies of soldiers.
SOCIAL TEACHING OE ELISHA
The social teaching of Elisha is revealed in the
domestic experiences recorded of him, rather than in
those incidents connected with his relations to the
kings of his country. To these we must turn in
order to get the larger significance of his public
ministry. The prophet's deep concern for the home as an
institution is revealed in two miracles where the con
trast is striking and the conditions with which he
deals are vastly different. One experience is in con
nection with a broken home, and the problem is that
of poverty and want. The other experience is that of
a home of wealth, the problem being that of child
lessness. He solves the problem of poverty by mul
tiplying the widow's oil.13 He meets the second con
dition by assuring the wife that the Lord will pro
vide her a son, and when this promise is fulfilled, and
at a later time this son dies, Elisha returns and re
stores him to life.14 This miracle is made the in
strument of power to reveal the prophet's concern
for the problems of domestic life. Poverty, disease,
and death still endanger the happiness of the home.
At" some time or other,i;he- homes of the rich, as well
as those of the poor, must experience the blight of
,one or the other of these. We have sought to evade
of eliminate "them by social legislation. Elisha, deal-
! ing with similar conditions, adopted another method.
But whatever the method, we have the evidence not
is II Kings 4: 5-7. i* II Kings 4: 8-37.

OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS 57
only that these are age-old problems, but that their
solutions have ever been deemed of sufficient impor
tance to call out the best efforts of the world's wisest
and best men.
The healing of Naaman, the greatest captain of
the army of Ben-hadad, king of Syria, is an incident
of sociological importance. We are told in the
Bible record 15 that Naaman was afflicted with lep
rosy. An Israelitish maiden, who was a slave in the
household of Naaman, told him of the miraculous
power of the prophet of Samaria, and the captain,
willing to try any method that might result in re
covery, came with a retinue and gifts to the king of
Israel, seeking the one with the power to heal. The
king was suspicious, and feared that Naaman sought
again to involve him in war with Syria, but Elisha
heard of the visit and sent for the captain of the
Syrian hosts. The prophet bade Naaman to go and
wash in the Jordan, and to dip seven times. The
captain at first hesitated because the water was
muddy, but he finally complied with the request, and
was fully restored to health. The captain sought to
reward Elisha, but the prophet firmly refused to ac
cept any gift from the hands of Naaman.
But Gehazi, the servant of Elisha, possessed none
of the magnanimity and broadmindedness of his mas
ter. He saw an opportunity to possess for himself
some of the gifts that his master had refused. So
he hastily set out after the departure of Naaman,
and when he had overtaken him, by misrepresenta
tion he did secure some of the money and garments.
His covetousness, however, was not to bring happi-
15 H Kings 5.

58 THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
ness, for when Elisha became aware of this act of his
servant, he caused the leprosy of Naaman to cleave
unto his servant. What is the social meaning of this
incident ? We answer that happiness can never come
from covetousness. There are, also, in the secret
processes of acquiring what does not belong to us,
the elements of disloyalty, hypocrisy, and deceit.
These social sins lie at the base of social disorder,
, and make insecure the whole fabric of social life.
L— The social message of Elisha, like that of his pred
ecessor, was fragmentary and incomplete, but he
pointed the way for his great successors, some of
whom were soon to appear. The death of Elisha oc
curred only a few years before "the "appearance of
Amos, who was destined to give large attention to
social reforms. The end of the career of Elisha
brings to a close the_first great epoch .in Jewish
propnecy, often called the pre-literary period. This
eVent also marks the complete ascendency of the
prophet as the statesman and reformer of Israel and
Judah. Elisha lived to see the office of prophet re
stored to influence and power in the nation. The
prophets of the future, as we shall see, were des
tined to arouse the opposition of courts and people,
but never again were the prophets of Israel or Judah
to be ignored. Their influence, regardless of the un
popularity of their messages, was destined to exert a
profound influence on kings, courts, and people.
TOPICS FOR REPORTS AND INVESTIGATION
1. The International Relations of Israel in the Ninth
Century. 2. The Wisdom of the National Policy of Elijah.

OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS 59
3. A Comparative Study of the Miracles of Elijah
and Elisha.
4. The Political Influence of Elisha.
5. The Historical Interval Between Elisha and Amos.
FURTHER READINGS
Milligan's "Elijah, His Life and Times"; Farrar's
" First and Second Book of Kings," Vol. I and II (" Ex
positor's Bible ") ; Kent's " The Kings and Prophets of
Israel and Judah" ("The Historical Bible"), pp.
17-30; Chamberlin's "The Hebrew Prophets," Chap.
IV; Willett's "The Moral Leaders of Israel," pp. 59-84;
articles on Elijah and Elisha in encyclopedias and Bible
dictionaries.

CHAPTER V
AMOS OF TEKOA
Elisha died about 798 b. c, and almost fifty years
intervened before the birth of Amos. This period
marked the second important transition in Hebrew
history. The first distinct advance toward civiliza
tion was made when the Hebrews crossed the Jordan
into Canaan. Nomadic life gave way to agriculture.
Rural groups of fighting husbandmen gradually de
veloped into a barbaric kingdom. With this accom
plished, Israel was ready for the second step, which
occurred after the death of Elisha and before the
birth of Amos. We are now to see urban life de
velop and civic culture 1 for the first time emerge.
Each advancement towards civilization was marked
by difficulties and temptations. As we have seen,
the first stage brought the Hebrews into contact with
the shrines of Canaanitish gods, and endangered
monotheistic faith. We are now to see new dangers
confronting Israel. City communities developed
commerce and larger intercourse with foreign na-
i Davidson says that the stage of civic culture is marked by
"a gradual emancipation from institutions or a gradual de
velopment of individualism. Institutions do not disappear,
but man becomes master of them and rises to direct institutions
toward moral freedom." " History of Education," page 76.
The author, however, contends that the Hebrews did not at
tain civic culture until after the exile.
60

THE JEWISH PROPHETS 61
tions. " There were all the temptations of rapid
wealth," says G. A. Smith, " all the dangers of an
equally increasing poverty. The growth of comfort
among the rulers meant the growth of thoughtless
ness. Cruelty multiplied with refinement. The
upper classes were lifted away from feeling the real
woes of the people. There was a well-fed and san
guine patriotism, but at the expense of indifference
tc^ social sin and want. Religious zeal and liberality
increased, but they were coupled with the proud's
misunderstanding of God: an optimist faith without
moral insight or sympathy.
" It is all this which makes the prophets of the
eighth century so modern, while Elisha's life is still
so ancient. With him we are back in the times of
our own border wars — of Wallace and Bruce, with
their struggles for the freedom of the soil. With
Amos, we stand among the conditions of our own
day. The city has arisen. For the development of
the highest form of prophecy, the universal and
permanent form, there was needed that marvellously
unchanging mould of human life whose needs and
sorrows, whose sins and problems, are to-day the
same as they were all those thousands of years
ago." 2 AGE OF JEROBOAM II
Amos lived during the latter half of the long reign
of Jeroboam II, which began about 783 b. c. and con
tinued until 743 b. c, a period of forty years.3 He
was the fourth king of Israel belonging to the dy-
2 "Twelve Prophets" ("Expositor's Bible"), Vol. I, p. 34.
3 11 Kings 14: 23, 29.

62 THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
nasty of Jehu, and the most notable of his line.
Jehu, the founder of the dynasty, was a merciless re
former, and practically exterminated the worship of
Baal in his kingdom. His son, Jehoahaz, who fol
lowed him on the throne, suffered great loss of terri
tory because he was unable to defend it, for most of
the nation's warriors had been slain in the wars dur
ing his father's reign. A revival came to the nation
in the reign of Jehoash, the third king of the dy
nasty, who ascended the throne in 798 b. c. His
ability as a warrior enabled him to recover much of
the territory which had been wrested from his father
by Syria. Elisha had just died and this recovery of
territory was in accord with the prophet's dying
promise.4 The brilliant reign of Jeroboam II scarcely finds
a place in the historic record of Israelitish history.
Only eight verses in the biblical record are devoted
to this remarkable reign of forty years. But this is
supplemented fortunately by the contemporary utter
ances of the prophet Amos, who gives a rather de
tailed description of the social conditions of this
reign. We are somewhat prepared for Amos' denun
ciation of him, by the words : " he departed not from
all the sins of Jeroboam the son of Nebat, wherewith
he made Israel to sm," 5 for his reign was a grievous
and ignominious one.6 But, in spite of the social
wrongs with which he inflicted his people, he was suc
cessful in restoring the former territorial limits of
Israel. He lived to see his power extended from the
Dead Sea on the south to Hamath, which is located
ill Kings 13: 14-19. 6 1 Kings 14: 7-13.
oil Kings 14: 24.

OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS 63
between the Lebanon ranges, to the north. History
has often repeated this experience. Brilliant achieve
ments in arms and territorial expansion are accom
panied with internal deterioration in morals and so
cial relations. SKETCH OF AMOS
It was in the midst of this age of external splendor
that Amos was born in the village of Tekoa, a few
miles southeast of Jerusalem, in the kingdom of Ju
dah, about 759 b. c. We are told that at the time
of Amos " Tekoa was a place without sanctity and
almost without tradition." 7 The previous mention
of the village in history was in connection with its
fortification by Rehoboam, and the visit of a wise
woman to David, who came from this locality. Na
ture also had not been very generous to this sec
tion. The country round about was bare and deso
late. Doubtless most of the people lived scantily
upon the limited resources of this locality, for both
agriculture and fruit raising must have been greatly
restricted by the barren and rocky wastes. Amos,
in his conversation with the priest Amaziah, tells us
of his mode of living and his dual occupation. " I
was an herdsman, and a gatherer of sycamore
fruit." 8 The original rather implies an inferior
grade of sheep, and the fruit was a kind of fig that
never came to natural ripeness in the colder, ele
vated areas of Judah. We would judge from this
that Amos lived a rather isolated and precarious life.
Doubtless the visits to the various cities of the lo
cality to sell his meager products were the chief fac-
tG. A. Smith's "Twelve Prophets," Vol. I, p. 74.
s Amos 7: 14.

64 THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
tor in determining his wonderful career, for it was
in this way he came in contact with the luxury and
wealth of the cities, which he could not help contrast
ing with the poverty and hardships of his own people.
We have no way of knowing why he went to Bethel
to proclaim his message instead of to the nearer cities
of Bethlehem, Hebron, or Jerusalem. However,
neither of these cities was at a great distance, and
we may assume that he was reasonably familiar with
the social conditions of each for the reason, just
cited, that he had doubtless visited all of them in
seeking a market for his wool and fruit. We are
confronted also with the difficulty that he belonged
to Judah, and lived under the righteous reign of
King Uzziah,9 which was a period marked by great
prosperity and development. It might have been
that Amos did not feel that Judah was weak in so
cial responsibility, but if this was not the motive for
attempting reform here, instead of in Israel, we have
the other historical fact that because of the ancient
covenants of Israel there was a feeling of unity be
tween these countries, and the welfare of both was a
matter of concern to the reformers of either country.
THE SOCIAL MESSAGE OF AMOS
The austerity of life at Tekoa developed a sensi
tiveness in the mind of Amos to the life of the people
in the country as contrasted with that of the city.
Opportunity enabled him to contrast the luxury,
frivolities, dishonesty, immorality, and hypocrisy of
the cities with the hardships, poverty, and restricted
opportunities of the rural population. To lay bare
9 Amos 1: 1.

OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS 65
this condition and to quicken the consciences of the
rich was the mission of this great reformer. The
moral program of Amos may be said to comprehend
two great classes of social offences : (1) Interna
tional crimes against humanity; (2) national so
cial wrongs.
The great message of Amos begins with a cata
logue of the offences against humanity that had been
committed by the neighboring nations of Israel. A
specific sin is charged up to Syria, Philistia, Phoeni
cia, Edom, Amnion, and Moab ; and with a terrible
formulary introduction, " for three transgressions
— yea for four," he rebukes each in turn for its sin
of condemnation. Damascus is rebuked for cru
elty;10 Edom is execrated for violating a fraternal
covenant;11 the Ammonites are denounced because
they murdered helpless and defenseless women in
their wars of conquest. Finally, condemnation is
meted out to the Moabites for the barbarous act of
destroying the body of the king of Edom, who lost
his life in battle. In an age of inhumanity this
teacher of universal righteousness sets a twentieth
century standard of national and international in
tegrity, and calls the attention of Israel and Judah
to the heinous nature of such crimes, and. the thor
ough-going punishment to be meted out to each na
tion that disregards the responsibiltiy of interna
tional justice.
But can Judah and Israel congratulate themselves
that they are above reproach? No. The prophet
turns in the third chapter, with the use of this same
reproachful formula, to rebuke them for social sins
io Amos 1: 6. "Amos 1: 9.

66 THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
of. serious import. Even Judah, with its righteous
king and national prosperity, is charged with the
violation of law, and her people are charged with
lying and deceit.
Then follows the category of social wrongs which
Amos describes with rather great detail, for he was
familiar with the internal conditions in his own
country : (1) EXTORTION
" They have sold the righteous for silver, and the
needy for a pair of shoes." 12
" Hear this, 0 ye that would swallow up the needy,
and cause the poor of the land to fail, saying, when
will the new moon be gone, that we may sell grain?
And the Sabbath, that we may set forth wheat, mak
ing the ephah small, and the shekel great, and dealing
falsely with balances of deceit; that we may buy the
poor for silver, and the needy for a pair of shoes, and
sell the refuse of the wheat? " 13
Two kinds of extortion are referred to in this in
dictment. The first relates to the condemnation of
the innocent by unscrupulous judges. They have
sold the righteous (used in a judicial, not a moral,
sense) for money. The judge would deliver to the
creditor as a slave the poor man who could not pay
even for a pair of shoes, and justify his decree by
the Levitical law.14 The second indictment is of the
rich for coveting the small possessions of the poor.
Amos takes time to indicate the method used by rich
and powerful men of the nation to gain possession
of the earnings of the poor. They are so covetous
12 Amos 2: 6. is Amos 8: 4-7. "Lev. 25 : 39

OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS 67
that they can scarcely wait until the feast days (until
the new moon is over) to begin their corrupt bar
gaining.15 The method used to defraud was to give
small measure (" ephah"), and by increasing the
price, making the shekel great, and also by the use
of false scales or scales used to deceive. Not satis
fied with their corrupt methods, they would sell the
bad grain, for this was before the days of pure food !
and pure seed laws. By this method the poor man
became poorer, until he would either be compelled
to sell himself to the rich man to relieve his debts,16
or by a decree of the court be turned over to the
creditor because of inability to meet his obligations.
Thus the court became the willing servants of the ,
wealthy aristocracy. (2) IMMORALITY
Shameless immorality was a second charge made
by Amos, and this was practiced in connection with
religious rites. " A man and his father go unto the
same maiden, to profane My holy name, and theyt
lay themselves down beside every altar upon clothes
taken in pledge, and in the house of their God they
drink wine of such as have been fined." 17 G. A.
Smith ls calls this a " riot of sin ; the material of
is " Chodesh, the new moon, was a holiday on which all
trade was suspended, j ust as it was on the Sabbath." — Kiel
and Delitzsch's " Commentary on the Minor Prophets," Vol.
I, p. 315.
i6 It was a well-established Hebrew statute that raiment
taken in pledge was to be returned each night (Ex. 22: 26),
but the usurers and licentious people shamelessly violated this
humane law.
it Amos 2: 8.
is "Twelve Prophets" ("Expositor's Bible"), Vol. 1, p.
137.

68 THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
their revels is the miseries of the poor, its stage the
house of God." This is a horrible and repulsive
indictment, but it is one of the by-products of civil
ization that has manifested itself in every age when
populations become congested in thickly-inhabited
centers. (3) CORRUPTION IN CITIES
The corrupt practices that had developed in the
cities caused the prophet to warn the people to avoid
even the religious centers. " But seek not Bethel,
nor enter into Gilgal, and pass not to Beer-sheba;
for Gilgal shall surely go into captivity, and Bethel
shall come to naught." 19 This " back to the coun
try " admonition reveals the prophet's belief in the
degenerating influences of city life. He had seen
idolatrous worship and immorality develop in the
most religious centers, and he became convinced that
a pure faith and a wholesome moral life were im
possible under such conditions.
(4) CLASS INEQUALITY AND OPPRESSION
Amos attributes inequality of opportunity and the
practice of oppression to the injustice in court ad
ministration. " For I know your manifold trans
gressions, and your mighty sins; they afflict the just,
they take a bribe, and they turn aside in the gate
from their right." 20 This condition made it pos
sible for the rich to " tread upon the poor, and take
the distribution of corn from him." 21
The men were not alone in their oppressions.
The women, too, were guilty, and against them Amos
i» Amos 5: 5. 20 Amos 5: 12. 21 Amos 5: 11.

OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS 69
makes use of the most scornful words. " Hear this
word, ye kine [cows] of Bashan, that are in the
mountain of Samaria, which oppress the poor, which
crush the needy, which say to their masters, Bring,
and let us drink." 22 The analogy is a rough one,
but it expressed a herdsman's conception of the rich
and voluptuous women who trampled on the weaker
and less fortunate — thoughtless of the rights of
others. CONDEMNATION OF WASTEFUL LUXURY
Amos looked upon all the evidences of conspicu
ous luxury with disapproval, for he saw in it all the
iU-gotten gain of a privileged class. The prophet
• could not believe that Jehovah would allow this opu
lent class to enjoy the fruits of their ill-gotten gain.
" And I will smite the winter house with the summer
house; and the houses of ivory shall perish, and the
great houses shall have an end, saith the Lord." 23
" Ye have built houses of hewn stone, but ye shall
not dwell in them; ye have planted pleasant vine
yards, but ye shall not drink wine of them." 24
Again he pictures, in another connection, the irre
sponsibility and luxurious ease of this class: " Ye
that put away the evil day and cause the seat of
violence to come near; that lie upon beds of ivory,
and stretch yourselves upon your couches, and eat
the lambs out of the flocks, and the calves out of the
midst of the stall; that sing idle songs to the sound of
viol and that drink wine in bowls, and anoint with
the chief oils." 25 The terms used by Amos indicate
22 Amos 4: 1. 24 Amos 5: 11.
23 Amos 3: 15. 25 Amos 6: 4-6.

70 THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
that Hebrew^ciyilization comprehended a leisure class
that possessed all the attributes" of " conspicuous
leisure"^ and "conspicuous consumption "so vividly
described by Veblin.26
It was but natural that such indictments and
prophecies of destruction should create a sensation
and arouse violent opposition on the part of the rich
and idle class. We naturally expect such a class to
have its defenders, men who themselves have profited
by the system under condemnation.
PRIEST VS. PROPHET
The protest of Amaziah, the priest of Bethel, is
an illustration of this type of zealous defender.
"Amos has conspired against thee, in the midst of
the house of Israel, the land is not able to bear all
his words," was the message of Amaziah_Jo his king,
and he doubtless voiced the,feeling__of_all .the class
against whom Amos was hurling his merciless^ana-
themas. But the protest of Amaziah is interesting
from another viewpoint. It illustrates the attitude
of the official priests of the day. For more than a
century the chasm between priest and prophet had
been widening.27 By the time of Amos the differ
ences had become so greaT"asto constitute a strug
gle for supremacy between ritualistic formalism and
vital religious conviction. These differences re
sulted in the priestly class becoming the conserva
tives, and the prophetic class the radicals. The
prophets became the protestants and the priests the
26 " The Theory of the Leisure Class," Chap. Ill, and IV.
27 See Baldwin's "Our Modern Debt to Israel," Chap. IV,
for a splendid discussion of the office of the priest in Jewish
society.

OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS 71
defenders of the established order. It was natural
for the priests to constitute a popular and influ
ential class in Jewish society. They pleased the rul
ing classes by defending the accepted social order,
and they directed the routine of public worship and
interpreted the law. This identified them with the
rulers in a more intimate way than could possibly
exist with either the prophets or the sages. The
priests had also profited by the extortion and in
justice of the age, and they felt called upon to de
fend the system that meant profit to them. Amos
and Amaziah may be said to represent typically the
two respective classes here described. Professor
Jordan says that " Amos and Amaziah represent two
different worlds, worlds that are always in conflict,
and that can never understand each other. The
courtier, the representative of luxury, fashion, and
convenience, stands now face to face with a stern,
strong man, who is a type of the simplicity of re
ligion and the supremacy of conscience." 28 The
verbal conflict between these two men is one of the
most interesting incidents contained in the book of
Amos.29 GENERAL SOCIAL CONTENT
While it is easy to see that Amos was more con
cerned with the specific imperfections of the social
order, his message contains a general social content
of great importance. Social justice and righteous
ness were inseparable. 'Both were the product of an
ethical like-mindedness. " Shall two walk together,
except they have agreed? " 30 " Seek good and not
28 Prophetic Ideas and Ideals, p. 17. 29 Amos 7: 10-17.
ao Amos 3: 3.

72 THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
evil that ye may live." 31 " Let justice roll down as
waters, and righteousness as a mighty stream." 32
In the first of these great statements, we Have the
genesis of what the sociologists now call like-minded-
ness. Giddings 33 has called this particular type
" dogmatic like-mimdedness," or the type that is pro
duced by the strong partisan or social reformer.
Amos sought to produce a solidarity of effort for the
promotion of goodness. He thought the possibility
of this rested upon the establishment of justice
(" mishpat ") , and he thought this was possible only
by reforming the courts, which were controlled by the
upper dasses^^The problem is fundamental and of
unusually^wide application. The age-long social
problem has been to prevent some members of society
from using others as the means to the accomplishment
of selfish ends. Hoffding expresses this thought as
follows :" " A society of human personalities can be
perfect only when none of its members uses others as
mere means, and when no portion of the personality
of any individual member is unsymmetrically favored
or repressed." 34
The conclusion of Amos as to the content of moral
conduct agrees with this statement, and there is
every indication that this prophet realized fully the
nature of this content. He sought to indicate the
value of the details of life that made up the activi
ties of men, which was not a difficult task in his time.
It is remarkable that after all these centuries we find
3i Amos 5: 14. 32 Amos 5: 24.
33 Professor Giddings classes like-mindedness as follows:
(a) instinctive, (b) sympathetic, (c) dogmatic, (d) delibera
tive. See "Inductive Sociology," Chap. IV, pp. 133-154.
3i."Ethik," p. 200.

OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS 73
the social categories of Amos still valid. His mes
sage is still vital and applicable. We are endan
gered by the same sins that Amos was compelled to
condemn. Warring nations in this good year
(1916) have been condemned for crimes similar to
those charged up to the neighboring nations of Is
rael. Domestic wrongs current in the time of Amos
are still practiced in our day. Nations, as well as
individuals, need to heed the admonitions of Amos
to " seek good and not evil." The message of this
early Jewish prophet, therefore, is a warning and
an admonition to us. We can well afford to heed it.
TOPICS FOR REPORTS AND INVESTIGATION
1. Sketch of the Life of Amos.
2. The Significance of the Visions of Amos in Chap
ters Seven and Eight.
3. The Prophetic Element in Amos.
4. Historic Sketch of Israel and Judah in the Time
of Amos.
5. Religious Ideals of Amos.
FURTHER READINGS
Jordan's "Prophetic Ideas and Ideals," pp. 17-26;
Kirkpatrick's " The Doctrine of the Prophets," pp.
83-108; Cornill's " The Prophets of Israel," pp. 37-46;
George Adam Smith's " Book of the Twelve Prophets,"
Vol. 1, pp. 61-196; Kent's " The Kings and Prophets of
Israel and Judah " (" The Historical Bible "), pp.
53-79; Baldwin's "Our Modern Debt to Israel," Chap.
IV, pp. 95-133; Sanders and Kent's "The Messages of
the Earlier Prophets," pp. 23-44; G. Campbell Morgan's
"Living Messages of the Books of the Bible" (Genesis
to Malachi), pp. 197-211; articles on Amos in encyclo
pedias and Bible dictionaries.

CHAPTER VI
HOSEA BEN BEERI
Hosea began to prophesy in Israel in less than a
decade after the close of the public ministry of Amos.
Conditions had not materially changed during this
short interval. The two prophets analyzed the so
cial situation in about" the same way, but each had
his own particular remedy to apply in the reform
movement of the times. Social justice is the most
emphatic element in the program of Amos. In
Hosea, knowledge x and the quality of mercy as the
attribute of God are predominant. Justice and
mercy are the attributes of the God of both prophets,
but they do not give equal emphasis to them.
These prophets differed widely in inheritance, early
environment, and temperament. This produced in
Amos the intellectuality that caused him to magnify
the ethical element, while the emotional nature of
Hosea resulted in an appeal to religious sentiment.
The two supplemented each other admirably.
DECLINE AND FALL OF ISRAEL
Hosea lived during troublous times. He has been
called the " Jeremiah of Israel," for he was jthe
prophet of the decline and fall of the kingdom of
Israel, just as Jeremiah was the prophet of the de-
i Hos. 4: 6. ,- 74

THE JEWISH PROPHETS 75
cline and fall of Judah. Bible scholars generally
agree that the sermons of Hosea were delivered be
tween 750 b. c. and the capture of Samaria in 722
b. c This would bring a part of his message 2 into
the period covered by the closing days of Jeroboam
II. Evidently the social offenses which Amos con
demned so strongly had begun to undermine the life
of Israel, and the calamities and penalties which he
prophesied had begun to come upon the nation.
The victory ol Zechariah, the son of Jeroboam, on
the classic battle field of Jezreel, brought to a close
the reign of the house of Jehu.
The twenty .years that followed the death of this
great king were years of rapid moral decay and po
litical confusion. Zechariah, the son of King Jere
boam, followed him on the throne, but he was as
sassinated by Shellum ben Jabesh after a reign of
about six months. He in turn was slain in about a
month by Menehem ben Gadi. Menehem held the
throne for six or seven years, but in order to do so he
was compelled to impoverish his people by collecting
from them large sums with which he paid tribute to
the Assyrian king. The words contained in the
second part 3 of Hosea were doubtless spoken during
this period. Political decay had inevitably followed
the moral decay described by both Amos and Hosea.
The latter summed up the political condition in two
striking, epigrammatic sentences. " Ephraim, he
mixeth himself among the people." " Ephraim is a i
cake not turned." 4
The first of these sentences describes the failure of
Israel's foreign policy; the second was designed as
2Hos. Chapters 1-3. 3 Hos. 4: 14. *Hos. 7: 8.

76 THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
a satire on the social conditions at home. Why was
Israel called upon in these evil days to pay tribute?
Because the nation had failed to use the strength
that came to her by virtue of having the true God
to worship, and had followed after the gods of other
nations. In so doing national strength was sacri
ficed, and the opportunity for international su
premacy was lost. Instead of drawing the other na
tions up to the standard required by the supreme
|God, Israel sank to the level of worshiping false gods.
fin this way Ephraim mixed himself with other na
tions. The figure of the unturned cake may mean one of
several things, according to George Adams Smith.5
(1) It may refer to social inequality of the people
— one-half of whom were too poor, the other half too
jrich. (2) It may mean dissemination of religion —
they retained it for their temples, but neglected it
in their daily living. (3) It may allude to Israel's
politics, in which hasty policies were undertaken
which resulted disastrously in the end. Or (4) the
j prophet may have had in mind the imperfect culture
of Israel in which there were superficiality and exag-
¦ geration. It is not improbable that he had in mind
all of these conditions. In other figures in this chap
ter the history of the period is satirized. In each
there is an illusion to the fatal decline of the nation
and the cause of its final doom.
LIFE OF HOSEA
Very little is known about the early life of Hosea.
We are told that he was the son of Beeri.6 There is
= "Twelve Prophets" ("Expositor's Bible"), Vol. I, p. 273.
6 Hos. 1:1.

OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS 77
some evidence in his utterances that would lead to the
conclusion that he was a native of the northern king
dom, for he speaks of " our king," referring to the
king of Israel.7 Hosea was a younger man than
Amos, and we cannot be certain that he ever heard
this great preacher of righteousness on the streets
of Bethel or Samaria, but it is not improbable that
he at least knew intimately of the great work of his
predecessor. Professor Willet 8 suggests that this
prophet was possibly a man not only of culture, but
of opulence, and that he may have been a member of
the priestly class. This conclusion is hardly sup
ported by any specific utterance of the prophet, but
we are justified in the conclusion that he was the
prophet of love, and that his patriotism was guided
by a remarkable insight into the political and moral
conditions of his country.
The one great fact of certainty in his life is that
of his unhappy and disastrous marriage. The first
division of the book 9 narrates this sad experience,
and illustrates one social ideal of Hosea, his concep
tion of the sanctity of the marriage relation. We
are told that he was married to a young woman by
the name of Gomer, the daughter of a certain Dib-
laim. He probably procured his wife by purchase,
which was in conformity to established custom.
Perhaps this marriage in the beginning held out all
the promise that the young husband could have de
sired. It is not improbable that the young wife pos-#
sessed many of the attributes that a high-minded
i Hos. 7: 5.
s " The Moral Leaders of Israel," Part II, p. 26.
» Hos. Chapters 1-3.

78 THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
young man would expect to find in the woman of his
choice. But Hosea had not yet measured the se
ductive charm and the licentious practices that had
gained headway in the religious ceremonies of the
day, and he little dreamed how these rites were to
fascinate his wife, and cause her to neglect her home
and forget the obligations of her domestic ties. In
the great religious centers of Bethel, Gilgal, and
Dan, and in the high places, religious ceremonies
continued during the decline, but the form of wor
ship had degenerated. The feasts which were held
under religious sanction were little better than
orgies. These practices reacted on the whole moral
fiber of the national life. The tragedy in the home
of Hosea may be traced to these immoral conditions.
Time went on, and three children, two sons and
one daughter, were born into the home of this couple.
By direction of the Lord the first boy was called
Jezreel. It seems natural that this happy and con
tented family should give this child the name of the
peaceful valley that extended in the distance from
their home. It could not have been foreseen then
that a new meaning would be given this name in a
few years when the bloody battle of Jezreel was to
be fought there as the result of which the strength
of the northern kingdom would be broken. But
this prophet soon realized that other affections and
interests were striving against those of his home,
and that the wife was fast yielding to these tempta
tions. So, when the second child, a daughter, was
born, the husband had become fully aware of his
wife's neglect of her domestic duties. He therefore
named the girl " Lo-ruhamah" " the uncared-for."

OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS 79
By the time the third child was born into this house
hold, Hosea had become fully aware that his wife
was unfaithful and that he no longer possessed her
affections, so this child was given the sinister name
of " Lo-ammi," " no-kin-of-mime." Six years had
probably intervened between the marriage of Hosea
and the birth of this third child. The crisis had
come1_ The wife abandoned her home. Her descent
to degradation and infamy was rapid. Hosea may
have watched it with great sorrow, for he was doubt
less aware of her life and conduct even after she had
left her home. Her complete humiliation finally
came — ¦ she was to be sold in the slave market.
\While she had sacrificed all right to his protection,
istill this man could not forget that she was his wife,
and he went into the slave market and bought back
this woman for fifteen pieces of silver and a homer
and a half of barley. In defiance of established cus
tom and public opinion, he restored her to his home
and placed her under his loving protection.
The significance of this narrative is two-fold: In
the first place, the infidelity of his wife caused him
to see the analogy between his own condition and
that of the infidelity of Israel toward God. He be
gan to understand the command of Jehovah, " Go,
take unto thee a wife of whoredom and children of
whoredom, for the land doth commit great whore
dom, departing from Jehovah."10 He began to
realize that Israel is the unfaithful wife, Jehovah
the devoted husband. It gradually dawned upon
him that his people had been untrue to God, and
that it was his mission to declare unto them the love
10 Hos. Is 2.

80 THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
of God, and to plead with them not to desert the true
God and go out after false gods. In the second
place, we have presented the terrible consequences re
sulting from the dissolution of the family. We see
that social integrity depends on the permanence of
the home. In an age of moral decline, ideals of the
marriage relation as held and exemplified by Hosea
were in marked contrast to the common conceptions
of the age. He did not lay down any rules govern
ing the relations of members one toward another, but
he described the experience of a husband and father
with right ideals, which he strongly contrasted with
the conduct of a wife and mother with wrong ideals.
1 His preeminent social message to his and all future
ages is that marriage vows involve eternal obliga
tions, and to regard them lightly means to undermine
human society. HOSEA'S SOCIAL MESSAGE
The social message in part one of Hosea has been
sufficiently indicated in the preceding paragraph.
In the second division of his book (chapters four to
fourteen) we find a category of social wrongs on the
part of the" people that indicates the deepest moral
depravity and the greatest disregard of the prin
ciples of social justice. The order of treatment
leads us to believe that the decay in family integrity,
of which his own domestic tragedy was an example,
may have been regarded as the source of most of the
social derelictions that came upon the people of Is
rael. The array is an imposing one. Chapter
seven is literally a summary of a nation's social de
feats, and in itself supplies a study in social pathol-

OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS 81
ogy. But this chapter alone does not cbmprehend
all the social diseases with which Israel was afflicted.
George Adams Smith u thus describes the social
conditions of Israel at this time : " It is not only,
as in Amos, the sins of the luxurious, of them that
are at ease in Zion, which were exposed ; also literal
bloodshed; highway robbery with murder, abetted
by the priests ; 12 ' the thief breaketh in and the rob
ber-troop maketh a raid.' " 13 Sanders and Kent 14
thus describe these conditions : " Go into any of
their cities, — as, for example, Gilead, — and you
may see the bloody footprints of the murderer; as
sassins lie in wait for their victims ; and, greater hor
ror still, on the road to Shechem a band of priests
are carrying on organized highway robbery. A
gross licentiousness also is corrupting all the people
of Israel. . . . Note also the wickedness and the
treachery which is openly countenanced in the court.
A consuming passion inflames all. You are, alas,
familiar with the sickening picture of the king,
shamelessly holding court attended by drunken, un
scrupulous cut-throats, waiting only for a favorable
opportunity to murder their royal master, who him
self has mounted the throne by the use of the as
sassin's knife."
The prophet was not without hope for the people
of Israel, although he denounced their evil ways in
the most scathing terms. He still felt the effective
power of religion. Hosea did not complain that the
people were without religion, but that their religion
"11" Twelve Prophets" ("Expositor's Bible"), Vol. I, p. 216.
12 Hos. 6: 8-9.
is Hos. 7: 1.
i* " The Message of the Earlier Prophets," p. 62.

82 THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
was ineffective,, because, insincere and fojcmaL— They
could not get thelesson, " / will have mercy and not
sacrifice." 15 Sanctuaries and sacrifices have no
x x meaning except as they symbolize the love and sac-
fice of God, and impel men thereby to live nobler
lives. " Mercy," to the prophet, " may be said to
concern religion, morality, or philanthropy. It has
to do with all because in his view these are only dif
ferent aspects of the same life. He met a religion
that was divorced from morality and philanthropy
and he refused to acknowledge that this was a reli
gion in any sense." The prophets never conceived.
that religion and morality could be separated, and
Hosea waSf no "exception to "the rule; -
But this prophet could not harmonize piety and
patriotism in the national life of Israel. Religion
could not withstand the onslaughts of worldly pros
perity. The ideals of domestic life had given place
to infidelity. Untruthfulness, stealing, debauchery,
drunkenness, and robbery had overcome the basic
virtues on which religion depended. The results
were inevitable. In 722 b. c Samaria paid the pen
alty for unwise policies and immoral practices. We
are told 16 that the king of Assyria besieged Samaria
for three years, and that at the end of that time, in
the ninth (or last) year of the reign of Hoshea, the
city fell and Israel was " carried away."
The social teaching of Hosea concerning Israel in
these closing days is supplemented by a kind of ap
pendix which follows the historical record in Kings.17
Their disobedience is described, their willingness to
go off after false gods, and the erection of high
ie Hos. 6: 6. 16 II Kings 17: 5-6. "II Kings 17: 7-2f

OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS 83
places, as well as the worship of idols, and the author
does not fail to tell of the efforts of the prophets to
call them back to the worship of the true God, and
to admonish them to forsake their evil ways.
TOPICS FOR REPORTS AND INVESTIGATION
1. A Character Study of Hosea.
2. A Contrast of Amos and Hosea.
3. The History of Assyria in the Eighth Century
before Christ.
4. The Literary Features of the Book of Hosea.
5. A Study of the Use of the term " Ephraim " in the
Book of Hosea.
FURTHER READINGS
Willett's " The Prophets of Israel," Chap. VI, p. 53 ;
Petrie's " Israel's Prophets," Chap. IV, p. 53 ; Cornill's
"The Prophets of Israel," pp. 44—55; Kirkpatrick's
" The Decline of the Prophets," Lecture V, pp. 109-162;
Chamberlain's " The Hebrew Prophets," Chap. VIII,
pp. 89-100; Copass' "The Message of Hosea"; San
ders and Kent's " The Messages of the Earlier Proph
ets," pp. 47-76 ; G. Campbell Morgan's " Living Mes
sages of the Books of the Bible " (Genesis to Malachi),
pp. 165-179; Mitchell's "Ethics of the Old Testa
ment," Chap. X, pp. 125-132; G. A. Smith's "Twelve
Prophets" ("Expositor's Bible,") Vol. I; articles on
Hosea in Bible dictionaries and encyclopedias.

CHAPTER VII
ISAIAH OF JERUSALEM
The center of prophetic influence is now to change
from the capital of the northern to that of the south-
ern kingdom. All previous prophetic leaders had
: belonged to the nation as a whole or to Israel alone.
Hosea was peculiarly the prophet ,of Israel. Un
like Amos, he seems to have had no message for other
countries contiguous to his own. The problems of
j his people absorbed his entire thought. But with
') the fall of Samaria, the prophetic influence of the
north came to a close, and our study will now be
shifted to Jerusalem as a center, and to Isaiah as the
mighty voice proclaiming righteousness and hope.
The activities of Isaiah extended over a period of
about forty years (740-701). We are reminded
again that Samaria fell in 722 b. c Isaiah, there
fore, was a contemporary of Hosea, and doubtless
knew much of the moral and social conditions of the
northern kingdom in the sad days just preceding the
fall of Samaria, but most of the important work of
this great prophet came after the capture of Sa
maria and the fall of the northern kingdom.
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
Isaiah lived during the reigns of Uzziah (or Aza-
riah), Jotham, Ahaz, and Hezekiah. The character
84

THE JEWISH PROPHETS 85
of Uzziah's reign is recorded in Kings 1 and more
fully in Chronicles.2 He seems to have been an ag
gressive king, for he extended the possessions of the
kingdom, erected public buildings, increased the
fortifications of Jerusalem, and constructed towers
both in the capital and elsewhere in his kingdom.
He also greatly strengthened the standing army of
the country. Stock raising and farming received
attention at his hands. The contraction of leprosy
brought his active reign to a close, and gradually his
son, Jotham, acquired the reins of government. Uz-
ziah died in 739 b. c, and his son became the sover
eign in his own right.
Jotham reigned sixteen years,3 and his reign was
an attempt to carry out the policies of his father.
We are told in the brief record of his reign in Kings
that he did permit the local sanctuaries to continue,
but these had also been permitted to continue in the
reign of his father.
Jotham was followed on the throne by his son !
Ahaz, who was quite a different type of ruler. He
reversed the order of things. He desecrated the
house of the Lord, revived the rites of Baal-worship,
restored the high places to their former importance,
and even introduced the horrible heathen Phoenician
custom of human sacrifice. The brief record * of
these practices reveals an administration completely
devoid of the conscious responsibility and public
trust imposed by this king's forefathers. The first
of the Assyrian invasions of Judah by Tiglath-pileser
II occurred in 734—732 b. c. while Ahaz sat on the
H Kings 15: 1-7. UI Kings 15: 34.
2 11 Chron. 26. * II Kings 16: 1-4.

86 THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
throne. We cannot be certain of the date of this
king's death, but it was probably not far from 716
b. c. Happily Hezekiah again reversed the order
' of things, and, while not a strong or great leader,
« he did administer his kingdom with a view to the
\ restoration of the religion of Jehovah. The weak
ness of Hezekiah's reign will be discussed in connec
tion with the political policies and reforms of Isaiah.
It is sufficient to state here that Sennacherib, king
of Assyria, overran Judah in 701 ; and, according
to this Assyrian king, forty-six of Hezekiah's cities
were taken, 200,150 of his people were carried into
captivity, and the entire country ravaged and laid
waste. Isaiah also gives a vivid description of the
siege of Jerusalem during this invasion in chapters
thirty-six and thirty-seven.
Judah had suffered the fate of her kinsman of the
north. The reasons were also similar. Each had
been untrue, to the worship of Jehovah, immorality
had absorbed. the vitality of the nation, and their
kings had been devoted to their own selfish pleasures
rather than to patriotic public service.
SKETCH OF ISAIAH
As with most of the prophets, little is known of the
personal life of Isaiah. He was the son of a certain
Amoz,5 and a native of Jerusalem. Tradition rep
resents him as a member of a royal family, but doubt
less this is due to the otherwise unexplainable fact
that he was influential with the rulers and politi
cal leaders of his country, which would have been
sisa. 1: 1.

OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS 87
regarded as unusual under any other condition.
His active service as a prophet .and servant of God
began jn 739 b. c. — the year of the death of King
Uzziah. For the next forty years he was destined
to be a commanding figure in the history of Judah.
His greatest service was rendered in the reigns of
Ahaz and Hezekiah. During the reign of the former
hechided him for arrogant self-confidence and con
demned him for infidelity to public trust; the latter
he advised concerning unwise policies, and encour
aged when in despair. In the language of Kirk-.
patrick 6 "He was the fearless censor of the faith-!
less and cowardly Ahaz, the trusted counselor of the
well-intentioned though vacillating Hezekiah."
Isaiah was married, and we know of at least two
of his children because of the significance of their
names. In fact, there is importance attached to the
name of Isaiah also. His name means " Jehovah's
deliverance," and is important in the light of his
mission and the task of the man. " Shear-yashub "
is the name of one child,7 and means " A remnant
shall return," which is characteristic of the hope of
Isaiah for his people. We are told that he named
a son " Maher-shalalrhash-baz," which means
" Hasten-booty-speed-spoil," which was a reminder
of the speedy downfall of Samaria and Damascus.8
We are also told that his wife was a prophetess,9 but
of her prophetic work we know nothing.
We have no authentic record of the manner or
date of Isaiah's death. He probably survived the
conquest of Sennacherib and his forces over Judah,
6 " The Doctrine of the Prophets," p. 146.
7 Isa. 7: 3. » Isa. 8: 1-4. « Isa. 8: 3.

88 THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
but as to just how long, we have no information.
There is a Jewish tradition that he lived until the
reign of Manasseh (686-641), and that he was put
to death in a very cruel manner by this king.
THE SOCIAL MESSAGE OF ISAIAH
It is thought best in this discussion to cull the so
cial message of Isaiah from the first thirty-nine chap
ters of his book, leaving the other twenty-seven
chapters for a second and later study of the subject,
as it is generally conceded by biblical scholars that
Isaiah of Jerusalem could not have written these
latter chapters. In fact, about twelve of the chap
ters included in the first thirty-nine are usually not
attributed to Isaiah, because they are thought to
presume historic incidents which are later than
Isaiah's time. These conclusions, however, are
rather assumed in this discussion than defended, as
it is not the purpose of this study to enter into a
discussion of controversial points which have little
bearing on the social message to be analyzed.
Neither is it necessary specifically to discuss the
social message of Isaiah by epochs. It may be safely
concluded that the social problems which attracted
his attention were vital matters during his entire
time. However, the three great problems that espe
cially impressed him were called to public attention
in the early part of his public ministry in the reign
of Jotham, and recorded in his prophecies.10 These
questions relate (1) to the distribution and proper
use of land; n (2) the liquor question; 12 and (3)
the question relating to the " conspicuous consump-
io Isa. 2: 5. " Isa. 5: 8. 12 Isa. 5j 11.

OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS 89
tion " of women.13 But these social conditions
were not peculiar to Jotham's reign. They were
doubtless matters of serious social concern during
the entire period covered by the life of the great
prophet. For instance, the contemptuous severity
with which he pictures the thoughtless and idle women
as recorded in chapter thirty-two, verses nine to
twelve, came at a much later date than the denuncia
tion referred to in chapter five, but evidently this
was a perpetual social problem that gave this re
former great concern throughout his public min
istry. George Adam Smith 14 thus describes and com
ments on the two leading sins against which Isaiah
proclaimed : " It is with remarkable persistence that
in every civilization the two main passions of the
human heart, love of wealth and love of pleasure, the
instinct to gather and the instinct to squander, have
sought precisely these two forms denounced by Isaiah
in which to work their social havoer^ appropriation
of the soil and indulgence in strong drink. Every
civilized community develops sooner or later its land-
question and its liquor-question." With equal per
sistence do we find in every country a tendency on
the part of women to yield to the vanity of dress
and to covet idle ease and needless extravagance.
Isaiah's indictments of all three of these social sins
are matters of interest, importance, and universal
application. He brings home to the women the folly of their
extravagance by giving an inventory of the jewelry/
13 Isa. 3: 11.
i* "Isaiah" ("Expositor's Bible"), Vol. I, p. 41.

90 THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
and the costumes worn in fashionable circles : " Tink
ling ornaments about their feet, and their cauls, and
their round tires like the moon, the chains and the
bracelets, and the mufflers, the bonnets, and the orna
ments of the legs, and the headbands, and the ear
rings, the rings, and nose jewels, the changeable
suits of apparel, and the mantles, and the wimples,
and the crisping pins, the glasses, and the fine linen,
and the hoods and the veils." 15 He also describes
with severe language the conduct of these women
upon the streets of the capitol : " The daughters of
Zion are haughty, and walk with stretched-forth-
necks and wanton eyes, walking and mincing as they
go, and making a tinkling with their feet." 16 In
another place, he pleads with these society women to
hear his voice and predicts that " many days and
years shall ye be troubled, ye careless women, for the
vintage shall fail, the gathering shall not come." it '
Isaiah seems to have attributed two besetting sins
to the women of his day. Luxury had developed a
spirit of" barbaric display and immodest egotism.
Idleness ha(T produced an indifference to the rights
of others. The sense of social responsibility was
lost. Arrogance was coupled with greed- Sympa
thy for Suffering humanity had disappeared. In
such a soil, pride of conquest at any cost, personal
revenge for neglect, dissimulation in love, and his
torical sentimentality find all the constituents for
rapid growth. This condition had attracted the .at
tention of Amps in his day, and caused him to apply
one of his most cutting phrases in describing these
women as the kine of Bashan — a drove of cows,
« Isa. 3: 18ff. 16 Isa. 3: 16.

OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS 91
stupid, heedless of things under their feet and
thoughtless of the morrow. Isaiah, with the same
discrimination, but in greater detail, describes the
women of Judah, and warns them of the consequences
of their conduct.
Isaiah's second great indictment was against the
privileged class that had acquired possession of vast
estates by dispossessing the poor yeomen of their
ancestral possessions. Against such injustice the
prophet pronounces woe: " Woe unto them that
join house to house, that annex field to field, and ye
are left to dwell alone in the midst of the land." 1T
Isaiah does not pause to explain the method by which
this was accomplished. He is more concerned with
the effects. We know, however, from Amos and
Micah, that it was accomplished by unjust evictions
and disinheritances. History has repeated this so-
ciaTin justice many times. Two such cases will illus
trate. In the Roman struggle between the patricians
and plebeians, there was finally passed, over the
strongest protest of the patricians, an agrarian law,
drawn by Spurius Cassius, which compelled a just
distribution of the public lands and prevented the
noble class from dispossessing the plebeians. The
earlier licinian laws (367 b. c) and the later agrarian
laws of Tiberius Gracchus (133 b. c.) had a similar
purpose. Turning from Rome to England, we find
that this has been an important problem from very
early times. We are told by Green that " riots
against enclosures, of which we first hear in the time
of Henry the Sixth and which became a constant fea
ture of the Tudor period, are indications not only
" Isa. 5: 8.

92 THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
of perpetual strife going on in every quarter between
the land owners and the smaller peasant class, but
of a mass of social discontent which was to seek con
stant outlets in violence and revolution."
With a vision infinitely clearer than that pos
sessed by modern social and political reformers,
Isaiah saw the results of such a land policy. To
him there could be but one result — depopulation and
diminished production. " Many houses shall be deso
late, even great and fair, without inhabitant. Yea,
ten acres of vineyard shall yield one bath, and the
seed of an homer shall yield an ephah." 18
Isaiah turns from the social sin of land disposses
sion to that of intemperance, and the heaviest woe
of all is pronounced upon " those that rise up early
in the morning, that they may follow strong drink;
that continue until night, till wine 19 inflame them." 20
" Therefore as the fire devoureth the stubble, and the
flame consumeth the chaff, so their root shall be as
rottenness, and their blossom shall go up as dust." 21
Language could hardly be stronger than this. The
comment of George Adams Smith 22 on this passage
is worthy of recall :
" The crusade against drink is not the novel thing
that many imagine who observe only its late revival
among ourselves. In ancient times there was scarcely
a state in which prohibitive legislation of the most
stringent kind was not attempted, and generally car-
is Isa. 5: 9, 10.
i» The Hebrew word here translated wine is yayin. That it
was an intoxicant is proved by its use in such passages as Gen.
9: 20-21; 19: 32-33, and I Sam. 1: 14. The word recurs about
150 times in the Old Testament. 20 Isa. 5: 11 S.
21 Isa. 5: 24. 22 Isa. i-xxxix, p. 45.

OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS 93
ried out with a thoroughness more possible under
despots than where, as with us, the slow consent of
public opinion is necessary. A horror of strong
drink has in every age possessed those who, from their
position as magistrates or prophets, have been able
to follow for any distance the drift of social life.
Isaiah exposes as powerfully as ever any of them did
in what the peculiar fatality of drinking lies."
TOPICS FOR REPORTS AND INVESTIGATION
1. The Relations of Israel and Judah during the Last
Half of the Eighth Century.
2. A Study of the Reign of Uzziah.
3. The Call of Isaiah to his Prophetic Work.
4. The Social Effects of Assyrian Invasion on Judah.
5. A Study of the Authorship of the Book of Isaiah.
FURTHER READINGS
G. A. Smith's "Isaiah" I-XXXIX ("Expositor's
Bible ") ; Willett's " The Prophets of Israel," Chap. VII ;
Kirkpatrick's " The Doctrine of the Prophets," Chapter
VI, pp. 142-204; Sanders and Kent's " The Messages of
the Earlier Prophets," pp. 79-105; Cornill's "The
Prophets of Israel," pp. 56-70; Kent's " The Kings and
Prophets of Israel and Judah " (" The Historical Bi
ble "), pp. 131-160; Chamberlain's "The Hebrew
Prophets," Chap. IX, pp. 103-127; Buttenwieser's
"The Prophets of Israel," Chap. V, pp. 254-287; Pe-
trie's "Israel's Prophets," Chap. VI, pp. 98-113; arti
cles on Isaiah in Bible dictionaries and encyclopedias.

CHAPTER VIII
THE POLITICAL REFORMS AND POLICIES
OF ISAIAH
It is difficult to draw accurately the line between
the intra-social problems of society, and the political
policies that primarily concern the welfare of the
state. In fact, the social problems in every society
are constantly demanding political consideration and
governmental action. In the early stages of social
reform, we invariably find that moral reformers are
,' uniformly condemned by the political obstructionist
/ on the ground that moral questions should not be the
subject of political action. This has been a stock
argument on the part of those who have opposed all
regulative and prohibitive measures concerning the
sale of intoxicating liquors. It has been contended
that this is a social and moral question that lies out
side the pale of legal regulation and political consid
eration. In the evolution of moral ideals every so
cial question has been opposed by some on this
ground. As difficult as the line of demarcation is to draw,
it is well to give emphasis to the political policies of
Isaiah, for his statesmanship is as evident as his moral
teaching, and the two cannot be separated except for
emphasis. He has been called " the greatest political
power in Israel since David." It" is certainly true
94

THE JEWISH PROPHETS 95
that no other prophet of Israel ever influenced na
tional affairs to the extent that Isaiah did. In fact,
Isaiah Is the first of the writing prophets to wield ;
large Influence "oh governmental policies.
POLITICAL VISION REVEALED BY PARABLE
We see the political promise of Isaiah revealed in
his parable of the vineyard.1 He describes with great
beauty a vineyard that had been developed with the
greatest care and culture by the vinedresser, but
after all this care, to the surprise and pain of the
caretaker, it " brought forth wild grapes." By easy
but sure steps, the prophet leads to the teaching of
the parable which he explains : " For the vineyard
of Jehovah of hosts is the house of Israel, and the
men of Judah his pleasant plants ; and he looked for
justice, but behold oppression, for righteousness,
but behold a cry." 2
The vision of Isaiah in this parable lies at the basis
of his political ideals. Citizenship involves the pro-
foundest responsibilities, which are determined by
the right relation to God, and we cannot expect the
best fruit of civilization to come to any nation of
people unless they strive for the best things under
the consciousness that God expects the best from his
people. The parable has an eternal message for
every nation that seeks justice, righteousness, and
national prosperity.
PRACTICAL STATESMANSHIP OF ISAIAH
(1) IN THE REIGN OF AHAZ
The political theory of Isaiah as announced in the
ilsa. 5: 1-7. 2 Isa. 5: 7.

96 THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
parable of the vineyard was soon to give way to its
application in the practical affairs of the nation.
The political wisdom of Isaiah begins to be revealed
in chapter seven. The historic facts which made
political action necessary are summarized in the first
verse : " And it came to pass in the days of Ahaz,
the son of Jotham, the son of Uzziah, king of Judah,
that Rezin the king of Syria, and Pekah the son of
Remaliah, king of Israel, went up toward Jerusalem
to war against it, but could not prevail against it."
But before the siege of Jerusalem had actually begun,
and while Ahaz was inspecting the water supply of
the city, Isaiah gave Ahaz assurance that the siege
would fail. The prophet's words are full of assur
ance : " Take heed, be quiet, fear not, neither be
faint-hearted for the two tails of these firebrands."
|This assurance was doubtless given because Isaiah
'(realized the fatal policy that was already taking form
in the mind of the king — that is, an alliance with
Tiglath-pileser, then king of Assyria. But even this
did not satisfy Ahaz, and the prophet took another
step in an effort to dissuade him. He was told by
[the prophet that Jehovah was revealing the results
fof the siege in advance. But all efforts failed, and
Ahaz entered upon the policy of appealing to As
syria.3 s Cornill does not quite share this opinion as to the lack of
wisdom of Ahaz. " One may think of Ahaz as one likes. But
political foresight he certainly possessed, as the issue proved.
By his remaining loyal and unwavering in his unsought sub
mission to Assyria, he brought it about that whilst one after
another of the neighboring kingdoms sank, whilst war and
uproar, murder and plunder raged about him, Judah re
mained quiet, a peaceful island on a storm-tossed sea." —
"The Prophets of Israel," p. 64.

OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS 97
Isaiah was not ready to give up, however ; neither
did he cease his efforts to prevent the alliance with
Assyria. He immediately appealed from the king
directly to the people. Chapter eight contains po
litical addresses which were delivered about the same
time as those addressed to the king in chapter seven.
We hear this statesman of God saying to his people :
" Take counsel together, and it shall come to naught ;
speak the word, and it shall not stand; for God is
with us." 4 He realized that sovereign power after
all resided in the people, and they could annul an un
wise-policy, even of a ruling king. But his appeal
to the people was also in vain. The foreign policy
of the king was shared in by the people, for they could
see only the immediate danger ; the ultimate peril was
too remote for the Jewish nation to realize at this
time. In the light of subsequent history we can real
ize the far-sighted statesmanship of Isaiah.
The scholarly words of George Adams Smith 5 on
the real meaning of chapters seven and eight are sug
gestive : " As the king for his unworthiness has to
give place to the Messiah, so the nation for theirs
have to give place to the church. In the seventh
chapter the king was found wanting, and the Messiah
promised. In the eighth chapter the people are
found wanting, and the prophet, turning from them,
proceeds to form the church among those who ac
cept the word which king and people have refused."
(2) IN THE REIGN OF HEZEKIAH
The most brilliant period in the ministry of Isaiah
came in the reign of Hezekiah. In a religious way
* Isa, 8: 10. b Isa. i-xxxix, p. 126.

98 THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
the king made important reforms. He repaired the
house of the lord 6 and required the priests to sanc
tify themselves,7 and ordered them to cleanse the
hguse of God.8 He then invited all the people
throughout all his kingdom to come up to Jerusalem
| for the purpose of observing the Passover. We are
not advised as to the part played by Isaiah in these
'^religious activities, but we can reasonably infer that
he took a prominent part, for the personal qualities
of Hezekiah would not justify the conclusion that he
was the sole leader in such far-reaching reforms.
But when we turn from religious matters to those
of a political character, we more clearly see the in
fluence exerted and the policies advocated by Isaiah.
During the earlier part of the reign of Hezekiah
several important historic events had occurred which
have a direct bearing upon the political history of
Judah. Shalmaneser IV (b. c. 727) had succeeded
Tiglath-pileser on the Assyrian throne, and he in
turn was now succeeded by Sargon, who had, after
three years of siege, captured Samaria in 722 b. c.
On the south great changes had also taken place.
Egypt had been conquered by Shebek I, called Sa-
baco by the Greeks. He established his capital at
Memphis, and immediately began to make an attempt
to unite all the kingdoms on or about the eastern
Mediterranean against Assyria.
While these events were occurring, there was
gradually growing up in Jerusalem a strong senti
ment in favor of an alliance with Egypt. Just as
Isaiah had opposed the alliance with Assyria, he now,
« II Chron. 29 : 3. s II Chron. 29 : 15.
7 11 Chron. 29:5.

OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS 99
with equal fervor, opposed the alliance with Egypt,
and, perhaps, for similar reasons. He regarded„sueh
an alliance as bad politics, and he traced all bad pol
itics to had religion. All the prophet's discourses
recorded in chapters twenty-eight to thirty-one deal
with this one issue. Woe is pronounced upon those
" that set out to go down into Egypt, and have not
asked at my mouth ; to strengthen themselves in the
strength of Pharaoh, and to take refuge in the shadow
of Egypt." 9 So sincere is Isaiah in the conviction
that the policy is unsound that he prophesies,
" Therefore shall the strength of Pharaoh be your
shame, and the trust in the shadow of Egypt your
confusion." 10
Isaiah seems to have been more successful in this
contest than he had been when opposing the alliance
with Assyria. Judah did not prove disloyal to her
agreement with Assyria. The wisdom of following
the prophet's counsel was soon to be realized. Sar-
gon inflicted a terrible defeat upon Sabaco in 720 b. c.
in the battle of Raphia, and nine years later Sargon
again appeared in Palestine to put down a rebellion
of some of the other states that had been induced to
form an alliance with Egypt, but, due to the wise
statesmanship of Isaiah, the Jewish people were left
unmolested until after the death of Sargon, when
Hezekiah attempted to throw off the Assyrian yoke.
Isaiah continued to be the adviser of the king of
Judah during the rebellion against Sennacherib, and
his most useful public service came during this sad
period. But no new political policy grew out of the \
changing order of things. Isaiah's chief task con-
8 Isa. 30: 2. io Isa. 30: 3.

100 THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
sisted in encouraging the king, and giving him the
full benefit of his ripe experience and wisdom.
POLITICAL ATTITUDE TOWARD COMMERCE
Isaiah had resisted a political alliance with either
Assyria or Egypt. He had felt that no compromise
should be made with any nation that worshiped false
gods, and that it was the eternal work of Judah to
seek to keep the religion of Jehovah pure. He now
turns to the consideration of an entirely different
kind of an alliance, an alliance for commercial gain
and mercenary advantage. In chapter twenty-two,
which was proclaimed about 702 b. c, we have, in
Isaiah's chapter on Tyre, one of the prophet's ripest
and most profound discussions of a question which
has now grown to be the foremost question of the
world — that is, the regulation and control of the
commercial spirit.
The task of Isaiah was to take hold of all the forces
of the world and to direct them in such a "way as to
make them contribute to the religion of God. Chap
ter twenty-three, therefore, does not represent
Isaiah's repudiation of the commercial spirit of Tyre,
but rather a warning concerning the danger of the
mercenary spirit which too often accompanies it.
So we have the old prophet commending the enter
prise and commercial prestige of Tyre in these en
thusiastic words, " And on great waters the seed of
the Shihor, the harvest of the river, was her revenue ;
and she is the mart of nations." 11
We would expect to hear these commendatory
words of the Jews in later historic periods, for they
11 Isa. 33: 3.

OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS 101
were destined to become the greatest and most in
genious traders and merchants of the world, but at
this time commerce was a new thing to the Jewish
people, and it is a significant fact in history that
commerce had grown vast enough in any country to
attract attention and to impress the imagination
of a Jewish -prophet as early as the age of Isaiah.
It is perhaps more remarkable that any man at that
period could see the dangers of an unrestricted com
mercial spirit. Could there be danger in it for the
Jewish people? They were an inland people and at
that time commerce was impossible except for mari
time nations. Isaiah probably felt that the suprem
acy given to Tyre through commerce might finally
cause this nation to seek a political alliance with
Judah in her efforts to gain larger control of the
commerce over Assyria and other neighboring coun
tries. Therefore, he saw fit to commend the good
things that this city had done, but he was determined
that Judah was not to fail to observe the dangers.
The commercial spirit has the fundamental weak-'
ness that it often has no higher aim than that of
financial profit. It is constantly in danger of mak- \
ing men the means rather than the end ; it loses sight ]
of the relative importance of things. The spirit,/
therefore, that makes all things subservient to the
one end, which may be summed up as the desire for '
profit, was condemned by Isaiah, and to this spirit
he gave a very ugly name, — the spirit of the harlot.
'jThe man or the nation that is absorbed by thislspirit,
is doomed to destruction. As much as the prophet
admired thrift, he felt compelled to reveal the fate
of Tyre, for she had fallen into this venal spirit.

102 THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
She is doomed to pay the penalty for transgression.
" Tyre shall be forgotten seventy years," the prophet
predicts, and then, carrying out the figure of the
harlot, "after the end of seventy years it shall be
unto Tyre as in the song of the harlot. Take a harp,
go about the city, thou harlot that hast been forgot
ten; make sweet melody, sing many songs, that thou
mayest be remembered." 12
THE BASIS OF ISAIAH'S POLITICAL MOTIVES
The consummation of the public ministry of Isaiah
was, however, at hand. The revelation of the guid
ing principle of his public life was to be made known
to the people. He had always held that Assyria was
a rod in the hand of God to chastise the Jewish peo
ple when they wandered away from God.13 He often
\declared that the enemies of Judah would be destroyed
when they were no longer needed as an instrument in
God's hands to effect a complete social and moral
reformation among the people of God.14 We can
'now see why he was so bitterly opposed to Judah's
forming foreign alliances. Judah needed to resist
any political influence that would make it easy for
her to yield to lower religious, social, or moral stand
ards, and this would be the danger that would result
from political affiliation. The people, in their blind
ness, could not see all this, but a demonstration which
was more than convincing was to come near the close
lof the old prophet's life.
Jerusalem had been invested by Sennacherib, and
to escape a siege Hezekiah had paid the Assyrian
king a large tribute, and had withdrawn to Lachish,
12 Isa. 23: 15-16. 13 Isa. 10: 5. " Isa. 14: 24-27; 17: 12-14.

OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS 103
a short distance southwest of Jerusalem. But in the
meantime Sennacherib heard a rumor that Judah had
formed a secret alliance with Egypt, and he imme
diately decided to take no chances, but to force the
surrender of the city of Jerusalem. He at once
moved his army up, and began the siege of the city.
The Assyrian king had violated every pledge, but
Hezekiah was powerless to resist, and submission
seemed inevitable. In his desperation, the Jewish
king appealed to Isaiah. The crowning prophecy of
this part of his ministry was then spoken, and his
social and political teaching was soon to be realized.
" I will send a blast upon him [Sennacherib], and
he shall hear a rumor, and return to his own land;
and I will cause him to fall by the sword in his own
hand." 15 Hezekiah was astounded by these words.
He could not see how this could be true, as he was
defenseless and the Assyrian hosts were large and
fierce. But the king's faith in God was renewed as
he thought of the loyalty of the old prophet who had
been true to the best interests of his people, so he
went up into the house of the Lord, and prayed that
Judah might be delivered in order that she might
fulfill her real mission, which she had too often been
prone to forget.16 Then Isaiah again assured the
king that the Assyrian hosts should not only fail to
conquer the city, but that they should not shoot one
arrow into it.17
We are told that " an angel of the Lord went
forth, and smote in the camp of the Assyrians, a
hundred and four-score and five thousand." 18 This
is Isa. 37: 7. " Isa. 37: 33.
ielsa. 37: 20. is Isa. 37: 35.

104 THE JEWISH PROPHETS
seems like an almost unbelievable circumstance, but
its truthfulness is borne out both by biblical narra
tive and Assyrian inscription. What form this mys
terious catastrophe took we cannot judge; it may
have been a pestilence. But whatever form it took
to human eyes, it was God working out his purposes
through his inspired prophet. Twenty years later
Sennacherib died by the hands of his own sons while
worshiping in the temple of Nisroch. The prophecy
of Isaiah was now complete ; his political and religious
mission was ended. His statesmanship had exceeded
> that of any other man of any generation, for he had
. not only saved his nation, but in saving it he had pre-
\ served that which was far more priceless — the na
tion's religion.
TOPICS FOR REPORTS AND INVESTIGATION
1. Isaiah as an Orator.
2. A Study of Assyria in the Eighth Century before
Christ. 3. The Commercial History of Tyre.
4. Influence of Isaiah's Social Teaching on his Po
litical Policies.
5. Isaiah's Political Message for the Present Age.
FURTHER READINGS
Fowler's " The Prophets as Statesmen and Preach
ers," Chaps. IV and V ; Jordan's " Prophetic Ideas and
Ideals," Chap. VII; Kirkpatrick's "Doctrine of the
Prophets," Lecture 6 ; Cornill's " Prophets of Israel,"
pp. 56-70; G. A. Smith's "Isaiah," I-XXXIV ("Ex
positor's Bible"), Chaps. Ill, XI, XIII, XVII, and
XVIII; articles on Isaiah in encyclopedias and Bible
dictionaries.

CHAPTER IX
MICAH THE MORASTHITE
The last prophet of the eighth century was Micah,
but we shall find more points of similarity between
him and Amos, whose public ministry closed more
than thirty years before Micah's began, than be
tween him and Isaiah, his great contemporary.
Amos and Micah were born in the country, in vil
lages about seventeen miles apart, but the home of
Amos was in the midst of a barren waste, while Micah
lived in a fair and fertile valley. Like Amos, Micah
traced the social wrongs of his day to city-dwellers.
" What is the transgression of Jacob? Is it not
Samaria? And what are the high places of Judah?
Are they not Jerusalem? 'n
The isolation of country life tends to develop an
individualism that is keenly sensitive to social wrongs.
The material prosperity that came during the reign
of Uzziah had multiplied the wealth of the cities.
When surplus wealth increases beyond the needs of
trade and finance, the wealthy class turns to the
country as a place for safe investment. With the
advantages that wealth bestows, injustice is easy to
practice. This condition was more apparent in Mi
cah's day than in the days of Amos. Therefore
Micah denounces the avarice of the land-hungry
iMic. 1: 5. 105

106 THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
investor from the city and the dishonest methods
employed to satisfy this hunger. As we have seen,
however, Isaiah was not indifferent to the perils of
this situation. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
While it is impossible to assign dates to the period
of Micah's ministry with certainty, it is supposed
that he lived from about the period marked by the
fall of Samaria (722 b. c.) to the beginning of the
reign of Manasseh (about 690 b. c). We are told
in the introduction to his book 2 that he lived during
the reigns of Jotham, Ahaz, and Hezekiah. He has
been called a younger contemporary of Isaiah ; if
this be correct, he was almost a complete contem
porary of this great prophet. We know very little,
however, about his relation to any reign except that
of Hezekiah. We are indebted to Jeremiah for the
very interesting information that the great reforma
tion of this great king was due to Micah.3 The evils
complained of by Micah were similar to those that
characterized the speech of Isaiah. Certainly these
social offences dated as far back as the reign of
Jotham, and doubtless the prophecies of Micah were
committed to writing not later than the reign of
Ahaz. The reigns of these kings have been suffi
ciently described in the preceding studies.
SKETCH OF MICAH
Few details in the life of Micah have come down to
us. It is to be regretted that the biblical record is
so bare of authentic facts concerning the lives of the
2Mic. 1: 1. 3jer. 26: 18, 19.

OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS 107
great social reformers of Israel. We are almost en
tirely dependent for our knowledge of the lives of
these great men upon allusions found in their own
writings, and as the prophets were so much more
vitally concerned about the great truths they were
presenting than the facts about themselves, in most
cases these personal incidents have been vague and
often of doubtful validity. As a result, what we
know of them has to be constructed out of this scanty
record, with an occasional supplemental note from
Samuel or Kings.
This is the case with Micah. We know nothing
of his parentage, and are indebted to Jeremiah for
the suggestion that Micah was probably a native of
Moresheth, which was located in the midst of a fer
tile plain of the Philistines to the southwest of Jeru
salem, some seventeen miles from Tekoa, the home of
Amos. Moresheth is probably the same as More-
sheth-Gath (territory of Gath) which is mentioned
by Micah himself.4
Micah, like Hosea, was a simple countryman, and
sympathized deeply with the rural population, whose
problems were familiar to him. He doubtless got his
message and his consciousness of his public mission
from the contrast between the conditions of the urban
and rural population of Judah.
It is from this viewpoint that we get the contrast
between Isaiah and Micah. The former was a man
of the city, and probably of princely blood, while the
latter was of humble origin and a man of the soil.
This may account for the great difference in the
practical interests of the two men. Micah was not
*Mic. 1: 14.

108 THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
a statesman; he did not concern himself with the
great political problems that confronted the nation,
as did Isaiah. He does not allude to the foreign
alliances which Judah made or desired to make, and
which Isaiah always publicly condemned. On the
other hand, Micah seemed to have a larger concep
tion of the social evils of the cities.5 The evils of
Judah seemed to him to be concentrated in Jerusalem ;
and in the Northern Kingdom, Samaria appeared to
be the center of national corruption.
The differences in the point of view of these two
prophets may be traced to the differences in parent
age, education, environment, and vision, but it is ex
tremely interesting to observe that the two men were
in agreement on fundamental social questions. First,
they had the same fear concerning the social disorder
that must come from conflict between class interests ;
secondly, both had the same passion for justice be
tween man and man; and thirdly, each had intense
pity for the poor and oppressed.
THE SOCIAL MESSAGE OF MICAH
Micah is peculiarly the prophet of social justice.
The heart of his message is expressed in these won
derful words : " He has showed thee, 0 man, what
is good; and what doth Jehovah require of thee, but
to do justly, and to love kindness, and to walk hum
bly with thy God? " 8
We have here a three-fold classification of duties
which seemed to Micah to need emphasis — doing
righteousness, exercising love, and maintaining di-
oMic. 1: 15; cp. 6:9. a Mic. 6: 8.

OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS 109
vine fellowship with God. These duties are con
trasted with the injustice, oppression, and perfunc
tory sacrificial service of the priests. In this brief
but powerful summary, Micah defines man's duty to
his neighbor and to his God. We may read into this
verse also the culmination of the teaching of his
predecessors and his great contemporary. Amos had
given large emphasis to social justice; Hosea had
made loving-kindness rather than sacrifice 7 the heart
of his message; while Isaiah made the majesty of
Jehovah emphatic, and insisted that humility towards
God was a primal duty of man. We may reasonably
conclude that the details in the social teachings of
Micah which follow are simply an exposition of the
great principle quoted above.
The social program of Micah may be summarized
as follows :
(1) Oppression and dispossession of the poor.
This was a sin against which Isaiah had preached
with great vehemence. " Woe unto them that join
house to house, that lay field to field, till there be no
place, that they may be placed alone in the midst of
the earth." 8 These were the general terms used by
Isaiah to express the social injustice of this thing,
but Micah, who spoke as one who lived among those
who were suffering this injustice, voiced the actual
process, and brings us in contact with the real state
of affairs. " Woe to them that devise iniquity, and
work evil upon their beds; when the morning is light,
they practice it, because it is in the power of their
hands. And they covet fields, and take them by vio
lence; and houses, and take them away; so they op-
7 Hos. 6: 6. s Isa. 5: 8.

110 THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
press a man and his house, even a man and his
heritage." 9 We feel after reading these words that
this is no imaginary social wrong, but that we stand
face to face with a real situation. We see unscrupu
lous men of means as they scheme during the hours of
night in their palatial homes as to how, on the mor
row, they may dispossess some poor but legal owner
of his small ancestral estate. It seems that the sin of
Ahab, in his crime against Naboth, had come to be a
precedent which had grown to be the greatest social
sin of the generation of Micah and Isaiah.
(2) Corrupt administration. Privilege always
accomplishes its ends under the sanction of law. Le
gal agencies are used for illegal purposes, and in
oriental countries, more than in the West, that
agency has been corrupt judges. So it was in this
case. The judges were more than willing to lend a
helping hand to a powerful prince or rich nobleman.
" The prince asketh, and the judge asketh for a re
ward; and the great man he uttereth his mischievous
desire: so they wrap it up."10 Can we conceive of
a more heartless practice? By this wicked and un
just agreement, women were ejected from their happy
and comfortable homes, and innocent children de
prived forever of their birthright. Micah thought
of these princes and judges who ought to have been
the defenders and protectors of the poor, but who,
instead, were actually robbing them of their means
of existence. In his revolt at this injustice, he ut
tered one of the strongest condemnations that is to
be found in all literature. " They hate the good,
and love the evil; who pluck off their skin from off
»Mic. 2: 1-3. io Mic. 7: 3.

OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS 111
them, and their flesh from off their bones; who also
eat the flesh of my people, and flay their skin from
off them, and they brake their bones, and chop them
in pieces, as for the pot, and as flesh within the
cauldron." n George Adams Smith, commenting on
these words, says : " These words of Micah are ter
ribly strong, but there have been many other ages
and civilizations than his own of which they have
been no more than true. ' They crop us,' says a
French peasant of the lords of the great Louis' time,
' as the sheep crops the grass.' ' They treat us like
their food,' said another on the eve of the revolu
tion." (3) In a similar way, but on a smaller scale, the
creditor shows the same disregard of justice and
fair-dealing. Like a robber at night a man will tear
from the body of a neighbor the cloak which happens
to be a pledge for some debt, and leave him unpro
tected and shivering in the street.12
(4) The terrible consequence of all this social cor
ruption is expressed in chapter seven. Distrust had
become universal. Faith among men had ceased to
exist. In the most sacred relations of life distrust
had taken the place of confidence and faith, and sus
picion pervaded the very atmosphere of the home.
" Trust ye not in a friend, put ye not confidence in a
guide; keep the door of thy mouth from her that lieth
in thy bosom. For the son dishonoureth the father,
the daughter riseth up against her mother, the daugh
ter-in-law against her mother-in-law; a man's enemies
are the men of his own house." 13 No moral teacher
ever penetrated deeper into the ultimate consequences
"Mic. 3: 2, 3. "Mic. 2: 8. " Mic. 7: 5, 6.

112 THE JEWISH PROPHETS
of social wrong-doing than has Micah in these last
words. Confidence tends to break down under the
weight of selfishness and injustice, and the anti
social classes are augmented by these same conditions.
When the home becomes anti-social, the basis of the
social structure is disintegrated, and the organization
of society is dissolved.
TOPICS FOR REPORTS AND INVESTIGATION
1. Similarity and Contrast of Micah and Isaiah.
2. The Common Social Teachings of the first Four
writing Prophets.
3. The Rural Problems of Micah's Time.
4. The Message of Micah to our Times.
5. The Influence of Micah's Environment on his So
cial Teachings.
FURTHER READINGS
Willetts' " The Prophets of Israel," Chap. VIII, pp.
75-80; G. A. Smith's, "Twelve Prophets" ("Exposi
tor's Bible"), Vol. I, Chap. XXIV, pp. 357-438; San
ders and Kent's " The Messages of the Earlier Proph
ets," pp. 111-129; Kirkpatrick's "The Doctrine of the
Prophets," Chap. VII, pp. 203-235; Chamberlain's
"The Hebrew Prophets," Chap. X, pp. 128-131; Jor
dan's " Prophetic Ideas and Ideals, Chap. IV, pp. 45—54;
Petrie's " Israel's Prophets," Chap. VI, pp. 83-96 ;
G. Campbell Morgan's " Living Messages of the Books
of the Bible" (Job to Malachi), pp. 243-255; articles
on Micah in Bible dictionaries and encyclopedias.

CHAPTER X
PERIOD OF REACTION AGAINST
PROPHECY
The seventh century b. c. may be divided into
three periods. First, the period of reaction and per
secution during the reigns of Manasseh, and his son,
Amon (about 690 to 639 b. c.) ; secondly, the earlier
years of Josiah, the revival of prophecy by Zephaniah
and Jeremiah (639 to 625 b. c.) ; thirdly, the decline
and fall of Nineveh, and the period of the prophecy of
Nahum and Habakkuk (625 to 600 b. c). The pe
riod might naturally be made to close with the Fall of
Jerusalem in 587—586 b. c. This chapter will be re
stricted to a brief review of the events of the first
period in order that our study may be made continu
ous, and a better foundation laid for the social mes
sages of the prophets of the subsequent periods.
In the preceding study, we learned that Micah
brought about the reformation in the reign of Heze
kiah, and in the study of the statesmanship of Isaiah
we found that this prophet was a leading factor in
the public administration of this same king. When
King Hezekiah died it seems that all prophetic in
fluence passed away with him. For the next half
century the note of prophecy was almost silent. We
are told in one place % that " The Lord spake by his
ill Kings 21: 10. 113

114 THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
servants the prophets " during the reign of Manasseh,
[but we are left in ignorance concerning the names and
Work of these prophets during this entire period.
{Perhaps the bitter and bloody persecutions of the
prophets by Manasseh drove these religious leaders
into seclusion.
But are we justified in the conclusion that these
were empty and fruitless years in the field of Jewish
prophecy? We know from the reference above that
prophets lived during this period, and some schol
ars 2 of note contend that some of the passages at
tributed to Amos 3 and Micah 4 were really spoken
by prophets of this age. Disregarding these doubt
ful facts, we are reasonably safe in the conclusion
that there were men of God who used their enforced
seclusion, just as did the monks and friars of the
Middle Ages, in arranging and copying thg,gxeai_ad:_
dresses of the prophets of the previous centuryT-and—
in , codifying. the laws handed down from Moses. Twq-
greai^j^ajltajnay be traced to the work of the ob-.
scure prophets of~this period. First, the «seellen<t™
form of the Deuteronomic Law,5 which was found
about 621 b. c. during the feign of Josiah, may •have"
been due to the persecuted prophets and priests of
this period. Secondly, the telling messages of Zep
haniah, Nahum, Jeremiah, and Habakkuk may have
(been the fruitage of this half-century of spiritual
peditation on the social and religious problems of
.jfudah. 2G. A. Smith's "Twelve Prophets" ("Expositor's Bible"),
Vol. 2, p. 8; Sanders and Kent's "Messages of the Earlier
Prophets," p. 188. <Mic. 6: 9 to 7: 6.
s Amos 5: 26f. o Deut. 12: 26.

OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS 115
THE REIGN OF MANASSEH
We cannot quite understand the reason for the
complete reversal of the wholesome policies of Heze-j1
kiah by his son Manasseh. From the very beginning!
of his reign, he manifested a determination to undoj
all the good things that his father had done. We J
are told that he began to reign when he was twelve j
years of age, and we are also told that he did that j
which was evil in the sight of the Lord. This young ;
king probably fell into the hands of the opponents of
Isaiah and the moral leaders of his time, and his mind
was completely turned against the constructive in
fluences of his country even before he reached man-/
hood. A summary of his evil policies reveals a sad state
of affairs. He restored the idolatrous shrines and
erected new altars for Baal throughout the land. He
desecrated the temple and erected images of foreign
gods in the vicinity of Jerusalem. He went further
still. He suppressed as far as possible the religion
of Jehovah, and in accomplishing this task he perse
cuted the adherents of the national religion, and shed
innocent blood in his zeal to destroy the national
faith. It was in this unholy undertaking that tradi
tion tells us that he put Isaiah to death. The re
action against the ideals of the prophets Isaiah and
Micah seemed complete. The faith of Jehovah and
the social progress of these great moral leaders
seemed to have been absolutely destroyed. It was
truly an age of darkness.
THE REIGN OF AMON
Manasseh was succeeded by his son Amon, who be-

116 THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
gan to reign at the age of twenty-two. His brief
reign was characterized by the same policies that his
father had favored. He met a tragic death at the
hands of his servants in his own house, and this long
period of darkness was soon to end. Josiah was
destined to again restore the principles of Hezekiah
which had been ignored for half a century.
FOREIGN AFFAIRS
While these things were taking place in Judah,
great events were occurring beyond her borders.
Esarhaddon (681-668 b. c.) had succeeded Sennach
erib on the throne of Assyria. Israel remained, as
before, an Assyrian province, and Judah, as before,
remained the vassal of the Assyrian king, and sent
an annual tribute to Nineveh. Esarhaddon was an
aggressive and ambitious monarch. He subdued the
warlike tribes of Northern Arabia (675 b. c), and
during the following year he conquered the peninsula
of Sinai. He pressed on into Egypt, and about 670
b. c. took Memphis. His death brought an end to
his conquests. He was succeeded by Assurbanipal,
who lost Egypt, but gained partial control of sev
eral important positions along the Nile a few years
later. But the Assyrian Empire had become too
vast, and a series of revolts — of Egypt, Arabia,
Palestine, Elam, and Babylon — caused the rapid de
cline of this imperialistic empire.
Two significant events hastened the dissolution of
this ambitious world-empire, the terrible invasion of
the Scythians, and the threatening consolidation of
the Medes against Nineveh. The Scythians broke
forth like a storm from the coasts of the Black Sea,

OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS 117
and swept over Asia. For twenty years they spread
death and terror over this entire region. The Medes
had been conquered by Assyria as early as 830 b. c,
and about a century later Sargon had banished the
Ten Tribes of Israel into a part of their territory.
By 650 b. c. they had become a great people, and the
threatening invasion, which was finally made against
Nineveh in 633 b. c, was feared by Assyria many
years before the actual event. Under the weight of
all these forces Assyria was destined to fall. As
Cornill says in speaking of these events : " The
Assyrian world-edifice cracked in all its joints."
It is at this point in the world's history that the
note of prophecy is again heard above the confusion
and conflict of nations. The voice of Zephaniah is
the first to pronounce judgment on the world, and
to remind Judah and Jerusalem of the dangers and
penalties of social sins and religious neglect.
TOPICS FOR REPORTS AND INVESTIGATION
1. Foreign Relations during the Reign of Manasseh.
2. The Consequences of Manasseh's Religious Policy.
3. History of Egypt during the Period of Manasseh.
4. The Direct Contribution of Chronicles to an Un
derstanding of the Reign of Manasseh.
5. The Scythian Invasion.
FURTHER READINGS
G. A. Smith's " Twelve Prophets " (" Expositor's
Bible"), Vol. II, Chap. 1; Cornill's "The Prophets
of Israel," pp. 71-80; Edersheim's "Bible History,"
Vol. VII, Chap. 14; " History of Assyria and Media ";
Bible dictionaries and encyclopedias.

CHAPTER XI
ZEPHANIAH OF JERUSALEM
The title of the book expressly states that Zeph
aniah prophesied during the reign of Josiah, and
there is sufficient internal evidence in the book to
fully corroborate this fact. There is some question,
however, as to whether his public ministry came in
the early or latter part of this reign. Probably
Zephaniah exercised his ministry before the great re
form movement under Josiah. This would place his
public ministry between 630 and 622 b. c.
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
In 639 b. c. Josiah, the twelve-year-old son of
Amon, was placed on the throne as the consequence of
a revolution that resulted in the death of his father,
who had been permitted to rule for only two years.
It seems that this royal youth came under the influ
ence of the prophets and moral leaders of Judah, and
that his education was directed into sympathy for the
religious and social needs of his time.
The greatest event in the reign of Josiah was a
thorough reformation. This included the abolition
of idolatry, the repair of the temple, the discovery
of the Book of the Law, and the national observance
of the passover. It seems that this king was deter
mined to make amends for all the evils of his father
and grandfather. 118

THE JEWISH PROPHETS 119
It was while these reforms were in progress that
the marauding hordes of Scythians swept down over
Western Europe. Herodotus x tells us that they
advanced southward to the borders of Egypt, and
were only prevented from penetrating this country
through the pleadings and gifts of Psammetichus,
king of Egypt. For more than twenty years they
overran and terrorized the whole of Western Asia.
It is highly probable that the advance of these war
like intruders was the occasion of the prophecy of
judgment pronounced upon Judah and Jerusalem by
Zephaniah. " The great day of the Lord is near,
and hasteth greatly " 2 may have been inspired by
this event. It seems that Zephaniah's warning had
its effect, and judgment was temporarily averted.
The Scythians swept down along the coast through
Philistia, but for some reason they did not turn from
their route to molest Judah and Jerusalem.
SKETCH OF ZEPHANIAH
We are told in the introduction to the book of
Zephaniah 3 that this prophet was a son of Cushi,
and a descendant of Hezekiah. He was, therefore,
of royal blood, and a descendant of one of Judah's
greatest kings. We learn from this little book that
he was also a native of Jerusalem. These facts sup
port the contention that he was one of the advisers
of Josiah during his minority, and doubtless was
largely responsible for the great reforms undertaken
by this king. The prophet's name means " Jehovah
hath hidden," and probably suggests that he was born
during the persecutions of Manasseh.
i " Herodotus," Vol. 1, pp. 105, 106.
2Zeph. 1: 14. 3 Zeph. 1: 1.

120 THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
Zephaniah has been designated as " the prophet as
disciple," and " the prophet of judgment." Jordan
uses the former expression to indicate the use the
prophet makes of the writings of Isaiah. " By the
substance of his thought, as well as the style of his
teaching, this prophet is linked to Isaiah." 4 Duhm 5
on this point says : " Zephaniah is of importance to
us less on his own account than because of his use of
Isaiah. He shows what use a sober imitator can make
of the master's material of thought." It also re-
enforces a thought expressed in the preceding chap
ter, i.e., that " the years of darkness " that pre
ceded the age of Josiah were really years of study
and preparation on the part of the prophets for their
broader and deeper work in this age.
Zephaniah was no less a prophet of judgment. At
the beginning we read, " I will utterly consume all
things from off the land, saith the Lord." 6 We
must not forget, however, that he knew how to min
gle promise and hope with the judgments of Jehovah.
" The Lord, thy God, in the midst of thee is mighty ;
He will save, He will rejoice over thee with joy; He
will rest in His love, He will joy over thee with sing
ing." 7 THE SOCIAL MESSAGE OF ZEPHANIAH
Two themes of primary importance in the mes
sages of the prophets of the eighth century receive
scant attention at the hands of Zephaniah. First,
little effort is made to bring about social reform ; and
secondly, ideals of personal integrity and social rela-
* "Prophetic Ideals and Ideas," p. 110. 6 Zeph. 1: 2.
<s Quoted by Jordan, ib. p. 110. ? Zeph. 3:17.

OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS 121
tions are largely ignored. His message was an ele
mental one, that of impending judgment, and all else
is made subservient to this idea. But, incidentally,
we get some of the social ideals of the prophet, for
after pronouncing judgment, he feels called upon to
name some of the offences that had brought on the
wrath of Jehovah.
( 1 ) The wickedness of princes will be one cause of
judgment. " I will punish these princes, and the
king's children, and all such as are clothed with
strange apparel." 8 The prophet was not concerned
with mere externals as such, but " strange apparel "
represented sympathy and esteem for foreign fashion
and imitations of custom. Zephaniah was doubtless
thinking of the reign of Manasseh, when strange
apparel led to the adoption of all the heathenish
customs of Assyria, and the rejection of the moral
and religious ideals of Judah.
(2) In the day of judgment, the unscrupulous
merchant who has acquired wealth and ease through
unfair and dishonest dealing shall come in for his pun
ishment. On that fatal day, terror and wailing shall
come from the fish-gate, and from the height where
the wealthy live in their ease. " Howl, O dwellers
in the merchant quarter, for when the foe appears
your treasures and goods will be the first to be
seized." 9 Clearly the prophet is here assuming that
his hearers are familiar with the conditions under
which these merchants acquired their wealth.
(3) The civil and religious rulers are unworthy
of trust. " Her judges are evening wolves ; they
gnaw not the bones till the morrow. Her prophets
sZeph. 1: 8. » Zeph. 1: 10, 11.

122 THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
are light and treacherous persons; her priests have
polluted the sanctuary, they have done violence to
the law." 10 This is a description of a terrible state
of affairs. The judges are guilty of appropriating
property that they are called upon to protect; the
prophets are arrogant boasters and superficial lead
ers ; the priests, instead of guarding, profane the
sanctuary, and through ignorance misinterpret the
law of God. What a contrast is this with the just
ness of God and the purity of his purposes ! xl
(4) The last element in the social message of Zep
haniah is new to Jewish prophecy, and one of the
most important factors in the socializing process.
He pronounces the most certain doom upon the man
who is indifferent to public welfare. He declares
that God will use the greatest diligence in searching
out this class. " I will search Jerusalem with lights,"
is the way God speaks to the prophet. There can
be no escape for this class. Punishment is certain to
come to those " that say in their heart, Jehovah will
not do good, neither will He do evil." 12 This is a
vivid word representation of the indifferent who have
no faith, who develop infidelity out of listlessness.
Peace and security of life had come to the people
through the good administration of Josiah, but in
stead of using it for active, useful service in making
the good times perpetual, many had fallen away into
selfish pleasure and idle obscurity.
G. A. Smith's comment on this passage is notable
and worthy of recall : " All this starts questions for
loZeph. 3: 3, 4.
n See Keil and Delitzsch, Vol. II, p. 131, for full interpre
tation of this message. The above interpretation is taken
from Strauss. 12 Zeph. 1: 12.

OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS 123
ourselves. Here is evidently the same public temper
which at all periods provokes alike the despair of the
reformer and the indignation of the prophet — the
criminal apathy of the well-to-do classes sunk in ease
and religious indifference. We have today the same
mass of obscure, nameless persons, who oppose their
almost unconquerable inertia to every movement of
reform, and are the drag upon all vital and progres
sive religion. The great causes of God and human
ity are not defeated by the hot assaults of the devil,
but by the slow, crushing, glacierlike mass of thou
sands and thousands of indifferent nobodies. God's
causes are never destroyed by being blown up, but by
being sat upon." 13 These are wise words and ex
press a thought that needs constant repetition. But
for the original insight into this important element of
human nature, and its sinister influence on the devel
oping social order, we must give credit to Zephaniah
not only for its first recognition, but also for an ade
quate appreciation of its detrimental effects on na
tional life and character.
TOPICS FOR REPORTS AND INVESTIGATION
1. Influence of Isaiah on the Ministry of Zephaniah.
2. The Religious Reformation of Josiah.
3. Huldah the Prophetess.
4. A Judgment against Nations (Zeph. 2: 4-15).
5. Jehovah in the Book of Zephaniah.
FURTHER READINGS
Kent's " Kings and Prophets of Israel and Judah "
("The Historical Bible") pp. 192-198; Jordan's
"Prophetic Ideas and Ideals," pp. 110-118; Sanders
is Twelve Prophets, Vol. II, p. 54.

124 THE JEWISH PROPHETS
and Kent's " The Messages of the Earlier Prophets,"
pp. 187-197; G. A. Smith's " Twelve Prophets " (" Ex
positor's Bible"), Vol. II, pp. 35-73; Kirkpatrick's
" The Doctrine of the Prophets," pp. 258-268 ; articles
on Zephaniah in Bible dictionaries and encyclopedias.

CHAPTER XII
NAHUM THE ELKOSHITE
The Jewish prophets consumed no time in the
formulation of a constructive social program. All
of them assumed social responsibility for their own
people. Nahum, like Amos, took for granted a uni
versal, moral, and social responsibility, and he con
demned Nineveh, the proud capital of Assyria, for
the same inhuman practices which were attributed to
the neighbors of the Hebrews by Amos, in the pre
ceding century. Nahum, like other prophets, di
rected his message to the concrete problems of his
age. In exile, the prophet saw in proud and corrupt
Nineveh the source of all the miseries of his own
people. If this worldly city could be destroyed, his
people would be freed, and their former glory would
be made possible. The prophet's vision is that of
Jehovah acting in his wrath to destroy a city whose
prosperity had been bought by blood and covetous-
ness. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
The date of the prophecy is sufficiently determined
to justify the conclusion that it came while Judah
was still under the Assyrian yoke, and doubtless at
this time Assyrian oppression and the demands for
large tribute to help carry out the imperial plans of
Assyria proved quite distressing to Judah. Assy-
125

126 THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
rian inscriptions often refer to the tribute paid by
Judah, which was used to promote friendly foreign
alliances or to buy off some dangerous foe.
The most important historical events of Nahum's
age have already been indicated in the preceding chap
ter. In order more fully to grasp the message and
motive of Nahum's prophecy, it may be well briefly to
recall a few events already referred to and to supple
ment this record with a few additional facts.
As early as the middle of the ninth century, north
ern Israel began to feel the pressure of Assyrian
power. Several attempts were made to resist this
power, with more or less success, but when Jehu,
who overthrew the house of Ahab, came to the throne,
he was forced to pay a tribute to this growing power
on the north. The reign of Jeroboam II was blessed
by Assyrian inactivity, and Judah then experienced
its last peaceful reign before its final overthrow by
the capture of Samaria by Assyria in 722 b. c.
Shortly after the death of Jereboam II, Ahaz, against
the advice and counsel of the great Isaiah, made
Judah tributary to Assyria. Judah continued to
pay tribute with more or less regularity until Josiah
came to the throne.
In the meantime, the kings of Assyria had waged
war against Egypt, and for a time it was not certain
whether the seat of power was to remain in the north
or to be transferred to the Egyptian kingdom on the
south. During the period, many hostile armies were
located on Judean soil, and no doubt this little inter
mediate country suffered greatly from foreign inva
sion. Nineveh had become a great and prosperous

OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS 127
city as a result of national prosperity and imperial
conquests. SKETCH OF NAHUM
But one hint is given concerning the life of this
prophet, and that is of doubtful value. The open
ing verse of the book calls him, " Nahum the Elkosh-
ite," which identifies him with a village of uncer
tain locality. The village Elkosh has been variously
located. Some have identified it with Al-kush, which
seems to have been near Nineveh ; others have thought
the village was located in Galilee, while others have
thought it to have been a village of southern Judah.
The question cannot be determined with certainty.
The prophecy of Nahum may be placed between
660 b. c. and 605 b.c This makes him a contem
porary of Zephaniah. Some have thought that Na
hum's public ministry slightly preceded that of
Zephaniah and the other members of this group.1
Two important events at least seem to fix the period
of this prophecy. It must have been made after the
capture of Thebes by Ashurbanipal, which was about
660 b. c, for he says: " Art thou better than pop
ulous No [Thebes], that was situated .among the
rivers [Nile], whose rampart was the sea, and her
wall was from the sea ? " On the other hand, the
prophecy seems to have occurred before the fall of
Nineveh, which was not far from the close of the
century (about 607 b. a). We are doubtless justi-
i Kirkpatrick, and Sanders and Kent place Nahum before
Zephaniah, while G. A. Smith and Jordan reverse the chrono
logical order. However, the question is not of great import
ance.

128 THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
fied in the conclusion that the prophecy came com
paratively early in the period, probably between 640
or 635 b. c. SOCIAL SINS OF NINEVEH
The third chapter of Nahum is devoted to the con
sideration of the social offences of this proud and
worldly city of Nineveh. As we have found so often
repeated in the history of city-building, with growth
and commercial advantage had come shameless vio
lence, cruel greed, and unrestrained license. The
prophet permits us to view with him the vision of the
terrible days of retribution that came to this city
with the last days of the Assyrian Empire. The city
of blood, the city of lies and robbery, is at last to
reap its reward of violence. We can see the rush of
chariots, and hear the crack of whips ; we watch the
approach of the victorious army, and behold with
horror the corpses strewn in confused masses along
the street. " Nineveh is laid waste ; who will bemoan
her ? Whence shall I seek comforters for thee ? " 2
Certainly not in Israel and Judah, for they have
suffered too much from the arrogant hand of this
despoiler. Nahum has been called the " prophet of venge
ance." The title has justification, but there is more
to his message than mere satisfaction at the con
templated destruction of a great city, even if that
city did stand for the oppression of this prophet's
people. The first chapter of Nahum is written in
poetry. It teaches that while Jehovah will not spare
the guilty, he is a God of patience and goodness.
2 Nah. 3: 7.

OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS 129
" Jehovah is long-suffering and great in might,
Yet He will not absolve." 3
Again :
" Good is Jehovah to them that wait upon Him in the
day of trouble,
And He knoweth them that trust Him." 4
This poetic first chapter does, however, ascribe to
Jehovah the attributes of jealousy for righteousness
and the avenging hand :
"A God jealous and avenging is Jehovah;
Jehovah is avenger and lord of wrath;
Vengeful is Jehovah towards His enemies,
And implacable He to His foes." 5
Has Nahum no message for Judah? All his great
predecessors naturally spoke and wrote to their own
people, but here we have a prophet who seems to de
vote most of his thought, if not all of it, to the pre
diction of the destruction of a foreign city. Un
doubtedly the message was one of encouragement to
his own people. He not only speaks to them of the
goodness of. God and reminds them that God knows
those who trust Him, but he tells them emphatically
that the oppressor of God's people is to be destroyed,
and that they are to escape from Assyrian bondage.
The people of God, however, are not permitted to see
that a severer chastisement is to come to them from
the rising power of Babylonia.
The teaching of Nahum was not so comprehensive
as that of Zephaniah, but each gave prominence to
one idea. Zephaniah sought to make impressive the
s Nah. 1:3. * Nah. 1:7. s Nah. 1:2.

130 THE JEWISH PROPHETS
judgment of Jehovah, while Nahum gave direct em
phasis to the vengeance of God. But, as we have
seen, the earlier prophet illustrated his doctrine of
judgment with specific social sins of his people for
which judgment would come. We cannot say that
Nahum had any distinct social message at all, except
as such a message is implied in his description of the
woes that were to come upon Nineveh on account of
its wickedness. But we must not restrict the proph
ecy of Nahum to one historical event, for, to the
prophet, Nineveh was simply a type of those powers
that work at cross purposes with the plans of God,
and the destruction predicted of Nineveh applies to
all kingdoms and cities of the world that ignore the
will of God and that follow the paths of injustice and
social corruption.
TOPICS FOR REPORTS AND INVESTIGATION
1. The Date of Nahum's Prophecy.
2. Closing Days of Assyria and the Fall of Nineveh.
3. The Importance of Nahum's Prophecy to Judah.
4. Nahum's Conception of Jehovah.
5. Nineveh in Bible History.
FURTHER READINGS
Jordan's "Prophetic Ideas and Ideals," pp. 120-127;
Sanders and Kent's " Messages of the Earlier Prophets,"
pp. 173-183; G. A. Smith's "Twelve Prophets" ("Ex
positor's Bible"), Vol. II, pp. 77-112; Kirkpatrick's
" The Doctrine of the Prophets," pp. 239-257; Articles
on Nahum in Bible dictionaries and encyclopedias;
Morgan G. Campbell's " Living Messages of the Books
of the Bible" (Job to Malachi), pp. 257-271.

CHAPTER XIII
HABAKKUK
Habakkuk was another contemporary of Zephaniah
and Nahum, but probably his public ministry came
slightly later than the most active part of their min
istries. He was doubtless more completely a con
temporary of Jeremiah (627—586 b. c), and possi
bly came during the second period of this prophet's
ministry. From Habakkuk's own writings we are
disposed to place the date of his public ministry
just before the victory of Nebuchadnezzar over
Pharaoh-necho at Carchemish, since the prophet de
clares that the Egyptian army is to be brought up
to punish Judah, and speaks of it as a future event.1
This event occurred in the fourth year of Jehoia-
kim's reign.2 This would place his prophecy very
close to the end of the seventh century, as Jehoia-
kim began to reign in 609 b. c.
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
If the date of Habakkuk is closely approximated
above, we can definitely indicate some of the historical
events that occurred during his life. Josiah began
to reign in 639 b. c. and ruled Judah for thirty-one
years. His reforms were outlined in our study of
Zephaniah. Josiah lost his life in the battle of Me-
iHab. 1: 5-11. 2jer. 42: 2.
131

132 THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
giddo3 when he attempted to resist the passage of
Pharaoh-necho through the country on his way to
wage war against Assyria. Possibly Josiah lost his
life in an effort to fulfill his allegiance to Assyria, to
whom Judah had paid tribute for many years. Je
hoahaz was made king of Judah by the people in
stead of Jehoiakim, the eldest son of Josiah. But
after the short space of three months he was deposed
by Pharaoh-necho, who for a brief time exercised
dominion over the entire territory from the Euphrates
to the Nile, and placed on the throne the eldest son
of the king. Jehoiakim was a selfish despot, who
had no regard for the religious traditions of his peo
ple, and soon all the old evils of Manasseh's day
sprang up on every side. This condition must have
been exceedingly discouraging to the reform leaders
of Israel, for undoubtedly the moral conditions of
Judah were worse in 600 b. c. than they were a cen
tury earlier.
Meanwhile, a storm cloud was rising in the north.
The Babylonians had risen in many determined re
volts against Assyrian power in the five centuries
that tbis great empire had ruled over most of her
neighboring peoples, but not until Nabopolasser be
came governor of Babylon were her efforts success
ful. Nineveh was taken and leveled to the ground
in 605 b. c. Soon after, Pharaoh-necho was over
whelmingly defeated on the Euphrates by Nebuchad
nezzar, son of Nabopolasser, and all of Syria and
Palestine were left at the mercy of the ferocious con
querors. Judah had paid out much tribute to the
Assyrians, but in turn she had been permitted to
3 II Kings 23: 29.

OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS 133
enjoy comparative quiet and protection. For the
few months that Egypt had exercised dominion over
this little nation, she had been permitted to remain
unmolested, merely transferring her allegiance from
one power to another. But a new hand was now
raised with its scepter of power, and Judah had heard
in advance of the ferocious character and insatiable
ambition of this new conqueror.
How could conditions be more discouraging? At
home, the spirit of lawlessness and irreverence toward
God prevailed ; beyond, an unreasonable foe that was
known to recognize no law except that of brute force
and insatiable greed was approaching.
SKETCH OF HABAKKUK
Nothing definite is known of the details connected
with the life of this prophet. He is spoken of as a
prophet in the beginning of his book.4 The conclu
sion of his psalm 5 has led some to infer that Habak
kuk was officially authorized to share in the respon
sibility of directing the liturgical singing of the tem
ple, which justifies the further inference that he was
connected with one of the Levitical families, and,
therefore, a descendant of the priestly tribe of Levi.
He has been called " the prophet of scepticism," but
this seems to be too strong a term. He was more
nearly the prophet of perplexed understanding. He
seems to have been a man of deep religious belief, but
when he measured his faith with the facts of life, he
was unable to harmonize them. His book seems
to be the direct product of this long mental strug
gle. *Hab. 1: 1. 6 Hab. 3: 19.

134 THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
THE MESSAGE OF THE BOOK
It seems best to regard the Book of Habakkuk as
a single prophecy divided into two parts. Part one
consists of a dialogue between the prophet and God;
the second part is an exalted prayer in poetic form
in which the prophet seeks the fulfilment of prom
ised judgment. The majesty of God is recognized,
and his faith that God will destroy the wicked and
save his people is acknowledged.
The nearest approach to a distinctive social mes
sage then follows. Attention is directed to those so
cial derelictions of the Chaldeans that ultimately re
sulted in their destruction. The indictment is con
tained in five strophes consisting of three verses, and
each is introduced with a woe of condemnation. (1)
Rapacity and plundering is the first to be named and
condemned:6 (2) The Chaldeans had attempted to
establish a permanent nation upon violence and cun
ning:7 (3) This wicked nation had attempted to
build up its cities by murder and injustice:8 (4)
Drunkenness and intemperance generally had been
permitted and encouraged among subjected nations : 9
(5) Idolatry and the worship of heathen gods was
the last of the offences charged up to this false and
wicked nation.10 A nation guilty of such offences
could not endure, for " The Lord is in his holy tem
ple ; let all the earth keep silence before him " is the
way the message closes.
These words form the transition to what is usually
called the prayer of Habakkuk. The message was
6Hab. 2: 6-8. s Hab. 2: 12-14. 10 Hab. 2: 18-20.
i Hab. 2: 9-11. » Hab. 2: 15-17.

OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS 135
now clear to the prophet, but on one point there was
still anxiety — fulfillment was to be long delayed, and
the prophet feared that this would weaken the faith
of the righteous in Israel. His questioning now
ceased, and he resorted to prayer that accomplish
ment of God's purposes might come as speedily as
possible." O Jehovah, I have heard the report of thee, and am
afraid;
O Jehovah, revive thy work in the midst of the years;
In the midst of the years make it known;
In wrath remember mercy." "
The answer comes in a vision of the past acts of
Jehovah, and a larger conception of God's dealings
with men. The poetic prayer closes with due con
fession that God has answered all questioning and
prayer. " Jehovah, the Lord, is my strength,
And He maketh my feet like hinds' feet,
And will make me to walk upon my high places." 12
Has Habakkuk a message for our own times or is
his little book shorn of its potential value by age?
The external elements of violence and bloodshed are
not so common now, but some of the other conditions
of Habakkuk's age are common today. Evil in a
different form is widespread, and there exists today
the same impatience at the slow advance of the good.
The extent of the various forms of social injustice
have led some to question whether righteousness will
11 Hab. 3: 2. 12 Hab. 3: 19.

136 THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
ever prevail over the forces of evil.13 To all of these
the message and teaching of Habakkuk comes with
peculiar force.
We also are taught the lesson that comes with equal
emphasis; in studying the providences of God we
must view the facts of life in all their relations. In
tolerance is often the result of viewing conduct from
some angular point of view. Faith in the integrity
of the social order and patience to wait for God's re
adjustments are essential according to the message
of Habakkuk, and this is a message of real need in
the age in which we live.
TOPICS FOR REPORTS AND INVESTIGATION
1. The Chaldeans (Babylonians) in Bible History.
2. The Dramatic Elements of this Book.
3. Political Conditions of Judah as Revealed by
Habakkuk. 4. Religious Conditions of Judah as Revealed by
Habakkuk. 5. Internal Evidence of the Date of Authorship.
FURTHER READINGS
Kirkpatrick's " The Doctrine of the Prophets," pp.
is See Alfred Russel Wallace's " Social Environment and
Moral Progress," Chap. Ill and XIII. This author begins
with the thesis that character has remained stationary from
the earliest periods of history. After analyzing the social
phenomena of the past century, he reaches the following re
markable conclusion: "Taking account of these various
groups of undoubted facts, many of which are so gross, so
terrible, that they cannot be overstated, it is not too much to
say that our whole system of society is rotten from top to
bottom, and the social environment as a whole, in relation to
our claims, is the worst that the world has ever seen." (Chap.
XIII, p. 169.)

OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS 137
269-290; Jordan's " Prophetic Ideas and Ideals," pp.
130-137; G. A. Smith's "Twelve Prophets" (" Ex
positor's Bible"), pp. 115-159; Sanders and Kent's
"Messages of the Earlier Prophets," pp. 219-226;
Morgan G. Campbell's " Living Messages of the Books
of the Bible" (Job to Malachi), pp. 273-286; Habak
kuk in Bible dictionaries and encyclopedias.

CHAPTER XIV
JEREMIAH OF ANATHOTH
The book of Jeremiah is a wonderful combination
of biography, history, and prophecy, and in im
portance is second only to the Book of Isaiah. The
book possesses deep human interest, and the facts
presented supply information about some of the most
important events of biblical history. The chapters
of the book are not arranged in chronological order,
and no study of Jeremiah's social message can be dis
cussed from the chapter-order of arrangement. This
study will deal with the social ethics of Jeremiah, and
will be followed in the next chapter by a study of the
prophet's social message in relation to the political
events of his time.
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
Jeremiah's public ministry extended over a period
of about half a century (627—577 b. c.) — a period
of mighty changes and political upheavals. His call
came in the thirteenth year of the reign of Josiah.1
Jeremiah was a contemporary of Nahum, Zephaniah,
and Habakkuk, and was the last of this great group
of moral leaders of Israel and Judah.
The beginning of Jeremiah's ministry was marked
by a historic situation that, on the surface, pointed
toward peace and moral awakening. In the first
i Jer. 1 : 2. 138

THE JEWISH PROPHETS 139
place, Judah was enjoying practical independence, as
the power of Assyria was weakening. Secondly, the
great religious reformation of the young king,
Josiah, was just beginning.2 Surely in such a time
as this the people were not prepared for the message
of judgment which the Lord directed Jeremiah to
deliver. The vision of the " rod of an almond
tree " 3 and that of the " seething pot " 4 must have
seemed strange to Jeremiah himself, and to the masses
of the people it could have had no meaning in such
promising times as these. That " out of the north
an evil shall break forth upon all the inhabitants of
the land " 5 must have seemed far-fetched to the peo
ple of Judah just at this time.
In fact, for the first eighteen years of the ministry "i
of Jeremiah there was little indication that the vi-f
sions were to become real or that the judgment of thej
Lord was to be fulfilled. During this period Jere-'
miah seems to have had some hope that the impend- •
ing calamity might be averted. " Amend your ways
and your doings, and I will cause you to dwell in this
place " e is the conditional promise held out to the
people at this period of his ministry. But hope was
not to be held out to Judah much longer. On the
battle field of Megiddo, Josiah was slain by Pharaoh-
2 11 Chron. 34: 3.
3 Jer. 1: 11. "'As a rod,' says Dahler, 'is an instrument of
punishment, the rod of the almond may be intended here as
the symbol of that punishment which the prophet was about
to announce.'" — Clark. See also Ball's "Jeremiah" ("Ex
positor's Bible"), p. 61.
* Jer. 1 : 13. " The pot denotes the empire of the Babylon
ians and Chaldeans lying to the north of Judea, and pouring
forth its multitudes like a thick vapor." — Clark.
5 Jer. 1: 14. 6 Jer. 7: 3.

140 THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
necho, and Judah's last hope was gone. The tone of
Jeremiah's message now changes. From this time on
the sin of Judah is written with &," p^njrfjrjanjjmd
wjt|f^poiijt]pf a diamond," 7 and the reply of the
people to Jehovah's invitation to turn from evil ways
is : " It is in vain, for we will walk after our own
devices, and we will do every one after the stubborn
ness of his evil heart." 8
Four weak kings followed each other in rapid suc
cession on the throne of Judah as the nation hastened
to its final and complete downfall. Jehoahaz, the
second son of Josiah, was placed on the throne to
succeed this great king, but after the short period of
three months he was compelled to abdicate by Pha
raoh-necho, who carried him into Egypt. The eldest
son of Joshiah, Jehoiakim, was now elevated to the
throne. It was during his reign that the great bat
tle of Carchemish (605 b. c.) was fought. The
Babylonians under Nebuchadnezzar completely de
feated the forces of Egypt under Necho, and gave
over to this rising power the supremacy of Western
Asia.9 A second invasion of the Babylonians shortly
after drove the Egyptians back into their own land,
and appropriated all their tributary possessions.10
This included Judah, and Jehoiakim became the vas
sal of the Babylonian king. Three years later, as a
result of his rebellion, he was probably slain while re
sisting the forces of Babylon. His son, Jehoiachin,
succeeded him, and continued the rebellion until he
was captured after three months and carried away a
captive to Babylon. He was succeeded by Zedekiah,
r Jer. 17: 1. »Jer. 46: 2-27.
s Jer. 18: 12. io II Kings 24: 7.

OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS 141
the youngest son of Josiah, who was destined to have
his name connected with the final downfall of Judah.
He doubtless resented from the beginning the su
premacy of Babylon, and when Pharaoh-hophra came
to the throne of Egypt a secret alliance was formed,
and Zedekiah rebelled against Babylon. Nebuchad
nezzar with a great army was quick to act. The
city of Jerusalem was besieged, and after eighteen
months of famine and privation the city fell. Zede
kiah was captured, and after his sight was destroyed
he was carried captive into Babylon.
SKETCH OF JEREMIAH
In the midst of these troublous times Jeremiah ]
lived and prophesied in Judah. We have more in- (
formation concerning the details of the life of Jere- '
miah than any other prophet. He came from the
village of Anathoth, which was located a short dis
tance northeast of Jerusalem. He was a son of Hil-
kiah, and came, therefore, from a priestly family.
The call of Jehovah came to him in the thirteenth
year of the reign of Josiah, which was about 627
b. c, but he does not seem to have been very definitely
identified with the reforms of Josiah. It seems that !
in the earlier period of his public ministry he worked
very quietly and unobtrusively. His first aggres
sive work seems to have come in the reign of Jehoia
kim, when he dared to assert that destruction awaited
both the temple and the city. This aroused violent
opposition to the prophet, and his life was threatened.
He was saved only with difficulty, and on condition
that he was not to proclaim his teachings in the
temple. Later on in the reign of Jehoiakim, when

142 THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
Baruch, a friend and pupil of the prophet, was read
ing the written discourses of Jeremiah in the temple,
the king heard of it, and ordered the scribe to read
them in his presence. Before the reading was fin
ished the king cut the manuscript in pieces and cast
them into the fire, and then ordered the arrest of
Jeremiah and Baruch. Both, however, were able to
keep out of the way of the king's officers and thereby
avoided arrest.
The reign of Zedekiah brought better days to Jere
miah. This king undoubtedly held the prophet in
high esteem, but public opinion had to be considered.
Jeremiah was not in favor with the people ; so the king
could not follow and be guided by the prophet as
doubtless he would have liked to have been. In the
fourth year of the reign of Zedekiah, a significant
event occurred in which Jeremiah was the chief char
acter. "All the neighboring nations sent ambassadors up
to Jerusalem for the purpose of planning concerted
\opposition and resistance to Nebuchadnezzar.
|There was overwhelming sentiment in favor of re
sistance, but in the midst of the proceedings Jere-
tniah appeared with a yoke about his neck and pro
claimed that it was best for all these nations to bow
their necks to the Chaldean yoke. Then a remark-
fable thing happened. Hananiah, a popular prophet,
took the yoke off the neck of Jeremiah, and broke it
in the presence of all the representatives, and de
clared that in like manner they would break the yoke
of the king of Babylon. Jeremiah's words in re
sponse are significant : " Thou hast broken the
yokes of wood; but in their stead shall come yokes

OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS 143
of iron." n These words turned the tide of opposi
tion. Jeremiah's position was vindicated, the deliber
ations came to naught, and no formal action was
taken. Jeremiah was also consulted when Zedekiah was
considering the advisability of throwing off the yoke
of Babylonian bondage, and advised against the step.
But his advice this time was unheeded, and, with the
promised help of Egypt, a revolt followed which re
sulted in the overthrow of the Jewish kingdom, and
the captivity of the king and people.
Jeremiah survived the siege, and was permitted to
remain in Judah. His prophecies had been vindi
cated, and it seemed as if the time had come for the
due recognition of his greatness. But this was not
to be. He was taken by his enemies into Egypt,
where tradition tells us he was stoned to death.
SOCIAL ETHICS OF JEREMIAH
The largest social message of Jeremiah deals with
human rights. In Jeremiah we approach nearest to
a discussion of the concrete problem of human slav
ery. It is strange that all the prophets practically
defend the needy and the oppressed, but none deal
concretely with the question of slavery. In fact,,.
slavery was an accepted order of human relations
among the Hebrews, as it was among other primitive
nations. One passage from the book of Leviticus
will illustrate this:
" As for thy bondmen [" ebed "] and thy bond
maids [" amah "] whom thou shalt have ; of the na
tions round about you, of them shall ye buy bond-
11 Jer. 29: 13.

144 THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
men and bondmaids. Moreover, of the children of
the strangers that sojourn among you, of them shall
ye buy, and of their families that are with you, which
they have begotten in your land; and they shall be
your possession. And ye shall make them for an in
heritance for your children after you, to hold for a
possession. Of them shall ye take your bondmen
forever." 12
Few have realized the emphatic recognition given
to slavery in the Bible, of which this passage is an
illustration. The injunction against the sin of covet-
ousness, as stated in the tenth commandment, accepts
slavery as an institution, and recognizes slaves as
property, as does the passage cited above.
But in spite of this general recognition, slavery
must have constituted a very small feature of the so
cial life of the Hebrew people, for the few glimpses
that we get of slavery are of little importance, and
the further fact that the great moral leaders did not
see fit to denounce it is sufficient evidence that it had
not become a problem of such magnitude as to dis
turb the social order.
In the time of Jeremiah, however, the system
brought to the surface, as it always will in time, ele
ments of injustice. The facts are briefly these:
Wben Jerusalem was besieged by Nebuchadnezzar,
the rulers were compelled to resort to the revival of
the ancient custom of liberating slaves every six years
in order to secure soldiers in sufficient numbers to re
sist the siege. To meet this exigency, the slaves were
solemnly liberated. But when the danger was over,
these liberated slaves were compelled to return to
12 Lev. 25: 44-46.

OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS 145
servitude. Against this act of broken faith, Jere
miah hurled his most terrible words of resentment.13
He told his people that they had broken faith and
were guilty of perjury and were doomed to destruc
tion by war, and that Zedekiah and the princes were !
to be carried away captives. Tliese words aroused j
the intense opposition of the nobles, and Jeremiah
was cast into prison on a false charge of treason.
His prophecy was soon to be fulfilled, however, and
through the mediation of Zedekiah he was released.
Thjjnstitution of the family was also threatened
again in the days of Jeremiah. Adultery was widely
practiced. Jeremiah bitterly complains that trthe
land is full of adulterers." 14 Even some of the
prophets are guilty of this offence for " they commit
adultery, and walk in lies, they strengthen the hands
of evil doers that none doth return from his wicked
ness." 15 At a later date Jeremiah, in a letter to the
exiled Jews in Babylon, charges that Zedekiah and
Ahab, who are holding out false hope of speedy
restoration, " have committed adultery with their
neighbors' wives, and have spoken lying words." 18
It is interesting to observe that the prophet, almost
in every case, connects this sin with that of falsehood.
This is a sin that breaks down and destroys the moral
fiber of the nation. " They are all of them," says the
prophet, " unto me as Sodom, and the inhabitants
thereof as Gomorrah." This sin, then, was a reality ;
it was no figurative analogy or literary symbol that
the prophet had here under discussion.
However, Jeremiah, like Hosea, used this real con-
13 Jer. 34: 12-22. is Jer. 23:14.
i* Jer. 23:10. i« Jer. 29 : 23.

146 THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
dition to illustrate the proper relations that should
have existed between God and Israel. He appeals to
sentiment by representing Yahveh as saying, " I re
member thee, the kindness of thy youth, the love of
thine espousals, when thou wentest after me in the
wilderness, in a land that was not sown." 17 In con
trast with this happy relation, the prophet makes
Yahveh say, " My covenant they brake, although I
was a husband to them." 18 The high ideals of do
mestic life are more easily realized from the figura
tive use that is made of the marriage relation than
from the literal teachings concerning it. The rela
tion of Israel to Yahveh was the most intimate,
sympathetic and enduring of all. The prophets
could think of no more appropriate figure to illus
trate the relation than that of human marriage,
which to them stood for all those attributes that they
wished to see realized in the relations of the nation
to Jehovah.
Jeremiah's interview with the Rechabites brings
into prominence a primitive sect that had consistently
protested against agrarian culture and supported
their belief with religious zeal. The founder of the
sect was Jehonadab, and he named it after his father,
Rechab. The order seems to have originated during
the bloody revolution of Jehu. We are told 19 of the
meeting of these two men. After Jehu had saluted
Jehonadab he took him into his chariot, saying,
" Come with me and see my zeal for Yahveh." This
incident, occurring in the Book of Kings without es
sential relation to the tragical history there re
corded, has presented serious difficulty to the Bible
« Jer. 2: 8. is Jer. 31: 32. i» II Kings 10: 15-17.

OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS 147
student, but the difficulty is largely overcome when
interpreted in the light of other passages in the Old
Testament. The sect evidently had its beginning in a protest
against the insecurity of life and property that ex
isted in the days of Jehu. Conditions under which
Jehonadab was reared were not unlike the social situ
ation in the days of Rousseau's boyhood. The revo
lution under Jehu has many points of similarity to
that of the French revolution. The conditions that
inspired Rousseau's " Discourse on Inequality " 20
were strikingly like the conditions that caused the
Rechabites to renounce the ownership of houses,
vineyards, and fields, and solemnly commit their lives
to religious nomadism. So devoted were these peo
ple to their faith that they disavowed the planting of
seed because this would necessitate the possession of
fields, and they drank no wine because the culture of
grapes would make the ownership of vineyards nec
essary. Rousseau's " State of Nature " was not dissimilar
to this doctrine of the Semitic Rechabites. So con
sistently did these people obey the letter of their faith
that we find Jeremiah contrasting the disobedience
of the Jews toward Jehovah with the fidelity and loy
alty of the Rechabites.
However, we must not be too hasty to attribute
moral superiority to the Rechabites as compared with
agrarian Jews. This sect had renounced the ele
mentary principles of potential progress, the only
thing that could raise them in the scale of civiliza
tion. While the Jews were meeting with tempta-
20 See Morley's " Rousseau," Chap. II and V.

148 THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
tions, they were also organizing for social progress.
The mistake of the Rechabites was in adopting an
easy code of static faith ; the mistake of the Jews was
in repudiating ideals that were wholesome in them
selves. Social conditions caused several of the preexilic
prophets to sympathize with the faith of the Recha
bites. Elijah and Elisha were advocates of a simpler
Jehovism which they sought under nomadic condi
tions. " I will yet again make thee to dwell in tents,"
says Hosea 21 as a solution to the social and ethical
problem. And Jeremiah makes Jehovah say, " I re
member for thee the kindness of thy youth, the love
of thine espousals ; how thou wentest after me in the
wilderness, in the land that was not sown." 22 It
was easy to see that agrarianism had produced social
disorders that were unknown to nomadism. In an
attempt to think through this situation, the first so
lution that naturally suggested itself was a reversion
to nomadic life. It was natural that these prophets
should suggest this, but it is also fortunate that they
later saw the larger significance of the social prob
lem. These prophets lived before the days when men
thought in terms of the pathology of progress?3
The derelictions of the Jews were largely the results
of untried or new experiences. "¦ The discovery of
diffusion and the transmission from age to age of the
knowledge, beliefs, ideas, and ideals by which men
have found it possible to conquer nations and live to-
21 Hos. 12: 9.
22 Jer. 2: 2.
23 This phrase is used as a chapter heading (Chapter IV)
in Professor Farnam's " The Economic Utilization of History."

OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS 149
gether in well-ordered groups " is civilization.24
There is always a sorry by-product to civilization
that is hard to reconcile with progress. This was
the stumbling block of the Rechabite, the Nazarite,
and the prophet.
Jeremiah, like his predecessors and contempo-.
raries, directed attention to some of these social by
products. He repeatedly condemns his people for
the crime of murder, and attention is repeatedly
called to the indifference to the sacredness of human
life,20 and the trivial defences offered for taking it.,
Murder was the outgrowth of the practices of op
pression and minor forms of violence to which the
poor and defenceless were subjected by the rich and
powerful. Jeremiah, therefore, condemned all these
as a disregard of personal rights.26
An indifference to personal rights always makes
property rights insecure. We are not surprised,
therefore, when we read Jeremiah's charge that steal
ing and robbery were practiced by the Jews. In a
summary of offences, Jeremiah mentions theft first
in chapter seven, verse nine. He pronounces woe
upon " him that buildeth his house by unrighteous
ness, and his chambers by injustice ; that useth
his neighbor's services without wages, and giveth him
not his hire; that saith, I will build me a wide house
and spacious chambers, and cutteth him out windows,
and it is ceiled with cedar, and painted with vermil
ion." 2T Covetousness is repeatedly condemned 28 by
Jeremiah. The term as used by the prophet prac-
24 Ellwood's " The Social Problem," p. 20.
25 Jer. 2: 34f ; 7: 10; 22: 3, 17. 27 Jer. 22: 13-14.
28 Jer. 7: 6; 22: 3. 28 Jer. 6: 13; 8: 10; 22: 17.

150 THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
fically means " plunder " or goods gotten by violent
or dishonest means.29
Jeremiah emphasized truthfulness as an important
social virtue. To him it included trustworthiness.30
The prophet was grieved because this virtue was so
sadly lacking in his day. His failure to find it
caused him to declare that " truth is perished."
Falsehood was so universally practiced as to give no
place for truth. " They bend their tongue," he says,
" as it were their bow for falsehood," 31 and again in
the same chapter he says, " They will deceive every
one his neighbor, and will not speak the truth ; they
have taught their tongues to speak lies ; they weary
themselves to commit iniquity." 32
Idolatry 33 and unbelief 34 had accomplished their
deadly work. These were the seed that were sown in
the soil of demoralization and national dissolution.
These seed brought forth a tree whose fruits were
falsehood and broken faith, selfishness and injustice,
murder and adultery. " Run ye to and fro through
the streets of Jerusalem, and see now, and know, and
seek in the broad places thereof, if ye can find a man,
if there be any that doeth justly, that seeketh truth,
and I will pardon it." 35 This was a liberal proposi
tion, and the fact that it was not accepted bears mute
testimony to the extent of moral degradation.
In the midst of such religious corruption and
moral decay the prophet offers a prayer to Jehovah,
and then writes the epitaph for his nation. In his
prayer he pleads for correction, and for judgment on
29 Mitchell's " Ethics of the Old Testament," p. 207.
so lb. p. 208. Jer. 7: 28; cp. 5: 1. 33 Jer. 1: 16.
si Jer. 9: 3. 84 Jer. 5: 12.
32 Jer. 9: 5. 35 Jer. 5: 1.

OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS 151
the other nations that have been instrumental in Ju-
dah's fall ; " O Jehovah, I know that the way of man
is not in himself ; it is not in man that walketh to di
rect his steps. O Jehovah, correct me, but in meas
ure ; not in thine anger, lest thou bring me to noth
ing. Pour out thy wrath upon the nations that know
thee not, and upon the families that call not on thy
name ; for they have devoured Jacob, yea, they have
devoured him and consumed him, and have laid waste
his habitation." 3C But the people themselves had
gone too far in religious decay and social immorality
to expect God to save the nation itself, so the prophet
proceeds to write in advance the nation's epitaph:
" This is the nation that hath not hearkened to the
voice of Jehovah their God, nor received instruc
tion. Truth is perished, and is cut off from their
mouth." 37
TOPICS FOR REPORTS AND INVESTIGATION
1. Bible Teaching Concerning Slavery.
2. Jeremiah's Call and his Conception of it.
3. The Element of Hope in the Book of Jeremiah.
4. Baruch, the Scribe of Jeremiah, and his Work.
5. Jeremiah's Relations with the " Regular " Prophets
FURTHER READINGS
Kent's " The Kings and Prophets of Israel and
Judah " (" The Historical Bible "), pp. 199-218; Mitch
ell's "Ethics of the Old Testament," Chap. XV, pp.
194-212; Bade's "The Old Testament in the Light of
Today," Chap. IX, pp. 258-280; Sanders and Kent's
" The Messages of the Earlier Prophets," pp. 229-295;
Kirkpatrick's " The Doctrine of the Prophets," pp. 291-
so Jer. 10: 23-25. 37 Jer. 7: 28.

152 THE JEWISH PROPHETS
325; Cornill's "The Prophets of Israel," pp. 91-107;
the two volumes (" The Expositor's Bible ") by Ball,
Chaps. I-XX and Bennett, Chaps. XXI-LII; Chambers'
"The Hebrew Prophets," pp. 132-168; articles on
Jeremiah in Bible dictionaries and encyclopedias.

CHAPTER XV
POLITICAL POLICIES OF JEREMIAH
The preceding study attempted to give emphasis
to the social ethics of Jeremiah; the present study
will attempt to analyze his political message as influ
enced by the larger social conditions of the times.
While this division is somewhat arbitrary, it is con
venient in a treatment of the prophet's teaching from
this point of view. However, there is a sense in
which there is justification for this division. Jere
miah's approach to the purely social problem was
radically different from his mental reaction concern
ing political questions. His attitude toward social
questions- was that of a radical, while on all .political
- questions he was a conservative. He manifested his
willingness to obey the Lord in " rooting out, pulling
down, and destroying," x if by doing so he could sub
stitute social justice and religious purity for injus
tice and moral decay, but he was equally willing, in
political affairs, to advise his people to " ask for the
good old paths." 2 We may naturally ask : Is
such a thing possible in practical life? Can a
man be both a conservative and a radical at the
same time? Possibly not in our day, when political
action is the goal of social reform, but in the days
of Jeremiah no such relationship existed.
i Jer. 1: 10. 2 Jer. 6: 16.
153

154 THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
The political conservatism of Jeremiah was not
that of stagnation or retrogression. He was not a
man who revered an old thing merely because it was
old. This would have been both narrow and stupid,
and no true prophet could be either. His statesman
ship was guided by vision and principle, and both of
these led him to contend for established order and a
tried-out public policy. The wisdom of this course
is easy to see in the light of the discussion of political
events of his time and of the consequences brought
upon his nation by its failure to follow his political
advice. NATIONAL POLICIES
The national policies advocated by Jeremiah were
opposed by both the ruling princes and popular
prophets. It was inevitable that he should come in
conflict with the state authorities and popular priests.
Much of his public ministry was conducted in op
position to one or the other of these two classes, and
sometimes his national policies ran counter to the
wishes of both of these classes. This was true of the
most fundamental principles advocated by the
prophet. In the eager years of youth, Jeremiah advocated
a new nationalism that would reunite Israel and
Judah. He hoped to see Jerusalem the capital of
the nation as of old 3 and then, " Judah shall walk
with the house of Israel, and they shall come together
out of the land of the north to the land that I gave
for an inheritance unto your fathers." 4 Out of the
scattered population of Israel and the demoralized
3 Jer. 3: 17. 4 Jer. 3: 18.

OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS 155
conditions in Judah, the prophet hoped to see welded
together a nation that would be strong enough to
withstand the invasions of Babylon and Egypt. His
later foreign policy was forced upon him when he
realized that his dream of national reorganization was
impractical and futile.
POLICY TOWARD BABYLON
Jeremiah reveals a clear conception of a state pol
icy in his earliest public utterances — a policy not
only involving public welfare but national existence.5
In chapter twenty-seven we have an outline of Jere
miah's political program, and an account of his con
tention with the princes and prophets of his day.
He consistently contended that allegiance to Babylon
was the imperative duty of Judah. The first public
and outspoken announcement of this policy came in
the fourth year of the reign of Zedekiah. At this
time embassies were sent by the states of Palestine,
which had for their purpose the forming of a coali
tion against Nebuchadnezzar. Jeremiah appeared
while they were deliberating, bearing five yokes, one
for each of the states represented, which included
Edom, Moab, Ammon, Tyre, and Sidon with the fol
lowing message from Jehovah : " And it shall come
to pass, that the nation and the kingdom which will
not serve the same Nebuchadnezzar, king of Babylon,
and that will not put their neck under the yoke of the
king of Babylon, that nation will I punish with the
sword, and with the famine, and with the pestilence,
until I have consumed them by his hand."
It seems that this was the beginning of a series of
¦'Jer. 2: 14ff. Jer. 27: 8.

156 THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
public debates between Jeremiah on one side, and cer
tain popular prophets on the other. One such de
bate is recorded in chapter twenty-eight. In this
instance Hananiah, one of these political prophets
who was contending with Jeremiah, took a yoke
which the true prophet was carrying around as a
symbol, and broke it, saying, " Even so will I break
the yoke of Nebuchadnezzar, king of Babylon, within
two full years from off the neck of all the nations." 6
Jeremiah's answer was simple and direct, " Thou hast
broken the bars of wood ; but thou hast made in their
stead bars of Iron." 7 The verdict of the nations
seems to have been made in Jeremiah's favor, for the
deliberations came to naught, and no outbreak
against Babylon followed.
But the work of the popular prophets did not end
here, for about this time the exiles in Babylon were
stirred up by this advocacy of rebellion by the popu
lar prophets. This condition caused Jeremiah to
write a letter 8 to the exiles in Babylon in which he
condemned these prophets and pleaded with these
exiled people to abide in peace and await the time of
the Lord of restoration.
This, however, was not the end of this political agi
tation. For the next five years we hear no more
of this great political question, but the whole mat
ter was to come up again under rather remarkable
conditions. It seems that Zedekiah came to believe
sincerely in the political wisdom of Jeremiah, but at
the same time the Jews who remained in Jerusalem
were coming more and more to distrust his state
craft. At this crisis, Egypt tendered her aid to
"Jer. 29: 11. t Jer. 28: 13. s Jer. 29

OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS 157
Judah, and Zedekiah rebelled against Babylon.
Immediately the Babylonian army invaded Judah and
laid siege to Jerusalem. In this extremity, Zedekiah
sent for the prophet for advice. The policy he had
advocated through these years could not be gainsaid
now. With the Babylonian army surrounding
Jerusalem, he could not doubt his political wisdom,
and he so informed the king. But the people would
not believe him, and in the midst of the invasion the
Egyptians appeared and Nebuchadnezzar raised the
siege. This was the last great crisis in the old prophet's
life. Had his national policy, advocated through all
these years, failed at the last, and had he been mis
leading his people? The joy of the Jewish people
knew no bounds. But they paused long enough to
brand the old prophet as a traitor, and to subject him
to cruel indignities at the hands of the nobles and
popular prophets. But even at this hour he did not
waver ; he knew that Jehovah had directed him, and
he could abide the time of vindication with patience.
It was soon to come. Rejoicing and confidence
were soon to give way to sorrow and despair. A
year later (586 b. c.) Jerusalem fell, and Nebuchad
nezzar determined to make his victory complete.
The eyes of Zedekiah were put out by order of the
Babylonian king, and he was then carried away cap
tive to Babylon, but before his departure all his chil
dren were put to death. At last, through all the
vicissitudes of fortune, the old prophet was destined
to see realized the truth he had attempted to give his
people for guidance, and it was his sorrow to see them
reap the consequences of failure to follow it.

158 THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
THEORY OF NATIONAL INDESTRUCTIBILITY
Another political doctrine held by Jeremiah was
that Israel was indestructible. The consciousness
of this fact, however, did not make it less necessary
to advocate policies that would make this question un
important. If the nation had followed his policy,
there could have been no question about national con
tinuity, but since they did not accept his political
advice, the people themselves were destined finally to
doubt that the nation could survive. In this state of
mind he taught the Jewish people that exile and suf
fering were the afflictions sent upon them by Jehovah
for their disobedience, and this judgment was not to
result in permanent dissolution. " For I will make
a full end of all the nations whither I have scattered
thee, but I will not make a full end of thee; but I will
correct thee in measure, and in no wise leave thee
unpunished." 9
The policies indicated above reveal in a way the
principles of government advocated by Jeremiah,
but we have his definite theory expressed in several
places. (1) His first great doctrine was that rulers
must execute judgment and righteousness.10 The
rights of the poor must be safeguarded, the foreigner
must be dealt with justly, and the basic institutions
must be secure from violence and debasement. (2)
The private relations of men must be placed on a
basis of social justice and fair dealing.11 Every
man must recognize the equal rights of other men in
all the affairs of private life.
o Jer. 30: 11. io Jer. 22: 1-5. "Jer. 34: 6-11, 17.

OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS 159

JEREMIAH'S POLITICAL POLICIES REJECTED
A careful studyjoljlie Book of Jeremiah will show
thaT "all" the political teachings of Jefeiniah in t-ne
main were" rejected by the princes and popular priests ¦
of Judah: The combined influence of these two
classes was able to destroy the confidence of the peo
ple in Jeremiah, and to cause them to persecute him.
The public ministry of the prophet was a life-long
martyrdom. The temper of the public mind was
such at this time that the people would not listen to
wholesome advice, and in their desperate heedlessness
they were angered when counseled to a wiser policy
and better conduct.
Illustrations of the opposition of these classes are
described here and there throughout the Book of
Jeremiah. The feeling of the princes is well illus
trated by the act of Jehoiakim, who ordered the writ
ings of the prophet destroyed when they were read
to him, and his anger was so great that he ordered
the arrest of both Jeremiah, and Baruch the
scribe. Jeremiah was in almost constant conflict with the
popular and temple priests during his entire minis
try. The public utterances in the temple caused the
temple priests to cast him into stocks 12 on the charge
of profaning the temple court with unholy preach
ments. The opposition of the popular prophets was
even more detrimental to social and political causes
that he represented. They attempted to destroy the
effectiveness of his message both in Judah and in
Babylon. Jeremiah denounced them in no uncertain
12 Jer. 20: 1, 2.

160 THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
.words in chapter twenty-three,13 but the influence of
/these popular prophets could not be overcome, and
! they were successful in a large measure in neutraliz-
| ing the effects of his public appeals and warnings.
. The persistence of the opposition of these prophets
"is illustrated by the work of Hananiah, who was a
typical representative of this class.
But the worst was yet to come. Jeremiah's po
litical wisdom was rewarded with the charge of trea
son, which resulted in his imprisonment. This came
during the siege of Jerusalem by the Chaldeans.
The prophet was accused of lending aid and sym-
| pathy to the enemies of Judah,14 and he was cast into
a dungeon to starve, while the military party clam
ored for his execution. The old prophet was only
saved from his fate through the friendly offices of a
foreigner who was in the confidence of the king.15
The climax of all the opposition came, however,
when his neighbors of Anathoth deserted him, and
even his own family declared he could not be trusted.
We are told that his neighbors sought to murder him.
" Let us destroy the tree with the fruit thereof, and
let us cut him off from the land of the living, that his
name may be no more remembered " 16 is the way his
neighbors expressed their attitude toward the
prophet. At this time, when his old friends had de
serted him, we would naturally expect his relatives
to defend and stand by him, but they joined with
others in denouncing Jeremiah : " But even thy
brethren, and the house of thy father " 17 declared
that he could not be trusted.
13 Jer. 23: 9-32. is Jer. 38: 6-13. " Jer. 12: 6.
"Jer. 37: 13-21. 16 Jer. 11: 19.

OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS 161
Distrust, humiliation, persecution, and ingrati
tude were the rewards of the prophet for patriotic
service, and it seems a terrible reward to be returned
for unselfish devotion and loving-kindness. The life
of Jeremiah illustrates the difficulty that confronts
the reformer in his efforts to quicken the collective
conscience of a nation. Nevertheless, his self-sacri
fice was productive in giving to the world an example
of devotion to right ideals and right conceptions of
national life and political conduct. Professor Jor
dan wisely says of Jeremiah, " He teaches us the
great lesson which mere politicians are prone to for
get, that no nation, however great its privileges, can
safely outrage the laws of truth and honesty."
TOPICS FOR REPORTS AND INVESTIGATION
1. The Political Teaching of the Popular Prophets of
Judah. 2. Contrast and Comparison of the Political Policies
of Isaiah and Jeremiah.
3. Relations of Zedekiah and Jeremiah.
4. Jeremiah's Preparation for Political Leadership.
FURTHER READINGS
Kent's " The Kings and Prophets of Israel and
Judah " (" The Historical Bible "), pp. 236-246 and
279-292 ; Fowler's " The Prophets as Statesmen and
Preachers," pp. 69-75 ; Jordan's " Prophetic Ideas and
Ideals," pp. 163-190; Morgan's " Living Messages of the
Books of the Bible " (Job to Malachi), pp. 109-127; Bat
ten's " The Hebrew Prophet," Chap. X, pp. 239-257.

CHAPTER XVI
EZEKIEL
The changed conditions resulting from the Baby
lonian exile gradually developed a new type of
prophet. The preexilic prophets were called to min
ister to a nation with established institutions and
growing social and political consciousness ; the exilic
prophets addressed a disorganized remnant who felt
the oppressor's hand, and who were fast becoming a
hopeless and irresponsible people. While the aims of
the exilic prophets were not very different from those
of their great predecessors, they addressed them
selves to different conditions and laid emphasis on
different matters. For instance, with the passing of
political life, also passed the statesmanship of the
prophets. We are not to see again such political
leaders as Isaiah and Jeremiah. The mission of the
prophet to an exiled people in despair called for a
message that would stimulate to persistent endeavor
and inspire with hope. The content of such a mes
sage could be found only in the glories of the Jewish
people of the past, and in pointing to an ideal the
ocracy of the future.
With the beginning of the exile, we gradually re
cede from the teaching of social righteousness. So
cial justice will no longer be the central theme of the
prophet of God. Amos and Micah are to have no
162

THE JEWISH PROPHETS 163
successors during the remainder of the prophetic
period. The fall of the Hebrew state caused the
moral leaders to direct their attention to the personal
responsibility of the individual rather than to the
collective conscience of the people.
While these later prophets were not great social or
political leaders, we must not assume that they were
relatively unimportant. They performed tasks that
were unique and important to the world in which
they lived, and they left a permanent heritage for
future generations. " If the later prophets were not
great statesmen nor social teachers nor original the
ologians, they were true to the prophetic ideals, and
devoted themselves to the vital questions of their age.
In so doing they attained their real greatness, and
performed for their race and mankind an inestimable

SKETCH OF EZEKIEL
Ezekiel was a contemporary of Jeremiah, but they
were destined to prophesy under widely different con
ditions. Ezekiel ministered to the exiles in Babylon,
while Jeremiah was giving his final counsel to his own
people during the closing days at Jerusalem. Like
Jeremiah, he seems to have been of the priestly line,
a son of Busi,2 but unlike Jeremiah, his younger con
temporary, he was a married man, and one of his most
solemn prophecies was in connection with his wife's
death.3 Ezekiel began to prophesy five years after
he was carried a captive into Babylon in 592 b. c,
and his public ministry was destined to continue for
i Sanders and Kent's " Messages of the Later Prophets,"
p. 4. 2Ezek. 1: 3. 3 Ezek. 24: 14-18.

164 THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
twenty-two years. Few of the details connected with
his long ministry have come down to us.
CONDITION OF JEWISH EXILES
As a setting for the social message of the prophets
of this period, it seems advisable to say a word about
the conditions of the Jewish people while in Babylon.
(1) The captives were not reduced to slavery. The
intellectual and moral superiority of the Jewish cap
tives over the native population made it easy for these
foreigners to secure positions of responsibility and
trust. Daniel became prime minister, and Nehemiah
was selected to be the cupbearer to the Persian king.
Many doubtless followed the advice of Jeremiah and
resumed their former vocations of agriculture and
gardening.4 (2) Community life and interests were
also somewhat conserved in Babylon, for lands were
allotted to the exiles, and they were permitted to form
settlements of their own. This enabled them to
adopt some of the civil and religious forms of their
native country. (3) Communication between Judea
and the Jewish exiles was maintained without inter
ference on the part of the native officials. In the
preceding study, we found that Jeremiah sent mes
sages to the exiles, and in turn we know that Ezekiel
was well informed concerning the affairs at Jerusa
lem, and many of his prophecies were directed to
those still remaining in the home land.5
But these Jewish exiles were far from being happy
and contented. The popular literature of that pe
riod reflects their despondency.
«Jer. 29: 5, 28. 5 Ezek. 17: 11-22.

OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS 165
" By the rivers of Babylon, there we sat down, yea,
we wept, when we remembered Zion." a
We see in these words a people in utter despair.
Another writer of this period voices this feeling as
follows : " Zion is become a wilderness, Jerusalem
a desolation. Our holy and our beautiful house,
where our fathers praised Thee, is burned with fire;
and all our pleasant places are laid waste." 7 Their
utter hopelessness is expressed by Ezekiel. " Our
bones are dried up, and our hope is lost ; we are clean
cut off. How, then, can we live ? " 8
This briefly represents the social condition and
mental attitude of these Jewish exiles, and to these
Ezekiel was called upon to minister. It is easy to
see that his supreme task was to lighten the burden
of despair, but this task did not preclude at least a
brief appeal to the social consciousness of the people.
In fact, such an appeal was a necessity in the restora
tion of hope and ambition.
THE SOCIAL MESSAGE OF EZEKIEL
The social message is comprehended in his indict
ment of Jerusalem.9 The earlier part of the book
discusses the wickedness of the Holy City, and pro
nounces the impending doom that must follow such
conduct. Unjust dealing, oppression of the stran
ger and the dependent, lewdness, extortion, and un
fair business dealings are some of the social crimes
charged up to the people of Jerusalem. Ezekiel fol
lows this category with a specific charge against the
classes responsible for this condition. He charges
6 Ps. 137: 1. eEzek. 33: 10; 37: 11.
i Isa. 64: 10-11. » Ezek. 22: 1-12.

166 THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
the popular prophets with a conspiracy to practice
injustice; 10 the priests are guilty of profanation,11
the princes have shed innocent blood for dishonest
gain,12 and the "people of the land have used op
pression, and exercised robbery; yea, they have
vexed the poor and needy, and have oppressed the so
journer wrongfully." 13 All this sounds like the in
dictments of Jeremiah, and it may be that Ezekiel
was giving emphasis to familiar messages of his older
and more experienced contemporary.
Cornill thinks that Ezekiel gave greater emphasis
to the sin of unchastity than any of his predecessors.
" If the sanctification of wedded life and the purity
of the family has ranked at all times as the costliest
ornament and noblest treasure of the Jewish race, it
is a possession in which we cannot fail to recognize,
more than any other, the seal which Ezekiel lastingly
imprinted upon it." 14
Ezekiel's most emphatic message to the Jewish ex
iles was directed to their personal relations. Every
man should recognize every other as a brother, and
all their relations should be based on the principle of
brotherly love. This was the spiritual bond that
was to hold these little scattered bands of exiles to
gether in this foreign land.
The preexilic prophets established a collective
ethical code. The Hebrews had been taught to think
of themselves collectively ; the individual had been ab
sorbed in the nation, the tribe, and the family. But
under the conditions of exile responsibility became
10 Ezek. 22: 25. 13 Ezek. 22: 29.
n Ezek. 22: 26. 14 " The Prophets of Israel," p. 121.
12 Ezek. 22: 27.

OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS 167
personal. We are not surprised, then, to find that
Ezekiel attempted to determine the personal practices
of a just man. These may be arranged in a deca
logue of positive and negative terms as follows :
(1) " Restoreth to the debtor his pledge."
(2) " Hath given his bread to the hungry, and
hath covered the naked with a garment."
(3) " Hath withdrawn his hand from iniquity."
(4) " Hath executed true justice between man
and man."
( 5 ) " Hath not eaten upon the mountains, neither
hath lifted up his eyes to the idols of the house of
Israel." (6) " Hath not defiled his neighbor's wife."
(7) " Hath not come near to a woman in her im
purity." (8) " Hath not oppressed any."
(9) " Hath not taken ought by robbery."
(10) "Hath not given forth upon interest,
neither hath taken any increase." 1B
The comment of the prophet on the keeper of this
code is that " he is just, and he shall surely live."
A comment or two will be all that is necessary to
present this code in its true light. (1) Pledge for
debt was authorized by early legal sanction le pro
vided the garment is returned to the owner before
nightfall. The prophet recognizes the ancient law
on this subject in several places,17 but in one instance
the just man is represented as one who "hath not
taken ought to pledge." ls It would appear that
Ezekiel was endeavoring to abolish the practice under
is Ezek. 18:5-9. "Ezek. 18:7; 12; 33:15.
16 Exod. 22: 26f. is Ezek. 18: 16.

168 THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
these new conditions. (2) Ezekiel takes advanced
ground also in regard to loans. It had long been a
Semitic law that no interest was to be exacted of a
poor Israelite whose distress had compelled him to
borrow. " If thou lend money to any of my people
with thee that is poor, thou shall not be to him as a
creditor." 19 It is easy to see that under this law
lending was a charity, and not a means of promoting
industry. A passage in Leviticus bears out this idea.
" If thy brother be waxed poor thou shalt uphold
him. Take thou of him no interest [" neshet "] or
increase [" tarbit "], but fear thy God, that thy
brother may live with thee." 20 But this law did not
apply to foreigners.21 Schaeffer,22 in justification
of this law, says : " Aliens temporarily or even per
manently located on Israelitish soil for the purpose of
gaining a livelihood, who fail to identify themselves
with the country in which they live, cannot claim the
rights and privileges of a full-fledged citizen." Eze
kiel made no reference to this distinction. It would
appear that he would include foreigners in the appli
cation of the law. The fact is, the prophet was at
tempting to readjust the legal system of Judah to
the new conditions in exile.
The most important and characteristic message of
Ezekiel was concerned with the personal responsibility
of every man for his own acts. It was a common con
viction that the calamities that had come upon the
Jewish people were an inheritance which they could
not avert. These exiles were very familiar with the
proverb : " The fathers have eaten sour grapes and
i» Ex. 22: 25. 20 Ezek. 25: 33, 36. 21 Deut. 23: 20.
22 " The Social Legislation of the Primitive Semites," p. 114.

OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS 169
the children's teeth are set on edge." 23 This prov
erb was used to support the old Jewish doctrine of
retribution that the sons were the victims of the
fathers' sins, and the victims were helpless to remedy
the conditions which were determined by their an
cestors. The eighteenth chapter is a refutation of
this doctrine. Ezekiel here elaborates the truth that
if a man lives an upright life, observing his social
and religious duty, he shall live regardless of the life
lived by his father. On the other hand, if he disre
gards the moral law, and disobeys the will of God, he
alone must suffer the consequences of his misdeeds.
This truth was dimly seen by Jeremiah, but we are
indebted to Ezekiel for bringing it into bold relief.
This timely and wholesome doctrine must have been
an important factor in restoring faith and hope in
the lives of these disconsolate exiles. They were here
taught in no uncertain words that they had it within
their power to determine their own future.
TOPICS FOR REPORTS AND INVESTIGATION
1. Symbolic Teaching of Ezekiel.
2. Ezekiel in Comparison and Contrast with his
Predecessors. 3. Ezekiel's Teaching of Jewish Restoration.
4. Religious Importance of the Jewish Exile.
5. Ezekiel's Individualism.
FURTHER READINGS
Mitchell's "Ethics of the Old Testament," Chap.
XVII, pp. 218-233; Kent's "Makers and Teachers of
Judaism" ("Historical Bible"), pp. 12-34; Cornill's
"Prophets of Israel," pp. 115-124; Kirkpatrick's "The
23 Ezek. 18:2.

170 THE JEWISH PROPHETS
Doctrine of the Prophets," pp. 326-350; Sanders and
Kent's " The Messages of the Later Prophets," pp. 19-
31; Wallis' "Sociological Study of the Bible," Chap.
XX; articles on Ezekiel in Bible dictionaries and ency
clopedias.

CHAPTER XVII
OBADIAH
The book of Obadiah is the shortest in the Old
Testament. It consists of only twenty-one verses,
but the prophet's vision is clear and the message is
presented with force and directness.
AUTHORSHIP
Nothing is known of the author of this book.
There are twelve Obadiahs mentioned Tn~the Bible,
but it has been impossible to identify any of them
with this prophecy. We are justified by the con
tents in assuming that the author was a native of
Judah. The period in which he lived and the date
ofthis message are matters of serious doubt. G. A.
Smith says, " The little book has been tossed out of
one century into another by successive critics, till
there exists in their estimates of its date a difference
of nearly six hundred years." From the references
in verses eleven to fourteen, it seems probable that
the author of the book wrote soon after Jerusalem
was destroyed by Nebuchadnezzar^ which jEQuld T)e
not far from 586 b. c. This would make this prophet
a contemporary "arjeremiah.1 To the casual reader,
the book is little more than an expression of protest
against Edom for rejoicing over the humiliation of
Judah because of her fall at the hands of the Chal-
i See Keil and Delitzsch, Vol. I, pp. 337-345, on the question
of the date of authorship. 171

172 THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
deans, but the serious Bible student will find a deeper
meaning in this prophecy if he will seek the permanent
values in the book.
EDOM'S CONFLICT WITH JUDAH
Edom was located south of the Dead Sea, and in
the main it may be characterized as a mountainous
country, although the borders of the country both
east and west were less rugged, and bore luxuriant
growths of plant and vegetable life.
The conflict of the Edomites and Israelites was of
long standing. Edom traced its origin back to Esau,
and Israel to Jacob. The first reference to the an
tagonism between them occurs in Genesis in the strik
ing passage : " The children struggled together
within her." The larger significance of this passage
was revealed by Jehovah to Rebekah in the following
words : " Two nations are in the womb, and two
manner of people shall be separated from thy bowels ;
and the one people shall be stronger than the other
people ; and the older shall serve the younger." 2
The history of Edom and Israel is the unfolding
of the " two manner of people " that issued from
Rebekah. History reveals several incidents that
illustrate the antipathy between the offspring of Esau
and Jacob. The Israelites were refused permission
to go through Edom on their way to the promised
land,3 which compelled them to go around this coun
try.4 This insult was not forgotten by the Israel
ites, and when Saul was made king he declared war
upon the Edomites.5 During the reign of David
2 Gen. 25: 22, 23. ¦* Num. 20: 21.
3 Num. 20: 14-17. 5 Sam. 14: 47.

OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS 173
they were brought into complete subjection to
Judah.8 They remained subject to Jewish power
until the reign of Jehoram, when they revolted and
set up a kingdom of their own.7 The relations of
the two countries were destined to remain hostile for
all future time. Fifty years after the Edomite revo
lution we find Amaziah making a determined at
tempt to reconquer the country,8 but he was only par
tially successful. The conflict of Judah with the
northern powers, a little later on, made it impossible
for her to direct attention to Edom, and this country
remained independent and undisturbed.9 It was but
natural for Edom to join in the siege and conquest of
Jerusalem when the final struggle of Judah against
Nebuchadnezzar came. This was the culmination of
the antagonism between the two countries, and the
prophecy of Obadiah 10 doubtless voices the general
feeling of his countrymen toward their ancient
enemy. THE MESSAGE OF OBADIAH
Obadiah combines the spirit of the messages of both
Na!Kum]andJ£ejuiania.h . H e^ZEEEINijmjriP indicts a
sinful and erring foe; and, like Zephaniah, pro
nounces judgment upon them for their misdeeds.
The" sin of this nation is that of wicked satisfac
tion in the disaster that befell Judah; the willingness
of the nation to share in the plunder of the city of
Jerusalem ; and in helping to prevent the escape of
the Jewish fugitives.11
a I Kings 11 :15 ff. ? I Kings 8: 20-22. s I Kings 14: 7.
9 The historical relations of Edom and Judah are well sum
marized in the Schaff-Herzog " Encyclopedia of Religious
Knowledge " in the article on Edom.
io Obad. 1 : 10-16. " Obad. 1 : 10-14.

174 THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
Obadiah declared that judgment will surely come
upon all heathen nations, and Edom shall not escape.
" As thou hast done, it shall be done unto thee ; thy
dealing shall return upon thine own head." 12 The
remnant of Jehovah's people will remain, and finally
the combined forces of Judah and Israel will repos
sess their own land, and Edom, as well as other lands,
will be again after all these years brought into sub
jection to Judah, and her kingdom will be securely
established.13 The source of the sin of Edom is traced to boast
ful pride. " The pride of thy heart has deceived
thee, O thou that dwelleth in the clefts of the rock,
whose habitation is high, that saith in thy heart,
Who shall bring me down to the ground ! " The
rocky fastnesses and declivitous heights gave seclu
sion and security to these people. In such a geo
graphical position they could look upon defenseless
Judah with scorn and indifference. They had even
looked upon the suffering of the Jewish people with
satisfaction, and finally had contributed to it.
But the prophet tells us, " The pride of thy heart
has deceived thee." The nation had lost its per
spective. This is always the effect of false pride.
National security appeared more substantial than
physical conditions justified. Pride of heart makes
deception easy. " The men that were at peace with
thee have deceived thee and prevailed against thee." 14
The wise man is made ineffective by false pride, and
his understanding is blurred. " Shall I not in that
day," says Jehovah, " destroy the wise men out of
Edom and understanding out of the mount of Esau?
12 Obad. 1:15. is Obad. 1 : 15-21. l* Obad. 1:7.

OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS 175
And thy mighty men, 0 Teman, shall be dismayed,
to the end that every one may be cut off from the
mount of Esau by slaughter." 15
Edom epitomizes all past nations of history in the
steps downward toward destruction. Deceptive
pride obscures national and personal immorality.
Statesmen are deceived into believing in false econo
mies and international policies. National dangers
are unseen until too near to forestall. The admoni
tion of Obadiah is as applicable to the nation whose
pride is in vast domains and limitless resources, or
great fleets and insular possessions, or national ef
ficiency and " kultur " as in the apparent security of
impregnable clefts of the mountains. The inevitable
consequence of such false pride is always some form
of injustice. Retribution comes sooner or later to
the nation that falls a victim to it.
With this brief summary we might ask: Did
Obadiah have a social message? The answer is
simple in so far as any conscious social aim is con
cerned. The prophet had no social program. His
social messagejs^ in_Jii& -assumption_of a normal so-
ciaforder, and his terrific attack on a nation that
failed to maintain it. The prophet's protest and
prediction of judgment reflect a statesman's dis
cernment, and the fact that the prophecy of judgment
was later to be fulfilled reveals a mind capable of fore
casting the consequences of a national policy. But
aside from this we do no violence to the implication
of the prophecy in recalling that the amalgamation
of ethnic groups depends on the establishment of com
mon sympathies and beliefs, as well as the character
is Obad. 1:8, 9.

176 THE JEWISH PROPHETS
and resources of their environment. Toleration
mustalways precede cooperation. JVfutual" aid
against a common Jfoe is often the first step in the
cooperative process, and this always accelerates the
process_ of toleration. The progress" in the con
sciousness ..nL-ireedom  ah^Tfnity^TBiretr -eome up
through these steps — mutual aid, toleration, and
jcooperatlon:16 — This process could not be established
between Judah and Edom, or between Judah and the
other neighboring nations. Therefore, eternal con
flict and destruction, as well as rapidly shifting su
premacy, marked the progress of western oriental
history. This is the social but unconscious message
that is reflected from the brief vision of Obadiah.
TOPICS FOR REPORTS AND INVESTIGATION
1. A Study of Jewish Prophecy against Foreign
Nations. 2. Sources of Obadiah's Prophecy against Edom.
3. A Study of the Various Dates of Authorship as
signed to the Book of Obadiah.
4. Significance of the Meaning and Contrast of
" Mount of Esau " and " Mount Zion."
5. Comparison of the Book of Obadiah with the One
Hundred and Thirty-seventh Psalm.
FURTHER READINGS
G. C. Morgan's " Living Messages of the Books of the
Bible" (Job to Malachi), pp. 213-225; Kirkpatrick's
" The Doctrine of the Prophets," pp. 33-45 ; G. A.
Smith's " Twelve Prophets " (" Expositor's Bible "),
Vol. II, pp. 163-184; Sanders and Kent's "The Mes
sages of the Later Prophets," pp. 68-69; articles on
Obadiah in Bible dictionaries and encyclopedias.
is See Giddings' " The Principles of Sociology," pp. 299-360.

CHAPTER XVIII
" SECOND ISAIAH "
In the two earlier studies on the book of Isaiah the
last twenty-seven chapters were left for later con-
sideration, because it is now the prevailing opinion
among biblical scholars that these chapters were
not composed by Isaiah the son of Amoz, but by a
writer who lived at least a century and a half later,
and whose name we do not know. Because these
prophecies were attached as a kind of appendix to the
Book of Isaiah, this unknown author has been vari
ously designated as " The Second Isaiah^J' Deutero-
Isaiah," or merely " The Unknown Prophet of the
Exile." This theory is maintained on the ground of
contrast in style, vocabulary, and thought, and in
the complete change of viewpoint of the author.
The earlier prophecies were addressed to a people
with a national consciousness. The appeal is made
to a people on their own soil, and the message is di
rected to the social conscience of the nation, to meet
the responsibility of social justice and patriotic con
duct. But the point of view of the prophecies now
under consideration is far different. They are
directed to a people wholly in exile, with limited so
cial responsibility, and little or no civic conscious
ness. The former prophecies were directed to a na
tion proud of their king, their courts of justice, and
177

178 THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
their temple, while the latter prophecies were directed
to a people with broken pride, vanquished hopes, and
modified ideals. The two messages are regarded as
too well adapted to the purposes and the needs of
these respective conditions to have been written by
the same author or to the same people in the same age.
Cornill J says, " It is now generally admitted, and
may be regarded as one of the best established results
of Old Testament research, that the portion of our
present Book of Isaiah which embraces chapters forty
to sixty-six, did not emanate from the prophet Isaiah
known to us, but is the work of an unknown prophet
of the period towards the end of the Babylonian cap
tivity." HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
The seventy years of exile were drawing to a close
when these prophecies were spoken, and many changes
had been experienced by the Jewish captives during
this period. Nebuchadnezzar had died in b. c. 561,
and the twenty years that followed were years of re
volt and anarchy throughout the Babylonian Em
pire. Finally, in 553 b. c, Nabonidos, a general in
the army, usurped the throne, and immediately took
steps to stamp out the popular religions which had
been planted on Babylonian soil through the con
quests and captivities of Nebuchadnezzar. The re
ligion of the Jews was one of the most persistent
and popular religions of the empire, and their perse
cution was among the first to begin. Previously to
this time their religion and their customs had been
officially tolerated, although held in contempt by the
i " The Prophets of Israel," p. 131.

OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS 179
populace. Many Jews had acquired the spirit of
commerce, and some had amassed large fortunes.
Others had offices of trust and responsibility com
mitted to them. Now, however, in common with
other alien people, their religious practices were for
bidden, and restrictions were placed on their com
mercial enterprises.
Nabonidos had not advanced far in his reign when
he came in contact with a military leader who was
destined after a few years, to overthrow his empire
and restore the Jewish exiles to their former land.
This was Cyrus, king of Elam, a mighty prince
and warrior. His first aggressive plans were re
vealed when Astyages, king of the Medes, revolted
and planned to make an attack on Babylonia, to
whom they were subject. Their purpose was unex
pectedly frustrated by the young king, Cyrus, who
marched against the Median army, defeated them in
a sharp and decisive battle, and made their king his
captive. Nabonidos was pleased with this turn of
affairs at first, but when, two years later, Cyrus con
quered Persia and added her territory to his domin
ions, he was alarmed. He had reason to be alarmed,
for his persecution of the alien races in his kingdom
had made them restless and disloyal. Many of them
were, like the Jews, captives who had been forcibly
taken from their native lands, and they welcomed any
political change that might offer an opportunity for
them to return. All of these people were interested
in the career of this young king of Elam, but none
more than the Jews, for this great unknown prophet
of the exile had spoken of Cyrus as " God's shep
herd," who should free these exiles and permit them

180 THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
to return to Jerusalem and rebuild the temple.2 It
was at this time, when Babylonia was on the eve of
falling a victim to the ambitious conquests of Cyrus,
that the prophecies here under consideration were
spoken. THE SOCIAL SITUATION
During the historical and political changes that
took place during the latter part of the exile there
were also important social changes taking place
among these Jewish exiles. It is important and nec
essary to know as much as possible of these condi
tions in order to understand the prophecy of " Sec
ond Isaiah."
The number of Jews had greatly multiplied by the
close of the exilic period. Not more than forty thou
sand went into exile, but forty-two thousand re
turned, and a large number still remained in their
new homes. The old social organization of the
family and the clan survived, and social distinctions
were still respected. Many families had acquired
riches. These contributed largely to the pilgrim
ages, and to the restoration of the temple. The
rich still held slaves.
Perhaps the wealthy classes were numbered among
the exiles of 598 b. c. rather than among those of
589 b. c. The captives of the first exile were com
posed of the better class of the nation, and, as we
have seen, enjoyed liberal privileges and opportuni
ties. They remained in community groups with
their own political and religious organizations. But
the conditions of the captives of the second exile were
2 Isa. 44:28.

OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS 181
different. The destruction of their personal effects
in the flames that destroyed their city, their famished
condition during the siege, and the days of pro
longed marching, left these exiles impoverished and
incapacitated for vigorous labor on their arrival in
Babylonia. Of these exiles the prophet says:
" But this is a people robbed and plundered ; they
are all of them snared in holes, and they are hid in
prison houses ; they are for a prey, and none deliv-
ereth ; for a spoil, and none saith, Restore." 3 Some
of these were reduced to slavery, and others were
used by Nebuchadnezzar in the construction of pub
lic buildings.
What influence the Jews of the first exile had in
alleviating the suffering of their less fortunate breth
ren is not revealed in the historical records. The
threatened persecutions resulting from changing ad
ministrations perhaps intimidated them into helpless
inaction. There were periods when the older and
well-established families may have been able to render
assistance to those of their number who were experi
encing undue hardships, but the large place given by
the prophet of this period to the hope of deliverance
leads to the conclusion that little relief had come to
lighten their burdens.
THE MESSAGE OF DELIVERANCE
In the midst of these political turmoils and social
degradations, the voice of this unknown prophet of
deliverance was raised to encourage his people, and
to assure them that freedom and larger service were
to come to them. The chapters into which the
3 Isa. 42: 22, cf. 47:6.

182 THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
prophecy is divided, with few exceptions, are in
chronological order, and the unity of content enables
us to assume that the production is probably the de
liverance of a single prophet.
Some have declared that " Second " or " Deutero-
Isaiah " must be accounted the most brilliant jewel
of prophetic literature. " In him," says Cornill,
" are gathered together, as in a focus, all the great
and noble meditations of the- prophecy which pre
ceded him, and he reflects them with the most gor
geous refraction and with the most bounteous play of
light and color." 4 The fundamental theme and the
keynote of his message is found In the very first words
that he utters. They are very familiar to every
lover of music, for they also form the first words of
Handel's " Messiah," whose solemn strains give us a
deeper realization of the truth of Cornill's estimate
of this prophetic utterance.
" Comfort ye, comfort ye my people, saith your
, God. Speak ye comfortably to Jerusalem and cry
}' unto her that her day of trial is accomplished and
/ that her iniquity is pardoned; for she hath received
I of the Lord's hand double for all her sins." 5
The political deliverance of Israel is repeatedly
proclaimed, and Cyrus is declared to be the instru
ment in God's hand to accomplish this end. The
prophet stimulates the aspirations of the people and
arouses their hopes of immediate deliverance by re
minding these exiles of the wonderful victories of this
new military leader who has appeared out of the east.
" Who. has raised up one from the east, whom He
calleth in righteousness to His foot? He giveth na-
* lb. p. 132. 5 lsa. 40:1, 2.

OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS 183
tions before him, and maketh him rule over kings;
He giveth them as dust to his sword, as the driven
stubble to his bow." 6 The prophet even more
plainly tells his people that Cyrus will release them
from their captivity, and will aid them in the
rebuilding of the holy city. " I have raised him
[Cyrus] up in righteousness, and I will make straight
all his ways ; he shall build my city, and he shall let
my exiles go free."
Never had a prophecy been more definite than
this of the great prophet of the exile, and never was
fulfillment more direct and complete. With the quick
precision peculiar to Cyrus,, he overthrew the king
dom of Babylon, and on the third of November, b. c.
538, he made his triumphal entry into the capital
city. Thus the great empire built up by the genius
of Nebuchadnezzar came to an end, and world af
fairs in the east took a new direction.
THE MESSAGE OF SOCIAL RIGHTEOUSNESS
The possibilities of early deliverance directed at
tention again to the social conditions that resulted
in national disorganization and political exile. The
near approach of restoration demanded the awaken
ing of the civic conscience. These exiles could not
assume political responsibility without a clear realiza
tion that their exile was the direct consequence of
their practices of social injustice and political cor
ruption. So the prophet assures them, " Jehovah's
hand is not shortened, that it cannot save ; neither
His ear heavy, that it cannot hear." 7 Social
crimes are, however, responsible for their separation
6 Isa. 41:2. ? Isa. 59:1.

184 THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
from God. " But your iniquities have separated be
tween you and your God, and your sins have hid His
face from you, so He will not hear." '
Then follows the summary of social wrongs that
had separated the people from God, and that had
supplied the cause for the delay of deliverance. The
list of offenses implies the existence of a social order
and the presence at least of some of the institutions
of civil society. Courts existed, but the prophet
tells us, " None sueth in righteousness and none
pleadeth in truth. They trust in vanity, and speak
lies." 9 The civic conscience of the people needed to
be aroused to a sense of justice and human sympathy.
They needed " to loose the bonds of wickedness — to
let the oppressed go free." What is the real spirit
of philanthropy ? " Is it not to deal thy bread to
the hungry," says the prophet, " and that thou bring
the poor that are cast out to thy house ? When thou
seest the naked, that thou cover him, and that thou
hide not thyself from thine own flesh? " 10 This
represents the real spirit of service. Until this at
titude of mind is attained, progress toward restora
tion must be slow. On the other hand, large promise
is held out to this exiled people if they respond to
this ideal.
" If thou take away from the midst of thee the
yoke, the putting forth of the finger, and speaking
wickedly, and if thou draw out thy soul to the hun
gry, and satisfy the afflicted soul, then shall thy light
rise in darkness, and thine obscurity be as the noon
day; and Jehovah will guide thee continually, and
satisfy thy soul in dry places, and make strong thy
» Isa. 59:2. » Isa. 59:4. io Isa. 58: 7, 8.

OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS 185
bones, and thou shall be like a watered garden, and
like a spring of water, whose waters fail not. And
they that shall be of thee shall build the old waste
places ; thou shalt raise up the foundations of many
generations, and thou shalt be called the repairer of
the breach, the restorer of paths to dwell in." xl
No prophet of Judah has held out the promise of
such large reward for social service as does this un
known prophet of the exile. Perhaps the reason is
to be found in the larger social need that circum
stances had thrust upon this people. More de
pended upon cooperative effort than in any previous
epoch. When institutional restraints are weakest,
moral and social control needs to be the strongest.
Unhappily this is not usually the case, and the
prophet's strong appeal must have been a mighty
factor in the maintenance of social justice.
The time had now come for the fulfillment of the
promise of the prophet. Within a few months after
the conquest of Babylon, Cyrus issued an edict 12
which granted to the Jewish exiles permission to re
turn to Jerusalem, and in the spring of 537 b. c. they
actually began the journey. With this great event
another epoch in the history of the Hebrews came to a
close, and the prophecy of the future was to deal on
the social side with new problems, where the social
element was to be more completely submerged in the
religious changes of the times.
TOPICS FOR REPORTS AND INVESTIGATION
1. Contributions to History Found in "Second
Isaiah." n Isa. 58:10-12. 12 Ezra 1.

186 THE JEWISH PROPHETS
2. The Prophet's Conception of Cyrus.
3. The Theology of Second Isaiah.
4. The Prophet's Conception of the " Servant of
Jehovah." 5. Influence of the Exile on Prophecy.
FURTHER READINGS
Cornill's "The Prophets of Israel," pp. 131-144.;
Kirkpatrick's " The Doctrine of the Prophets," pp. 353-
410; G. A. Smith's "Isaiah," XL-LXVI ("Expositor's
Bible ") ; Sanders and Kent's " The Messages of the
Later Prophets," pp. 149-193; Chamberlain's "The
Hebrew Prophets," pp. 188-214; Jordan's "Prophetic
Ideas and Ideals," pp. 233-273.

CHAPTER XIX
HAGGAI
We now enter upon a new period in the history of
Jewish prophecy — that of THe restoration. The ,
era ^~"b^sTimbwii through the work of two prophets
— Haggai and Zechariah — whose chief mission was
to encourage the rebuilding of the temple and to re
vive the national spirit among the Jewish colonists.
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
The conditions that justified divine interference
at this time may be briefly stated as follows: Our
previous study related the circumstances which re
sulted in the decree of Cyrus granting permission
to the exiled Jews to return to Jerusalem and re
build the temple. This decree was issued in 536
b. c, but we cannot be certain that an immediate re
turn was begun by any considerable number of these
exiled Jews. Undoubtedly the majority of this ex
patriated people preferred to remain in the land
where adversity had cast them, for at this time many
of them had built homes, acquired property, and
some had risen to positions of honor and preferment
in governmental affairs. Finally, under the leader
ship of Zerubbabel and Joshua, the high priest,
42,360 men with their families and a large number
of slaves began the journey back to Judea. After
many hardships and some delays they reached their
187

188 THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
destination. A hearty welcome awaited them from
the Jews who had been living in their native land, and
after about one year active plans were undertaken
for the rebuilding of the temple.
In the meantime, important changes had occurred
in the kingdom of Persia. Cyrus had been succeeded
by Cambyses, who had added Egypt to the great
Asiatic possessions of his predecessor, but on account
of his tyranny and cruelty his dependencies began to
rise in rebellion, and a usurper, who claimed to be
the brother of Cambyses, seized the throne. The
king marched against this pretender, but before they
met in battle Cambyses committed suicide. Magus
Gaumata, the pretender, ruled for about one year be
fore he was put to death by Darius, who then
ascended the Persian throne. This occurred in 521
b. c, and the two years that followed were years of
revolt and rebellion in the Persian kingdom. In the
midst of these troublous times, Darius made Zerub-
babel viceroy of Judea. Possibly this was a stroke
of diplomacy on the part of Darius to win the sup
port of the Jews. Whatever the motive, it gave the
Jews release from the anxiety of external interfer
ence and opportunity to carry out the plans for
which they had returned to Jerusalem.
SKETCH OF HAGGAI
We seek in vain for any historic record of the per
sonal incidents in the life of this prophet. Both his
tory and tradition are silent concerning him, and we
are compelled to rely on the allusions found in his
brief prophecy and in the fifth and sixth chapters of
Ezra for the name and the place of the man in his-

OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS 189
tory. It is a very general conjecture that Haggai
began prophesying very late in life because of his
reference to the first temple,1 which has led some to
believe that he had seen the temple before the exile,
but this has been questioned by some and denied alto
gether by other biblical scholars. G. A. Smith says,
" We are quite ignorant of his [Haggai's] age at the
time the word of Jehovah came to him " ; and Sanders
and Kent declare, " There is no evidence to support
the late Jewish tradition to the effect that he was an
old man when he delivered his prophecy." 2 Some
have assumed that Haggai was not of the priestly
class, because of his appeal to the priests for an of
ficial decision 3 instead of making a formal and direct
deliverance on his own authority. The period of
Haggai's public ministry was brief, probably not ex
tending over four months, from September to Decem
ber in the year 520 b. c. However, its importance
cannot be determined by its length, for he appeared
at a very critical period and he wrought mightily
during his public ministry.
THE MESSAGE OF HAGGAI
But there were difficulties that now confronted the
Jews other than royal interference. They had de
layed the real beginning of the house of Jehovah and
the time had been consumed in building " ceiled
houses " of their own. They had become extrava
gant and selfish in their own possessions. " Ye have
sown much, and bring in little; ye eat, but ye have
not enough ; ye drink, but ye are not filled with drink ;
i Hag. 2: 3. 3 Hag. 2: 11-13.
2 " Messages of the Later Prophets," p. 204.

190 THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
ye clothe you, but there is none warm; and he that
earneth wages earneth wages to put it into a bag with
holes." 4
These conditions brought forth a new prophet,
who called himself by a new prophetic title, " The
Lord's Messenger." He came with a direct question
upon his lips, which he addressed to the rulers and
the people : " Is it a time for you yourselves to dwell
in your ceiled houses, while this house lieth waste ? " 5
But the people had a quick and ready answer to the
prophet's question, which answer sought to direct at
tention to the times rather than to luxury and ex
travagance. They reminded^ the prophet that
drouth had destroyeoT their crops and poverty had
threatened them, therefore they were unable to build
Jehovah's house. Haggai had an answer for this
too, and his answer was in the form of a remedy.
God controls the rain. Obey God by restoring His
house and see what He will do in response to obedi
ence to Him. They could not refuse to try the plan
suggested. In three weeks' time, encouraged by the
assurance of the prophet, the work of rebuilding
began. Success, however, was not to come without trials
and discouragement. As the work progressed, the
people saw that the new temple was to be inferior to
the one erected by Solomon. They were ready to
give up and return to the ease and comforts of their
homes, but again the prophet arouses their enthusi
asm with a vivid description of the glory that Jeho
vah will bring to it in future days. That the glory
of this house will be greater than the glory of its
* Hag. 1:6. 5 Hag. 1 : 4.

OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS 191
predecessor 6 is the thought that stimulates the peo
ple to continue their work. At the end of two
months the prophet discerns that they again need an
encouraging word. He changes his method now from
that of the glowing word picture of future triumph
to that of logic and social policy. He uses the prin
ciple of ceremonial uncleanness to show that the tem
ple has a vital relation to the purity and sobriety
of the people. Later on the same day, he takes up
the argument anew, and arouses the hopes of the
builders to the possible restoration of the Davidic
line through its present representative, Zerubbabel,
who was directing the work of rebuilding the temple.
With these words of hopeful restoration of the
kingdom of Judea, the voice of Haggai becomes si
lent, but he had fulfilled his mission. For four years
the work of rebuilding the temple went on until its
final completion.
The larger meaning of this prophecy is admirably
set forth by G. Campbell Morgan 7 in presenting the
permanent values of the book.
" The permanent value of this book is twofold.
First, it is a revelation of the peculiar perils of an
age of adversity ; and, secondly, it is a declaration of
the duty of the man of faith in such an age. Haggai
helps us to see the perils of the hour when everything
looks dark; and to understand the duty of the man
of faith in such an hour, and in the presence of such
perils. " There are four perils indicated in the prophecy,
and the four addresses deal with them respectively.
6 Hag. 2:9.
7 " Living Messages of the Books of the Bible,'' p. 305.

192 THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
First, the peril of a false content. Secondly, the
peril of a false discontent. Thirdly, the peril of a
false expectation. Finally, the peril of a false fear.
" First, a false content. As these people looked at
the conditions in the midst of which they found them
selves they said, ' It is not the time ... for the
Lord's house to be built.'
" Secondly, a false discontent. After the work
had commenced they looked at their building in the
light of the olden days, and they said, ' Who is left
among you that saw this house in its former glory?
And how do ye see it now ? Is it not in your eyes as
nothing? '
" Thirdly, a false expectation. When the building
had proceeded further they expected immediate ma
terial results from their moral reformation.
" Finally, a false fear. They were filled with fear
of the nations by whom they were surrounded."
But their fears were groundless, for the temple of
the restoration was not to be the center of a temporal
kingdom, and that was not the hope that Haggai
held out to his people. Instead of founding a king
dom they were to establish a church, and instead of
the reign being temporal, it was destined to be spir
itual. The temporal glory of the Jewish nation had
passed, but a glory more transcendent and universal
was about to take its place. Haggai and his brief
message gain tremendously in importance when we
think of him in relation to this beginning.
He was also connected with a new national name
of great social significance. This prophet repre
sented a race that has been known by three names —
Hebrews, Israelites, and Jews. These names are not

OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS 193
synonymous. Each is importantly connected with
biography, geography, and history. Hebrew refers
to the descendants of Abraham, Israelite refers to a
native of Israel, and Jew is connected with the sons
of Judah. In time the latter term succeeded the
other two, and this people became known as Jews.
Haggai did not encourage a new nationalism. The
Israelite was no longer to be thought of in terms of
geographical boundaries. Hebraism is now to be
merged into Judaism. The Jews had lost a temporal
kingdom, but they had gained a spiritual empire.
TOPICS FOR REPORTS AND INVESTIGATION
1. The Importance of Haggai's Message.
2. The Method and Result of Haggai's Work.
3. The Importance of the Rebuilding of the Temple.
4. A Study of Jewish Leaders during the Days of
Haggai. 5. The Beginning of the Church.
FURTHER READINGS
Marcus Dods' " Haggai, Zechariah, Malachi," pp. 44-
58; G. C. Morgan's "Living Messages of the Books of
the Bible" (Job to Malachi), pp. 303-315; Petrie's
"Israel's Prophets," pp. 202-213; Sanders and Kent's
"Messages of the Later Prophets," pp. 197-212; Kirk-
patrick's " The Doctrine of the Prophets," pp. 413-422;
also see Haggai in encyclopedias and Bible dictionaries.

CHAPTER XX
ZECHARIAH
The public ministry of Zechariah was in part con
temporaneous with that of Haggai. His first proph
ecies were delivered soon after the first promises had
been made by Haggai to the discouraged builders.
The date of his second message seems to have been
about two months after the close of Haggai's min
istry, while his public utterances are dated during
the close of the second year's work in rebuilding the
temple. The date and authorship of the last five
chapters have been seriously questioned by biblical
scholars. There is a tendency to doubt that Zecha
riah wrote these chapters, and some contend that they
are of preexilian origin, while others, with equal
force, contend that they were written during post-
exilian times. Perhaps the safest conclusion is that
of Marcus Dods, who says that these last chapters
were anonymous. Dods agrees with Canon Perowne
that as to the date of authorship " it is not easy to
say which way the weight of evidence preponderates."
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
The history of the times, in so far as they have
any bearing on this prophet's message, has been
briefly outlined in the preceding study of Haggai.
The beginning of his prophecy is definitely indicated
194

THE JEWISH PROPHETS 195
by these words : " In the eighth month, in the sec
ond year of Darius." 1 For all the eight visions there
is assigned one date, i.e., " in the twenty-fourth day
of the eleventh month, the month Shebat, in the sec
ond year of Darius," 2 which fixes the date during the
winter of 520 and 519 b. c. The prophecies of both
Haggai and Zechariah grew out of the same condi
tions, and both centered around the rebuilding of the
temple, but Zechariah's vision of the angelic horse
man, which symbolized existing peace, seems to be in
conflict with the prediction of Haggai that Jehovah
would bring upon the nations a destructive war. As
the exact date of the realization of the vision is un
determined, however, the conflict may be more imag
inary than real.
The appearance of these two men at the same time
and with messages directed at the same conditions
is significant because of the way in which they supple
ment each other. One was a priest, the other a lay
man. Zechariah's symbolic visions were in marked
contrast with the direct, matter-of-fact deliverances
of Haggai. Both had a place in the work of en
couraging their countrymen in the task of rebuild
ing the temple, and again arousing the people to
spiritual consciousness. SKETCH OF ZECHARIAH
This prophet, like Jeremiah and Ezekiel, but un
like Haggai, his contemporary, was of priestly origin,
being a son of Berechiah, and grandson of Iddo,3
the latter being one of the most important priests
that returned from exile with Zerubbabel and Joshua.4
iHag. 1:1. sZech. 1:1, 7.
2 Hag. 1:7. * Neh. 12:4.

196 THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
The fact that Zechariah succeeded his grandfather as
priest under the high priest Jehoiakim,5 has led to
the inference that his father died young. This infer
ence is further supported by the passage in Ezra
where Zechariah is referred to as the " son of Iddo "
instead of his grandson,6 the name of the father hav
ing been passed over because he had died before he
attained the priesthood through the death of Iddo,
his own father.
Zechariah was doubtless born in exile, and his
name, meaning " Jehovah's memorial," tells the sim
ple history of the faith of his pious family who were
relying on the promises of Jehovah to fulfil his prom
ise to his exiled people, who in their sorrow were able
to look beyond to the promised restoration. The
return of the youth to Jerusalem gave promise that
he was destined to fulfill in reality what his name had
symbolized when he was born in exile.
Zechariah combines in his personality the attributes
of the dreamer, the reformer, and the seer; and his
threefold personality is so clearly reflected in his
writings as to bring into doubt the integrity of the
authorship of his book. His diversity of style re
minds us of Ezekiel. He seems to have been influ
enced in his social conceptions by the prophets of the
eighth century, he approaches Daniel in apocalyptic
vision, and in his clear portraiture of the coming
Messiah he rivals the great Isaiah. Only in one of
these aspects will this prophet be studied, that is, as a
reformer who adapted his messages to his times.
»Neh. 12:16. 6 Ezra 5:1.

OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS 197
THE SOCIAL MESSAGE OF ZECHARIAH
Zechariah begins his prophecy by directing his
people to vital questions which concerned the com
munity interests. He shows his knowledge of the
preexilic prophets by frequent quotation. He does
not refer to these prophets by specific name, but re
fers to them as the " former prophets," and his social
message reminds us of the early teaching of such
prophets as Amos and Isaiah.
His greatest opportunity came when a deputation
from Bethel appeared before the temple priests, mak
ing inquiry as to whether or not they should continue
to fast and weep in the fifth month over the destruc
tion of the city and temple, since the restoration was
now under way. Zechariah felt the importance and
responsibility of the answer that he was called upon
to give. He went to the heart of the matter by ask
ing about the motive that prompted such observance.
Was it prompted by a desire to worship Jehovah,
or was it a selfish expression of their own feelings?
What was the object of their great concern and their
punctilious observance of these fasts and ceremonies?
Was it prompted by reverent worship, or was it be
cause it gave opportunity for feasting and drinking
and revelry ? " The motive," says the prophet,
" must determine the answer," and from the verses
that follow 7 we would infer that their fasts and
ceremonies were of doubtful merit as a means of real
worship. Zechariah then recalls to these visiting laymen and
TZech. 7:8-14.

198 THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
priests some of the social wrongs against which the
earlier prophets warned the people. They had ad
monished the ^judges to render just verdicts. In
social relations, kindness and mercy one to another
was laid down as a guiding principle. Oppression of
the poor, the widow, the stranger, and the orphan was
condemned. The people of old refused to heed this
admonition, and slaughter, desolation, and exile was
the penalty required for disobedience to these just
requirements. " Would you in this new generation,
on the eve of renewal of your national life, escape the
penalty paid by your fathers? Then," says Zecha
riah, " do the things that I command." " Speak ye
every man the truth_with . his jjeighbor ; execute the
judgment of truth and peace in your gates ; and let
none of you devise evil in your hearts against his
neighbor, and love no false oath for all these are the
things that I hate, saith Jehovah." 8 The clearness
with which the prophet speaks out on questions of
social relations indicates the slow return of com
munity life to the people, and the beginning of the
reorganization of political and social life.
No definite social note is discernible in any of
the eight visions of Zechariah, with the exception of
the sixth. The chief aim of these symbolic visions
was to encourage the people to rebuild the temple.
The first vision of the angelic horseman was designed
to reveal to the people that there was to be imme
diate peace throughout the Persian Empire, and op
portunity was theirs to rebuild the temple without
foreign interference. The second vision, of the four
horns and four artisans, symbolically foretold that
sZech. 8: 16, 17.

OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS 199
Jehovah was to destroy the enemies of Judah, and
restore her original power. The third vision, of
the measuring line, indicated that- theJerusalem of
the future would not be confined to the narrow walls
of old, but her growth was to extend far into the
country. The fourth vision, of the trial, was the
promise of the restoration of the priesthood. The
fifth vision, of the temple candlestick and its source
of supply, symbolized Jehovah, the source of strength,
Zerubbabel and Joshua, representing the monarch and
the priesthood, the temporal and spiritual power that
were to be used by Jehovah to accomplish His pur
pose. The seventh vision, of the woman within the
ephah, symbolized the removal of sin and temptation
from the people. The eighth, and last vision, of the
war-chariots of Jehovah, foretold the destruction of
Persia, the nation that then held Judah in subjection.
The sixth vision, that of the winged volume, taught
that " Jjuiltjs^ personal." The dimensions of the roll
(twenty cubits~in "length and ten cubits in breadth)
was intended to convey the impression that it was
easy to be seen, and thus symbolized the sure detection
of the offender and the magnitude of the specific
offenses. Theft and perjury were to be surely pun
ished 9 and the land was to be cleansed from evil
doers. This is the vision of a reform in civic affairs.
The public conscience was to be aroused, the guilt
resting on the people because of indifference was
to cease, and the whole community was to escape
blame by seeking the personal offender, and inflicting
upon him the full penalty of the law. The seventh
vision referred to above, which follows in this fifth
sZech. 5:3, 4.

200 THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
chapter, is a continuation of this same line of rea
soning. This lesson is still of tremendous impor
tance. To keep the community life quickened to the
importance of punishing the evil-doer is a constant
problem. Community indifference to the wrong
doing of its members has been, throughout the ages,
a handicap to social integrity and moral progress.
One other passage completes the social message
of Zechariah to his people. He has quoted from
earlier prophets to show the social principles that
they laid down to guide the people in their genera
tion, and these principles have been applied to the
new conditions of Zechariah's own time. He has ex
plained that through them he hopes to cast wicked .
oppressors and unjust judges out of the land. Peace
and protection is promised if this can be done, and
he teaches clearly that the only way to accomplish
this task is to arouse the whole community to a sense
of its civic and social responsibility. Then in clear j
and striking speech he pictures social conditions that
must follow. " There shall yet old men and old
women sit in the streets of Jerusalem, every man
with his staff in his hand for very age. And the
streets of the city shall be full of boys and girls play
ing in the streets thereof." 10 This is a striking de
scription of peaceful prosperity, and the natural
rewards of a community jealous of its good name.
Such conditions can only exist where the principles
of morality and social justice are observed and fol
lowed. loZech. 8:4, 5.

OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS 201

TOPICS FOR REPORTS AND INVESTIGATION
1. Conflicting Views Concerning the Date of Author
ship of Chapters IX and XIV of the Book of Zech
ariah. 2. The Allegorical and Dramatic Character of the
Book of Zechariah.
3. A Comparative Study of the Messages of Haggai
and Zechariah.
4. The Indebtedness of Zechariah to his Predecessors.
5. Oft-repeated Passages in the Book and their Sig
nificance.
FURTHER READINGS.
Marcus Dods' " Haggai, Zechariah, Malachi," pp. 59-
126; Sanders and Kent's "The Messages of the Later
Prophets," pp. 212-233; G. Campbell Morgan's " Living
Messages of the Books of the Bible " (Job to Malachi),
pp. 317-332; Petrie's "Israel's Prophets," pp. 214-227;
Jordan's " Prophetic Ideas and Ideals," pp. 289-297 ; .
G. A. Smith's " Twelve Prophets " (" Expositor's Bi
ble "), Vol. II, pp. 255-328; also see article on Zechar
iah in Bible dictionaries and encyclopedias.

CHAPTER XXI
MALACHI
The prophecy of Malachi closes another period in
the history of Jewish prophecy. After the dedica
tion of the temple in 516 b. c, a period of almost
sixty years follows that is almost barren of facts
of historical interest in the little Judean community.
But there were occurring around this Jewish col
ony events which were destined to change the course
of the world's history for all future ages. These
events will be briefly related in so far as they have
a bearing on the history and destiny of the remnant
of the Jews. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
Our attention is first directed to the revolt of the
Ionians from the supremacy of Persia in 500 b. c,
an event which occurred just sixteen years after the
dedication of the temple. This resulted in the inva
sion of Greece by the Persians, and the defeat of
their army by Miltiades at Marathon, in #90 b. c.
Ten years later, the battle of Thermopylae was fought,
and during the same year the Persian fleet was de
stroyed at Salamis. The destruction of the Persian
army at Plataea in 479 b. c. compelled Xerxes to with
draw from Europe. These victories encouraged
Egypt to revolt from Persian rule. In 460 b. c,
202

THE JEWISH PROPHETS 203
Athens sent an expedition to Egypt to assist in the
revolt against Persia. The wars against Greece were
remote from Judea, and doubtless had little effect
on its affairs, but the revolt in Egypt was of more
concern, for the Persian forces must have passed
through Syria on their march to Egypt. Doubtless
the little Jewish community was compelled to supply
provisions for the army, and some of the Jews may
have been compelled to render military service. It
is safe to assume that the Jews lived a disturbed and
uneasy existence during the course of these events.
That the Jewish community was in constant petty
hostilities with its neighbors is confirmed by the only
two authentic incidents that we have a record of dur
ing this period. These incidents are related by
Ezra.1 In the first place, they were charged by their
enemies with being in sympathy with the revolt in
Egypt, and this matter was officially reported to the
Persian court. In the second place, we are told that
the mixed population of Samaria succeeded in con
vincing the officers of the Persian government who re
sided at Jerusalem that if the Jews were permitted to
rebuild the walls which they had begun, they would
use the security that such a fortification would give
to resist the payment of taxes, and the result would
be a revolt from Persian dominion. These enemies,
on the basis of this charge, succeeded in securing an
order to have the work stopped, and no time was lost
in enforcing this decree. It was in the midst of such
conditions as are here related, and probably during
the revolt of Egj'pt (462-456 b. c), that the proph
ecy of Malachi was delivered.
lEzra 4:6-23.

204 THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
SKETCH OF MALACHI
Nothing is known of the personal history of this
prophet. In fact, the gravest doubts have been en
tertained by profound Bible scholars as to whether
there ever was such an individual. The name does
not occur elsewhere in the Old Testament. The word
occurs twice in this book, and in the first instance 2
is translated as a proper name, and in the second
instance " my messenger." 3 This fact has given
considerable weight to the opinions of those who con
tend that the word is merely an official title and not
a proper name. Some who maintain this theory claim
that the book was written by Ezra, and the title
" Malachi " was used to indicate his authority as a
prophet, but the differences in style and diction in
the books of Ezra and Malachi have caused some to
seriously doubt the possibility of this theory. While
it is impossible ever to settle such a question as this,
it is probably a simpler and more natural conclusion
to assume, since it was usual for prophets to give
their own names in beginning their prophecies, that
Malachi was the real name of the prophet, and not a
mere official title of some unknown prophet.
THE SOCIAL MESSAGE OF MALACHI
The prophecy of Malachi came after a period of
prophetic silence of more than sixty years, Zecha
riah, his immediate predecessor, having delivered his
message, as we have seen in our previous study, in
520 b. c. Great changes had come in the social
ideals of the people during this period*. We have
2 Mai. 1:1. s Mai. 3:1.

OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS 205
seen that Haggai and Zechariah had encouraged the
people to rebuild the temple, and hope had been held
out to them of a renewal of political influence and
the return of peaceful prosperity. The immediate
fulfillment of these prophecies was expected by the
Jews, and when they were confronted with opposi
tion and open hostility from their neighboring peo
ple, and interference from the Persian government,
we find, for the first time in the history of the race,
that expression is given to scepticism. " It is vain,"
said these despondent people, " to serve God ; and
what profit is it that we have kept his charge, and
that we have walked mournfully before Jehovah of
Hosts ? " 4 Religion had now become merely a
mourning apparel, worn for the sake of selfish gain,
rather than for the joy and spiritual strength it
could create. The consequences were just what we
would expect. The tide of hope which was stimu
lated by the teaching of Haggai and Zechariah rap
idly ebbed away, and with successive crop failures
and opposition from envious neighbors this little
band of Jews yielded not only to disappointment and
despair, but for the first time manifested a total in
difference and a bitter contempt for their duty to
God. The social sins into which they fell were but
the natural consequences of their despair and mental
dejection. We are told by the prophet that " every man dealt
treacherously with his brother." 5 The old ideals
had broken down, and with the loss of faith in Je
hovah came the loss of faith in each other, a conse
quence naturally to be looked for. Adultry, perjury,
* Mai. 3:14. 5 Mai. 2:10.

206 THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
dishonesty, and oppression of the dependent became
the common practices among the people.6 Against
these practices the prophet raises his voice, and pleads
with his people to return unto the Lord, reminding
them of the promise of Jehovah that if they will
return unto Him that He will return unto them.7
He follows this promise with an analysis of the causes
of their poverty and disappointment. He tells them
-ithat they have robbed God by refusing to provide
/tithes and offerings. Social wrongs and misfortune
will continue until the right relation has been estab
lished with God.
The social evil that received greatest attention by
this great moral reformer was that of the intermar
riage of the Jews with alien women. Foreign mar
riages had become common at the time of Malachi,
and they had continued for a sufficient time to en
able this great social reformer to discern the evil
consequences resulting from them. It had become
the practice of the Jews to put away their Israelitish
wives with impunity and to take unto themselves
wives of foreign nationalities. The old Semitic law
of divorce was very lax, and the dissolution of mar
riage ties became a very common and informal cus
tom. The marriage relation could be severed merely by
a husband leading his wife to the door of his tent
and telling her to be gone. We are told by Pro
fessor Kent, " The Deuteronomic law sought to re
lieve this injustice by providing that the husband
should place in the hand of his wife, as she departed,
a document stating the grounds on which he had
6 Mai. 3:5. 7 Mai. 3:7.

OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS 207
divorced her." However, Malachi found that in
spite of this restriction divorce had greatly increased,
and both the spirit and the letter of the latter law
was being openly violated. His ideals and efforts
to prevent this practice place his name among those
of the greatest reformers of the world. His ideals
of the matrimonial relation, and his teaching on the
subject of divorce, are second only in importance to
that of Jesus of Nazareth.
In his attack on this problem of alien marriages,
the prophet appeals to the sentiment of the people
by reminding them that they are putting away the
" wife of thy youth," and he then proceeds to de
nounce such an act as cruel and unjust. He presses
his argument a step further, and asserts that mar
riage is a solemn covenant between man and wife
which has divine approval, and that to disregard it
or to treat the relation lightly means to bring on
the displeasure of Jehovah.8 In his further argu
ment, we have presented what we should call to-day
an argument based on " eugenics." Purity of blood
was a matter of great importance at that time. Each
family should seek above all things " a godly seed." 9
Children are the " seed of God," and the nation can
be made permanent only through them, and the re
ligion of Jehovah must look to the descendants of
Abraham for purity and vitality. So much for the
necessity for observing the marriage vows.
On the other hand, divorce is an evil to be shunned.
Jehovah hates divorce.10 The prophet shows his
contempt for the foreign women that enter into mar
riage with his people by speaking of them as " the
s Mai. 2: 14, 15. 9 Mai. 2:15. loMal. 2:16.

208 THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
daughters of a strange god." He saw in such mar
riages an inevitable deterioration in moral and reli
gious conviction which would place his people beyond
the power of social reform. He concludes his whole
argument on the subject of divorce with these strik
ing words : " Therefore, take heed to your spirit,
and let none deal treacherously against the wife of
his youth." u
Thus did this prophet of social reform lift his
voice under divine guidance in behalf of his falter
ing people. His appearance at this time was all the
more significant because he came when there was a
dearth of great moral leadership, and at a time when
the need was great for resistance to the rapid moral
decadence of the people. He may not have lived to
see the solution of the social problems that engaged
his attention, but he certainly prepared the way for
reform. Toward the close of the fifth century b. c,
Ezra and Nehemiah were destined to come from the
East, and, taking the work up where Malachi left
off, they directed their energies to a reformation in
the moral and spiritual life of the people and the
restoration of material prosperity. The influence of
Malachi must have been an important aid in the ac
complishment of this twofold purpose.
TOPICS FOR REPORTS AND INVESTIGATION
1. The Date of the Authorship of Malachi.
2. A Comparative Study of the Teaching Concerning
Divorce by the Prophets.
3. The Influence of the Priests on the Social Life of
the People as Revealed by a Study of Malachi.
ii Mai. 2: 15.

OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS 209
4. Malachi's Proposed Remedies for Social Sin.
5. The Permanence of Malachi's Contribution to
Social Reform. FURTHER READINGS
Jordan's " Prophetic Ideas and Ideals," Chap. XXV,
pp. 301-310; Kirkpatrick's "The Doctrine of the
Prophets," pp. 504-511; Petrie's "Israel's Prophets,"
Chap. XVI, pp. 228-243; Kent's " Makers and Teachers
of Judaism," ("Historical Bible"), pp. 60-72; Marcus
Dods' "Haggai, Zechariah, Malachi," pp. 128-153; G.
A. Smith's " Twelve Prophets " (" Expositor's Bible "),
Vol. II, pp. 331-372; G. Campbell Morgan's "Living
Messages of the Books of the Bible " (Job to Malachi),
pp. 335-349; articles on Malachi in encyclopedias and
Bible dictionaries.

CHAPTER XXII
NEHEMIAH'S SOCIAL REFORMS
The relation of Nehemiah to his times and the im
portance of his social reforms justifies the inclusion
of a brief study of his social message at this point
in these studies of the prophets. It also seems ad
visable to make incidental mention of the mission of
Ezra, the forerunner of Nehemiah, who accomplished
some of the reforms previously undertaken by Mala
chi. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
The reader will recall that the decree of Cyrus
which granted permission to the Jews to return was
issued in 536 b. c, and beginning with Haggai our
subsequent studies have been concerned with the
Jewish community at Jerusalem. In the meantime,
prosperity had come to the Jews that had remained
in Babylon. At this time the seat of war was far
removed, and they were permitted to abide in peace
and prosperity. They used this opportunity to pro
mote their spiritual and intellectual life. " Baby
lonian Jews," says Miss Latimer 1 in writing of this
period, " having no temple, supplied the place of the
services by listening to the exhortations of the proph
ets, by strictly keeping the Sabbath and the holy
i " Judea from Cyrus to Titus," p. 54.
210

THE JEWISH PROPHETS 211
feasts, by attention to the rules of diet, by avoidance
of Gentile marriages ; keeping themselves, by every
means in their power, a separate people." This is an
interesting picture, and pathetic in prospect, for in
just a few years (333 b. c.) Alexander of Macedon
was destined to invade the Persian Empire, and his
conquering armies were to scatter the Jewish exiles
into widely separated cities and localities. Many of
them were transported to the city of Alexander, where
they became important factors in the development of
this great city. We are told by M. Renan that the
Jews were both prosperous and influential in Alexan
dria. " The regularity of their lives," says he, " and
the strictness of their morals procured them situ
ations as confidential servants. They made excellent
clerks and secretaries, and were found by the govern
ment especially useful in the work of administration."
To return to the prosperous period of the Jews
in Babylon during the reign of Artaxerxes, it is easy
to contrast their prosperity, morality, and spiritual
ity with that of their kinsmen at Jerusalem. Reform
was needed badly by the little colony far away, and
no leadership there was available for the task.
Three things, according to Miss Latimer, would be
essential to a reformer's success. " He must come
from without, not from within the Judean colony ; he
must be clothed with authority higher than the rul
ing classes at Jerusalem ; he must be at once a zealot
and a teacher." Ezra fulfilled these conditions.
When he heard of the conditions that existed at
Jerusalem, his love for his people caused him to seek
permission to go, and in the seventh year of the reign
of Artaxerxes his desire was made possible by a decree

212 THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
of the king. Ezra was accompanied by 1700 men,
and an unknown number of women and children.
When he arrived in Jerusalem, he found conditions
even worse than he had expected, but he immediately
set about his task of reform with zeal and cour
age. His greatest social problem was that of mixed
marriages, and he determined to eradicate this evil
against which Malachi had contended. After re
ceiving the promise of support from certain influen
tial leaders of the community, he called a mass meet
ing, and upbraided the people for this serious breach
of Jehovah's covenant, and, in spite of some oppo
sition, succeeded in having an inquiry made concern
ing the prevalence of mixed marriages, and those
guilty of this offence were compelled to separate
from heathen wives.2
At this interesting point in the reform work of
Ezra, the curtain falls upon this little colony of
Jews, and it is destined not to rise again for a period
of thirteen years. We do not know what interrupted
the work of Ezra, but subsequent events justify the
conclusion that grave disasters came upon the Jew
ish community. The interruption may have been due
to a rebellion in Egypt, or a change in the attitude
of Artaxerxes toward the Jews, or some other cause.
In the midst of this deplorable condition, Hanani re
turned from Jerusalem to Babylon and informed his
brother, Nehemiah, of conditions there.3 Nehemiah's
life and public service peculiarly qualified him to lend
assistance to his people, and he determined to follow
in the steps of Ezra and go to the aid of his people.
2 lb. p. 53. sNeh. Is2 ff.

OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS 213
SKETCH OF NEHEMIAH
Nehemiah was the son of Hachaliah, and although
a Jewish exile in Babylon, he was cupbearer to King
Artaxerxes, by whom he was regarded with high fa
vor. All the authentic information that we have con
cerning this distinguished Jewish patriot is contained
in the book bearing his name. His official position
brought him into intimate touch with the king, for
it was a part of his duty as cupbearer to admit vis
itors to the sovereign's room. This was doubtless a
factor in gaining for him permission to return to
Jerusalem, and he began his journey in the twentieth
year of the reign of Artaxerxes. He carried letters
of introduction from the king to the governors, and
a bodyguard was delegated to accompany him.4 He
arrived in Jerusalem in due time, and we have a rec
ord of his reforms and administration down to 432
b. c. Of his life and character the Schaff-Herzog
" Encyclopedia of Religious Knowledge " says :
" He was one of those ardent Jewish patriots whom
the attractions of a foreign court did not make
ashamed of their nationality, or indifferent to the
welfare of Jerusalem. He combined the practical
skill of the architect with the vigilance and fortitude
of the general." SOCIAL REFORMS OF NEHEMIAH
Immediately upon his arrival in Jerusalem, Nehe
miah undertook to fortify the city by repairing the
walls and gates.5 Before he had time to complete
this undertaking, he was called upon to deal with a
<Neh. 2:9. 5 Neh. 2:11 ff.

214 THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
social evil that, unless it could be averted, was des
tined to retard greatly his work. The poorer Jews
round about the city, as a result of poverty and dis
tress resulting from crop failures and other disasters,
had been compelled to mortgage their lands to the
rich in order to provide food for their families and
to pay the government tax. The Persian " pekah "
was very exacting in demanding prompt payment of
the royal tribute or tax. No mercy was shown if
these poor people were not able to raise their mort
gages when they became due. So exacting were these
rich creditors that in some instances the poor man
was forced to surrender his children to the creditor,
to become slaves in the latter's household. We are
told that Nehemiah was very angry when he found
out the true state of affairs. He called a meeting
of the leading men, both lay and clerical, and deliv
ered to them a stinging address. " Ye exact usury,"
says he, " every man of his brother. We [Jews of
Babylon] after our ability have redeemed our breth
ren, the Jews, that were sold unto the nations ; and
would ye even sell your brethren, and should they be
sold unto us ? " He paused to wait for an answer,
but they were so conscience-stricken that they could
not find words with which to reply.6 Continuing his
speech, he said :
" The thing that ye do is not good. Ought ye not
to walk in the fear of our God, because of the re
proach of the nations, our enemies? And I like
wise, my brethren, and my servants, do lend them
money and grain. I pray you let us leave off this
usury. Restore, I pray you, to them, even this day,
6Neh. 5:8.

OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS 215
their fields, their vineyards, their olive-yards, and
their houses, also the hundredth part of the money,
and of the grain, the new wine, and the oil, that ye
exact of them." 7
The appeal was too strong to be resisted. With
one voice they exclaimed : " We will do even as thou
sayeth." But remembering their broken promise to
Ezra, Nehemiah decided to bind them with an oath;
so he called out the priests to administer the oath to
them that they would do even as they had promised.
Nehemiah had won a signal victory over these
rich Jews, and he convinced all the people of the sin
cerity of his purpose by immediately manifesting gen
erosity toward the poor. He gave liberally of his
own means to aid them, and he refused to make any
of the exactions that had been practiced by the Per
sian " pekah " who had preceded him.8 We are not
surprised that his influence and popularity grew.
This enabled him to arouse the men of Jerusalem to
put forth such a united effort as to enable them to
complete the rebuilding of the walls and gates of the
city in the surprisingly short period of fifty-two
days. With this work completed, Nehemiah undertook
another reform that was fundamental. He was de
termined to compel the observance of the Sabbath,
which was being sadly neglected by the Jews. The',
commercial pursuits of ordinary days were carried
on openly without any regard to sacred ordinance
or divine decree. He excluded all traders on the
Sabbath, and closed the gates against them. When
these traders attempted to lodge just outside the/
i Neh. 5: 9-11. 8 Neh. 5: 15-18.

216 THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
city-gates, Nehemiah ordered them to depart, and he
tells us that after he had threatened them that " from
that time forth they came no more on the Sabbath." ""
Thus the observance of the Sabbath was effectively
restored in a sane and practical manner.
With these reforms accomplished, Nehemiah set
about the correction of the evil that had baffled Mala
chi, and the social problem that had met with only
temporary solution at the hands of Ezra, his great
forerunner and earlier contemporary — i. e., the
prevention of mixed marriages. Nehemiah was fa
miliar with the fact that the Jews of the dispersion
had placed great emphasis on the preservation of the
purity of their blood, and the avoidance of mixed
marriages had been carefully observed, but, as we
have seen, this question had not received such em
phasis at Jerusalem, and this regulation was openly
violated, not only by the laymen, but by the priests
as well. There could be no question about Nehe-
miah's position on the subject of mixed marriages.
His attention was directed to this question one day
when he met in the street some children who were un
able to speak the Hebrew tongue, but spoke the dia
lect of some heathen nation. On inquiry he found
that their Jewish fathers had married women of Ash-
dod, Ammon, and Moab.10 Nehemiah decided to
make an example of the fathers of these children,
and not only publicly reprimanded them, but even
used violence " by plucking out their hair." Then
he laid down the law that in the future no alliances
were to be made by Jews with those who were not true
'children of Israel. This was the crowning reform
s Neh. 13:21. io Neh. 13:23.

OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS 217
of Nehemiah's life. The success of his social re
forms is one of the outstanding facts in Jewish his
tory. The reforms of Nehemiah were of great signif
icance, and came at a critical period in Jewish his
tory. He had reestablished a vital relationship be
tween the Jews of Babylon and Palestine, and made
the principles of Sabbath observance and the preser
vation of the purity of blood essential bonds of union
for both. The importance of these social principles
is easy to realize when we consider that Alexander
the Great was soon to conquer and denationalize the
East by amalgamating the conquered peoples with
the Greeks of the West. Only one people, so we are
told by the historian, was able to resist this amalga
mating process, and that was the Jews. They were
scattered abroad, as we have seen, but they remained
a distinct people. This was made possible because
of the ideals and public ministry of Ezra and Nehe
miah. Thus was the Jewish religion saved from
Hellenism, the most subtle force and the most fasci
nating product of the ancient world.
TOPICS FOR REPORTS AND INVESTIGATION
1. A Study of the Fifty-sixth Chapter of Isaiah in
Relation to the Social Message and Teaching of Nehe
miah. 2. Comparison and Contrast of the Life and Public
Ministry of Ezra and Nehemiah.
3. The Conflict between Hellenism and Judaism.
4. Nehemiah as a Public Administrator.
5. A Study of the Book of Ruth in Relation to the
Social Teaching of Nehemiah and Ezra.

218 THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS

FURTHER READINGS
Kent's " Makers and Teachers of Judaism " (" His
torical Bible Series"), pp. 117-126; Latimer's "Judea
from Cyrus to Titus," Chapters III and IV, pp. 45-77;
Cornill's "Prophets of Israel," pp. 155-163; Kirkpat-
rick's "The Doctrine of the Prophets," pp. 494-500;
articles on Ezra and Nehemiah in Bible dictionaries and
encyclopedias.

CHAPTER XXIII
JOEL
The period into which we now enter has been
characterized as the " age of legalism " because of
the reforms of Nehemiah and Ezra, and the accept
ance of the Levitical Law. The age of the prophet
Joel may also be regarded as the introduction to the
Grecian period of prophecy, the period that marked
the close of the work of these great moral teachers
and religious leaders.
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
The date of the public ministry of Joel must be
established before we can relate his prophecy to the
times, and this is one of the most difficult problems
of biblical criticism. Bible scholars have agreed
that the Book of Joel is either of very early or very
late date. The authorities place it either before 800
b. c. or after 500 b. c. G. A. Smith J supports the
latter view with the following argument : " Unlike
every other prophet, except Haggai, Malachi, and
Zechariah,2 Joel mentions neither Assyria, which
emerged upon the prophetic horizon about 760, nor
the Babylonian Empire, which had fallen by 537.
The presumption is that he wrote before 760 or after
537." i" Twelve Prophets," Vol. II, p. 376. 2 Joel 9:14.
219

220 THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
The argument for the earlier date may be sum
marized as follows : The placing of the book among
the earliest of the twelve minor prophets; the sim
plicity of the text, and the absence of detail which
characterized the later prophets; the great impor
tance attached to the ravages of the locusts, which
indicated a purely agricultural state of society; and
the absence of all mention of the law and its specific
violation. The later date is supported by a growing number
of critics on the ground that the Book of Joel con
tains the first Old Testament reference to the
Greeks ; 3 that the dispersion had already taken
place,4 and the temple and the city walls B had al
ready been rebuilt, which would indicate that this
prophet lived after the days of Nehemiah. It is not
necessary to enter minutely into the argument that
this problem has brought forth. It is sufficient to
say that the weight of evidence tends to support the
later date. Cornill reaches this conclusion, but with
more certainty than it seems the facts would warrant.
" Few results of Old Testament research," says he,
" are as surely established as that the Book of Joel
dates from the century between Ezra and Alexander
the Great." e
If this view be correct, Joel prophesied at the close
of an age of material prosperity. Probably a half
century intervened between the reforms of Nehemiah
and the adoption of the Law by the people. The
rich and poor had become united. Many Jews,
doubtless attracted by the social reforms and the
s Joel 3:6. sjoel 2:9.
* Joel 3:2. 6 "Prophets of Israel," p. 164.

OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS 221
supremacy of the Law, returned to the land of Judah.
The Jews were doubtless inspired with hope for na
tional independence because of the weakness of the
central government under Artaxerxes II (404-358
b. c). The only interference at this time seems to
have come from their neighbors of Phoenicia, Philis-
tia, and Edom,7 whose petty enmities were a source
of constant annoyance. SKETCH OF JOEL
All that we know of Joel is contained in a single
sentence. " The word of the Lord came to Joel, the
son of Pethuel." Jo-el is the abbreviation of
Jehovah-Elohim, and means, " Jehovah is God."
Therefore, the name of the prophet contains in itself
a veritable confession of faith. The name is not a
rare one, as it occurs no less than fourteen times in
the Bible. The first appearance of the name is in
Samuel,8 where we are told that this was the name of
one of Samuel's sons, who was a judge. The last
mention of the name preceding that of the prophet
was in Nehemiah.9 Joel the prophet is mentioned
only twice in the Bible ; once in the introduction to
his own prophecy, and once in the Book of Acts,10
where he is quoted.
According to Jewish tradition he was born at
Bethhoron, a historic mountain pass of Benjamin,
where Israel had often withstood the onslaughts of
her enemies in the early days of her history. He
probably lived in Judah, and spent much of his life
in the neighborhood of Jerusalem. His ready fa-
7 Joel 3:4-19. » Neh. 11:9.
8 1 Sam. 8:2. io Acts 2:16.

THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
miliarity with the temple, and his many detailed ref
erences to the duties of the priests, have led some
to conclude that he belonged to the priestly class, but
this conclusion is doubtful.
THE MESSAGE OF JOEL
The book consists of two distinct parts. In the
first part lx the prophet addresses the people. He
predicts a twofold calamity that is about to come
upon Judah. (1) A scourge of locusts will come to
destroy the vine and the growing grain, and leave
the land a barren waste; (2) a disastrous drouth
will blight the fruits of the orchard, and cause the
growing grain of the fields to wither and die. In the
second part of the book 12 Jehovah speaks, His words
conveying a message of promise and hope. The ca
lamity described by the prophet is to be removed in
the near future,, and the promise of blessings in the
more remote future is held out to the people.
The teaching of the book clearly presents two
great themes — the great day of judgment and the
promise of redemption. The plague of locusts and
the drouth which had come upon the country were
made to symbolize and characterize the day of Je
hovah, whose coming would bring both judgment and
redemption to the world. He regarded the day as
being very near. " Alas for the day ! for the day of
the Lord is at hand, and as a destruction from the
Almighty shall it come. . . . Blow ye the trumpet
in Zion, and sound an alarm in my holy mountain;
let all the inhabitants of the land tremble; for the
day of the Lord cometh, for it is nigh at hand." 13
11 Joel 1:2 to 2:7. is Joel 1:15; 3: 1.
12 Joel 2:18 to 3:21.

OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS 223
But there is still a chance to avert this catastrophe
through the repentance of God's people. " Rend
your hearts and not your garments, and turn unto
the Lord your God ; for He is gracious and merciful,
slow to anger, and of great kindness, and repenteth
Him of the evil." 14 Therefore, says he, assemble
the people, from the youngest to the oldest, and have
the priests to call them to repentance, for if this can
be accomplished, blessings will come instead of judg
ment, and prosperity will return to take the place of
privation. This is, in brief, the teaching of the book.
The Book of Joel is remarkable for its expressions
of faith and hope in the ultimate triumphs of Juda
ism, and the ultimate conquest over the heathen na
tions. With remarkable power he contrasts Judah
with the other nations. The offences of the nations
against Judah are summarized, and God's judgment
is declared to be certain to fall upon the enemies of
Judah, while blessings and glory are promised to the
people of God.
Joel has been charged with ignoring social and
ethical elements in his prophecy. Some critics feel
that he subordinated the moral instruction to a zeal
for a message filled with hopeful triumph of Judah
over her heathen enemies. This conclusion is hardly
well founded. He does deal in more general terms
than most of the other ethical leaders of Israel.
There is but one reference to any social sin of Judah,
and that was in ridicule of the drunkards because
their supply of new wine had been cut off through the
blight of the grapes.15 All the social sins of Judah
were comprehended by the prophet in the word " re-
w Joel 2:13. « Joel 1:5.

224 THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
pentance." That repentance was necessary, implied
social wrongs and evil deeds. " It is true that re
pentance is not defined," says Kirkpatrick, " and
that particular sins are not singled out for condemna
tion, but we cannot tell how far these brief utterances
may have been supplemented by oral teaching." 16
The invitation " to turn unto the Lord your God "
implies that the people had wandered away from God.
The locust plague and the drouth with which the
people had been afflicted, or were about to be afflicted,
is clearly presented by the prophet as a divine call
for the people to turn unto Jehovah, but this is as
near as Joel gets to a definite social message. If he
had any specific sins in mind, he does not reveal them
in his brief poetic message. This fact alone, how
ever, would not justify us in drawing the conclusion
that he was wanting in ethical interest.
TOPICS FOR REPORTS AND INVESTIGATION
1. The Date of Authorship of Joel's Prophecy.
2. The Priestly Element in Joel's Prophecy.
3. The Tendency of Later Judaism, as Revealed in
Joel's Prophecy.
4. A Study of Familiar Passages in Joel, and Their
Relation to his Message.
5. The Political Situation in the Time of Joel.
FURTHER READINGS
Kirkpatrick's " The Doctrine of the Prophets," pp.
47-79; Cornill's "The Prophets of Israel," pp. 164-
169; G. A. Smith's "Twelve Prophets," ("Expositor's
Bible"), Chap. XVII, pp. 375-445; Petrie's "Israel's
Prophets " ; Sanders and Kent's " The Later Messages
16 " The Doctrine of the Prophets," p. 78.

OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS 225
of the Prophets," pp. 289-302; G. Campbell Morgan's
" Living Messages of the Books of the Bible " (Job to
Malachi), pp. 181-195; articles on Joel in Bible encyclo
pedias and Bible dictionaries.

CHAPTER XXIV
JONAH
As Joel was peculiarly the prophet of Judaism, so
was the prophecy of Jonah the world's classic against
narrowness and smallness. The popular misconcep
tion of this book is one of the misfortunes of the
world. Its mission is so lofty, and its importance is
so great, as to cause men of understanding to exalt
it to a place of supreme eminence. " I have read
this Book of Jonah at least a hundred times," says
Cornill,1 " and I will publicly avow, for I am not
ashamed of my weakness, that I cannot even now
take up this marvelous book, nay, nor even speak of
it, without the tears rising to my eyes, and my heart
beating higher. This apparently trivial book is one
of the grandest that was ever written, and I should
like to say to every one who approaches it, ' Take
off thy shoes, for the place whereon thou standest is
holy ground.' "
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
The books of prophecy are not arranged in the
Bible in chronological order, as we have seen from
our previous studies. Jonah has been placed ninth
in the order of arrangement of the sixteen prophets
from Isaiah to Malachi, but many of the earlier Bible
authorities placed Jonah as the first of the writing
i " Prophets of Israel." p. 170. 226

THE JEWISH PROPHETS 227
prophets. We have seen that this order was prob
ably not correct, and the more recent tendency has
been to place this prophecy at about the close of the
prophetic period.
The earlier date of authorship grew out of the
supposition that the prophet Jonah, who lived dur
ing the reign of Jereboam II, about 780 b. c, was
the author of the Book of Jonah. There is nothing
to justify this conclusion. The book is narrative in
form, which is peculiar to Jewish prophecy, and
Jonah, the son of Amittai, is made the hero of the
book rather than the author of it. There is no rea
son for assuming that the author was an eyewitness
of the adventures of this Jonah, or even a contem
porary with him. The tense of the verb in Jonah
3:3 would indicate that Nineveh had ceased to be
a great city. The fact that this city fell in 608 b. c.
would indicate that the book was written after this
date. In addition to this fact, " Its many Aramaic
words," says Professor Kent,2 " its quotations from
the Book of Joel, its universalities, and its missionary
spirit all indicate that it comes either from the clos
ing years of the Persian or from the earlier part of
the Greek period." This would bring the book prob
ably between 350 b. c. and 200 b. c, the date that
may be said to close the period of Jewish prophecy.
The description of this period has been well char
acterized by Sanders and Kent.3 " The century fol
lowing 350 b. c. was filled with shameful acts of
cruelty and wrong, and the Jews were the victims of
2 " Makers and Teachers of Judaism " (" The Historical
Bible"), p. 174.
3 " Messages of the Later Prophets," p. 344.

228 THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
the most shocking indignities. There was little in
the character of the people with whom they came in
painful contact to arouse their affection or to kindle
their missionary enthusiasm. It was a crisis in which
the very life of Judaism was in jeopardy. It is not
strange that they forgot their high calling to be
Jehovah's witnesses to the world and that curses were
oftener on their lips than blessings."
It was during this period that Judaism had its
greatest conflict, that with Hellenism. In this con
flict, the Greeks became acquainted with monothe
istic religion, and the Jews in turn acquired their first
knowledge of the culture of the Greeks. In the proc
ess many Greeks became proselytes to Judaism, and
some of the Jews forsook their religion in their zeal
for Hellenistic culture. The Jews of Alexander and
elsewhere began to speak Greek, and the Hebrew
scriptures were translated into Greek (the Septua-
gint). Thus the Jewish people came to face two of
the greatest crises of their history, and these pointed
in opposite directions. In the first place, the hard
ships that they had, suffered at the hands of the
Oriental people had caused them to assume a narrow
Jewism that was foreign to the spirit and essence of
their religion; and secondly, their fascination for
Hellenistic culture caused them to ignore and neg
lect, and even to forsake, the religion that had made
them a separate people. This experience has no
parallel in history. With our present perspective of
history we can see that both Hellenism and Judaism
were needed. The world needed Judaism to counter
act Hellenistic immorality, and Hellenism was needed
to protest against the narrowness of Judaism. It

OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS 229
was in the midst of these conditions that the message
of the Book of Jonah was sent forth.
THE MESSAGE OF JONAH
Some time during this struggle, the Book of Jonah
appeared. The author saw the dangers that threat
ened his people. We cannot determine with certainty
whether the book is merely an allegory, or a story
based on a real adventure. But whatever the source
of the story or the nature of the literary composi
tion, the purpose is the same, and the Jewish people
were well prepared to understand the larger meaning
of the narrative. They had been taught for half a
thousand years that Israel was Jehovah's servant,
whose mission was to save the world through social
laws and righteous judgments. They had been
taught that as a punishment for refusing to become
God's willing messenger they had been swallowed up
by Nebuchadnezzar. The experiences through which
the Jewish people had passed made it easy for them
to interpret the symbolism in the narrative of Jonah.
Jonah is made to symbolize Israel, the messenger of
Jehovah, who had refused to carry monotheism to
the wicked nations. She had sought to confine her
rich heritage within the small dominions of her own
territory, and when pressed by moral leaders to fulfill
her mission, she had fled in the opposite direction and
attempted to find relief for her conscience in the
fascinations of Hellenistic culture. Now, to punish
this waywardness, God provided a great fish, Baby
lon, to swallow up the messenger and to keep her con
fined until she had become penitent and willing to ful
fill the will of Jehovah. The punishment accom-

230 THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
plished its purpose and the messenger was delivered.
Obediently she now went upon her mission, but still
resented the giving of Jehovah's mercy to the Gentiles
and longed for the time when they would be punished
for the wrong they had inflicted on her. She still
found more satisfaction in the memories of her brief
nationality than in the imperishable religion that
Jehovah had intrusted to her to give to the world.
But the little gourd of nationality was only of com
paratively brief duration, and the messenger was com
pelled out of dire necessity to face the larger world
problems. The s i orial_element in the Book of Jonah is almost
^negligible. The unknown author does not deem
it necessary to specify the particular sins against
which he was to protest at Nineveh, but the serious
ness of the offences of the Ninevites is easy to discern
in the urgency of his message, and the shortness of
the time that was left to them in which to repent.4
While the book is wanting in respect to the social
offences which were common to the people of those
times, it is not wanting in the larger note that we
are just beginning to hear even in this twentieth cen
tury. We here have a prophet thinking and utter
ing world thoughts. For the past decade we have
been talking world peace, and to-day, in the midst of
a world war, many patriotic Americans are advocat
ing a league' of nations to enforce peace. This is the
point toward which the author of the Book of Jonah
was endeavoring to lead his people. As Professor
Jordan has told us, in the message of Jonah we see
" the protest against littleness. The stinging satire
< Jon. 8:4.

OF THE JEWISH PROPHETS 231
against smallness is the main thing; it is through this
that God rebukes our narrow bigotry and petulant
pride." The great positive truths of the book are nowhere
better summarized than in Sanders and Kent's dis
cussion of the subject:5 "The book [of Jonah]
bristles with great prophetic truths. Nowhere is the
infinite love of God for the ignorant, the sinful, and
even for those who defy Him, more beautifully and
simply presented in the Old Testament. The fact
that the fulfilment of every prophecy, however de
tailed and emphatic, depends upon certain conditions
determinate upon human action is forcibly taught.
The book also emphasizes the universality of Jeho
vah's rule, and indicates clearly the true place and
role of the Jewish race in his creation. Above all,
it sets before the Jews their supreme opportunity and
duty as Jehovah's enlightened messenger to proclaim
his truth to mankind."
There is one other very interesting point concern
ing this little Book of Jonah. It ends with a ques
tion. It is God's question propounded to Jonah,
which he did not answer : " And should not I spare
Nineveh, that great city, wherein are more than six
score thousand persons that cannot discern between
their right hand and their left hand; and also much
cattle ? " It is the great question of mercy that God
holds out to man ; it is the great unanswered question
of the world. With this question the prophetic lit
erature of Israel comes to a close. This lone, but
brilliant star which shone out of the darkness of the
age of Hellenism now disappears from view, and no
5 lb., p. 347.

THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS
other star of prophecy was destined to appear until
John the Baptist came to herald the appearance of
the Star of Bethlehem. Thus was the last prophet
before the coming of the Savior of men to speak the
message that approached nearest to the teaching of
Christ himself.
TOPICS FOR REPORTS AND INVESTIGATION
1. Contrast Between the Messages of Joel and Jonah.
2. The Date of Authorship of Jonah.
3. The Unique Characteristics of this Book.
4. Comparison and Contrast of Nahum and Jonah.
5. The Teaching of the Book Concerning God.
FURTHER READINGS
G. A. Smith's " Twelve Minor Prophets " (" Exposi
tor's Bible "), Vol: II, pp. 493-541 ; Sanders and Kent's
" The Messages of the Later Prophets," pp. 339-354;
Cornill's "Prophets of Israel," pp. 170-174; Jordan's
"Prophetic Ideals and Ideas," pp. 313-323; G. Camp
bell Morgan's " Living Messages of the Books of the
Bible " (Job to Malachi), pp. 227-241 ; Petrie's " Israel's
Prophets," pp. 9-23; articles on Jonah in Bible diction
aries and encyclopedias.

INDEX

INDEX

Abijah, the prophet, 39.
Ahab, king, 45 ; his pol
icies, 47; opposed by
Elijah, 47.
Ahaz, king, 85 ; relation to
Isaiah, 95.
Amos, of Tekoa, 60-63;
social ideals, 64ff.
Amaziah, the priest of
Bethel, 70; his protest
against the preaching of
Amos, 70.
Baal, prophets of, 47 ;
worship, 51; conflict of
Elisha with, 55.
Cities, development of, 60;
corruption in, 68.
Compte, his religious ap
proach to sociology, 3.
Cornill, quoted, 14, 120,
166, 178, 226.
Cyrus, king, his decree of
restoration, 210.
Documents, early Hebrew,
14.
Deutero-Isaiah (Second
Isaiah) 177; message of

deliverance, 181; ideals
of social righteousness,
183.
Edom, conflict with Israel,
172; Obadiah, attack of,
173.
Elijah, the prophet, his
early life, 45 ; social
teaching, 48.
Elisha, the prophet, his
call, 53 ; his influence,
55 ; his social teaching,
56.
Elohim, its significance,
18.
Ezekiel, the prophet, jhis
early life, 1 63 ; social
teaching, 165.
Ezra, the forerunner of
Nehemiah, 210; his so
cial problem, 212.
Gad, the prophet, 39.
Gehazi, servant of Elisha,
57.
Giddings, F. H., on socio
logical method, 1 0 ;
types of like-minded-
ness, 72.
235

236

INDEX

Gideon, judge of Manas
seh, 22.
Habbakkuk, the prophet,
his early life, 133; his
message, 184.
Haggai, the prophet, his
social message, 189.
Hananiah, the prophet, op
posed foreign policy of
Jeremiah, 142, 156.
Hellenism, conflict with
Judaism, 228.
Hezekiah, king, political
events of his reign, 86;
his reforms, 97.
History, relation to so
ciology, 4.
Hosea, Ben Beeri, 74; his
early life, 76; his social
message, 80.
Isaiah, of Jerusalem, 84;
early life of, 86; social
teaching, 88; political
reforms, 94; statesman
ship, 95.
Jereboam II, age of, 61.
Jeremiah, of Anathath,
138; early life of, 141;
his social ethics, 143;
his political policies,
153; his policies re
jected, 159.
Joel, date of prophecy,

219; significance of
name, 221; his message,
222.
Jonah, the book of, 227;
the message of, 229.
Josiah, king, his reforma
tion, 118; his death, 132.
Judges, the book of, 21 ;
nature of office, 22 ; rela
tion to prophet, 23.
Justice, social, 8; teaching
of Amos concerning, 72.

Latimer, Miss, quoted,
210, 211.
Law, Licenian, 91 ; Book
of, 118; Semetic, 168.

Malachi, social message,
204.
Manasseh, king, his evil
policies, 115.
Method, social science of,
10; Spencer's, 3.
Micah the Morasthite,
early life, 105; his so
cial teaching, 108.
Morgan, G. Campbell,
quoted, 191.
Moses, first Jewish proph
et, 13; early life, 15;
experiences in Midian,
16; his social policies,
18.

INDEX

237

Nahum the Elkoshite, 125;
his indictment of Nine
veh, 128.
Nathan, successor to Sam
uel, 36; relation to
David, 37.
Nehemiah, early life in
Babylon, 213; his so
cial reforms, 213.
Obadiah, indictment of
Edom, 173.
Othniel, judge in Judah,
22.
Prophecy, evolution of,
33-36; ascendency of,
45 ; reaction against,
113.
Rehebites, the origin of the
sect, 146; their avoid
ance of agrarian culture,
50.
Rousseau, Discourse on
Inequality, 147.
Samaria, fall of, 82.
Samuel, his judgeship, 23;
as prophet, 24; chooses
Saul king, 25-29 ; as so
cial reformer, 29.
Sanders and Kent, quoted,
81, 227, 231.
Saul, chosen king, 25.

Second Isaiah (See Deu-
tero-Isaiah).
Shemaiah, prevents inva
sion of Israel, 42.
Small, A. W., divisions of
human welfare, 9.
Smith, G. A., quoted, 65,
81, 89, 92, 122, 189,
219.
Spencer, Herbert, contri
bution to religious soci
ology, 3.
Sociology, nature and con
tent, 1 ; biblical, 2 ; re
ligious, 3.
Uzziah, king, his reign, 85.
Wallace, Alfred Russel, on
moral progress, foot
note, 136.
Yahveh, the significance,
18; relation to Israel,
146.
Zephaniah, early life, 119;
social teaching, 120.
Zechariah, early life, 196;
social ideals, 197; mean
ing of his " Visions,"
198.
Zarepath, city of, 51;
widow of, 51.
Zedekiah, king, his foreign
policies, 143, 157.