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PEDAGOGICAL LIBRARY*
OF THE
DEPARTMENT OF [.ELIGIOUS EDUCATION
VALE SCHOOL OF nEUOtOU

Heroes of the Reformation
A Series of Biographies of the Leaders
of the Protestant Reformation
EDITED BY
SAMUEL MACAULEY JACKSON
Professor of Church History, New York University

Each Crown Octavo. Fully Illustrated

FOR FULL LIST SEE END OF THIS VOLUME
G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS
New York London

Iberoes of tbe IReformatton
EDITED BY
Samuel dbacauleg 5acfcson
PROFESSOR OF CHURCH HISTORY, NEW YORK
UNIVERSITY

Aiaipe'trets ^apt<r>idTw»', to Sk avrb wevfj.a,
DIVERSITIES OF QIFTS, BUT THE SAME SPIRIT.

PHILIP MELANCHTHON

PEDAGOGICAL L/BftALV
OF THE
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PHILIP MELANCHTHON.
FROM A PAINTING BY ALBRECHT DURER.

Philip Melanchthon
THE PROTESTANT PRECEPTOR
OF GERMANY
1497-1560

BY

JAMES WILLIAM RICHARD, D.D.
PROFESSOR OF HOMILETICS, LUTHERAN THEOLOGICAL
SEMINARY, GETTYSBURG, PENNSYLVANIA

G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS
NEW YORK AND LONDON
ttbe fltnicherbocfeer ffiress
1907,

Copyright, i8g8
BY
G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS
Entered at Stationers' Hall, London

GT*

ttbe IRnfcfeevbocfeer press, flew JBorfc

PREFACE
BY far the larger part of the materials used in the
composition of this book were taken from Me
lanchthon's own writings as contained in the Corpus
Reformatorum. Bindseil's Supplementa and the Wit
tenberg edition of Melanchthon's works (1562-64)
were also used. Besides the other sources of inform
ation noted in the margin, the standard Church
histories, the Real-Encyclopddie of Drs. Herzog and
Plitt, and many pamphlets originating in the memo
rial year of 1897, were employed. Neither labour
nor expense of travel in Germany has been spared in
getting accurate information and in ascertaining the
opinions of the best and wisest Melanchthon scholars.
Galle's Charakteristik Melanchthons (1840), Herrling-
er's Die Tlieotogie Melanchtlions (1878), and Hartfeld-
er's PJiilipp Melanchtlion als Praeceptor Germaniae
(1889), have been very serviceable. For information
in regard to the publishing operations of the Witten
berg Press, I am indebted to Mr. G. H. Putnam's
Books and tJieir Makers during tJie Middle Ages.
The author has aimed throughout at objectivity
of presentation, and has given his authority for all
important facts and statements. It is believed that

IV

Preface

thus the book will be accepted as authentic, and
will serve as a guide to those who wish to make an
independent study of the life and theology of the
Protestant Preceptor of Germany. Care has been
taken, by means of many and often lengthy quotations
from Melanchthon's letters and other writings, to im
part the characteristic features of an autobiography
to the work.
Thanks are hereby tendered to the several persons
who by words of encouragement and by wise sug
gestions have helped to make the book more worthy
of its theme.
James William Richard.
Theological Seminary,
Gettysburg, Pa.,
October I, 1808.

MELANCHTHON'S WATCH.

KEY TO THE CHIEF REFERENCES.
C. R —Corpus Reformatorum. (In Latin and Ger
man.) See p. 3, note.
CAMERARIUS=Z?y<? of Melanchthon. By Joachim
Camerarius. Leipzig, 1566; also in Vita Qua-
tuor Reformatorum, edited by Neander. Berlin,
1841. (In Latin.)
MATTHES=Zzy<? and Works of Melanchthon. By
Carl Matthes. Altenburg, 1841. 2d ed., 1846.
(In German.)
Schmidt= Life and Writings of Melanchthon. By
Carl Schmidt, Professor of Theology in Strass
burg. Elberfeld, 1861. (In German.)
SECKENDORF=//z'5/0?"j/ of Lutheranism. By Vitus
Ludwig von Seckendorf. Frankfort and Leip
zig, 1692. (In Latin.) '
WALCH= Luther s Works, edited by J. G. Walch in
24 parts. Halle, 1740-50. (In German.)
DE W. = Luther's Letters, edited by W. M. L. De
Wette and J. K. Seidemann. Berlin, 18:5-56,
6 vols. (In German and Latin.)
ERLANGEN ED. = Erlangen edition of Luther s Works,
edited by Plochmann, Irmischer, and others.
1829-86. (In German and Latin.)

CONTENTS

CHAPTER I
PAGE
BIRTH AND EARLY YEARS  I
Bretten — Claus Schwartzerd — His Sons — Philip Schwartz-
erd Born — His Brother and Sisters — His First School —
John Unger — Death of Philip's Father and Grandfather —
Reuchlin — Pforzheim — Studies Greek — Name Changed.
CHAPTER II
BECOMES A STUDENT AT HEIDELBERG . . .12
Universities — Heidelberg — Scholasticism — Melanchthon
Matriculates at Heidelberg — His Studies — His Compan
ions — The New Learning — Becomes Bachelor of Arts.
CHAPTER III
STUDENT AND TEACHER AT TUBINGEN. . . 1 9
Melanchthon Leaves Heidelberg and Goes to Tubingen
— Life and Studies at Tubingen — Melanchthon Becomes
Master of Arts — Is Licensed to Teach — Lectures on the
Classics — Becomes Proof-Reader, Editor, and Translator
— Obscurantism — Melanchthon Attracts the Attention of
Scholars. CHAPTER IV
EARLY WITTENBERG DAYS  29
Wittenberg — Founding of the University — Luther Called
to Wittenberg — The Ninety-five Theses — Melanchthon
Called to Wittenberg— Journey to Wittenberg— Personal
Appearance — Liberal Spirit at Wittenberg — Melanch
thon's Inaugural — Luther's Delight — Luther and Mel
anchthon Compared — Increase of Students — Literary
Activity.

viii Contents
CHAPTER V PAGB
PROGRESS OF THE REFORMATION .... 46
Effects of Luther's Theses — Progress of the Reformation
¦ — John Eck — Controversy — -Leipzig Disputation — Eck,
Carlstadt, and Luther — Melanchthon Attends the Leipzig
Disputation — Controversy with Eck.

CHAPTER VI
HIS THESES AND MARRIAGE .... 57
Becomes Bachelor of Theology — Doubts the Doctrines of
the Church — Writes Theses — His Marriage — Family —
Salary. CHAPTER VII
MELANCHTHON THE ALLY OF LUTHER ... 68
Luther Burns the Pope's Bull, and Writes two of his Most
Important Works — Melanchthon Approves Luther's
Course — Controversy with Rhadinus, and with the Sor-
bonne — Luther Praises Melanchthon's Apology — Fanat
icism at Wittenberg — Melanchthon's Distress.
CHAPTER VIII
THE REVOLUTIONARY MOVEMENT .... 85
The Zwickau Prophets — Increased Confusion at Witten
berg — Luther's Return — His Eight Sermons — Quiet
Restored — New Order of Service — Translation and Pub
lication of the New Testament. CHAPTER IX
THE " LOCI COMMUNES "  94
The "Loci Communes" or "Theological Common
Places" — The Commentaries on the Epistles of Paul —
Luther's Preface.

Contents ix

CHAPTER X

PAGE

PRIVATE LIFE DURING 1522-1525 .... 107
Melanchthon Wishes to Relinquish Theology and to
Teach Greek and Literature Only— Luther Interferes—
A Compromise— Melanchthon Opens a School in his
own House— Visits his Mother— Honoured by the Uni
versity of Heidelberg— Cardinal Campeggius— Contro
versy between Luther and Erasmus on the Will —
Melanchthon Meets Philip, Landgrave of Hesse.

I25

CHAPTER XI
AS PRECEPTOR OF GERMANY 
Death of Nesen — Melanchthon's Discomforts — Call to
Nuremberg — Oration on Education — Services in the
Cause of Education. CHAPTER XII
THE PEASANTS' WAR  142
Death of Frederick the Wise — Melanchthon's Funeral
Oration — Insurrection of the Peasants — Luther's Advice
— Melanchthon's Confutation — Luther's Marriage — Mel
anchthon's Letter. CHAPTER XIII
ORGANISATION OF THE SAXON CHURCHES . . 154
Melanchthon's Labours in Teaching and Writing — Opin
ion on the Reformation of the Churches — Treatise on the
Mass and Celibacy — Melanchthon's Isolation — The Visi
tation Articles. CHAPTER XIV
DISPUTES AND DANGERS  167
Controversy with Agricola — Tracts against the Anabap
tists — The Affair of Pack — War Threatened.

Contents

CHAPTER XV PAGE
SPIRES AND MARBURG ...... 174
Diet of Spires — The Protest and Appeal — Doctrine of
the Lord's Supper — Controversy with Zwingli — The
Marburg Colloquy — Articles of Agreement — Schwabach
Articles. CHAPTER XVI
MELANCHTHON AND THE AUGSBURG CONFESSION . 190
The Evil Aspect of Affairs— The Emperor Orders a
Diet at Augsburg — Protestant Princes and Theologians
Gather at Augsburg — Melanchthon Writes the Augsburg
Confession. CHAPTER XVII
NEGOTIATIONS FOR PEACE ... . 208
Correspondence with Cardinal Campeggius — The Papal
Confutation — The Apology of the Confession — Publica
tion of the Confession and its Apology.
CHAPTER XVIII
MELANCHTHON'S GROWING FAME . . .219
Schmalkald League — Peace of Nuremberg — Melanch
thon's Opinion — Melanchthon Called to England, to Tu
bingen, and to France — Negotiations with Henry VIII.
CHAPTER XIX
MELANCHTHON'S THEOLOGY  231
New Edition of the Loci — Exposition of Melanchthon's
Theology : The Will, Good Works, the Number of Sac
raments, Infant Baptism, the Lord's Supper — Luther's
Approbation of the Loci. CHAPTER XX
THE WITTENBERG CONCORD  250
Melanchthon and Bucer at Cassel — Oberlanders Come to
Wittenberg — Articles of Union — Internal Feuds.

Contents xi
CHAPTER XXI
, PAGE
MELANCHTHON S WILL  26o
Schmalkald Convention — Melanchthon's Subscription and
Appendix to the Schmalkald Articles— Frankfort Con
vention— Calvin— Melanchthon Plans the Reorganisation
of the Leipzig University — Melanchthon's Will.
CHAPTER XXII
MELANCHTHON AND PHILIP OF HESSE . 272
Colloquy of Hagenau— Melanchthon's Sickness— The
Landgrave's Bigamy— Confessio Variata— The Tenth
Article of the Confession. CHAPTER XXIII
MELANCHTHON AT REGENSBURG .... 289
The Diet of Worms — The Regensburg Diet — The Re-
gensburg Book — The Partial Agreement — Melanchthon's
Aphorisms — His Steadfastness and Independence — His
Report on the Regensburg Book — Publication of his
Works. CHAPTER XXIV
THE COLOGNE REFORMATION  296
Melanchthon Invited to Bonn — Hermann's Consultation
— Controversy — Strained Relations between Melanchthon
and Luther. CHAPTER XXV
THE INCREASE OF SORROWS  308
Luther and Melanchthon's Last Correspondence — Lu
ther's Death — Melanchthon's Funeral Oration over
Luther — His Letter about Luther — Alliance against the
Protestants. CHAPTER XXVI
THE SCHMALKALD WAR  316
Melanchthon's Opinion concerning the Threatened War
— Defeat of the Protestant Forces — Capture of the
Elector — The University Closed — Melanchthon an Ex
ile — Return to Wittenberg.

xii Contents
CHAPTER XXVII PAGE
THE INTERIMS  329
The Augsburg Interim — Letter to Carlowitz — Several
Formulas — The Leipzig Interim.
CHAPTER XXVIII
THE ADIAPHORISTIC CONTROVERSY . . . 338
The Reaction — Flacius Illyricus — The Adiaphoristic Con
troversy — Melanchthon Defamed — His Letter of Defence.
CHAPTER XXIX
THE COUNCIL OF TRENT . . . . 352
Various Writings — The Saxon Confession — Council of
' Trent — The Treaty of Passau— Examen Ordinandorum —
More Controversies. CHAPTER XXX
CONTROVERSIES ON THE LORD'S SUPPER . . 361
Naumburg Convention — Augsburg Religious Peace —
Controversies on the Lord's Supper — Attempts at Recon
ciliation. CHAPTER XXXI
CLOSING YEARS AND DEATH  368
Frankfort Recess — The Flacian Party — Melanchthon
Attends the Colloquy of Worms — The Weimar Confu
tation Book — The Bavarian Articles — The Heidelberg
Scandal — Last Sickness — Death and Burial.
APPENDIX
funeral oration over luther .... 381
Index  393

ILLUSTRATIONS

PAGE
philip melanchthon . . . Frontispiece
From a painting by Albrecht Durer.
melanchthon's WATCH  iv
COAT-OF-ARMS OF GEORGE SCHWARTZERD (ME-
LANCHTHONS'S FATHER)  XV
HOUSE IN BRETTEN IN WHICH MELANCHTHON WAS
BORN .....-•¦ 4
THE CASTLE AT HEIDELBERG . . . .12
From a drawing by Merian, 1620.
JOHANNES COCHLAUS, EOBANUS HESSIUS, JOHAN
NES REUCHLINUS, HANS SACHS, CONRAD
CELTES ....•••• 2°
From an engraving in Kreussler's "Andenken
in M unzen."
ULRICH VON HUTTEN  26
From a contemporary wood-cut.
LUTHER'S HOUSE, WITTENBERG 32
JOHN AGRICOLA  5°
After a contemporary copper-plate.
MELANCHTHON'S HOUSE, WITTENBERG ... 64
xiii

xiv Illustrations PAGE
FREDERICK THE WISE, ELECTOR OF SAXONY . 80
From a painting by Albrecht Durer, 1524.
SPALATIN  ¦ • II0
NUREMBERG IN 1519  J3°
After a painting by Albrecht Durer.
MARBURG IN THE 16TH CENTURY . . . I38
THE PEASANTS IN ARMS IN 1525 .... 142
From a contemporary wood-cut.
OPPOSITION TO THE POPE AND THE MONKS, -AND
THE UPRISING OF THE PEASANTS IN 1522 . I48
From a contemporary wood-cut.
MELANCHTHON BAPTISING AN INFANT . . 160
From a picture by Lucas Cranach in the Parish Church
in Wittenberg.
CATHEDRAL OF SPIRES  174
ANDREW OSIANDER  1 88
CHANCELLOR BRUCK  I92
DR. JOHN ECK  200
Traditional portrait.
JOHN THE CONSTANT, ELECTOR OF SAXONY
THE ELECTOR JOHN FREDERICK OF SAXONY
After the copper engraving by G. Pencz, 1543.
WITTENBERG IN 1546 
DR. MARTIN BUCER 

220230 254258

FACSIMILE OF CLOSING PORTION OF A LETTER
FROM MELANCHTHON TO THE AUTHORITIES
OF TANGERMUNDE, RECOMMENDING A STUDENT
TO THEIR SUPPORT  272
NICHOLAS AMSDORF  280

Illustrations

XV

PAGE
CHARLES V. IN 1547  320
From the painting by Titian in the Pinacothek
at Munich.
DUKE MORITZ OF SAXONY  324
From a painting by Cranach, the Younger,
CONTEMPORARY CARICATURE ON THE INTERIM . 332
JOACHIM CAMERARIUS  336
From a contemporary copper-plate.
MATTHIAS FLACIUS  350
After a contemporary engraving.
STATUE OF MELANCHTHON  3°°
In the Castle Church in Wittenberg.
PHILIP MELANCHTHON, JET. 6l 37°
From a wood-cut after Lucas Cranach in the Luther
Hall at Wittenberg.
TITLE-PAGE OF MELANCHTHON'S FUNERAL ORATION
ON LUTHER, 1546  3^2
MELANCHTHON'S COAT-OF-ARMS .... 392

COAT-OF-ARMS OF GEORGE SCHWARTZERD
(MELANCHTHON'S FATHER).

PHILIP MELANCHTHON

CHAPTER I
BIRTH AND EARLY YEARS
Bretten — Claus Schwartzerd — His Sons — Philip Schwartzerd Born —
His Brother and Sisters — His First School — John Unger — Death
of Philip's Father and Grandfather — Reuchlin— Pforzheim —
Studies Greek — Name Changed.
NEAR Carlsruhe, the capital of Baden, in the
beautiful valley of the Kraichgau, is the little
city of Bretten, with five thousand inhabitants.
Four hundred years ago it belonged to the Palat
inate, and numbered three hundred families as the
sum total of its population. For a town so small it
enjoyed much intercourse with the outside world,
since through its principal street passed a large part
of the merchandise carried from Italy to the lower
Rhine. But the inhabitants of the town lived
mostly from the produce of their fertile fields. They
were simple in their manners, upright in their lives,
and warmly attached to the Church. Their relig-
i

2 Philip Melanchthon 1M97-
ious faith was sincere; but it was coloured by the
superstitions of the times, since in that little Pala
tine city so late as 1504, five persons were convicted
of witchcraft and burned to death. However, the
fame of Bretten does not rest on the beauty of its
situation, nor on the probity of its inhabitants, nor
on the number of witches it burned four hundred
years ago; for as much could be said of many
another town in the Palatinate. Its fame rests on
the fact that on Thursday, the sixteenth of Febru
ary, 1497, at just six minutes past seven o'clock in
the evening, it gave birth to Philip Melanchthon,
the Preceptor of Germany. An authentic old ac
count runs thus:
" In the days of Count Palatine Philip, Elector on the
Rhine, there lived in Heidelberg, at the foot of the
mountain, an upright, pious man named Claus Schwartz
erd, who, by his wife Elizabeth, had two sons, John
and George, who from their youth up were carefully
trained in the fear of God and in the practice of every
virtue. John learned the trade of a locksmith; but
George, who did everything which was bidden him with
the utmost alacrity, and was a very active boy, so won
the favour of the Elector, that his Electoral Grace took
him to Court, and had him shown all kinds of handiwork,
that he might learn what he most delighted in, and what
could be made of him. Now, when the boy took delight
in armour, and associated most with armourers, the
Elector placed him under a master at Amberg to learn
the trade. He learned so rapidly as to astonish every
one; and his companions grew so jealous of him that one
day one of them burned him so dangerously with hot

1509] Birth and Early Years 3
lead that his life was despaired of. It was only by
divine grace and special care that he was saved.
"When the Elector learned what had happened he
took him away, and sent him to Nuremberg to a master
skilled in all kinds of armour, even to its most obscure
parts. When the master showed special interest in the
boy, the latter gave all the more heed and soon compre
hended whatever was shown him, for he had so much
skill that he could imitate with his hands whatever his
eyes saw. He could forge his work as smooth as though
it had been filed. He pursued his trade for several
years, and was at length able to make everything per
taining to armour in the very best style. The Elector
now called him back to Court and made him his armourer,
or armour-bearer." '
The old account goes on to say that George
Schwartzerd became so celebrated for his skill in the
manufacture of armour, that such foreign potentates
as the King of Poland, the Duke of Wurtemberg, the
Elector of Saxony, the Margrave of Baden, impor
tuned the Elector Philip for his services.
" But the Elector, in order that he might attach
George, who was now thirty years old, the more surely
to his own country, began to look out for an honourable
marriage for him, and to that end he negotiated with
Hans Reuter, a distinguished citizen of Bretten, for his

1 Short Report . . . written by the Professors of the Univer
sity of Wittenberg, Corpus Reformatorum, 10 : 255. The Corpus
Reformatorum, hereafter referred to as C. R., contains in twenty-
eight volumes, edited by Bretschneider and Bindseil, the works of
Melanchthon, and many other valuable documents of the Reformation
era.

4 Philip Melanchthon [i497~
daughter Barbara, a virtuous, well-bred maiden, who, by
the providence of the Almighty God, and the negotia
tions of the Elector, was promised to him in marriage.
They were married at Spires in the presence of many
knights who assembled to do them honour.
" The two loved each other dearly ; for George
Schwartzerd was an upright, pious, God-fearing man,
who served God earnestly, prayed devoutly, and ob
served the hours of prayer as diligently as a minister.
Often would he rise at midnight, fall upon his knees, and
offer devout prayer. No oath ever escaped his lips, and
no one ever saw or heard of his being drunk. He lived
in wedlock four years without children; but after the
close of the fourth year, which was 1497, on Thursday
after Invocavit, his first son, Philip, our dear master and
teacher, was born in Bretten, in the house of the father-
in-law and grandfather, Hans Reuter. Thus God blessed
this pious and God-fearing man with the gift of a son,
whom not one land, but many, yea, all Christendom, has
enjoyed and without doubt will enjoy to the end of the
world." '
Other children were born to George and Barbara
Schwartzerd, as, in 1499, a daughter named Anna,
who was married to Chilian Grumbach, and died in
Heilbronn ; George, about four years younger than
Philip, who became mayor of Bretten and wrote
several histories; Margaretha, born in 1506, married
first to Andrew Stichs, and, after his death, to the
electoral secretary, Hawerer, died in 1540; Barbara,
born in 1508 and married to Peter Kecheln. The
grandchildren were many, and all shared that divine
¦C. R., io : 256.

HOUSE IN BRETTEN IN WHICH MELANCHTHON WAS BORN.

1509] Birth and Early Years 5
blessing promised to them that love God and keep
His commandments.
The fame of " the Heidelberg armourer," as
George Schwartzerd was called, still grew, and
foreign princes still sought to profit by his skill.
When the Emperor Maximilian, " the last knight,"
was holding a diet at Worms, he was challenged to
single combat by a bold young Italian hero named
Fandius Mandari. After he had assured himself of
the rank and valour of his challenger, Maximilian
ordered a suit of armour from George Schwartzerd,
entered the lists, and gained an easy victory. As a
consequence he was so much delighted with the
armour that he presented its maker with a coat of
arms, which represented a lion sitting on a shield
and helmet, holding tongs in the right fore-paw, and
a hammer in the left.
George Schwartzerd was retained in the service of
the Emperor Maximilian until the breaking out of
a war between Bavaria and the Palatinate, when
he took leave of his royal master, and returned to
the Elector Philip, who employed him in the secret
service against the enemy. Drinking water from a
poisoned well, he fell sick, and after lingering four
years, he died, at the age of forty-nine years, October
27, 1507.
This was a sad year for Barbara Schwartzerd and
her five little children. Only eleven days before the
death of her husband, her father had passed from
earth. Thus the boy Philip was bereft of his grand
father and of his father in his eleventh year. The
latter, three days before his death, called his children

6 Philip Melanchthon [1497-
to his bedside, and after bestowing his paternal
blessing and commending them to the protection of
their Heavenly Father, said: " I have seen many
and great changes in the world, but greater ones are
yet to follow, in which may God lead and guide
you. Fear God, and do right." '
In order that Philip might not witness the death of
his father, his mothersent him for afew days to Spires;
but he never forgot the dying counsel of his father.
The education of his two boys was a matter that
lay near the heart of George Schwartzerd. But
being much from home he committed their intel
lectual and religious training to their grandfather,
" a fine, intelligent man, who himself had studied,"
with the strict injunction that they should be kept at
school and taught something useful. Accordingly
Philip and his little brother George were sent to the
town school, where they were well drilled in the rudi
ments of knowledge, and made rapid progress. But
when the French plague broke out in the town, and
the school-teacher was attacked by it, the grand
father took the boys out of school, and applied to
his brother-in-law, the celebrated John Reuchlin
(1455-1523), for a teacher who should instruct them
at home. Reuchlin sent him John Unger of Pforz
heim, who had acquired a good knowledge of the
ancient languages. Unger was a conscientious,
pious man, and a faithful teacher. He laboured
earnestly to promote the moral and intellectual im
provement of his pupils. He inculcated modesty,
honesty, and the love of truth. His frequent com-
'C. R., 8 : 367.

1509] Birth and Early Years 7
mand was, " Be prudent and ready to yield." He
drilled the boys thoroughly in grammar and syn
tax, using as a text-book the poems of the Italian
Carmelite, Baptista of Mantua, since at that time
very few of the Latin classics had been printed in
Germany. Every mistake was corrected with the
rod. Yet, notwithstanding the severity of his dis
cipline, Unger enjoyed the confidence and affection
of his pupils. In after years, when Philip had him
self become the greatest linguist and the most illus
trious scholar and teacher in Germany, he wrote
thus of his own first preceptor in language :
" I had a teacher who was an excellent linguist. He
died two years ago.1 He was an honest man. He
taught the Gospel and suffered much for the Gospel's
sake. He was pastor at Pforzheim. He drove me to
the grammar, and required me to construct sentences.
He made me give the rules of construction by means of
twenty or thirty verses from the Mantuan. He would
not allow me to pass over anything. Whenever I would
make a mistake he plied the rod, and yet with the
moderation that was proper. Thus he made me a lin
guist. He was a good man. He loved me as a son,
and I him as a father. In a short time we shall meet, I
hope, in eternal life. I loved him notwithstanding that
he used such severity; though it was not severity, but
parental correction which urged me to diligence. At
evening I had to hunt the rules in order to recite. You
see discipline was stricter then than now." a
The young Philip was a worthy pupil of so excel-
1 Unger died at Pforzheim in 1553.
*C.R., 25:44s-

8 Philip Melanchthon [1497-
lent a teacher. In disposition he was modest and
amiable. Though he would sometimes become
irritated, he not unfrequently applied to himself the
saying, " He cuts and stabs, and yet hurts nobody."
In matters of intellect he had a quick perception, an
acute penetration, a retentive memory, an ardent
thirst for knowledge, and the ability to express his
thoughts with accuracy and precision. In school
and out he was incessantly asking questions, and
often would gather a few schoolfellows around him
for the purpose of discussing what had been read
and learned. Philip was noted for proficiency in
grammar ; and when their grandfather observed the
diligence of the boys, he bought them a Missal, that
along with their other studies they might acquire a
knowledge of the choral services of the Church.
He also required them to take their place in the
choir on all the Holy Days.
" At that time the great Bacchanti were roving through
the country. Whenever one came to Bretten the grand
father sent Philip to dispute with him. It was seldom
that anyone could withstand him. This pleased the old
man; and he took special delight in these contests. The
boy, too, became more confident, and grew in fondness
for study. The grandfather took care to buy books and
other things, that the boy might not be impeded." *
And now that both the father and grandfather of
Philip and George had departed this life, the educa
tion of the boys devolved upon their grandmother,
Elizabeth Reuter, the sister of Reuchlin, who was
1 C. R„ 10: 258.

r5og] Birth and Early Years 9
then reckoned the best Greek and Hebrew scholar
in Germany. He had studied Greek at Paris, Or
leans, and Poictiers, had taught at Basel and Tu
bingen, and had learned Hebrew in Rome. He was
Philip's granduncle, being the brother of his grand
mother. Hence it was no small circumstance in the
boy's education when the grandmother determined
to remove with him to her native town of Pforzheim,
for here he would be sure to come more or less under
the influence of Reuchlin, who, though he resided
in Stuttgart as president of the Swabian Court of
the Confederates, frequently returned to his native
Pforzheim, in whose splendid Latin school he had
begun his education. The school at Pforzheim was
still one of the most celebrated in the Palatinate.
Its Rector was George Simler, a scholar of the cele
brated Ludwig Dringenberg, and an alumnus of the
University of Cologne. Simler was an excellent
Latin scholar, and, besides, had a good knowledge of
Greek and Hebrew — a rare accomplishment at that
time. His assistant and co-labourer was John Hilte-
brant, also a fine scholar, who during the vacation
lectured privately on the Greek language. It was
the custom to admit to the study of Greek only
the brightest and best pupils. Philip Schwartzerd
was soon selected as one of the favoured few. He
used his opportunity with so much diligence and
profit that in a short time he became tolerably pro
ficient in Greek. Long years afterward he wrote :
" When a boy I heard two very learned men, George
Simler and Conrad Helvetius, alumni of the University

10 Philip Melanchthon [1497-
of Cologne; the one first explained to me the Latin and
Greek poets, and introduced me to a purer philosophy,
often referring during the lecture on Aristotle to the
Greek. The other at Heidelberg first taught me the ele
ments of astronomy." '
Simler also gave instruction in versification, and
expounded the school-comedies of his friend Reuch
lin, two of which he published at Pforzheim in 1508,
with a commentary, and a dedication to their author.
He and his assistant were exactly such teachers as
are needed to prepare young men for the university.
Under their efficient instruction Philip Schwartzerd
surpassed all his schoolfellows, among whom were
Simon Grynaeus, the linguist and theologian of
Basel, Berthold Haller, the Reformer of Bern,
Francis Friedlieb of Ettlingen, who wrote a historico-
geographical work on the German Empire, Nicholas
Gerbel, and John Schwebel, natives of Pforzheim,
the former afterward a jurist at Strassburg and the
latter the Reformer of the territory of Zweibriicken.
But the most important influence exerted on the
mind of the future Preceptor of Germany at this
time was the intimate relations with Reuchlin which
he now enjoyed. He was brought in direct contact
with this great Aristarchus of the literary world in
the house of his grandmother. When Reuchlin saw
that the twelve-year-old boy possessed such excel
lent talents, and showed such industry in study, he
praised him, called him his son, placed his own
red doctor's hat on his head, gave him a Greek
1 Declamatt., 135.

1509] Birth and Early Years u
Grammar, and promised to send him a copy of his
own Graeco-Latin Lexicon, yet upon the condition
that when he came again, Philip should present him
with some Latin verses of his own composition. In
a short time Reuchlin returned to Pforzheim, where
upon Philip presented the verses and received the
promised Lexicon, the first of its kind that had ap
peared in Germany. As a further mark of his grati
tude, Philip, with some of his schoolfellows, studied
one of Reuchlin's school-comedies, and while the
author was at a banquet given by the monks of the
place, he and his companions came and rendered
the comedy so elegantly that all were pleased, espe
cially Reuchlin, who declared that so clever and
learned a young man should no longer bear the
homely name of Schwartzerd, meaning black earth,
but shoud be called by its Greek equivalent, Me
lanchthon, the name by which he has since been
known, and by which he shall henceforth be desig
nated in this book, though he himself after 1 531, no
doubt because of the easier pronunciation, wrote it
Melanthon. '

1 See C. R. , 1 : cxxxi. Melanchthon is the spelling employed by
Camerarius and by M.'sfriends generally, though it does not appear
that he himself was at any time pleased with it, since he rarely used
it in early life, and throughout life signed the most of his letters
simply Philippus, or HkntKoi.

CHAPTER II
BECOMES A STUDENT AT HEIDELBERG
Universities — Heidelberg — Scholasticism — Melanchthon Matricu
lates at Heidelberg — His Studies — His Companions — The New
Learning — Becomes Bachelor of Arts.
AT the beginning of the sixteenth century the
German universities were by no means what
they are now, the seats of the highest culture and
of the most advanced methods of instruction. In
the grade of their scholarship and in the character
of the work done by them, they were about equal
in the department of arts to the middle and upper
classes in the German gymnasia of the present time.
Boys then went to the university to learn what they
are now required to carry thither with them. All
the instruction was given in the Latin language;
but it was chiefly, if not exclusively, the corrupt
monks' Latin of the Middle Ages.
The Latin classics were but little read. Greek
and Hebrew were almost entirely ignored, and in
some places violently opposed. The philosophy
taught was that of Aristotle, exhibited for the most
part by means of defective and barbarous Latin
13

THE CASTLE AT HEIDELBERG.
FROM A DRAWING BY MERIAN, 1620.

r5i2] Student at Heidelberg 13
translations ; and theology had not yet been emanci
pated from the scholastic method. The old contests
between Realism and Nominalism were still raging,
and when these contests could not be settled in the
lecture-room, they were fought out by the students
on the streets with their fists and canes. Then little
attention was given to composition and rhetoric.
Logic was studied, not so much as an instrument for
finding out truth, as for use in subtle and hair
splitting disputations. The manners of the students
were coarse, and their morals corrupt. So much
may be said of the universities in general. Of
Heidelberg in particular, though it was the oldest
university in Germany west of Vienna and Prague,
having been founded in 1386, it must be said that
in learning and culture its relative rank was not
high. The Elector Philip, who had been quickened
by the rising spirit of humanistic culture, had indeed
sought to awaken a new intellectual life in his uni
versity. His efforts in this direction had been nobly
seconded by the Bishop of Worms, John von Dal-
berg; by John Wessel, a forerunner of Luther, who
had sought to introduce a more liberal philosophy ;
by Rudolph Agricola, the dialectician; by Conrad
Celtes, the poet ; and especially by Jacob Wimpfel-
ing, who sought to join humanistic learning to the
scholastic theology. John Reuchlin himself had
for a time been a professor at Heidelberg, and his
brother Dionysius had begun to introduce the study
of Greek there. But these friends and promoters of
a broader and more liberal culture had been opposed
and hindered in their work by the older professors,

14 Philip Melanchthon 1>497-
and had made very little impression on the courses
of studies, or on the methods of teaching them.
Nevertheless, following the advice of Reuchlin
and Simler, Philip Melanchthon, now in his thir
teenth year, turned his steps to the paternal city,
and on the fourteenth day of October, 1509, was
matriculated under the philosophical faculty in the
University of Heidelberg.1 He found a home with
Dr. Pallas Spangel, professor of theology, at whose
house he served wine to the Pomeranian guests on
the occasion of the marriage of Duke George of
Pomerania to the daughter of the Palatine Elector.'
The young and inexperienced student received as
sistance and encouragement from the learned doctor,
whom in after years he remembered with affection
as more favourable to the study of the liberal arts
than the rest of his colleagues who taught theology.'
Melanchthon's opinion of the studies and the
methods of study at Heidelberg is expressed in the
Preface to the Basel edition of his works, published
in 1541 :
' ' While yet a boy I was sent to the university, but the
young men were taught scarcely anything except garrula
dialectice and particula physice. Inasmuch as I had
learned to write verse, with a kind of boyish avidity I
began to read the poets, and also history and the drama.
This habit gradually led me to the ancient classics.

1 The record in the University Album is, " Philippus Schwartzerd
de Brethenn Spir. dyoc. xiiii. Octobris." Bretten lay in the diocese
of Spires. Hartfelder's Philipp Melanchthon, p. 12.
2C. R.. 11 : 1094.
* Declamatt.,\\., 204.

'512] Student at Heidelberg 15
From these I acquired a vocabulary and style, but we
boys had no instruction in composition We read every
thing without discrimination, but especially did we pre
fer modern works like those of Politian. My style took
its complexion from these, and reproduced these harsher
and less polished authors rather than the grace and
beauty of the ancients." '
He tells us further that about this time he received
as a present from CEcolampadius the three printed
books of Rudolph Agricola's Dialectics, by the
reading of which he was not only instructed, but
also incited to examine and inquire more diligently
into the order of the arguments in the orations of
Cicero and Demosthenes. " In this way I was en
abled to understand those orations better, to read
them easier, and to comprehend their instruction."
It is evident from these reminiscences that Me
lanchthon pursued his studies largely by himself;
and yet he acquired such a reputation for proficiency
in Greek while at Heidelberg that when one day a
professor proposed a question the solution of which
required a knowledge of Greek, and cried out,
" Where shall I find a Grecian ? " the students an
swered with one voice, " Melanchthon ! " " Melanch
thon ! "
Yet Melanchthon did not occupy himself wholly
with the ancient languages and with dialectics. He
also studied philosophy, and when Conrad Helvetius
came to Heidelberg and lectured on mathematics
and astronomy, he found in Melanchthon one of his
most appreciative hearers.
1 C. R., 4 : 715-

1 6 Philip Melanchthon [1497-
At this time, about the year 1510, he formed the
acquaintance of Jacob Wimpfeling, who was at
Heidelberg superintending the education of several
young men from Strassburg. Here Wimpfeling re
ceived intelligence of the death of Geiler von Kais-
ersberg. Immediately he wrote a biographical sketch
of the renowned Strassburg preacher, and to it
added a number of elegies, including one from Me
lanchthon, whom he recommended to Count von
Lowenstein as private tutor to his two sons. It was
in this same year that Wimpfeling published a book
in defence of the scholastic theology against the
satirical attack of Jacob Locker of Ingolstadt, and
put into it a poem by Melanchthon, in which the
young scholar calls upon the gods and heathen
muses to yield to the true wisdom which alone can
teach us who made the universe, and can show man
how to lead a pious life.1
Melanchthon also at this time enjoyed the friend
ship of the poet Sorbil, of whom he said, nearly fifty
years later, that no one in Germany had a better
poetic vein.'
But the young Melanchthon was not an exclusive
devotee of literature, philosophy, and science. The
deep religious sense of his innermost being, and
the pious training of his childhood, found support
and development in the sermons of Geiler, which
had been commended to him by his uncle Reuchlin.
In these sermons he came in contact with a devout
and pious spirit which did not waste its energies in
' C. R.,20: 765.
8 Schmidt's Philipp Melanchthon, p. 7

1512] Student at Heidelberg 17
doubtful disputations, and in recounting old monks'
fables, but rebuked sin and reasoned of righteousness
and judgment to come in the homely and familiar
language of every-day life. The impression made
on the young student by the reading of these ser
mons was never effaced. In his Postils he refers
to Geiler as saying that Bischoff (bishop), which ac
cording to German etymology means bei den Schaf-
fen (with the sheep), according to its usage had come
to mean beiss das Schajf ' (bite the sheep).
This narrative of facts shows that Melanchthon,
though but a boy in years, had taken rank among
the learned, and that his associates were of that new
generation which had risen to herald the coming of
a brighter and better day for science and religion in
Germany. Indeed he now stood on the dividing
line between the Middle Ages and the modern era.
But the day dawned so speedily, and the sun shot
up toward the zenith so rapidly, that before Me
lanchthon had passed the meridian of his life, he
had witnessed, and had acted a large part in effect
ing, one of the mightiest revolutions in culture, and
one of the most beneficial reformations of religion,
that the Christian world has ever known. The
times were ready for the change, and the men were
at hand to produce it. At the very time that
Luther was expounding Aristotle in Wittenberg,
and visiting Augustinian cloisters in Saxony, and
climbing up Pilate's staircase at Rome, — at that
very time, in the academic city by the Neckar, Philip
Melanchthon, fourteen years his junior, was laying
1 C. Jf., 24:85.

1 8 Philip Melanchthon [h"
that foundation in Latin, Greek, Logic, Rhetoric,
Philosophy, Mathematics, and Astronomy, which
qualified him to stand by the side of the solitary
monk that shook the world. At this same time
Melanchthon was forming friendships with young
men, who, like himself, were destined to play an
important part in the events of subsequent years,
such as Peter Sturm, brother of Jacob Sturm, the
celebrated statesman of Strassburg ; Theobald Billi-
can, Reformer of Nordlingen, then professor at
Heidelberg and Marburg; and John Brentz, whose
name will be forever associated with the renovation
of Christianity in Wurtemberg. Of Billican, Me
lanchthon wrote : " He was my schoolfellow, and
in talents and eloquence he greatly surpassed me."
Luther compared Brentz, in relation to himself,
" to the still small voice following the whirlwind,
earthquake, and fire." '
And now, after two years of study, the young
Bretten matriculate, not yet fifteen years old, stood
his examination under the rectorate of Dr. Leon-
hard Dietrich, and on the eleventh day of June,
1 5 1 1 , was made Bachelor of the Liberal Arts. Urged
on by a noble thirst for knowledge, by a pardonable
pride of his attainments, and by an ambition to be
come a teacher, he devoted himself with new zeal to
the study of the scholastic philosophy, with the inten
tion of taking the degree of Master of Arts. But at
the end of a year his application was denied " on ac
count of his youth and his boyish appearance." *
1 Krauth's Conservative Reformation, p, 76, n.
" C. R., 10 : 260.

CHAPTER III
STUDENT AND TEACHER AT TUBINGEN
Melanchthon Leaves Heidelberg and Goes to Tubingen — Life and
Studies at Tubingen — Melanchthon Becomes Master of Arts —
Is Licensed to Teach — Lectures on the Classics — Becomes Proof-
Reader, Editor, and Translator — Obscurantism — Melanchthon
Attracts the Attention of Scholars.
PIQUED by the rejection of his application to
become a candidate for the Master's degree,
and thinking, doubtless, that there was not much
more to be learned at Heidelberg, and believing
that a change of climate might improve his health,
Melanchthon resolved to emigrate to another uni
versity. Again following the advice of Reuchlin
and Simler, he went to Tubingen, where he matric
ulated, September 17, 15 12, John Schemer being
Rector. The University of Tubingen was founded in the
year 1477 by Duke Eberhard the Bearded. It also
was yet under the domination of the scholastic
philosophy; but it had given a larger place than
Heidelberg to humanistic culture. Here John
Brassican, of Constance, taught Latin Grammar by a
19

20 Philip Melanchthon 0497-
simple and practical method. Heinrich Bebel, in
1 501 laureated by the Emperor Maximilian, lectured
on poetry and eloquence.
Melanchthon heard these two with special delight,
but he supplemented their deficiencies by reading
Virgil and Cicero. He heard Francis Stadian on
the philosophy of Aristotle, Simler on Jurisprudence
and Logic, and Stoffler on Mathematics and As
tronomy. He also heard lectures on Medicine, and
read the words of Galen. Greek he pursued pri
vately, assisted by CEcolampadius, who was fifteen
years his senior. Hebrew he began at the sugges
tion of Reuchlin, who had written the first Hebrew
Grammar that appeared in Germany. By the aid
of this book Melanchthon pursued the study of
Hebrew as far as was possible without further assist
ance. To this list of studies, already long, he joined
that of Theology, which he always regarded as the
crown of the sciences. Both Realism and Nominal
ism then had their representatives in the theological
and in the -philosophical faculty. At the close of
the preceding century Gabriel Biel had taught
Nominalism, and John Heynlin, Realism, both with
renown. The students lived in special quarters called Bur-
sen, according as they belonged to the old school
(Realism) or the new school (Nominalism). The
symbol of the former was the eagle, that of the
latter the peacock ; and many were the battles
fought under the rival banners. Melanchthon read
Occam assiduously, and became imbued with Nom
inalism. He also heard Jacob Lemp, " the old

JOHANNES COCHLAUS. EOBANUS HESSUS.
JOHANNES REUCHLINUS.
HANS SACHS. CONRAD CELTES.

FROM ENGRAVING IN KREUSPLER'S ANDENKEN IN MUNZEN."

r5i8] Student and Teacher 21
Doctor of Theology, who pictured transubstantia-
tion on the blackboard."1 At the same time he
deepened his spiritual life by reading Gerson, and
found theological instruction in the writings of John
Wessel, of whom he wrote in his Postils : " On many
points of evangelical doctrine he taught exactly as
we do, now that the Church is reformed, and that
God has caused the glorious light of the Gospel to
shine again in marvellous ways."3 He also kept
up his intercourse with his learned uncle; often
visiting him at Stuttgart, where he regaled himself
in his uncle's library, or listened to his account of
the persons and things he had seen in his wide inter
course with men. And often did Reuchlin visit his
nephew at Tubingen, living with him in his Burse
and eating with him at the same table, " because he
delighted in intercourse with young men." Reuch
lin gave Melanchthon a Latin Bible, which the
latter carried with him whithersoever he went, " and
read it carefully day and night." Even during the
church service, while the preacher was discoursing
on the ethics of Aristotle, or relating monkish fables,
he was reading in his Bible such explanations as no
priest and no professor at Tubingen could give him.
Thus again it will be seen that Melanchthon's
studies took a wide range. He sought to know
everything and to be a master in every science.
Bretschneider sums up his student career at Tu
bingen as follows :
" He gave attention chiefly to Greek and Latin litera-
' C. R., 4 : 718.
*C. R., 24: 300.

22 Philip Melanchthon O497-
ture, to philosophy, history, eloquence, logic, mathe
matics, heard the theologians (particularly Lemp, who
taught the scholastic theology), the lecturers on law and
medicine, and read Galen so carefully that he could re
peat most of his works from memory." '
His seventeenth birthday was now approaching,
and with it the fulfilment of the wish which had
been denied him at Heidelberg. On the twenty-
fifth day of January, 1 5 14, as first among eleven
candidates, he received the degree of Master of the
Liberal Arts, and with it license as a Privatdocent to
lecture on the ancient classics to his own Burse, of
which he was regent. He began with Virgil and
Terence, to which Livy and Cicero were soon after
added. His didactic skill, his extraordinary thor
oughness, his enthusiasm for classical literature,
awoke a new life in the university. Not content
with the discharge of his official duties, he gathered
round him a select circle of students for the cultiva
tion of a purer Latinity, and for the study of the
Greek language.
He also became corrector to the printer, Thomas
Anshelm — a position which could be held then only
by a learned man. Here he had an opportunity to
employ his great learning in the interests of science.
He edited and almost completely re-wrote the
Chronicon, or Universal History, by John Naucler,
the Rector of the university, and made it one of the
most serviceable and widely read books of the age.
In March, 15 16, he published, with Preface, ametri-
1 C. R., 1 : cxlvj.

^is] Student and Teacher 23
cal arrangement of the Comedies of Terence, which
had been hitherto published only as prose. In No
vember of the same year he gave out a Preface to the
Dialogus Mythologicus of Bartholomew of Cologne.
The next year, besides other literary labours, he
translated a portion of Plutarch ; and at the instance
of Professor Stoffler he undertook the translation of
Aratus, a part of which he put into Latin verse, and
ceased only because he had resolved to undertake a
greater work.
Stadian had been lecturing on Aristotle's Analyt-
ica Posteriora, which was then regarded as belong
ing to the Metaphysics. Melanchthon became
convinced that this work belonged to Rhetoric, and
succeeded in convincing his former professor of the
correctness of his conclusions. Stadian then pro
posed that Melanchthon should prepare a new edi
tion of Aristotle in the original, for the purpose of
exhibiting, in his own true form, the great philo
sopher, " who, maimed, mutilated, and translated
into barbarous Latin, had become more obscure
than a sibylline oracle." '
Stadian, Reuchlin, Simler, CEcolampadius, and
others, promised him assistance. But the work did
not advance very far, as soon Melanchthon found
his life-work in another field.
Meanwhile, and since 1509, Melanchthon had
been a spectator, and more than a spectator, of one
of the most shameful and bitter literary contests
known to history. John Pfefferkorn, a converted
Jew, and Jacob Hochstratten, a Dominican Inquisi-
»C. R., 1 : 26, and n : 17-

24 Philip Melanchthon O497-
tor, had insisted on the banishment of the Jews and
the destruction of most of their writings.
The Emperor Maximilian, through the Elector of
Mayence, required an opinion from Reuchlin. The
great Hebraist defended the Hebrew literature
against these self-appointed watchers on the walls of
Zion. Pfefferkorn published Reuchlin's opinion
with abusive comments, denounced him as a heretic,
and had him brought to trial before the Bishop of
Spires. The whole literary and theological world
was now drawn into the contest. On the one side
were the monks. On the other side were the brave
and spirited champions of Humanism, such as Count
Hermann of Neuenar, John Crotus, Peter Eber-
bach, Eoban Hess, Wilibald Pirkheimer, John Brassi
can, Richard Crotus, and the brave and brilliant
Ulrich von Hutten. Reuchlin was acquitted by
the court, but still the battle raged, until the valiant
Francis von Sickingen forced the obscurant monks
to pay the cost of prosecution, and to make the
amende honorable.
What part Melanchthon took in this contest is
not clear. He and his former teacher, John Hilte-
brant, wrote Prefaces to The Letters of Illustrious
Men, addressed to Reuchlin, and published by
Anshelm in March, 15 14, in order to show to the
learned world the kind of man these Cologne
obscurantists had attacked. Melanchthon praises
the letters as models of epistolatory style, and adds
that " Germany can behold nothing more glorious
than the person of Reuchlin, whom the goddess of
wisdom has adorned with the most splendid gifts."

^is] Student and Teacher 25
As a counterpart to this book there soon appeared
Epistola Obscurorum Virorum ( The Letters of Obscure
Men). It is a book of satires, the most natural, the
most cruel, and hence the most effective ever writ
ten. The very names of the writers, Hasenfusius,
Hasenmusius, Dollenkoppius, Lumplin, Schnar-
holtzius, Buntschuchmacherius, Eitelnarrabienus,
and the like, bespeak sarcasm and irony. The book
was written in the barbarous monks' Latin of the
period, sometimes interlarded with German, as
follows : " Et ivi hinc ad Hagenau,
Da wurden mir die Augen blau,
Per te, Wolfgange Angst ;
Gott gib, dass du hangst,
Quia me cum baculo
Percusseras in oculo."
The satires mirror the ignorance, arrogance, im
morality, and barbarity of the monks, their hate
of heretics and humanists, in a style which might
have tortured them to death had their ignorance
and stolidity not been so great that some of them
actually thought these letters had been composed
in their honour. Hence they even assisted in their
circulation. The question of the authorship of these letters
has not been settled. They have been attributed
to Hutten, to Crotus Rubianus, and to other old
and young humanists. One of the most amusing
and effective of the entire collection is entitled
Carmen Rithmicale Magistri Philippi Schlauraff,
quod compilavit et comportavit, quando fuit Cursor

26 Philip Melanchthon O497-
in Theologia, et ambulavit per totam Alamaniam
superiorem. '
Some have supposed that Melanchthon was the
author of this piece, and under this supposition
Bretschneider put it in the Corpus Reformatorum,
though it is far more likely that it was written by
Ulrich von Hutten. It represents a young Cologne
Magister travelling over Germany in search of
" poets," and everywhere treated with insults and
blows. The prominence given to " Philip Melanch
thon," in this poem shows that the young Tubingen
Magister occupied a conspicuous place among the
authors and humanists who were particularly hostile
to the monkish pedantry of the day. A few extracts
from this characteristic poem will interest the reader :
" Tunc prseterivi Studgardiam, quia habet ibi stanstiam
Reuchlin ille hsereticus, qui fuit mihi suspectus.
Tunc ad Tubingam abii, hie sedent multi socii,
Qui novos libros faciunt et theologos vilipendunt :
Quorum est vilissimus Philippus Melanchthonius,
Sicut ego cognovi : et igitur Deo vovi,
Si viderem ilium mortuum, quod irem ad Sanctum Jacobum.
Et Paulus Vereander, die schwuren alle mit einander,
Quod vellent me percutere, si non vellem recedere.
Sed quidam hie theologus cum nomine Franciscus
Sua cum cavisatione portavit me ex ilia regione.
Tunc cogitavi ire, et ab illis poetis venire."
Finally this wanderer in search of " poets" comes
back to Cologne :
" Sic ivi ad Coloniam, et inveni bonam componiam,
Quamvis mihi Buschius cum suis auditoribus,

1 See C. R., 10 : 472 et seqq., and Rotermund's edition of the Epis-
tola, pp. 142 et seqq.

ULRICH VON HUTTEN.
FROM A CONTEMPORARY WOODCUT.

'sis] Student and Teacher 27
Et Joannes Ccesarius, qui legit ibi Plinius,
Facerent instantias, quia non curavi has :
Sed steti cum Theologis, et vixi in laetitiis,
Und gab nit ein Har auff den Graven von newen Ar,
Quamvis sit Poeticus, quia Pepercornus
In suis dictaminibus dicit de nobilibus,
Qui quamvis sunt clari, non possunt excusari,
Et debent sibi solvere, pro sua obscuritate,
Et sic est finis propter honorem Universitatis."
Melanchthon's participation in the controversy
brought him more discomfort than praise. The
spirit of Tubingen was still mainly subservient to
the old learning. The " heresy " of Luther was
combated by Jacob Lemp; and humanists and
grammarians were viewed with an evil eye. Even
Simler and Stadian clung to the old rather than ad
vanced with the new. Melanchthon was satirised
and described as a dangerous man. Hence Tubingen
was no longer a comfortable place for him. In
1 5 18, he wrote to Bernhard Maurer: " The method
of teaching which ought to improve both the under
standing and the manners is neglected. What is
called philosophy is a weak and empty speculation,
which produces strife and contention. The true
wisdom come down from Heaven to regulate the
affections of men is banished." '
There was nothing more for him to learn from
Tubingen, and he could not be content to remain
where the new learning did not have free course.
Moreover, he had already attracted the attention of
foreign scholars. Erasmus, then the literary mon
arch of Europe, in his notes on the New Testament,
1 C R.. 1 : a?-

28 Philip Melanchthon O497-
had written the following encomium on him : " Eter
nal God, what expectation does not Philip Melanch
thon raise, who though a youth, yea, rather, scarcely
more than a boy, deserves equal esteem for his
knowledge of both languages! What sagacity in
argument, what purity of style, what comprehension
of learned subjects, what varied reading, what deli
cacy and almost royal elegance of mind! " ' Wili-
bald Pirkheimer of Nuremberg, scholar, statesman,
humanist, to whom Melanchthon had addressed a
Greek ode, had placed him among his most intimate
friends, " on account of his studious habits, his
learning, and his talents." ' A call to a professor
ship at Ingolstadt had reached him. This he de
clined upon the advice of Reuchlin.
Philip Melanchthon, now in his twenty-second
year, was beyond question the best humanistic
scholar in Germany. He could not longer remain
" in a school where it was a capital offence to study
polite literature." Greater and better things were
in reservation for him elsewhere.
1 Com. on Thessal., p. 555, Basel, 1515.
*C.R., 1:23.

CHAPTER IV
EARLY WITTENBERG DAYS
Wittenberg— Founding of the University— Luther Called to Witten
berg — The Ninety-five Theses — Melanchthon Called to Witten
berg—Journey to Wittenberg — Personal Appearance — Liberal
Spirit at Wittenberg — Melanchthon's Inaugural — Luther's De
light—Luther and Melanchthon Compared — Increase of Stu
dents — Literary Activity.
WITTENBERG, situated on the right bank of
the Elbe, was founded in the twelfth cent
ury by Wendish fishermen. Built on a low, sandy
plain, and surrounded for miles by sandy plains and
a rocky, sterile soil, it has never been distinguished
for commerce or manufactures. It owes its fame
entirely to the fact that it was the cradle of the
Reformation. At the beginning of the sixteenth
century it had a population of about three thousand
souls, who were described by Luther as " disoblig
ing and discourteous, without any regard for the
finer and higher culture, and dwelling on the bord
ers of civilisation." Myconius says: " The houses
were small, old, ugly, low, wooden, more like a vil
lage than a city. ' ' But it was the capital of Electo-
29

3° Philip Melanchthon O497-
ral Saxony and had a castle to which was attached a
church known as the Church of All Saints, a parish
church, and an Augustinian monastery. When, in
1490, the Saxon territory was divided between the
Ernestine and the Albertine lines, the Electorate
was left without a university. As it soon became
necessary to provide for higher education, Frederick
the Wise, who had himself been liberally educated,
selected Wittenberg as the location of his university.
Here was the Castle Church with five thousand re-
liques, and with provision for ten thousand masses
per annum. Here also was the monastery, which
could furnish a part of the teaching force, and thus
reduce the expenses. Accordingly, October 18,
1502, the University of Wittenberg was opened.
Frederick spared neither pains nor cost to make his
university equal, or even superior, to its rivals at
Leipzig and Erfurt. He called it his daughter, and
sought to bring into its faculties the best scholars
he could find. Dr. Martin Pollich, physician,
jurist, theologian, called Lux Mundi, because of
his much learning, was made Rector, and Dr. John
von Staupitz, a Saxon nobleman, Vicar-General of
the Augustinian Monasteries of Germany, was ap
pointed Dean of the theological faculty. The latter
soon fixed his eye on his young friend, Martin
Luther, an Augustinian brother at Erfurt, as a
proper person for a professor. In 1508, Luther was
called to Wittenberg, and began his work by lectur
ing on the Aristotelian philosophy.
In 1512, he was graduated Doctor of Theology,
and thenceforth devoted himself to the sacred

!5i8i Early Wittenberg Days 31
science. In his doctor's oath, he obligated himself
to defend the Holy Scriptures against all errors, and
also to obey the Roman Catholic Church. He
preached much, heard confessions, and said mass as
became a devout Catholic. Unexpectedly to him
self he woke the theological world out of its slumbers
by the sound of the hammer strokes which fastened
the Ninety-five Theses to the door of the Castle
Church on the thirty-first of October, 15 17. Hence
forth Wittenberg was committed to the new learning,
and was now prepared to furnish a fit working-
place for the literary head of the Reformation.
The fame of the university was growing, and it
became necessary to have professors for Greek and
Hebrew. Frederick, who was becoming proud of
his " high school," inquired of Reuchlin in April,
1 5 18, for suitable persons to fill the proposed chairs.
The old " phcenix of Germany " rejoiced that " the
University of Wittenberg was to rise to the honour
and praise of all Germany by the use of the Latin,
Greek, and Hebrew tongues." For Hebrew he
suggested Dr. Paul Riccius, a converted Jew, physi
cian to Cardinal von Gurk, or Conrad Pellican, a
Barefoot prior, one of his own pupils, who, in 1507,
had published a Hebrew Grammar. For the chair
of Greek he proposed his own nephew, " Master
Philip Schwartzerd of Bretten," stipulating only
that if Master Philip should not fill the place accept
ably he should be returned free of expense. He
further suggested that Philip's books could be taken
to Saxony in September by the merchants of Frank
fort, and he could ride with them, as he " did not

32 Philip Melanchthon [1497-
know the way. " * In a subsequent letter to the Elec
tor he commended Philip, saying: " He will serve
the University and your Electoral Grace with honour
and praise. Of this I have no doubt, for I know no
one among the Germans who surpasses him, except
Erasmus of Rotterdam, who is a Hollander." ' For
a time the decision hung in the balance. Peter Mo
sellanus, the celebrated Greek scholar of Leipzig, had
sought the place for himself, and had found advo
cates in Luther and Spalatin. The latter had spoken
of him as pious, peaceful, upright, and able to trans
late from Greek into Latin, and had expressed some
scruples against Melanchthon. It is probable that
regard for the authority of Reuchlin decided the
matter, and sent Melanchthon to Wittenberg, where
he became the companion of Luther and the chief
promoter of his work. What would Christendom
be to-day had Melanchthon gone to Ingolstadt and
become the companion and supporter of Eck ?
On the twenty-fourth of July, Reuchlin forwarded
the formal call to Melanchthon, saying:
" Here you have the letter of the pious Prince, signed
with his own hand, in which he promises you his favour
and protection. I will not address you in the language
of poetry, but will quote the faithful promise of God to
Abraham : ' Get thee out of thy country, and from thy
kindred, and from thy father's house, unto a land that I
will shew thee ; and I will make of thee a great nation,
and I will bless and make thy name great, and thou shalt
be a blessing' (Gen. xii., i, 2). So my mind forecasts,
1 See Reuchlin's letter in C. R., 1 : 27 et seq.
iC. R., 1: 34.

ii r

I*

LUTHER'S HOUSE, WITTENBERG.

x5i3] Early Wittenberg Days 33
and so I hope it will be with thee, my Philip, my work,
and my consolation."
Then after advising him about his effects and his
leave-taking of friends at Tubingen, Bretten, and
Pforzheim, and inviting him to come to Stuttgart,
he adds : " Such is my advice. Be of good courage.
Be not a woman, but a man. A prophet is not
without honour save in his own country. Fare
well.'" Thus dismissed with a prophetic anticipation, and
with the assurance of the divine blessing, Melanch
thon visited his mother and grandmother, and then
hastened to Stuttgart to take a final farewell of his
illustrious relative, friend, patron, and counsellor,
who from " his youth had taught and instructed him
in the Greek language," and whom he should never
see again in the flesh.
Urged by the Elector, who was at that time at
tending an imperial diet at Augsburg, to come to
him at once " with his books," early in August
Melanchthon mounted a horse and set out for Augs
burg, which twelve years later was the scene of his
greatest achievement, the composition of the first
and most widely endorsed Confession of Protestant
Christendom. Here he saluted the Elector, and
formed the acquaintance of Spalatin, with whom he
travelled into Saxony, and with whom he formed a
lasting friendship. The die was cast, but no human
mind could foresee the result. It could only have
been said that Philip Melanchthon, the best product
1 C. R.. 1 • 32.
3

34 Philip Melanchthon £1497-
of the German Renaissance, had left his land and
kindred, the fertile fields and balmy climate of the
South, for an academic home among strangers in
the cold and crude North.
But the change was a relief, since he wished not
longer to remain and be tormented in Tubingen,
where his eminent scholarship and rising reputation
had excited the jealousy of the older professors.1
Nor was his departure deplored by his colleagues,
because, as Simler said, " though there were many
learned men there, they were not learned enough to
understand how great was the learning of him who
had gone from the midst of them." * Yet our old
account relates that
" in the meanwhile Duke Ulrich of Wiirtemberg, who
wished to retain Philip in his own country, sent Conrad
von Sickingen, then in his service, to Philip's mother to
inform her that if her son was minded to enter the
priesthood, he should apply to his Princely Grace. Then
he would provide him with a good benefice on account
of the faithful service of his sainted father. However,
Philip was not inclined to become a priest; but intended
in accordance with the invitation of the Elector of Saxony
to serve his Electoral Grace and the University; and so
it came to pass."
After tarrying a few days at Augsburg, where
again he declined a call to Ingolstadt, Melanchthon
started directly for Wittenberg. At Nuremberg he
made the personal acquaintance of Wilibald Pirk-

See his letters to Reuchlin in C. R., i : 31.
1 C. R., 10 : 299.

r5i8] Early Wittenberg Days 35
heimer, and of Christopher Scheurl, who from 1 505
to 1 5 12 had been a professor of law at Wittenberg.
Both received the young professor with open arms.
August 20th he reached Leipzig, where he met for
the first time Peter Mosellanus, the young professor
of Greek, and Andrew Francis Comitianus, who
afterward became counsellor to several Saxon
dukes. Camerarius, his lifelong friend and bio
grapher, relates the following anecdote :
' ' Philip used to tell what occurred at a banquet given
in his honour by the University. The courses were
many, and as each was served, some person would get
up with a prepared speech and address him. Having
observed this for a while and having responded once and
again, Philip said: ' I pray you, illustrious sirs, allow me
to respond once for all to your speeches, for I am not
prepared to speak so often with the proper variety.' " '
Schmidt remarks that Melanchthon was not so
lusty a drinker as the Leipzig professors were.
In addition to this good cheer, the Leipzig pro
fessors sought, more earnestly than honourably, to
retain him in the service of their own university.
They spoke disparagingly of Wittenberg, and offered
larger pay than had been promised him — one hun
dred florins — by the Elector. But, though fearing
lest his salary might not be adequate for his main
tenance, he nevertheless stood firmly by his promise,
and on the morning of the 24th pushed on toward
the end of his journey. He passed the night at
Duben, and on the next day, August 25, 15 18, at
1 Vita Melanchthonis, p. 26.

36 Philip Melanchthon [J497-
one o'clock in the afternoon, he entered " the white
city " by the Elbe, where he was destined to labour
for forty-two years, and where his body, worn out
by toil and suffering, was to find its last resting-
place. Melanchthon's fame had preceded him to Witten
berg, but his appearance disappointed expectation.
He was young, below middle size, diffident, hesitat
ing, of frail body and stammering tongue, and
carried one shoulder higher than the other. As he
passed along the street it may have been said with
a wink of the eye and a wag of the head, " There
goes Melanchthon, the new professor"; but those
who took a closer look, and judged not by the out
ward appearance only, remarked the high forehead,
the large, clear, blue eyes, the thoughtful face, the
animated gesture, — all of which gave intimations of
the lofty intellect which used that frail body as its
instrument. August 26th, under the rectorate of
Nicholas Gingelm, Master of Arts, " Philip Mel
anchthon of Bretten, a Tubingen Master of Arts,
was registered as the first professor of the Greek
language. ' ' So runs the record in the Codex Bavari,
t. i., p. 1003.
Melanchthon is now installed a professor at the
new University of Wittenberg. No restrictions are
imposed on his teaching. He came as a pronounced
humanist, but a humanist of a loftier purpose, who
is to use humanistic learning in the service of re
ligion ; and Wittenberg is exactly the place for the
execution of such a purpose. From its very begin
ning a liberal spirit had prevailed in the Saxon uni-

r5i8] Early Wittenberg Days 37
versity on the Elbe. The first rector had favoured
classical studies in opposition to the current subtle
ties of the scholastic method. The first dean of the
theological faculty had laid more stress on practical
piety than on the dogmas of the Church. Luther
had already raged against Aristotle and the scholas
tics, and by his lectures on the Psalms and Romans
had carried the study of Theology back towards its
sources. John Rhagius and Otto Beckman were
lecturing on the Latin classics. Jerome Schurf, from
Tubingen, lectured on Law. Caspar Borner taught
Astronomy. These friends of advanced methods
were more than odds for the few remaining Thom-
ists and Scotists who taught physics and logic in the
old way. In addition there was in the theological
faculty Andrew Bodenstein, a man of ample learn
ing, and of controversial spirit, but with his eye to
the future rather than on the past. Surely no uni
versity in Germany furnished at that time such an
opportunity and such congenial companionship for
the young humanist as Wittenberg. All had awaited
his coming with anxious expectation, and all had
been disappointed in his appearance. But the
disappointment was of short duration. August
29th, four days after his arrival, the new professor
ascended the rostrum in the presence of the as
sembled University and delivered his Inaugural.
His subject was " The Improvement of the Studies
of Youth ' ' (De corrigendis adolescentia studiis). He
said: Only regard for the proper studies and the du
ties of my office, illustrious Rector and Heads of

38 Philip Melanchthon O497-
the University, could induce me to commend to
you the study of classical literature, which is so
much opposed by rude and uncultured men, who
declare that classical studies are more difficult than
useful; that Greek is studied only by disordered
intellects, and that, too, for display ; and that
Hebrew is of little account. To contend with such
teachers one needs to be a Hercules or a Theseus.
Even before me I see those who are annoyed by this
innovation. But hear me patiently, as my relation
to you and the dignity of literature require.
In the Middle Ages Roman literature went down
with the Roman Empire. Only in England and
Ireland did learning flourish, as with the Venerable
Bede, who was master of all the knowledge of his
times. The Germans were better acquainted with
war than with literature. Charlemagne revived the
study of literature. He called Alcuin from Eng
land to France. Under his leadership Paris became
distinguished for culture. Then came a period of
relapse, and Aristotle, mutilated and translated into
bad Latin, became more obscure than a sibylline
oracle. This was followed by the race of scholastics,
more numerous than the seed of Cadmus. Law,
Medicine, and Theology alike suffered from the
decline of classical study. Good literature was
supplanted by the bad ; the pristine piety was ex
changed for ceremonies, human traditions, constitu
tions, capitularies, pilgrimages, and glosses.
There are three kinds of studies : Logic, Physics,
and Oratory. Logic teaches the force and differ
ences of words, and also the limits, origin, and

!5i8] Early Wittenberg Days 39
course of things. But the science has been cor
rupted by many of its modern teachers ; and endless
disputes arise, as between Nominalism and Realism.
Yet Logic is of great service. There is also great
confusion among theologians. The Philosophers,
Orators, Poets, Theologians, and Historians of an
tiquity must be studied. All public and private life
is profited by the study of history. Homer is the
source of all learning among the Greeks, and Virgil
and Horace among the Latins. Theology must be
studied by the aid of the Greek and Hebrew. When
we go to the sources, then are we led to Christ. I
shall begin .my work with Homer and the Epistle to
Titus. Cultivate the old Latins and embrace the
Greeks. To the inculcation of such studies I now
devote myself.
This oration, of which we have given a brief
synopsis, at once points out the relation of Melanch
thon to the great intellectual and religious movement
of the age. No similar programme had ever been
exhibited to the professors and students of a German
university. What had lain in the author's mind at
Tubingen as a fruitful seed, now in the congenial
atmosphere of Wittenberg blossomed out in strength
and beauty. In the face of remnants of obscurant
ism which may have lingered in this newest univer
sity, the young professor announces the mission of
classical studies. He conceives that they are to
regenerate society, and to lead to a better theology.
The Erasmian thought that the Church must be
reformed by means of classical study takes a step
forward, and joins Homer and Paul. It does not

40 Philip Melanchthon O497-
have that deeper knowledge of the Scripture into
which its author was yet to be led, nor that living
relation to the saving doctrine which alone can free
the Church from its Babylonian captivity; but it
points significantly and positively in the right direc
tion, and marks the inauguration of a new era in
culture and religion. In Italy the Renaissance
brought in scepticism and Epicureanism. In Ger
many it was to bring faith and a higher morality.
The difference in results lay in the fact that in Italy
culture was sought as an end in itself. In Germany
it was used as a means for the cultivation of theology
and for the advancement of piety. And this differ
ent use of a revived antiquity has been one of the
most potent factors in making Protestant peoples so
much superior to their Roman Catholic neighbours,
both in theology and in religion. For very much
of this superiority the world is indebted to Melanch
thon. His Inaugural is an open declaration of war
against the " men of darkness," and a protest
against the traditional methods in theology. It
enunciates distinctly the evangelical principle : the
Bible as the means and Christ as the goal of truth
and wisdom.
The impression made by the oration was extraor
dinarily great. A new star, destined to shed its
light wide over the world, had risen in the North.
Luther was in ecstasy. Two days later he wrote to
Spalatin :
" As regards our Philip Melanchthon everything shall
be done as you suggest. On the fourth day after his
arrival he delivered a most learned and chaste oration to

'sis] Early Wittenberg Days 41
the delight and admiration of all. It is not now neces
sary for you to commend him. We quickly retracted the
opinion which we had formed when we first saw him.
Now we laud and admire the reality in him, and thank
the most illustrious Prince and your kindness. Be at
pains to commend him most heartily to the Prince. I
desire no other Greek teacher so long as we have him.
But I fear that his delicate constitution may not bear the
mode of life in this country. Also, I hear that because
of the smallness of his salary the boastful Leipzig pro
fessors hope soon to take him from us. They solicited
him before he came here." '
Luther then exhorts Spalatin not to despise Mel
anchthon's appearance and age, " for he is worthy of
all honour." Two days later he wrote again: " I
most heartily commend Philip. He is a most
thorough Greek scholar, very learned and highly
cultured. His lecture-room is filled with students.
All the theological students, the highest, middle,
and lowest classes, study Greek." 2
The two great men were at once drawn to each
other. Luther's clear understanding, deep feeling,
pious spirit, heroic courage, overwhelmed Melanch
thon with wonder, so that he reverenced him as a
father. Melanchthon's great learning, fine culture,
philosophical clearness, his beautiful character and
tender heart, acted as a charm upon Luther. Each
found the complement of his own nature in the
other. God had joined the two with marvellous
adaptation. If Luther was a physician severer than
1 De W. (De Wette's Luther's Briefe), 1 : 134, 135.
sDe W., 1 : 140.

42 Philip Melanchthon [1497-
the diseases of the Church could bear, Melanchthon
was too gentle for the hurt of the declining Church,
which could not easily bear either her diseases or
the remedies required to heal them. Together they
achieved what neither could have done without the
other. Hence they are entitled to share equal hon
ours for the work of the Reformation. Without Mel
anchthon the nailing up of the Ninety-five Theses
had ended in a monkish squabble, to be followed per
haps by a new school of theology in the old Church.
Without Luther the teaching of Greek at Witten
berg would have ended in a higher and purer human
istic culture. Their combined labours produced the
Protestant Church, changed the course of history,
and introduced the modern era. Luther by his fiery
eloquence, genial humour, and commanding per
sonality commended the Reformation to the people.
Melanchthon by his moderation, his love of order,
his profound scholarship, won for it the support of
the learned. Luther himself has put their gifts in
happy juxtaposition :
" I am rough, boisterous, stormy, and altogether
warlike. I am born to fight against innumerable mon
sters and devils. I must remove stumps and stones, cut
away thistles, and thorns, and clear the wild forests; but
Master Philip comes along softly and gently, sowing and
watering with joy, according to the gifts which God has
abundantly bestowed upon him." '
The sowing was just as useful and indispensable
as the removal of the stumps and stones. The
1 Preface to Melanchthon's Com. on Colossians.

wi Early Wittenberg Days 43
work of the one, especially at the beginning, was
predominantly the work of destruction ; that of the
other, as predominantly the work of construction.
Luther tore down the idols of the Roman Catholic
Church. Melanchthon laid the foundation of the
dogmatic system of Protestant theology, and wrote
the first Confession of the Protestant Church. Their
combined labours brought into existence the Evan
gelical Lutheran Church. Also the friendship es
tablished between these great men forms one of the
most pleasing features of the religious drama of
the sixteenth century. Luther loved Melanchthon
as a son, and yet he often sat at his feet as a pupil,
and preferred the opinions of Master Philip to his
own. Melanchthon learned his theology and his
spiritual apprehension of divine truth from Luther.
Each esteemed the other better than himself. Each
saw in the other a wonderful instrument of Provi
dence, and each had the consciousness that he had
been providentially joined to the other for the exe
cution of a common commission. At one time the
ardour of their friendship was slightly damped, but
the warmth of earlier attachment was soon rekin
dled, and then it endured to the end. Lovely and
pleasant in their lives, they toiled, prayed, and suf
fered for the same great cause, and in their death
they are not divided, since they sleep together under
the same roof in the Castle Church at Wittenberg,
on whose door Luther nailed the first battle-cry of
the Reformation.
A new era in academic culture had now begun at
Wittenberg. For some years theology had been

44 Philip Melanchthon Iwi-
taught in an independent and liberal way ; but Mel
anchthon was the first to lead the students to the
original sources of theology and to train them by
means of logic and classical literature to system
atic thinking and to the clear expression of their
thoughts. The result was that from all parts of
Germany, and from foreign lands, students flocked
to Wittenberg, chiefly to hear Melanchthon. In
the winter semester of 15 18-19, there were only one
hundred and twenty students. The next semester
the number was doubled. In the summer semes
ter of 1520 there were three hundred and thirty-
three ; and in the autumn of the same year Spalatin
saw six hundred present at one of Philip's lectures.
" Sometimes he had nearly two thousand hearers,
among whom were princes, counts, barons, and other
persons of rank. He taught over a wide range of sub
jects, including Hebrew, Latin, and Greek Grammar,
rhetoric, physics, and philosophy; thus serving the com
mon weal of Church and State, and in teaching accom
plishing as much in all his subjects as other professors
did in one subject." l
So splendid was his success that Luther exclaimed :
" Whoever does not recognise Philip as his instructor,
is a stolid, stupid donkey, carried away by his own vanity
and self-conceit. Whatever we know in the arts and in
true philosophy, Philip has taught us. He has only the
humble title of Master, but he excels all the Doctors.
There is no one living adorned with such gifts. He
'C.R., 10: 301.

J5i8] Early Wittenberg Days 45
must be held in honour. Whoever despises this man,
him will God despise." '
Melanchthon also continued his literary activity.
In the year 1 518 he edited and published the Epistle
to Titus, and wrote to Spalatin that he was ready to
publish, among other things, a Greek dictionary,
two treatises of Plutarch, a Greek hymn, Athenag-
oras, Plato's Symposium, and three books on
Rhetoric.2 He was body and soul devoted to Wit
tenberg, with the double purpose of bringing honour
to the university and of disseminating knowledge.
He declared that he should be wanting neither in
faithfulness, nor in study, nor in zeal, nor in labour,
to increase the splendour of Wittenberg, and to
meet the expectations of the Elector.'
Thus with his hands full of work, and with his
reputation as a scholar and teacher fully established,
Melanchthon closed the year 1518.
1 C. R., 10 : 302.
'C. R., 1 : 44, 50, 52.
• Ibidem.

CHAPTER V
PROGRESS OF THE REFORMATION
Effects of Luther s Theses — Progress of the Reformation — John
Eck — Controversy — Leipzig Disputation — Eck, Carlstadt, and
Luther — Melanchthon Attends the Leipzig Disputation — Con
troversy with Eck.
LUTHER'S Theses had excited great commo
tion throughout Christendom. Those who felt
themselves oppressed and scandalised by the papal
corruptions, hailed the Saxon monk as the coming
deliverer of the Church. Those who were content
with the existing order of things proclaimed him a
heretic, schismatic, babbler, and blasphemer. The
Dominicans complained that their order had been
insulted, and yet they rejoiced that the Augustin
ians were about to be brought into disgrace. The
Pope, Leo X., who at first thought the commotion
was only an insignificant quarrel between the monks,
soon learned that it threatened the stability of his
throne. Early in February, 1518, he had called on
the General of the Augustinian Order to extinguish
the fire which Luther had kindled. He then cited
Luther to appear in Rome within sixty days to have
46

t5i9] Progress of the Reformation 47
his case tried before three judges. And when
through the good offices of the Elector it was de
cided to have the case tried in Germany, Luther
was ordered to appear before Cardinal Cajetan with
out delay. The order was promptly obeyed, and,
October 7, 15 18, Luther arrived at the cloister of
the Augustinians in Augsburg. The interview was
continued through several days, but without results.
Fearing violence, Luther left Augsburg secretly,
and October 31st he was again in Wittenberg. Mel
anchthon had attended his friend on the dangerous
journey with his best wishes and prayers; and now
he rejoiced at his safe return. Luther had written
him to play the man, and to teach the young men
properly, as he himself was going to the sacrifice, if
it pleased God, and adds: " I 'd rather perish, and,
what is more grievous to me than all, be deprived
forever of your delightful companionship, than to
recant things fitly spoken, and be the occasion of
putting an end to profitable studies. " * A few days
later he wrote to Carlstadt that he would rather die,
be burnt, expelled, and anathematised than recant.
He begs all his friends to pray for him; " yea for
yourselves, since your own cause is at stake here,
viz., faith in Christ the Lord, and the grace of
God."2 Luther's danger and his courage drew the young
scholar still more closely to him, and helped to iden
tify him with the new movement. Hence when, on
the twenty-eighth of November, 15 18, Luther pub-
1 De W., 1 : 146.
0 De W., 1: 161.

48 Philip Melanchthon [1497-
lished his Appeal to the Pope for a general council,
Melanchthon sent a copy of it to Spalatin, saying :
" I send you Martin's Apology. There is no reason
why you should dread the rage of the Romanists. That
is what such men are wont to do. Unless they play the
tyrant they do not think they rule; though in the name of
God what a difference there ought to be between ruling
and being stewards ! But ambition and avarice are seen
in everything. Martin defends himself so well that they
are not able to invent a new accusation against him." '
Luther and Melanchthon, though fully convinced
of the corruptions of the Church, and of the right
eousness of what had now become their common
cause, had no intention of separating from Rome,
or of changing the constitution of the Church or her
order of worship. They hoped that the ecclesiastical
authorities could be led to see the errors and abuses
which prevailed everywhere, and could be induced
to correct them. The old institutions and orders
might remain. They only needed purification.
Melanchthon even praised Frederick for having pro
vided for the priests, built new monasteries, and
restored old ones." But the two Wittenberg profess
ors, who had been so powerfully drawn together,
were not allowed to rest. They had begun an irre
pressible conflict. The truth itself was now fighting.
Every day " the Pope's crown and the monks'
bellies, ' ' to use the words of Erasmus, were incurring
greater danger. The threats and denunciations of
XC R., 1: 58.
*C.R., 1:47.

1519] Progress of the Reformation 49
Cajetan had not silenced " that child of Satan and
son of perdition," as the Pope had called Luther.
Another method must be tried. Miltitz, the papal
chamberlain, was despatched to Altenburg to flatter
and conjure the bold monk into silence. He suc
ceeded, but with the distinct understanding, on the
part of the monk, that he would observe silence
provided that his enemies would also do the same.
Here, it was thought, the whole matter would rest.
But a new actor now came on the stage. Dr. John
Eck, Pro-chancellor of the University of Ingolstadt,
was one of the most learned men and eminent theo
logians of his age. He had studied at Heidelberg
and Tubingen, had visited other celebrated univer
sities in Germany, and had made the acquaintance
of the most illustrious scholars then living. Wher
ever he went he gained applause as a debater. At
the age of twenty he began to lecture on Occam
and Biel, on Aristotle's philosophy, on dogmatics,
and on the nominalistic morality. He sought to
master every subject and to surpass every other
scholar. To increase his reputation as a disputant
he visited Vienna and Bologna. He was as vain as
he was learned, and delighted in recounting his
victories. He saw in the Ninety-five Theses, which
had been sent him by Luther, a subject for a new
debate and a chance for an additional triumph.
Against the Theses he published animadversions
under the title of Oelisce. These were answered
by Carlstadt in 406 theses, in which both the learn
ing and the orthodoxy of the Ingolstadt professor
were boldly assailed. Luther himself finally replied

50 Philip Melanchthon C1497-
in the Asterisci. The result was a challenge to Carl
stadt for a public disputation. Over the shoulders of
Carlstadt Eck wished to chastise Luther. He chose
Leipzig as the place for the disputation, and June 27,
1 5 19, as the time for beginning it. But already in
February he had published thirteen theses which he
proposed to defend. Some of these were directed
against Luther. As his enemies had now broken
the peace, Luther was no longer bound by his
promise to keep the peace. Hence he began to pre
pare to meet the challenge, with the declaration that
he feared " neither the Pope, nor the name of the
Pope, nor popelings, nor puppets." Eck came to
Leipzig early, and made a great display of himself,
so as to attract attention. On June 24th the Wit-
tenbergers entered the city. Besides the two
champions, Carlstadt and Luther, there came Dr.
John Lange, Vicar of the Augustinians, Philip
Melanchthon, Nicholas Amsdorf, John Agricola,
three doctors of law, and about two hundred stu
dents. Eck disputed with Carlstadt four days on
the freedom of the will ; then with Luther on the
Pope's primacy, purgatory, penance, absolution, and
satisfaction. Luther drew his arguments against
the Pope's primacy from the Scriptures and from the
fact that the Greek Church had never acknowledged
the Pope's primacy. These were his strong points;
and in this part of the discussion he evinced his
superiority. He went so far as to declare that a
General Council could not create an article of faith,
and could give no guarantee against error. Eck
now proclaimed him a heathen and a publican.

NaluszAyril-lip Dr>wlili pede; ^
ZZ Sept. j,

JOHAN AGRltOlA. ISXEEIV^ THEOIOCVZ
BRANOEBVR6IOW ET GENEBAll* MARCHf/E
SvfE*INTENOEif S .

JOHN AGRICOLA.
AFTER A CONTEMPORARY COPPFR PLATE.

Wl Progress of the Reformation 51
The disputation was continued for some days on
other subjects, and then brought to a close. Eck
claimed the victory, was applauded by his friends,
and rewarded by Duke George, in whose Castle of
the Pleissenburg the disputation had taken place.
Luther departed for home displeased, exclaiming
that Eck and his friends had not sought the truth,
but fame. Yet the disputation was helpful to
Luther. He had now reached the sublime conclu
sion that in matters of faith the authority of the
Roman Church was not to be recognised. He had
also discovered that henceforth his chief weapon
must be the Word of God, which alone can make
articles of faith.
Melanchthon describes himself as "an idle specta
tor " of the Leipzig disputation. But he was more
than that. He did not indeed take public part in
the debate, but he furnished his fellow-professors
with arguments in the intervals of the discussion,
and made suggestions sotto voce while the debate
was in actual progress. This displeased Eck, who
cried out, " Keep silent, Philip; mind your own
studies, and don't disturb me."
Eck was already displeased with Melanchthon,
because in his Inaugural Melanchthon had classed
him with the perverters of Logic. He now describes
Melanchthon as a " nephew of Reuchlin, very arro
gant. ' ' But for Melanchthon the Leipzig disputation
was a turning-point in life. It marks the real begin
ning of his active participation in the work of the
Reformation. His faith in the authority of the
existing Church is now completely shaken, and his

52 Philip Melanchthon [1497-
studies henceforth take a more decidedly theological
direction. The personality of each of the disput
ants, and the great questions of the debate, awaken
in him the liveliest interest.
Four days after the disputation had closed, that
is, July 21st, Melanchthon published a letter to his
friend CEcolampadius, then preacher at Augsburg, in
which he gave an account of the debate, but refrained
from expressing a judgment on the result, or on the
direction matters were taking. He says that the
object of the discussion was to state the difference
between the old theology of Christ and the Aris
totelian innovations. He also relates that in the
dispute about the Pope's primacy, Eck had spoken
with bitterness and rudeness, and had sought to
prejudice Luther in the eyes of the people. Of the
disputants he says :
" They displayed talents, varied erudition, and much
learning in the debate, from which I hope religion will
be well served. Eck was greatly admired by many
among us on account of his varied and splendid gifts.
Carlstadt you know from what he has written. He is a
good man, having rare and unquestioned learning. In
Martin, with whom I have long been well acquainted, I
admire the quick intellect, learning, and eloquence, the
sincere and excellent Christian spirit. I cannot help
loving him." '
This letter falling under the eye of Eck, so excited
his ire that on the 25th he sent forth from Leipzig a
reply against " the Wittenberg Grammarian, who
¦C. R., 1: Syetseq.

1519] Progress of the Reformation 53
knows some Greek and Latin." He calls him " the
literalist," " the bold little man who assumed to
play the r61e of the judge." Once he addresses
him as " thou dusty schoolmaster," and tells him
that he might have gained some reputation had he
minded his own business, but that now he has " con
signed himself to obscurity. ' ' Finally he says :
" Though Philip is not a person whom a theologian
should meet in a matter of theology, yet had I kept silent
I should have seemed to acknowledge what he has
charged me with. Hence I resolved to meet him, just
as Augustine did not hesitate to write against Crescon,
the grammarian." *
The letter as a whole exhibits a spirit of proud con
tempt for the Wittenberg Grammarian, who is re
garded as incapable of expressing an opinion on
subjects of theology. But Eck had mistaken his
man. In August, Melanchthon sent forth a reply
" from the renowned Wittenberg of Saxony,"
" dedicated to the candid reader." He makes no
reference to the personal indignities heaped upon
him by Eck, further than to say that he does not
mean to return evil for evil, and railing for railing.
He then reviews the Leipzig disputation in a way
that evinces a clear insight into the questions at is
sue, and shows that the writer is a master of trench
ant logic. He not only sustains and justifies the
positions of Carlstadt and Luther, but what is of far
greater significance, he declares that the Church
Fathers on whom Eck relied in his interpretation of
»C R., 1: 103.

54 Philip Melanchthon [1497-
Scripture and in his defence of the Pope's primacy,
can have no binding authority. He says:
" Far be it from me to detract from the authority of
anyone. I revere and honour those lights of the Church,
those illustrious defenders of Christian doctrine. Inas
much as the Fathers differ in opinion they are to be
judged by the Scripture. The Scripture is not to be
wrenched by their different opinions. The meaning of
the Scripture is one and simple; and as the revealed
truth is very simple anyone can understand it by follow
ing the text and context. To this end we are bidden to
study the Scripture, viz., that to it as to a Lydian stone,
we may apply the doctrine and opinions of men. If the
Fathers are to be employed in judging the Scripture, it
were better to take their opinion from those passages in
which they simply narrate, than from those in which they
orate and give way to their feelings. We know that we
ourselves understand the Scripture differently, accord
ingly as we are differently affected. Every person is led
by his own feelings, and as the polyp reflects the colour
of the stone to which it clings, so we strive with all our
might to reproduce what we have studied, as we are led by
inclination. Often we get the right meaning and pursue
a proper method, such as we cannot afterward recall.
So with the Fathers. Often when led away by feeling
they abuse the Scripture by giving a meaning, not exactly
bad, but inappropriate."
He then goes on to say that the scholastics, by
their allegorical, tropological, anagogical, literal,
grammatical, and historical interpretation, have
turned the sacred Scripture into a very Proteus,
He asks :

1519] Progress of the Reformation 55
" How often did Jerome, Augustine, Ambrose fall into
error ? I am not so ignorant of them that I may not
venture thus to speak. I am perhaps better acquainted
with them than Eck is with his Aristotle. How often do
they differ from each other and retract their errors ?
But why say more ? The canonical Scripture alone is
inspired, is true and pure in all things." '
This reply, in which the Ingolstadt professor is so
thoroughly refuted, shows not only that Melanch
thon was profoundly acquainted with the Fathers,
but that he based the study of theology on the sure
foundation of the Word of God, and understood the
correct principle of Hermeneutics, viz., that the
Scripture has only one sense. Eck made no reply,
but hastened off to Italy to seek aid and comfort
from the Holy Father.
Melanchthon's tractate was received with loud
applause by the friends of evangelical truth. He
was recognised at once as worthy to stand with the
theologians of the first rank. On the fifteenth of
August Luther wrote an account of the Leipzig
disputation to Spalatin, in which he declares that
Melanchthon is three or four times more learned in
the Scriptures than all the Ecks. He says expressly :
" I return to Philip, whom no Eck can make me dis
like, since in all my teaching I know of nothing better
than his approval. His opinion and authority have more
weight with me than many thousand miserable Ecks.
Though a Master of arts, of philosophy, and of theology,
and adorned with nearly all of Eck's titles, I should not
1 C. R-, 1: 108 etseq.

56 Philip Melanchthon [1519
hesitate to yield my opinion to that of this Grammarian,
should he dissent from me. This I have often done,
and I do it daily on account of the divine gift which God
with his bountiful blessing has deposited in this frail
vessel, though it be contemptible to Eck. I do not
praise Philip. He is a creature of God. I revere in
him the work of my God." '
1 De W., 1 : 305.

CHAPTER VI
HIS THESES AND MARRIAGE
Becomes Bachelor of Theology— Doubts the Doctrines of the Church
— Writes Theses — His Marriage — Family — Salary.
MELANCHTHON was rapidly growing in the
love of the Scriptures, and was devoting
more and more of his time to their exposition,
especially as since the beginning of the year 15 19
he had also taught Hebrew, and had expounded
portions of the Old Testament. On the twenty-fifth
of January, 15 19, Luther had written to Spalatin:
" Our Philip is engaged on the Hebrew with greater
fidelity and also with better results than that John '
who left us. The faithfulness and diligence of the
man are so great that he scarcely takes any leisure. ' ' *
On the nineteenth of December Melanchthon him
self wrote to John Schwebel that during the summer
he had expounded the Epistle to the Romans, and
that he was then engaged in expounding Matthew,

1 Luther means John Boschenstein, who came to Wittenberg as
professor of Hebrew in November, 1518, and left after a few months.
'DeW., 1:214. 57

58 Philip Melanchthon [1497-
and meant to publish a commentary on Matthew.
He adds: " I am wholly engaged on the Holy
Scriptures, and wish you would also devote yourself
wholly to them. There is a wonderful charm in
them ; yea, a heavenly ambrosia nourishes the soul
which is engaged on them." ' The estimate which
Luther placed on these lectures on Matthew is
shown in a letter which he wrote to Lange on the
eighteenth of December: "I am sorry that I cannot
send all the brethren to Philip's theological lectures
on Matthew at six o'clock in the morning. The
little Grecian surpasses me also in theology." '
Melanchthon was now in the theological faculty.
On the nineteenth of September, 15 19, in company
with John Agricola, he was made Bachelor of The
ology. This was the only theological degree he ever
accepted, not because he affected to despise higher
degrees, as we learn from one of his letters, but partly
because he thought they ought to be conferred with
great discrimination, and partly because he did not
wish to be responsible for what was involved in the
theological doctorate, though Luther pronounced him
a doctor above all doctors ; and he certainly was the
doctor of the German Evangelical Church,3 though
he was never ordained to the office of the ministry.
1 C. R., 1 : 128.
s De W., 1 : 380.
3 In 1542, Melanchthon wrote: "Titulus aliquid habet oneris.
Vides meum exemplum : nemo perpellere potuit, ut ilium quemlibet
honorificum titulum Doctoris mihi sinerem. Nee ego gradus illos
parvifacio ; sed ideo, quia judico esse magna ornamenta et necessaria
Reipublicae, verecunde petendos esse, et conferendos, sentio." — C.
R.,4: 811.

1520] His Theses and Marriage 59
Among the subjects which he discussed at his
promotion, were: " That the Catholic Christian
needs no articles of faith except those furnished by the
Scripture. That the authority of councils is inferior
to the authority of the Scripture. Whence it follows
that it is not a heresy not to believe Transubstantia-
tion and the like. ' ' '
Luther wrote to his old teacher, Staupitz :
" You have seen, or will see, Philip's theses. They
are bold, but they certainly are true. He defended them
in such a way that he seemed to us all a veritable wonder,
and such he is. Christ willing, he will surpass many
Martins and will be a mighty foe of the devil and of the
scholastic theology. He knows their tricks and also the
Rock Christ. He will powerfully prevail." *
The admiration which Luther constantly ex
presses for his young friend does not rise out of the
dark and dubious region of sentiment, but from the
firm belief that Melanchthon is a chosen instrument
of God for carrying on the work of reforming the
Church. In a letter to Lange he describes himself
as the forerunner, come in the spirit and power of
Elijah, but says that Philip will overthrow Israel
and the followers of Ahab.3 And not less deep and
sincere was the admiration which Melanchthon had
for Luther: " Martin is too great and too wonder
ful for me to describe in words," he writes to
Schwebel ; and again : ' ' You know with what as-
'C. R., 1: 138.
8 De W., 1 : 341.
'DeW., 1:478.

60 Philip Melanchthon \mw-
tonishment Alcibiades regarded Socrates. Much in
the same way, but in a Christian sense, I regard
Martin. The more I contemplate him, the greater
I judge him to be." '
Of the relation which they sustained to each other
at this time, and indeed during most of the time
they lived together, it may be said that Luther relied
on Melanchthon, and used his great learning for the
promotion of the cause with which he had identified
himself body and soul ; while Melanchthon by con
tact with Luther grew in courage against Rome, and
in that spiritual perception of the essential quality
of Christianity which brought him to sharper anti
thesis with the doctrines and practices of the Church.
In the same letter to Schwebel he says: " We do
not fear the dregs of Rome. If God be for us who
can be against us ? " His letter of February, 1520,
to John Hess, of Nuremberg, is taken up largely
with doubts about Transubstantiation and the teach
ing of the Scholastics, and with an exposition of the
teaching of Paul in opposition to the teaching of
the councils. He is not willing to number Tran
substantiation among the articles of faith ; or to say
that anything is an article of faith which cannot be
proved by the Scriptures; or to allow that the
authority of councils is equal to that of the Script
ures. Nor is he willing to confess that it is a heresy
not to concede both swords to the Pope ; nor not to
agree with Peter Lombard touching the number of
the sacraments ; nor to withstand the bulls of Indul-
1 C. R., 1 : 264.

£52o] His Theses and Marriage 61
gence.1 But at the same time that he was express
ing his doubt in regard to many doctrines of the
Church, he was advancing to clearer conceptions of
the scriptural doctrine of faith ; of the sacraments ;
of the keys ; of eternal life. In July of this year,
perhaps earlier, he wrote eighteen theses for aca
demic discussion. They are as follows :
" Justification takes place through faith; love is the
work of faith; there is no difference between fides
for mata and fides informis ; fides informis, as it is called,
is not faith, but a vain opinion ; love necessarily follows
faith; faith and love are works of God, not of nature;
Christianity is a Sabbath and perfect freedom; satis
faction is not a part of penance; there is no external
sacrifice in Christianity; the Mass is not a work the
benefit of which avails for another; Baptism benefits only
him who is baptised, and the Mass only him who par
takes. Baptism and the Mass are sacramental signs by
which the Lord witnesses that he will pardon sins; inas
much as the sum of our justification is faith, no work
can be called meritorious; hence all human works are
only sins; the keys are given to all Christians alike, nor
can the Primacy be allowed to Peter by divine right;
Aristotle's notion of blessedness agrees neither with
Christian teaching nor with the common sense of men;
it is better to derive our notion of blessedness and like
things from the Holy Scripture than from the nonsense
of the vain sophists." *
In these theses on justification by faith, the sac-

1 C. R., I : 138 etseq.
* C. R. , 1 : 126. For a discussion of the date of these theses, see
ibid., 1 : 126.

62 Philip Melanchthon [1497-
rament, the keys, the Pope's primacy, et cetera,
we have the central doctrines, both material and
formal, of the Great Reformation. The rapid
advance made by Melanchthon in evangelical con
ceptions is doubtless due mainly to his study of the
Scriptures. In the years 1 5 19 and 1520, Melanchthon was
very active with his pen. At the beginning of the
latter year he published two treatises on the doc
trines of Paul, and a handbook on Dialectics. In
April he is engaged in writing a commentary on
Matthew. He published for the students the Greek
text of Paul's Epistle to the Romans, an edition of
the Clouds of Aristophanes, and a new edition
of his Greek Grammar, besides other treatises, some
of greater, others of less, importance. His industry
was amazing. He began his work at two o'clock in
the morning and continued it until evening. Luther
and others feared for his life. Even the Elector
wrote him to take care of his health.1 Luther felt
that with his hard work and the poor comforts pro
vided by his meagre salary, together with the sever
ity of that northern climate, Melanchthon could not
long remain at Wittenberg. Consequently he not
only begged the Elector through Spalatin for an in
crease in Melanchthon's salary, but urged him to
get married, in order that he might have someone
to take care of his weak body. Melanchthon at first
rebelled at the suggestion of marriage ; not because
he hated women, or esteemed marriage lightly, but
1C.R., 10 : 193.

1520] His Theses and Marriage 63
because he loved study more.1 At length he gave
a reluctant consent, saying, ".I am robbing myself
of study and of pleasure in order to follow the
counsel and subserve the pleasure of others." a
Luther does not deny that he made the match.
He wishes to do the best he can for his friend, and
invokes God's blessing upon him.3 Finally, on the
fifteenth of August, Philip announces to Lange that
he is going to marry Katharine Krapp, daughter of
Hieronimus Krapp, Mayor of Wittenberg. He de
clares that she is a young lady possessing such man
ners and qualities of mind as he should desire from
the immortal gods.4 Soon gossips were busy, as
ever they are, and the marriage was hastened. On
the twenty-fifth of November, 1520, Melanchthon
posted the following verses on the bulletin board :
" A studiis hodie facit otia grata Philippus,
Nee verbis Pauli dogmata sacra leget. "
" Rest from your studies, Philip says you may,
He '11 read no lecture on St. Paul to-day."
This was the day of his marriage. Luther's father,
mother, and two sisters, and other persons, some of
whom were illustrious and learned, attended the
nuptials.

1 In 1540 he wrote to Veit Dietrich : "I am really indignant at
those misanthropes who regard it as a special mark of wisdom to
despise women, and to sneer at marriage. Women may have their
own infirmities, but men also have vices." — C. R., 3 : 1172.
2C. R., 1: 265.
3De W., 1: 478.
*C. R., 1 : 212.

64 Philip Melanchthon O497-
Melanchthon in his four-and-twentieth year is a
married man, and begins to experience the trials and
pleasures of married life, though the latter greatly
preponderated. He declares that his wife is worthy
of a better man. She is described by Camerarius
as " a most pious woman, ardently devoted to her
husband, liberal and kind to all."
The happy pair lived together thirty -seven years,
and became the parents of two sons and as many
daughters : Anna, born probably in 1522, was highly
accomplished and very dear to her father. Luther
calls her " Melanchthon's elegant daughter." At
the age of fourteen she was married to George Sa-
binus, a gifted but wayward poet, who neglected
her and her children. She died at Konigsberg in
1547, and was buried in the cathedral there. Philip
was born January 13, 1525. He was good-natured,
but " weak in body and mind." He lived to be
eighty years old, and died as notary of the Univer
sity of Wittenberg. George was born November
25, 1527, and died when two years old. He had
already begun to display extraordinary talents. His
death brought Melanchthon inexpressible sorrow.
Magdalena was born July 18, 1533. She was mar
ried to Caspar Peucer, who was a professor of medi
cine in the university, and afterwards became court
physician. She died at Rochlitz, July 18, 1576,
through excess of grief for her husband, who was
cruelly kept a prisoner for twelve years by the
Elector of Saxony.
To Melanchthon's family belonged, also, John
Koch, a Swabian, who entered his master's service

MELANCHTHON'S HOUSE, WITTENBERG.

x52o] His Theses and Marriage 65
in 1 5 19. He was a man of some culture, " chaste
and a lover of chastity." He trained the children
and managed the affairs of the house as a steward.
When he died, in 1553, Melanchthon invited the
academicians to his funeral, and delivered an oration
over his grave. Afterwards he wrote an epitaph for
his tomb.
The house in which Melanchthon lived in Witten
berg is still standing. A tablet high up on the
front bears the following inscription :
Hier wohnte, lehrte und starb Philipp Melanchthon.
That is :
" Here lived, taught, and died Philip Melanchthon."
The front room on the second story was Melanch
thon's study, and finally the place of his death, as
we learn from two Latin inscriptions :
Ad Boream versis oculis hac sede Melanchthon Scripta
dedit, quae nunc prsecipua orbis habet.
That is:
" At this place Melanchthon, with his eyes turned
towards the North, wrote those works which the world
now holds in high esteem." Siste viator
Ad hunc parietem stetit lectulus in quo pie et placide
expiravit vir reverendus Philippus Melanchthon.
Die XIX. April, dodrante hora? post VII. Anno
MDLX.

66 Philip Melanchthon O497-
That is : " Stop traveller!
" Against this wall stood the couch on which the
venerable Philip Melanchthon piously and peacefully
died, April 19, 1560, at a quarter past seven o'clock."
The study, the dining-room, the nursery, the
school-room, and the chambers have all, until re
cently, been preserved in their original condition.
The entire house is now " the Melanchthon Mu
seum." In this house Melanchthon dispensed a liberal
hospitality. Exiles, wandering scholars, comers
and goers of every age, sex, and condition, were in
vited to his house, or imposed themselves upon him.
One day at dinner he heard eleven or twelve lan
guages spoken at his table. At first his salary was
one hundred florins, equal to about four hundred
dollars; in 1526 it was raised to two hundred ; in
1536 it was increased to three hundred; and from
1 541 it was four hundred, which at that time was
regarded as a very large academic salary. He re
ceived many presents from the city council and an
eighth interest in the water company. He also
received frequent gratuities from princes whom he
had in some way served, or to whom he dedicated
editions of his works.
By his marriage, Melanchthon became firmly an
chored at Wittenberg. Every attempt to drive or to
draw him away failed. The first effort in the direc
tion of his removal came from Reuchlin, who in
1 5 19 had accepted a professorship at Ingolstadt.

1520] His Theses and Marriage 67
Desiring to have his nephew with him, and wishing
doubtless to detach him from Luther's influence, he
wrote him to come to Ingolstadt, and promised him
the forgiveness of Eck. But the young man was now
too ardently devoted to Luther and the Elector, and
was too closely identified with the Wittenberg move
ment to be influenced by the claims of friendship, or
by the love of country. He wrote to his uncle :
' ' I have been brought to Saxony. Here I will do my
duty until the Holy Spirit to whom I shall commit my
self shall call me away. I have such a love for my native
land as the gods might envy; but in all things I must
consider the call of Christ, rather than my own inclina
tion." '
This letter settled the matter, but it cost Mel
anchthon the love and devotion of his uncle. The
aged Reuchlin, who was simply a Catholic humanist,
fearing lest he should be suspected of sympathy
with his heretical relative, requested Melanchthon
not again to write him; and despite his promise,
made in the presence of witnesses, to give his splen
did library to Melanchthon, he gave it to the monks
at Pforzheim. Thus, like Erasmus, he drew back
from the Reformation which by humanistic studies
he had helped to introduce, and, like Erasmus, he
died in the bosom of the Roman Catholic Church ;
while Melanchthon, " his work and his consolation,"
became one of the chief actors in exposing the cor
ruptions of that Church, and in showing the more
excellent way of the Reformation.
1 C. R., 1 : 151-

CHAPTER VII
MELANCHTHON THE ALLY OF LUTHER
Luther Burns the Pope's Bull, and Writes two of his Most Important
Works — Melanchthon Approves Luther's Course — Controversy
with Rhadinus, and with the Sorbonne — Luther Praises Mel
anchthon's Apology — Fanaticism at Wittenberg — Melanchthon's
Distress.
IN the year 1520, affairs reached a crisis at Witten
berg. Eck had returned from Rome with a
papal bull which he sought to have executed against
Luther at once. But on the morning of November
11th, just outside the Elster gate, Luther burned
the Pope's bull, together with certain books of the
canon law, with the bold declaration, " Because
thou hast vexed the Holy One of the Lord, be thou
consumed with everlasting fire." This was the
most courageous act of his life, and it completely
cut him off from hope of papal clemency. For this
he had already prepared himself by one of his most
powerful and influential writings, The Address to the
Christian Nobility of the German Nation concerning
the Reformation of the Christian Estate. In this book
he demolishes the walls with which the Romanists
68

1521] Melanchthon the Ally of Luther 69
had surrounded themselves, and calls upon the tem
poral Christian power to exercise its office without
let or hindrance, or without considering whether it
may strike pope, bishop, or priest. In 'a word, he
seeks to make the Church and the Empire free from
the dominion of the Pope. In the accomplishment
of this object he had the support of Melanchthon,
who wrote to John Lange, who thought that Luther
had done better had he kept quiet :
" The purpose of writing the letter to the German
nobility 1 approved from the beginning. Luther was
encouraged in it by those on whom we both rely. Be
sides, it is of a nature to glorify God. I was not willing
to have it delayed. I did not want to curb the spirit of
Martin in a matter to which he seems to have been
divinely appointed. The book is now published and
circulated, and cannot be recalled. ' ' 1
In October of the same year Luther published his
Babylonian Captivity of the Church, in which he
attacks and overthrows the Romish sacramental
system. About the same time he wrote the book
entitled, Against the Execrable Bull of Anti-Christ.
In a letter to Spalatin, Melanchthon said: " Martin
seems to me to be impelled by a spirit. He ac
complishes more by prayer than we do by counsel.
Nothing worse could befall us than to be deprived
of him." "
Luther's publications of this year threw all Ger
many into a ferment. The people thought they

1 c. R., r : 2ii.
'C.R., 1:269.

70 Philip Melanchthon [1497-
heard the tocsin of war. But the excitement was
increased by the Oration of Thomas Rhadinus
against the Heretic Martin Luther, who is destroy
ing the Glory of the German Nation, published at
Leipzig in October, 1520. Its author was Thomas
Rhadinus Todiscus, born at Placentia. The Oration
had been published at Rome in August. Luther
and Melanchthon, who knew nothing of the author,
nor of the Roman edition, thought it had proceeded
from Jerome Emser, a Leipzig canon. It is ad
dressed to the princes and people of Germany, and
covers forty pages in the Corpus Reformatorum.1 It
is full of falsehoods, and of coarse abuse of Luther,
whom it calls the pest of theology, the disgrace of
the Augustinian family, the destroyer of Germany,
the bane of the Christian state, the tainted wether
which has infected the entire flock. It charges him
with resisting the Turkish war, with opposing phi
losophy, and with setting at naught the teaching of
Christian antiquity, the decrees and laws of the
Church. It classes him with the apostates, schis
matics, and heretics of all ages, and closes by calling
on all the gods and goddesses, on whose temples
and rites this Luther, ignorant of philosophy and of
sacred letters, has declared sacrilegious war, to drive
away this enormous mass of wickedness, and pre
serve intact the glory of the Christian name in Ger
many. Melanchthon, under the name of Didymus Faven-
tinus, now took up his pen to defend his friend and
colleague. He wrote, and in February, 1521, pub-
1 C. R., 1 : 212 et seqq.

i52i] Melanchthon the Ally of Luther 71
lished , an Oration which covers nearly seventy-one
pages of the Corpus Reformatorum.1 It is learned in
form and matter, but bitter and sarcastic in tone.
It is directed against Emser, whom it never wearies
of calling the he-goat. It declares that Luther has
sought only to remove the abuses in the Church;
that he is not opposed to the Turkish war, nor hos
tile to all philosophy; but only to that philosophy
which treats falsely of the origin of things; and to
such ethics of Aristotle and of other ancient philo
sophers as disturb the consciences of men. It shows
that Luther asserts the authority of the Gospel over
against the authority of councils and popes. The
Pope is called a tyrant, and his primacy is disproved
both from history and Scripture. An appeal is
made to the princes to remember that they are
Christians and rulers of the Christian people, and
are to rescue the miserable remnants of Christianity
from the tyranny of Antichrist. The Oration is a
fit companion to the Address to the German Nobil
ity, and to The Babylonian Captivity of the Church,
with the difference that whereas Luther's pieces are
addressed chiefly to the unlearned, this is addressed
to scholars.
By this time the danger to the Pope's crown had
grown so great that the Wittenberg arch-heretic,
who had resisted admonition and defied threats, and
had burned the sentence of excommunication, must
be summarily dealt with. On the third of January,
1 52 1, the Pope issued another bull against Luther,
and urged the Emperor to enforce it. March 6th
1C. R., i : 286 etseqq.

72 Philip Melanchthon [1497-
an imperial mandate ordered Luther to appear at
Worms by April 16th " to give information con
cerning his doctrines and books." On the second
of April, attended by Nicholas Amsdorf and a few
other friends, he set out for Worms. When parting
from Melanchthon he said :
" If I should not return, and my enemies should kill
me at Worms, as may very easily come to pass, I conjure
you, dear brother, not to neglect teaching, nor to fail to
stand by the truth. In the meantime also do my work,
because I cannot be here. You can do it better than I
can. Therefore it will not be a great loss, provided you
remain. The Lord still finds a learned champion in
you." Of Luther's heroic stand at Worms; of the im
perial edict hurled against him ; of the sojourn at
the Wartburg; and of the many things done and
suffered by him during the next eleven months,
this is not the place to speak. Gladly would Me
lanchthon have accompanied his friend to the South,
but permission to do so was denied him. His place
was at Wittenberg, as a part of Luther's labours
had fallen on his shoulders, and his advice and
help were needed in starting Aurogallus, the new
professor of Hebrew, in his work. He also rendered
valuable assistance to Justus Jonas, who in June
came as Provost of the Castle Church and as pro
fessor of canon law. And most of all did he serve
the common cause by taking up his pen again in
defence of Luther.
The theologians of Cologne and Louvain had

1521] Melanchthon the Ally of Luther 73
already condemned the doctrines of Luther. Now
on the fifteenth of April, while he was on the way
to Worms, the theological faculty of Paris issued a
Determination on the Lutheran Doctrine.1 This cele
brated faculty, known as the Sorbonne, was the
theological oracle of the age. Its judgment of a
theological question was supposed to be final. In
the plenitude of its wisdom it calls Luther an arch-
heretic ; a virulent renewer of the ancient heresies ;
a pernicious enemy of Christ ; an execrable restorer
of old blasphemies, who has approved, commended,
and extolled the madness of the Bohemians, the Al-
bigensians, the Waldensians, the Heracleans, the
Pepucians, the Arians, the Lamperians, the Jovin-
ians, the Artotyrians, and other like monsters. It
then extracts twenty-four propositions from Luther's
writings. These are treated one at a time, and are
summarily declared false, schismatic, impious, her
etical. Not a word of proof is offered from the
Sacred Scriptures. The condemnation is dogmatic
and oracular.
The Determination is an out-and-out defence of the
old Scholasticism, of which the Sorbonne was now
the chief representative. Well did Luther say on
reading it: "I have seen the Decree of the Paris
sophists, and am heartily glad for it. The Lord
would not have smitten them with such blindness,
had he not intended to make an end of their ty
ranny." '
The bitterness and ignorance shown in the Deter
ge. R., 1 : 366 etseqq.
' De W„ 2 : 30

74 Philip Melanchthon [1497-
mination might have been its condemnation, had not
the authority of the Sorbonne been so great, and
had not Eck translated it into German and circulated
it among the people. The Sorbonne Decree had to
be answered.
Now it is that the courage of Melanchthon reaches
its highest tide. Undismayed by papal bulls and
imperial edict, he enters the lists alone against the
Paris corporation. He advances to the battle not
with the arrogance of youth, but with the confidence
of the experienced warrior who knows that he has
his quarrel just, and knows, too, that he stands
on the sure foundation of truth. In June, 1521, the
answer was ready, entitled, Apology for Luther
against the Furious Decree of the Parisian Theologas-
ters.1 It begins by asserting that these Paris theo
logians have prefixed a bloody letter to their Decree,
and have added impious and atrocious notes on
single sentences taken from Luther's writings and
perversely distorted. It then declares that instead
of theologians, sophists, instead of Christian doctors,
calumniators seem to rule at Paris where formerly
were men like Gerson, full of the Christian spirit.
" It is evident that a profane Scholasticism has sprung
up at Paris, which is called theology, but which leaves
nothing salutary to the Church. The Gospel is obscured ;
faith is extinguished; a doctrine of works is introduced;
instead of a Christian people we are a people not subject
to law, but to the ethics of Aristotle, and instead of Christ
ianity, a kind of philosophical mode of life has been in
troduced in opposition to the whole mind of the Spirit."
' C. R., I : 398 et seqq.

1521] Melanchthon the Ally of Luther 75
Luther, it says, is accused of heresy, not because
he departs from the Scriptures, but because he op
poses the universities, the Fathers, and the councils.
But these have erred, and cannot make articles of
faith. In very many things Luther agrees with the
ancients. The Parisian theologians themselves are
in many things directly opposed to the Fathers, as
in the doctrines of sin and human ability. But an
tiquity did not have the tyrannical laws of the popes,
nor the Parisian masters, nor the Parisian articles,
which obscure the Gospel.
" Let us now look at the councils. By which councils
is Luther condemned ? You make out of Luther a
Montanist, a Manichsean, an Ebionite, and the like, and
want to have it appear that his doctrine has been con
demned by the councils of the ancients. Unless the
author of the Epistle wishes to play the orator here,
there is nothing so malignant, so impudent, as the Paris
Sorbonne. It is easy to discover why they wish to asso
ciate Luther with the ancient heretics. It is that his
name may become odious. The Parisian theologians are
blind in that they see no difference between the doctrines
of Luther and those of the Manichaeans. The Mani-
chaeans denied freedom to the human will in such a way
as to deny that there is any substance which can be re
newed, and therefore it is incapable of liberty. Luther
denies freedom in such a way as to maintain that there
is a substance which when it is renewed by the Spirit, is
freed from bondage."
They also think that because Luther has con
demned the councils and the holy Fathers, he is a

76 Philip Melanchthon [1497-
Montanist, a Manichaean, an Ebionite, an Artotyrite
et hoc genus aliis.
' ' There have been several papal councils during the
reign of the Roman antichrists, which Luther con
fessedly does oppose; but in this he follows the plain
Scripture. ' And why should he not oppose them, since
so many things were done in them contrary to the
Gospel ? The Council of Vienne denied that the keys
of the Church are common to all. The Council of Con
stance denied that the Church consists of the whole body
of the predestinated. It also decided that there are some
good works apart from grace. Such doctrines are directly
opposed to the Gospel. These councils Luther has op
posed, following the lead of Christ. They who decide
against him are not Christians, but antichrists.
" The Sorbonnists blame Luther because he has not
followed the Church. What do you call the Church ?
The French Sorbonne ? But how can that be the Church
which is hostile to the Word of Christ, who declares that
his sheep hear his voice ? We call that the Church which
is based on the Word of God, which is fed, nourished,
sustained, ruled by the Word of God; in fine, which de
rives everything from the Gospel. ' '
Luther, who was now at the Wartburg, was
greatly delighted with Melanchthon's Apology. As
a mark of his approval he translated it into German,
and added to it a translation of the Paris Decree,
and published the two together, with a preface and
an appendix, as the best means of opening the eyes
of the people. He says that " although my beloved
Philip has answered these sophists so well, he has
touched them too gently, and has run over them

1521] Melanchthon the Ally of Luther 77
with a light plane. I see I must come down upon
them with the farmer's axe, otherwise they '11 think
they 've not been hurt." *
Besides much hard work, this year 1521 brought
great anxiety to Melanchthon. He felt that he
could not take the place of Luther. He could
teach, and could write more learned controversial
tracts than Luther could ; but he could not lead in
the work which Luther had begun. Hence, when
he learned that Luther had been outlawed, and had
disappeared after leaving Worms, his soul was filled
with sadness. Great was his joy when he received
Luther's letter from the Wartburg, May I2th.s
He wrote to Link, " Our most dear father still
lives.'" But Luther's letter must have filled him with
forebodings :
" Be thou a minister of the Word. Defend the walls
and towers of Jerusalem until they also attack you. I
pray for you, and I doubt not that my prayer avails.
Do thou likewise, and let us bear the burden together.
Hitherto I have stood alone in the battle. After me
they will attack you."
Melanchthon longs for the companionship of Lu
ther. To Spalatin he writes that all things go
well at the university, except that Luther is want
ing. He then exclaims: " Oh happy day, when I
shall be permitted to embrace him again! " *
1 Erlangen ed., 27: 408.
sDe W., 2: 1.
3C. R., 1:389-
*C. R., 1: 396-

78 Philip Melanchthon frw-
Still greater troubles were in store for the tender
hearted Melanchthon. The man who was instant
and fearless in controversy, was hesitant and timid
in action. Hitherto the Reformation at Wittenberg
had been a war of words, though many of the words
were half battles. Luther had preached, and Mel
anchthon had taught, that the authority of popes
and councils must yield to the Word of God ; that
vows of celibacy are not binding; that the sacra
ments do not justify ex opere operato ; that faith
alone justifies; that the cup ought to be given to
the laity ; that private masses ought to be abolished ;
that the Lord's Supper ought to be administered
according to primitive simplicity. Men were be
ginning to demand the practice of what had been
preached. The monks knew that celibacy had been
one of the greatest curses to the Church. The
question arose : Is celibacy better than marriage ?
It was answered : It can be better only when one has
the gift for it. Many now felt that they did not
have this gift. Then it were better to marry than
to burn. Acting on this principle, Jacob Seidler,
pastor at Glasshiitte, in Meissen, Bartholomew Bern-
hard, of Feldkirch, provost at Kemberg, and a Mans
feld pastor had married. They held that marriage
was not forbidden by their vows of ordination. In
Meissen the vow required the observance of chastity
only in so far as human weakness should permit.
Seidler held it more honourable to explain this in
the sense of marriage than in that of unchastity.1
Bernhard had pledged himself to follow the tradi-
1 C. R„ i : 420.

tsar] Melanchthon the Ally of Luther 79
tions of the Fathers ; and these had not bound them
selves by the law of celibacy. Hence marriage is
permitted, he argued. Seidler and the Mansfeld
pastor were imprisoned.
Melanchthon, Carlstadt, and Agricola sent a letter
of intercession for Seidler to the bishop of Meissen,1
but without effect. Duke George, to whose domin
ion Seidler belonged, was an implacable foe of the
reformers. He had a great personal dislike for
Luther, called Carlstadt " a loose, frivolous man,"
saw in Melanchthon only " a young fellow who ap
plied himself to things beyond his power." Seidler
was executed in prison, one of the first of the German
evangelical martyrs.
What became of the Mansfeld pastor is not known.
For Bernhard, Melanchthon wrote an Apology ' in
the name of the Wittenberg doctors of law, in which
he showed that neither the law nor the Gospel for
bids marriage to layman or to priest ; and that
Bernhard had not perjured himself by taking a wife.
Melanchthon also wrote to the Elector in the interest
of Bernhard. As a result, the matter was dropped,
and Bernhard remained an evangelical pastor. This
Apology of Melanchthon, translated into German,
was widely scattered. It awakened thought. The
abolition of celibacy, one of the chief supports of
the hierarchy, was a long step in the direction of
practical reformation.
The leaven of sound doctrine was also working
in other directions. In October, the Augustinian
1 C. R., 1 : 418.
8 C. R., 1 : 421 et seqq.

80 Philip Melanchthon O497-
monks in Wittenberg, under the advice and leader
ship of Gabriel Zwilling, their preacher, conceived
the purpose of abolishing private masses, and of
restoring the cup to the laity. When this came to
the knowledge of the Elector at Lochau, he directed
his chancellor, Briick, to inquire into the matter, and
to report to him. On the eleventh of October the
chancellor reported that Zwilling had declared in a
sermon that the adoration of the sacrament is idol
atry ; that private masses should not be held ; and
that the sacrament should be received in both kinds.
It was also discovered that the theologians were in
sympathy with these movements toward practical
reform. A committee was appointed to take advise
ment of the matter. On the twentieth of October
a report,1 signed by Jonas, Carlstadt, Melanchthon,
Pletner, Amsdorf, Doltsk, and Schurf, was sent to
the Elector. It recites: (i) that the Mass has been
abused and changed into a good work for the pur
pose of reconciling God. Hence the Augustinians
desire to hold no more such masses, but to introduce
such as Christ and the apostles held; (2) that the
masses as they are now held are contrary to the
usages of Christ, and of the apostles, who always
communicated to a company, and never to a single
person; (3) that Christ had appointed both forms to
be used. The report then appeals to the Elector
to abolish the abuses connected with the Mass, even
though he should be called a Bohemian and a here
tic, since all who would obey the Word of God must
bear reproach, lest they be cast off by Christ in the
1 C. R., 1 : 466.

FREDERICK THE WISE, ELECTOR OF SAXONY.
FROM A PAINTING BY ALBRECHT DURER, 1524.

1521] Melanchthon the Ally of Luther 81
last day. Though it would not be a sin to hold
private masses, if they be not abused.
The Elector was not wholly pleased with the re
port of the committee, and preferred to advance
with caution. He communicated his mind to the
committee through Dr. Baier, insisting that in so
grave a matter they should proceed with great de
liberation, since they were the smaller party ; other
wise serious consequences might follow, as the Mass
had existed for hundreds of years, and the churches
and cloisters had been founded for holding masses.1
The committee replied with that joyful courage
which only the Gospel can inspire :
" That though they are the smaller party they could
not despise the truth of the Divine Word, which is above
all angels and creatures, and is clearly revealed in the
Gospel. Besides, the smaller and despised party has
always preached and accepted the truth, and so will it
be to the end of the world. Christ sent into the world
the despised, poor, simple, unlearned people, to preach
the truth ; and he has revealed to them the divine truth
which he has concealed from the great, the high, the
wise of this world."
They proceed to show that the Mass as then held,
especially masses for the dead, and with one form,
is an innovation, for which they are not responsible.
Finally they say : " Let no one hesitate because this
will bring great offence; for Christ came into the
world, and was given to those who believe on him

' C. R., i : 47i.
6

82 Philip Melanchthon [1497-
and his Word, that they might be benefited in him
and have everlasting life. ' ' '
Nearly all the professors favoured reform in the
Mass. But the chapter, Jonas, the Provost, ex
cepted, opposed the reform. The canons wrote to
the Elector, and begged him not to change the Mass
in the churches and cloisters." As opinion was thus
divided, Frederick wisely recommended that they
should continue to discuss the matter and further
instruct the people before changes were introduced.
Meanwhile the excitement had spread through
Meissen and Thuringia. On December * 20th of
this year the Augustinians of these districts held a
provincial convention at Wittenberg, at which they
resolved formally to abolish private masses, clois-
teral coercion, and other unchristian customs.
Melanchthon was especially anxious to have the
Mass changed, since he thought that the priests
were destroying legions of souls by their masses.'
But Melanchthon was not the man to introduce the
desired changes, though the times were ripe for a
reformation. He was not a minister. He could
not preach, nor serve at the altar. He must natur
ally give place to his older colleague, Carlstadt.
This man, violent, eccentric, and ambitious of
leadership, smarting no doubt under the conscious-

1 C. R., i : 494.
* C. R., 1 : 503.
' This is the date given by Matthes in Melanchthon's Leben, p. 48 ;
and by Schmidt in Philipp Melanchthon, p. 82. See Seckendorf, 1 :
p. 214. Kbstlin places it in January, 1522, Luther's Leben, I : 503.
*C.R., 1:477,478.

*52ij Melanchthon the Ally of Luther 83
ness of his ill-success in the Leipzig disputation,
undertook to revolutionise everything.
He not only made a complete change in the order
of worship, by seeking to return to original simplic
ity, but he tried to bring all learned studies into
contempt, and advised the students to leave their
books and learn trades. He announced in a ser
mon that on the first of January he would administer
the Communion, both kinds, and would omit the
Canon. Though warned by the Electoral counsel
lors, he did as he said he would do, and also pub
lished a treatise on the abolition of pictures and
begging among Christians. So matters stood at
the close of the year 1521. Melanchthon had urged
the changes in the Mass, but, as the representative
of order and science, he could not approve Carl
stadt's revolutionary violence. With Schurf he
threw the whole weight of his authority against the
dissolution of the university and the abolition of
learned studies. In this he succeeded fairly well.
But he did not have the age and experience to take
command in practical matters against the chief agi
tator, between whom and himself strained relations
had for some time already existed. His place was
the professor's chair, not the pulpit ; the instrument
of his power was the pen, not the voice. In a storm
the pen is impotent, the voice omnipotent; the
chair is silent, the pulpit is heard.1 That he did

'Melanchthon once said: "I cannot preach. I am a logician,
Bugenhagen is a linguist, Jonas is an orator, Luther is all in all. I
can write in the presence of the whole Roman Empire, but I am
dumb in the presence of an audience." — Planck's Melanchthon, pp.

84 Philip Melanchthon [1521
not quiet the storm, nor guide it to salutary results,
was his misfortune rather than his fault. Even
Luther at Melanchthon's age and with Melanch
thon's environment could scarcely have controlled
the wild passions of students and populace, which
burst forth now that the burden of centuries had
been lifted.

62, 63. After 1540 Melanchthon delivered lectures in Latin, Sunday
afternoons, to those foreign students who did not understand
German.

CHAPTER VIII
THE REVOLUTIONARY MOVEMENT
The Zwickau Prophets — Increased Confusion at Wittenberg —
Luther's Return — His Eight Sermons — Quiet Restored — New
Order of Service — Translation and Publication of the New
Testament.
THE revolutionary movement at Wittenberg was
reenforced at Christmas, 1521, by the arrival
of three of the Zwickau prophets, Nicholas Storch,
a weaver, another weaver, and Marcus Thomas
Stiibner, who had been a student at Wittenberg.
They were soon joined by Thomas Miinzer, an elo
quent demagogue who subsequently figured in the
Peasants' War. One of their first disciples in Wit
tenberg was Martin Cellarius, a private teacher.
These prophets were more radical than Carlstadt.
They rejected the written Word, the regular minis
try, and infant baptism ; boasted of dreams and
special revelations, and of communications with God
and the angel Gabriel ; and predicted the overthrow
of the existing civil government.
In the new government Storch was to be God's
vicegerent, for the angel had told him, " Thou
shalt sit on his throne." 85

86 Philip Melanchthon [1497-
The prophets sought and obtained an interview
with Melanchthon, who listened with astonishment
to their claims of inspiration and of interviews with
God, and was much moved by their arguments
against infant baptism. He regarded faith as a
personal act; he did not see how baptism could
benefit without faith. Children cannot exercise
faith ; a foreign faith cannot benefit them. Then,
too, he remembered that Augustine and others of
his time had disputed much over infant baptism, and
that Augustine had rejected the doctrine of infant
faith, and had fallen back on the doctrine of original
sin, and on custom.1 He also discovered that the
prophets had the correct sense of the Scripture in
many of the chief articles of faith." This only in
creased his confusion. That they had a spirit, he
was certain, but whether it was the Spirit of God,
or the spirit of the Devil, who spoke through them,
he could not discern. In his perplexity he wrote
the Elector, December 27th :
" You know that certain dangerous dissensions have
arisen in Zwickau concerning the Word of God. Some
of the innovators have been cast into prison. Three of
the authors of these commotions have come hither, two
unlettered weavers, and one man of education. I have
heard them. They relate marvellous things of them
selves, as, that they have been sent by a loud voice of
God to teach; that they have familiar converse with
God ; that they foresee the future : in a word, that they
are prophets and apostles. I can scarcely tell how I am
lC.R., 1:534.
¦C. R., 1:533-

J522] The Revolutionary Movement 87
moved by these things. For certain strong reasons I
cannot bring myself to condemn them. That there are
spirits in them is very apparent. But no one can easily
judge concerning them except Martin. Since the Gospel
and the glory and peace of the Church are endangered,
there is the greatest need that Martin should meet these
men, for they appeal to him. I would not write to your
Electoral Highness about this matter, did not the mag
nitude of the case require that it should be considered in
time. It is needful for us to be on our guard lest we be
entrapped by Satan." '
The same day he wrote to Spalatin declaring that un
less Luther should interfere, things would go to ruin.
He asks : ' ' Whither shall I turn in this great difficulty ?
Assist in this thing in whatever way you can." *
Amsdorf also wrote the Elector on the same sub
ject ; whereupon the latter summoned both Amsdorf
and Melanchthon to Prettin, and inquired of them
through Haubold von Einsiedel and Spalatin why
they had written him so excitedly about this matter.
Each wrote his opinion and sent it to the Elector.
Melanchthon's letter is the same in substance as his
former one to the Elector. He insists that Luther's
opinion is necessary, as only he can judge of the
questions raised by these men.3
Amsdorf thought that the prophets should be
neither wholly believed nor wholly rejected until
after they had been heard.'

'C. R., 1: 513.
SC. R., 1: 514.
"C.R., 1:535.
*G.R; I-.534-

88 Philip Melanchthon l*w-
The Elector, as a layman, refused to pass judg
ment, and so turned the matter over to the theo
logians with the counsel that there be no public
disputation, since no good could come out of public
discussion. He also refused to recall Luther, who
was under the imperial ban, and whom he did not
feel able to protect.1
Everything was now confusion and uncertainty.
But Melanchthon soon became convinced that these
men did not have the good Spirit. He took Stiib
ner into the house with him that he might have the
better opportunity to test him. One day as they sat
together while Melanchthon was writing, Stiibner
dropped his head on the table and slept. After a
while he awoke and suddenly asked Melanchthon
what he thought of John Chrysostom. Melanchthon
replied that he thought well of him, though he did
not approve his verbosity. Then Stiibner said: " I
have just seen him in Purgatory in a sad plight."
At first Melanchthon laughed ; but he soon dis
covered with sadness the man's inconsistency, since
on other occasions he had stoutly rejected the notion
of Purgatory.3
At Wittenberg things were going from bad to
worse. Not only were ecclesiastical vestments abol
ished, and the pictures removed from the church,
and the people admitted to the communion without
confession, but the preaching was fanatical, pastoral
oversight was omitted, the hospitals and prisons were
neglected. Melanchthon was opposed to such
*c.R., 1:535.
1 Camerarius, p. 51.

1522] The Revolutionary Movement 89
violent innovations, but felt himself powerless to
check them.
We have no letter from Melanchthon to Luther
concerning the advent of the prophets ; but in some
way Luther learned of their doings and claims, and
of his friend's timidity and hesitation. On the thir
teenth of January he wrote him a letter of reproof,
telling him that he must not rely on what these men
say of themselves, but he must try the spirits, as St.
John commanded; he himself has not learned of
their having done anything that Satan might not
do. They must be required to prove their vocation.
God sends no one without credentials, and does not
speak in the old man except he first be purified
as by fire. As to the matter of faith in infants, he
cuts the knot by asserting that they are benefited
by the faith of others. Finally he could no longer
stand it that " Satan was wasting his fold at Witten
berg. " He was once heard to exclaim, " Oh that I
were at Wittenberg! " Breaking away from his
prison, March 1st, despite the Elector's earnest dis
suasion, he appeared on the scene of storm and
confusion, March 6, 1522.
His letter to the Elector, sent from Borna, south
of Leipzig, is written in the loftiest strain of faith
and courage. He tells his " most gracious lord "
that he goes to Wittenberg under far higher protec
tion than that of the Elector, affirming even that he
could protect his Electoral Highness far better than
his Electoral Highness could protect him. He is
the best protection who has most faith. Inasmuch
as the Elector lacked faith, he could not be a pro-

90 Philip Melanchthon [1497-
tector. If need were he would go to Leipzig even
though it rained Duke Georges for nine days, and
each Duke George was nine times as fierce as the
present one.' Riding right across the territory of
his implacable foe, he entered the city of his friends
on Thursday evening. Two days were spent in
learning the situation. The next Sunday he as
cended the pulpit of the parish church before a
congregation of citizens and students, and began
a series of eight sermons, preached in so many con
secutive days, by which he brought order out of
confusion. These sermons are splendid specimens
of pulpit eloquence, full of fervour and Christian
faith, and full of moderation and love. Nowhere,
and at no time, did Luther appear to better advant
age in the pulpit. The ruling ideas of his sermons
are those of freedom and charity, which will resist
as well the coercion of radicalism as the tyranny of
the Pope. The things that the Bible has left free,
such as marriage, cloister-life, private confession,
images in the churches, may be tolerated. Only
things which contradict the Word of God, as private
masses and enforced confession, must be abolished.
But all changes must be made in a decent and
orderly way. Paul preached against idols in Athens,
and they fell in consequence, though he never
touched one of them."
The victory was complete. It was the triumph

1 De W., 2 : 137-141.
* Erlangen ed. , 28 : 202-260. A good rhumi of those sermons
in German is given in KOstlin's Martin Luther, 1 : 437-445 ; in
English in Meurer's Life of Luther, translated, pp. 245-253.

I522] The Revolutionary Movement 91
of wisdom, truth, and love over ignorance, error,
and passion. The professors, the town council, and
all peace-loving citizens were delighted. Zwilling
confessed his mistake ; Carlstadt was silenced ; and
Jerome Schurf wrote to the Elector, after the sixth
sermon, that Luther was leading the poor deluded
people back to the way of truth. " It is plain and
manifest," says he, " that the Spirit of God is in
him. And I doubt not at all that he has come to
Wittenberg at this time through the special provi
dence of God." ¦
Luther admitted Stiibner and Cellarius to an
interview. Stiibner affecting to know Luther's
thoughts, the latter exclaimed, " The Lord rebuke
thee, Satan ! " When they boasted of the power to
work miracles, Luther charged their god not to per
form miracles against the will of his God. " So we
parted," says Luther. The same day the fanatics
left town, and from Kemberg they wrote Luther a
letter full of reproaches and imprecations.
Many of the changes which had been introduced
during the commotion were in themselves of the
nature of true reform, and were retained after order
had been restored.
On the twenty-fifth of January, 1522, Dr. Baier
had reported the following to Von Einsiedel :
" The University and council have agreed that in the
parish church, to which we all belong, the Mass shall be
held as follows: First, singing with the Introit and
Gloria in Excelsis, the Epistle, Gospel, and Sanctus;

1 Meurer's Life of Luther, p. 253.

92 Philip Melanchthon O497-
then preaching. Then the Mass is begun as God our
Lord Jesus instituted it. Then the priest speaks publicly
the words of consecration in German, admonishes the
people who hunger and thirst after the grace of God,
and communicates to them the body and blood of the
Lord. The Communion ended, the Agnus Dei, a hymn,
and the Benedicamus Domino are sung."
He says further that the Canon has been abolished
and begging forbidden among the monks ; that the
poor are to be served from a common treasury ; that
a pious man has been appointed for every street to
look after the poor, to restrain open transgression,
and to have transgressors punished by the university
and the council.1
Thus the fanaticism of Carlstadt and the Zwickau
prophets, under the powerful guiding hand of Lu
ther, was turned to good account, though some of
the things that had been abolished were restored
for a time. But the Canon, or that part of the serv
ice of the Mass in which the priest is thought to
offer the body of Christ in sacrifice, was not re
stored ; and henceforth no more private masses were
said in the parish church. When the time came for
further changes and for the introduction of the
Lutheran principles of worship, the way was, in part
at least, prepared.
Now that order was restored, Luther took up his
abode in the cloister, and wore the habit of his
fraternity. In this he had the approbation of Mel
anchthon, who, in matters of form and in externals,
remained more conservative than Luther.
1C. R., 1: 540.

1522] The Revolutionary Movement 93
The recent events had convinced both of them
that changes should not be made before knowledge
and faith had taught the lesson of true evangelical
freedom. The Reformation could now go on in the
development of its fundamental principle that the
Word must do everything. And it was in harmony
with this principle that Melanchthon had insisted
that Luther should translate the Bible. In compli
ance with the urgent demand of his friend, Luther
had begun the work of translating the New Testa
ment at the Wartburg, and had brought the finished
draft with him to Wittenberg. He and Melanch
thon at once began the revision, and by September
2 ist an edition of three thousand copies was printed.
The book sold so rapidly at a florin and a half a
copy — equal to about six dollars in our money —
that in December another edition was required.
The translation of the Old Testament was imme
diately commenced. The finished work is called
Luther's translation, and sometimes Luther's Bible,
because he was the leading spirit in the little Bible
Club that met once a week in his house. It is his
greatest and most important work. It introduced
the Reformation to the people.

CHAPTER IX
THE " LOCI COMMUNES "
The "Loci Communes" or "Theological Common Places" — The
Commentaries on the Epistles of Paul — Luther's Preface.
WHILE Luther was contending with the Pope's
bull at Wittenberg, confessing Christ at
Worms, and writing his Postils at the Wartburg,
Melanchthon was engaged in a work which was de
stined to exert a powerful influence on the Reforma
tion, and which marks an epoch in the history of
theology ; it was the composition and publication
of his Loci Communes, or Theological Common Places,
which commended the Reformation to the learned.
The purpose conceived by the author was to set
forth in condensed form the leading doctrines of the
Christian religion in opposition to the Aristotelian
subtleties. The book, written amid the stirring
scenes and conflicts of the years 1520 and 1521, was
finished some time in April of the latter year, and
published soon thereafter. It owes its appearance at
this time to a happy accident. On the seventeenth
of April, 1520, Melanchthon wrote John Hess, of
Breslau, saying that while preparing notes on the
94

1522] The " Loci Communes " 95
Epistle to the Romans, the work had so grown in
his hands that he was going to write Loci Communes
on the law, sin, grace, the sacraments, and other
mysteries.1 These Loci were merely the heads of
argument, on which Melanchthon proposed to lect
ure. They were written down by one of his hearers,
it is supposed, and printed without the knowledge
of the author. Melanchthon was dissatisfied with
the little book, and tried to suppress the edition.
A few copies, however, survived, one of which is
found in the ducal library at Gotha. Though
merely the heads of discourse, intended to set forth
systematically the Pauline argument, and called
Lucubratiuncula, the work covers pages 11-48 in
the Corpus Reformatorum, and is supplemented
by a Theological Institute on the Epistle of Paul
to the Romans, which covers ten pages." These
two works, revised, expanded, and rendered more
systematic, became the Loci Communes Rerum Theo-
logicarum, sive Hypotyposes Theological, which ex
tends from page 82 to page 227 in the Corpus
Reformatorum," vol. xxi. This, without doubt,
is Melanchthon's most important theological work.
It systematises what he and Luther had taught,
and lays the foundation for the Evangelical Dog
matic. For the time being it was the Wittenberg
Confession of Faith, and was the forerunner of the
Confession of Augsburg. Unlike the Sentences of
Peter Lombard, it is not based on the scholastic
philosophy, and developed through thesis and anti-
>C. R., 1:138.
JC. R., 21: n-58,

96 Philip Melanchthon O497-
thesis; but it is drawn directly from the Holy
Scripture, more particularly from the Epistle of
Paul to the Romans. And yet it makes a proper
use of history, and connects its expositions with the
teaching of the Church fathers.
Passing lightly over the metaphysical and philo
sophical doctrines of theology, it treats chiefly what
seemed to its author to be the fundamental doctrines.
Its aim is to lead students to a profitable knowledge
of theology, not to perplex and confuse them with
doubtful disputations. " Yet I desire nothing so
much," says Melanchthon in the preface, "as to
make all Christians thoroughly conversant with the
Holy Scripture alone, and to transform them into
the image of the same."
The order of the book is in part inherited from
John of Damascus. It begins with the Trinity;
but, in harmony with its purely practical aim, it
quickly passes to Man, and treats of Sin, the Law,
the Gospel, the Fruits of Grace, Faith, the Sacra
ments, then of the Magistracy, Church Government,
Condemnation, and Blessedness.
A few notes will indicate its characteristic features :
The mysteries of the Trinity are to be adored rather
than investigated. Indeed, they cannot be treated
without great peril. There is no need of devoting
much time to God, the Unity, the Trinity, the mys
teries of creation and of the incarnation. The
scholastic theologists have been engaged on these
subjects for ages without having accomplished any
thing. In regard to human powers there is a wide
difference between the teaching of the Sacred

1522] The " Loci Communes " 97
Scripture and that of philosophy. In man there are
two powers: the power of intellect, by which we
understand and reason, and the power of the affec
tions, by which we are rendered favourable or adverse
to things known. The reason in itself is neither
good nor evil ; it serves the will. Freedom is the
power to do or not to do, to do thus or so. But
there is no freedom. " All things that occur, occur
necessarily according to the divine predestination.
Our will has no freedom."
Here the author quotes several passages from the
Scriptures in support of absolute predestination, as
Romans xi., 36; Eph. i., 11 ; Matt, x., 29. This
doctrine is contradicted by the reason, but is em
braced by the spiritual judgment. To believe that
all things are done by God is profitable for repress
ing and condemning the wisdom and prudence of
human reason. In things external there is freedom
of will, as the power to put on or off a garment;
but we have no power over the inward affections,
and no power by which we can seriously oppose the
affections. Original sin is a native impulse or energy, which
impels us to commit sin. God created the first man
without sin, but he fell, and God's Spirit ceased to
rule him. Self-love is the root of all sin, and leads
to contempt of God. Original sin is not only the
want of original righteousness; it is the flesh, im
piety, contempt of spiritual things. What is law ?
It is that by which the good is enjoined, or the evil
forbidden. There are natural, divine, and human
laws. Neither theologians nor lawyers have to do
7

98 Philip Melanchthon N97-
with the laws of nature. The divine laws are con
tained in the Decalogue. The first commandment
requires faith ; the second, the praise of God's name ;
the third, the upholding of God's work in us. The
other commandments are explained by Christ, as
loving thy neighbour as thyself (Matt. v.). The
Gospel is the promise of grace, or of the mercy of
God, and hence the testimony of God's good-will
towards us. God revealed the Gospel at once after
the fall of Adam, and then more fully in Christ.
The Law brings a knowledge of sin. It is the voice
of death. The Gospel is the voice of peace and life.
Whosoever is comforted by the voice of God, and
believes God, is justified.
' ' Grace signifies favour, that favour in God by which
he comprehends the saints. In a word, Grace is nothing
but the remission of sins, the gift of the Holy Spirit who
regenerates and sanctifies the heart. We are justified,
when, mortified by the Law, we are raised up by the
word of Grace, which is promised in Christ, or in the
Gospel, which forgives sin, and when we cling to Christ
nothing doubting that the righteousness of Christ is our
righteousness, that his satisfaction is our expiation, his
resurrection, ours. In a word, nothing doubting that
our sins are forgiven, and that God loves and cherishes
us. Hence our works, however good they may seem or
be, are not our righteousness. FAITH alone in the
mercy and grace of God in Jesus Christ is RIGHT
EOUSNESS. This is what Paul means when he says,
the just live by faith, and righteousness is by the faith of
Jesus Christ."
The sacraments are signs of promises and testi-

1522] The " Loci Communes " 99
monies of God's will towards us. They have no
power to justify. Faith alone justifies. Circumcis
ion, Baptism, the Lord's Supper, are only witnesses
and seals of the divine will in our behalf. Two
signs, Baptism and the Lord's Supper, are given by
Christ in the Gospel. We call them sacramental
signs. Baptism is the washing of regeneration, the
passing from death unto life. It is the sacrament
of repentance. Penitence is not a sacrament.
Rather is it the Chrisitan life itself, which must be
constantly renewed. Private Confession is retained.
Private Absolution is as necessary as Baptism. Only
he dare comfort himself with the Absolution who
desires it and believes.
There is no satisfaction apart from the death of
Christ. The Lord's Supper is a sign of grace. It
consists in eating Christ's body and drinking his
blood. This Sacrament is intended to strengthen
us as often as our consciences are troubled, and
doubt of God's will toward us. It is not a sacrifice.
Confirmation and Unction are not sacraments.
Matrimony is not a sacrament. Order is only the
selection by the Church of those who are to teach,
baptise, and administer the Supper. Such is the
duty of bishops, presbyters, and deacons. " The
Mass-priests are the prophets of Jezebel, that is, of
Rome." For the maintenance of discipline in the State and
in the Church, the magistracy is necessary. The
civil magistrate bears the sword and guards the
public peace. To him Christians should be obedi
ent. Bishops are servants, not lords of the Church.

ioo Philip Melanchthon [1497-
They cannot make civil laws, nor dare they do any
thing against the Scriptures.
These notes can give only a faint idea of the con
tents of the Loci. Yet they may serve to indicate
its practical aim as well as its positive and aggressive
thought. It may be said that the book is at once a
faithful exhibition and defence of the doctrines
taught in Wittenberg at that time, and a refutation
and rejection of the leading errors of Rome. Its
tendency is decidedly polemical, and this is its chief
blemish. It does not have that calmness and that
purely didactic quality which may be expected in a
hand-book of theology. But it is a genuine product
of its age, which was one of strife and violent con
tention. Its author, while preparing it, had in mind
the coarse invectives of Thomas Rhadinus, and the
scholastic sophistries of the Cologne, Louvain, and
Paris theologists, who had issued judgments and
decrees against the teaching of Luther. Even its
polemic tendency may have been a feature of value
in that first period of the Reformation, when it
was as necessary to refute error as to establish the
truth. Taken as a whole, the Loci must be regarded as
the most remarkable theological work ever produced
by a young man of twenty-four years. It is em
phatically something new — a system of theology
based on Christ and the Word of God. As over
against Scholasticism it is the theology of a living
principle, and is well illustrated by the words with
which the book closes: " The kingdom of God is
not in word, but in power."

J522] The " Loci Communes " 101
A distinguished theologian of the Reformed
Church has described it as follows:
" The book marks an epoch in the history of theology.
It grew out of exegetical lectures on the Epistle to the
Romans, the Magna Charta of the evangelical system.
It is an exposition of the leading doctrines of sin and
grace, repentance and salvation. It is clean, fresh, thor
oughly biblical and practical. Its main object is to show
that man can not be saved by works of the law, or by
his own merits, but only by the free grace of God in
Christ as revealed in the Gospel. It presents the living
soul of divinity in striking contrast to the dry bones of
degenerate scholasticism, with its endless thesis, anti
thesis, definitions, divisions, and subdivisions." '
The Loci met with extraordinary favour. Two
editions appeared at Wittenberg " and one at Basel
in the year 1521. The next year it was reprinted at
Augsburg, Strassburg, and Hagenau. From 1521
to 1525 not less than seventeen editions appeared,
besides several reprints of the German translation
made by Spalatin. A Wittenberg student took a
copy to Strassburg and showed it to Nicholas Ger-
bel, who wrote to John Schwebel :
" This young man tells me marvellous things about
Wittenberg. He has shown me the notes dictated by
Melanchthon on Paul and Matthew, and also the Loci,
a divine book, which in my opinion no one studying
theology can miss without the greatest loss. It has so laid

1 Schaff's Hist. Christ. Ch.,6: 369.
3 Schmidt's Philipp Melanchthon, p. 74.

102 Philip Melanchthon [1497-
hold of me that day and night I cannot think of any
thing except Wittenberg." :
In 1524, an edition was published at Augsburg by
Sigismund Grim, with a picture of Hercules destroy
ing Cerberus, surrounded by the legend, " Hercules
the Destroyer of Monsters. " Luther, in his reply to
Erasmus, calls the Loci " an invincible book, worthy
not only of immortality, but of being placed in the
Canon." John Cochlaeus called it a new Koran,
more pernicious than Luther's Babylon, and both
Eck and he wrote Loci against it. An Italian trans
lation bearing the title, I principii della Theologia
di Ippofilo da Terra negra, published at Venice, was
sold in large numbers in Rome, and was read " with
the greatest applause " until a Franciscan monk
discovered that it was " Lutheran," whereupon all
the copies were seized and burned.
Under the improving hand of its author, the Loci
subsequently underwent great changes. It became
more calm and dignified, and was extended over a
wider field of discussion. In the later editions the
polemical bearing towards Scholasticism was almost
completely abandoned, and a still more respectful
relation was assumed towards the Fathers ; but the
book never abandoned its Scriptural basis nor its
practical character. The changes of later editions
represent Melanchthon's growth in the knowledge
of Scripture and of history. He also learned to dis
criminate between a true and a false Scholasticism,
between the idolising of Aristotle then current in
1 Centuria Epist. Theol. ad Schiuebelium Zvicibrticken{\tffj), p. 24,

1522] The " Loci Communes " 103
the universities, and the proper application of phi
losophy to the investigation of sacred truth.
The different editions of the Loci are classified in
three periods. The first form extends from 1521 to
1535 ; the second form, from 1535 to 1544, and con
tains fourteen editions; the third form, from 1544 to
1559, and contains thirty-four editions. The char
acteristic changes made in the second and third
forms will be considered at the proper time and
place. Suffice it to say here that these changes re
sulted from continuous study of the Bible and of
the Fathers, from the criticisms of his opponents,
from the reading of Erasmus, from contact with
Catholic and Reformed theologians at the various
diets and conferences which he attended, and from
the growing independence of his own judgment.
The Loci continued to be published after the
death of its author, and for fifty years more held
the first place as a text-book of theology in the uni
versities. Victorin Strigel and Martin Chemnitz,
pupils of Melanchthon, wrote each a commentary
on it. Leonhard Hutter followed it in his own
Loci ; but in 1610 Hutter published a Compend,
drawn chiefly from the Symbolical Books, which
threw Melanchthon's Loci in the shade during the
seventeenth century.
It has been noticed already that from time to time
Melanchthon expounded the Epistles of Paul.
While he and Luther were engaged in revising the
German translation of the New Testament, Luther
insisted that Melanchthon should publish his lectures
on the Epistles to the Romans and Corinthians.

104 Philip Melanchthon 1>497-
This he refused to do, his extreme modesty leading
him to say that the Scripture should be allowed to
do its work without the word of man. Luther
thought that a man who expounded the Scripture
as Master Philip did, rendered an invaluable service
to the Church.1 Accordingly he obtained a copy of
the lectures secretly and published them without
the knowledge of the author, writing the following
Preface " in the form of a letter to Melanchthon :
" Grace and Peace in Christ.
' ' Be angry and sin not. Speak upon thy bed, and be
silent. It is I who publish these annotations of yours,
and send you to yourself. If you do not please yourself,
very good; it is enough that you please me. The sin is
on your side, if there be any sin here. Why did not you
yourself publish ? Why did you suffer me to ask, com
mand, and urge you so often to publish ? This is my
defence against you : I am willing to be, and to be called,
a thief, fearing neither your complaints nor accusation.
But to those who, you think, will turn up their noses, or
will not be satisfied, I shall say: Publish something
better. What the impious Thomists falsely claim for
their Thomas, viz., that no one has written better on
Saint Paul, that I truthfully assign to you. Satan per
suades them to boast thus of their Thomas, that his im
pious and poisonous doctrines may be the more widely
propagated. I know with what spirit and judgment I
declare this of you. What is it to you if those famous
mighty men turn up their noses at this opinion of mine ?
Mine is the peril. That I may the more provoke these

¦De W., 2: 303,
•De W., 2: 238.

'522] The " Loci Communes " 105
fastidious gentlemen, I say further that the commentaries
of Jerome and Origen are mere trifles and absurdities as
compared with your annotations. Wherefore, you will
say, provoke the ill will of men of the highest talents ?
Be modest. Let me be proud of you. Who prohibits
the men of highest talents from publishing something
better and exposing the rashness of my judgment ?
Would that there were those who could do better.
Finally, I threaten you, that I will steal and publish
what you have written on Genesis, Matthew, and John,
unless you shall anticipate me. The Scripture, you say,
must be read without commentaries. You say this cor
rectly about Jerome, Origen, Thomas, and the like.
They wrote commentaries in which they give their own
teaching, not that of Paul and of Christ. Nobody should
call your annotations a commentary, but a guide to
reading the Scripture and learning Christ — something
which no commentary has hitherto presented. When
you plead that your notes are not in all respects satis
factory to you, I am forced to believe you; but behold,
I believe you will not satisfy yourself. This is neither
asked nor sought from you without regard for the honour
of Paul; nor will anyone boast that Philip is superior or
equal to Paul. It is enough that he is next to Paul.
We envy no one if he should come nearer. We know
you are nothing. Christ is all in all. If he speaks by
the mouth of an ass we shall be satisfied. Why should
we be dissatisfied if he speaks by the mouth of a man ?
Art thou not a man ? Art thou not of Christ ? Is not
his mind in you ? But if you wish to adorn the book
with a more polished diction, and with ampler learning,
and to increase its size, all right; and it will also be
agreeable that we have the matter and the mind of Paul
through your assistance. I do not beg your pardon, if I

106 Philip Melanchthon ['522
offend you in doing this. Cease to he offended, that you
may not rather offend us, and have need of our pardon.
The Lord enlarge and keep thee forever.
" Wittenberg, July 29th, Anno M.D.XXII.
" Yours, Martinus Lutherus."
Very soon the commentary was published at
Nuremberg, disfigured by numerous errors. Then
Melanchthon laughed, and said to Luther, " he
hoped that, made wiser by experience, he would
commit no more such thefts."
The book, notwithstanding its many errors, was
soon published at Strassburg and Basel, and at
Augsburg translated into German. It at once made
its author famous as an expounder of the Scripture.
Early in the next year Luther obtained Melanch
thon's lectures on the Gospel of St. John and sent
them to Basel for publication.
In these commentaries, as in his Loci, Melanchthon
avoids all philosophical and speculative questions,
and confines himself to a practical exposition of the
text. Christ, Faith, and Justification occupy the
chief places.

CHAPTER X
PRIVATE LIFE DURING 1522-1525
Melanchthon Wishes to Relinquish Theology and to Teach Greek
and Literature Only — Luther Interferes — A Compromise — Mel
anchthon Opens a School in his own House — Visits his Mother
— Honoured by the University of Heidelberg — Cardinal Cam-
peggius — Controversy Between Luther and Erasmus on the Will
— Melanchthon Meets Philip, Landgrave of Hesse.
AFTER Luther's return from the Wartburg to
Wittenberg, Melanchthon began to think
seriously of abandoning theology, and of devoting
himself wholly to giving instruction in languages
and literature. He was influenced in this direction
partly by the disorders created by Carlstadt and the
Zwickau prophets, and partly by the feeling that he
could best serve the cause of the Reformation by
preparing young men properly for the study of
theology. During the temporary reign of iconoclas
tic confusion at Wittenberg he wrote to Spalatin :
" Oh that with pious hearts we might recognise the
divine goodness, and show our gratitude by better man
ners! If I mistake not, Christ is about to avenge the
contempt of the Gospel by new darkness. He is blind-
107

108 Philip Melanchthon [1497-
ing the minds of those who, under cover of the name
of Christ are now confounding things divine and human,
sacred and profane. In a word, I fear that this light
which a little while ago appeared in the world, will be
taken from us." 2
He thought that classical culture was the best
means for preparing young men for the study of
theology, and for overcoming the spirit of disorder.
This thought he expressed in several letters of the
year 1522. To Spalatin he wrote:
" I hear that Dr. Martin wants me to commit the
Greek teaching to another. This I do not wish to do.
I would rather discontinue theology, which, according
to custom, I began to teach on account of the bachelor's
degree. Hitherto my work was only a substitute for that
of Martin, when he was absent, or otherwise engaged. I
see the need of many earnest teachers of the classics,
which at present, not less than in the age of sophistry, are
neglected." '
A little later also to the same: " It is a very bad
condition of affairs that in so large a number of pro
fessors here, scarcely one can be found who really
cultivates the classics. If these be not faithfully
studied what kind of theologians shall we have ? " '
In April of the next year he wrote to Eoban Hess
that those who despise classical studies think scarcely
better of theology. He exclaims: " Good God!
how absurdly they pursue the study of theology
>C:R., 1:547.
'C.J?., 1:575.
'C.R., 1:576.

1525] Private Life during 1 522-1 525 109
who want to seem wise by despising all that is good !
What is this else than a new sophistry more foolish
and impious than the old ? " '
About the same time he delivered an oration en
titled, " The Praise of Eloquence." He deplores
the neglect of classical studies, and wishes for the
power of Pericles to recall into the right way the
foolish young men who think that classical studies
are not profitable for other disciplines, or who neglect
them out of laziness. He insists on the thorough
study of the Greek and Latin classics as the proper
preparation for the study of theology."
It is thus evident from his letters and from public
deliverances that at this time Melanchthon felt that
his calling was to teach the classics, and to prepare
young men for the study of theology. But Luther
was of a different opinion. On the fourth of July,
1522, he wrote to Spalatin:
" How I wish you would see that Philip be relieved
from Grammar, that he may devote himself to Theology !
It is utterly shameful, as I wrote some time ago, that he
should receive one hundred gulden for teaching Gram
mar, when his theological lectures are beyond price.
There are plenty of masters who can teach Grammar as
well as Philip, who, because of him, are forced to be
idle. May God destroy that Bethaven,' so that the
revenues taken away from the howling priests may be
transferred to the support of good teachers." '

' C. R., 1 : 613.
»C. R., 11; 50.
3 The Wittenberg chapter.
*De W., 2: 217.

no Phiilp Melanchthon 1*497-
When he saw that nothing could be accomplished
through Spalatin, he wrote to the Elector on the
twenty-thir/J of March, 1524:
' ' Your Princely Grace undoubtedly knows that
through God's grace there are many excellent young
men here from foreign countries eager for the blessed
Word. Some are so poor that they live on bread and
water. Now I have recourse to Master Philip, because,
by the special grace of God, he is splendidly qualified to
teach the Holy Scriptures, even better than I myself.
If I should do it, I must neglect the translation of the
Bible. Instead of teaching Greek, let him devote him
self to teaching the Holy Scriptures. The whole school
and we all, earnestly desire this. He resists on the sole
ground that he is appointed and paid by your Princely
Grace to teach Greek, and so can not omit this. Hence
I humbly entreat your Princely Grace, for the good of
the young men and for the sake of the Gospel of God,
to appoint him a salary for teaching the Holy Scriptures.
There are other young men who are qualified to teach
Greek, and it is not right that he should be forever en
gaged on this juvenile teaching, while the better kind is
neglected, in which he can furnish such results as can
not be acquired for wages." '
No immediate action was taken by the Elector;
and Melanchthon still insisted, partly out of regard
for his health, on devoting himself exclusively to
teaching languages.'
Finally it was determined at the beginning of the
year 1526, that his salary should be increased one
1 De W., 2 : 490.
'C. R., 1 : 677.

SPALATIN.

^sj Private Life during 1 522-1 525 in
hundred gulden, on the condition that besides lectur
ing on Greek, he should deliver one lecture daily on
theology. Now Melanchthon's conscience rebelled.
He did not see how he could do all his other work
and lecture once a day on theology. Hence he did
not wish to accept the increase in salary. Luther
again took the matter in hand, and wrote the
Elector John, February 9, 1526, requesting that he
should be satisfied to have Philip lecture once a
week on theology, or as often as he could. He was
deserving of the increase in salary, as he had lec
tured for two years on the Scriptures without pay.1
The matter was now settled to the satisfaction of
all concerned. The Elector did not insist that he
should lecture daily on theology. Henceforth to
the end of his life Melanchthon remained ordinary
Professor of Theology and Greek, and taught theo
logy* classical literature, and philosophy. Thus he
was a member of two faculties.
We now turn back two years. In the spring of
1524, we find Melanchthon with greatly impaired
health. Nor are we surprised at this, when we re
call the superabundance of his labours, trials, and
conflicts. Besides the duties incident to his public
position, already, in 15 19, he had opened " a private
school " in which young men and boys should be
prepared for the university. In 1522, he wrote a
Latin Grammar for his pupils, and sought in many
ways to promote their advancement. The most
diligent scholar was placed in charge of the others
as a reward, and named house-king. He who had
'De w., 3: 91.

ii2 Philip Melanchthon O497-
composed the best essay in prose or poetry, was
crowned with the ivy, or heard his praises sung by
Melanchthon in a festive poem. From time to time
he allowed his pupils to render dialogues and com
edies from Seneca, Plautus, and Terence, and thus
incited them to higher diligence. In this private
school he taught Greek, Latin, Rhetoric, Logic,
Mathematics, and Physics. His personal influence
over the young men was extraordinarily great. No
one now dared to make sport of the young and un
gainly Magister. He had conquered the respect and
won the confidence of colleagues and of pupils by
his massive learning, his devotion to science, and his
affection for the young. John Kessler, who after
ward became a reformer in Switzerland, wrote thus
of him in 1523 :
" In size he is a small, unattractive person. You would
think he was only a boy not above eighteen years old,
when he walks by the side of Luther. Because of their
sincere love for each other they are almost always to
gether. Martin is much taller than he, but in under
standing, learning, and culture, Philip is a great stalwart
giant and hero. One wonders that in so small a body
there can lie concealed such a great and lofty mountain
of wisdom and culture. ' ' '
By this time his fame as a scholar and teacher had
spread far beyond the boundaries of Saxony. Dis
tant lands were beginning to regard Wittenberg as
the home of the most profound learning. Leipzig
1 Quoted in Schwartz's Darstellungen aus dem Gebiet der Pctde-
gogik, 1 : 98.

1525] Private Life during 1522-1525 113
had grown jealous, and had announced that Eras
mus would take a chair in that renowned university.
Even some Roman Catholic scholars spoke the
praises of Melanchthon, and esteemed him a restorer
of learning. At the University of Freiburg his writ
ings drove out the old scholastic text-books, and
kindled a new zeal for the study of theology.
Melanchthon now needed rest, and thought of a
journey to his native land as the best means of
restoring his broken health. He hesitated to ask
permission from the Court to be absent. But Luther
encouraged him by saying:
" Go, dear Philip, go in God's name. Our Lord was
not always engaged in preaching and teaching. Some
times he turned aside and visited his friends and relatives.
Only one thing I ask of you: Come back soon. I will
pray for you day and night. Now go. " '
On the fourth of April he ventured to inform
Spalatin that he needed rest, as he was suffering
from insomnia, and that he " greatly desired to visit
his dear mother and the rest of the family." He
asks of the Elector through him for a vacation of
five weeks, as the university will not miss him for
such a length of time, he thinks." In a few days he
writes again, thanking " his patron " for his good
offices in procuring him the desired leave of absence.
On the sixteenth or seventeenth of April, with
William Nesen, of Frankfort-on-the-Main, Francis
Burkhard, of Weimar, John Silverborn, of Worms,

1 Schmidt, p. 103.
3C. R., 1 : 652.

iH Philip Melanchthon [1497-
and Joachim Camerarius, of Bamberg, he began the
journey on horseback. The travellers arrived at
Leipzig on the eighteenth, just in time for Melanch
thon and Camerarius to visit Peter Mosellanus, who
on that day breathed his last. In his death Mel
anchthon mourned the loss of a friend, and Cam
erarius the loss of a former teacher.1 In July,
Melanchthon wrote an epitaph in Latin and Greek,
of which the following is a translation : '
' ' Beneath this tomb that meets the stranger's eye
The dear remains of Mosellanus lie ;
In vain might friends protracted life implore,
The lovely rhetorician speaks no more ;
But in the records of eternal fame,
Ages to come shall find inscribed his name,
While from this transient life of tears and sighs,
God has removed him to yon fairer skies.1'
From Leipzig the party proceeded to Fulda,
where they were entertained by Crotus Rubianus
and Adam Kraft, and where they learned of the
death of Ulric von Hutten, who had been a valiant
champion of the Reformation. Three days later
they reached Frankfort, where Nesen remained.
The others went on to Bretten to the house of Mel
anchthon's mother.
When Melanchthon caught sight of his native city
he dismounted from his horse, and, kneeling on the
ground, exclaimed: " Oh my fatherland! How I
thank thee, Lord, that I am again permitted to
enter it."

1 C. R., 1 : 654.
'C. R., 10: 491.

1525] Private Life during 1 522-1 525 115
In 1520, his mother had married Christopher
Kolbe, a citizen of Bretten. In 1526, she was
married to her third husband, Melchior Hochel.1
She lived and died a Catholic. There is no evidence
that either at this time or during a subsequent
visit Melanchthon sought to have her change her
faith. During this visit Philip enjoyed much pleasant
converse with his mother and with his brother
George. The days sped swiftly by, and soon it was
time for him to turn his face again toward the north.
While sojourning at Bretten, Melanchthon received
two visits that were of peculiar significance. The
philosophical faculty of the University of Heidel
berg, as if to make amends for the slight of ten years
before, when it refused to enter him as a candidate
for the master's degree, sent a deputation to present
him with a handsome silver goblet. The aged Her
mann Busch, professor of Latin, Simon Grynaeus,
professor of Greek, and the Dean, performed this
pleasant duty in recognition of Melanchthon's
scholarship, and of his services to science. In his
letter of thanks Melanchthon declares himself un
worthy of such a gift, but promises to show that it
has not been bestowed on an ungrateful recipient,
since he would ever strive to deserve well in regard
to learned studies."
The other visit was also from Heidelberg, but was
of a very different kind. Lorenzo Campeggius, the
papal legate for Germany, had gone to Heidelberg
1 Matthes, p. 61.
» C. R., 1 : 656.

116 Philip Melanchthon [^97-
after the close of the Diet of Nuremberg. Hearing
that Melanchthon was at Bretten, he sent thither his
private secretary, the learned Frederick Nausea, to
hold an interview with the Wittenberg professor on
the religious dissensions.
The secretary, as if acting on his own motion,
characterised Luther as a disturber of the peace, who
sought only to revolutionise the Church, and held
out to Melanchthon the vision of a brilliant future
if he would become reconciled to the Church. The
latter answered :
" When I have ascertained that a thing is true I em
brace and defend it without the fear or favour of any
mortal and without regard for profit or honour; neither
will I separate myself from those who first taught and
now defend these things. As hitherto I have defended
the pure doctrine without strife and abuse, so shall I
continue to exhort all who in this matter of common in
terest wish for peace and safety, to heal the wounds
which can no longer be concealed, and to restrain the
rage of those who with hostile hands do not cease to tear
open the wounds. If they will not do this, let them look
out lest they themselves be the first to fall." '
When he found out that Nausea had come as the
agent of the Cardinal, he sent to the latter a brief
account of Luther's doctrine:
' ' Luther does not abolish public ceremonies, but dis
tinguishes between human righteousness and the divine,
and employs the Scriptures for fortifying the conscience
against the gates of hell. Human rites and ceremonies
1 Camerarius, p. 97.

1525] Private Life during 1 522-1 525 117
do not constitute the righteousness of God ; but out of
love they may be observed where they do no harm. In
the Mass and in celibacy there is great corruption.
" Many who are by no means Lutherans attach them
selves to Luther, and thus mislead the people. It is
madness to threaten all with destruction who name the
name of Luther. It is impious to think that the essence
of religion consists either in despising or in observing
ceremonies." "
While Melanchthon tarried with his mother and
brother at Bretten his companions in travel, Cam
erarius, Burkhard, and Silverborn, went on to Basel
to visit Erasmus. Melanchthon would gladly have
gone with them, but was restrained out of consider
ations of prudence. Even before the party had set
out from Wittenberg, it had been known there that
" the sage of Rotterdam " was writing a refutation
of Luther's doctrine of the Will. Melanchthon
foresaw that the controversy would be bitter, inas
much as Luther had written of Erasmus in a way
that wounded the vain man's pride."
Also Melanchthon himself, by classing Erasmus
with the heathen philosophers, and explaining,
" However, I would not hesitate to prefer Erasmus
to all the ancients," s had bestowed doubtful praise.
But Erasmus, so he wrote to Pirkheimer, would
have been glad to see Melanchthon,' since he still
wished to retain this " young man of purest soul "
among his admirers.
1 C R., 1 : 657.
*De W., 2 : 199.
iC- R-, 20: 7°0,

118 Philip Melanchthon [1497-
Soon the controversy broke out which was destined
to make a complete separation of Erasmus from
Luther, to alienate the former from the Reforma
tion, to modify Melanchthon's view of the Will,
and to damp the warmth of friendship between the
two greatest humanists of the sixteenth century.
Seldom has a controversy between two men had a
more powerful influence. In September, 1524,
Erasmus published his book on the Freedom of the
Will, entitled De Libero Arbitrio Diatribe sive Colla-
tio. The book is not to be despised.* It contains
many strong "arguments against Luther's doctrine of
the absolute bondage of the Will ; but it lacks deep
insight into the principles of the Reformation.
Melanchthon praises it for its moderation, " albeit
it is sprinkled with black salt," and says that it was
received at Wittenberg with impartiality.1
At the same time, September 6, 1524, Erasmus
wrote an apologetic and explanatory letter to Mel
anchthon. He tells him why he had written the
Diatribe. Had he published nothing against Luther,
" the theologians, monks, and Romish minions
would have charged him with cowardice or with
conversion to Luther, and thus would have com-j
passed his ruin." He also takes occasion in this
letter to deliver his opinion of Melanchthon's Loci.
He praises the candid and happy genius of the
author and
" the array of doctrines admirably constructed in oppos
ition to the Pharisaic tyranny. But there are some
1 C. R., 1 : 675.

1525] Private Life during 1522-1525 119
things which, to speak frankly, I cannot accept. There
are some things which, even though it were safe, I would
not teach for conscience sake. There are some things
that I might teach, but without profit." *
Melanchthon was evidently influenced by Eras
mus's book. He sent it to Spalatin, and expresses
the earnest desire that
" this subject, which is the most important in the Christ
ian religion, should be carefully examined. For this
reason I rejoice that Erasmus has entered the lists. For
a long time I have desired that some prudent person
should oppose Luther in this matter. Erasmus is the
man, or I am deceived. ' ' "
Here we have the beginning of that change in Mel
anchthon's doctrine of the Will which subsequently
exerted an important influence in Lutheran theol
ogy, for it is due to Melanchthon that no article on
Predestination was placed in the fundamental Lu
theran Confession.
Deeply concerned as Melanchthon was for a
thorough discussion of the great question, he
sought chiefly at that time, though in vain, to re
strain the contestants from violence. To Erasmus
he wrote that Luther was not so irritable that
he could not bear anything, and said that he
promised to reply with a moderation equal to that
shown by Erasmus." But Erasmus himself soon be-
1 C. R., r : 667.
1 C. R., 1 : 673.
>C.R.,i: 675.

120 Philip Melanchthon O497-
came irritated, and wrote sharp words against the
Reformation, and complained of Luther's teaching
as not pleasing him. He deplores the many dis
orders which are following in the wake of the Re
formation, and predicts that Luther will not reply
with moderation.1 In this he was not mistaken.
In December, 1525, Luther published his book On
the Bondage of the Will — De Servo Arbitrio. It
is one of his most powerful polemic writings ; but
it is so sharp and bitter that Erasmus complained
that he was treated worse than a Turk. The next
year Erasmus replied in the first part of the Hyper-
aspistes, not less sharply and bitterly than Luther
had written. Melanchthon became almost frantic,
and was equally displeased with both disputants.
He wrote to Camerarius:
" Did you ever read anything more bitter than Eras
mus's Hyperaspistes ? It is almost venomous. How
Luther takes it, I do not know. But I have again be
sought him by all that is sacred, if he replies, to do so
briefly, simply, and without abuse. At once after
Luther published his book, I said this controversy would
end in the most cruel alienation. It has come, and yet
I think Erasmus has reserved something more offensive
for the second part of his work. He does me great
wrong in imputing to me a part, and that, too, the most
offensive part, of the work. I have decided to bear this
injury in silence. Oh that Luther would keep silent!
I did hope that with age, experience, and so many
troubles, he would grow more moderate; but I see he
becomes the more violent as the contests and the oppon-
1 C. R., 1 : 688.

^25] Private Life during 1 522-1 525 121
ents exhibit the same characteristics. This matter
grievously vexes my soul." '
In 1527, Erasmus published the second part of the
Hyperaspistes. Melanchthon begged Luther not to
reply, since it had become a tedious and intricate
discussion which the people could not understand.
He also continued the good offices of pacificator
with Erasmus ; but it was now too late. The two
disputants became irreconcilably hostile towards
each other. Luther saw in Erasmus only an enemy
of all religion, an atheist, a follower of Lucian and
Epicurus ; and Erasmus declared that wherever Lu
theranism prevailed, there learning declined.
After this Melanchthon and Erasmus exchanged
letters from time to time, but ceased to discuss
theological questions.
Having presented in its connection a brief report
of the Erasmian episode in the history of the Re
formation, and in the life of Melanchthon, we go
back to Bretten to complete the account of the visit
to the south. On the return of his three friends
from Basel, Melanchthon set out with them for
Saxony. Not far from Frankfort he had an adven
ture which in the sequel brought important results
to the Reformation. The Landgrave of Hesse was
on his way to Heidelberg with his retainers to attend
a gathering of the princes. He had heard that Mel
anchthon was in those parts. Meeting " a cavalcade
of wretched cavaliers," he rode up to one of them
and inquired whether he was Philip Melanchthon.
1 C. R., 1 : 793-

122 Philip Melanchthon [1497-
The person addressed responded, " I am he," and
prepared to dismount as a mark of respect. The
Prince bade him remain on his horse, to be of
good courage, and not to fear, as he wished to speak
with him about certain things. Melanchthon an
swered that he was not afraid, and that he was a
very unimportant person. The Landgrave replied,
smiling: " But if I should deliver you up to Cam-
peggius, I think he would be very glad." The
two then rode together for some distance, the Land
grave asking questions and Melanchthon briefly and
pertinently replying. At length they separated with
the understanding that Melanchthon, when he re
turned home, should send the Landgrave a written
statement concerning the religious innovations.
The Landgrave gave the party a safe conduct
through his dominion and bade them adieu.1
The promise made to the Landgrave was not for
gotten. In the following autumn, 1524, Melanch
thon sent him " A Summary of the Renovated
Christian Doctrine."" He says that many princes
and bishops support the Pope out of regard to their
secular interests, but the people follow Luther as
the promoter of freedom. Two subjects agitate the
Church : The one is Christian righteousness, and
the other has reference to human ceremonies.
Christian righteousness is the preaching of repent
ance, and the remission of sins. The Holy Spirit
uncovers the sin of the heart, alarms the conscience,
and incites to faith in the promises of Christ, who
'Camerarius, p. 98.
C. R.,i: 703.

1525] Private Life during 1522- 1525 123
satisfies for our sins and graciously pardons them.
The Holy Spirit begets faith in the heart, the fear
of God, humility, chastity, and other good fruits.
We teach that repentance is required, which calls us
from evil works. This righteousness Christ requires,
not ceremonies. The kingdom of God is within.
There are traditions which may be observed with
out sin, as those things which have been appointed
in regard to food, vestments, and similar adiaphora.
There are others which cannot be observed without
sin, as celibacy, which has been cruelly and impiously
imposed by the Pope. No human tradition can
stand against the Word of God. Neither are doc
trines obligatory which cannot be followed without
sin. It is a sin to suppose that monasticism can
justify anyone. Paul calls those lying spirits who
forbid marriage. The princes who support the law
of the Pope are the satellites and the executors of
such spirits. It is the duty of princes to have the
Gospel preached, and to restrain the violence of the
rabble, which, under pretence of the Gospel, creates
confusion and threatens the safety of others.
He closes the letter by commending the cause of
religion to the Landgrave's conscience, and by pray
ing that Christ would supply him with the Spirit,
and give him the disposition to provide well for the
public safety, and not to delay the cause of the
Gospel, nor persecute those whom necessity and
conscience compel to renounce the authority of the
Pope. The effect of the letter was most salutary. The
Landgrave had been a violent enemy of the Reform-

124 Philip Melanchthon [1525
ation, and had punished those preachers of his
land who had embraced it, some with banishment
and others with imprisonment. On the twenty-fifth
of February, 1525, he declared for the Reformation.
He was often humourously called Philip's disciple.
Young, spirited, brave, aggressive, and well in
structed in theology, he was a valiant champion of
" the renewed Christian doctrine "; but, rash, im
pulsive, and immoral, he often brought reproach
upon the same.

CHAPTER XI
AS PRECEPTOR OF GERMANY
Death of Nesen — Melanchthon's Discomforts— Call to Nuremberg —
Oration on Education — Services in the Cause of Education.
CAMERARIUS relates that while passing
through Hesse on their return from the visit
to the South, in 1524, it chanced that he, Melanch
thon and Nesen stopped to water their horses while
the others rode on. Nesen called attention to three
crows on a neighbouring hill, cawing and making
strange gestures with their wings, and asked Mel
anchthon what that portended. The latter an
swered: " What, but that death is very near one of
us three ? "
Nesen laughed and rode on. Camerarius was
greatly agitated, and feared to ask Melanchthon
what he meant. But he recalled the augury and
the prophecy very vividly when, on the fifth of July,
1524, William Nesen was drowned in the Elbe. He
says he does not mention this incident because
either he or Melanchthon attributed anything to the
flight of birds, but to show that things sometimes
occur in a marvellous way, which ought not to be
125

126 Philip Melanchthon [1497-
laughed at, and which, when they occur, start
strange thoughts in our minds.'
But Melanchthon, still depressed through in
somnia and wretched health, saw in the sad death
of his friend the forerunner of catastrophe, and
at the same time suffered " the most poignant
grief." Months afterward he wrote, " The lament
able fate of Nesen so troubles me at times that I
tremble all over. ' ' " And this grief and trouble
changed into melancholy when in August his friend
Camerarius returned to his native city of Bamberg.
In October he wrote him: " I am living here as in
a wilderness. There is no society except that of
the uncultured, in which I find no pleasure. I sit
at home like a lame cobbler. In my state of health
this is distressing to me." s He doubtless alludes
to those of the professors who opposed the Reforma
tion and classical studies. He says that Luther is
not well, and that he is, he thinks, annoyed by the
public scandals, meaning, probably, Carlstadt's agi
tations at Orlamiinde and in the South.
Evidently Melanchthon was at this time in a very
uncongenial environment. Things were not going
smoothly at Wittenberg. He was probably begin
ning to feel some of the effects of that imperiousness
in Luther's nature, and of that love of controversy,
of which later in life he complains, and which came
near rending their friendship. He writes Camerarius
that there are some things which it is not safe to

1 Camerarius, p. ioo.
» C. R., 1 : 684.
» C. R., 1 : 683.

1526] As Preceptor of Germany 127
communicate by letter.1 He has discovered that
Luther is too violent in controversy, and yields too
much to his feelings in discussing matters of public
interest. He says he is miserably tormented and
almost killed when he thinks of the theological
controversies that are going oh." But the personal
relations of the two were not at that time disturbed.
When he complains to Camerarius that he has no
friends and companions at Wittenberg with whom
he can pleasantly converse, he especially excepts
Luther, " who alone," he says, " is my friend; but
he is so troubled and harassed that whenever we
converse together, I have to grieve over his affairs.
The others either have no use for me or are vulgar. " *
It is evident that also Bugenhagen and Jonas must
be excepted. For in August, 1524, Melanchthon
wrote a Preface to Bugenhagen's commentary on
the Psalms, and in the year 1525 he addressed Jonas
in several beautiful Latin poems.
Among the many causes of Melanchthon's mel
ancholy in the years 1524-25, were " the public
evils," " the domestic cares," and " the implacable
insomnia " of which he writes, together with the
conviction that the Elector is slow to make proper
provision for the improvement of the university.
But there is a silver lining to the dark cloud that
overhangs his life. He finds solace in his little
daughter, his infant son, and his wife.* Often was

1 C. R., 1 : 683.
a C. R., 1 : 648.
3 C. R., 1 : 729-
tC.R.,i: 729.

128 Philip Melanchthon [1497-
he seen rocking the cradle with one hand, and hold
ing a book in the other.
It was during this period of gloom and despond
ency that Melanchthon's gifts began to be called into
requisition in that work which more than any other
procured for him the title of Preceptor of Germany.
It was the work of reorganising and directing the
higher education of his country.
At the close of the Middle Ages nearly every
town in Germany had one or more schools. The
cathedral schools mostly cared for the training of
the clergy. The parochial schools prepared the
young for the duties of Church membership. In
the manufacturing and commercial cities secular
education was conducted in relative independence
of the Church. The knightly and burgher classes,
both male and female, were generally well instructed
in Grammar, Rhetoric, Dialectic, History, Geo
graphy, and Arithmetic, and in many cases in the
Latin language.
The printing-press helped to diffuse knowledge,
and increased the desire to read. That in the first
half of the sixteenth century vast numbers of per
sons could read, is evidenced by the enormous sales
of Luther's New Testament, of his sermons and
books. It is said that five thousand copies of his
Address to the Christian Nobility of the German Na
tion were sold in five days.1 His most powerful
books, his sermons, hymns, and pamphlets, com
posed in the vernacular, were placed on sale at the
book-stalls and at the commercial fairs. Peddlers

1 Putnam, Books and their Makers, ii., 221.

i526] As Preceptor of Germany 129
and colporteurs ] carried them by the thousands to
the people, who read them, or listened while others
read them aloud.
It is not strange that under these circumstances
Luther should promptly recognise the value of the
printing-press as an instrument for promoting Re
form, and should see that if the war against Rome
was to be carried on with success, the masses of the
people as well as the classes must be educated ; for,
notwithstanding the general intelligence of the
higher, middle, and knightly classes, dark and dense
ignorance prevailed among the people, so that they
have been described as " barbarous " and " bestial."
Now it was that Luther, in 1524, seized his pen
and wrote his appeal to the Aldermen of all the
German cities in behalf of Christian schools." He
declares: " For the maintenance of civil order and
the proper regulation of the home, society needs
accomplished and well-trained men and women.
Such men are to come from boys, and such women
from girls." He lays great stress on the languages,
calling them " the scabbard in which the Word of
God is sheathed; the casket in which this jewel is
enshrined ; the cask in which this wine is kept ; the
chamber in which this food is stored."
This little book marks Luther as the father and
founder of popular education, and the development
and application of the principles of this book have
made the land of Luther the land of libraries and of
schools. In this book Luther says that men must
1 Putnam, Books and their Makers, ii., 219.
2Erl. Ed., 22 : 168 et seqq.

i3^> Philip Melanchthon [1497-
be specially trained for the higher duties of life, for
teaching, for expounding the Scriptures, and for
ruling in the State, " since it is irrational and bar
barous to permit ignoramuses and blockheads to rule,
when we can prevent it."
. A Latin translation of Luther's appeal, adorned
with a Preface by Melanchthon, appeared at Hage-
nau the same year. This shows that Melanchthon
and Luther were at one on the subject of popular,
as well as of higher, education. What Luther sug
gested and urged, that Melanchthon formulated and
carried into effect.
Among the first, if not the very first, of the Ger
man cities to heed Luther's appeal and to make
provision for the higher education of her youth, was
Nuremberg. This imperial city, celebrated for its
strong walls, its ancient castle, its rich monasteries,
its noble churches, its splendid schools of art, so far
surpassed all other German cities in intelligence and
refinement at the close of the fifteenth, and at the
beginning of the sixteenth century as to be called
' ' the eye of Germany. " It was the home of Albrecht
Durer, the most renowned of the German painters;
of Adam Kraft, whose ciborium in the St. Lorenz
is almost a miracle in stone ; of Peter Vischer, whose
monument of St. Sebaldus in the St. Sebaldus
Church is reckoned " the most exquisite gem of
German art"; of Hans Sachs, the cobbler-poet,
" the prince and patriarch of all master-singers."
It had four Latin schools, and had long been a
centre of industry, politics, and commerce. Among
its scholars and patricians were Wilibald Pirkheimer,

hii 1
mfc

NUREMBERG IN 1519.
AFTER A PAINTING BY ALBRECHT DURER.

1526] As Preceptor of Germany 131
Casper Niitzel, Hieronimus Ebner, Lazarus Speng
ler, and Hieronimus Baumgartner. It was only
natural that the city should seek to add Melanch
thon to this galaxy of illustrious men. When now,
at the special instance of Spengler and Baumgartner,
it was decided to establish a gymnasium, on the
seventeenth of October, 1524, Melanchthon, " be
cause of his extraordinary fitness and culture," was
invited to become Rector and Professor of Rhetoric.1
But, dissatisfied as he was with the condition of
affairs at Wittenberg, and poorly as he was then
paid for his services, he declined the invitation. He
could not desert the Elector and incur the imputation
of ingratitude. Besides, he distrusted his fitness
for the position offered, since such a school needed
not only a lecturer, but also an orator, who should
serve as a model for the students. His style was
poor, dry, and without ornament." That he was
perfectly sincere in this self-depreciation is evident
from what he wrote on the same day to Camerarius,
viz., that he wanted Nuremberg to have a professor
more competent and more opulent in speech than
he was."
But the Nurembergers still pressed the matter
upon him, and wrote that it was his fault that
the opening of the school was delayed.* On the
third of December, 1524, he declined in the most
emphatic manner, and urged the selection of a
1 Hartfelder's Melanch. Pcedagogica, p. 6.
«C. R., 1 . 678.
3 C. R. , 1 : 682.
« C. R., 1 : 686.

132 Philip Melanchthon [1497-
professor equal to the magnitude of the work. In
the autumn of the next year he went to Nuremberg,
accompanied by Camerarius, and gave directions for
organising the school and for the selection of suit
able professors.1
In the spring of 1526, the gymnasium was form
ally opened. Melanchthon was invited to be pre
sent, and went personally before the Elector in
Torgau to obtain the necessary leave of absence.
On the sixth of May, in company with several
friends, he arrived in Nuremberg, and gave the
Senate the benefit of his counsel and experience.
Camerarius was chosen Rector and Professor of
Greek; Eoban Hess was appointed Professor of
Rhetoric; Michael Roting, Professor of Latin, and
John Schoner, Professor of Mathematics. The
Senate, the ministers, and all the cultured people
joined in the ceremonies of inauguration. On the
twenty-third of May, Melanchthon delivered a brief
Latin oration in praise of learning. He began by
apologising for his youth and inexperience. He did
not take this honour upon himself. Others had im
posed it upon him. It is an evidence of divine
favour that the Nurembergers have determined in
this time of great peril to preserve and promote
learning. No art, no industry, no production of
the earth, not even the light of the sun, is of more

1 The Nuremberg " School-Order," Ratio Scholar, which undoubt
edly proceeded from the pen of Melanchthon, " since its character
istic thoughts and maxims agree with numerous expressions of
Melanchthon,1' is given in Hartfelder's Melanch. Padagogica, p. 7
et seq.

1526] As Preceptor of Germany 133
value than learning, for by it good laws, courts, and
religion are maintained. As evidence of this, look
at the Scythians, who are ignorant of letters. They
have no laws and no courts of justice. They live by
violence and robbery. Without learning there can
be no good men, no love of virtue, no refinement,
no proper notions of religion and of the will of
God. It is the duty of rulers to foster schools.
But there are some who do not know the value of
learning, and others are so wicked as to think that
their tyranny would be promoted by the abolition
of all laws, religion, and discipline.
" What shall I say of the bishops who have been ap
pointed by the emperors to superintend learning ? The
colleges of priests were scholars to whom leisure and
endowments were given that they might serve as teachers.
Nor did it appear unfortunate that letters should be cul
tivated by this class of persons. But now we behold none
more hostile to the liberal arts than the sacerdotal
fraternity. ' '
He praises the Nurembergers for having furnished
an asylum to learning, which had strayed into exile.
He closed with an invocation: " I will pray Christ
to bless this most important work and to crown
your counsels and the diligence of those who study
here with His favour." '
This eloquent oration shows that Melanchthon
had a genius for higher education. His countrymen
were not slow to avail themselves of his wisdom,
and posterity has named him the Creator of the
1 C. R., 11 : 106 et seqq.

134 Philip Melanchthon [1497-
Protestant Educational System of Germany. Nearly
all of the Protestant Latin schools and gymnasia of
the sixteenth century, and the splendid Filrsten-
schulen, that is, gymnasia established by the prince,
were founded according to directions given by Mel
anchthon. We still have correspondence between
him and fifty-six cities asking counsel and assistance
in founding and conducting Latin schools and
gymnasia. He wrote the constitutions, arranged
the courses of study, and nominated most of the first
instructors for such schools.
His scheme for a Latin school is given with minute
ness in the Saxon Visitation A rticles ' of 1 528. " The
Preachers are to exhort the people to send their
children to school, that they may be qualified to
teach in the Church and to govern." The three
fundamental principles with which he starts are, that
' ' the teachers shall be careful to teach the children only
Latin, not German, nor Greek, nor Hebrew, as some
have formerly done, who burden the poor children with
a diversity which is not only unprofitable, but harmful.
They shall not burden the children with many books;
and they shall separate them in three classes."
The first class shall study the Primer, which con
tains the Alphabet, the Lord's Prayer, the Creed,
and other prayers. They shall then read Donatus,
and listen to a daily explanation of a verse or two
from Cato, in order to acquire a good vocabulary.
The second class shall learn Grammar, including
Etymology, Syntax, and Prosody. They shall read
1 C. R., 26: 90.

1526] As Preceptor of Germany 135
the Fables of iEsop, the Dialogues of Mosellanus,
and the Colloquies of Erasmus, also Terence and
Plautus. They are required to recite the Lord's
Prayer, the Creed, the Ten Commandments, and to
commit a number of psalms. They must study the
Gospel of Matthew, the two Pauline Epistles to
Timothy, the First Epistle of John, and the Pro
verbs of Solomon.
The third class shall continue the study of Gram
mar, shall read Virgil, the Metamorphoses of Ovid,
the Offices or Letters of Cicero, shall write Latin
verse, and study Dialectic and Rhetoric.
' ' During the first hour in the afternoon all the children,
both small and large, shall be trained in music.
" The boys are required to speak Latin, and the
teachers, so far as possible, shall speak only Latin with
the boys, in order that the latter may be incited to and
encouraged in such exercise."
Such is the substance of the so-called " Stiftungs-
brief" (foundation document) of the German gym
nasia. The three classes do not represent so many
years of study. Students were advanced from a
lower to a higher class only when they had com
pleted the studies of the lower class. Several years
were occupied in completing the threefold course.
From the Latin schools boys were sent to the
gymnasia proper, and to the Ftirstenschulen, which
latter were founded in the fifth decade of the
sixteenth century. The gymnasia formed the con
necting link between the Latin schools and the
university. Their scheme of study included the

136 Philip Melanchthon [1497-
Latin, Greek, and Hebrew languages, Dialectic,
Rhetoric, Mathematics, and Cosmology. Only a
fair beginning was made in Hebrew ; but in Greek
the writings of Isocrates, Xenophon, Plutarch,
Hesiod, Theognis, and Phocylides were read and
studied. This scheme for gymnasial instruction remained
essentially unchanged to the beginning of the nine
teenth century. But it was chiefly through his
text-books that Melanchthon exerted the greatest
influence on the schools of his day. He wrote text
books on Latin and Greek Grammar, Dialectic, Rhe
toric, Psychology, Physics, Ethics, History, and
Religion. From 15 18 to 1544 his Greek Grammar
passed through seventeen editions, and from 1545
to 1622, twenty-six editions were published. Fifty-
one editions of his Latin Grammar were published
from 1525 to 1737, and to the year 1737 it was used
in all the Saxon schools. His Elements of Rhetoric
and Dialectic passed through numerous editions and
reprints. Several of his text-books were long used
in Roman Catholic schools.
Also the most distinguished rectors of the century,
Camerarius, John Sturm, Trotzendorf, Neander,
Wolf, and others, were his friends or scholars, and
were imbued with his spirit. Those who had sat at
his feet carried with them the lofty ideals of " the
dear master," used his text-books, and adhered to
his methods. When a prince wanted a professor
for his university, or a town wanted a rector or a
teacher for its school, the first thought was to confer
with Melanchthon. Hence, when he died in 1560,

1526] As Preceptor of Germany 137
there was scarcely a city in Germany that did not
have a teacher or a pastor who had been a pupil of
Melanchthon. According to the Melanchthonian scheme, the
Latin and Greek authors were studied with the
greatest avidity, and with the most salutary results.
The seeds of classical culture which Petrarch and
his followers had revived in Italy, not without injury
to Christianity, Melanchthon and his pupils scattered
on the fruitful soil prepared by the Reformation, in
order that " posterity might have seminaries of the
churches." That for three hundred and fifty years
Germany has had the best " seminaries of the
churches," is due primarily to Melanchthon; and
that the Reformation was enabled to utilise the vast
treasures of classical culture, and to commend itself
to the learned, is due to the same person, whom a
great Roman Catholic historian, Dr. Dollinger, calls
" the most brilliant phenomenon which proceeded from
the Erasmian school, equal to his master in many re
spects, superior to him in others. Riches of knowledge,
the choicest classical culture, facility of expression,
versatility of composition, rhetorical fulness, and im
provisation, united to untiring industry — this rare com
bination of excellences fitted him above all others for the
literary headship of the mighty movement." *
This " literary headship," in the highest sense of
the phrase, and in its most lasting influence, was
exercised by Melanchthon mainly through the uni
versities, which were organised, or reformed, accord-
1 Die Reformation, i. , 349.

138 Philip Melanchthon [i497-
ing to his ideas. In a literary sense he was the soul
of the University of Wittenberg, and gave inspira
tion to all of its literary movements. He lectured
on almost every subject, and prepared lectures and
declamations for others to deliver. In 1533, he
wrote the statutes for the reorganisation of the
theological faculty,1 whereby a scriptural and exe-
getical theology took the place of a philosophical and
scholastic theology. In 1545, he wrote the laws
and statutes for the government of the faculty of
theology and the faculty of the liberal arts." The
latter faculty is to have ten professors, who are to
lecture on Latin, Greek, and Hebrew literature; on
Ethics, Mathematics, Physics, Philosophy, Dialec
tic, and Rhetoric.
In the prominence given to these literary and
philosophical studies, we have an illustration of
Melanchthon's fundamental principle, viz., that all
thorough training in theology must rest on a philo
logical and philosophical foundation. He was ac
customed to say, " Every good theologian and
faithful interpreter of the heavenly doctrine, must
be first a linguist, then a dialectician, and finally a
witness." In a large sense the University of Wittenberg be
came the model for the other Protestant universities.
The " Order of Lectures " in the Marburg statutes
of 1529 is essentially the same as that of Wittenberg
in 1536. " There is no doubt," says Paulsen, " that
it was composed under the direct or indirect influ-
1 In Forstemann's Liber Decanorum.
3C. R„ 10: 992.

MARBURG IN THE 16th CENTURY.

1526] As Preceptor of Germany 139
ence of Melanchthon." ' Konigsberg was founded
in 1544 almost exclusively according to directions
given by Melanchthon, as was Jena in 1548. His
counsel was sought and his plans were adopted in
the reorganisation of the universities of Tubingen,
Leipzig, and Heidelberg, as will be seen hereafter.
Frankfort-on-the-Oder and Rostock were reformed
and reorganised mainly by Melanchthon's scholars.
Greifswald, in 1545, took Wittenberg as its model,
named Melanchthon " our highly esteemed and
venerated teacher," and adopted his text-books as
the basis of the lectures."
The universities were all institutions of the State,
and their professors were bound by the Confessions
of the Church. All the sciences, theology, philo
logy, law, and medicine were studied in these univer
sities according to the Melanchthonian method, with
the Melanchthonian thoroughness, and with the
Melanchthonian view of honouring God and of
carrying on an irrepressible conflict with an oppos
ing ecclesiastical principle of higher education.
Without these universities thus anchored to the
State and to the Church, Protestantism never could
have passed safely through its many conflicts with
sect and doubt and armed foe. Without these uni
versities^ — in their fundamental idea essentially the
creation of Melanchthon — German science would
not to-day be the boast of Germany, and the glory
of the age. Without these universities, German
theology would not have had a Gerhard, a Spener,
1 Geschichte des Gelehrten Unterrichts, i., 226.
9 Paulsen, i., 237.

14° Philip Melanchthon [1497-
a Schleiermacher, a Dorner; nor German philo
sophy a Leibnitz, a Kant, a Hegel, a Lotze; nor
German poetry a Gellert, a Klopstock, a Goethe, a
Schiller. The ideal of these great scholars has been the
union of classical antiquity and of all sciences and
philosophy with the religious and moral powers of
Christianity and of the German people. Protestant
Germany is still building on the educational founda
tions laid by Melanchthon more than three hundred
and fifty years ago.
During his sojourn of nearly a month at Nurem
berg, Melanchthon was entertained at the St. vEgidius
Convent, and often enjoyed the hospitality of Pirk-
heimer. The most distinguished citizens did him
honour. He made the acquaintance of the learned
Osiander, preacher at the St. Lorenz Church ; and
of Albrecht Durer, who painted his picture, and then
engraved it on copper.
On the fourth of June, 1526, he set out for home,
via Coburg, where he had " a discussion with a
supercilious priest about the Holy Supper." By
the middle of June he was again in Wittenberg,
strengthened in body and cheered in spirit by his
visit among congenial friends in Nuremberg. On
the fourth of July he wrote to Camerarius that he
would gladly have spent the entire summer at Nu
remberg, both on account of his health and for other
reasons which he could not write about. He declares
that no slave in a mill is more incessantly occupied
than he is, and yet he seems to accomplish nothing.

1526] As Preceptor of Germany 141
He laments the absence of his friend, and says:
" You have Mica [Michael Roting]. I have no one
like him. But, as Plato says, there are \vxogn\iat,
full of cares and anxiety. ' ' ' What these Xvuocpikitii
(wolf-friendships) were, we are not prepared to say,
but it is certain that Melanchthon was still far from
being happy.
Indeed the hindrances which had stood in the way
of the Reformation and of learning, and the public
evils which had fallen on Germany, were quite
enough to bring despondency upon a person of so
frail a body and so meek a spirit as Melanchthon
possessed. 1 C. R., 1 : 804.

CHAPTER XII
THE PEASANTS' WAR
Death of Frederick the Wise — Melanchthon's Funeral Oration —
Insurrection of the Peasants — Luther's Advice — Melanchthon's
Confutation — Luther's Marriage — Melanchthon's Letter.
ON the fifth of May, 1525, Melanchthon's friend
and patron, Frederick the Wise, died at
Lochau. He was a devout and pious prince. He
protected Luther and Melanchthon from the ene
mies of the evangelical doctrine. Shortly before
his death he received the communion in both kinds,
thus confessing himself a convert to Luther's doc
trine in at least one of its most important features.
His body was taken to Wittenberg and buried in
the Castle Church, on whose door Luther had nailed
the Ninety-five Theses. Melanchthon improved the
occasion by delivering a funeral oration in the name
of the university. He magnifies, but not unduly,
the virtues of the illustrious deceased :
" Let others laud the images of their ancestors and
their venerable pedigrees — a distinction in which the
Saxon princes are preeminent. But greater things be-
142

THE PEASANTS IN ARMS IN 1525-
FROM A CONTEMPORARY WOODCUT.

1525] The Peasants' War 143
long to Frederick, as skill in government, and lofty
magnanimity. It is a mistake to suppose that the State
is maintained by arms only, and by power. Of greater
value to this end are the arts of peace, justice, modera
tion, constancy, care of the public safety, diligence in
proclaiming the law and in settling the disputes of citi
zens, patience in bearing the faults of the people, vigour
in punishing transgressors, kindness in sparing those
who can be reclaimed. In the popular estimation
military virtues are more splendid, and a soldier is more
admired because of physical prowess, than the modest
and quiet civilian; and civil virtues like other good
things are ignored by the vulgar. Hence they are
faintly praised who are given to the pursuits and arts of
peace. " In my judgment, he who would promote the welfare
of man must prefer the pursuits of peace to the camp.
Anthony was a great commander, but he was inferior to
Augustus, who promoted peace and quiet. Solon con
tributed more to Greece than Alcibiades did. The one
ruined his country by wars, the other saved it by laws
and institutions. God endowed Frederick with these
better and more useful virtues. Hence in these turbu
lent times he was careful to preserve the German people
from wars. ' ' '
He closes his oration with the prayer —
" that God in his mercy may guard the soul of Frederick,
may prosper the new rule of his brother, may protect the
country in these wretched times, and may give the dis
position to cherish the public tranquillity and to rever
ence those in authority, as the divine precept requires,
with all fidelity and good conscience."
1 C. R., 11 : 90 et seqq.

144 Philip Melanchthon [1497-
The " wretched times " of which Melanchthon
speaks in his prayer had been brought about by the
Peasants' War, a sort of communistic rebellion of
the lowest order of society against the civil and
spiritual rulers. For generations the peasants had
been the victims of injustice, violence, and cruelty.
More than once had they been driven to despera
tion, and had sought relief through rebellion, as in
1476, 1492, 1493, 1502, 1 5 13, and in Wiirtemberg
in 1 5 14 against the lawless tyranny of Duke Ulrich.
Hence this popular outbreak cannot be attributed
to the Reformation, but there is no doubt that the
preaching and the teaching of Luther at Wittenberg
gave a new impulse to the desire for freedom, and
to some extent influenced the course taken by the
war at this time.
The peasants, whose condition was little better
than that of beasts of burden, and whose burdens
had been made heavier in recent years by the grow
ing love of luxury among the rulers, were seeking to
do exactly what many of their superiors were doing,
viz., to throw off the oppressive yoke imposed by
those above them. It is impossible for a humane
person who has inquired into the condition of those
serfs, and who has seen the condition of their de
scendants in Germany to-day, not to sympathise
with their purpose, at the same time that, as a lover
of order, he must reprehend the violence which they
employed as a means of attaining the desired end.
Carlstadt and Munzer, whose revolutionary meth
ods have been already described, were the chief in
citers of the insurrection. The former, in 1524,

1525] The Peasants' War 145
settled at Orlemiinde and preached communism, and
published a new doctrine of the Lord's Supper.
From Jena, where he had a small printing-office, he
circulated incendiary tracts. Driven from Saxony,
he went first to Strassburg and then to Basel, where
he excited the theologians against the Wittenberg
Reformers, and contributed to the general discontent
of the people.
Thomas Miinzer, after his expulsion from Zwickau
and his failure in Wittenberg, proclaimed a com
pound of communism and fanaticism at Alstadt, in
Thuringia. Forced to leave the country, he travelled
through Southern Germany and returned to Thu
ringia, preaching everywhere against the whole ex
isting social, political, and ecclesiastical order, and
especially against infant baptism, the rejection of
which became the watchword of the entire party of
revolutionists. He signed himself " Miinzer with
the hammer," and " with the sword of Gideon."
He advocated the destruction of all the ungodly,
and said : " Look not on the sorrows of the ungodly ;
let not your sword grow cold from blood. Strike
hard on the anvil of Nimrod [the princes] ; cast his
tower to the ground, because the day is yours." *
The result was inevitable. Inspired by the
thought that God had created all men equal, the
peasants of Southern Germany rose up almost en
masse, and demanded their rights under the banner
of the Gospel. A manifesto of grievances and
claims was published in twelve articles :
1. The right to choose their own pastors, who
'Walch, xvi., 150.

146 Philip Melanchthon O497-
should preach the Gospel purely and plainly without
any additions, doctrines, or ordinances of men.
2. Exemption from the small tithe. The tithe
of grain they were willing to pay for the support of
pastors. 3. Release from serfdom, since they as well as the
princes had been redeemed by the blood of Christ.
4. The right to fish and hunt, since when God
created man he gave him dominion over all animals,
over the fowl of the air, and the fish in the waters.
5. A share in the forests for all domestic uses.
6. A mitigation of feudal services.
7. Payment for labour in addition to what the
contract requires.
8. Reduction of rents.
9. Security against illegal punishment, and a
desire to be dealt with according to the old written
law. 10. The restoration of the meadows and of the
corn land which at one time belonged to a com
munity.
• 11. The abolition of the right of heriot, by which
widows and orphans had been shamefully robbed.
12. The resolution to submit all these articles to
the test of Scripture, and to retract one, or all of
them, if found not to agree with the Word of God.1
It must be conceded that these demands are just
and scriptural. Melanchthon says that Luther ap
proved the articles of the peasants. This is certainly
1 These articles are given in German by Walch, Strobel, and Giese-
ler ; in English, in Gieseler, translated by Smith, vol. iv., 114-116.
For the authorship see note in Ranke, Eng. Trans., iii., vi.

1525] The Peasants' War 147
true in the main. In May, 1525, he addressed an
exhortation to the Princes and Lords, in which he
chides the rulers for their severity, and tells them
that they themselves are to be thanked for the re
bellion, and exhorts them to yield a little to the
popular storm.
He declares that some of the articles of the peas
ants are so remarkable and just that before God and
the world they verify Psalm 107: 40: " They pour
contempt upon princes."
To the Peasantry he wrote that the princes and
lords by forbidding preaching the Gospel, and by
oppressing the people intolerably, have right well
deserved that God should cast them down from their
thrones. He warns them against faction and rebel
lion, and urges them to give up certain articles which
ask too much, and reach too high.1
All this was in harmony with Luther's love of
order and with his determination that the sword
should not be used in the cause of the Gospel. Had
his admonition been heeded, Germany would have
been spared the slaughter of one hundred and fifty
thousand men, the destruction of millions of pro
perty, and the other horrors of civil war. But princes
and peasants alike were blinded to their true in
terests; the one party by false notions of liberty,
and the other party by equally false notions of
authority augmented by the lusts of the flesh and
the greed of avarice. The peasants departed from
their programme, and aimed at a democratic recon-
1 German in Erlangen ed., 24 : 269 et seqq. Summary in English
in Gieseler, iv., 116, 117.

H8 Philip Melanchthon in
struction of Church and State. The princes rejected
reason, and yielded to passion and the desire for
revenge. Now it was that Luther, when he wit
nessed the excesses and disorders of the peasants,
forgetting their grievances and affirming the duty of
absolute obedience to civil rulers, wrote those ter
rible words against " the rapacious and murderous
peasants"1: " Cut, stab, smite, strangle, as among
mad dogs, who can, and as he can. A more blessed
death you will never have " — which no admiration
for his love of order, and no respect for his constant
appeal to Rom. xiii. I, should lead us to approve.
They may be explained, but under no circumstances
can they be justified, however sincere Luther may
have been in his conviction of duty to the civil
magistrate, and however strong his determination
that the Gospel should not be assisted by the sword.
Only too ready were the princes to obey Luther's
advice. At the decisive battle of Frankenhausen,
May 25, 1525, in Alsace, along the Rhine, in
Franken, in the Tyrol, they wreaked a vengeance
by arms and by treachery, the record of which forms
one of the bloodiest pages of modern history.
But what is more remarkable in the premises is
that the tender-hearted Melanchthon fully agreed
with Luther in his attitude towards the peasants.
He saw portents in the skies, and declared that
Satan was seeking the overthrow of religion, of civil
order, and all that is good. Asked by the Elector
of the Palatinate, " as one born and brought up in
the Palatinate," to come to Heidelberg the week
1 Erlangen ed., 24 : 308.

OPPOSITION TO THE POPE AND THE MONKS, AND THE
UPRISING OF THE PEASANTS IN 1622.
FROM A CONTEMPORARY WOODCUT.

'525] The Peasants' War 149
after Whitsunday, and assist by his counsel in the
dangerous affairs, or in case he could not come, to
send a written opinion on the Twelve Articles,1 he
wrote his Confutation of the Articles of the Peasants.1
The leading thoughts are as follows :
Since the peasants have appealed to the Scriptures
they should be instructed out of the Scriptures, for
many of them have sinned through ignorance. If
they were properly instructed they might turn from
their wantonness. The Christian faith is of the
heart, and is the source of love and of all the vir
tues. Among these virtues is obedience to rulers,
and that not from fear of punishment, but for con
science' sake. Even unjust rulers must be borne. If
they do wrong, only God is their judge. Were all
the articles of the peasants scriptural, which, how
ever, is far from being the case, they would neverthe
less sin against God, should they attempt to enforce
their rights by violence and insurrection. It is the
duty of rulers to have the Gospel preached. Should
they neglect it, or persecute preachers of the pure
doctrine, vengeance must not be taken on the preach
ers of error, but they must be shunned. Everyone
must confess his faith for himself, or the community
must support pastors at their own cost ; and should
the magistrates forbid this, then the people must
bear it with patience. The tithe must be given be
cause the rulers order it. The tithes should be given
to pastors and monks so long as the rulers have not
provided otherwise. Villeinage should not be thrown
1 C. R., 1 : 742.
5 C. R., 20 : 641 et seqq.

i5° Philip Melanchthon [1497-
off by violence. The freedom brought by Christ is
only internal. Spiritual freedom can be enjoyed
even under oppression. The right to hunt and fish
can be settled by the courts. ' The peasants are
bound to do Villein service, but the lords should be
lenient in the exercise of their rights. Heriot (Tod-
fall) belongs to serfdom, but the lords may make
concessions for the sake of widows and orphans.
The peasants act against God if they seek by in
surrection to free themselves from the lawfully
existing condition. Before going to war the princes
should attempt compromise, and should concede
what is right, for even they have done much wrong.
The best means against insurrection is the purifica
tion of the Church. Marriage should be allowed to
ministers, and the Church goods should be applied
to the maintenance of the poor and of schools. The
people should have faithful pastors who can instruct
them in the Christian faith. If the princes would
treat the people more kindly, commotion might
cease. But should any persist in rebellion they
should be punished with the utmost severity.
Finally he urges the princes, as the more intelli
gent, as the wise and powerful, to show pity to the
more ignorant people, and to help them, looking to
God for their reward. But he declares that " the
peasants have no ground of complaint against serf
dom. Necessarily, a people so wild and unruly as
the Germans, should have still less freedom than
they have." He also calls the peasants " murder
ers " and " liars," who are instigated by the devil.
The Confutation is remarkable for its union of

x525] The Peasants' War 151
moderation and severity. But severity greatly pre
ponderates. Not being of the peasant class, and
having never borne burdens like theirs, Melanchthon
was incapable of giving an impartial, much less a
humane judgment. He knew nothing of the rights
of man as man, and recognised only the duty of ab
solute obedience on the part of subjects. His argu
ment is based chiefly on Rom. xiii. i, as though
that contained all that the Bible teaches in regard to
submission to authority. The freedom of which the
Bible speaks is understood to be spiritual, not bodily
freedom. Hence he justifies Villeinage, and incul
cates upon princes only the virtues of kindness and
forbearance. But unlike Luther he does not preach
a crusade, and when he has learned that the war
is practically over, and that the peasants have
been put down, he adds an Appendix to the Con
futation, in which he says :
" As God has now given the victory, and as the
murderous rabble which would not have peace has been
punished according to the laws of God, the princes
should further be very careful that no harm befall the
innocent, and should show mercy to the poor people,
some of whom sinned through folly."
These words of Christian counsel were not so
readily heeded by the princes as Luther's words of
severity had been. Ranke says: " Wherever the
matter had been decided by arms, the laws of war
were enforced. The most barbarous executions
took place ; the severest contributions were exacted,

152 Philip Melanchthon [1497-
and in some places, laws more oppressive than ever
were imposed." J
August 16, 1525, Luther wrote to Brismann:
" The war of the peasants is over. A hundred thou
sand have been killed, many orphans have been made,
and everything left is in so ruined a condition, that the
aspect of Germany has never been more deplorable than
now. The victors so rage as to perfect their iniquity. ' ' '
In the midst of " these turbulent and perilous
commotions," Luther surprised his friends and
himself by marrying Katherine von Bora, an escaped
nun, June 13, 1525. Camerarius says " this act
gave Philip the greatest pain, not because he disap
proved it, but because he saw it would give Luther's
numerous and powerful enemies an occasion for per
secution and slander." s
When Melanchthon discovered that the sudden
change and the evil surmises had affected Luther with
gloom and perturbation of mind, he did all he could
to comfort him, and wrote an apologetic and explana
tory letter in Greek to Camerarius. He regards the
marriage as unseasonable, but not in itself wrong.
He thinks Luther is " susceptible " and was by
nature strongly impelled to marry. He also says
that he was much beset by the machinations of the
nuns. But Luther's life, he says, is humble and de
vout, and gives the most indubitable evidence of

1 Hist. Ref, iii., vi., 221.
sDe W., 3: 22.
'Camerarius, p. 103.

1525] The Peasants' War 153
piety. The sequel showed that Melanchthon did
not understand the motives which impelled Luther
" to take his Kathe. " Melanchthon misjudged his
friend. Luther's marriage proceeded from a correct
impulse, and was attended by every circumstance of
honourable conduct. It proved a great blessing to
the Reformer himself, and laid the foundation for
the beautiful home-life which has mostly character
ised the German pastorate.1
1 It was fortunate that Melanchthon's letter to Camerarius was not
published during the lifetime of its author. Only in 1875 was the
original discovered in the Chigi Library at Rome. Camerarius pub
lished the letter with sundry omissions and additions in 1569. This
edition, with a Latin translation of the same, was reprinted in the
Corpus Reformatorum. The Melanchthon text is given in the Re
ports of the Munich Academv of Sciences for 1S76, Heft V., 601.

CHAPTER XIII
ORGANISATION OF THE SAXON CHURCHES
Melanchthon's Labours in Teaching and Writing — Opinion on the
Reformation of the Churches — Treatise on the Mass and Celibacy
— Melanchthon's Isolation — The Visitation Articles.
AFTER his return from Nuremberg in the middle
of June, 1526, Melanchthon applied himself
again to the work of teaching, writing, and reform
ing, notwithstanding his constant illness. In July
he lectured on Demosthenes and Theocritus, and
translated the Fifth Psalm into Latin. In August
he was so ill that for more than twelve days his life
was despaired of. But in September he was able to
respond to a request from Philip of Hesse for an
Opinion on the reformation of the churches in the
Landgrave's dominions. His chief suggestions were
that one Mass should be celebrated as the Eucharist
in each parish church every festival day, according
to the old rites, and that all the other masses should
be abolished. Quarrels and disputes should be
quelled. The old ceremonies should be retained,
since they cannot be removed without offence.
Christianity does not by any means consist in rites,
154

'528] The Saxon Churches 155
but in the fear of God, in faith, in love, and in
obedience to magistrates. These things should be
inculcated by the preachers without regard to the
Pope. And since Christ abstained so long from
vengeance, and of his own will gave himself up as a
lamb to the slaughter, so should your Highness for
bear, and not fly to arms in the affairs of the Church.1
This mild and conservative Opinion had little or
no influence on the reforming synod of Homberg,
which, under the lead of the fiery Francis Lambert,
of Avignon, suppressed the cloisters, removed the
pictures, and ordered a form of worship which ob
literated all traces of Romanism. Yet Melanchthon
remained so much in favour with the Landgrave that
the next year he was invited to a professorship in
the newly founded University of Marburg. But the
Elector would not allow him to leave Wittenberg.
On the thirtieth of September, 1526, Melanchthon
went to Leipzig to attend the commercial fair.
Thence he proceeded to Nordhausan, Mansfeld, and
Eisleben, and returned to Wittenberg in November.
In this year he also wrote his treatise on The Mass
and Celibacy.'1 He says there are three opinions
touching the Mass. The first is that of Thomas,
Scotus, and the like, who teach that the Mass is a
work offered to God in order to obtain grace for the
living and the dead. Hence the Mass is regarded
as a meritorious sacrifice, and such an opinion leads
to the multiplication of masses and to the establish
ment of funeral and other venal masses. This false

'C. R., 1: 819.
'C.R., 1: 840.

156 Philip Melanchthon [1497-
opinion is refuted by the doctrine of justification by
faith. Righteousness is by faith and not by the
work of the Mass.
The second opinion is that of the advocates of
Private Masses. They think that the Mass is a good
work which we offer to God as a thanksgiving serv
ice. Hence masses must be celebrated every day,
and certain persons have been appointed in the
Church, not to preach the Word, but to celebrate
Mass. The body of Christ is not offered in the
Lord's Supper, but was offered once for all. That
the body of Christ is not offered in the Supper is
proved from the words, Take, eat. Faith alone and
confession are the proper thanksgiving.
The third opinion is ours, which alone we judge
to be true and consistent with the Scripture, viz.,
that the Supper was not instituted to be an offering
to God, but by it something is offered and given to
us, viz., a sacrament by which grace is offered, and
by which we are led to believe and have our troubled
consciences comforted. This doctrine can be
proved, first by the word Sacrament, because a sacra
ment is a sign of the grace promised us. Therefore
the Supper is a thing which testifies that grace is
offered and given us. It is not a sacrifice, or work,
in which we offer something to God. He also states
that remission of sins is offered in the Supper, and
that the Supper exhorts us to believe, for, Do this
in remembrance of me means, believe that Christ
gives us his grace.
The question of Celibacy is dismissed with a few
observations: It is chiefly a matter of conscience.

r528] The Saxon Churches 157
Marriage is permitted the deacons by the ancient
canons. The Pope has no right and no warrant from
the Scripture to take wives from the priests by viol
ence, and synods have no right to forbid marriage.
Nothing should be required which is contrary to the
Word of God.
This little tract presents more sharply than had
hitherto been done the Lutheran doctrine of the
Lord's Supper. It is a Sacrament, in which grace
and remission of sins are offered to us. It is both a
means of grace and a sign of the grace promised in
the Gospel. Its end is justification, or the imparta-
tion of the blessings of the Gospel.
From these views Melanchthon never departed.
They recur again and again in his treatment of the
Lord's Supper, and are given special prominence in
his Apology of the Augsburg Confession.
At the beginning of the year 1527, we find Me
lanchthon hard at work and " living on a slender
diet." He is by no means happy. His lamenta
tions are pitiful, and serve to give us a view of his
own tender, peace-loving heart, and of the distrac
tions at Wittenberg. To his beloved Camerarius he
writes on the twenty-sixth of February:
" Behold me, an exile far from home, far from friends
and relatives, among a people with whom I could not
converse were I ignorant of Latin. Besides, in this
place the greatest envy burns in the bosoms of all. At
this time in this city those who have the management of
affairs are not very harmonious. ' ' '
1 C. R., 1 : 859.

158 Philip Melanchthon [1497-
It is easy to conceive that the refined and sensitive
nature of Melanchthon must have suffered from an
environment where rudeness and strife prevailed.
He sought peace and was engaged in the work of
peace ; but others, even his colleagues — for to these
he is supposed to allude in this letter — are engaged
in strife. Yet neither his conscience nor his Elector
would permit him to leave Wittenberg, and it would
have been disastrous, if not fatal, to the new move
ment, had he left at this time. He was needed to
check and to moderate the stormy violence of
Luther, to lead in organising an evangelical Luth
eran Church, and to write the Magna Charta of its
faith. Up to this time the work of the Reformation had
consisted chiefly of attacks on the papacy and its
institutions. The result was a general dissolution
of the old ecclesiastical system, with the lapse of
discipline and the neglect of public worship. If the
Reformation is to be a blessing and not a curse, it
must proceed to reorganise the churches on an evan
gelical basis. To this end Luther had already, in
1526, exhorted the Elector to institute a formal
visitation of the churches in his dominions. Accord
ingly the Electoral territory was divided into four
parts, each of which was to be visited by several
theologians and civil counsellors, who were instructed
to examine the ministers and to inquire into the con
dition of the churches. The aged and inefficient
ministers were to be retired on a pension ; the re
fractory were to be removed from office ; new schools
and congregations were to be established where

1528] The Saxon Churches 159
needed ; contentions were to be quieted ; and better
provision was to be made for the administration of
the Church goods.
This was the work of reorganisation and of recon
struction. In this, as in almost all of the practical
affairs of the Reformation, Melanchthon had to take
the lead.
On the fifth of July, 1527, he left Wittenberg for
Thuringia, where, in company with Frederick My
conius, since 1524 pastor at Gotha, and Justus
Menius, pastor at Erfurt, John von Planitz, Eras
mus von Haugwitz, and Dr. Jerome Schurf, he
visited the schools and churches in and about Kahla,
Jena, Neustadt, Weida, and Auma. In this work
he was engaged about one month. The condition
of the churches was deplorable. Among the minis
ters, many of whom had been priests or monks,
there was much ignorance. More than one was
found who knew scarcely anything besides the Dec
alogue, the Creed, and the Lord's Prayer. One
former monk, who was asked, " Do you teach the
Ten Commandments ?" replied, " I have n't the
book." One pastor preached the evangelical doc
trine in the parish church, and read the Roman
Catholic Mass in a filial church, — because the people
wanted it so. Very few of the pastors had clear
ideas of the new doctrines. Some preached justifi
cation by faith, or the forgiveness of sins, without
saying anything of repentance, or of the way of at
taining faith. Some in an Anabaptistic way raged
against the civil government, and others chiefly de
nounced the Pope. Disorder and confusion reigned

160 Philip Melanchthon N97-
everywhere. The people also had sunk into the
deepest immorality. Many lived in concubinage,
and were little better than blank heathen. Luther
has graphically described the general condition in
the Preface to his Small Catechism :
" Eternal God! what distress did I behold! The
people, especially those who live in the villages, and
even curates, for the most part, possess so little know
ledge of the Christian doctrine, that I even blush to tell
it. And yet all are called by the sacred name of Christ,
and enjoy the sacraments in common with us, while they
are not only totally ignorant of the Lord's Prayer, the
Apostles' Creed, and the Decalogue, but cannot even
repeat the words. Why need I hesitate to say that they
differ in nothing at all from the brutes ? "
It will be understood that this is the condition in
which the Reformation found the German people,
not that into which it had brought them in the ten
years of its activity. The Visitation was the be
ginning of a moral and intellectual transformation
of these same people. But it is easy to see how his
discovery would affect Melanchthon. He wrote to
Camerarius: " I am engaged in a most difficult
business, and, so far as I see, without result. Every
thing is in confusion, partly through the ignorance,
and partly through the immorality of the teachers. " *
And again :
" What can be offered in justification that these poor
people have hitherto been left in such great ignorance
1 C. R., 1 : 881.

MELANCHTHON BAPTISING AN INFANT.
FROM A PICTURE BY LUCAS CRANACH IN THE PARISH CHURCH IN
WITTENBERG.

'528] The Saxon Churches 161
and stupidity ? My heart bleeds when I regard this
wretchedness. Often when we have completed the
visitation of a place, I go aside and pour forth my dis
tress in tears. And who would not mourn to see the
faculties of man so utterly neglected, and that his soul
which is able to learn and to grasp so much, does not
know even anything of its Creator and Lord ? "
As it was designed that this first Visitation should
extend to only a few localities, on the ninth of
August Melanchthon returned to Jena, whither the
university had been transferred, because the plague
had broken out in Wittenberg. Here he remained
until the eighth or ninth of the following April,
lecturing on Demosthenes, the Psalms, and the
Proverbs of Solomon. But the most important
work done by Melanchthon during that time was
the preparation, under commission from the Elector,
of the Visitation Articles, which were to serve as a
guide in the visitation of the other districts, and
were to be used by the ministers as a norm of doc
trine and a directory of worship. He first made a
draft in Latin. This, elaborated and expanded in
German, but not changed in substance, was sent to
the Elector, who forwarded it to Luther for exam
ination, with instructions to change it as he might
see fit. The latter reported to the Elector that he
and Bugenhagen had examined it, and had made
very few changes in it, " for it pleased us very well,
because it is composed in the most simple manner
for the people. ' ' '
¦De W., 3: 2ii.

1 62 Philip Melanchthon Uwi-
At the beginning of 1528, the German Articles,
Unterricht der Visitatoren, were published by order
of the Elector, adorned with a Preface by Luther,
in which it is said :
" We do not publish this as a rigid command as though
we would institute a new papal decree, but as a history,
a witness, and confession of our faith. Hence we hope
that all pious pastors who truly love the Gospel will ac
cept it and hold with us." '
This shows the liberal spirit in which the Lutheran
Church was organised, and the real design of the
first Lutheran Confession of Faith. It was not to
be imposed as a decree or law, but to be accepted
in the freedom of the Gospel, " until God the Holy
Ghost furnish something better."
According to these Articles were the other three
districts of the Electoral territory visited by Luther,
Bugenhagen, Jonas, Spalatin, and others. In the
winter of 1528 Melanchthon made a second trip
through Thuringia. Churches and schools were re
formed, superintendents were appointed, consistories
were established, and competent pastors were put in
charge. Scarcely two years passed before Luther
could report to the Elector that " the Word of God
is effective and fruitful in the entire land. Your
Grace has more and better pastors than any other
country in the world. They preach faithfully and
purely and live in entire harmony."
Thus, through the Visitation Articles, Melanch
thon was the organiser of the Saxon Church, which
lC.R., 26: 46.

1528] The Saxon Churches 163
in turn became the model for organisation in other
Lutheran lands. The work was completed by the
publication of Luther's two catechisms in the year
1529, and of Melanchthon's Catechetical Instruction
in the year 1532.1
As the Visitation Articles ' are so closely connected
with the organisation- of the Lutheran Church, and
with Melanchthon's personal relations to the same;
as they contain at once a confession of faith, a
directory of worship, and a school order, they deserve
more than a passing notice. They consist of eight
een articles. The first thirteen exhibit the Doctrine
which is to be preached, the fourteenth treats of
the Turkish War, the fifteenth of Divine Worship,
the sixteenth and seventeenth of Discipline and
Church Orders, the eighteenth of Schools.
They impress the reader at once with their mild
ness, simplicity, and practical tact. No attack is
made on the Roman Catholic system, but every
efforts is made by positive teaching to build up an
evangelical system on the basis of pure doctrine.
Justification by Faith is made the central governing
principle of the series, but this is not to be preached
in a one-sided manner, nor to the exclusion of other
doctrines. The article on Doctrine says:
" But how many now only speak of the forgiveness of
sins, and nothing or very little of repentance, and yet
there is no forgiveness of sins without repentance; and
forgiveness of sins cannot be understood without re-
1 C. R., 23 : 104. et seqq.
'C. R., 26: 7 etseqq.

164 Philip Melanchthon tI497~
pentance, and when we preach forgiveness of sins with
out repentance, it will come to pass that the people will
believe that they have already obtained forgiveness of
sins, and will become thereby secure and careless.
Therefore we have instructed and exhorted the pastors
that it will be their duty to preach the whole Gospel, and
not one part without the other."
The people are to be brought to a knowledge of
their sins by the preaching of the Law, and are to be
exhorted to repent and to fear God. Repentance
and faith go together, so that " where there is no
repentance there is a painted faith." As the two
first parts of the Christian life are repentance and
faith, so is the third part good works. These con
sist in living a chaste life, in loving one's neighbour,
in doing him good, in not lying, nor stealing, nor
murdering. Subtle discussion about the merit of good works
is to be avoided, but good works which God has
commanded must be done.
Baptism signifies the same thing that circumcision
signified. As children were circumcised, so should
they now be baptised. Baptism brings the blessing
that God is thereby the Protector and Benefactor of
the child, and receives it. In the sacrament of the
Lord's Supper the people are to be taught three
things : First, that the true body of Christ is in the
bread and the true blood of Christ in the wine ; sec
ondly, both forms should be used, but where the peo
ple are weak in faith, or have timid consciences, or have
not been sufficiently instructed, they may be allowed

^28] The Saxon Churches 165
to receive the sacrament in one form ; that it is a
great sin to use the sacrament unworthily. Open
transgressors should be excluded, and no one should
be admitted who has not previously been examined
by the pastor.
Repentance is regarded as a sacrament, because
all sacraments signify repentance.
It is not advisable to preach much on human
ordinances in the Church, but the preachers should
labour to awaken repentance, faith, and the fear of
God. Nor should there be any dispute about festi
val days, should different persons hold different
days. It is declared that man has free will to do or
to omit to do external works by his own ability.
This is the righteousness of the flesh. But man
cannot purify his own heart, or effect the divine
gifts, such as sorrow for sin, true fear of God, hearty
love, chastity, and the like. Therefore we should
earnestly pray that God would work these gifts in
us. The preachers are not to indulge in invective
against the Pope and the bishops, except where it is
necessary to warn the people.
Minute directions are given for organising and
conducting schools. The children are to be divided
into three classes, and are to be taught Latin ; not
German, Greek, and Hebrew (as Melanchthon
ordered in the larger cities, like Nuremberg, Miihl-
hausen, and in the Saxon Ftirstenschulen founded in
1543). Neither are the children to be burdened
with many books, nor with too great a variety of
studies. Those in the second class shall learn the
Lord's Prayer, the Creed, the Decalogue, and some

1 66 Philip Melanchthon [*s»8
Psalms by heart. Those of the third class, besides
Cicero, Ovid, and Virgil, shall be taught Dialectic
and Rhetoric.
It will thus be seen that the Visitation Articles are
constructive in their nature, and practical and ethi
cal in their aim. Without learned discussion of
doctrines little understood, Melanchthon here pre
sents the practical and ethical features of Christian
ity, as they had never before been attached to the
Augustinian system. A new application has been
given to the Gospel of free grace. The Christian is
not only to have pardon of sin, but he is to live an
ethical religious life. While repentance and faith are
the beginning of a Christian life, good works are its
fruits. Even the sacraments, which are so immedi
ately connected with the forgiveness of sins, are
made to exert their influence on the entire life of
the Christian in begetting repentance, faith, and
love. In a word, we have here the beginning of a
science of Evangelical Christian Ethics, and it is
exactly at this point that Melanchthon has most
beneficially influenced Protestant theology. All his
teaching was dominated by the idea of the ethical
personality, and was directed toward making man
ethically better. His motto was: " Ego mihi con-
scius sum non aliam ob causam unquam TeSedkoyr}-
xsvai nisi ut vitam emendarem." That is: "I am
perfectly certain that I have pursued theology only
that I might bring about a higher morality."

CHAPTER XIV
DISPUTES AND DANGERS
Controversy with Agricola — Tracts against the Anabaptists — The
Affair of Pack — War Threatened.
THE Latin draft of the Visitation Articles, pub
lished without the knowledge of the author,
brought on a controversy between Melanchthon and
John Agricola of Eisleben. In the chapters on the
Decalogue and the Law, Melanchthon had taught
that " the law must be preached to terrify con
sciences, since by the law is the knowledge of sin " ;
that is, men are thus called to repentance, and by
repentance to faith and righteousness in Christ.
" The preaching of the law incites to repentance."
Agricola, who was ambitious of a theological pro
fessorship at Wittenberg, and who had taken offence
at Melanchthon's friendly counsel to bide his time
and remain content for the present with his position
as Rector of the school in his native city,1 saw an
opportunity to display his theological learning, and
to get on even ground with Melanchthon. He took
1 C. R„ i : 784. 167

1 68 Philip Melanchthon [H97-
the position that the law had been abolished by the
Gospel, and that repentance must come, not from
the knowledge of the law, but from the Gospel.
He appealed to Melanchthon's Loci, and to some of
Luther's writings, in which it was taught that by
the Gospel we are freed from the law, and that
Moses had been given for the Jews, and not for
Christians. But this was a one-sided use of his
authorities. They had also taught that the law
brings the consciousness of sin. Melanchthon wrote
Agricola as follows :
" I do not recall that I have ever written or spoken a
word which would seem to violate Christian liberty, nor
would I knowingly write anything which I should think
would corrupt the purity of the Gospel. In regard to
Repentance I think you will agree with me that fear and
alarm and confusion of conscience ought to exist in the
mind before vivification and consolation. These feel
ings are to be called fear of the divine judgment, some
times also the sense of the divine wrath. But this
expression: the fear of divine judgment, can be more
easily understood by the people. Also, it cannot be
denied, that in such a struggle there is the fear of eter
nal punishment. I do not speak of that fear which men
awaken by their own struggle; but of that which God
awakens, and I distinctly said ' that God works such

The noise of the controversy at length reached
the ears of the Elector, who invited Agricola and
Melanchthon together with Luther and Bugenhagen
¦ C. R., i : 905.

1529] Disputes and Dangers 169
to Torgau, to talk over the matter and to take
further counsel about the Visitation.1 They came
on the twentieth of November, 1527. Luther and
Bugenhagen were appointed mediators between the
two disputants. Agricola affirmed that repentance
must proceed from the love of righteousness. Me
lanchthon replied that the soul must be filled with
alarm before justification, and in this state it is not
easy to distinguish the love of righteousness from
the fear of punishment. Agricola contended that
Melanchthon erred in requiring an explanation of
the Decalogue, since we are made free from the law,
and so do not need it, as the moral precepts of the
New Testament are sufficient. Melanchthon ex
plained that the Decalogue is the basis of the moral
precepts of the New Testament, and must be
preached for the reasons which had been given.
Weary of strife, Melanchthon offered the hand of
.•econciliation, but Agricola " was as unresponsive
as a statue." *
Luther finally made some explanation with which
Agricola seemed satisfied, and henceforth claimed
the victory, but Melanchthon saw in the contentions
of Agricola the beginning of a new sophistry. Lu
ther regarded the dispute as only a war of words,
and wrote to Jonas, " Our famous discussion at
Torgau amounted to scarcely anything." ' He had
already expressed his approval of Melanchthon's
position in his endorsement of the German Articles,

' C. R., 1: 914-
5 C. R., 1 : 917.
aDe W., 3: 215, 243.

170 Philip Melanchthon O497-
which contain the very same teaching, and when,
ten years later, Agricola, then a professor in Witten
berg, renewed the strife, Luther powerfully refuted
him in six masterly disputations,1 and forced him to
recant. During his sojourn at Jena, Melanchthon com
posed two treatises against the Anabaptists, who
had created much confusion and disorder in and
around Kahla and Orlamiinde.
The first, written in 1527, perhaps during the
Visitation, is very brief, and was intended to furnish
the people with a few arguments in support of In
fant Baptism, and in refutation of the Anabaptistic
errors." He argues as follows: Children were cir
cumcised in the Old Testament. Therefore they
should be baptised in the New. Circumcision and
Baptism are signs of promised grace and of eternal
life. Christ has commanded : Suffer the little ones
to come unto me. Therefore infants should be bap
tised. The Anabaptists say there is no command
for the baptism of infants. We reply that though
there is no express command, there is example,
which ought to prevail, since the Scripture does not
contradict itself. The Scripture does not prohibit
the baptism of infants, and furnishes the example of
circumcision. They say: Infants do not believe. Therefore
they ought not to be baptised. The Sacrament
ought to be administered to believers only. But
children are to be baptised that they may acquire

Erlangen ed., Var. arg., 4 : 424 et seqq,
C /? i • nil

4 C. R., 1 : 931

1529] Disputes and Dangers 171
faith, for no one can acquire faith except from the
Word of God. In Baptism there is the Word of
God. They say : Children do not understand the Word,
therefore Baptism should not be applied to them.
This objection is refuted by the example of circum
cision. It is asked: How does Baptism benefit
infants ? By Baptism they are taught that the re
mission of sins pertains to them. All to whom the
Sacrament is applied acquire remission of sius. The
Sacrament is applied to infants, therefore infants ac
quire the remission of sins.
The second treatise against the Anabaptists, writ
ten in April, 1528, is much more elaborate than the
first. In it he discusses the Meaning and the Use of
Sacraments, Baptism, the Use and Benefit of the
Sacrament of Baptism, the Baptism of John, Infant
Baptism. He closes this treatise by confuting the
views of the Anabaptists on civil government.1
On the eighth or ninth of April, 1528, Melanch
thon left Jena for Wittenberg, accompanied by his
family, which had been increased by the birth of a
son, November 25, 1527. But he was not allowed
to sit down peacefully in his old haunts. While the
Visitation had been going on, suspicion arose that
a storm was gathering against the Reformation.
The suspicion changed to alarm when in February,
1528, Dr. Otto von Pack, ex-chancellor of Duke
George, gave the Landgrave of Hesse, for ten thou
sand gulden, a copy of an alleged document which
bound several Catholic princes and bishops to restore
'C, R., 1: 955 et seqq.

172 Philip Melanchthon O497-
the old faith, and to divide the Electoral and Hessian
territories among themselves.
Philip hastened to Weimar, where he imparted
the information to the Elector, and where, March 9,
1528, the two formed a counter-alliance to enter the
field with twenty-six thousand men, and to make
the attack. But scruples arising in the mind of the
Elector, he called Luther and Melanchthon to Tor
gau, May 15th, and laid the matter before them.
They strongly advised against war, especially against
making the attack. On the 1 8th, Melanchthon wrote
a letter to the Elector, pleading that, for the sake
of his soul's salvation, his children, the poor country,
and the people, he should avoid war, otherwise not
only men, but God would be his enemy. He also
reminded him that they who take the sword, shall
also perish by the sword, and said :
" It is the greatest comfort in all trials to have a good
conscience, and not to have God as our enemy. If we
take the sword first and begin the war, we shall lose this
comfort. I write this with great sorrow and anxiety.
God knows that I do not prize my life ; but think of the
shame that will come upon the Holy Gospel, if you be
gin the war and do not first seek other ways and means
of peace." 1
The Elector was so influenced by the advice of
his theologians, that while he continued to prepare
for war, he urged upon the Landgrave the necessity
of heeding the admonitions of Luther and Melanch
thon. 1 C. R., 1 : 980.

J529] Disputes and Dangers 173
Finally, ready to begin hostilities, Philip sent a
copy of the document obtained from Pack to Duke
George, and inquired whether he meant to keep the
peace. The Duke at once pronounced the docu
ment a forgery, and declared Pack a knave. Other
princes denied the existence of a conspiracy to crush
the Evangelicals.
Thus war was happily averted by the application
of the evangelical principle that the Gospel is not to
be promoted by violence. But the cause of the
Reformation suffered from the suspicions and grow
ing dissensions among the princes. The Catholics
became more and more hostile, and the Evangelicals
grew more and more anxious as the political heavens
darkened. Melanchthon wrote to Camerarius, " I
am almost consumed with anxiety when I think
what a scandal has come upon our good cause."
It was doubtless anxiety for the good cause that
brought Melanchthon into a condition of wretched
health this summer; but he went on with his work,
assisting Luther in revising his translation of Isaiah,
lecturing on the Proverbs of Solomon, and preparing
notes to Aristotle's Ethics, until October 15th, when
he set out to complete the Visitation in Thuringia,
which occupied him until January 5, 1529.

CHAPTER XV
SPIRES AND MARBURG
Diet of Spires — The Protest and Appeal — Doctrine of the Lord's
Supper — Controversy with Zwingli — The Marburg Colloquy —
Articles of Agreement — Schwabach Articles.
THE Diet of Spires of 1526 had given the rulers
permission to execute the Decree of Worms
of 1521, or not, as they were willing to give account
to God and the Emperor. This action was very
favourable to the Evangelicals, but it increased the
hostility of their enemies. The relations of the two
parties became more and more strained. The Em
peror had conceived the strongest dislike for the
followers of Luther, and had resolved to meet them
with violence, if necessary. Ferdinand, since 1526
King of Hungary and Bohemia, was as intent upon
suppressing Lutheranism as upon the repression of
the Turk. The Catholic princes, embittered by the
precipitate conduct of the Landgrave, had been ex
cited to greater energy for the defence of the Church.
Everything appeared unfavourable for the Evangeli
cals, and when on November 3, 1528, a diet was
proclaimed for February 2, 1529, at Spires, and
174

CATHEDRAL OF SPIRES

^ad Spires and Marburg 175
then deferred to February 21st, they had nothing
good to expect for their cause.
Indeed the horoscope seemed very unpropitious
during the first half of the year 1529. In January
a light had appeared in the North. This was fol
lowed by a peculiar conjunction of the stars, by great
floods of water, and by other phenomena of nature.
Luther and Melanchthon were filled with alarm.
The latter wrote to Jonas, "I am not a little ex
cited by these things." '
It was a time of intense anxiety all around. The
Diet was numerously attended by princes and ec
clesiastics. The Elector took with him thither Me
lanchthon and Agricola. This was the first diet
attended by Melanchthon, and was the beginning
of his activity in negotiations and conferences in
which he served the Reformation for more than a
quarter of a century.
As the opening of the Diet was again deferred, he
embraced the opportunity thus afforded to visit his
mother and his brother George at Bretten. Melchior
Adam says that the mother took occasion to ask
her son, now one of the leaders of the Reformation,
what, amid such disputes of the learned, she should
believe. He requested her to say her prayers before
him, and when he perceived that they were free
from superstition, he bade her continue thus to pray
and to believe, and not to be disturbed by the con
troversies." His brother George, who was Mayor of
Bretten, he found to be a zealous Lutheran.
1 c. R., 1 : 1075.
s Vita Theolog., 333.

176 Philip Melanchthon [1497-
This was the last time that Melanchthon visited
his mother, for shortly after his return to Witten
berg he received intelligence of her death.1
March 13th, Melanchthon arrived at Spires. Two
days later the Diet was opened. The Recess of the
Diet of 1526 was nullified, and all innovations in re
ligion were forbidden. This arbitrary action filled
the Evangelicals with consternation. Jacob Sturm,
of Strassburg, wrote that Christ had fallen again into
the hands of Caiaphas and Pilate. Melanchthon
wrote to Camerarius:
" To-day the imperial mandate was read. It is simply
dreadful. The former Recess of Spires has been abro
gated. Many dire punishments are threatened those
who will not heed the edict. The rest concerns the
Turkish War." You have the sum of what has been
done. You can easily see what danger we are in. The
attendance of bishops is larger than at any previous
diet. Some of them show by their looks how they hate
us, and what they are contriving. May Christ look
upon and save the poor people, for in the city we are
outcasts. You know that I feel the lack of many things
on our side; yet nothing is done to remove our faults,
but everything to oppress the good cause. May Christ
frustrate the counsels of the Gentiles, which mean war." '
The mind of the Catholics is well illustrated by
the declaration of John Fabri, that the Turks are
better than the Lutherans, for the former fast, and
the latter do not ; and again, ' ' That if the alterna-
1 C. R., 1 : 1083.
s C. R., 1 : 1039.

»529] Spires and Marburg 177
tive were required, he would rather reject the Script
ures than the venerable errors of the Church."
Melanchthon declared that it would require a long
Iliad to recite all of Fabri's blasphemies.1
After a long debate about religion it was decreed
that those who had observed the Diet of Worms
should continue to do so, and oblige their children
to do so, until the meeting of a council, which was
promised ; that those who had changed their re
ligion, and could not now retract for fear of troubles
and seditions, should make no more innovations
before the sitting of a council ; that the doctrine of
those who dissent from the Church about the Sup
per of the Lord, should not be received ; that the
Mass should not be abolished, and that those who
wished should not be hindered from going to Mass
in those places where a new doctrine was taught ;
that ministers should preach according to the sense
of Scripture approved by the Church.2
Against this decree, which was enacted by a
majority vote, and was read on Sunday, the Evan
gelical minority presented their celebrated Protest,
April 19th, on which account they were in derision
called Protestants by their enemies.
Ferdinand, who represented the Emperor, refused
the Protest, and adjourned the Diet, April 24th.
The following day the Protestants added an Appeal
to the Emperor, to a national council, or to impartial
judges, and sent both documents to the Emperor.
These two important documents were signed by
1 C. R., 1 : 1041, 1046.
2Sleidan, p. 118, Eng. Trans.

178 Philip Melanchthon 1*497-
John, Elector of Saxony ; Philip, Landgrave of
Hesse ; George, Margrave of Brandenburg ; Ernest,
Duke of Brunswick-Luneburg; Wolfgang, Prince of
Anhalt; and by fourteen imperial cities.
What part Melanchthon took in the composition
of the Protest, and of the Appeal, is not now known ;
but it is not likely that the chief theological coun
sellor of the leading Protestant prince was an idle
spectator. In one other matter, which was now brought into
prominence, he did what will, forever stand to his
honour. The paragraph in the Decree of the Diet
about the Lord's Supper was directed against the
Zwinglians. The aim of the Romanists was to
divide the reforming forces by passing sentence on
the Zwinglian doctrine without allowing its adher
ents a hearing. Here it was that Melanchthon in
sisted that the Zwinglians should not be condemned
until they had been heard. This he did, not be
cause he approved the doctrine of the Zwinglians,
but because he regarded it as wrong to condemn
them unheard.
It was during the sitting of this Diet that the
Evangelicals felt the need of united action. April
22d, the Saxons and Hessians formed a defensive
alliance with Strassburg, Ulm, and Nuremberg.
The Landgrave wished to include the Swiss. This
at once brought up the question of the Swiss teach
ing on the Lord's Supper, and the bitter controversy
which for years had raged between Luther and
Zwingli on that subject. The former, after aban
doning the doctrine of transubstantiation, and hesi-

's^l Spires and Marburg 179
tating for some time about the meaning of the words
of institution, had finally settled down in the doctrine
that the body of Christ is really and substantially
present in the bread, and that the blood of Christ is
really and substantially present in the wine, and
that body and blood, without any change in the
material elements, are really given to all who com
mune in the Lord's Supper. In controversy he
affirmed the doctrine of Ubiquity, as a condition or
prerequisite of the presence of the body of Christ
in the Supper, though it is proper to state that he
never laid much stress on this doctrine, but based
his views chiefly on the words of institution.
Melanchthon was the disciple of Luther in the
doctrine of the Lord's Supper, though not without
many misgivings and some formal deviations. Al
ready in December, 1527, at Torgau, he expressed
some doubt to Luther about his doctrine of the
Supper; but when the latter assured him that he
did not in the least doubt the correctness of his
doctrine, Melanchthon declared himself satisfied,
and rejoiced in his friend's steadfastness.1 His
mind at this time was deeply interested in the sub
ject. To the preachers of Reutlingen he wrote from
Marburg, " Not without the greatest struggle have
I come to hold that the Lord's body is truly present
in the Supper." " And in 1537 he wrote that " not
a day nor night had passed for ten years in which
he had not thought on the subject." * He declares

1 C. R., 1 : 913 ; 4 : 964.
' C. R., I : 1106. .
"C.R.,3: 537-

180 Philip Melanchthon tr497-
that the doctrine of Luther is very old, and that a
good man will not rashly depart from the teaching
of the ancients.1 In this, as in many things, he was
much influenced by his dislike of innovation. April
8, 1529, he wrote to CEcolampadius: " I am not
willing to be the author or defender of a new dogma
in the Church." ' Neither could he endure specu
lation on this subject, but preferred to treat it as a
mystery, and " without subtlety." The ability of
Christ to be present in the Supper he makes depend
ent upon the divine appointment, and thus modifies
Luther's doctrine of Ubiquity:
" That Christ gives us his body and blood does not
depend upon the prayers of the priest or of the people,
for that would be magical. I prefer that it should be
referred to the institution of Christ. For as the sun
rises daily by the divine appointment, so the body of
Christ is in the Church wherever the Church is. No
sufficient proof is offered that the body of Christ cannot
be in many places. Christ is exalted above all creatures
and is everywhere. ' ' '
It was the fact of the real presence and reception
of the body and blood of Christ in the Supper which
Luther emphasised as over against the doctrine of
Zwingli, who denied such presence and reception
except by the contemplation of faith, and inter
preted the words of institution, " This is my body,"
as, " This signifies my body."
1 C. R., I: 823, 830.
"C. R., 1 : 1048.
» C. R., 1 : 948, 949-

x529] Spires and Marburg 181
Melanchthon was as violent against such a doctrine
of the Supper as his mild nature would permit him
to be. In May, 1528, he wrote:
" Instead of theologians they [the Zwinglians] seem
to me gradually to have become sophists, for I see that
they rationalise and philosophise about the doctrines of
Christ. It is on this account that I have not mixed in
the controversy on the Eucharist. But so soon as I
shall have leisure, I will express my view. They repre
sent Christ as sitting in one place, as Homer does his
Jove living with the ^Ethiopians. To deny the presence
of Christ in the Eucharist seems to me most contrary to
the Scripture." ¦
And in 1530 he wrote: " I would rather die than
affirm with them [the Zwinglians]' that Christ's body
can be in only one place." '
Besides the doctrine of the Lord's Supper the
Wittenberg theologians held the Zwinglians as error-
ists in other important doctrines. In 1528, Luther
had indeed declared, " I confess that I do not re
gard Zwingli as a Christian, for he holds and teaches
no part of the Christian faith correctly, and has be
come seven-fold worse than when he was a papist." *
Melanchthon wrote in March, 1530:
" Justifying faith is not mentioned in any of the books
of the Zwinglians. When they speak of faith they do
not mean that which believes the remission of sins,
1 C. R., 1 : 974-
'C. R., 2: 25.
3 Erlangen ed. , 30 : 225.

1 82 Philip Melanchthon [r497-
which believes that we are received into grace, heard
and kept by God, but they mean a historical faith.
It is easy to see that under these circumstances
both Luther and Melanchthon would oppose an
alliance with the Swiss for the protection of religion.
Melanchthon wrote to Baumgartner of Nuremberg
urging him to do all in his power to defeat the alli
ance with the Zwinglians, saying, " It is not right
to defend an impious doctrine, or to confirm the
power of those who maintain an impious doctrine,
lest the poison spread." ' The Nurembergers with
drew from the alliance, and at the urgent solicitation
of Luther the Elector did the same. Thus the
matter ended for the time being. But the Land
grave, who was ever ready to form political combina
tions for the defence of religion, was not easily
diverted from his purpose. He now sought to bring
the theologians of both sides together, that they
might talk over their differences and come to an
understanding. As early as February, 1529, on the
way to Spires, he had spoken to the Elector of
the desirability of a colloquy between Luther and
Zwingli. At Spires Melanchthon received a letter,
from CEcolampadius in which the latter begged that
the Swiss be not cast off by the Germans, saying,
among other things, " You can certainly affirm that
we take it ill when it is said that like Judas, or the
cattle, we eat nothing but bread in the Lord's
Supper.'" 'C. R., 2: 25.
' C. R., 1 : 1070.
3 Quoted by Schmidt, p. 171.

r529] Spires and Marburg 183
On his return from Spires, Melanchthon, to whom
the Landgrave had made known his wish, mentioned
the matter to Luther. But Luther did not think
that any good could come from such a colloquy as
was proposed. Nevertheless they agreed to lay the
matter before the Elector, saying, " If your Elec
toral Grace thinks it would be proper to hold such a
colloquy, there will be no hesitation on our part." '
At the same time Melanchthon wrote an Opinion
for the Electoral Prince in which he expresses his
willingness to confer with CEcolampadius on the
Sacrament, but thinks a colloquy with Zwingli
would be unprofitable. He also thinks that " some
honourable and reasonable papists " ought to be
present to hear both sides, otherwise it might be said
that the Lutherans and Zwinglians had met to form
a conspiracy. He declares that he will never agree
with the Strassburgers, and says, " I know that
Zwingli and his followers have written erroneously
of the Sacrament." '
The letters of Melanchthon and Luther show con
clusively that they both disapproved of the colloquy,
not because they were afraid to meet their oppon
ents, but because they sincerely believed that the
chief disputants were so fully set in their respective
beliefs that no understanding could be reached.
Besides, they were both fundamentally opposed to
defending the Gospel by the sword, and the pro
posed colloquy was intended to be a step toward
that end.
1C. R., 1 : 1064.
9 C. R., 1 : 1067.

1 84 Philip Melanchthon [1497-
Melanchthon became almost frantic as he forecast
the probable results of a colloquy. He wrote to
Ulrich Wiland, saying:
" There are learned men on the side of the Zwin
glians, able disputants, who have many plausible reasons
and testimonies from the early Church, which they will
so use as to make it appear that the early Church favours
their view. But they bring nothing which satisfies the
heart, and they find fault with us if we seek greater
certainty. There is unspeakable danger in spreading,
with a doubting conscience, a new dogma, which may
bring a dreadful revolution not only upon the Church,
but upon all the states of the Empire. ' ' *
Says Schmidt :
" It was manifestly a painful time for Melanchthon.
In his embarrassment he mingled political apprehensions
and theological scruples; personal prejudices against
men whom he knew not, and objections to a doctrine
which he regarded as a new and unscriptural invention.
Though with justice he regarded Zwingli's opinion as
unsatisfactory, yet he felt the weight of some of the
arguments which had been developed against the view of
Luther. He struggled with himself, but he returned to
his former convictions, for there seemed to be no other
way open to him by which to lift himself above the two
extremes." 2
At length the Elector gave his consent to the

1 Epist. fudic. , etc. , p. 40.
'Schmidt, Philipp Mel., 175.

r529] Spires and Marburg 185
holding of the colloquy, but wished, for political
reasons, that it might take place at Nuremberg.1
Luther and Melanchthon both wrote the Land
grave that they were willing to meet the Zwinglians
in colloquy, but that they did not expect very
favourable results.' They say nothing about Nurem
berg. The Landgrave, who had determined that the
colloquy should be held in his own dominions, issued
invitations to Zwingli of Zurich, Haller of Bern,
CEcolampadius of Basel, Hedio and Bucer of Strass
burg, Brentz of Swabian Hall, Urban Regius of
Augsburg, and Schwebel of Zweibriicken. But no
Catholic theologians were invited, as Luther and
Melanchthon had suggested. On July 8th, Luther
and Melanchthon addressed the Landgrave jointly
as follows :
" As your Grace has received our letters and has
decided that we should come to Marburg, with the hope
that unity will result, we shall cheerfully do our part, and
at the time appointed, if alive and well, we will appear
in Marburg. The Fa!ther of mercy and unity grant his
Spirit that we may not meet in vain, but for good, and
not for injury. Amen."

> I 3

September 29, 1529, Zwingli, CEcolampadius,
Bucer, Hedio, and Jacob Sturm came to Marburg.
The next day Luther, Melanchthon, Jonas, Cruci
ger, Menius, Brentz, Osiander, and Stephen Agri-
1 C. R., 1 .- 1071.
»De W., 3 : 473 ; C. R., 1 : 1078.
*C. R., 1 : 1080.

1 86 Philip Melanchthon [mqt-
cola arrived. They were all entertained with almost
princely hospitality in the castle. The Landgrave
arranged for a preliminary interview between Luther
and CEcolampadius, and between Zwingli and Me
lanchthon. Each pair was closeted separately for
six hours. On the doctrines of Original Sin, Faith,
and the Trinity a satisfactory conclusion was soon
reached between Zwingli and Melanchthon. On
the doctrine of the Lord's Supper there was no agree
ment. Each stood essentially by his former posi
tion. Melanchthon declared that he would stand
by the simple plain sense of the words of institution.
Zwingli denied that Melanchthon had the true con
ception of these words. The conference between
Luther and CEcolampadius likewise was without
effect on the main question.
The two following days the colloquy was con
ducted more publicly, but chiefly between Luther
on the one side and Zwingli and CEcolampadius on
the other. Neither side advanced any new argu
ments, and neither made any impression on the other.
The Zwinglians insisted that a body must be con
fined to one definite place. This Luther denied.
The Zwinglians appealed to John vi. 33 : " It is the
Spirit that quickeneth ; the flesh profiteth nothing. "
Luther refused to admit that this passage has any
thing to do with the Supper. Finally the Zwin
glians declared that there were no persons on earth
with whom they were so anxious to agree as with
Luther and Melanchthon. Luther replied, " Your
spirit is different from ours." This practically
ended the colloquy, though both parties agreed that

J52g] Spires and Marburg 187
they would not in the future write so bitterly against
each other as they had previously done.
In order to show that the colloquy had not been
a complete failure, the Landgrave commissioned
Luther, with the assistance of the other theologians,
to compose some articles of doctrine. He replied,
" I will do the best I can, but they will not receive
them. ' ' He then immediately wrote fifteen articles,
covering the chief doctrines of the Reformation.
On fourteen of these, after a few changes in form,
there was no dissent. The fifteenth reads as follows :
" We all believe and hold concerning the Supper of
our dear Lord Jesus Christ that both forms should be
used according to the institution, also that the Mass is
not a work, whereby one obtains grace for another, dead
and living; also that the sacrament of the altar is a
sacrament of the true body and blood of Jesus Christ,
and that the spiritual partaking of this body and blood
is specially necessary to every true Christian. In like
manner, as to the use of the sacrament, that like the
Word of God Almighty, it has been given and ordained,
in order that weak consciences might be excited by the
Holy Ghost to faith and love.
" And although we are not at this time agreed, as to
whether the true body and blood of Christ are bodily
present in the bread and wine, nevertheless the one party
should show to the other Christian love, so far as con
science can permit, and both should fervently pray God
Almighty, that by his Spirit he would confirm us in the
true understanding."
The fifteen articles were subscribed by Luther,
Melanchthon, Jonas, Osiander, Brentz, and Agri-

1 88 Philip Melanchthon [1497-
cola on the one side, and by CEcolampadius, Zwingli,
Bucer, and Hedio on the other. The articles are
characterised by simplicity, and by greater mildness
in statement than might naturally have been ex
pected of Luther at that time. They have no con
fessional value either in the Lutheran or in the
Reformed Church, but are of great historical signifi
cance as preliminary to the Lutheran confessional
system. While the Landgrave was trying at Marburg to
bring about an understanding between the Saxon
and Swiss theologians, the Elector of Saxony and
the Margrave of Brandenburg were deliberating at
Schleiz on the propriety of forming an alliance with
the Landgrave and the cities of Upper Germany for
mutual support in case of an attack by the Emperor,
which at this time was greatly feared. It was agreed
that doctrine should be the first condition of the
alliance, since the protection of religion was the
chief end in view. Luther was instructed to bring
together a summary of the evangelical doctrines,
and to have it in readiness. On the basis of the
Marburg Articles he and his companions composed
seventeen articles, which on the fifth or sixth of
October, 1529, were carried to Schleiz. At a
convention held at Schwabach, near Nuremberg,
October 16th, these articles were presented by
representatives of the Elector and the Margrave;
but the representatives of Upper Germany refused
to sign them, inasmuch as they had not been in
structed to that effect. Hence the convention was
without consequence.

ANDREW OSIANDER.

1529] Spires and Marburg 189
Luther tells us that he " helped to compose such
articles," and that they were not intended for pub
lication.1 His companions in this work were Me
lanchthon, Jonas, Osiander, Brentz, and Agricola.
Yet the articles bear throughout the imprint of
Luther's peculiar spirit, and contain a more positive
and distinct statement of the Lutheran doctrines
than is found in the Marburg Articles. " But the
style, language, and expression show unquestionably
an influence from the pen of Melanchthon." 2
At Schwabach these Articles bore the title:
" Articles of the Elector of Saxony concerning
Faith." But they are known in history properly
as the Schwabach Articles. They were used by
Melanchthon as the foundation of " the first or dog
matic half of the Augustana, whose seventeen funda
mental or chief articles agree with the seventeen
Schwabach Articles in numbering, and in large part
also in arrangement." a
'Erlangen ed., 24: 337.
'Zockler, Augs. Con., p. 9.
8 ZSckler, Ibia.

CHAPTER XVI
MELANCHTHON AND THE AUGSBURG CONFESSION
The Evil Aspect of Affairs — The Emperor Orders a Diet at Augs
burg — Protestant Princes and Theologians Gather at Augsburg
— Melanchthon Writes the Augsburg Confession.
THE year 1530 opened very inauspiciously for the
Protestants. Their efforts of the preceding
year to effect a defensive union had failed. The
ambassadors, John Eckinger, Alexius Faventraut,
and Michael Kaden, who had carried the Protest
and Appeal to the Emperor, had been detained as
prisoners at Piacenza and Parma, and had been
charged under threat of death not to communicate
with their principals in Germany. The Emperor
and the Pope had composed their differences, and
were living in the same palace at Bologna. The
former had pledged himself to the latter to bring
back the dissidents to the faith, and " to avenge the
insult offered to Christ." Campeggius was urging
the Emperor to try promises, threats, and alliances,
and, should these fail, to apply fire and sword.
From Italy came only appalling rumours, while in
190

'530] The Augsburg Confession 191
Germany Ferdinand was playing the hypocrite with
the Elector in order to gain time.1
January 6, 1530, representatives of the Protest
ants met at N uremberg to take counsel for the emerg
ency; but they quarrelled among themselves, and
separated without having reached a conclusion. Both
Luther and Melanchthon had powerfully insisted
that the Emperor should be obeyed, even though
he should come with fire and sword, for the Gospel
must not be defended by violence. Melanchthon
wrote the Elector: "It is not lawful to take arms
against the Emperor even though he come with
violence. Everyone must profess the Gospel at his
own peril." 2 Luther exclaimed, " God is faithful
and will not forsake us," and quoted the words of
the prophet, " Be still and ye shall be holpen. "
" Unquestionably this is not prudent, but it is
great," says Ranke.
Suddenly this mighty tension in Germany was
broken. January 21, 1530, the Emperor issued a
mandate from Bologna announcing an Imperial
Diet at Augsburg, to begin April 8th. The refer
ence to religion was couched in mild and conciliatory
language :
" To consult and decide about the disturbances and
dissensions in the Holy Faith and Christian Religion.
And in order that all dissensions, differences, and errors
may be abolished in a salutary manner, all sentiments
and opinions are to be heard, understood, and considered

1 Ranke, v., ix.
* C. R.. 2 : 20-22.

192 Philip Melanchthon 0497-
between us in love and kindness, and are to be composed
in sincerity, so as to put away what is not right in both
parties, that true religion may be accepted and held by
us all, that as we live and serve under one Christ, so we
may live in one fellowship, Church, and unity." ]
The Imperial Rescript reached the Elector at
Torgau, March nth. The pacific tone of the docu
ment inspired the hope that the long-desired General
Council was about to be held. The Elector, follow
ing the advice of his counsellors, decided to attend,
and began at once to make the necessary prepara
tions for the journey. Luther, Jonas, Melanchthon,
Musa of Jena, Agricola, and Spalatin were to attend
" as learned counsellors." The first-named was to
remain at Nuremberg and await further decision.
Chancellor Briick then suggested that their party
should prepare a written statement of matters in
dispute, fortified by ample proof from the Script
ures, and have it in readiness for the Diet. Ac
cordingly the Elector commanded his theologians
to compose articles of faith and external ceremonies,
that at the opening of the Diet it might be decided
what could be done with a good conscience and
without offence, and to present themselves at Tor
gau, Sunday, March 20th. Not appearing at the
appointed time, the next day the Elector wrote
them to hasten, and to bring their books, as other
matters awaited consideration. On the 27th, Me
lanchthon was at Torgau, but Luther probably did
not go."
1 Original in Forstemann's Urkundenbuch, i.
»K6stlin, ii., 651.

J :. ,: ~-~^> -.

CHANCELLOR BRUCK.

1530] The Augsburg Confession 193
There is no record in evidence that Melanchthon
took any documents with him to Torgau. It is not
improbable, however, that for " doctrine" he ap
pealed to the Articles which a few months before
had been presented at Schwabach, and which their
authors had not yet published. Of specific ' ' Torgau
Articles " we have no report from the times. It is
the judgment of many scholars that the Schwabach
Articles must be included in the common designa
tion, " Torgau Articles." For " external cere
monies " it is highly probable that Melanchthon
handed in an essay composed by himself, March
I4th-27th.1 This essay, after a brief introduction,
treats: (i) Of the Doctrine and Ordinances of Men,
(2) Of the Marriage of Priests, (3) Of Both Forms,
(4) Of the Mass, (5) Of Confession, (6) Of Jurisdic
tion, (7) Of Ordination, (8) Of Vows, (9) Of the
Worship of Saints, (10) Of German Singing.
This essay would doubtless be accepted by the
Elector, and taken by him to Augsburg, as an im
portant document coming from the pen of one who
was held in the highest esteem for learning and
moderation. April 3d, Luther, Melanchthon, and Jonas left
Wittenberg to join the Elector at Torgau, who, the
next day, after ordering prayer to be offered in all
the churches of the land for God's blessing upon the

'Catalogued "A" in FSrstemann's Urkundenbuch, pp. 68-84;
English in Jacobs' Book of Concord, ii., 75-86. See Plitt's Einlei-
tung, i., 520; Breiger, Kirchenges. Studien, 267 et seqq. ; Knaake,
Luther's Antheil an d. Augs. Conf.; Real-Encyc. (3d), ii., 243 ; C.
R.,4: 981, 985.
»3

194 Philip Melanchthon [1497-
Diet, set out for Augsburg, having in his train, be
sides " the learned counsellors," his son John Fred
erick; Francis, Duke of Luneburg; Wolfgang, Prince
of Anhalt ; Albert, Count of Mansfeld ; with seventy
other noblemen and their escorts, numbering in all
one hundred and sixty persons. They took with
them three chests of Documents, among which were
the Marburg and the Schwabach Articles, and " The
Opinion (Bedenken) of the learned at Wittenberg,
which is to be delivered to his Imperial Majesty
about Ceremonies and What is connected there
with," which last, the same that is described above
as composed by Melanchthon, is now regarded as
the basis of the second or apologetic part of the
Augsburg Confession.
The Electoral train passed through Grimma, Al
tenburg, and Isenberg, and arrived at Weimar on
Saturday the 9th. Here Luther preached the next
day, and the Elector partook of the communion.
Coburg was reached on the 15th, where a halt was
made in order to gain intelligence about the Em
peror. Here it was decided that Luther should
remain at Coburg, inasmuch as the Nurembergers
declined to furnish him either a safe-conduct or
hospitality during the Diet.1 For his better secur
ity he was placed in the castle. At Coburg he
would be safe, and could be reached by messenger
from Augsburg in about four days. As he was still
under the imperial ban he would have been out
lawed at Augsburg. His life also would have been

1 Kolde in Kirchengesch. Studien, p. 255 et seqq.

t53o] The Augsburg Confession 195
in danger, and his wonted violence in discussion
would have been fatal to the Protestant cause'.1
At Coburg, or on the way thither, Melanchthon
was commissioned to write a defensive statement,
which at first was called an Apology, and which after
passing through many changes finally became the
Augsburg Confession.
How much of the Apology was written at Coburg
and subsequently on the way thence to Augsburg,
or what was its first form, is not now known. May
4th, two days after the Electoral party arrived at
Augsburg, Melanchthon wrote to Luther: " I have
made the exordium of our Apology somewhat more
rhetorical than I had written it at Coburg. In a
short time I will bring it, or if the Prince will not
permit that, I will send it." ' It is not supposed
that the " exordium " mentioned in the letter forms
any part of the Augsburg Confession. It was no
doubt omitted when it was found that the Emperor
would require brevity, and when unexpected condi
tions forced a change in the method of representation.
Dr. John Eck, at the instance of the dukes Of
Bavaria, had composed a book of 404 articles, made
up chiefly of passages garbled from the writings of
Luther, Melanchthon, Zwingli, Carlstadt, John
Denck, and Balthaser Hubmeier. This book he
sent to the Emperor as an exhibition of the doc
trines of those who were disturbing the Church.
His object was to identify the Reformers with the
ancient heretics and the modern fanatics. These

1 Matthesius, Ninth Sermon.
'C. R., 2: 40.

196 Philip Melanchthon O497-
articles had been printed and circulated among
the people. The Apology could not meet the de
mands of the new situation. It was necessary now
expressly to disclaim all fellowship with heretics,
whether ancient or modern, and to establish the
soundness of the Wittenberg teaching by connecting
it with the teaching of the primitive Church. In
compassing these ends Melanchthon had to keep in
view the purpose of the Diet, which was to heal the
schism ; besides, he had to state the common funda
mentals of Christian belief in the mildest possible
form consistent with truth, lest new contentions
arise. These are the points of view from which
Melanchthon now worked, and it is from these
points of view alone that we can understand the
frequent references to history, and the condemna
tory clauses in the Confession. Indeed, this changed
purpose is the real beginning of the Augsburg Con
fession as such. To assist in realising this new pur
pose, Melanchthon would naturally appropriate the
materials at hand. Hence he took the Schwabach
Articles, which had already been approved by the
Elector, as the basis of the doctrinal part of the
Confession. His own Bedenken, mentioned above,
the so-called Torgau Articles, would be retained as
the basis of the apologetic part.
He wrought so rapidly that by May nth he
brought the document into a form suitable for pre
sentation to the Diet. On that day it was sent to
Luther by the Elector with an explanatory letter
from himself, and with the following note from
Melanchthon :

!53o] The Augsburg Confession 197
" Our Apology is sent to you, though it is more
properly a Confession. For the Emperor will not have
time to hear prolix discussions. I have said those things
which I thought especially profitable or becoming. I
brought together almost all the Articles of faith, because
Eck has published the most diabolical slanders against
us. Against these I wish to oppose a remedy. Do you
determine about the whole writing in accordance with
your spirit." '
May 15th, Luther replied to the Elector's letter
in these words: " I have read over Master Philip's
Apology. I know not how to improve or change
it, nor would it become me, since I cannot move so
softly and gently. Christ our Lord help that it may
bring forth much fruit, as we hope and pray." *
The Confession had now assumed a form known
as " the first draft." It was yet very far from what
it finally became. It did not contain Article XX.,
Of Faith and Good Works ; nor was Article XXVII. ,
Of Vows, nor Article XXVIII. , Of Ecclesiastical
Power, laid before Luther in their final form. It is
probable that the latter had not yet been written.
May 22d, Melanchthon asks the attention of Luther
to the doctrinal articles of the Confession in so far
as they were then finished, saying:
" In the Apology we change many things daily. The
Article on vows, which was too meager, I have sup
planted by another discussion of the subject. I am now
treating of the power of the keys. I wish you would run
¦C. R., 2: 45,47-
'DeW., 4 : 17.

198 Philip Melanchthon [H97-
over the articles of faith. If you think there is nothing
defective in them, we will treat the rest as best we can,
for they must be changed continually and adapted to the
circumstances." l
So far as is known, this is the last time that Lu
ther's attention was directed to the Confession until
after it had been presented before the Diet. Nor is
the matter again mentioned in the correspondence
between Augsburg and Coburg while the Confession
was in further preparation. But Melanchthon went
on changing and adapting it to circumstances until
the last hour before the presentation.
He not only polished the style, but he made
changes in the matter. He aimed to unite perfec
tion of finish with fidelity to truth and history. To
this end he sought assistance from the theologians
present, and from the civil counsellors. In his
efforts to conciliate and to preserve the unity of the
faith, he was not a little influenced by the irenic
Bishop Stadion of Augsburg, and by Alphonsus
Valdesius, the Emperor's secretary. The latter
invited him to an interview, and insisted on mild
ness and brevity. He said to Melanchthon: " The
Spaniards have the idea that the Lutherans hold
horrible things about the Trinity, Christ, and the
Mother of God. Hence they think it is a more
meritorious service to kill a Lutheran than a Turk."
" I know it," replied Melanchthon, " and I have
spoken to several Spaniards on the subject, but I
have not effected much with them." Valdesius in-
1 C. R., 2 : 60.

r53o] The Augsburg Confession 199
quired, " What do the Lutherans want ? How can
matters be remedied ?" " Our contention," said
Melanchthon, " is not so long and ill-advised as has
probably been reported to the Emperor. The dif
ference consists in the following articles : The Sacra
ment under both forms ; the marriage of priests and
monks; and the Mass. The Lutherans do not
regard private masses as right." He thought that
if an understanding could be reached on these
articles, there would be no difficulty in regard to
other things. The Secretary promised to report to
the Empercm — -LatexLhe again called Melanchthon,
and said that the Emperor, who was favourably dis
posed in the case, had commanded him to speak
with Cardinal Campeggius on the subject. The
Cardinal, he declared, was willing to concede both
elements in the Sacrament, and the marriage of the
clergy, but would not yield in the matter of private
masses. The Secretary also requested a copy of the
Lutheran Articles, in the briefest compass, for the
Emperor, that he might examine them, as " his
Majesty thought it would be best to take up the
subject quietly and not to have a long public dis
cussion."1 Melanchthon referred the request to
his principals, but these were not willing to have
their cause disposed of quietly and without a hear
ing. They had come to Augsburg to present their
Confession. They demanded to be heard.2 The

1 C. R., 2 : 122, 123.
' It is not true, as reported by Coelestin and others, that Melanch
thon sent articles to the Emperor. See C. R„ 2 : 123.

200 Philip Melanchthon [1497-
Emperor now appointed June 24th for the present
ation of the Protestant Confession.
Prior to June 8th, the Confession on which Me
lanchthon had been labouring was intended to be
the reply of the Saxon Elector alone. But from
that time on, at the suggestion of the Margrave of
Brandenburg, seconded by the delegates of Nurem
berg, it was so shaped as to be the Confession of all
the princes and cities that had accepted the Lutheran
Reformation. Consequently, June 23d, the princes,
their counsellors and theologians, and the delegates
from Nuremberg and Reutlingen assembled for con
sultation. " The Confession was read, examined,
and considered." Melanchthon desired that it
should be subscribed by the theologians. But the
princes chose to confess their own faith and that of
their churches. The Confession was then solemnly
subscribed by seven princes, and by the represent
atives of two cities.
Friday, June 24th, was consumed in hearing the
delegates from Austria touching the Turkish War.
Saturday, June 25th, the most memorable day in
Lutheran history, the Diet assembled at three
o'clock in the private chapel of the episcopal palace.
The first hour was consumed with preliminaries.
The Emperor requested the Protestants simply to
hand in their Confession. This they refused to do,
and expressed the desire to be heard. Then he
asked that the Latin copy be read. The Elector
interposed, and said that as they were on German
soil, he hoped his Majesty would permit the reading
of the German copy. Chancellor Baier then read

DR. JOHN ECK.
TRADITIONAL PORTRAIT.

T53o] The Augsburg Confession 201
the German copy with a voice so loud and clear that
every word was understood, not only by every per
son in the chapel, but by the throng assembled in
the court beneath.
Both copies — both are to be regarded as originals
¦ — -were delivered to the Emperor, who gave the
German copy to the Imperial Chancellor, the Elec
tor of Mayence, but kept the Latin copy in his own
hands. Every effort in later times to recover the
originals has failed. It has been thought that
the Latin was taken to Spain, and the German to
the Council of Trent, and that both have perished.
Thus after more than two months of unremitting
toil Melanchthon's most arduous work was brought
to a happy conclusion. The Augsburg Confession
stands as his loftiest monument, and marks the cli
max of his usefulness. The most eventful day of the
century had dawned. The destiny of the Church and
of Civilisation in the West hung trembling in the
balance. A single word misplaced, a single sentence
wrong, might change the course of history, and
shape the career of millions unborn. But the man
for the day was there — the only man of the century
who could have met the demands of the day. Of
all the great men of that century, Philip Melanch
thon alone possessed the learning, patience, mild
ness, literary skill, and diplomatic tact required in
the composition of the fundamental Creed of Ger
man Protestantism ; and it is not too much to say
that no similar work ever gave its author so much
anxious solicitude, so many sleepless nights, so
many agonising days. Every word was weighed;

202 Philip Melanchthon l>497-
every thought was pondered. The Confession itself,
to-day the Magna Charta of the faith of fifty mill
ions of Evangelical Christians, is the all-sufficient
proof of the care bestowed on its composition, and
of the eminent qualifications of the author for the
work assigned him. He was not a philosophical
genius, nor a speculative thinker, but he was a great
theologian, and a master of the art of expression.
He could draw truth from the wells of salvation,
and could mould it in the most perfect forms of ex
pression ; and it is the boast of the Confession itself,
and of its adherents, that it is drawn from the Word
of God, and not from the speculations of men.
The influence of the Confession was extraordin
arily great. In the consciousness that they had
confessed their faith before the Emperor and the
Empire, the Protestants felt united and strength
ened. Spalatin exclaimed, " To-day occurred one
of the greatest events that ever occurred on earth."
Luther rejoiced that he had " lived to see the hour
when Christ was confessed by such great confessors
in such a glorious Confession." l
Even the Emperor is said to have exclaimed,
" Would that such doctrine were preached through
out the whole world." ' Duke William of Bavaria
said to the Elector, " Heretofore we have not been
so informed of this matter and doctrine " ; and to
Eck, " You have assured us that the Lutherans
could easily be refuted. How is it now ?" Eck
answered, " With the Fathers it can be done, but not
'De W., 4: 82.
' Luther's Tischreden, fol. 346a.

*53o] The Augsburg Confession 203
with the Scriptures." " Then," said the Duke, " I
understand that the Lutherans stand on the Script
ures, and we Catholics outside of them." '
Melanchthon's own account of the composition
of the Confession, written a few months before his
death, the fullest and most explicit that ever came
from his pen, will be read with interest :
" It is very useful and necessary that everybody, and
posterity, should know that this Confession, which was
delivered to the Emperor Charles V. at Augsburg, in the
Diet in the year 1530, did not proceed from individual
purpose; nor was it delivered to the Emperor privately
and unsolicited. On the contrary this important matter
occurred as follows: At that time the Emperor Charles
V. earnestly desired to have an orderly General Council
held. Hence after his coronation at Bologna he came to
Augsburg in the year 1530, and allowed this to take pre
cedence of all other imperial matters, since it was evident
that difference in doctrine had arisen in several countries
and cities. And since in this difference diverse opinions
were current, his Majesty wished to know what the doc
trine in the churches was; and since a change had been
made, what the Elector and princes rested on. This
effort of his Majesty was followed by a variety of opinions
and discussions. Also some papal writers had scattered
slanders in the Diet, by which abominable falsehoods
were heaped upon our churches, as that they had many
damnable errors, and, like the Anabaptists, were heretical
and seditious.
" Now an answer had to be made before his Imperial
Majesty; and those slanders had to be refuted. Hence
1 Walch, xvi., 1046.

204 Philip Melanchthon [1497-
all the articles of the Christian doctrine were drawn up
in order that everyone might know that our churches
were unjustly slandered by these papal falsehoods. But
while there were at the same time several diffuse treatises,
no one wanted to put anything into shape. Besides, the
forms were different, since for a long time this important
matter had been carefully pondered and arranged by
several distinguished men. Finally this Confession, so
God ordained and granted, was composed by myself,
which the Reverend Dr. Martin Luther declared pleased
him. But prior to its being publicly read before the
Emperor, it was laid before the Elector, the princes, and
legates, who subscribed it. These with their counsellors
and preachers who were present diligently pondered all
the Articles. As now the Emperor required an answer,
this Confession was read publicly in the presence of the
Emperor and of all the Electors, princes, and counsellors
who were at the Diet. Then the copy was given to the
Emperor, who had it read again in his own council.
" Then the Confutation was prepared by the Papists,
but not published in print. This was followed by the
Apology, which I composed, in which several articles
are further explained. That this was done thus, noble
princes and counts know; and other honourable men,
who by the grace of God still live, can report that this
Confession was not presented to the Emperor unsolicited.
It is necessary for posterity to know this." '
The mental agony which Melanchthon endured,
and the opposition he experienced in the composition
of the Confession, are best learned from his own
statements. To his brother he wrote from Augs
burg: 1 C. R., 9 : 929.

'53o] The Augsburg Confession 205
" I could almost believe I was born under an unlucky
star. For what distresses me most has come upon me.
Poverty, hunger, contempt, and other misfortunes I
could easily bear. But what utterly prostrates me is
strife and controversy. I had to compose the Confession
which was to be given to the Emperor and the Estates.
In spirit I foresaw insults, wars, devastation, battles.
And now does it depend upon me to divert such great
calamity ? Oh God in whom I trust, help thou me.
Thou judgest us as we purpose in heart. Dear brother,
I dare not drop the matter so long as I live. But not
by my fault shall peace be destroyed. Other theologians
wanted to compose the Confession. Would God they
had had their way. Perhaps they could have done it
better. Now they are dissatisfied with mine, and want
it changed. One cries out here, another there. But
I must maintain my principle of omitting everything that
increases the bitterness. God is my witness that my in
tentions have been good. My reward is that I shall be
hated."1 In 1556, he wrote to Flacius: "You find fault
because I wrote the Repetition of the Confession
[the Saxon]. I also wrote the former [the Augs
burg]. Then I had many to assail me, no one to
assist me."2 Melanchthon may have made mis
takes in some instances; he may have been inclined
to yield too much to Rome for the sake of peace ;
but it is the verdict of history that no man ever
acted with purer motives than he. His mild and
conciliatory spirit made the Augsburg Confession a

1 Melanch. Padagogica, p. 38.
* C. R., 8 : 843.

206 Philip Melanchthon O497-
fact in history. While other men clamoured for
war, he pleaded for peace.
It will assist in understanding the Augsburg Con
fession to learn from his own pen the principle that
guided the author in its composition, and indeed in
all his theological teaching :
" When at Augsburg, in '30 I composed the first Con
fession; when no one would write a letter, and yet the
Emperor demanded a confession; in true sincerity I
brought together the summary of the doctrine, and
omitted some unnecessary perplexing discussions, that
everyone might know what the chief doctrine is in these
churches. This form I continue to teach, and I avoid
some discussions." '
In the tenth Article he stated the Lutheran doc
trine of the Lord's Supper in a generic form, not in
the specific formulas of Luther, and the doctrine of
Predestination he purposely omitted/ because of the
inextricable mazes into which it leads. Though he
composed the Confession and was ever recognised
by his contemporaries as its author, yet he was for
the time the common consciousness, the surrogate
of his party. His object was not to state in particu
lar what Luther held and taught, but what was held
and taught in the churches of the subscribing princes
and cities. This is the true idea in regard to a con
fession of faith.
But the Augsburg Confession comprehends by no
means the whole of Melanchthon's labours from

1 c. R., 9: 990.
'CR.,2: 547.

J53o] The Augsburg Confession 207
April 15 to June 25, 1530. His letters and learned
opinions of that period would make a fair-sized
volume. They are written with that carefulness
which characterises all the productions of his pen,
and are of priceless value for the history of those
eventful days when the Evangelical Lutheran Church
was formally brought into existence.

CHAPTER XVII
NEGOTIATIONS FOR PEACE
Correspondence with Cardinal Campeggius — The Papal Confutation
— The Apology of the Confession — Publication of the Confession
and its Apology.
MELANCHTHON'S mental agony, caused by
the distractions of the Church, and his striving
for the restoration of harmony, did not cease with
the composition and delivery of the Augsburg Con
fession. He was apprehensive that greater evils
would come because of the severity of the Confes
sion ' ; and thus that the very object for which the
princes had delivered the Confession, viz., the re
storation of peace and concord," would be defeated.
In this state of mind he wrote to Luther, June 27th,
and inquired " how much was to be conceded to the
adversaries."" But the latter, who, perhaps, alone
of his party believed that concord was impossible,
replied that " too much had been conceded in the

1 C. R., 2: 140.
" C.R.,i: 125.
»C. R., 2: 146. 208

1531] Negotiations for Peace 209
Confession," ' and exhorted his less heroic friend to
greater firmness.
Notwithstanding the violence exhibited from time
to time by representative Romanists, Melanchthon
still clung to the delusion which he had expressed
in the so-called Torgau Articles, and which he had
carried with him to Augsburg, viz., that the dissen
sion had arisen, not on account of doctrine, but alone
on account of certain abuses which had been abol
ished by the Evangelicals. In the Epilogue to the
doctrinal part of the Confession he had declared that
there was nothing in the evangelical teaching ' ' which
differs from the Scriptures, or from the Catholic
Church, or from the Roman Church, so far as it is
known from writers." He also tells us that he
would have made greater changes in the Confession,
that is, would have made it milder, had he not been
restrained by " the counsellors."" As before the
reading of the Confession, so afterward, he thought
that peace could be restored if the Romanists would
only consent to the removal of certain vicious cere
monies and " human doctrines and statutes," such
as the Mass, communion with only one element, the
celibacy of priests, and monastic vows. He was en
couraged in this thought by the deceptions practised
on him by Cardinal Campeggius, the papal legate,
who had invited him to an interview, had discussed
with him the subjects at issue, and had conceded
the use of both elements in the Eucharist and the
marriage of the priests.'
'De W., 4: 52.
* C. R.,2: 140.
» C. R., 2 : 174.
'4

210 Philip Melanchthon [1497-
At the instance of the evangelical princes, Me
lanchthon addressed a letter to the Cardinal,1 in
which, after the usual complimentary allusions to the
wisdom, moderation, and dignity of his " Right
Reverend Lordship," he promises that the princes
" will accept such conditions for the retention, con
firmation, and establishment of peace, concord, and
the authority of the ecclesiastical order, as his Right
Reverend Lordship shall judge to be proper." He
further says that the princes have no intention of
abolishing the ecclesiastical order and the legitimate
authority of the bishops.
Whether Melanchthon transcended his instruc
tions in this letter, or not, cannot be determined ;
but it is certain that he was not the only one of his
party who was alarmed by the threats and hostile
attitude of the Papists, and was willing to make
concessions. In subsequent correspondence with the Cardinal
through his secretary, Melanchthon reaffirms the
agreement of the Confession with the Scriptures,
with the Catholic Church, and with the Roman
Church. His object in thus identifying the teach
ing of the Confession with the teaching of the
Catholic and of the Roman Church seems to have
been to force the Romanists to acknowledge the
orthodoxy of the Lutheran teaching, since they, the
Romanists, would not dare to repudiate the teaching
of the Catholic Church. He nowhere identifies the

1 C. R., 2 : 171. There is strong reason to believe that the letter
in C. R. , 2 : 169, is not genuine, therefore it is not quoted here. It
is not essentially different from the one given below in full.

1530 Negotiations for Peace 211
Lutheran teaching with the teaching of the papacy.
But Melanchthon little understood the character
of Campeggius. The wily Italian had long been
urging the Emperor to make war on the Lutherans
and " to extirpate the poisonous plant by fire and
sword. " ' And as little did he understand the mind
of the Catholic theologians, who, on July 13, 1530,
presented a Confutation of the Confession, so elabor
ate in form and so violent in manner, that the Em
peror refused it, and returned it to the Committee
with instructions to abridge it, and to eliminate all
invectives. While the Catholic theologians were further en
gaged in preparing their Confutation, Melanchthon
wrote numerous letters to his friends, and several
Opinions on theological subjects, among which is one
De Missa, in which he refutes both the Zwinglian
and the Romish hypothesis, and exhibits the Lu
theran view that the " Lord's Supper is not a sacri
fice, but a sacrament, by which grace is offered, by
which we are moved to believe, and by which we
comfort our alarmed consciences." "
Finally, August 3, 1530, the Papal Confutation,'
chiefly the work of Eck, Fabri, Cochlaeus, and
Wimpina, was read publicly in the Diet. It is schol
astic in form and weak in arguments. It actually
strengthened the conviction of the Protestants that
their cause was just. Melanchthon wrote to Veit

1 Ranke, Die Rdmischen Pdpste im 16. u. 77. Jahrh., i., 111.
2 C. R., 2 : 212.
3 Reprinted in Francke's Libri Symbolici and in Hase's Libri
Symbolici.

212 Philip Melanchthon l>497-
Dietrich, Luther's friend and companion at Coburg,
saying: " All good men in our party seem calmer
and firmer in mind since hearing such absurdities.
They know that among our adversaries there is no
acquaintance with religion." 1 And to Luther he
wrote :
" All the good and wise men are more courageous,
since they have heard that puerile Confutation. Our
rulers could easily obtain peace if they would court the
Emperor and the more moderate princes. But there is
marvellous indifference, and, as I think, a quiet indigna
tion that withholds them from such business." "
The Emperor declared that he would abide by the
Confutation, and commanded the Protestants to do
the same. This widened the breach between the
two parties. Melanchthon now saw his cherished
hope of peace about to be completely blasted.
Again he had recourse to Campeggius, and wrote a
letter to his secretary, which was designed evidently
to reach the Cardinal himself. As this letter exhibits
the greatest length to which Melanchthon went in
his striving for peace, it is here given in full, as fol
lows: " The advent of no one to this city has given me more
pleasure than yours. For I know that you are endowed
with a certain remarkable sweetness of temper and with
an amiability worthy of a learned and wise man. Hence
I have freely spoken with you both about my own private
affairs, and of the public business; and on account of
1 C. R., 2: 253.
3 C. R., 2 : 254.

'531] Negotiations for Peace 213
your virtues I have been led to hope that you would be
the promoter of peace in your deliberations.
" For this reason I have often shown that if a few
things were kept in the background, these divisions could
be healed. In my opinion it would contribute very much
to the quiet of the Church and to the dignity of the
Roman See, to make peace on the conditions which I
have mentioned. For also our priests should in turn
render obedience to the bishops. Thus the Church
would unite again in one body, and the Roman See
would have its own honour, so that, if anything wrong
remains in the churches, it can gradually be corrected
by the care of the bishops. It is also our earnest desire
to be freed from these contentions, that we may give our
whole attention to the diligent improvement of doctrine.
And unless this be done, wise men can easily foresee
what, amid so many sects, will come upon posterity.
And in this matter it is easy to see how indifferent those
are whom you now oppose to us. Yesterday the Confut
ation of our Confession was read. If it shall be pub
lished, condemning us, believe me it will not have great
admiration among judicious men, and will irritate the
minds of ours. Thus there is danger that by the re
newal of this whole tragedy, greater commotion than
ever will ensue. Hence I desire that these evils of the
Church be not increased in virulence. Therefore I beg
you to indicate to me in a few words, whether you have
spoken with your Reverend Master about those con
ditions, and what hope he will hold out. If I can ob
tain anything favourable I will take care that the Roman
See may not repent its kindness. The feelings and de
sires of many good men are united in this matter, who
will do all they can to enlarge the authority of the
bishops and to establish the peace of the Church.

214 Philip Melanchthon 0497-
" You see we cannot dissolve the existing marriages,
nor have other priests. Nor could the change in regard
to both elements cease without contempt of the Sacra
ment. It does not belong to the papal clemency to
make war for such reasons, since there is nothing which
is injurious to good men or to piety. And if more new
doctrines appear, it belongs to your prudence to take
care that a much greater commotion do not occur in the
Church. I have written these things to you, a good and
wise man, and I ask you to exhort yours to justice, and
to indicate to me by this my friend, what hope your
Reverend Master holds out. As I am suffering with the
gout I cannot come to you." 1
The correspondence of Melanchthon with Cam
peggius has sometimes been pronounced obsequious,
and so it seems to be when judged by our standards.
But it is not more so than Luther's letter to Pope
Leo, and the one to Henry VIII., and scarcely
more so than is the Preface to the Augsburg Con
fession prepared by Chancellor Bruck. None of
these writers, nor their writings, are to be judged
by present conditions.
The seeming obsequiousness is in the times, and
in the long superlatives of " the unblushing Latin,"
rather than in the men. Campeggius was the repre
sentative of the greatest sovereign on earth. It
was but natural that Melanchthon should address
him in the language which immemorial usage had
allotted to one so eminent in station. That the
letters express too great confidence in the wisdom
and moderation of the Cardinal, is to the discredit
>C. R„ 2: 248.

r53i] Negotiations for Peace 215
of Melanchthon only in so far as they show that
German frankness is no proper match for Italian
perfidy; and Melanchthon's willingness to restore
the rule of the Pope and bishops is subject to the
presupposition that they rule well, and promote
sound doctrine. Besides, as the appointed leader
of the Protestant party, which professedly was striv
ing for peace, Melanchthon felt his responsibility for
securing peace in the face of imminent war, at any
cost save that of the surrender of vital truth. It
was not a truckling spirit nor personal fear that in
spired the letter, but a sincere desire to avert im
pending ruin, and to preserve the freedom of the
Gospel in fundamentals. This is shown by what
occurred the day after the reading of the Confession,
when in the midst of the assembled clergy this same
Cardinal Campeggius, " hurling thunderbolts like an
angry Jove," demanded of Melanchthon that he
should yield. With a courage that has been com
pared to that shown by Luther at Worms, he an
swered: " We cannot yield, nor desert the truth.
We pray that for God's sake and Christ's our oppon-
nents will grant us that which we cannot surrender
with a good conscience." And when the Cardinal
cried out, " I cannot, I cannot, the keys do not
err," Melanchthon answered: " We will commit
our cause and ourselves to God. If God be for us,
who can be against us ? We have forty thousand
wives and children of pastors whose souls we cannot
desert. We will toil and fight, and die, if God so
will, rather than betray so many souls." l
t C. R., 10 : 198,

216 Philip Melanchthon [1497-
Melanchthon was ever ready to hold out the hand
of conciliation, but at no time was he willing to sur
render the Gospel for the hierarchy.
Melanchthon did not hear the Papal Confutation
read, nor would the Emperor furnish the Protestants
with a copy. He simply demanded their submis
sion. This they were not prepared to render.
Neither the command of the Emperor, nor the rage
of the bishops, nor the imminence of war could deter
them from making a defence of their Confession.
Melanchthon and some others were directed to pre
pare an Apology of the Confession, in which it
should be explained why the Protestants could not
accept the Confutation, and in which the arguments
of their opponents should in turn be confuted. For
this purpose they used notes taken by Camerarius
at the reading of the Confutation, and perhaps
availed themselves of some writings of the Romish
theologians against the Confession. On September
22d, the Apology, thus prepared, was offered to the
Emperor by Chancellor Briick, but was rejected.
Later the Catholic majority published an edict in
which they boasted that they had confuted the
Confession out of the Scriptures. i
On September 23d, Melanchthon set out with the
Elector for home. At Coburg he tarried a few days
with Luther, who praised God that his beloved
Prince had been delivered from hell. Thence to
Wittenberg the two friends, the heroic reformer and
the faithful confessor of Christ, travelled together.
But Melanchthon, having obtained a copy of the
Confutation, laboured on his Apology as they jour-

i53ij Negotiations for Peace 217
neyed. In the house of Spalatin at Altenburg he
was writing on it while eating, until Luther snatched
the pen out of his hand, saying, " Dear Philip, we
can serve God not only by work, but also by rest." '
On October 4th, he was again in Wittenberg, after
an absence of six months. What he had suffered in
mind and body no pen could record, no voice could
utter. His was the heroism of endurance, as Lu
ther's was the heroism of daring. If Melanchthon
sometimes bowed too low in the storm, it was that
he might rise again with greater strength when the
storm was over. And seldom has a man shown
greater strength of conviction, or more transcendent
skill as a theologian, than Melanchthon did in the
elaboration of the Apology, which occupied his chief
attention for several months. The work is as simple
and edifying in form as it is profound and learned
in contents. Some of the chapters were written
over and over again for the sake of accuracy and
thoroughness of treatment. He who would read
the theology of Melanchthon at its best must read
the Apology of the Augsburg Confession.
After his return to Wittenberg, in connection with
his other labours, Melanchthon prepared the first
edition of the Augsburg Confession. The Emperor
had forbidden its publication without his permission.
But very soon no less than seven unauthorised edi
tions appeared — six in German and one in Latin.
As these had been printed from relatively imperfect
copies, they differed from each other and from the
text presented in the Diet. Some seem to have
1 Matthesius, fol. 143.

218 Philip Melanchthon O531
been purposely corrupted. From an authentic
Latin copy, and from his own German manuscript,
Melanchthon caused an edition to be printed, copies
of which reached Augsburg before the Diet ad
journed. Near the close of April, 1531, this edition was
published in quarto form with the Apology, under
the following Latin title * :
CONFESSIO FIDEI
exhibita inuictifs. Imp. Carolo Y.
Caefari Aug. in Comicijs
Auguftae, Anno
M. D. XXX.
Addita eft Apologia Confefsionis.
95etbe, ®eub«d)
unb fiatiniSd).
Pfalm. 119.
Et loquebar de teftimonijs tuis in con-
fpectu Regum, & non confundebar.
WITEBBEGiE.
A copy with this title is found in the royal library
at Dresden. Beneath the title Melanchthon wrote
with his own hand, D. Doctori Martino. Et Rogo ut
legat et emendet.'
1 C. R., 26 : 235.
2 /bid.

CHAPTER XVIII
MELANCHTHON'S GROWING FAME
Schmalkald League — Peace of Nuremberg — Melanchthon's Opinion
— Melanchthon Called to England, to Tubingen, and to France
— Negotiations with Henry VIII.
THE final decree of the Diet of Augsburg, pub
lished November 19, 1530, bore heavily against
the Protestants. They were given time for consid
eration until the fifteenth of the following April,
with the intimation that unless they yielded, forci
ble measures would be applied. They now felt the
need of mutual defence. On the nineteenth of De
cember the princes who had signed the Augsburg
Confession, and several cities which had accepted
the same testimony of faith, met at Schmalkald and
laid the foundation of the Schmalkald League, which
was ratified on the twenty-ninth of March, 1 531, for
six years, and strengthened later by foreign alliances.
The object of this politico-ecclesiastical alliance was
the protection of Germany and the defence of the
Protestant cause against the sword of the Empire.
So powerful was this new combination that it
219

220 Philip Melanchthon [1497-
alarmed the Emperor, and led to the Peace of Nu
remberg, July 23, 1532, which provided that the
affairs of religion should remain in the state in which
they then were until they could be settled by a
general council or a new diet.
The terms of this Peace were most favourable to
the Protestants. They enhanced the dignity and
moral influence of the leaguers, and secured them
new accessions of power. The Peace itself allowed
a time of quiet development for the principles of
the Reformation. Luther and Melanchthon saw
the cause for which they had long laboured and
prayed and endured hardship, at length triumph
through a large part of Germany; but while they
were rejoicing over the happy condition of affairs,
they were called to the death-bed of the Saxon
Elector, who departed this life, August 16, 1532.
He was buried in the Castle Church at Wittenberg,
Luther preaching a German sermon on the occasion,
and Melanchthon delivering an academic oration in
Latin. Because of the steadfastness of his faith,
and the firmness of his character, the Elector is
known in history as John the Constant. He was
succeeded by his son, John Frederick, whose zeal in
the Protestant cause was destined to pass through a
fiery experience. The new Elector was irritable in
temper and dogmatic in manner, but was wise
enough to consult his theologians on all important
ecclesiastical questions. When in June, 1533, the
papal nuncio came to Weimar, and proposed a
council on the condition that the Estates would
pledge themselves to submit to its decisions, he re-

JOHN THE CONSTANT, ELECTOR OF SAXONY.

*535] Melanchthon's Growing Fame 221
ferred the matter to Luther and Melanchthon. As
these theologians opposed a council on such a con
dition, one was not called, though at a convention
held at Schmalkald, the Protestants had declared
themselves favourable to a council : " but it must be
a council in which Christ shall be Pontifex, who
prays the Father for the Church, saying, ' Sanctify
them by thy truth: thy word is truth.' "
As misunderstandings and estrangements still
existed and threatened the peace of the Church
and of the country, the Elector of Mayence and
Duke George of Saxony offered themselves as med
iators. A conference was held in Leipzig, Melanch
thon and Briick appearing in the name of the Saxon
Elector. The Catholic party would make no con
cessions on the main questions. They insisted
on Good Works as necessary to Justification, and
wanted Private Masses restored in the Protestant
churches. Soon the negotiations were broken off.
Melanchthon's letters during the summer of 1534
show much anxiety in regard to the peace and safety
of the Church. He expresses the conviction that
the commotions cannot be settled by human coun
sels. Only God can prevail. About the middle of
the summer he wrote a long Opinion on the Settle
ment of the Controversies in Religion.1 He con
cedes that for the sake of harmony some abuses
may be overlooked and condoned, but not those
which destroy the necessary articles of faith, or are
idolatrous, or drive men to open sin. He is willing
that the government of the Pope, and of the bishops,
lC. R., 2: 740 etseqq.

222 Philip Melanchthon [1497
shall remain for the sake of unity throughout the
world, provided they do not abuse their authority
by suppressing sound doctrine. He also favours
common rites in the Church, but on the condition
that such rites are to be regarded as indifferent
things, which do not make for righteousness, and
are not to be used to foster superstition. Confes
sion may be retained, but an enumeration of sins
must not be required. Justification is not be
stowed on account of our contrition, or works,
" but alone through the mercy of God apprehended
by faith, that is, trust in Christ." The old formulas
for saying the Mass may be retained, but private
masses are to be abolished. The doctrine of the
Mass as a meritorious sacrifice is rejected. Com
munion in both kinds is in harmony with the institu
tion of Christ and with the custom of the ancient
Church. The Pope ought to remove the restrictions
in regard to the Sacrament until the Church can be
united, and the full use restored. The invocation
of saints has neither example nor command in the
Scripture, neither was it practised by the ancient
Church. It is not necessary. The histories and
examples of the saints may be retained, but there
is to be no worship of the saints. Not all vows are
of perpetual obligation.
" Monks who are not fitted for the monastic life may
renounce it. In the richer monasteries of Germany
neither literature nor learning exists. Idle men who are
of no possible use to the Church are simply fed. Hence
such monasteries ought to be suppressed, and their
revenues ought to be transferred to other uses of the

!535] Melanchthon's Growing Fame 223
Church, and to the support of students in institutions of
learning."The Pope ought to abolish enforced clerical celibacy.
It is purely a human institution.
The Opinion is learned, moderate, and concilia
tory. It breathes throughout an earnest desire for
harmony in the Church, but it does not surrender a
single point of evangelical doctrine. The author
expresses the hope that good and pious men will be
able to agree in all points at issue.
The Reformation was now making steady progress
throughout Germany, albeit it was sometimes assisted
by the sword. In the year 1534, the Landgrave with
an army, and aided by French gold, rescued Wiir-
temberg from the Austrians, and restored it to Duke
Ulrich, who had been banished in 1528. When
Melanchthon learned of the Landgrave's success,
he exclaimed: " I cannot help loving him. All
good men must wish that he might be preserved for
great things yet to come." King Ferdinand recog
nised Ulrich as an under-feudatory, and John Fred
erick recognised Ferdinand as King of the Romans.
Melanchthon wrote, " I will do all in my power to
allay the agitations about Religion." *
It was during this year (1534) that Melanchthon
was invited to France, where " the Lutheran heresy"
had begun to take root. Francis, the King, seemed
inclined to the Reformation, but he did not desire
to separate himself from Rome. His motives were
political rather than religious. He was willing to
» See, for these facts, C. R„ 2 : 739.

224 Philip Melanchthon I>w7-
ally himself with the German Protestants against
a common enemy, the Emperor. His scheme was
warmly espoused by William Bellay and his brother
John, the Bishop of Paris. Bellay was sent to
Strassburg to interview Bucer on the best means of
restoring harmony to the Church. Dr. Ulrich
Chilius was despatched to Wittenberg to lay the
King's request before Melanchthon. Inspired by
the hope of introducing the evangelical faith into
France, Melanchthon expressed a willingness to
follow the invitation. Both he and the Strassburg
theologians sent Opinions to Francis. At first these
Opinions were favourably received. But the in
trigues of the Catholics and the violent conduct of
the reforming party soon excited the King's anger
against the Protestants, and brought on a bloody
persecution. Melanchthon expressed himself with
energy against the fanaticism of those who overthrew
the Gospel by their absurd methods.
A letter' of Melanchthon, written September 13,
1534, informs us that he had been called a second
time to England, and that he is impatiently awaiting
a third letter. He was also invited in September of
this year to return to his " fatherland," and to assist
in the reorganisation of the University of Tubingen.
He left the decision of the matter to his Elector,
who did not find it to his own interest to spare so
distinguished a teacher from Saxony. When Philip
now declined the call to Tubingen, the Elector was
so pleased that he enlarged his house, provided a
garden for him, and wrote him a friendly letter.
1 C. R., 2 : 785.

^35] Melanchthon's Growing Fame 225
But the Swabians were not entirely satisfied. In
October, they begged Melanchthon to attend a dis
putation between Ambrose Blaurer and the Catholic
professors of the university. The Catholics espe
cially desired his presence, because " he is not bitter
and envious, but moderate, kind, and peaceable." '
The request of the Duke was seconded by " the
University, by all the abbots, by prelates spirit
ual and temporal, yea, by the entire country."
Melanchthon could not go, but he sent his friend Ca
merarius, who had become uncomfortable at Nurem
berg, who acted an important part in reorganising
the university. In September, 1536, Melanchthon
went to Tubingen to visit Camerarius, and also
visited the Duke at Niirtingen. He made many
suggestions for the improvement of the university,
and brought it about that John Brentz, who was
pastor at Swabian Hall, should spend one year at
Tubingen lecturing on theology. He returned
home a little later with a present of a hundred
gulden from the Duke, and with the consciousness
that he had been of service to the university.
When new complications arose between Francis
L, King of France, and the Emperor Charles V.,
the former sought an alliance with the Protestants
of Germany; but as it was reported that he had
formed a league with the Turks, his advances were
treated with hesitation. He then solicited the
services of Bucer and Melanchthon. To this end
Barnabas Voreus, Lord de Lafosse, a confessed
follower of Melanchthon, was sent to Germany with
¦C. R., 2: 795.
is

226 Philip Melanchthon C1497-
letters of invitation and a safe-conduct. He also
carried with him a letter from Jacob Sturm, who
was then residing in Paris. This letter describes
the religious condition of France and the mind of
the King toward Melanchthon. It closes by saying :
" You are called not by me, but by many, nor is
your presence desired by those only who have suf
fered direct distress, nor by those only who fear
destruction ; but you are called by the voice of God
and of Christ." '
This urgent call lay heavily on the heart of Me
lanchthon, but grave difficulties stood in the way of
its acceptance. At home loud complaints were
heard to the effect that his going to France would
look like a desertion of the Reformation. In Paris
was the Sorbonne, with which in former years he
had had sharp controversy, and, besides, he did not
fully trust the King. In May, 1535, he answered
Sturm's letter, and recites some of the obstacles
which beset him :
' ' You know how insolent the rulers are, and how they
hold the fascinated minds of the nobility. Yet I am
not much influenced by such things. What deters me is
the fear that nothing will be done which will promote
the glory of Christ and the peace of France and of the
Church. I have come to this conclusion: If the King
wishes to advance the glory of Christ and the peace of
the Church, let him be earnestly exhorted to call a Synod,
in which the restoration of the Church may be freely dis
cussed. Other plans, it seems to me, are futile, yea,
pernicious." '
'C, R„ 2: 855. *C.R.,2: 874.

1535] Melanchthon's Growing Fame 227
As Melanchthon's decision was delayed, the King
himself wrote, June 23, 1535, beseeching him to
come, either as a private individual, or in the name
of his confederates, and assured him of his gracious
pleasure. Cardinal Bellay and his brother William
also wrote, expressing the deepest interest in Me
lanchthon's coming, and assured him of the favour
of the King and of all good men.1
Melanchthon, who meanwhile had gone to Jena,
on account of the plague that raged at Wittenberg,
now greatly desired to go to France. To this end
he sought permission from the Elector to visit France
as a private person for three months. He was
warmly supported in his request by a letter from
Luther. The Elector, who thoroughly understood
the King's political motives, refused the request
with an emphasis that bordered on severity. Me
lanchthon was deeply wounded, not so much because
the Elector refused to grant his request, as be
cause he had expressed himself with so much harsh
ness. He wrote the King, August 28, 1535, saying
that though he was compelled to postpone his
coming to France, his mind was still bent on the
abatement of controversy." Thus the matter ended.
Neither Melanchthon nor Bucer went to France.
Early in 1531, Melanchthon had been requested
to prepare an Opinion on the divorce of Henry
VIII., King of England, from Catharine of Aragon.
August 28th, in a lengthy argument, he declared

1 C. R., 2: 879-886.
8 C. R., 2 : 913, 914.

228 Philip Melanchthon N97-
the King's marriage valid, and without scriptural
grounds for divorce. Nevertheless, if public policy
requires an heir for the throne, " it would be safest
for the King to contract a second marriage without
abrogating the first, because polygamy is not for
bidden by the law, and is not without precedent." '
Some other German theologians counselled the
divorce ; but those of Wittenberg disapproved of it
under any and all circumstances. Finally, when the
divorce had been effected, and Henry had, in 1534,
separated from Rome, and had sent his chaplain,
Dr. Anthony Barnes, a second time, in March,
1535, to consult with the Wittenberg divines, Me
lanchthon was induced to write the King a letter.
He counsels Henry to use his authority in moderat
ing others and in assisting to abolish abuses, and " to
introduce a simple, specific form of doctrine." In
giving this advice he followed the principle which
had guided the Reformers in all their operations:
the abolition of abuses and the maintenance of
sound doctrine. Even when Henry's envoys pressed
the suit of their royal master for the headship of the
Schmalkald League, they were met by the demand
that he should sign the Augsburg Confession. When
Melanchthon at Barnes's suggestion dedicated to
Henry the new edition of the Loci, with a Preface
more diplomatic and flattering than our taste can
approve, his object was not to secure a patron, " but
to seek a censor whose good judgment in regard to
doctrine he should consider unbiassed and fair."
And when Melanchthon's colleagues, Luther, Jonas,
'C. R., 2: 52a.

J535] Melanchthon's Growing Fame 229
Cruciger, and Bugenhagen, importuned the Elector
to allow Melanchthon to go to England, the end
aimed at was not so much alliance with Henry as it
was the propagation of sound doctrine, since Doctor
Antonius, ille niger Anglicus, as Luther calls him,
had given the most positive assurance that doctrines
were to be included in the negotiations.1
Also, this supreme regard for doctrine was still
more conspicuously exhibited in " The Thirteen
Articles of 1535," written by Melanchthon, Decem
ber 25th, and signed by the Elector, the Landgrave
of Hesse, and the English envoys. The first of
these articles provides —
" That the Most Serene King shall promote the Gospel
of Christ and the pure doctrine of faith in the manner
in which the Princes and confederated Estates confessed
it in the Diet of Augsburg, and have guarded it in the
published Apology; unless perhaps with the common
consent of the Most Serene King and the Princes them
selves, some things should seem to need correction or
change in accordance with the Word of God. ' ' '
As the Elector knew that Henry's motives were
political rather than religious, he refused to spare
Melanchthon from his university; and as further
negotiations failed to induce the Wittenberg theo
logians to sanction Henry's divorce, Melanchthon
soon relinquished all desire to go to England. June
9, 1536, he wrote to Camerarius: " I am now freed
from anxiety about going to England. Since the

1 Luther's Briefe, iv., 630, 632.
!C. R., 2: 1032.

230 Philip Melanchthon [^35
occurrence of such tragedies in England, there has
been a great change of views. The late Queen, ac
cused rather than convicted of adultery, has been
executed." x
Later the Elector wished to send an embassy of
statesmen and theologians, including Melanchthon,
to England, to secure Henry's subscription to the
Augsburg Confession, as a condition of his admission
to the Schmalkald League ; but as this was opposed
by the other Estates, in September a letter, written
by Melanchthon, was sent in the name of the con
federated Estates, inquiring for the King's view of
the articles agreed upon between his envoys and the
Wittenberg theologians, and announcing their inten
tion to suspend their judgment in regard to a General
Council until " they should learn whether his Royal
Highness is disposed to defend the pure doctrine
of the Christian religion which we profess." " As
this letter was delayed in reaching the King, and as
meanwhile the attention of the Protestants was
attracted to other matters, the negotiations with
England were suspended.

1 C. R., 3 : 89.
»C. R.,3: 144.

THE ELECTOR JOHN FREDERICK OF SAXONY.
AFTER THE COPPER ENGRAVING BY G. PENCZ, 1543.

CHAPTER XIX
MELANCHTHON'S theology
New Edition of the Loci — Exposition of Melanchthon's Theology :
The Will, Good Works, the Number of Sacraments, Infant
Baptism, the Lord's Supper — Luther's Approbation of the Loci.
DURING the four or five years that followed the
Diet of Augsburg, Melanchthon was especially
active with his pen. Among the most important of
his writings of this period, besides the Apology, are
two books on Rhetoric, Cario's Chronicle, a Preface
to a work on astronomy, some editions and transla
tions of Greek and Latin classics, a second edition
of his Commentary on Romans, dedicated to the
Archbishop of Mayence, and in 1535 a revised and
enlarged edition of the Loci, with dedication, as
already noticed, to the King of England, who sent
him two hundred florins, with a letter subscribed,
" Your friend, King Henry VIII."
Since this new edition of the Loci ranks as one of
Melanchthon's most important writings, it deserves
more than a passing notice. The author tells us in
several letters, that he is revising the Confession and
231

232 Philip Melanchthon [^97-
the Loci for the purpose of making the definitions
more simple and luminous. To Camerarius he
wrote, December 24, 1535: "In my Loci I seem
to have second thoughts. You see I have tried to
throw some light on obscure and intricate subjects. ' ' '
During the ten years that intervened from 1525 to
1535, Melanchthon had opportunity to acquaint
himself better with the Catholic system, to look
more deeply into the teaching of the Fathers, to
study the Scriptures more thoroughly, to profit by
the criticisms of his opponents, and to learn better
the practical needs of the Church. Hence this edi
tion exhibits not only progress in theological science,
but more calmness, greater accuracy in definitions,
a larger reverence for the oldest teachers of the
Church, and the quiet assurance that the Protestants
are in possession of the true doctrine. Each in
dividual Locus, or subject, is first stated systematic
ally, often syllogistically, and is then followed by
proofs from the Scriptures and from the Fathers, to
show that the Protestants are in harmony with the
true Catholic Church of Jesus Christ. The work
also exhibits some important changes in theological
views, and in methods of statement. We have
space in which to mention only the following sub
jects: 1. Free Will and Predestination. The absolute
determinism taught in the first edition by the de
claration " that all things that occur, occur by ne
cessity," is excluded. In the Locus, " Of the Cause
of Sin and of Contingence," it is said:
1 c. R., 2 : 861, 881.

T536] Melanchthon's Theology 233
" God is not the cause of sin. Contingence must evi
dently be conceded, because sin, properly speaking,
arises from the will of the devil and of man, and is com
mitted without the approbation of God and without his
forcing our wills. Hence it is not by any means com
mitted necessarily by absolute necessity."
The doctrine of necessity he calls " a dream of the
Stoics," to which the pious must give neither their
minds nor ears. " The hardening of Pharaoh's
heart is a Hebrew figure of speech which signifies
permission, not an efficient will; as, Lead us not into
temptation, means, permit us not to be led into
temptation." " There are three causes which con
cur in conversion : The Word, the Holy Spirit,
and the Will, not indeed neutral, but resisting its
own weakness." He supports this proposition by
quotations from Basil and Chrysostom, and says:
" God precedes, calls, moves, assists us, but we
should take care not to oppose. For it is evident
that sin arises from us, not from the will of God."
Melanchthon had been led by the controversy on
the Will between Erasmus and Luther, to see that
the former had defended an important element of
truth, namely, the essential freedom of the Will as
over against the absolute predestinarianism of Lu
ther. From the time that he formally entered the
theological faculty, in 1526, he had begun to move
more independently in his sphere; and this is cert
ainly to his credit ; for though he had at the begin
ning learned his theology from Luther, he was under
no obligation to dwell forever under Luther's shadow,

234 Philip Melanchthon [1497-
nor to abide by all the definitions and conclusions of
his master. His highly ethical and practical nature,
and his biblical studies, had led him to esteem piety
and morality as the end of theological pursuits;
and he soon discovered that a doctrine which made
God the cause of sins, like the adultery of David
and the treachery of Judas, could not be favourable
to virtue. In his Commentary on Colossians (1527),
he says: " Because Christ himself says, John viii.,
when he speaketh a lie, he speaketh it of himself, I will
not make God the author of sin, but the preserver
of nature, the restorer of life and motion, which life
and motion the devil and the wicked do not rightly
use." This clearly implies that the devil and the
wicked have Free Will and are the cause of sin. But
he plainly limits the freedom to choose in things
pertaining to nature, for he says that " the will can
not perform Christian or spiritual righteousness,"
but " has the power of performing natural and civil
righteousness, as, abstaining from theft, or from
murder, or from another man's wife." l With this
agree the Visitation Articles of the same year.
In the Augsburg Confession, Article V., he had
presented the doctrine of divine sovereignty in the
clause, " Where and when it seems good to God."
In Article XVIII. he had asserted the essential
freedom of the Will in the declaration that " the
human will has a certain freedom for doing civil
righteousness and for choosing such things as belong
to reason." In the Commentary on Romans (1532),
to the " scruple of particularity," he " opposes the
1 Galle's Charakterisiik Melanchthons, p. 274.

1536] Melanchthon's Theology 235
universal promises of the Gospel, which teach that
God for Christ's sake, and out of grace, offers salva
tion to all." He further says that " we must judge
of the will of God and of election, not from reason,
nor from the law, but from the Gospel." He ex
pressly places the cause of reprobation in unwill
ingness to believe the Gospel.1 Thus Melanchthon
was the first among the Reformers to depart from
the Augustinian particularity, and to bring out the
doctrine of the universality of the offer of salvation,
and to direct the attention of men primarily to the
redemption through Christ as a fact, and not prim
arily to the secret decree of God : " The Church does
not depend on human counsel, nor on human vir
tues ; but God in Christ has loved and chosen those
who are to be saved," that is, those who believe
the Gospel. Already, in 1531, he had reached essen
tially the same position, when he wrote to Brentz :
" You imagine that men are justified by faith, because
by faith we accept the Holy Spirit and afterwards are
justified by the fulfilling of the law, which is effected by
the Holy Spirit. This supposition places righteousness
in our work, in our purity or perfection, albeit such per
fection ought to follow faith. But turn your eyes wholly
from renovation and the law to the promise and to
Christ, and know that we are justified on account of
Christ, that is, that we are accepted before God and
find peace of conscience not on account of that renova
tion. Such renovation is not sufficient. We are justi
fied by faith alone, not because it is the root, as you

>C. R., 15: 680-686

236 Philip Melanchthon [r497-
write, but because it lays hold of Christ, on account of
whom we are accepted." '
In this particular, viz., that justification precedes
regeneration and prepares the way for it, the Lu
theran Church has followed Melanchthon, as shown
especially in the Form of Concord of 1580.
In the Locus De Pradestinatione he exhibits the
doctrine of the universality of the offer of redemp
tion with greater fulness. He says again: " Mercy
is the cause of election " ; and he declares that no
one can seek the cause of election outside the Gos
pel without erring: " Hence let us not permit our
selves to be turned from the Gospel, but let us
utterly reject other fancies." In writing of Free
Will and Predestination, he insists that men must
hear the Gospel, must apply the promise by faith,
and each one must include himself in the universal
promise by which the Holy Ghost operates. " God
draws man, but he draws only him who is willing."
In the Commentary on Romans he had said (p.
680): "It is not of him that willeth or runneth, but
of God that showeth mercy; that is, mercy is the
cause of election. It is not of us to will, or to run,
and yet these things take place in the will, and in
him that runneth and resisteth not."
This teaching of Melanchthon's has been called
Synergism, and has been the subject of much dis
pute in the Lutheran Church. Some of the state
ments, taken in isolation from the full treatment of
which they form a part, may be open to objection;
1 C. R., 2 ¦. 501.

1536] Melanchthon's Theology 237
but, considered in their proper relations, the teach
ing is believed to be in accord with the plain import
of the Scriptures, and with the common Christian
experience. According to Melanchthon, God calls;
the Spirit works through the Word; the Will be
comes active under the influence of grace and of
divine truth. Then it accepts or rejects the offer
of salvation. It has no self-moved activity in spirit
ual things. Of itself it can work no spiritual right
eousness; it can contribute nothing to justification;
it cannot bring forth faith. Faith occurs when man
hears the Word of God, and when God moves and
inclines him to believe. Without the Word there
is no contact of the Spirit. Thus Free Will is simply
the power to resist the Will's own infirmity and to
accept the offer of grace when assisted by the higher
powers. Its subordination to the Spirit and to the
Word is always presupposed. Of the three concur
ring causes, the Will is placed third, and becomes a
cause only when preceded and quickened into activ
ity by the other two.
Thus Melanchthon is as far from Pelagianism on
the one hand as he is from Determinism on the
other. He preserves the golden mean. Over against
Luther's one-sided emphasis of the love of God, and
Calvin's doctrine of irresistible grace, Melanchthon
maintains and conserves the responsibility of man.
He thus imparts an ethical quality to the Lutheran
theology, such as otherwise it had not had. The
moral personality is insisted on, and is made respons
ible for the use of the means of grace, for the ap
propriation of salvation, and for righteous living.

238 Philip Melanchthon [H97-
It is the conclusion of the most competent judges
that at this point even the Form of Concord adheres
to Melanchthon's fundamental tendency; and " the
later expounders of the Form of Concord, notwith
standing their aspersions of Melanchthon, have
simply adopted his conception of the way of salva
tion in order to save their own ordo salutis at its
most critical point from the inconsistence and ab
surdity of pure accident." ' Moreover, some of the
ablest modern Lutherans, Thomasius, Stahl, Har-
less, Hofmann, Kahnis, and Luthardt, have more or
less followed the course taken by Melanchthon, and
have developed the Lutheran doctrine of the Will
and of Predestination away from the position taken
by Luther in De Servo Arbitrio, and never renounced
by him. Indeed the proposition that God loves
and elects man in Christ, and not by an absolute
beneplacitum, has become classic in the Lutheran
Church. 2. Good Works. In these Loci Melanchthon sets
out the doctrine of Justification with great clearness.
He gives Justification its forensic sense, as meaning
" to absolve, or to pronounce just." Faith is
described as " confidence in mercy promised for
Christ's sake." " It includes the knowledge of the
history of Christ as the Son of God and a habit or
action of the will' which accepts the promise of
Christ and reposes in Christ."
Thus every thought of the merit or of the right
eousness of works is excluded. Justification is named
¦See Dorner, Hist. Prot. Thiol., i., 218; Herrlinger's Melanch
thon's Theologie, 95.

1536] Melanchthon's Theology 239
a gratuita acceptatio for Christ's sake. But in Mel
anchthon's conception, faith in its essential quality
is far from being an intellectual apprehension ; much
rather is it a moral quality which regenerates the
heart and controls the will. In the Apology he
had said that " faith is a new light in the heart, an
energetic operation of the Holy Spirit by which we
are regenerated." The justified person must there
fore be looked upon as a regenerated person. Before
Justification, faith accepts gifts of grace; after Justi
fication, it works righteousness. In the Loci he says :
" Our obedience, that is, the righteousness of a good
conscience, or of works which God enjoins upon us,
ought of necessity to follow reconciliation." He
further says, " We are justified that we may live a
new spiritual life." The relation of good works to
Justification is that of effect to cause. Where they
do not exist, faith is not a living apprehension of
Christ. He continues: " Whom He justifies, the
same also He glorifies. Hence eternal life is not
given on account of the merit of good works, but
freely on account of Christ. And yet good works
are thus necessary to eternal life, because they ought
necessarily to follow reconciliation."
The good works that are required are " spiritual
affections, the fear of God, trust, worship, love, and
the like." These are acceptable to God, " not be
cause they satisfy the law, but because already the
persons are acceptable." It is evident that there is
neither Pelagianism, nor Antinomianism in such a
doctrine of Good Works. In no sense does it sub
stitute human righteousness for the righteousness of

240 Philip Melanchthon [1497-
Christ; neither does it abolish the law of the Ten
Commandments, nor encourage an idle or dissolute
life under false notions of Christian liberty.
In his Commentary on the Gospel of John, writ
ten for the use of Cruciger in his lectures, Melanch
thon had said that in Justification good works are a
causa sine qua non. This clause was injudiciously
employed by Cruciger, and, at the instance of one
Conrad Cordatus, it brought on controversy. But
Melanchthon declared that it meant only that " new
spirituality is necessary to eternal life," and he
affirmed his full agreement with Luther. To Jonas
he wrote that Christ is the cause of Justification,
but that we must have contrition, and must comfort
our consciences by the Word, in order that we may
receive faith. It is evident that he wished to clear
the doctrine of Justification from the false notion
that a mere dead historical faith justifies. He
meant to say that where there is no repentance and
no Christian living, there is no Justification. The
sine qua non is intended to signify the close and
living connection between faith and sanctification.
Good works are necessary to eternal life, or to salva
tion, as the fruit of faith. In after years, however,
in order to avoid giving offence to an age which was
justly suspicious of the very words Good Works,
Melanchthon exchanged the formula, " Good works
are necessary to eternal life," for " Good works are
necessary " ; and to this formula he adhered.
3. The Number of Sacraments. Melanchthon de
fines Sacraments as ceremonies or rites appointed
in the Gospel, and having reference to the remission

1536] Melanchthon's Theology 241
of sins. Thus defined, he names Baptism, the
Lord's Supper, and Absolution, Sacraments. " For
these rites are appointed in the Gospel, and are em
ployed to signify the promise that is peculiar to the
Gospel. We are baptised that we may believe that
our sins are forgiven. The Lord's Supper and Ab
solution admonish us to believe that our sins are
surely forgiven." In the Apology, Melanchthon
had declared that Absolution is a true Sacrament,
and there can scarcely be a doubt that he meant to
assign it the same dignity in the Augsburg Confes
sion. Here he calls confession an ecclesiastical rite ;
says it is not necessary, and that an enumeration of
sins rests upon no divine command. In the Lutheran
Church, Absolution is not reckoned among the Sac
raments, nor put in a category with Baptism and the
Lord's Supper. This Church never has required an
enumeration of sins, and Private Confession has
fallen into desuetude.
4. Infant Baptism. Melanchthon puts the argu
ment for Infant Baptism in the following syllogistic
form: " It is certain that the Kingdom of God and the pro
mise of salvation appertain to children. But there is no
salvation outside the Church where there is no Word and
no Sacrament. Therefore children must be united to
the Church, and the sign must be applied which testifies
that to them appertains the promise."
The major premise is established by numerous
passages from the New Testament and by the law of
16

242 Philip Melanchthon O497-
circumcision. The minor is supported chiefly by the
fact that the Church is the Kingdom of Christ, in
which Christ operates through the Word and the
Sacraments. There can be no Church without
the Sacraments and the Word. He also quotes the
Mosaic law, that the soul of every uncircumcised
male shall be cut off from the people. The conclu
sion is that infants are to be baptised, and that by
receiving the sign they become members of the
Church, and God bestows upon them the promise.
In opposition to the Anabaptist doctrine that in
fants cannot believe, he instances the fact that unbe
lief did not exclude them from the Mosaic covenant.
He does not even intimate that infants can have
faith. Nor has infant faith at any time been con
fessional in the Lutheran Church. The conclusion
involved in Melanchthon's minor premise was fully
accepted at Wittenberg, namely, that there is no
salvation for the children of Jews and heathen,1 — a
harsh judgment which the Lutheran Church does
not approve.
5. The Lord' s Supper. On no other subject did
Melanchthon bestow so much thought and investiga
tion as on that of the Lord's Supper. As proof of this
we reproduce a few quotations that have already ap
peared in this book. In 1537, he wrote, " For ten
years neither day nor night has passed in which I
have not reflected on this subject " 2 ; and in 1529, he
wrote to the Reutlingen pastors, " Not without the
greatest struggles have I reached the conclusion that
1 C. R., io : 688.
'C.R.,3: 537.

1536] Melanchthon's Theology 243
Christ is truly present." l He also said, " I would
rather die than affirm with the Zwinglians that the
body of Christ can be in only one place. " * At Augs
burg he believed that he had expressed Luther's doc
trine of the Lord's Supper in the tenth article of the
Confession3; and he had already said that " Luther's
doctrine is very old in the Church, and a good man
will not rashly depart from the teaching of the
ancients."* But when CEcolampadius, in his Dia
logue on the Teaching of the Ancients (1530), showed
that some of the passages from the Fathers relied on
by Melanchthon were spurious, the faith of the latter
in the correctness of some of his own representations
was shaken. To Brentz he wrote, January 12, 1535 :
' ' I am not willing to be the author or defender of a
new dogma in the Church. I see that there are many
passages of the ancients which certainly explain the mys
tery [sacrament] figuratively. There are also opposing
passages, perhaps later, or spurious. We must be care
ful not to oppose the doctrine of the ancients. ' ' *
In this same letter he affirms " the true presence
of Christ in the Supper," but he constantly refrains
from defining the mode of the presence, and refers
it to the will and to the institution of Christ. At
Marburg, in 1529, he modified Luther's doctrine of
oral manducation. In 1531 he forsook the theory
of Ubiquity. He did not place either of them in
the Confession, or in the Apology. A little later the
1 C. R., 1 : 1106. * C. R., 1 : 823, 830.
¦'C.R., 2: 25. iC.R., 2: 824.
3 C. R., 2 : 142.

244 Philip Melanchthon O497-
inpane (in the bread) was also given up. Since 1538,
he seems to have surrendered the literal signification
of iffti (is) in the words of institution, but without
surrendering the doctrine of the real presence. The
connection, whether physical or metaphysical, of
the body and blood of Christ with the material ele
ments, and the presence of the body of Christ in the
bread, both so much emphasised by Luther in con
troversy, drop into the background with Melanch
thon in view of the religious and ethical significance
of the Supper. He regards the Eucharist more as a
pledge, a mystery, a communion with the entire
Christ, a salutary impartation of the God-man to
the believing human soul, a thanksgiving by which
we give thanks for the remission of sins. " Whence
it occurs that Christ is in us not only by love, but
also by natural participation, that is, not only by
efficacy, but also by substance." ' Thus with Mel
anchthon, the religious significance of the Supper is
more important than the metaphysics of Dogma.
By joining the words of Paul (1 Cor. x. 16) with the
words of institution, Melanchthon sees in the Sacra
ment a fellowship with the body and blood of Christ ;
and by associating the Sacrament directly with the
forgiveness of sins, he preserves the true Lutheran
type of doctrine, for with Luther, as with Melanch
thon, the chief moment in the Sacrament is the as
surance of the forgiveness of sins. The Sacrament
is the application and appropriation of redemption.
All hangs on the words, " Given and shed for you
for the remission of sins." Even the presence of
1 c. R., 21 : 863.

J536] Melanchthon's Theology 245
the body and blood of Christ is entirely subordinate
to these words. The heavenly gifts are but the
sign and seals of the promise contained in these
words. This position Melanchthon maintained with
unyielding firmness, though in definitions, and in
matters of form, he deviated from Luther. But the
latter regarded the deviations of such small import
ance that he never called Melanchthon to account,
nor uttered one word of disapprobation that has
come down to us. Even when an Opinion of Mel
anchthon's " that under tyrants a person may use
the sacrament with only one kind, ' ' had been treach
erously divulged by Jacob Schenk, to whom it was
given in confidence, and had excited some suspicion
at the Electoral Court, and had led to inquiry,
Luther simply said, " I will share my heart with
Philip ; I will pray for him. ' ' 1 Would to God that
the same spirit of charity had always and everywhere
prevailed in the Lutheran Church !
Moreover, Melanchthon always believed himself
to be in harmony with Luther in the matter of
the Supper ; and well he might, since the latter, in
1525, had sanctioned the highly ideal and virtual
presence of the body and blood, as it had been
stated by Brentz and others in the Swabian Syn-
gramma.' Nowhere, perhaps, has the religious significance
of the Supper been set forth more correctly in har
mony with that which is central in the Lutheran
doctrine than in the Loci of 1535 :
'C.R., 3: 428.
! JCostlin's Luther's TheoUgie, ii., 147; English Trans., ii., 105.

246 Philip Melanchthon [1497-
" This cup is the New Testament, that is, the witness
of the new promise. The sum of the Gospel or promise
in these words is, This is my body which is given for
you. Also: Which is shed for you for the remission of
sins. Therefore the principal purpose of this ceremony
is to testify that the things promised in the Gospel, remis
sion of sins and Justification on account of Christ, are
presented. As the chief thing we should consider that
the sacrament is a sign of grace, that this Supper is a
sign of the New Testament. But what is the New
Testament ? Certainly it is the promise of the remission
of sins and of reconciliation on account of Christ. Also
this ceremony profits when we add faith, that is, believe
that these promises belong to us, and that this sign is
presented to our eyes and mind, to incite us to faith and
to quicken the faith in us. For Christ testifies that his
benefits belong to us when he gives us his body, and
makes us his members, than which no closer union can
be conceived. Likewise he testifies that he is active in
us, because he is life. He gives blood to testify that he
washes us. When we see these things done in that most
Holy Supper, we ought to have faith. ' '
In these views Melanchthon persisted to the end.
As in 1527 he wrote, " The bread which we break is
a communication of the body of Christ, not a com
munication of the spirit of Christ," 1 so in the last
edition of his Loci in 1559 he wrote:
' ' This do in remembrance of me. It is not an empty
spectacle, but Christ is truly present through the ministry
giving his body and blood to him that eats. So also say
the ancient writers. Cyril on John says: We must not
1 C R., 26 : 19.

r536] Melanchthon's Theology 247
think that Christ is present in us by love only, but also
by natural participation ; that is, he is present not only
in efficacy but also in substance." '
A few persons of narrow and partisan spirit tried
to excite Luther against Melanchthon in view of the
changes made in the Loci. But in this they utterly
failed. Luther spoke kindly and sympathetically to
Melanchthon about the criticisms. He knew too
well how to distinguish between the form and the
substance, not to perceive that Melanchthon had
preserved and expressed the full truth of the Gospel.
When the Elector read the German translation of
the new Loci, he complained to Luther that the
article on Justification was too meagre. There is
no record of Luther's answer, but about this time
he said to the students :
" Read Philip's Loci next to the Bible. In this most
beautiful book the pure theology is stated in a quiet and
orderly way. Augustine, Bernard, Bonaventura, Lyra,
Gabriel Biel, Staupitz, and others have much that is
good; but our Master Philip can explain the Scriptures
and present their meaning in brief compass. By reason
of affliction he has learned to pray, and he has disputed
with the greatest and most learned opponents." J
This is high praise from a high authority, and
ought to silence forever the clamours that have been
raised against Melanchthon because he did not choose
always to express his conceptions of divine truth in
'C. R., 21: 863.
' Matthesius, Twelfth Sermon.

248 Philip Melanchthon [1497-
the formulas of Luther. If the great Luther could
magnify Melanchthon's work, there ought to be only
one opinion in regard to the small men who try to
belittle it ; and as for the complaint of the Elector,
that was only a passing scruple. He remained faith
ful to the estimate of Melanchthon which he had
formed when on the fifth of May, 1536, he added a
hundred florins to his and to Luther's salary, saying:
" In these times the merciful God has published his
holy Word through the work of the Reverend Doctor Mar
tin Luther for the comfort and salvation of men ; and in
connection with the other arts, particularly by the lan
guages, through the special distinguished skill and dili
gence of the highly learned Philip Melanchthon, the true
Christian knowledge of the Holy Scriptures has been
advanced." 1
And, what is more important, Luther placed what
may be called his testamentary seal on Melanch
thon's Loci, and thus bequeathed it to posterity with
his blessing and benediction : In the Preface to the
first edition of his own works, he extols " Philip's
Loci Communes " above all other books of system
atic divinity, and wishes that his own books might
be buried in oblivion in order to make place for
those that are better ; and says finally :
" Philip Melanchthon was called hither by Prince
Frederick to teach Greek, but beyond doubt that I might
have a companion in the work of theology. What God
has wrought through this organon, not only in letters,
1 Seckendorf, iii., 142.

1536] Melanchthon's Theology 249
but in theology, his own works sufficiently testify, though
Satan and his rabble rage."
This was written in full view of the fact that in
the edition of 1543 Melanchthon had still further
changed the Loci, and had declared therein that
" Free will in man is the power by which he applies
himself to grace." It would seem that the more
Melanchthon revised the Loci, incorporating into it
the acquisitions of study, and adapting it to new
conditions, the better Luther liked it and the more
loudly he praised it.1
1 Volume 21 of C R. contains the Loci in its different forms.

CHAPTER XX
THE WITTENBERG CONCORD
Melanchthon and Bucer at Cassel — Oberlanders Come to Wittenberg
— Articles of Union — Internal Feuds.
SOON after the Diet of Augsburg in 1530, the
theologians of Upper Germany began to ap
proach the Lutheran position on the doctrine of the
Lord's Supper. The most active mediator of union
was Martin Bucer of Strassburg. He prepared a
formula in which he confessed that Christ is truly
and essentially present in the Sacrament. Luther
declared himself satisfied, " provided Bucer means
it as the words sound." Melanchthon regarded it
as a great thing that Bucer had confessed the true
and substantial presence, and " seized the oppor
tunity to unite the Church, and to harmonise dis
tracting views." J As the Landgrave of Hesse had
been and still was an ardent advocate of union,
Melanchthon wrote him begging him to take the
work of concord in hand, and promised to do all in
lC.R.,2: 787. 250

1537] The Wittenberg Concord 251
his power to bring about Christian unity, ' ' since in
other articles there is no dissent." 1
On the twenty-seventh of December, 1534, Bucer
and Melanchthon, upon invitation of the Landgrave,
met at Cassel to prepare a basis of agreement. The
latter, that he might not appear wholly in his own
name, requested an Instruction from Luther. This
was given in language which brought out Luther's
doctrine with a crassness that had not been before
exhibited. He says: " Our doctrine is, that in the
bread or with the bread, the body of Christ is really
eaten, so that all the motions and actions that are at
tributed to the bread, are attributed also to the body of
Christ, so that the body is truly broken, eaten, and torn
with the teeth." * He goes on to say that there is
no middle ground, that it were better that each
party should abide by its own opinion than that oc
casion should be given for new disputes. Writing
of the Instruction to Jonas, December 16, 1534, he
says, " I cannot recede from my position though
the heavens should fall and bury me beneath their
ruins. " 3 Of course Melanchthon could not approve
such a formula, and hence he afterwards declared
that he went to Cassel " as the bearer of another's,
not of his own view." *
There could be no approximation on the basis of
Luther's Instruction ; but the two conferees agreed
on and signed the following statement :

^C.R.,2: 787.
* Seckendorf, iii., 8, xxviii.
3De W., 4: 569.
*C. R., 2: 822.

252 Philip Melanchthon [J497-
" That the body of Christ is really and truly received,
when we receive the Sacrament; and bread and wine are
signs, signa exhibitiva, which being given and received the
body of Christ is at the same time given and received;
and we hold that the bread and body are together, not
by a mixing of their substances, but as a sacrament, and
are given with the sacrament. As both parties hold that
bread and wine remain, they hold that there is a sacra
mental conjunction." '
When Luther read the agreement he was delighted
with it, and announced that union was virtually ac
complished.3 That the other theologians might not
have occasion for " protest or offence," Melanchthon
acquainted them with the proposed formula, and
solicited their opinions. For the most part the
opinions returned were favourable. Everything now
seemed propitious for union. Melanchthon declared,
" Could I purchase union by my death, gladly would
I give my life," ' and Luther wrote that he would
do all in his power to strengthen and maintain con
cord.4 At Bucer's suggestion, it was soon arranged
to hold a meeting of the Oberlanders and Witten-
bergers at Eisenach, May 14, 1536. But because of
Luther's indisposition, the place of meeting was
changed to Grimma, the time to May 21st. The
Oberlanders coming to Grimma and learning that
Luther was still indisposed, decided to press on to
Wittenberg. Melanchthon and Cruciger went to
1 c. R., 2 : 808.
2De W.,4: 588.
3 C. R., 2 : 837.
4De W., 4: 612,

'537] The Wittenberg Concord 253
meet them, and gave them a formal invitation.
Sunday, May 21st, at three o'clock P.M., they en
tered the university town on the Elbe. The next
day the colloquy began. Luther insisted that
Bucer and his associates should renounce their
earlier teaching, and should confess the real pre
sence of Christ in the Eucharist, independently of
the faith of the recipient, and own that the body
and blood are received by worthy and by unworthy
communicants. When this was assented to by
the Oberlanders, except that they made a distinc
tion between reception by the unworthy and by
the wicked, denying the latter, Luther expressed
himself satisfied, and declared :
" We have now heard your answer and confession,
viz., that you believe and teach, that in the Lord's
Supper the true body and true blood of Christ are given
and received, and not alone bread and wine: also, that
this giving and receiving take place truly and not in
imagination. Although you take offence in regard to the
wicked, yet you confess with St. Paul that the unworthy
receive the Lord's body, where the institution and word
of the Lord are not perverted ;— about this we will not
contend. Hence, as you are thus minded, we are one,
and we acknowledge and receive you as our dear brethren
in the Lord." '
It was a great moment. Bucer and Capito shed
tears, and the hand of brotherly recognition was
given and received. Melanchthon, who of late had
not been sanguine of good results, and during the
1 Kostlin's Martin Luther, ii., 349.

254 Philip Melanchthon [wr-
colloquy had been active chiefly in averting passion
ate disputes, was now commissioned to draw up a
form of concord. While he was employed at this
the two parties discussed Baptism, Private Confes
sion, and Absolution, and reached satisfactory con
clusions. Bugenhagen, Menius, Myconius, Alber,
Bucer, and Luther preached, and all went to the
communion. The Oberlanders were especially
pleased to see that the Wittenberg ministers offici
ated with perfect indifference either in civil or in
priestly attire. They were offended by the presence
of pictures and candles, and by the elevation of the
elements ; but were quieted when informed by Bu
genhagen that some things were retained out of
regard for the weak, and that he often officiated
without candles, or clerical attire, or the elevation.
He also told them that the elevation ought to be
abolished. A few years later it was abolished,
through the influence of Melanchthon.
On Friday morning Melanchthon laid the pro
posed Articles of Concord ' before the Oberlanders.
In the afternoon the parties met and discussed the
matter of extending the concord to wider circles.
Monday, the 29th, the articles on the Lord's Sup
per were subscribed by twenty-one persons. These
articles deny transubstantiation, the local inclusion
of the body of Christ in the bread, or the lasting
union without the use, as when it is laid by in the
pyx or displayed in processions. They affirm " that
with the bread and wine the body and blood of
Christ are truly and substantially present, presented,
1 C. R., 3 : 75. Translated in Jacobs' Book of Concord, ii., 254.

WITTENBERG IN 1546.

^37] The Wittenberg Concord 255
and received." They close by saying that "all
profess that in all articles they want to hold and
teach according to the Confession and Apology of
the princes professing the Gospel."
The articles on the Lord's Supper are followed by
an article on Infant Baptism, and one on Absolution.
It is held that infants ought to be baptised, since to
them pertains the promise of salvation, and " since it
does not pertain to those who are outside the Church.
God works new and holy movements in infants,
without which they cannot be saved ; though we
must not imagine that infants understand." A de
sire is expressed that private absolution be retained
for disciplinary ends, " so that the inexperienced
may be instructed."
The Wittenberg Concord, as it is known in history,
failed to effect a lasting union ; but it remains as one
of Melanchthon's most useful writings, and as a
lasting monument of an honest effort on both sides
to close the chasm between the forces of the Re
formation, which, alas ! yawns to this day. Luther
begged that both sides might bury the past and roll
a stone on it. But Melanchthon wrote that the
difference was so great that what had just been done
would only stir up reprehension.1 In this he was
not wholly mistaken. The Swiss were displeased
with Bucer's concessions; the Nurembergers were
dissatisfied that Bucer would not confess the pre
sence of Christ even apart from the use of the
Eucharist, and Amsdorf thought that a formal
recantation should have been required of Bucer.
1 C. R., 3 : 81.

256 Philip Melanchthon [1497-
With all his efforts to make peace, Melanchthon
was not allowed to enjoy it.
In July of this year (1536) he sought and obtained
permission from the Elector to visit his brother at
Bretten, and Camerarius at Tubingen. Evil tongues
circulated the report that Philip had quarrelled with
Luther and his other colleagues, and would not re
turn to Wittenberg. Others said that even should
he return, all harmony was at an end, because of
Melanchthon's erroneous teaching.1 From Nurem
berg Melanchthon wrote a letter to his colleagues in
which he courts investigation, and declares that he
had only sought to explain what they had taught.
The letter is couched in lofty terms of righteous in
dignation, and closes by saying :
" Never have I meant to sever my teaching from yours,
but if I am to be loaded with the suspicions and calum
nies of certain men, and must be in dread of alienations,
I would rather go to the ends of the earth. I complain
of these things to you rather than to others. I am un
willing to be the cause of any dissidence between us.
Heartily do I love and cherish each one. Also I am de
voted to the public welfare. If my labours and a fair
amount of diligence in every duty do not witness for
this, then in vain do I cry out in this matter. But I
hope you thoroughly understand me. I have never re
fused admonition and friendly conference. Each one
has his own gift. I have taken nothing upon myself, nor
have I ever wished to offer anything new. I have read
your writings and to the extent of my ability, I have
wished to expound them in the most simple manner." *
1 Camerarius, 163.
'C.R., 3: 180.

J537] The Wittenberg Concord 257
This manly speech had the desired effect. When
Melanchthon returned to Wittenberg, November
5th, he found his colleagues wholly on his side, and
indignant at the fomenters of discord.' No further
notice was taken of the matter at Wittenberg.
But scarcely had Melanchthon time to forget the
strife with Cordatus about Good Works before he was
brought under suspicion again. Jacob Schenk, a
Freiberg preacher, inquired whether it were permis
sible under stringent circumstances to administer
the communion with one element. Melanchthon
answered that, to avoid offence, in the case of those
not sufficiently instructed, it might be done. The
answer did not please Schenk, and so he sent Mel
anchthon's letter to the Elector, who requested
Luther and Bugenhagen to inquire into the matter.
It was on this occasion that Luther said, " I will
share my heart with Philip. I will pray for him."
Melanchthon called Schenk the Freiberg sycophant.
Amsdorf, the passionate Magdeburg preacher, had
long striven to excite Luther against Melanchthon ;
and now when, in 1537, Cardinal Sadolet, a mild
and learned Catholic, wrote Melanchthon a letter
praising his moderation, and when a little later a
letter of Sadolet's complaining of Luther's violence
was printed and circulated at Wittenberg, Luther
grew suspicious, and others called Melanchthon a
deserter. But when Luther learned that Melanch
thon had not answered the Cardinal's letter, he be
came convinced that the Catholics were only courting
Philip to win him over, and he exclaimed sarcasti
cally : " If Philip would consent, they would readily

25§ Philip Melanchthon tusi-
make him a Cardinal and let him keep his wife and
children." He knew well that Melanchthon would
never consent. It was about this time also that
Melanchthon came into unfriendly relations with the
learned but contentious Osiander of Nuremberg on
the subjects of Private Absolution and Original Sin.
Osiander wished to retain Private Absolution to the
exclusion of the General Absolution, and had also
declared that Original Sin is a part of the soul. Mel
anchthon wished to retain both kinds of Absolution,
and named Original Sin a corruption of all the
powers of the soul. He communicated some pro
positions to Osiander on the subject of sin, but the
latter only replied in an unfriendly and insulting
manner. There was no open controversy, but
Osiander became one of Melanchthon's most bitter
enemies. In the year 1537, Luther had a controversy with
Agricola, who declared that Moses should be hanged,
and that the Law should be relegated to the Court -
House. Luther called him an Antinomian, and
powerfully refuted him in several Disputations.
Melanchthon at length restored peace between
them ; but Agricola remained hostile to the Witten-
bergers, and especially to Melanchthon.
These controversies were so purely of a personal
nature that they awoke no serious opposition to
Luther or Melanchthon and utterly failed to alienate
these two great men.1
1 Amsdorf seems to have been the most active in creating in the
mind of Luther suspicions of Melanchthon. AlsoyvvainorvpavvtS,
as Cruciger writes, sometimes stood in the way of the most frank and
confidential intercourse between the two Reformers. — C. R., 3 : 398.

BVCCER- HAT -VIEL" GUTEN; VN- GLERTf
ENGEt-ANT- HAT- ER- /B/CH • BEKERT
DAR- IST-BEGR. ABENACH - SEIM - £ NET
AVCH - WIDR- /ft/TOR ABE-N - VN - VERBREJXT
ABER- DIE- KONGIN - LOBE SAN -
HAT- DIE- ASCH' EHRLICH'JBSTATTEN-LAN

DR. MARTIN BUGER.

1537] The Wittenberg Concord 259
Indeed on the subject of Good Works, Luther so
decidedly approximated to the position of Melanch
thon, that the latter in sending a copy of Luther's
discourse on the subject to Veit Dietrich, says:
" Luther discourses eloquently on the subject which
I defended, and on account of which I have been
abused by ignorant men." x
'C. R., 3: 427.

CHAPTER XXI
MELANCHTHON'S WILL
Schmalkald Convention — Melanchthon's Subscription and Appendix
to the Schmalkald Articles — Frankfort Convention— Calvin —
Melanchthon Plans the Reorganisation of the Leipzig University
— Melanchthon's Will.
JUNE 2, 1536, Pope Paul III. announced a coun
cil to be opened at Mantua, May 23d of the
following year. The Protestant Estates now called
a convention to be held at Schmalkald, February
7th, and the Elector instructed Luther and the rest
of the theologians to revise the articles of faith and
to report to him before January 25th. Instead of
revising the Confession, Luther prepared new articles
of faith, which, after having been approved and
subscribed by his colleagues and some neighbouring
theologians, were sent to the Elector, January 3d.1
The series is divided into three parts. Part I. states
briefly the doctrines of the Trinity and of the Per
son of Christ. Part II. discusses the Office and
Work of Christ. Part III. contains the articles on
which the Protestants were willing to treat with
'DxW., 5: 46. 260

1539] Melanchthon's Will 261
learned and prudent men. These Articles, because
they were laid before the convention at Schmalkald
in February, 1537, are known as the Schmalkald
Articles. They are the most positive and antipapal
of all the Lutheran Confessions, and are in effect a
declaration of war against Rome. Melanchthon,
influenced by his love of peace, and by his prefer
ence for a Church government independent of the
State, subscribed with the following qualifications :
" I, Philip Melanchthon, regard the foregoing articles
as right and Christian. But of the Pope I hold that if
he will permit the Gospel, the government of the bishops
which he now has from others, may be jure humano
also conceded to him by us, for the sake of peace and
the common tranquillity of those Christians who are, or
may hereafter be under him."
At Schmalkald these articles were subscribed by
many other theologians, but not by the princes, in
asmuch as they had decided to decline the Pope's
offer of a council, because the proposed council was
not to be held in Germany, " would not be a free
council," and " appealed the entire matter to the
arbitrament of the Pope." '
While the princes were deliberating on the politi
cal aspects of the situation, Melanchthon composed
an Appendix to the Articles, the object of which
was to set forth the position of the evangelical party
in regard to the Papacy.
This Appendix is a most learned refutation of the
claims of the Papacy touching the divine right of its
1 C. R., 2 : 1018-1022.

262 Philip Melanchthon Co
existence and of its supremacy over the bishops.
In this document Melanchthon considers the Papacy
as it was at that time, and not ideally and according
to its original intention, as he had conceived of it
in his qualified subscription to the Articles. Hence
there is no contradiction between his actions. Even
the Articles had conceded to the bishops the right
jure humano of governing the Church and of or
daining preachers, on condition that " they would
faithfully discharge their office." The Appendix
is in every way in harmony with the Articles, and
with the sentiment that prevailed generally among
the Protestants on the subject of which it treats.
In learning, moderation, firmness, dialectic skill,
and fidelity to evangelical principles, it is not sur
passed by anything that ever came from its author.
Indeed he alone of all the theologians assembled at
Schmalkald had the necessary qualifications to com
pose such a tractate, and thus to render such a
signal service to the State and to the Church, by
exposing the unfounded assumptions of the hier
archy, and by vindicating the right of the churches
" to ordain for themselves pastors and other church
officers." The Appendix was signed by no less
than thirty-four ministers and theologians in the
Recess of the Convention. For a time it had higher
authority than the Articles themselves, inasmuch as
it had in view the new relations in which the princes
and Estates had placed themselves by declining the
offer of a general council.
After that Melanchthon, at the instance of the
Estates, had composed several other treatises, and

1539] Melanchthon's Will 263
with the other theologians had commended to the
princes a better administration of the Church pro
perty, he left Schmalkald, March 6th, and on the
14th was at home in Wittenberg.
The resolution of the princes at Schmalkald to
decline the papal offer of a council aggravated the
already greatly strained relations between them
selves and the Catholic princes. The latter, desiring
to strengthen the Papacy, met at Nuremberg, and
on June 10, 1538, formed the Holy League. Two
leagues now stood in hostile attitude toward each
other ; and though they both claimed to exist purely
for defence, yet so great was their mutual distrust,
that war appeared imminent. Philip of Hesse act
ually counselled war; but the Electors, Joachim of
Brandenburg, and Louis of the Palatinate, offered
themselves as mediators, and proposed a council at
Frankfort, to which an imperial ambassador might
come. The proposition was accepted, and February
1, 1539, Melanchthon set out with his Elector to
Frankfort. The convention resulted in a truce,
April 19, 1539, the terms of which bound both sides
to keep the peace for fifteen months.
At Frankfort, Melanchthon wrote several import
ant Opinions on subjects of current interest, and
addressed letters to influential princes and scholars.
The letter to Henry VIII. of England, dated March
26, 1539, was well calculated to produce a good
effect on the mind of that monarch. After alluding
to Henry's " heroic virtues," he says:
" I commend to Your Majesty the public cause of the
Christian religion, for Your Majesty knows that the chief

264 Philip Melanchthon Co-
duty of great princes is to promote and defend the
heavenly doctrine. For this reason God associates them
with himself in ruling. I am desirous, as I have often
previously written, that agreement in the pure doctrine
should be established in all those Churches which con
demn the tyranny and wickedness of the Roman Bishop.
Such agreement would show forth the glory of God, and
would serve to attract other nations, and to prolong the
peace of the churches. ' ' 1
This letter adds another proof of the determination
of the Reformers to make agreement in doctrine the
first condition of their religious alliances.
At Frankfort Melanchthon made the personal ac
quaintance of Jacob Sturm and John Calvin. He
here contracted a friendship with the latter which
was broken only by death. Calvin has given a lively
account of the Frankfort Convention, and of certain
conversations held with Melanchthon. These con
versations related principally to church union and to
matters of discipline. Melanchthon is reported as
assenting to certain articles prepared by Calvin, as
having deplored the obstinacy and despotism of cert
ain of his own party, and as having expressed the
wish that the Wittenberg Concord might last until
the Lord should lead both sides into the unity of
His own truth.3
The Truce of Frankfort, which required the con
tinued observance of the Peace of Nuremberg, was
altogether favourable to the Protestants ; and when
in the same year, April 17, 1539, Duke George died,

' C. R., 3 : 671.
* Bonnet's Calvin's Letters, i., 116 et seqg.

J539] Melanchthon's Will 265
and was succeeded by his brother Henry, all ducal
Saxony was opened to the Gospel.
Soon Melanchthon and other Wittenbergers were
called to Leipzig to begin the work of reform. Mel
anchthon was commissioned especially to regulate
the affairs of the university and to bring them into
harmony with the proposed new order. He recom
mended, among other things, that, " because the
monks and sophists still utter their calumnies and
will not cease," they be forbidden to preach, to
dispute, and to lecture. He proposed Nicholas
Amsdorf, John Hess, of Breslau, or, in case he could
not come, Alexander Alesius, a Scotchman, and
Bernhard Zeigler, as professors of theology. Cert
ain revenues from the cloisters were to be applied
to the university ; stipends for theological students
were to be established ; and the new professors were
to have a place and a vote in the counsels of the
university. His plans were adopted, and in a short
time, after some discussions between the new theo
logical professors and the Dominicans, the univer
sity came under Protestant control. During the
summer, Melanchthon visited the churches in parts
of the Dukedom and assisted in the formal introduc
tion of evangelical doctrine and worship. He found
many of the clergy ignorant and leading scandalous
lives. A little later in the same year he went to
Berlin to assist Joachim II. in introducing the Re
formation into his dominions. Cochlaeus attributes
the blame, as he calls it, of Joachim's conversion, to
Melanchthon. Be this as it may, we have a pleas
ing letter written by Melanchthon in the name of

266 Philip Melanchthon [1497-
the Elector to his father-in-law, Sigismund, King of
Poland, in which the last-named is informed that a
moderate reformation, free from fanaticism, is to be
introduced into Brandenburg.1
Melanchthon's letters of this year are of especial
interest. Not only do they contain an immense
amount of information touching current ecclesiasti
cal affairs, but they show his deep interest in the
work of the Reformation, his ardent yearning for
harmony among the Evangelicals, and his fixed de
termination " to hold on to the true consensus of
the Catholic Church of Christ, as it is exhibited
in the apostolic Scriptures, in the old canons, and
by the writers of recognised authority." '
Such is the language he puts in the mouth of
Joachim, and, no doubt, it is at the same time a
faithful reflection of his own mind. His attitude
toward the venerable institutions of the Church was
conservative, but it was always subordinated to
sound doctrine.
Melanchthon had now reached the climacteric year
of forty-two. His health had greatly declined. He
writes that he " is worn out with labours, sorrows,
and insomnia." Believing that death was near at
hand he made his last Will and Testament,3 which
he designed chiefly to be a confession of faith. As
this document exactly defines its author's theologi
cal position, and illustrates his method of study, and
shows the design with which from time to time He

1 C. R., 3: 789 et. seqq.
9 C. R., 3: 789 et seqq.
*£ R., 3: 825 etseq.

1539] Melanchthon's Will 267
changed the form of his writings, we present it in
full, as follows:
" In the name of God the Father, of the Son, and of
the Holy Spirit.
" It appears that the chief purpose for which at first
wills were made, was that fathers might leave to their
children a sure testimony of their views in regard to the
religious faith which they wished to have transmitted to
posterity, sealed, as it were, with the highest authority;
also that they might obligate their children to retain and
conserve the same views, as we see by the will of Jacob
and of David. Therefore also Christ in this manner
made his will. And because wills have contained ex
plicit, sure, and unchangeable views of inspired doctrine,
the magnitude of the matter has increased the authority
of wills. Wherefore also as a memorial to my children,
and to some friends, I have desired to begin my will by
reciting my confession, and by enjoining upon my child
ren, as becomes a father, the duty of abiding steadfastly
in the same views.
" In the first place, I return thanks to God the Father
of our Lord Jesus Christ who was crucified for us, the
Creator of all things, because he has called me to repent
ance and to the knowledge of the Gospel; and I pray
him for the sake of his Son, whom he wills to be a sacri
fice for us, to pardon all my sins, to receive, justify, hear
me, and to deliver me from eternal death. This I be
lieve truly he will do. For thus he has commanded us
to believe. And it is impiety to magnify our sins above
the death of the Son of God. This latter I magnify
above my sins. Moreover, I pray God for the sake of
his Son our Redeemer, by the Holy Spirit to increase in
me these beginnings of faith. I am indeed distressed by

268 Philip Melanchthon Co
rny sins, and by the scandals of others; but I magnify
the death of the Son of God, that grace may abound over
sin. " In the second place, I declare that I truly embrace
the Apostles' and the Nicene Creed; and in regard to
the entire Christian doctrine, I hold as I have written
in the Loci Communes, and in the last edition of the
Commentary on Romans, in which, article by article, I
have striven to say without ambiguity what I hold.
" In regard to the Lord's Supper I embrace the Form
of Concord [the Wittenberg Concord~\ which was made
here. Therefore I united myself with our churches, and
I declare that they profess the doctrine of the Catholic
Church of Christ, and that they truly are churches of
Christ. I also enjoin upon my children to abide in
our churches, and to flee the churches and society of
the Papists. For the Papists in many articles profess the
most corrupt doctrine: they are absolutely ignorant of the
doctrine of Justification by Faith, and of the Remission
of Sins; they teach nothing about the difference between
the law and the Gospel. In regard to the worship of
God they hold heathenish and Pharisaical notions. To
these errors they also add many others, besides manifest
idolatry in their Masses and in the worship of dead men.
Therefore I beseech my children on account of the com
mand of God to obey me in this matter and not to join
the Papists.
" And since I see that posterity is threatened with new
commotions of doctrines and of the Church, and that
there will probably be fanatical and trifling spirits who
will overthrow the articles of the Son of God and of the
Holy Spirit, I wish to warn mine to adhere to the views
which I have professed with the Catholic Church of
Christ in the Loci, where I condemn Samosatenus and

!539] Melanchthon's Will 269
Servetus, and others who dissent from the received
Creeds. " It is also probable that new sophistries of a seductive
nature will come after a while, when the old errors, some
what changed in colour, will be re-established, and these
conciliatory measures will corrupt the pure doctrine, as
it is now taught. I also admonish mine not to approve
these sophistical attempts to conciliate.
" The learned also are to be exhorted to watch, lest
under the semblance of peace and public tranquillity
they accept such doctrinal confession as was promul
gated at the Syrmian Synod. This I can truly affirm,
viz., that I have striven truly and properly to explain
the doctrine of our Church, that the young may rightly
understand our views and transmit them to posterity.
If this form is profitable, as I think it is, I request Caspar
Cruciger and others who have been my pupils, to con
serve it in the schools.
" I know that certain persons have at times suspected
that I have done some things to favour the adversaries.
But I call God to witness that I have never wished to
favour the adversaries; but I have sought accuracy in
explanation in order that these things when freed from
ambiguity might be better understood by the young.
How difficult it was for me to attain to such order and
method in explanation, many know, who know that in
explaining, I often changed the form. It is evident that
the Augustinian form is not sufficiently explicit. Hence
I declare that with a pure motive I studied the method
which is employed in the Commentary on Romans, and I
desire to leave behind me distinct views, without am
biguity, because ambiguity afterwards produces dissen
sions. Nor has it been my purpose to present any new
opinion, but clearly and properly to expound the Catholic

270 Philip Melanchthon Co-
doctrine, which is taught in our churches, which by the
special blessing of God I declare to have been revealed
in these recent times through Doctor Martin Luther in
order that the Church which had almost perished might
be cleansed and restored. Therefore so long as we can,
let us preserve this light. And I pray God the Father of
our Saviour Jesus Christ, the Creator of all things, to
promote the studies of the pious, and to preserve the
Church, and especially to bless our churches which on
account of the Gospel are daily attacked.
" But I return thanks to Doctor Martin Luther, first
because from him I learned the Gospel. Then because
of the many kindnesses shown me by him, I wish him to
be cherished by mine not otherwise than as a father.
Because I have seen and discovered that he is endowed
with an excellent and heroic quality of mind, with many
great virtues, with piety, with eminent learning, I have
always honoured and loved him, and have felt that he
should be esteemed.
" I also return thanks to the Prince, John Frederick,
Elector of Saxony, whose special kindness and liberality
were extended to me. I pray God to keep him safe, to
defend and direct him to his own and to the common
safety of the Church and of many nations.
" Very grateful also was the kindness of Chancellor
Pontanus [Briick], whom on account of the excellent
character of his mind and his virtue, I have loved, and
to whom I return thanks for all his kindnesses.
" I also return thanks to other good men, who have
shown abiding constancy in our friendship, to my brother
George, Joachim Camerarius, Chancellor Francis [Burk-
hard], Doctor Jonas, Doctor Pommer, Cruciger, Doctor
Augustin [Schurf], Doctor Milich, Paul Eber, Veit [Die
trich] ; and I pray God to preserve them.

*539] Melanchthon's Will 271
" Nor do I suppose that these friendships are ex
tinguished by my death; but I hold that after a little
while we shall meet in eternal life, where we shall more
perfectly enjoy our friendship and where our intercourse
will be sweeter.
" I also entreat all persons graciously to pardon my
errors, if in anything I have offended anyone. Cert
ainly I have not wished to injure.
" I also return thanks to all my colleagues and fellow-
teachers in the University, because in many ways both
publicly and privately they have kindly assisted me."
This Will was written on or just before November
12, 1539, and was reaffirmed the following summer.
It therefore stands in the closest chronological and
doctrinal relation to the edition of the Augsburg
Confession published in 1540, an account of which
will be hereafter given. The Loci and the Comment
ary on Romans, to which it appeals, are the editions
respectively of 1535 and 1532, the same which
Luther so heartily endorsed and commended a few
years later. It thus becomes a demonstration of the
doctrinal harmony that existed between Luther and
Melanchthon ; and even if there were no other evi
dence, it fully justifies the affirmation of Nicholas
Selneccer that Luther and Melanchthon did not dif
fer in doctrine, — which affirmation, however, must
not be pressed to the extreme of indicating absolute
coincidence, but a coincidence which found its ex
pression in common symbols, and in learned treatises,
of which Melanchthon was the author.

CHAPTER XXII
MELANCHTHON AND PHILIP OF HESSE
Colloquy of Hagenau — Melanchthon's Sickness — The Landgrave's
Bigamy — Confessio Variata — The Tenth Article of the Con
fession.
THE winter of 1539-40 wore away heavily for
Melanchthon. His presentiment and ' ' dream ' '
of impending death came near being realised. When
in May, 1540, attended by magisters and students
he crossed the Elbe on his way to the Hagenau Col
loquy, he exclaimed, " Viximus in Synodis et jam
moriemur in illis," that is, " I have lived in conven
tions, in conventions I shall now die."
At Weimar he fell seriously ill, so that his life
was despaired of. The Elector sent him the court
physician and summoned Luther and Cruciger from
Wittenberg. Solomon Glass has left us a graphic
account of the scene in Melanchthon's chamber
when Luther entered. He says :
" When Luther arrived he found Melanchthon ap
parently dying. His eyes were sunk, his senses gone,
his speech stopped, his hearing closed, his face fallen in
272

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TANGERMUNDE, RECOMMENDING A STUDENT TO THEIR SUPPORT.

1540] Philip of Hesse 273
and hollow, and, as Luther said, 'fades erat Hippo-
cratica." He knew nobody, ate and drank nothing.
When Luther saw him thus disfigured, he was frightened
above measure, and said to his companions, God for-
fend! how has the devil defaced this Organon! He then
turned forthwith to the window, and prayed fervently to
God. Then, said Luther, our Lord God could not but
hear me ; for I threw my sack before His door, and wearied
His ears with all His promises of hearing prayers, which
I could repeat out of Holy Writ ; so that He could not but
hear me, if I were ever to trust in His promises. Here
upon he grasped Philip by the hand: Be of good courage,
Philip ; thou shalt not die. Although God has reason to
slay, yet He willeth not the death of a sinner, but that he
should be converted and live. He has pleasure in life, not
in death. If God called and received the very greatest
sinners that ever were on earth, Adam and Eve, again into
favour, much less will he reject thee, my Philip, or let thee
perish in sin and despair. Therefore give no place to the
spirit of sorrow, and be not thine own murderer ; but trust
in the Lord, who can slay and make alive again, can wound
and bind up, can smite and heal again. For Luther well
knew the burden of his heart and conscience. Being
thus taken hold of and addressed, Philip began to draw
breath again, but could say nothing for a good while.
Then he turned his face straight upon Luther, and be
gan to beg him for God's sake not to detain him any
longer, — that he was now on a good journey, — that he
should let him go, — that nothing better could befall him.
By no means, Philip, said Luther; thou must serve our
Lord God yet longer. Thus Philip by degrees became
more cheerful, and let Luther order him something to
eat; and Luther brought it himself to him; but Philip
refused it. Then Luther forced him with these threats,

274 Philip Melanchthon [1497-
saying: Hark, Philip, thou must eat, or I excommunicate
thee. With these words he was overcome, so that he ate
a very little: and thus by degrees he gained strength
again." '
The immediate cause of Melanchthon's sickness
was remorse over the part which he and Luther had
taken in the bigamy of Philip of Hesse.3 Influenced
mainly by a desire to save the Landgrave from his
besetting sin, they, without sanctioning bigamy as
a principle, had given a quasi consent to his marriage
with Margaretha von der Salle, but had enjoined
strict secrecy. Their action cannot be approved.
There was a better way, and that way should have
been followed. As the matter has been much mis
represented, we reproduce the letter sent to the
Landgrave by Luther and Melanchthon as their
Opinion. It was written by Melanchthon :
" Since your princely Grace has through Master Bucer
laid before us a certain longstanding trouble of your
conscience, although it is difficult for us to answer in
such haste, we would not let Bucer ride off without a
letter. And first, we are heartily rejoiced and thank
God that He has helped your Grace our of your danger
ous sickness; and we pray that He will strengthen and
preserve your Grace in soul and body to His praise.
For, as your Grace sees, the poor miserable Church of
Christ is small and forsaken, and verily needs pious lords
and princes; as we doubt not God will preserve some,
although every kind of temptation befall. With regard
1 Seckendorf, iii., 314.
* C. R., 3 : 1073.

1540] Philip of Hesse 275
to the question, of which Master Bucer spoke with us,
first, this is our opinion. Your Grace knows and under
stands this yourself, that it is a very different thing to
make a general law, and in a particular case to use a
dispensation, out of weighty reasons, and yet according
to divine permission; for against God no dispensation
has force. Now we cannot advise that it be openly in
troduced, and thus made a law, that each be allowed to
have more than one wife. But should anything of this
get into print, your Grace may conceive that this would
be understood and adopted as a general law, whence
much scandal and trouble would ensue. Therefore this
is by no means to be adopted ; and we pray your Grace
to consider how grievous it would be, if it were charged
upon anyone that he had introduced this law in the Ger
man nation, whence endless trouble in all marriages
might be feared. As to what may be said against this that
what is right before God should be allowed altogether,
this is true in a measure. If God has commanded it, or
if it is a necessary thing, this is true; but if it is not com
manded, nor necessary, other circumstances should be
taken into account. Thus with regard to this question :
God instituted marriage that it should be the union of
two persons alone, and not of more, unless nature has
been corrupted. This is the meaning of the saying, They
two shall be one flesh. And this at first was so retained.
But Lamech introduced the example of having more than
one wife at once, which is recorded of him in Scripture
as an innovation contrary to the first rule. Thence
forward it. became customary among the unbelievers, till
at length Abraham and his descendants took more than
one wife. And it is true that afterward this was allowed
in the Law of Moses, as the text says, Deut. xxi. 15, If a
man has two wives, etc. For God gave way somewhat to

276 Philip Melanchthon CM97-
the weakness of nature. But since it was according to
the first beginning and the creation that a man should
not have more than one wife, this law is praiseworthy,
and has thus been adopted in the Church: nor should
another law be made and set up against it. For Christ
repeats this saying, Matt. xix. 5, And they twain shall be
one flesh, and reminds us how marriage was to be first,
antecedently to man's infirmity. That in certain cases
however a dispensation may be used, — as if a person
taken captive in a foreign land should marry there, and
on gaining his freedom should bring his wife with him,
— or if long continued sickness should supply a cause, as
has been held at times with regard to lepers, — if in such
cases a man takes another wife with the counsel of his
Pastor, not to introduce a law, but as a matter of neces
sity, such a man we could not condemn. Since then it
is one thing to introduce a law, and another to use a dis
pensation, we humbly entreat your Grace to consider,
first, that care should in every way be taken that this
matter be not brought publicly before the world, as a law
which everybody may follow. Next, since it is to be no
law, but merely a dispensation, let your Grace also con
sider the scandal, namely, that the enemies of the Gospel
would cry out, that we are like the Anabaptists, who take
several wives at once, and that the Evangelicals seek the
liberty of having as many wives as they please, according
to the practice in Turkey. Again, what princes do, gets
abroad much further than what is done by private per
sons. Again, if private persons hear of such an example
in their lords, they desire that the like should be allowed
to them; as we see how easily a practice spreads.
Again, your Grace has an unruly nobility, many of
whom, as in all countries, on account of the great
revenues which they derive from the Chapters, are vio-

j54o] Philip of Hesse 277
lently opposed to the Gospel. Thus we know ourselves
that very unfriendly speeches have been heard from
divers young squires. Now how such squires and the
country folks will behave toward your Grace in this
matter, if a public proceeding be adopted, may easily be
conceived. Again, your Grace, through God's grace,
has a very illustrious name, even among foreign kings
and potentates, and is feared on account thereof, which
credit would be impaired hereby. Seeing then that so
many scandals are combined, we humbly entreat your
Grace to consider this matter well and diligently. This,
however, is also true, that we by all means entreat and
exhort your Grace to avoid fornication and adultery;
and in truth we have long had great sorrow from hearing
that your Grace is laden with such distress, which may
be visited with punishments from God and other dangers;
and we entreat your Grace not to esteem such matters
out of wedlock a light sin, as the world tosses such
things to the wind and despises them. But God has
often fearfully punished unchastity: for it is recorded as
a cause of the Deluge, that the rulers practiced adultery.
Again, the punishment of David is a solemn example:
and Paul often says, God is not mocked : adulterers shall
not enter into the Kingdom of God. For faith must be
followed by obedience, so that one must not act against
one's conscience, nor against God's commandment. If
our conscience condemn us not, then have we confidence to
ward God : and if through the Spirit we mortify the deeds
of the body, we shall live ; but if we live after the flesh,
that is, against our conscience, we shall die. This we
say, because it is to be considered that God will not trifle
with such sins, as many people now grow bold to enter
tain such heathenish thoughts. And we have heard with
pleasure that your Grace has seriously mourned on ac-

278 Philip Melanchthon [1497-
count thereof, and feels sorrow and repentance for them.
These great and weighty questions press for your Grace's
attention, pertaining to the whole world. Moreover,
your Grace is of a slender and far from a strong consti
tution, and sleeps little; wherefore your Grace should
reasonably spare your body, as many others are forced
to do. And we read of the illustrious Prince Scander-
beg, who wrought many noble deeds against the two
Turkish emperors, Amurath and Mahomet, and pro
tected and preserved Greece as long as he lived. He,
they say, specially exhorted his soldiers to chastity, and
said that nothing takes away a brave man's spirit like
unchastity. Again, even if your Grace had another wife,
and did not seriously resist the evil practice and inclina
tion, it would not avail your Grace. It behooves man
in his outward walk to bridle his members, as Paul says:
Yieldyour members as instruments of righteousness. There
fore let your Grace, in consideration of all these causes,
the offence, the other cares and labours, and the weak
ness of body, weigh this matter well. Be also pleased
to consider that God has given your Grace fair young
princes and princesses with this consort; and be content
with her, as many others must have patience under their
marriage, to avoid offence. For that we should excite
or urge your Grace to an offensive innovation, is far from
our mind. For your country and others might reproach
us on account thereof, which would be intolerable to us;
because we are commanded in God's word to regulate
marriage and all human matters according to their first
divine institution, and, so far as possible, to keep them
therein, and to avert whatever may offend anyone. Such,
too, is now the way of the world, that people like to
throw all the blame upon the preachers, if anything un
pleasant fall out; and men's hearts, among high and

^40] Philip of Hesse 279
low, are unsteady: and all sorts of things are to be
feared. But if your Grace do not quit your unchaste
life, — or that you write that this is not possible, — we
would rather that your Grace stood in better case before
God, and lived with a good conscience, for your Grace's
happiness, and the good of your country and people.
If, however, your Grace should at length resolve to take
another wife, we think this should be kept secret, as was
said above of the dispensation ; namely, that your Grace,
and the Lady, with some confidential persons, should
know your Grace's mind and conscience through con
fession. From this no particular rumour or scandal
would arise; for it is not unusual for princes to have
concubines; and although all the people would not know
what the circumstances were, the intelligent would be
able to guess them, and would be better pleased with
such a quiet way of life, than with adultery and other
wild and licentious courses. Nor are we to heed every
thing that people say, provided our consciences stand
right. Thus far, and this we deem right. For that
which is permitted concerning marriage in the law of
Moses, is not forbidden in the Gospel, which does not
change the rule of outward life, but brings in eternal
righteousness and eternal life, and kindles a true obedi
ence to God, and would set our corrupt natures straight
again. Thus your Grace has not only our testimony in
case of necessity, but also our advice, which we beseech
your Grace to weigh, as an illustrious, wise Christian
Prince; and we pray that God may lead and direct
your Grace to His praise and to your Grace's happi-

1 C. R., 3: 856. This Opinion was signed by Luther, Melanch
thon, Bucer, Corvin, Fulda, Leming, Winter, Melander, and Raid.
Translation from Hare's Vindication of Luther.

280 Philip Melanchthon Cr497-
Luther, by the power of his faith, rose above his
mistake, and denounced the Landgrave; but the
more conscientious Melanchthon broke down under
it. He realised his error, and foresaw that the
Landgrave's bigamy would bring reproach to the
cause of Christ. Perhaps the most inexplicable
feature of the whole transaction is, that one so fear
less as Luther, and one so frank as Melanchthon,
should have enjoined secrecy in a matter which in
itself they did not regard as wrong.
After his recovery from his sickness, Melanchthon
wrote to Camerarius :
" I cannot describe the pain I suffered during my
sickness, some returns of which I often feel. I wit
nessed at that time the deep sympathy of Luther, but he
restrained his anxieties that he might not increase mine,
endeavouring to raise me from my desponding state of
mind, not only by administering kind conversation, but
salutary reproof. If he had not come to me I should
certainly have died. ' '
Melanchthon was excused from going to Hagenau.
At the convention no important conclusions were
reached. On the twenty-eighth of July, 1540, a
new diet was appointed to meet at Worms in Octo
ber. Meanwhile, or perhaps earlier, Melanchthon
published a new Latin edition of the Augsburg
Confession. Already in the year 1535 he had writ
ten to several of his friends that he was engaged in
revising the Apology (Confession) and the Loci.
His object was to make some of the discussions more
luminous. To Myconius in particular he wrote:

NICHOLAS AMSDORF.

r54o] Philip of Hesse 281
"lam revising the Apology [Confession], and am
making it almost wholly new, ut habeat minus
Sophistices," that is, " that it may have less sophis
try." * It is thus plain from his letters that Me
lanchthon was revising the Confession and the Loci
at the same time ; and that he did not conceal his
work from his Wittenberg colleagues is evident
from a letter written by him to them all, November
1, 1536, in which he speaks of having revised the
Apology (Confession) in order " to express some
things more explicitly." He continues: " I do not
shun your opinion nor that of Amsdorf. I have
nothing in view except to explain most accurately
what you teach, because I know that some persons
have mistaken notions about such great subjects." *
Bindseil examined all of Melanchthon's letters from
May 1, 1535, to the end of the year 1540, and as
he nowhere found in them any allusion to the prepar
ation and publication of an edition of the Confession
during these years, he concluded that the revised
edition was completed and printed in 1535, and
wonders that no copy bearing that date is known to
exist. Peucer, Melanchthon's son-in-law, contends
that this new edition was prepared in 1538. Selnec-
cer gives the same date of preparation. But as no
copies of the Variata of that, or of an earlier, date
have been found, we cannot now go back of the
edition which bears the title :

lC. R.,2: 861, 871.
2C. R., 3: 180.

282 Philip Melanchthon C1497
CONFESSIO
FIDEI EXHIBITA
INVICTISS. IMP. CAROLO
V. Caesari Aug. in Comicijs
Avgvst^!.
Anno. M. D. XXX.
Addita est Apologia Confessi-
onis diligenter recognita.
Psalmo. CXIX.
Et loquebar de testimony's tuis in
conspectu Regum, et non con-
fundebar.
VlTEBEKGAE. 1540.
This is the Confessio Variata, or the Altered Con
fession, of history, which for a time was more widely
used both publicly and privately than any and all
other Latin editions of the Confession.
This revised edition can no more be regarded as a
private writing by Melanchthon than the first edi
tion of 1530-31 can be so regarded, since that edition
was not authorised by the Elector, nor by the theo
logians, and " was changed, especially in the German
text, in many places," ' whereas the evidence is in
disputable that the edition of 1540 was prepared by
the command, and with the advice and assistance
of Luther, for the purpose of having it presented at
the diets. Not only do we have the testimony of
Peucer, Melanchthon's son-in-law, to this fact, but
that also of the theologians and superintendents at
the Altenburg Colloquy in 1569; and David Chy-
1 Oehler, Symbolik, p. 133.

r54o] Philip of Hesse 283
traeus, Nicholas Selneccer, and Martin Chemnitz,
all of whom assisted in the preparation of the
Formula of Concord of 1577-80, testify that the
Variata was presented at the Diets of Worms and
Regensburg, and at the subsequent diets, and was
constantly appealed to by the Lutherans as their
Confession which was delivered to the Emperor in
1530. These are facts which have never been called
in question. Moreover, it was approved by West-
phal, an arch anti-Calvinist, by the rigidly Lutheran
Weimar Confutation Book, and was expressly named
and subscribed by nearly all the princes assembled
at Naumburg in 1561, as a fuller and ampler ex
planation of the original Augsburg Confession. It
was highly praised also by John Brentz, a strict
Lutheran. It is thus absolutely conclusive that
Melanchthon's contemporaries applauded and sanc
tioned his efforts to improve the Augsburg Confes
sion; and no one found fault with it during the
author's lifetime.1
The first to call invidious attention to the Variata
was John Eck, the bitter foe of the Reformation.
At the Diet of Worms, in January, 1541, he took
exceptions to the alterations in the text. Melanch
thon at once replied: " The meaning is the same,
though in the later edition here and there some
things have been softened or rendered plainer.""
This put an end to the complaint, and the edition
continued to be employed in the Diet by the Evan-

1 See Weber's Kritische Geschichte der Augs, Canf., ii., 300-310.
Also K6llner's Symbolik, i., 253, 254.
8 C. R., 4 : 34, 37-

284 Philip Melanchthon [H97-
gelicals, notwithstanding the fact that the Saxon
Elector had charged his delegates to abide by the
Augsburg Confession.
At the Weimar Disputation between Strigel and
Flacius, August 5, 1560, the former refuted the
latter out of the Variata. In the afternoon Flacius
returned to the debate with the supplementary an
swer that Balthaser Winter, the deceased Superin
tendent of Jena, had said that he had heard the
deceased George Rorer say that Luther did not like
it that Melanchthon had changed the Confession.
Strigel, referring to Eck's procedure at Worms,
replied that that was a papistical subterfuge, and
the debate passed on to the discussion of the next
proposition.1 That is, against the written test
imony of the most eminent and upright men of
the age, we have only this reputed hearsay of a
hearsay of a dead man, an after-thought conjured
up to cover the mortification of defeat — an anti-
Philippistic fabrication, which is now regarded by
historians as worse than apocryphal. Hence he
who charges Melanchthon with intentional corrup
tion of the Confession not only involves him in
falsehood, but makes Luther, Brentz, Chytrseus,
Selneccer, Chemnitz, and others either partakers of
his sin, or the dupes of his deception.
Melanchthon's letters show that during the period
of revision he was most solicitous about improving
the Fourth Article, Justification by Faith. He
says: " We ought to thank the adversaries because
they compel us to revise this article, which amid
1 Salig, Hist. Augs. Conf., iii., 604.

J54o] Philip of Hesse 285
other less important disputes has almost ceased to
be heard." ' In the Variata the Fourth Article is
greatly expanded, and is guarded against the possi
bility of being misunderstood. It is against the
Tenth Article chiefly that objection has been raised.
In the Unchanged Confession the Tenth Article
reads as follows: " De Cana Domini docent, quod
corpus et sanguis Christi vere adsint et distribuantur
vescentibus in Cana Domini, et improbant secus do-
centes." That is : " Of the Lord's Supper they
teach that the body and blood of Christ are truly
present and are communicated to those that eat in
the Supper; and they disapprove those that teach
otherwise." In the Variata the Tenth Article reads thus:
' ' De Ccena Domini docent quod cum pane et vino vere
exhibeantur corpus et sanguis Christi vescentibus in
Ccena Domini." That is: " Of the Lord's Supper
they teach that with the bread and wine the body
and blood of Christ are truly presented to those that
eat in the Supper."
There can be no doubt that Melanchthon intended
to place the Lutheran doctrine, generically stated,
in the Tenth Article of the Invariata. He wrote to
Veit Dietrich, June 26, 1530: " The Landgrave has
subscribed the Confession with us, though the article
of the Lord's Supper is in accordance with Luther's
doctrine. ' ' But more than once it has been conceded
that the Tenth Article of the Invariata does not ex
hibit the Lutheran doctrine of the Lord's Supper in
a form sufficiently explicit. Erhard Schnepf says
1 C. R., 2: 484, 504.

286 Philip Melanchthon C1497-
that when the Confession was adopted at Augsburg,
many persons regarded the adverb vere (truly) as
ambigious.1 That the article is capable of a Roman
Catholic interpretation is shown by the fact that
both officially and privately it has been so inter
preted by Romanists. The instances are too
numerous and too well known to need specification."
These things being so, it can be readily understood
what the theologians of Electoral Saxony meant
when they said : " Because of the adversaries of the
pure doctrine of the Gospel, and their cavils, a
clearer and plainer statement had to be made in
order that opportunity for cavilling might be re
moved," s — which corresponds in substance with
Melanchthon's reply to Eck, viz., that certain
things had been softened or rendered more explicit.
Schmidt says that Melanchthon's aim was
" to find the most distinct forms in order to prevent any
misunderstanding. In the Apology he had treated
Christian doctrine in the usual manner in order to make
approach and agreement with the Catholics the easier.
But now approach seemed scarcely possible. By the
Schmalkald articles against the papacy the Protestants
had openly broken with the Roman Catholic Church.
Besides, the enemy had abused the Confession of 1530
by explaining its mild language in their own sense, and
in order to demand new concessions from the Protestants.

1 Confes. de Eucharistia.
8 See the first Catholic Confutation, also that of August 3d ;
Ccelestin's Hist. Augs. Con., ii., p. 235; Ibid., iii., p. 43; Alois
Knopfer's Ch. Hist.
'Altenburg Colloquy, p. 314.

1540] Philip of Hesse 287
Hence a more definite wording of the Confession had be
come necessary." '
All the known facts go to justify this conception.
Besides, there was no longer any need of the damn
atory clause, since the Oberlanders had accepted the
Confession and Apology.
The interests of peace, the union of the evangeli
cal forces against a common foe, and the keeping of
faith with the Oberlanders, required at that time,
according to Melanchthon's own words, " that the
discords should be healed rather than exasperated. ' ' '
It was only when Melanchthon could no longer an
swer for himself, when the bitter animosity of the
Jena school had broken out in fierce accusations
against Wittenberg, that Melanchthon was charged
with having changed the Tenth Article in favour of
the Calvinistic doctrine of the Supper. It was a pure
calumny, manufactured in the interest of partisan
zeal. The evidence is conclusive that Melanchthon
never departed from the Lutheran view of the Lord's
Supper, nor ever hesitated to reaffirm his adherence
to the Augsburg Confession of 1530, as in the Re
petition of the Augsburg Confession in 1551, in the
Preface to the Mecklenburg Kirchenordnung, in the
Examen Ordinandorum, and at Worms in 1557, when
he expressly rejected the Zwinglian doctrine.
The formula by which in the Variata he expresses
the Lutheran doctrine " that with the bread and
wine the body and blood of Christ are truly pre-
1 Philipp Melanchthon, p. 375.
' Letters, iii., p. 230.

288 Philip Melanchthon [1540
sented to those that eat in the Lord's Supper,"
makes a difference in words, not in the original in
tention, and brings the Tenth Article into harmony
with the Wittenberg Concord, which had been offi
cially endorsed by the princes in 1537. The words
are those chosen by Melanchthon under the counsel
and with the approval of Luther, and endorsed both
privately and officially by the men of their genera
tion as the words best suited to express the Lutheran
doctrine without ambiguity, and to free it from the
fact as well as from the possibility of a Roman
Catholic interpretation. Nor would it be possible
to interpret these words in a Calvinistic sense with
out substituting credentibus, " those that believe,"
for vescentibus, ' ' those that eat. ' ' And this is the
conclusion to which candid and orthodox Lutherans
have at length come.

CHAPTER XXIII
MELANCHTHON AT REGENSBURG
The Diet of Worms — The Regensburg Diet — The Regensburg Book
— The Partial Agreement — Melanchthon's Aphorisms — His
Steadfastness and Independence — His Report on the Regens
burg Book — Publication of his Works.
THE Diet of Worms was opened January 14,
1 541. The Protestants presented the Augs
burg Confession, that is, the Variata, as the basis
of the Colloquy. Eck and Melanchthon were chosen
as the speakers. Eck, who had examined the Ger
man original at Mayence, complained that the copy
of the Confession laid before the Diet did not agree
with that which had been presented to the Emperor
at Augsburg. Melanchthon answered that " the
meaning was the same, though in the later copies
milder and plainer words were used." Eck made
no further complaint, and at once took up the
articles. The Colloquy was now begun. As never
before did Melanchthon's skill in debate manifest
itself. He commanded the admiration of all. He
showed marvellous acquaintance with the Scriptures
19 289

290 Philip Melanchthon C1497-
and with the fathers, and spoke in the most beauti
ful Latin. Francis Burkhard wrote to Chancellor
Bruck: " Doctor Eck has found his man; it looks
to me like the meeting of David and Goliath. I do
not doubt that the truth will come off victorious." 2
Others said: " Master Philip's speech is as the
song of the nightingale; Eck's like the croaking of
the raven."' Melanchthon's eloquence was sur
passed only by his modesty. When Eck sought to
entrap him by some sophism, he paused to consider
the matter, and then said, " I will give you an an
swer to-morrow." " Oh," replied Eck, " there is
no honour in that, if you cannot answer me imme
diately." Then fell the memorable words: " My
good Doctor, I am not seeking my own glory in this
cause, but truth. I say then, God willing, you
shall have an answer to-morrow. ' ' a
The discussion centred chiefly round the doctrine
of Original Sin, but no agreement was reached.
January 18th, the Colloquy was brought to a close,
or rather transferred to Regensburg, where the Im
perial Diet was to be held the next Spring. Mel
anchthon wrote to Camerarius: " My anxiety has
been greatly increased by this debate. It is not
arms and violence that I fear, but deceitful speeches
and sophistries. In these colloquies we cannot
sufficiently guard ourselves against treachery. " ' In

'C. R., 4: 23.
'C.R., 25.
8 Adami Vila, p. 329. See Melanchthon's report of the Diet in
C. R., 4: 34 et seqq.
'C.R.,4: 88.

1542] Melanchthon at Regensburg 291
several letters he gives accounts of the Colloquy, and
speaks hopefully of Granvella, the Imperial Chancel
lor, who had presided ; but he has no good words
for Eck. Melanchthon returned home at once after
the proroguing of the Diet, and took up his work in
the university. He was thoroughly disgusted with
colloquies, and begged to be excused from going to
Regensburg. But his wish was not gratified, as the
Elector needed his ablest theologians at the Diet.
March 14, 1541, he left Wittenberg, and on the 16th
he joined the other delegates at Altenburg. On
the Bavarian frontier the carriage in which he rode
was overturned, and he was violently thrown to the
ground. His wrist was so badly sprained that for a
time he could not write. The injury followed him
through life.
The Diet was op'ened April 5th. Frederick,
Count Palatine, and Granvella presided. The Em
peror selected Julius von Pflug, John Gropper, and
John Eck from the Catholics, and Philip Melanch
thon, Martin Bucer, and John Pistorius from the
Protestants, to discuss the articles of religion.
When the debate was about to begin, April 27th,
the Emperor presented the colloquists, through Gran
vella, with a book, with the request to examine it,
and to correct whatever they found in it contrary to
the Scriptures, but to suffer all that was Christian
to remain. This book, of uncertain authorship,
known as the Regensburg Book, was half Catholic
and half Protestant, and contained doctrines to
which neither party could consent without giving
up its principles. Eck said it Melanchthonised too

292 Philip Melanchthon CJ497-
much, but Melanchthon totally disclaimed it.
Various articles were discussed, and agreement was
attained on Justification, the Freedom of Man,
Original Sin, Baptism, Good Works, and Episco
pacy, but not on any other articles.1 During the
discussion of the Eucharist, Melanchthon uttered
two aphorisms, that have come to be regarded as
axiomatic in the Lutheran doctrine of the Lord's
Supper: " Nothing has the nature of a sacrament
apart from the divinely appointed use." " Christ is
not present for the sake of the bread, but for the
sake of man." Eck was so confounded by Mel
anchthon's speech that in default of argument he
first raved, then got drunk, and falling sick never
returned to the Diet." Granvella was so impressed
by the speech that he said, " This is a grave matter,
and is worthy of the attention of a council." '
When Melanchthon's aphorisms were reported to
Luther, he exclaimed: " Brave Philip, you have
snatched from the papacy what I should not have
dared to attempt," and he wrote to the Elector that
Melanchthon and the other delegates had stood
bravely by " the dear confession." '
Melanchthon's steadfastness was also greatly
praised by his colleagues, who reported that he de
clared that he would rather die than yield anything
in the Conference against his conscience, for it would
be death to him to go contrary to his conscience."
The independence also which Melanchthon exhibited
1 Seckendorf, iii., 35. 4De W., 5 : 357.
* C. R., 9 : 626. • C. R., 4 : 225.
'Ibid.

1542] Melanchthon at Regensburg 293
at Regensburg is worthy of all praise. It had been
insinuated that he was simply the mouthpiece of
Luther. In a noble and manly letter to the Em
peror he declares that he has no instructions from
Luther, and only general directions from the Elec
tor to adhere to sound doctrine.
" I know," he says, " that the doctrines of our
churches are the doctrines of the Church Catholic.
This, I think, is confessed by many wise men, though
they think that in removing abuses we are harsher than
is necessary. They wish to retain a kind of saint-
worship, private masses, and the like. Hence they want
us to take a backward step, and to approve the begin
nings of abuses. Since I cannot do this, I ask again to
be dismissed." 1
When Melanchthon's steadfastness was reported
to the Elector, he wrote to his commissioners : " We
have heard with great satisfaction that Master Philip
has conducted himself with firmness and decision.
May the Almighty God graciously sustain him in his
course." a
On June 24th, Melanchthon presented a report on
the Regensburg Book. It contains a masterly dis
cussion of all the articles in dispute, and closes with
as brave words as ever came from any man's pen :
" For the reasons given I conclude upon the Word of
God and with a good conscience that I cannot and will
not receive this book, and I pray God the Father of our
lC.R., 4: 318.
>C. R.,\: 346.

294 Philip Melanchthon C1497-
Lord Jesus Christ that he will grant us all good counsel
and help, and will protect and govern his Church, which
he has redeemed by his Son and still wonderfully pre
serves. And that everyone may know what I believe, I
will here declare that I hold the doctrine of our churches
as it is comprehended in our Confession and Apology,
and by God's grace I intend to abide in it. And I
thank God that he has enlightened his Church ; nor do I
wish to give occasion for obscuring the pure doctrine
again. No one can truthfully charge that I have pleasure
in useless strife. For it is manifest from my writings
that with the greatest diligence I have sought and main
tained mildness and moderation. I also pray God for
peace and Christian unity; and I am ready for a further
declaration." '
At length, on July 29th, the Recess of the Diet
was announced. The unreduced differences were to
be referred to a council, or to a diet of the Empire ;
the Protestants were to refrain from writing against
the articles agreed upon ; the Bishops should intro
duce a Christian reformation ; the Nuremberg Peace
should be maintained.
The Regensburg Diet marks a climax in the re
formatory movement. Neither before nor afterward
was the Emperor, or the Curia through its legates,
so conciliatory ; but the Papalists would not recede
from what the Protestants regarded as fundamental
errors. Hence there could be no agreement. At
Rome, Germany was regarded as lost, and the grav
est apprehensions were entertained concerning the
Netherlands and France. The fact is, the Reform-
' C. R., 4 : 4I3-43I-

!542] Melanchthon at Regensburg 295
ation had gained such a distinct dogmatic conscious
ness that it could not recede from its position, and
it had acquired so much political strength that it
could not be suppressed by the sword. If the
Schmalkald League had helped to give the move
ment political strength, Melanchthon more than any
other man had helped to give it dogmatic conscious
ness and confessional dignity.
On the thirtieth of July, 1541, Melanchthon left
Regensburg for home by the way of Leipzig, where
he had sought a place for his friend Camerarius,
whom he commended to Duke Henry as " peace
able, quiet, and conscientious, and so learned in
philosophy and eloquence as to be surpassed by few
at home or abroad. " 1 Henry called Camerarius, Au
gust 14th, and, dying soon thereafter, was succeeded
by his son Maurice. August 7th, we find Melanch
thon in Wittenberg, and October 26th he addressed
a letter to Camerarius, now at Leipzig. During the
autumn and winter he was as usual very active with
his pen. In December, an edition of his works
was published at Basel. January 20, 1542, he was
present when Luther consecrated Nicholas von
Amsdorf as Bishop of Naumburg. In March Lu
ther wrote: " Master Philip is well and hearty. He
is doing more than all the rest. He is the Atlas
who sustains heaven and earth."3 Some idea of
his labours may be gained when it is learned that
his letters alone during the year 1542 extend from
page 749 to page 942 in the Corpus Reformatorum.
iC.R., 4: 638.
»DeW., 5: 452-

CHAPTER XXIV
THE COLOGNE REFORMATION
Melanchthon Invited to Bonn — Hermann's Consultation — Contro
versy — Strained Relations between Melanchthon and Luther.
THE incoming year (1543) imposed new duties.
The Reformation had extended its influence
to the region of the Lower Rhine. In December,
1542, Archbishop Hermann of Cologne had invited
Bucer to Bonn to preach the Gospel. In January,
1543, he invited Melanchthon to come to him to
assist in instituting reform in religion, and requested
the Elector of Saxony to allow him to come. As
the request was in support of " a godly and christian
work," and was favoured by Luther and Camerarius,
the Elector gave his consent to Melanchthon's
going, and sent him a hundred gulden and an escort.
May 4th, attended by Justus Jonas, Jr., and Jerome
Schreiber he entered Bonn. He found the religious
ignorance greater than he had supposed it was. To
Luther he wrote :
' ' I think there is scarcely a place in Germany where
there is so much barbarism, even heathenish superstition
296

1546] The Cologne Reformation 297
as in these parts. Heretofore the people ran to the
images. Now I observe that the preaching of Bucer and
Pistorius is largely attended, and I note that they both
preach purely and correctly. There are also others in
the neighbouring towns who teach correctly, and rightly
administer the sacraments." '
Two plans of reformation had been submitted :
One by John Gropper, the archiepiscopal chancellor,
who wrote " only painted articles," as Melanchthon
called them ; and one by Bucer, who had taken the
Brandenburg-Nuremberg Church Order as his guide.
Melanchthon spent three days in revising some of
Bucer's articles on doctrine, and wrote several new
articles, but left those on the sacraments as Bucer
had written them, because they were in harmony
with the teaching in all Lutheran churches.3 The
result of his and Bucer's labours are embodied in
the book known as Hermann's Consultation, which
Lutherans have unhesitatingly claimed as a genuine
Lutheran Church Order, which, translated into
English and published in 1547, exerted an important
influence on The Book of Common Prayer.
The Consultation was rejected by the Chapter and
clergy of Cologne. Gropper wrote a book against
it, called Antididagma. It was also lampooned
by a Carmelite monk, named Billich, whom Mel
anchthon describes as " a fatted priest of Bacchus
and Venus." The Chapter and clergy, having
gained the upper hand at Cologne, preferred charges

' C. R., 5 : 112.
3De W., 5: 670.

298 Philip Melanchthon [1497-
against the Archbishop before the Emperor and the
Pope. April 16, 1546, the aged Hermann was de
posed. While at Bonn Melanchthon was very uncomfort
able in his surroundings, but very busy with his pen.
Besides his contributions to the Consultation, he
wrote a Response to Billich's satire. He first refutes
the slanders that the Protestants have forsaken the
doctrine of the Church Catholic ; that they oppose
the civil government ; and that they are influenced
in their movements by considerations of worldly
gain. He then paints in striking colours the super
stitions of the Roman Church, the corruptions of
monasticism, and the evils of celibacy. Of doctrine
he says: " We mutilate no church dogma,but only
attack recent errors which have crept in contrary to
the Gospel and the judgments of the purer church."
The Response was published with a characteristic
Preface by Luther. It covers twenty-two folio
pages, and has been pronounced one of the noblest
defences of Protestantism ever penned.1
Some idea of the double discomfort of Melanch
thon's situation at Bonn may be learned from the
following letters. To Peter Martyr he wrote, July
14th: " I have attended many conventions, yea,
battles; but I have never happened among more
rabid and impudent sycophants."3 And to Paul
Eber :
' ' I am living here the life of a sailor. My lodgings

'Witt. Ed., i., 95 etseqq.
>C.R.,s: 143-

J546] The Cologne Reformation 299
are by the Rhine just where the boats land, whence
comes the foul stench of the bilge-water. In the house
everything, the table, the bed, the fireplace, are crowded
together just as in a boat. The wine is wretched;
the cooking is Westphalian. The cleanliness is far
from that of France, or of the Upper Rhine. It is also
expected that the imperial army will pass through these
parts." '
July 28th, Melanchthon " tore " himself from
this scene of controversy and discomfort and turned
his face homeward. At Frankfort, he adjusted a
controversy over some ceremonies connected with
the sacraments, and proceeded thence to Weimar,
whither he had been summoned by the Court.
August 15th, amid an ovation of students and pro
fessors, who had gone forth to meet him, he entered
Wittenberg. Hermann's Consultation was soon published, and
became the innocent cause of much sorrow to Mel
anchthon. The article on the Lord's Supper is
Lutheran, but it is not stated in rigid Lutheran
formulas. The subject is treated practically, rather
than doctrinally. The Archbishop sent a copy of
the Consultation to the Elector of Saxony, who sent
it to Amsdorf for examination. Amsdorf, who was
more Lutheran than Luther, and had long been hos
tile to Melanchthon, severely criticised the articles
on the Will and Sacrament, and sent his criticisms
to Luther, who had not yet read the Consultation.
The latter was pleased with the criticisms, and con-
¦ C. R., 5 : 142.

3oo Philip Melanchthon CJ497-
demned the Consultation because " it says not a
word against the fanatics," and does not mention
" the oral reception of the true body and blood." '
Luther was at the time violently excited against the
Swiss on account of their views of the Sacrament.
He calls Bucer Klappermaul (babbler), and in private
conversations, in public lectures and sermons, he
spoke against the Sacramentarians with all the
vehemence of former years. Gossips, busy-bodies,
and strife-makers were doing their despicable work.
The report went out that Luther was going to make
an attack on his old friend.
Melanchthon was now plunged into the deepest
grief, and began to talk of going into exile. August
28th (1544), he addressed Bucer as follows:
" I wrote you by Milich that our Pericles is about to
thunder most vehemently on the Lord's Supper, and that
he has written a book, not yet published, in which you
and I are beaten black and blue. Amsdorf, whom he
recently visited and consulted on the matter, is applaud
ing the assault. To-morrow, as I learn, he will summon
Cruciger and me. I pray God to grant the Church and
us a salutary result. Perhaps it is God's will that the
subject be agitated again, that it may be further ex
plained. I am calm and will not hesitate to withdraw
from this penitentiary should he attack me. ' ' '
Finally, in October, 1544, Luther published his
book under the title, A Short Confession on the
Holy Sacrament against the Fanatics. Zwingli and
1 De W., 5 : 708.
» C. R., 5 : 474-

1546] The Cologne Reformation 3°x
CEcolampadius, both long since dead, are branded
as heretics and murderers of souls. The Reformed
generally are named " eingeteufelte, durchteufelte,
ueberteufelte lasterliche Herzen und Lugenmauler. "
That is: " Blasphemers and liars, possessed and
permeated through and through by the devil. " But
neither Melanchthon, nor Bucer, nor Calvin, is
named or alluded to. Malicious persons had striven
to excite Luther against Melanchthon ; but in this
they signally failed ; for even after he had decided
to write this new Confession, he had declared, " I
have absolutely no suspicion in regard to Philip " ';
and a month after the publication of this Confession,
he wrote to the Venetians: " If you should hear
that Philip or Luther has yielded to the insane
error of the Sacramentarians, for God's sake do not
believe it " 3 ; as in the previous year he had spoken
of Bucer as orthodox, and by letter had commended
Melanchthon's Loci and his commentaries on Romans
and Daniel to the Venetians ; though in his ardent
hostility to the Swiss, he not only affirmed in this
letter the oral reception of the body and blood, but
actually so far forgot himself as to write : De trans-
substantiatione rejicimus inutilem et sophisticam dis-
putationem, nihil morati, si quis earn alibi credat, vel
non. That is: " We reject the useless and sophisti
cal dispute about transubstantiation, but we do not
care whether anyone elsewhere believes it, or not," '
— which gave Melanchthon great distress, as he fore-
"De W., 5 : 645.
»DeW., 5: 697.
»DeW., 5: 568.

302 Philip Melanchthon Cm97-
saw the controversies that would arise from Luther's
" concession of transubstantiation, which is the
source of idolatry." '
During this same crucial period the Elector also
expressed his entire confidence in Melanchthon, and
actually forbade Luther to attack him, since he was
faithful and true, and could not be spared from the
university.3 Yet this precaution was unnecessary,
for there is not a word to be found in Luther's
private correspondence, nor elsewhere from his pen,
nor a recorded syllable from his lips, to show that
he at any time meant to attack Melanchthon, or
that during this period he had become seriously
alienated from him, or that he was displeased with
his doctrinal position ; though his attitude towards
his colleagues during the summer of 1544 was one
of suspicion and unfriendliness. He had quarrelled
violently with the law faculty over the validity of
secret betrothals, and at home he " was inflamed
by the domestic firebrand," Frau Luther, " who
could not endure those theologians who had married
wives from the common people," and who, besides
lording it over her husband at home, was just then
meddling with public affairs.' Under these circum
stances Luther had " become quite morose and very
irritable." His imperious temper had gotten the
better of his reason, and had made him misanthropic,
and so despondent that in disgust he left Witten
berg with the intention of never returning. No one
1 c. R., 5 : 208.
'C.R.,5: 746.
¦C. R., 5 : 314 and note 4.

*546] The Cologne Reformation 3°3
could tell where his thunderbolts would strike; yet
it was perhaps a weakness in Melanchthon that he
did not go to Luther during this period of tension,
as he did afterward, and explain his position. But
when Luther had actually gone from Wittenberg, it
was Melanchthon who declared that he would not
live there without him, and actually went to Merse-
burg and brought him back.1
When Melanchthon saw he had not been attacked
by Luther, and when Luther himself had become
calmer, the old friendly relation was restored. Mel
anchthon sat again at Luther's table, and the two
took journeys together, and joined their labours in
promoting the cause which was dear alike to each.
As a basis for new negotiations with the Catholics,
Melanchthon prepared a formal statement of doc
trines and ceremonies to be laid before the approach
ing conference at Worms. The work is known as
The Wittenberg Reformation.'' It is essentially a
confession of faith in expressed harmony with the
Augsburg Confession, and was signed by the entire
Wittenberg theological faculty, thus showing that
the faculty was united in doctrine and in ceremonies.
The Elector thought it too mild, but his Chancellor,
Bruck, praised it for its mildness, and because it
" bore no traces of Luther's turbulent spirit." He
particularly notes its harmony with the Augsburg
Confession, and thinks it will effectually silence the
cry of the Catholics that the Protestants are seeking
their own glory. He is pleased also with the fact

1 Matthes, Philipp Melanchthon, p. 246.
aC. R. 5: 577 etseqq.

304 Philip Melanchthon [1497-
that the other theologians have united with Mel
anchthon in this document.1
A part of The Wittenberg Reformation was laid
before the Diet at Worms, and a part was with
held ; but no part of it became the basis of ne
gotiations. The Emperor simply requested the
Protestants to submit to the Council. This they
refused to do, and demanded the continuance of
peace. To gain time to prepare for more violent
measures, the Emperor adjourned the Diet, August
4, 1545, and announced another to meet at Regens
burg, January 6, 1546, which was to be preceded by
a colloquy on religion.
As the Protestants suspected that war was now
resolved upon, they assembled at Frankfort, in De
cember, to renew and strengthen the Schmalkald
League. They reached no important conclusions,
except to resolve to attend the Colloquy, and to
oppose the Council which was opened at Trent, De
cember 13, 1545. Melanchthon was commissioned
to set forth " the reasons why the estates of the
Augsburg Confession will not attend the Council of
Trent. ' ' After presenting a list of grievances against
the papacy, and severely taxing its errors, he says :
" We have allowed no new opinions to be propounded
in our churches. On the contrary, we profess the old,
true, only pure doctrine of the Church of God ; and that
it may be known what that is, we point to our Confession
delivered at Augsburg, which contains a summary in
harmony with the Apostolic, the Nicene, and the
Athanasian Creeds."
1 C. R., 5 : 660.

1546] The Cologne Reformation 305
This Recusation, as it is called, ranks as one of
Melanchthon's most incisive writings. In its very
positive and aggressive tone it reminds one of the
Schmalkald Articles written by Luther. It shows
that in dealing directly with the Roman Catholic
errors, its author had no concessions to make.
Luther himself, who died before the document was
completed, could not have desired anything more
decisive. It closes by saying:
" We have no pleasure in strife, neither do we mistake
our perils and distresses ; but we cannot allow the light
of the Gospel and the necessary doctrine of God's
Church to be extinguished, nor can we pollute our souls,
and all future generations, by fellowship with cruelty. ' ' '
Melanchthon had been ordered to hold himself
in readiness to attend the Regensburg Colloquy as
chief disputant on the side of the Protestants.
Early in January he returned with Luther from a
visit to Mansfeld, broken down in health. Luther
now importuned Brack orally, and the Elector by
letter, January 9, 1546, not to send Melanchthon to
Regensburg," because he is really sick, and ought to be in bed rather
than at the Colloquy. Philip ought not to be sacrificed
in such a vain and unnecessary work, for the opposite
party are wicked faithless people. Philip is a true man.
He fears and shuns no one, but he is weak and sick. It
cost not a little effort to fetch him from Mansfeld, for he
did n't want to eat or drink. Should he be taken from
1 Bindseil's Supplementa to Melanchthon's Works, p. 239 et seqq.

306 Philip Melanchthon C1497-
the University half the students will leave in consquence
of his absence. Doctors Zoch and Major should be sent.
For though the latter is timid in such matters, on account
of inexperience, yet he is more learned than the Em
peror's Ass." '
The letters of Brack and Luther to the Elector
furnish the most indubitable proof of the confidence
which both reposed in Melanchthon, and show the
interest they took in his comfort. There is no in
timation that the great lover of peace would betray
the evangelical cause, or surrender a point of doc
trine. When Melanchthon was informed that
Luther had counselled against his going to Regens
burg, and had learned the reasons, he expressed
himself entirely satisfied ; though he said he would
rather go to Regensburg than to engage again in
the wretched transactions which had previously
called him and Luther to Mansfeld. However, as
the Elector ordered him to Torgau to speak for
himself, he went thither and was formally excused.
While at Torgau he wrote an Opinion on the Collo
quy. He advised that the Article of Justification
should be considered first. If the opposite party
would not allow this Article, the Colloquy should be
brought to an end with the protest: " Since the
opposite party will not listen to this plain article it
is useless to proceed." 3
The Protestants followed Melanchthon's advice.
When it became apparent that no conclusion could

1 C. R.,6: 10 ; and De W., 5 : 774.
'C.R.,6: 15.

r546] The Cologne Reformation 307
be reached, the Emperor demanded that the col-
loquists should not divulge the transactions. He
also cast obstacles in the way of peace, and tried
to throw the blame on the Protestants. Now it
was that Melanchthon cried out that the Emperor
might enjoin silence on his Spaniards, but not on
German freemen. He wrote an Opinion, and advised
the delegates to protest. This they did, March 20,
1546, and returned home, " promising to come again
whenever the Emperor should command it."

CHAPTER XXV
THE INCREASE OF SORROWS
Luther and Melanchthon's Last Correspondence — Luther's Death —
Melanchthon's Funeral Oration over Luther — His Letter about
Luther — Alliance against the Protestants.
THE year 1546 was one of the darkest and saddest
of Melanchthon's life. In October and De
cember of the previous year he and Luther had
together gone to Mansfeld to settle the shameful
disputes between the counts. Their success had
been only partial, and the counts desired that they
should continue the good offices of mediation.
Melanchthon was excused from going because of ill
health. Luther made ready to go, and, January
20th, invited Melanchthon to sup with him. This
was the last time that Melanchthon sat at Luther's
table. Three days later Luther started for Mans
feld, not to return alive. The letters which passed
between the two during the next three or four weeks
furnish an abiding proof of the admiration and love
which each had for the other. Melanchthon's letter
of February 18th, the day on which Luther died,
is addressed, " To the Reverend Doctor Martin
308

r546] The Increase of Sorrows 309
Luther, distinguished for his learning, virtue, and
wisdom, Doctor of theology, Restorer of the pure
doctrine of the Gospel, my most dear Father. ' ' This
was written in answer to Luther's letter of February
14th, addressed, " To Philip Melanchthon, most
worthy Brother in Christ." Earlier, Luther had
addressed him as " the faithful servant of God, and
most dear Brother." February 19th, letters reached
Wittenberg announcing Luther's death. Melanch
thon at once wrote to Jonas, who had gone with
Luther: " This morning we received your very sad letters, one
to the illustrious Prince Elector, and the other to the
Reverend Pastor of our Church, in which with great
sorrow you write of the death of the Reverend Doctor
Martin Luther, our most dear Father and Preceptor.
He was the chariot and the charioteer of Israel, raised up
by God to restore and purify the ministry of the Gospel.
For we must confess that by him doctrine was revealed
which is beyond the range of the human mind. Bereft
of such a teacher and leader we are deeply pained, not
only on account of the University, but also on account
of the Church throughout the world, which he directed
by his counsels, teaching, authority, and by the aid of
the Holy Spirit."1
In announcing Luther's death to the students, he
exclaimed: "Ah! the Charioteer and the Chariot of
Israel is gone ; he who guided the Church in these
last days of the world. ' ' ' To others he wrote that
" Luther was endowed with many heroic virtues,
1 C. R., 6 : 57.
*C.R.,6: 59.

3io Philip Melanchthon ['497-
and was divinely called to restore the Gospel. " The
funeral oration ' which he pronounced in the Castle
Church, February 22d, is one of the loftiest tributes
ever paid by a great man to a greater. Luther is
placed in the line of " unbroken succession " with
Moses, Joshua, David, Elijah, Elisha, Jeremiah,
Daniel, Zacharias; with Polycarp, Irenzeus, Basil,
Augustin, Bernard, Tauler, and others.
His services to the Church in the restoration of
sound doctrine and in the purification of worship are
briefly recounted, his splendid virtues are fitly
praised, and his fervent piety is duly extolled.
The Oration is chaste, eloquent, and discriminat
ing. It shows Melanchthon's profound admiration
for Luther's character and achievements, and his
sincere sorrow for his death.
If it be lacking in pathetic tenderness, this is not
because Melanchthon's love for Luther had been
chilled by former misunderstandings, but because
the events of the last twenty years, and his acquired
style of composition, had imparted dignity rather
than pathos to his eloquence. But the Oration will
ever remain as a monument of its author's magna
nimity, and a testimony to the services of Luther, !
from one who understood both him and his achieve- ;
ments better than any other man, and who viewed
both the man and his achievements with an eye free
from envy and prejudice. Nor are the lofty terms
of praise contained in this Oration inconsistent with
a judgment of Melanchthon's expressed in a letter
to Christopher von Carlowitz, April 28, 1548:
1 Given in full in an English translation in the Appendix,

1546] The Increase of Sorrows 311
" Formerly I bore an almost unseemly servitude,
since Luther often gave way to his temperament, in
which there was not a little contentiousness, and
did not sufficiently consider either his own dignity
or the public welfare."1 In Melanchthon's own
words we have an explanation which truthfully de
scribes Luther's nature. To Dietrich von Maltz
he wrote :
" I will make no elaborate apology to a man who is wise
and candid. I only ask that over against the one word
qjtkovEtxia [love of contention] of that letter, be placed
my many other laudatory speeches concerning Luther,
written in many passages after his death, as in the funeral
oration and in the preface to the second volume of his
works. Then why is that one word extracted from that
letter, when many other severe things were there said
against the adversaries, and that, too, in a letter written
to a man of whose thoughts and purpose you are not
ignorant ? In a word, I affirm that I value the truth
above my life. What more do our Aristarchuses, who
judge so harshly of that letter, require of me ? Perhaps
they do not consider what tpiXoveixia means ? It is
not a crime, but nados, a ' temperament,' belonging to
heroic natures, such as writers attribute to Pericles,
Lysander, and Agesilaus. There were heroic impulses
in Luther. It is no wonder that we whose natures are
more sluggish are sometimes amazed at that vehemence,
especially since there are some things belonging to many
of the controversies, about which I prefer to speak to
you privately, rather than to excite complaint and dis-

'C. R., 6: 880.
8 Unschuld. Nachr. (1707), p. 85.

312 Philip Melanchthon CM97-
In the funeral oration Melanchthon had said :
" Some by no means evil-minded persons, however,
express a suspicion that Luther manifested too much
asperity. I will not affirm the reverse, but only quote
the language of Erasmus: God has sent in this latter age
a violent physician on account of the magnitude of the
existing disorders; fulfilling by such a dispensation the
divine message to Jeremiah: ' Behold I have put my
words in thy mouth. See I have this day set thee over
the nations, and over the Kingdom to root out and to pull
down, to build and to plant.' "
Only blind admirers of Luther can fail to see that
in all these passages Melanchthon has given a true
description of Luther's nature. That Luther was
polemical, passionate, vehement, and impatient of
contradiction, is too well known to require proof.
One has only to read his controversies with Henry
VIII., Erasmus, Duke George, Duke Henry of
Brunswick, and Cardinal Albert, to find exhibitions
of violence and of coarse abuse which no friend of
Luther's would undertake to defend or to justify.
To acknowledge these things frankly does not de
tract from Luther's greatness, nor cast reproach on
his moral character, nor discredit the justness of his
contentions. It were far better for Luther's friends
to exhibit these shadows of his " heroic virtues " in
love, than to leave them to be exposed by his ene
mies in malice. True friendship is not blind to the
faults of a friend. There is probably no word in
any language which better describes Luther's nature
than cpikovnxia ,- and that Luther's cpiXoveixia gave

J546] The Increase of Sorrows 313
Melanchthon many hours of sadness, Melanchthon's
letters abundantly show.
But Melanchthon's severest trials began with the
death of Luther. Hitherto he had looked to the
greater Reformer for guidance and solace. Now
by force of circumstances he had himself become
the theological head of the Reformation. He was
born to teach, to write, to dispute, to negotiate,
not to control the passions of men and to direct
them in a time of excitement. By his powerful
personality Luther had kept the refractory elements
at bay, and had held his followers well in line ; but
no sooner was he gone than disputes and parties
arose in the Lutheran Church, which live to disturb
its peace to the present day. That Melanchthon
did not settle these, and could not control them,
was his misfortune, not his fault. It is morally cert
ain that Luther himself could not have controlled
the discordant elements of German Protestantism
ten years longer, had he lived ; for Protestantism
had introduced and sanctioned independence of
thought, and the Germans are by nature impatient
of constraint. Moreover, Luther had already lost
control over many theologians of the younger gen
eration. But before the breaking out of the theological
war in which Melanchthon spent the last dozen years
of his life, he was called on to experience the hor
rors of civil war. Inasmuch as the Emperor had
concluded peace with the French, and had obtained
a truce with the Turks, he resolved to restore Ger
many to the Holy Roman See. This could be done

3H Philip Melanchthon C1497-
only by force of arms. To this end he began to
make preparations for war. When asked the reason
for these warlike preparations he replied that, as he
" was unable to restore peace to Germany by mild
measures, he was obliged to proceed against the dis
obedient by the power of the Empire." To make
the work of subjugation easier and success sure, he
entered into an alliance with the Pope. The pretext
for the Pope's action is found in the fact that the
Protestants had refused to submit to the Council of
Trent. The text of this alliance, as given by Sleidan,
is as follows :
" Whereas for many years Germany hath persisted in
great errors such as threatened extraordinary danger ; for
the averting of which a council hath been called, that com
menced at Trent in December last, and whereas Protest
ants reject and disown the same, therefore the Pope and
Emperor for the glory of God and the public good, but
especially the Welfare of Germany, have entered into league
together upon certain Articles and Conditions : And in the
first place, that the Emperor shall provide an Army, and
all things necessary for War, and be in readiness by the
Month of June next ensuing, and by Force and Arms com
pel those who refuse the Council, and maintain these Errors,
to embrace the ancient Religion and submit to the Holy See :
But that in the meantime, he shall use his endeavours, and
try all means, to accomplish that, if he can, without a War :
That he shall make no Peace nor Capitulation with them
upon Terms prejudicial to the Church and Religion. That
the Pope, besides the hundred thousand Ducats which he has
already advanced, shall deposit as much more in the Bank
of Venice, to be employed by his Lieutenants, in the War

r546] The Increase of Sorrows 315
only and for no other use : but if no War happen, he shall
receive his money again : that, moreover, he shall in this
War, maintain at his own charges, for the space of six
months, twelve thousand Italian Foot, and five hundred
Horse, who shall be commanded by a General and other
inferior Officers commissioned by him : But if the War be
ended before six months expire, he is no longer obliged to
keep his Force in pay. That the Emperor, by virtue of a
grant from the Pope, may for this Year raise one half of
the Church Revenues all over Spain : That he may also sell
as much of the Abbey-Lands of Spain as do amount to five
hundred thousand Ducats ; but all of this only for the use
of the present War, and upon condition also that he mort
gage to them as much of his own Lands j and because this
is a new thing, and without a precedent, he shall at the dis
cretion of the Pope, give all the security he can : That if
anyone endeavour to hinder this their design, they shall join
their Forces, and assist one another against him; and to
this both shall be obliged, so long as the War continues, and
six Months after it is ended. That all may enter into this
League, and share both in the Profits and Charges of the
War : That the College of Cardinals shall also ratify this
League ; and that what is said of June, is to be understood
of the Month of June this present year. And both Parties
signed this League." l
1 Bohun's Sleidan, p. 381.

CHAPTER XXVI
THE SCHMALKALD WAR
Melanchthon's Opinion concerning the Threatened War — Defeat of
the Protestant Forces — Capture of the Elector — The University
Closed — Melanchthon an Exile — Return to Wittenberg.
THE Protestants of Upper Germany, Wiirtem-
berg, Hesse, and Saxony, alarmed at the war
like preparations on the Danube, began to assemble
their forces. Already, in April (1546), Melanchthon
had written an Opinion, at the command of the Saxon
Elector, " Concerning War against the Emperor."
The Opinion, which was signed by all the Witten
berg theologians, is remarkable for its firmness and
wise circumspection. After declaring that the doc
trine which God had made known to the churches
could not be rooted out, he proceeds:
" As regards myself it were easier for me to suffer and
die than to encourage a vague suspicion; but if it be
true that the Emperor intends to fall upon these states
on account of religion, then undoubtedly it is the duty of
these states by the help of God to protect themselves and
their subjects, as St, Paul says: ' The magistrate beareth
316

1547] The Schmalkald War 317
not the sword in vain, for he is the minister of God to
punish those who do evil, as murderers. ' Such resistance
is as when a man repels a band of murderers, be he
commanded by the Emperor or by others. This is a
public tyranny, a notorious violence. As to how the
Spaniards, Italians, and Burgundians will act in these
lands, we know by what they have done in Julichs.
Hence every father should offer his body and life to re
pel this huge tyranny." '
To Amsdorf he wrote, June 25th:
" It is certain that the Emperor Charles is preparing a
great war against the Elector of Saxony and the Land
grave. Large armies are now assembling in the neigh
bourhood of Guelders, and Italian forces, supported by
the Pope, are expected. Charles does not deny that he
is going to make war on the Elector of Saxony. At
Regensburg he summoned the representatives of the
Estates and bade them not to assist the Elector. But
the Estates replied nobly and resolutely, that they would
•not desert a neighbouring prince in danger. Such is the
beginning of the war. But as God protected the house
of the widow of Sarepta, so I pray that he will defend
our princes, who are just in government, and in many
ways serve the churches and promote the study of
doctrine." 3
A little later he published an edition of Luther's
Warning to his Beloved Germans, with a Preface
which sounded the tocsin of war, and which shows
that this man who had spent so many years in nego-
'C. R., 6: 123.
*C.R., 6: 181.

318 Philip Melanchthon [1497-
tiations for peace, and had borne reproaches on ac
count of his efforts to spare his native land the
shedding of blood, could exhibit the highest courage,
and could counsel war as a final means of repelling
religious tyranny. The Protestants marshalled their
forces, twenty-seven thousand strong, on the Dan
ube, before Charles had time to gather his army.
Had they made an attack at once they could easily
have ended the war in September, and could have
forced Charles to terms. But they hesitated and
delayed and then retreated, leaving the Emperor
master of the Danube. They now proposed terms
of peace, but the Emperor ordered them to surren
der at discretion. Learning that Maurice, Duke of
Saxony, had united with the Emperor, and had
already invaded the Electoral dominions, the Elec
tor and the Landgrave hastened home. Charles
soon conquered the confederated cities of Upper
Germany, humbled Wiirtemberg, and deprived the
Archbishop of Cologne of his Electoral dignity..
The next spring he advanced against the Elector of
Saxony, fought and won the battle of Muhlberg,
April 24th, and took the Elector prisoner. He
afterward deprived him of his Electoral dignity, and
bestowed the same upon Maurice, thus transferring
the Electorate from the Ernestine to the Albertine
line, with which it remains to this day.
Melanchthon had not been hopeful of the results
of the war. But what distressed him most was the
dissolution of the university, and the dispersion of
the professors and students. He took up his abode
at Zerbst, though he was offered asylum with the

1547] The Schmalkald War 3!9
Elector of Brandenburg, and at Brunswick, and at
Nuremberg. In view of the possible re-establish
ment of the university he preferred to remain in the
vicinity of Wittenberg. When he learned of the de
feat and capture of the Elector he wrote to Cruciger
in a way that reveals the magnitude of his distress :
" Dearest Caspar: Not if I were able to weep as
many tears as the Elbe rolls deep waters before our walls,
could I weep out my sorrow on account of the defeat
and imprisonment of our Prince, who truly loved the
Church and Justice. Many important considerations
increase my distress. I deeply commiserate the prisoner.
I foresee a change of doctrine and a new confusion of
the churches. A great ornament is destroyed in the dis
persion of our University, and we are torn asunder.
Then, too, if it were possible to consider the matter, I
would rather die in your society and at your altars than
wander in exile, in which I am daily growing weaker.
The Eternal God and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ
keep our pastor, you, and our other colleagues." '
When he heard that Spanish and Italian soldiers
had invested Wittenberg, and were committing
murders and many nameless crimes, he removed
with his family from Zerbst to Magdeburg, thence
to Brunswick, and thence to Nordhausen. His
letters during this period of exile exhibit the deep
est concern for his friends, the Church, and the
university. He says: " There is fixed in my heart
and in my very soul the greatest love for our little
nest on the Elbe and for our friends who are there
1 C. R., 6 : 532.

320 Philip Melanchthon C1497-
and in the neighbourhood, so that I cannot separate
from them without the greatest pain." ' In a few
days he learned it was quite safe for him to return
to Wittenberg. Then he wrote : " I have decided to
return for a short time to Wittenberg, or at least
to Dessau, to consult with the friends in regard to
the common exile." He was now contemplating a
visit to his native land, and was considering a call
to the University of Tubingen. He had no expect
ation at this time of being called back to Wittenberg
to take up the work which had been interrupted
by the war. He also continued to express the
deepest sympathy for his fallen Prince. In a letter
of condolence and comfort he declared his willing
ness to serve under him in the humblest school-work
in poverty rather than elsewhere in riches. He also
promised that he would not depart from the Elect
or's dominions without his Grace's knowledge.
But he did not know at that time, June 9th, that
the sons of John Frederick, to whom a portion of
their father's dominions, including Weimar, Jena,
Eisenach, and Gotha, had been left, intended to
open a university at Jena. His heart was still at
Wittenberg. June 16th he wrote to a friend:
" Though I do not approve all the confusion there,
yet if I can gather together the scattered remnants of the
University, I would not go elsewhere. For I love that
University as my native land, as in it I lived in the
most intimate relations with learned and honourable col
leagues, and with a fair amount of zeal taught the things
>C. R„ 6: 560.

CHARLES V. IN 1547. /
FROM THE PAINTING BY TiTIAN IN THE PINACOTHEK AT MUNICH.

1547] The Schmalkald War 321
most necessary. The son of our captive Prince has only
requested that I should not leave these parts without
first informing him of my intention. If a place should
be given me even in a humble school in his dominions,
I would not hesitate to serve him ; for I am not thinking
of a brilliant position, but of my grave." l
When asked by the young dukes to name the
place where he wished to reside, he wrote that he
would come to Weimar to learn further their inten
tions, and to give his " simple and humble opinion."
On the seventh of July he went to Weimar, but with
the determination not willingly to separate himself
from his colleagues, and not to choose a position in
which he could not again unite with them in labour;
for in all his letters of these months he declares that
he will act only in conjunction with his colleagues.
July ioth, in a written Opinion, which only recently
has been recovered, he sets forth the difficulties of
founding a new university : It will cost a great deal
of money; " the princes are poor and in debt " ; it
will probably increase the hostility toward John
Frederick and his family. In this Opinion he openly
insists on Wittenberg as the place for the univer
sity, since studies have already flourished there, and
Wittenberg is favourably situated in the Saxon
lands for the university.3 But, as the Court per
sisted, he sketched a plan and named the professors.
As not all of these were acceptable, and as Melanch
thon was required to give a categorical answer as to
^C.R.,6: 578.
8 Bindseil's Supplementa, p. 541.

322 Philip Melanchthon [mi-
whether he would come to Jena or not, he at once
broke off all negotiations, and on the 14th returned
to Nordhausen, without knowing how it would go
with him at Wittenberg, since he had not yet been
invited thither by the new Elector.
The facts in the case show conclusively that the
plan of founding a new university at Jena did not
arise from opposition to the theology and tendency
of Melanchthon. Exactly the opposite was the
case. At the beginning, the Weimar Court wished
especially to foster and to cultivate that theology,
and above everything it sought to have Melanch
thon as its chief teacher. Even the school that was
opened at Jena, March 19, 1548, was opened under
Melanchthon's auspices. The two teachers, Stigel
and Strigel, were pupils and friends of Melanchthon.
The Inaugural of Strigel treated a favourite thought
of Melanchthon's, and wholly in his spirit, viz., that
even in times of trouble, learned studies must be
fostered. Only subsequent events, together with
the rivalries of princes and the jealousies of theolo
gians like Amsdorf and Flacius, brought on the sharp
antagonism to Wittenberg, which, in 1558, erected
the Jena gymnasium into a university, and made
it the stronghold of opposition to Melanchthon and
to Wittenberg.1
The one thing which influenced Melanchthon
most was the deep conviction that for the sake of
the Church the university ought to remain at Wit
tenberg. He saw that the downfall of the univer
sity would be a greater victory for the Catholics
1 Hartfelder, p. 537.

1547] The Schmalkald War 323
than even the capture of John Frederick had been.
He wrote to Nicholas Medler: " The churches are
not to be deserted because the government changes.
The schools are bound up with the churches. For
whence are we to have ministers of the Gospel, if
the schools should be destroyed?"1 He could
have gone to Tubingen, or to Frankfort-on-the-
Oder, and who would have blamed him ? But the
love of the Church, and devotion to his colleagues,
constrained him. To Prince George of Anhalt he
wrote :
' ' Were this purely a private matter, I could very easily
decide. I would return to my native land which re
ceived me at my birth. Now my native land is with the
company of most learned and virtuous men with whom
I have lived so many years, and by whose labours learn
ing has been widely spread over these countries. May
God for the sake of his holy sanctuary confirm what he
hath wrought." *
A day or two later he wrote to Augustin Schurf :
" Though from the very beginning of my exile I was
invited to my native land, yet I was unwilling hastily to
leave these parts. Nor do I doubt that I have acted
wisely. Either the longing for my colleagues, or other
good reasons, detained me; for I have come to the con
clusion that if at Wittenberg, or elsewhere, I can live
among my old colleagues, most learned and honourable
men, I will choose no other home, no other friends.
1 C. R., 6: 812.
»C. R.,6: 598.

324 Philip Melanchthon O497-
I shall judge my native land to be where they are. But
I doubt whether the victorious Duke wants to have two
universities." '
In order to reach a conclusion in regard to his
future, and his " migration," he left Nordhausen,
July 16th, for Zerbst, to consult with Dr. Schurf,
Paul Eber, and others. At Merseburg, on the 18th,
he learned that the Wittenberg theologians had
been summoned to Leipzig by the new Elector,
and that a messenger had been sent to Weimar for
him. He now proceeded to Leipzig, where Maurice
promised the theologians " that he would not allow
any papal abuses to be introduced ; nor would he
tolerate anything contrary to the Word of God,
but as a Christian Elector he would protect the
Word of God and its ministers to the best of his
ability."3 The theologians were treated with the greatest
kindness by Maurice, who lodged them at his own
expense, and bestowed upon them suitable presents.
Melanchthon was offered a professorship at Leipzig,
but this was declined in favour of the " little nest
on the Elbe," whither on the 25th he travelled with
the other theologians. He also declined calls to
Denmark and to Konigsberg, though at Wittenberg
he lived for a time at his own expense. His delight
was " to gather up the planks of the shipwrecked
University." In almost the same words in two
letters written August 10th, he tells us why he re-
1 C. R., 6 . 599.
8 C. R., 6 : 605.

DUKE MORITZ OF SAXONY.
FROM A PAINTING BY CRANACH THE YOUNGER.

'547] The Schmalkald War 325
turned to Wittenberg: " Had I declined to come I
certainly would have impeded the restoration of the
University." 1
There can be no question as to the motives which
influenced Melanchthon's choice. They were de
votion to his colleagues, and a desire to re-establish
the university in the interests of the Church. He
had made no unconditional promise to the sons of
John Frederick. He was not a courtier, and hence
he was under no obligation to follow the fortunes of
a fallen court. As a citizen it was his duty to obey
the powers that be, and to try to repair the ruins of
war. Wittenberg was the original seat of the Re
formation. It were far wiser to restore it than to
found a rival university which was sure to be con
ducted with partisan zeal. Fault was never found
with his colleagues for returning to their old places ;
but that he, the most celebrated teacher in Germany,
should take service under the apostate Maurice, was
construed by the Weimar Court as an act of unfaith
fulness and of ingratitude toward his former lord ; to
which was subsequently added the charge of intend
ing to change the Lutheran doctrine. But as Mel
anchthon's promise did not involve the founding of
a new university, and as the conditions imposed in
volved a desertion of his old colleagues, he compro
mised neither his veracity, nor his honour, nor his
fidelity, by returning to Wittenberg. As to the
charge of wishing to betray the Lutheran faith, that
is absolutely refuted by the Confessio Saxonica,
composed in 155 1, and by his repeated affirmations
'C. R., 6: 628, 629.

326 Philip Melanchthon C1497-
of adherence to the Augsburg Confession and its
Apology. When he was informed of the slanders circulated
by the Weimar Court and its adherents, he wrote
to Caspar Aquila, August 29th :
" When there was hope of restoring our University,
and my colleagues urgently entreated me to return, the
name of the University, association with my colleagues,
the sad and desolate condition of this Church to which
hitherto so many nations looked, influenced me to come
hither. It seemed a singular blessing of God that our
little town was not utterly destroyed, and I thought it
would be another blessing of God if our University could
be restored. To the many who wickedly blame me for
my return I make no reply, except to pray that surcease
may be granted to my sorrow. A melancholy mind always
errs, says Ennius. Perhaps in my great distress I was
too eager for the companionship of my old friends, with
whom I had so long been associated in the most honour
able toil. It may be that the condition of the times did
not justify me in hoping for so much in regard to the
reparation of the University, the success of which is not
yet assured. Certainly I sought neither pleasure nor
gain. I am living here like a stranger at my own ex
pense, sorrowing and praying, and passing no day with
out shedding tears. If the restoration succeeds, I hope
the churches in these parts will be blessed. If it do not
succeed, then I must go into exile again. It is not
strange that we have sought for an end to this distraction.
Those who magnify my error into a rejection of doctrine,
do me injustice. Oh that they would also consider their
own errors! " 1
iC. .£.,6:649.

1547] The Schmalkald War 327
Melanchthon now gave himself up to the univer
sity, " which had been so serviceable in promoting
liberal studies and Christian doctrine." In a short
time he secured ample means for it, and wrote, " If
there were peace in the country, I think there would
be plenty of students." To the accusations that he
meant to change the doctrine, and had forgotten the
Elector, he replied :
" When those of whom you wrote, say that the
preachers of this place have deserted the truth, they do
great injury to the Church, which is already sufficiently
distressed. By God's grace the voice of the Gospel now
resounds as unanimously in the city of Wittenberg as it
did before the war. And almost every week ministers
of the Gospel are publicly ordained, and sent into the
neighbouring districts. It was but this week that six
pious and learned men were sent forth, all of whom de
clare even as formerly that they will preach the pure
Gospel to their hearers. And they are likewise examined
as in former times. The facts of the case prove that we
have not changed our minds in regard to doctrine. We
also offer up public and private prayers for the im
prisoned Prince. We do not hear anyone speak evil of
our Prince; and the authorities of the city would not
permit anything of the kind. Therefore I beseech you,
do not believe those who slander us, or the Church
here; I hope that God himself will confute them and
deliver us from their envenomed tongues. I myself
honour the imprisoned Prince with devout reverence,
and daily commend him to God with tears and supplica
tions, and I pray God to deliver and guide him. As this
is true I am amazed at the levity of the slanderer who

328 Philip Melanchthon C*547
accuses me of the cruelty of preventing prayer for the
Prince. But I will beseech God to protect his Church
everywhere and also to deliver us from such slanders in
this our great distress." '
In numerous other letters during the closing
months of this year (1547), he most earnestly protests
that he has made no change in doctrine, and that
he is opposing the Lutheran Confession to the de
crees of the Council of Trent. But from this time
on, the Weimar princes and their theological adher
ents began to entertain the most irreconcilable
grudge against Melanchthon. They also bitterly
hated Maurice, and looked with envy on Witten
berg, which, by the reputation of Melanchthon and
under the protection of Maurice, was again becom
ing the head and centre of German Protestantism.
Melanchthon was training the ministers of the
Church, and these were extending the fame of their
teacher and of the university. He was everywhere
recognised as the most eminent theologian of the
Church, and his advice was sought on all kinds of
vexed ecclesiastical questions. This was more than
the Weimar princes could bear. They soon an
nounced themselves as the exclusive defenders of
the doctrines of the Lutheran Church, which from
that time on embraced two hostile camps. The
contests between the theologians of ducal Saxony
and those of the Electorate are memorable.
'C.R.,6: 651.

CHAPTER XXVII
THE INTERIMS
The Augsburg Interim — Letter to Carlowitz — Several Formulas —
The Leipzig Interim.
AS the Schmalkald War had completely shattered
the Schmalkald League, so Protestantism
seemed on the verge of ruin. At the Diet of Augs
burg, September, 1547, a form of doctrine was pro
posed which was to be binding in the churches until
a satisfactory decision of the Council should be
reached. The book is known as the Augsburg In
terim. Not more than two or three of its twenty-six
articles contain the pure evangelical doctrine. Its
acceptance would have been the preliminary to the
acceptance of the decrees of Trent. Maurice hesi
tated and sought the advice of his theologians.
These strongly counselled against the Interim.
Melanchthon especially rejected some of the articles
of Trent because they were contrary to divine truth.
He would not burden his conscience with them.
He also declared that he would not burden his con
science with the Interim. To Camerarius he wrote :
329

330 Philip Melanchthon C*497-
" So long as I live I will act as I have hitherto done,
and I shall speak the same things wherever I shall
be. I shall continue the same worship of God and
shall speak with my accustomed moderation and
without violence." J
The period was a critical one. Protestantism had
not before been in such peril. It was uncertain how
Maurice would act, or what the political exigencies
would require of him. For twenty years Melanch
thon had laboured and prayed for the peace of the
Church. In his negotiations both with the Reformed
and with the Catholics, he had laid stress on the
essentials of the Gospel, and not on things indifferent.
To the same principle he still adhered with heroic
firmness, even in the face of the Emperor's hate and
of the Elector's less than half-hearted support.
Fault was found with him by some of the Protest
ants because he did not make greater concessions to
the Catholics. Christopher von Carlowitz, one of
Maurice's counsellors, a hearty hater of Luther,
acting in the pay of Charles, more intent on his
master's political interests than on the cause of re
ligion, exhorted Melanchthon " to advance the plans
which had been proposed for the promotion of the
union of the churches," and demanded that he
should approve the Interim. On the twenty-eighth
of April, 1 548, Melanchthon replied as follows :
" In regard to the exhortation, I assure you I desire
that the illustrious Prince shall decide in accordance
with his own judgment, and with that of his council, as
1 C. R., 6 : 878,

r548] The Interims 331
shall seem most salutary for himself and the state.
When he shall have decided, if there be anything which
I cannot approve, I will not act seditiously, but I will
either keep silent, or I will leave, or I will bear whatever
befalls. Formerly I bore an almost unseemly servitude,
since Luther often gave way to his temperament, in which
there was not a little contentiousness, and did not suf
ficiently consider his own dignity and the public welfare.
And I know that always we must modestly overlook some
defects in government, just as we must bear the evils of
storms. But you say I am not only required to be silent,
but also to give my approval [of the Interim]. Now I
doubt not that you as a wise man understand the natures
and dispositions of men. By nature I am not contro
versial, and I as greatly love peace among men as any
one. Neither have I started the controversies which
distract the state. But I have fallen into them when
they had been started, and I have taken part in them
with a sincere desire to ascertain the truth."
He then proceeds to say that he does not object
to some ceremonies contained in the Interim.
Again :
' ' Gladly will I promote the harmony of these churches ;
but I am by no means willing either that they shall be
disturbed by a change of doctrine, or that worthy men
shall be driven away. When I think of a new distraction
of the churches, I am deeply grieved."
He closed by alluding to the dilatoriness of the
chiefs of the Schmalkald League during the cam
paign on the Danube in 1546.1
Carlowitz, instead of holding this letter in con-
'C.R.,6: 879.

33 2 Philip Melanchthon C1497-
fidence, as Melanchthon plainly intended that he
should do, showed it to friend and foe. The Catho
lics made copies of it, one of which was sent to the
Pope, and another was read to the Emperor, who
exclaimed, " Now you have him, hold on to him."
Some of Melanchthon's Protestant enemies pub
lished it with the most slanderous perversions and
spiteful comments.1 In a word, it became a cam
paign document in the hands of two contending
parties. The Catholics rejoiced over it as an evid
ence of division in the ranks of the Protestants,
and some of the Protestants blamed it for its con
cessions, 'its characterisation of Luther, and its al
lusion to the heads of the Schmalkald League. But
to Protestants and Catholics alike it can be said
that the letter adheres to essentials in doctrine, and
concedes only things indifferent. Its characterisa
tion of Luther is only too true, and all historians
agree that the irresolution of John Frederick and
others is responsible for the outcome of the Schmal
kald War.
To have written such a letter at that time may be
regarded as unwise and impolitic, and we may with
Ranke wish that it never had been written. In
itself it shows the transparent honesty of Melanch
thon. It contains no taint of treachery, nor of
hypocrisy, nor of ingratitude, and no intimation of a
surrender of fundamental truth. The evil lay in the
evil that was made out of it, and in the deceitful
purpose of the man who obtained it, and then di
vulged it. Carlowitz, as the letter shows, wrote of
1 See Concilia Witebergensia, p. 325.

CONTEMPORARY CARICATURE ON THE INTERIM.

»548] The Interims 333
the necessity of preventing war, of conciliating the
Emperor, of saving the Protestant cause from utter
ruin. All this could be done by a little concession
on the part of Melanchthon ! He should therefore
sign the Interim and secure these great ends! His
answer in substance is: I do not have Luther's
heroic nature. I will make concessions in adiaphora,
but not in doctrine. If I cannot bear the Elector's
decrees, I will go into exile. He did not expect his
moderation to please those in power, but he was
resolved, by the help of God, to bear whatever
might befall him, because he preferred truth to life.
We have only to know all the circumstances of
those terrible times, and to put ourselves in Mel
anchthon's place, in order to judge righteously as
well as charitably of the matter. The letter is a
polite but firm way of saying, / will not accept the
Interim ; and to this Melanchthon adhered ; for not
only did he write criticism after criticism on the
Interim, but when called to Leipzig, June 9th, to
consult about it, he said, " If approbation be de
manded, it is not doubtful what answer should be
given"; and added, "This sophistical book will
be the cause of new wars and of greater alienation
in the churches." * All this he did and said notwith
standing the fact that the Emperor had twice de
manded that he be delivered up, or driven into exile.
To the Prince of Anhalt he wrote that he would
suffer banishment and death rather than approve a
change in doctrine. Indeed Melanchthon's course
in relation to the Interim, in the face of a deceitful
1 C. R., 6 : 922.

334 Philip Melanchthon [1497-
Court, of an apostate Elector, and of an all-victorious
Emperor, is marked by prudent but firm opposition.
Nothing could induce him to betray the doctrine
which he and others had long taught at Wittenberg.
His conduct was that of a martyr. His faith in
God, to whom he committed " these perils," is sub
lime. It is impossible to read his letters at this
period without feeling the deepest sympathy for him
and the many other good men who " were being
crucified with anxieties for the Church and for
peace." When, a little later, the civil counsellors
presented a strongly Catholicising statement known
as the Celle Interim, Melanchthon called it "a
botch," and declared that " the consciences of the
politicians are more concerned for other things than
for the maintenance of pure and uncorrupt doc
trine."1 This Celle Interim was subscribed at
Jiiterbok, December 17th, by Maurice of Saxony
and Joachim of Brandenburg as the norm of teach
ing for their churches. The theologians were not
consulted. When the Saxon theologians were told that they
were to abide by the Celle Interim, Bugenhagen ex
claimed, " Then we thank God, for we know that
at Celle we adopted nothing unchristian, but rejected
what was unchristian." * And Melanchthon, while
at Jiiterbok, presented a long refutation of " the
idolatrous blasphemies of the private masses and
the canon [of the mass]." 8

'C. R., 7: 232.
' Voigt, Briefwechsel, p. 96.
>C. R., 7: 235.

J548j The Interims 335
It was thus evident that Melanchthon was disput
ing every inch of ground demanded by the two
electors and their courtiers. These latter declared
that unless concessions were made, the same per
secutions would come upon Saxony that had come
upon South Germany, where four hundred pastors
with their families had been driven into exile, and
where all the churches had been given to the Catho
lics. At the same time, Agricola, his old enemy,
now court-theologian of the Elector of Branden
burg, was complaining to Maurice that by his much
writing to the theologians and preachers, Melanch
thon would create an alliance against the Interim.
The Emperor was still demanding that he be driven
into exile. Never did a man occupy a more difficult
and responsible position. The drawn sword hung
over the Church and the people ; and it looked as
though everything would be lost unless concessions
should be made in adiaphora, that is, in the external
usages of the Church.
It was under these circumstances that Melanch
thon went from Jiiterbok to Leipzig to attend a diet
which had been called by Maurice for December 21,
1548. The other theologians present were Gresser
of Dresden, Pfeffinger and Camerarius of Leipzig,
and George of Anhalt. In his Declaration to the
Diet, Maurice distinctly says that the chief article,
Justification, shall still be purely taught in his
dominion.1 This was the fundamental thing. It
was thought that if this could be saved the churches
might yet be saved. To the Celle Interim, the work
1 C. R., 7 : 254. See Vogt's Bugenhagen, p. 431.

336 Philip Melanchthon C1497-
of the civil counsellors, was prefixed an article on
Justification, and one on Good Works, composed
by Melanchthon at Pegau, in July. The article on
Justification maintains without equivocation the
central Lutheran principle, that " God does not
justify man by the merit of his own works which
man does, but out of mercy, freely, without our
merit, that the glory may not be ours, but Christ's,
through whose merit alone we are redeemed from
sin and justified." * The document thus composed
was laid before the Diet. It was due to Melanch
thon that the fundamental principle was saved. To
the other portion of the document he submitted,
but not until further resistance seemed to be futile.
He did not give the document his unqualified ap
proval. He simply regarded " the transactions at
Leipzig as tolerable," in view of " the various perils
that threatened the churches and the State." He
" wanted some things considered differently and
done differently." '
The document retained as adiaphora various
Catholic ceremonies, as Extreme Unction, Fasts,
Corpus Christi, and most of the usages of the Mass.
Perhaps the most dangerous feature was that it
yielded ordination exclusively to the bishops ; but
this was done with the expressed understanding
that the bishops exercise their office well, and " use
the same for edification and not for destruction " —
a restriction which balanced the concession, and for
which there was abundant precedent, as at Schmal-
'> c. R., 7 : 51.
'CR.,T. 275, 292.

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J548] The Interims 337
kald in 1540, when it was conceded by Luther and
others, that Ordination, Visitation, and Jurisdiction
might remain in the hands of the bishops ' ; and also
in The Wittenberg Reformation, where Ordination is
conceded to the bishops on condition that they hold
the true doctrine and ordain proper persons.1
Yet it will not be denied that this document,
which soon began to be known as the Leipzig In
terim, conceded too many Catholic uses, and thus
opened the door to Catholic abuses. The consider
ation which finally prevailed with the theologians in
making such large concessions, is found in a letter
of George of Anhalt to Francis Burkhard, written
by Melanchthon :
" They hope to avoid perils, if we retain some rites in
themselves not vicious. We are also accused of unjust
obstinacy if in such things we are unwilling to promote
the public tranquillity. In this matter they err who think
that perils can be avoided ; yet we do not violently con
tend about such things, because there are other greater
controversies, about which there are most bitter disputes.
That we may retain things essential, we are not rigid in
regard to things non-essential, especially since those rites
have to a great extent remained in the churches of these
parts. We know that much is said against these conces
sions; but the desolation of the churches, such as is
occurring in Swabia, would be a greater scandal. If by
such moderation it can be brought about that neither
doctrine nor worship be changed, fault cannot be justly
found with us." *
>C. R.,3: 943.
'C.R., 5: 585.
>C R., 7 : 252.

CHAPTER XXVIII
THE ADIAPHORISTIC CONTROVERSY
The Reaction — Flacius Illyricus — The Adiaphoristic Controversy—
Melanchthon Defamed — His Letter of Defence.
THE Leipzig Interim was published (1548) " out
of obedience to the imperial command, and
from the love of peace"; but it soon brought on
the Adiaphoristic controversy in the Lutheran
Church. Complaints and inquiries reached Mel
anchthon from Berlin, Frankfort, Hamburg, and
other places. He replied in substance that the
churches should bear the yoke of adiaphora, but
should stand fast in the pure doctrine, since Christ
ian liberty does not consist in rejecting external
uses, but in the free confession of the truth ; and
not adiaphora, but faith, prayer, and a pious life
constitute the worship of God.1 From what he
wrote again and again it is evident that it was Mel
anchthon's " supreme determination to preserve
purity of doctrine and the true worship of God in
the churches committed to our faith."" This he

1 c. R., 7: 322.
5 C.R., 7: 370. 338

1549] The Adiaphoristic Controversy 339
thought could at that time be done best by submit
ting to certain things of long standing in the Church,
which were neither enjoined nor forbidden in the
Divine Word. But this was a mistake in judgment,
induced partly by his reverence for antiquity, partly
by his love of good order, partly by his yielding
temper, or the lack of the heroic element in his
nature. The times were sadly out of joint ; and it
is not at all improbable that had no concessions been
made, the same distress would have come upon
Saxony that had already befallen Swabia. The
Interim and the reaction which it brought gave the
politic and ambitious Maurice time to test the sense
of his people, and to get ready for that second act
of perfidy which saved Germany to Protestantism.
The ablest and most violent opponent of the In
terim was Matthias Flacius, born in Illyria, March 3,
1520. He had studied at Venice, Basel, Tubingen,
and Wittenberg, and was now living at Magdeburg.
He was a very learned, but bitter, violent, and ca
lumnious man. From Magdeburg, which was called
" the chancery of God," Flacius, Amsdorf, Wigand,
and Gallus, the self-styled " exiles of Christ,"
poured forth a flood of vituperation against the
Interim, and against Melanchthon, as though he
was its author. To apprise the reader of the con
tents of one of his pamphlets, Flacius placed the
following advertisement on the title-page :
" From this pamphlet you will learn the innocence of
the author and the origin and progress of the Adiaphora,
and all the causes of those delusions, and that, too, from

34° Philip Melanchthon C1497-
the mouths of the authors themselves. You will learn
that the occasion was in part the desire of the wicked to
betray and to crucify Christ, and to set the Roman
Barabbas free; in part it was the false faith, the fear and
carnal wisdom of weak Christians. The matter is the
union of Christ and Belial, of light and darkness, of the
sheep and the wolves, the service of two masters who
are mortal foes, Christ and Belial. The form is the false
paint and deceitful colouring of order, discipline, and
uniformity. The end is the restoration of the papacy,
the setting up of Antichrist in the temple of Christ,
the confirmation of the wicked, that they may triumph
over the Church and Christ, the distress of the pious,
weakness, the leading into doubt, unnumbered offen-

It is freely conceded here that Flacius rendered at
this time an important service to Protestantism.
He had the correct idea of adiaphora, viz., that, as
things neither enjoined nor forbidden by the Divine
Word, they may be received in the exercise of
Christian liberty, but are not to be imposed by
authority. He also had the correct idea of the re
lation of the State to the Church, viz., that the
former should not dictate the faith and the form of
worship of the latter. Early in the Reformation
the Wittenberg theologians had urged the rulers, as
" necessity bishops," to reform the Church. This
principle worked well enough for them when it was
applied on their side; but now that two influential
electors of Protestant lands were in league with the
papacy, it returned to vex them and their followers,
'Preger, i., 85.

1549] The Adiaphoristic Controversy 341
and it vexes German Protestantism to this day.
Here the courtiers, as the representatives of the
Saxon Elector, simply took the matter in their own
hands, and overwhelmed the theologians by vocifer
ous intimidations, inserted into the Interim their
own propositions, and then interpreted the silence
of the theologians as approval. The consolation
left to the latter was that they had saved the evan
gelical principle in its essence ; that they had pre
served the Church from destruction ; and that every
adiaphoron allowed might be reconciled with evan
gelical truth. Melanchthon's letters give the full
proof that he did not approve the Interim ; that
he regarded it as "a servitude imposed upon the
churches by the rulers," which had to be borne, lest
greater evils come. Moreover, he had no confid
ence in the Interim, and predicted " that in two
years it would die out, and would bring greater
trouble and confusion." 1
At Wittenberg men were ordained almost every
week " by the customary rite," and sent into the
churches to preach the pure Gospel; and Bugen
hagen protested publicly from the pulpit that the
Wittenberg theologians were not responsible for the
Interim, and he called upon professors and citizens
to make this known by letter."
Melanchthon called the Interim " the work of the
courtiers," and constantly insisted, also, that as a
matter of fact no change had taken place in doctrine
1 See Ranke, v., 64, 65, vi., 509 ; C. R., 7 : 342. 35°. 351. 35°.
'Voigt, Briefwechsel, p. 96.

342 Philip Melanchthon Cx497-
and in ceremonies. He wrote that he could easily
bear the reproaches heaped on himself personally, if
only the seeds of further dissensions should not be
sown. Flacius continued his calumnies. He even ob
tained, either by theft or through breach of confid
ence, Melanchthon's private letters, and published
them with the most scurrilous and defamatory
comments. Finally Melanchthon could stand it no
longer, and in October, 1549, he wrote a letter
which ought forever to silence all criticisms in regard
to his motives, and all suspicions in regard to his
fidelity to the Lutheran faith, both during and after
the unfortunate interimistic contest and contro
versy. The letter, which is calm, dignified, and
pious, is as follows :
' ' To the Candid Reader :
" As it ought to be the principal care of all men rightly
to know and to worship God, so, since God reveals him
self in the Church and wishes his Word to be heard there,
and all persons to become members of that society and
to gather under the banner of our Lord Jesus Christ, as
is said in Isaiah, He shall be an ensign to the people — so it
is necessary to consider carefully, and, in view of the
diversity of the human race, to inquire wisely what and
where the true Church is, that wherever we are, we may
unite with it in faith, worship, and confession. The
Church is scattered throughout the world ; but from the
profane and impious part of the human race it is distin
guished by infallible signs, so that we may know truly
that the. Church is the society, wherever it is, which
preaches the pure Gospel, and retains the proper use of

1549] The Adiaphoristic Controversy 343
the sacraments, and does not persistently defend idolatry.
Since those who have learned the prophetic and apostolic
doctrine, and know that it is not a fable, can judge of
these things with mind, eyes, and ears, surely the Church
can be recognised.
" Amid the wreck of empires and the dispersion of
men, pious souls have this comfort, that wherever they
hear the pure word of sound doctrine, and witness the
proper use of the sacraments, and see that idolatry, and
errors which oppose the Word of God, are rejected, they
know of a truth and do not doubt that there is the house
of God, that there God is in the ministry of the Gospel,
that there the worshipper is heard, that there God is
rightly worshipped, and that there the Son of God
gathers an eternal inheritance, as he has said : ' Where
two or three are gathered together in my name, there am
I in the midst of them.'
" In periods of public dissensions there is need of this
consolation, and I present it here because our churches
which have this sure and steadfast consolation, are now
greatly disturbed by the clamours of certain persons.
Let each one see and hear for himself. The same
doctrine in all respects is taught that appears in our
books. There is the same use of the sacraments, that
there was before the war. Errors and idolatry are dis
carded, as our books show.
" But Flacius Illyricus exclaims that the doctrine is
changed, and that certain ceremonies formerly abolished
have been restored. I will first reply concerning doctrine.
The voice of all the teachers in our churches and schools
openly refutes this calumny. And to avoid a prolix
statement, I refer to the whole body of doctrine "written
in the Loci Communes, which is in many hands. In that
book I did not aim to set up any new doctrine, but

344 Philip Melanchthon C1497-
faithfully to embrace the common doctrine of those
churches which adopted the Confession presented to the
Emperor Anno M.D.XXX., which I consider the invari
able doctrine of the Church Catholic, and which I wish
to have understood as having been written honestly and
without sophistry and calumnious intentions.
" I am conscious of having compiled that epitome not
from a desire of differing from others, nor from a love
of novelty, nor from contentiousness, nor from any
wicked desire whatever. The circumstances made it
necessary. When, in the first inspection of our churches,
we encountered the discordant clamours of the ignorant
in regard to many things, I brought together a summary
of the doctrine which had been taught by Luther in
different volumes of interpretations and discourses, and
I studied a mode of expression suited to accuracy, per
spicuity, and harmony in those who were being taught;
and I have always submitted my writings to the judgment
of our Church and of Luther himself. In regard to many
questions I was careful to consult Luther, whose books
are widely circulated, and I sought to know his opinions.
I am satisfied that this doctrine is the invariable con
sensus of the Church Catholic of our Lord Jesus Christ,
and I pray God to keep me in the profession of this doc
trine for the good of the eternal Church. I mention
these things that no one may accuse me of hindering the
faith of others by my own doubts.
" In the next place it is requisite to offer a few words
of reply to the charge respecting Ceremonies. I certainly
could have wished, especially in the present afflictive
circumstances, that the churches should not have been
disturbed by any change ; but if such be the case it does
not originate with me. But I confess that I have per
suaded the people of Franconia and others not to aban-

1549] The Adiaphoristic Controversy 345
don their churches on account of any service with which
they could comply without impiety. For though Flacius
cries out vehemently that the churches had better be de
serted, and the princes alarmed by the fear of sedition,
I should not choose to be the author of such wretched
advice. It is plain that we must endure much greater
burdens in the cause of literature and religion than mere
dress — as the hatred of the great, the insolent contempt
of the populace, the malevolence of hypocritical friends,
the dissensions of the priesthood, poverty, persecution,
and other evils which accompany even a quiet govern
ment: but these turbulent times produce many greater
miseries. " But as we must not desert our posts on this account,
we must sustain lighter servitude if it can be done with
a good conscience. The distressing situation of the
present times, in which there are such divisions in senti
ment and opinion, seems to me to require that these
oppressed churches should be comforted and strength
ened by all the aids that piety can afford, and that we
should take care that the most important doctrines
should be faithfully explained and transmitted to pos
terity, and that the universities be supported as the de
positories of general literature.
" The representation of Flacius respecting somebody's
(who I know not) having reported that I have declared
we ought not to withdraw from the churches, although
the ancient abuses should be reinstated, is absolutely
without foundation.
" Now mark this crafty man: In order to excite
suspicion and inflame hatred, he produces many sen
tences dropped in familiar discourse, which he calumni-
ously misinterprets, and also attributes to others sayings
of fiis own invention, that he might appear not only to

346 Philip Melanchthon CH97-
have witnesses, but agents at his command. Nor have
I ever thought or said what he falsely imputes to me,
that we ought to remain in those churches in which old
errors are restored, such as Mass services, invocation of
saints, and other impious services which we have con
demned in our publications. I do openly declare that
such idolatrous rites should neither be practised nor
tolerated. And that students may be the better in
structed in every particular, I have explained the occa
sions and origin of the controversy with great care and
labour. " Here, if I were inclined to indulge my grief, I
might justly complain of Flacius, who circulates such
falsehoods to my detriment, and might detail the origin
of those distresses which overwhelm the whole Church,
explaining those circumstances which tend to strengthen
the boldness and confirm the power of our adversaries
against the truth. But I am unwilling to open these
wounds, and I beseech these advocates of liberty to allow
me and others at least to endure our afflictions in peace,
and not excite more cruel dissensions.
" He boasts that he will continue to be the advocate
of the pristine state of things. If by this expression he
refers to particular empires and governments, and con
fines the Church only to its own walls, his idea is very
incorrect; for the Church is scattered abroad in various
kingdoms, publishing the uncorrupted word of the
Gospel, and serving God by tears and groans of genuine
worship. But as he states that he was once so familiarly
acquainted with me, he could testify my pains and sor
rows and zealous care. We lament the disturbed state of
public affairs and of kingdoms, and yet we do not ask for
garrisons and ramparts of defence; but in our churches
we publish the Gospel truth, serving God in the know-

^49] The Adiaphoristic Controversy 347
ledge and faith of his Son, and aiming, to the best of our
feeble efforts, to promote the literary pursuits of our
youth and the preservation of discipline.
" If this advocate of the primitive state of things can
restore this golden age to our churches, let him triumph
as much as he will.
" Why he should particularly attack me who have
never offended him, as Marius did Antonius, I know not,
for he is aware that I have been always opposed to the
corruptions of religion, and have censured the prevailing
errors. Now he says I have encouraged them, because
it has been my advice not to quit the churches on
account of a surplice or anything of that kind. If dis
sensions arise on these subjects, the commandments re
specting charity should not be forgotten, especially as
he knows our great afflictions, and that we neither seek
dominion or wealth. We should not imitate the ex
ample of worldly disputants whose impetuosity is often
such as to exemplify the proverb : ' Unless a serpent eat
a serpent, a dragon will never be born.'
" He now not only threatens to write against me, but
to do something worse. I could wish that we rather co
operate to illustrate essential truth, for there are sources
enough of contention ; so that we should proclaim a truce,
and form an alliance, a mQde of proceeding more con
ducive to our personal advantage and that of the whole
Church: lest it should happen as Paul says, ' Take heed
that you do not devour one another.' I shall frame my
answers with a view to utility, and hope, that both by my
writing and by the opinion of the pious, I am sufficiently
defended against calumny. Many good and learned
men in different places are greatly grieved that the
churches are so unjustly censured. But I recommend
Flacius and others to consider what will be the conse-

348 Philip Melanchthon [1497-
quence, if mutual animosities revive the quarrels of thirty
years. How deplorable would this be!
" Wherever he reports his idle stories and things pro
fessedly spoken in familiar conversations, he shows what
kind of regard he has for the confidence of friendship
and the rights of social intercourse.
" We naturally unbosom ourselves with more freedom
among our friends, and often I have myself, in main
taining a discussion, strongly opposed an opinion which
I really embraced, not in jest, but for the purpose of ob
taining information from the views of others.
" Many are acquainted with my natural turn of mind,
and know that I am prone rather to indulge in jocose-
ness, even in the midst of afflictions, than to anything
like sternness. To catch and circulate my words on
these occasions as he has done is mean and unkind, to
say no more. But if, as in some parts of his letter he
threatens me with the sword, any evil should occur, and
destruction should befall this miserable head, I will com
mend myself to Jesus Christ the Son of God, our Lord,
who was crucified for us and raised again, who is the
searcher of hearts and knows that I have inquired after
truth with a careful simplicity of mind, not wishing
either to gain factions and influence, or to indulge an
unbridled curiosity. Nor has it been without great and
diligent attention to the whole of Christian antiquity,
that I have endeavoured to unravel a variety of intricate
questions and to direct the studies of youth to important
learning. " But I will not speak of myself. In all civil dissen
sions I am aware that calamities are to be expected.
The minds of men become inflamed, and I perceive
Flacius prepared with his firebrands ; but to God I com
mit my life and his own true Church here and in other

i549l The Adiaphoristic Controversy 349
places, respecting which I feel far more solicitous than
of my own life. This, however, is my consolation, that
God has promised his perpetual presence in the Church,
and his Son declares, ' Lo! I am with you alway, even to
the end of the world.' He will preserve the people that
maintain the doctrines of the Gospel and that truly call
upon his name ; and I pray with the utmost fervour and
importunity of soul that he will preserve his Church in
these regions.
" This brief reply to the clamours of Flacius I have
written, not so much on my own account as for the sake
of our churches in general, among whom many pious
minds are deeply wounded by his writings. Let them be
consoled by this assurance, that fundamental principles
are faithfully retained in our churches, namely, the un-
corrupted ministry of the Gospel, all the articles of
faith, and the use of Christian sacraments without alter
ation. The Son of God, it is most certain, is present
with such a ministry, and, as I have already said, hears
the supplications of such an assembly. Adieu, candid
reader. " October, 1549." ]
There are no traces of a weak and vacillating
spirit in this letter. There is in it decision enough
to have put its author under the ban of the Empire,
and to have brought upon him the displeasure of
the Elector, for it is an unequivocal avowal of every
principle of the Reformation, as it is an unanswer
able refutation of the slanders heaped upon him by
his calumniator. Yet this letter did not silence the
calumniator. He went on with his slanders and
' C. R., 7 : 478.

35° Philip Melanchthon [1497-
mendacity. In September of the next year (1550),
Melanchthon in two letters charges downright lying
upon Flacius. To his friend John Matthesius he
wrote :
" Reverend and Dearest Brother :
" I know that as a wise man you carefully look into
the hearts and dispositions of men. Hence I hope you
have considered also my motive, and that you are not
influenced by the sycophantic writings of Illyricus, who
invents manifiesta mendacia. Never have I said, never
have I written, never have I thought, what he says I
have said, viz., that the proposition, ' We are justified by
faith alone,' is an absurd trifling about words. On the
contrary, I have spoken and written much more in regard
to the meaning of the exclusive particles, than many
others. Not without effort have I corrected the opinion
of others who did not properly explain the particle sola.
But I will reply to those virulent calumnies. I pray God
to foster and extend the churches in these parts. We
are labouring faithfully in the promulgation of the doc
trine of the Gospel, and of the useful arts. To-day I am
writing propositions to be discussed by Prutenus, who is
to become a doctor of theology." '
He wrote to George of Anhalt that he " could
more easily bear exile and death than this venom of
vipers."" That Flacius was actuated chiefly by
personal malice towards Melanchthon is evidenced
by the fact that he had but little to say against
Agricola and the Elector of Brandenburg, who from
the beginning abetted and promoted the Interim, as
1 c. R., 7 : 658.
s C. R., 7 : 658.

MATTHIAS FLACIUS.
AFTER A CONTEMPORARY ENGRAVING.

1549] The Adiaphoristic Controversy 35 !
its chief patrons. But the Saxon theologians, and
especially Melanchthon, must be crucified, because,
forsooth, they acted too leniently towards that which
Agricola originally helped to call into being. A still
sadder part is that later detractors of Melanchthon
have drawn their representations mostly from the
calumnies and manifiesta mendacia of Flacius,
rather than from the facts in the case and from the
disavowals of the conscientious and truth-loving
Melanchthon, whose Opinions, letters, and conduct
during the entire interimistic period demonstrate
the absurdity of charging him with tergiversation,
or with the desertion of a single Lutheran doctrine.
This interimistic and adiaphoristic controversy
forms a sad chapter in Lutheran history, but it can
not be further discussed in these pages.

CHAPTER XXIX
THE COUNCIL OF TRENT
Various Writings — The Saxon Confession — Council of Trent — The
Treaty of Passau — Examen Ordinandorum — More Controversies.
THE letters of Melanchthon for the year 1550
cover nearly two hundred pages in the Corpus
Reformatorum. They are addressed to kings,
princes, theologians, town councils, and personal
friends, and show the intense interest which the
writer had in all the affairs of the Church. Many
of the letters discuss questions of doctrine. But
the most significant productions of his pen belonging
to this year are Prefaces to the third and fourth
volumes of Luther's German works. He urges the
reading of Luther's books, and the transmission of
them to posterity, thus again giving a sufficient reply
to the charge of wishing to corrupt the Lutheran
doctrine. He also published this year his Exposi
tion of the Nicene Creed, for the purpose of showing
the agreement of the Lutheran theology with the
teaching of the ancient Church. In an Opinion ad
dressed to the Elector he opposes the continuation
352

x552] The Council of Trent

353

of the Council of Trent : Because the Estates of the
Augsburg Confession had not been formally invited ;
some things had been decreed against them in their
absence; the Council had been called by the Pope,
who could not be allowed to act as a judge. The
Emperor should call a free council in Germany, in
which the Protestants might not only be heard, but
could take part in the proceedings.1
When finally the Emperor promised the Protest
ants a safe-conduct to Trent and a hearing in the
Council, the Elector summoned Melanchthon, Bu
genhagen, and Camerarius to Dresden in January,
1 55 1, to hear their views in regard to the matter.
Melanchthon then presented an Opinion, in which he
says that everything which had been done by the
Council should be gone over again; that the Pro
testants should agree on articles of faith which they
wished to defend, and " that they should defend no
articles except those which are now publicly taught
in the churches of Misnia ; and what those articles
are, can be learned from the Catechism of these
churches, or from the Augsburg Confession, and
from the first Brandenburg Liturgy." 2
It was decided that Melanchthon should not go
to Trent; but he was commissioned to prepare a
new confession of faith. That he might work in
greater quiet he retired to Dessau, where from the
sixth to the tenth of May, 1 55 1, he wrote The Repeti
tion of the A ugsburg Confession, or The Confession of
the Doctrine of the Saxon Churches, commonly known
1 C. R., 7 : 637.
» C. R., 7: 736-
23

354 Philip Melanchthon [1497-
and referred to as Confessio Saxonica.1 It is a
luminous and somewhat elaborate restatement of
all the chief doctrines of Christianity according to
the Lutheran conception. It not only reaffirms the
Articles of the Augsburg Confession, but it defends
them out of the Scriptures and the teaching of the
early Church, and refutes the opposite doctrines and
some articles already promulgated by the Council of
Trent. The document is thus both positive-didactic
and polemical.
The intention was to lay this Confession before
the Council of Trent in the name of the Lutheran
theologians. That it might bear a representative
character, the professors at Leipzig and the superin
tendents of the Saxon churches met at Wittenberg,
and, July ioth, subscribed it " as the common doc
trine taught in the churches and universities." The
Margrave John of Brandenburg, George Frederick of
Ansbach, the Counts of Mansfeld, and Duke Philip
of Pomerania, sent their theologians to Wittenberg,
who also signed it as the Confession composed " by
their dear preceptor, Master Philip."
This must have been a proud moment for Mel
anchthon. In the face of the Interim and of
the Flacian calumnies, the best representatives of
Protestantism thus testified that he had given a
clear and unequivocal expression of their common
faith. It was decided not to publish the Confession until
after it had been presented at Trent. But it was
not taken thither, and in March, 1552, it appeared
1 C. R., 27 : 327 et seqq.

1552] The Council of Trent 355
in print at Basel without the knowledge of the
author. The Council of Trent, which had been indefinitely
prorogued September 17, 1549, reassembled May
1, 1 55 1, and adjourned to September. Public ses
sions were held October nth and November 25th.
December 13th Melanchthon received orders to
make ready to go to Trent. On the fifteenth of
December he went to Dresden to receive instruc
tions ; but he received only the general direction to
repair to Nuremberg and there to wait further
orders. He reached Nuremberg, January 22, 1552,
and was lodged in the St. ^Egidius Cloister, where
he delivered more than thirty public lectures. He
received much attention from the most distinguished
citizens, and employed a portion of his time in
writing. Among other things he here wrote the
Preface to Volume III. of Luther's Commentary on
Genesis, in which he severely criticises " the Triden-
tine Areopagites " and " their heathenish and Phar
isaical conceits." * Having received no instructions
up to March 10th, he left Nuremberg and returned
home. The Electoral delegates who had gone to
Trent, failing to get a public hearing, left there on
the fourteenth of March, and on the twenty-eighth
of April the Council adjourned sine die.
The affairs of the Protestants now took an unex
pected turn. The opposition encountered by the
Interim showed Maurice how deeply Protestantism
was rooted in Saxon soil. Suddenly raising the
siege of Magdeburg, which he had been commanded
1 c. R., 7 : 918.

356 Philip Melanchthon t»49?-
to subdue, and concluding an alliance with France,
he turned his arms against the Emperor, cut off his
retreat to the Netherlands, and forced the treaty of
Passau, August 2, 1552, which liberated John Fred
erick and the Landgrave, and gave the Protestants
full amnesty, a general peace, and equal rights until
the meeting of a national and general council to be
arranged for at the next diet.
Oppression now ceased ; the exiled ministers re
turned home; the hated Interim came to an end.
Maurice, who by one act of treachery had brought
Protestantism into peril, now by another act of
treachery saved it from ruin. The next year he
died from a wound received in the battle of Sievers-
hausen, fought against his former friend and com
rade in the Schmalkald War, Albert, Margrave of
Brandenburg. When the liberated John Frederick returned to
his Thuringian home, Melanchthon, in the name of
the Wittenberg theologians, sent him a letter of con
gratulation, and dedicated to him the fourth volume
of Luther's Latin works, in which dedication he
compares the Elector to Daniel in the den of lions
and to the three Hebrew youths in the fiery furnace.
The ex-Elector returned his thanks to the theologians
for their sympathy, but impliedly accused them of
having departed from Luther's doctrine.' And yet
it was exactly during the period of the ex-Elector's
captivity that Melanchthon by the composition of a
new creed had shown himself to be the continuator
of Luther's doctrine; while during the summer of
this year (1552) he had been engaged in revising the

'552] The Council of Trent 357
Mecklenburg Liturgy, and in composing a list of
articles known as the Examen Ordinandorum * — two
books which have ever since been ranked among the
classics of the Lutheran Church. Both were used
far beyond the bounds of Mecklenburg, the one in
the conduct of worship, and the other in the exam
ination of candidates for the ministry.
Scarcely was Melanchthon, the man of peace, free
from one controversy until he was precipitated into
another. Andrew Osiander, the talented and
learned, but contentious, conceited, and ambitious
Reformer of Nuremberg, was driven into exile by
the Interim. He made his way to Duke Albert of
Prussia and was soon appointed Professor Primarius
of theology in the new University of KQnigsberg.
In his Inaugural he declared that we are justified
not by the imputation of Christ's righteousness, but
by union with Christ, in that Christ dwells in us.
He also declared that Christ is our mediator only ac
cording to his divine nature ; not at all according to
his human nature. This new exposition of the cent
ral doctrine of Lutheranism brought him into col
lision with his colleagues. Osiander appealed to
Melanchthon, who at first regarded the controversy
as merely a war of words, and so counselled the
Konigsbergers to stop their disputing. Very soon
Osiander turned against Melanchthon, and declared
that both he and all his followers were nothing but
ministers of Satan, and that Melanchthon knew
nothing about Christian doctrine. He also con
demned Melanchthon's books, and asserted that 9

1 C. R., 23: 21 etseqq.

358 Philip Melanchthon C1497-
more dangerous man than he had not appeared in
the Church since the days of the Apostles.
In 1551, Duke Albert sent a copy of Osiander's
writings to each of the States of the Augsburg Con
fession. By order of the Saxon Elector, Melanchthon
wrote the Opinion of the Wittenberg faculty. He
asserts that " we must look upon Jesus Christ, God
and man, as our Mediator, must cast ourselves on
his wounds, and must find sure consolation in the
fact that we have forgiveness of sins, and are heard,
on account of this Mediator; " and further: " That
faith rests on the Lord Jesus, God and man, and on
his merits and intercessions." '
Osiander now attacked Melanchthon in the
coarsest manner, accusing him of corrupting the
Lutheran doctrine and of having introduced the cus
tom of binding candidates for the doctor's degree to
the Augsburg Confession. He also wrote, " I will
open a vein in him, and will spill his blood all over
Germany." He then published two scandalous
books, entitled respectively, The Bleeding of Philip,
and The Refutation of the Weak and Worthless An
swer of Philip Melanchthon.
As Melanchthon did not wish the people to be
further offended by this unseemly dispute, early in
January, 1553, he made reply in the form of an
academic oration in Latin. The principal point of
interest in this oration is the statement that the
binding of candidates to the Confession had been
introduced about twenty years before by Luther,
Jonas, and Bugenhagen, as a safeguard against the
1 C R„ 7 : 898.

^52] The Council of Trent 359
fanaticism of the Anabaptists, Servetus, Campanius,
Schwenckfeld, and others.1 October 17, 1553, Osi
ander died, but the controversy continued to rage
for several years, when finally the Konigsbergers
renounced the teaching of Osiander, and pledged
themselves to the Augsburg Confession and to Mel
anchthon's Loci, whereupon they were denounced
by the Flacian party as Philippists.
One extreme usually begets another. In opposi
tion to Osiander, Francis Stancar, an ex-Italian
priest, who had joined the Reformation, announced
the proposition that reconciliation is effected alone
through the suffering which Christ bore in his human
nature; that is, Christ is a Saviour only by his
human nature. This view of the work of Christ
was first opposed by Andrew Musculus. Then
Melanchthon was called in as peacemaker; but very
soon he was attacked by Stancar and accused of
three hundred errors. In June, 1553, Melanchthon
wrote a Reply to the Contentions of Stancar. He
states the teaching of the Church to be " that God
was born of a virgin, suffered, died, rose again. The
divine nature did not suffer, die, rise again, because
the person is considered in the concrete." ' It may
be said that the Reply to Stancar, and the Oration
against Osiander, give the best scientific treatment
of the Lutheran doctrine of the Person of Christ and
of Justification by Faith to be found among the
writings of the Reformers. They still have standard
value. 1 C R., ia: 5.
*C R.,23: 87 et seqq.

360 Philip Melanchthon 1*552
In these years a controversy was carried on be
tween George Major, superintendent of Mansfeld,
and the Flacian party, on Good Works. Major
maintained that good works are necessary to sal
vation, not by the necessity of merit but by the
necessity of conjunction, that is, they must exist in
conjunction with faith, otherwise faith is dead.
Amsdorf defended the proposition that good works
are injurious to salvation. At first Melanchthon
held himself aloof from the dispute, and advised
Major to give up his formula, as it was capable of
being misunderstood. But he went on defending
it, and so the controversy continued to rage. At
length Melanchthon wrote a short Opinion on the
subject, in which he asserts that " Good Works are
necessary, not as extorted by force, but because ap
pointed by an immutable divine order, by which the
creature is subject to the Creator." *
>C. R., 8: 194.

STATUE OF MELANCHTHON
IN THE CASTLE CHURCH IN WITTENBERG.

CHAPTER XXX
CONTROVERSIES ON THE LORD'S SUPPER
Naumburg Convention — Augsburg Religious Peace — Controversies
on the Lord's Supper — Attempts at Reconciliation.
MAURICE, who died July n, 1553, was suc
ceeded by his brother Augustus. The new
Elector at once confirmed the grants made to the
university by Maurice, and sought in every way to
promote peace in the churches. To this end it was
thought wise to hold a convention at Naumburg.
The twofold purpose of the convention was to form
ulate articles of faith to be presented at the next
imperial diet, and to oppose a common declaration
to the errors of Osiander and Schwenckfeld. Mel
anchthon, accompanied by John Forster and Came
rarius, reached Naumburg, May 20, 1554. The next
day witnessed the arrival of delegates from Hesse
and Strassburg; and on the 23d Pacaeus and Salmut
came from Leipzig. On the 24th a Declaration
written by Melanchthon was presented and signed
by ten representatives. The Declaration reaffirms
the Augsburg Confession ; rejects the errors of
Schwenckfeld and Osiander ; lays down the principle
361

362 Philip Melanchthon C1497-
that " unity in the true doctrine is absolutely neces
sary " ; holds that in church government four things
are highly necessary, viz., Proper Studies, Ordina
tion, Consistories with rigid discipline, and Visita
tion ; and refuses to commit Ordination to the
bishops, because they persecute sound doctrine.1
But the Flacians were not satisfied, and still kept
up their opposition to Wittenberg and to everybody
outside of their own circle.
February 5, 1555, the long-deferred diet was
opened at Augsburg. After much strife and con
tention the Augsburg Religious Peace was con
cluded, September 25th. According to its general
principles the nobles had free choice between the
Catholic religion and the Augsburg Confession, and
the religion of the subjects was to depend upon that
of their rulers. Practically this made Protestantism
the religion of Germany, but it did not by any
means extinguish its internal strifes. Discord ran
riot. The spirit of controversy filled the air. The
Christian charity that suffereth long and is kind was
unknown, at least it was not exemplified. On the
one side there was the Melanchthonian school, re
presented by Wittenberg and Leipzig, which sought
to apply the doctrine and the principles of the Re
formation in an irenical and conciliatory manner.
On the other side were the Weimarians, both Court
and theologians, and their theological adherents of
several Lower Saxon cities, who sought to make the
gulf between themselves and their religious oppon
ents, both Catholics and Reformed, as wide as possi-
1 C. R., 8 : 282-291.

x557] Controversies 363
ble. This latter party took " holy father Luther,"
as they called the great Reformer, as their shibboleth,
and began to imitate his decision, and to apply his
methods in a wholly one-sided manner.
Controversy would naturally follow the lines of
former years. Hence it soon gathered round the
Lord's Supper. The Melanchthonian formulas,
which not only had not been condemned, but on
the contrary had been approved by Luther, that
nothing has the nature of a Sacrament apart from
the divinely appointed use, and that Christ is present
not on account of the bread, but on account of the
recipients ; that with the bread and wine, the body
and blood of Christ are given — this view, which is
found in the Examen Ordinandorum and in the ex
position of the Nicene Creed, and which is perfectly
consistent with the teaching of the Augsburg Con
fession, the Apology, and the Schmalkald Articles,
had been universally accepted as the Lutheran doc
trine of the Supper. In 1552, Joachim Westphal,
a Hamburg pastor, attacked Calvin and Peter Martyr,
and made allusion to Melanchthon and his scholars.
Calvin and Bullinger answered Westphal. The con
troversy was continued for some time with an equal
amount of bitterness and violence on each side.
Westphal and his followers carried their doctrine to
the most absurd extremes. They were not content
with the adverbs vere and substantiatiter, by which
the presence of Christ in the Supper had been de
scribed in the Confessions; they added corporealiter,
dentaliter, gutturaliter , and stomachaliter ; they said
that Christ's body descends like other food into the

364 Philip Melanchthon C1497-
stomach, and that after the consecration Christ
abides in the elements ; that his body is everywhere
present, even in wood and stone. They seriously
asked what would become of a mouse, should it eat
of the consecrated host. They carefully swept up
the crumbs that fell from the consecrated host and
burned the ground on which a few drops of wine
happened to have been spilled, on the supposition
that these were particles of the veritable body and
blood of Christ. Some demanded the adoration of
the host, and Dr. Morlin said: " Thou must not
say mum ! mum ! but thou must say what this is
which the priest has in his hand." *
Melanchthon refused to endorse " such remnants
of the papacy," and named such a monstrous per
version of the Lutheran doctrine aptokarpiia, that
is, bread-worship. Nicholas Gallus (1554) and West
phal (1557) wrote each a book to show that Mel
anchthon was on their side, and that at least during
the lifetime of Luther he had not endorsed the
sacramentarians. Calvin urged Melanchthon to
make war on the bread-worshippers, and was im
patient when Melanchthon delayed answering his
letters, and remained silent. He even attributed
Melanchthon's silence to weakness." The situation
was a painful one. The great Wittenberg Master
simply did not permit himself to be drawn into a
controversy which he had not started. It would
not have been possible for him to defend the Romish
absurdities and superstitions of the Flacian party in
1 C R., 9 : 962 ; Salig., iii., 455, 456, 528.
'Bonnet's Calvin's Letters, iii., 61, 157.

1557] Controversies 365
his own Church, and nothing short of a full endorse
ment of their position as Lutheran would have satis
fied them. Personally he was friendly with Calvin,
and doubtless had the conviction that the Calvinistic
doctrine of the spiritual enjoyment of the body and
blood of Christ sacrificed no essential element of re
ligious truth. But there is not a single line in all of
Melanchthon's writings to show that he ever en
dorsed the particular Calvinistic formulas of a glori
fied body, and of a communion in Heaven to which
the believer's soul is lifted by faith. On the contrary
his formulas show that he maintained that the com
munion takes place on earth in connection with
eating and drinking. Moreover, he ever associates
the Supper with the forgiveness of sins, as its essen
tial factor ; while with Calvin the Supper is regarded
more as a food for the soul of the believer.
Under such circumstances Melanchthon might
well write that it was not difficult, but dangerous, to
say what ought to be said. To Calvin he wrote,
" Certain persons are renewing the contest about
bread-worship, moved principally by hatred towards
me, that they may have a plausible excuse for crush
ing me." 1 It is to the praise of his wisdom that he
maintained a dignified silence, though at one time
he had resolved, under a certain contingency, to
reply, since he " feared neither exile nor death." '
In his correspondence he again and again declared
that he continued to teach in accordance with his
numerous writings, with the Wittenberg Concord,
1 C R., 8 : 362.
'CR.,6: 482.

366 Philip Melanchthon CH97-
with Luther's Catechism, and the Examen Ordin
andorum. Anything new from his pen would only
have added fuel to the fire. Yet his silence did not
satisfy the Flacians. They evermore accused him
of Calvinising, on the ground that not to endorse
their semi-Romanism, and not to confute Calvin, was
to Calvinise.
In the year 1556, an effort was made to effect a
reconciliation between Melanchthon and Flacius.
The terms proposed were those of Flacius's own com
position, and involved the humiliation of Melanch
thon. When the terms were rejected, Flacius broke
out in a most violent publication, in which he de
manded a public recantation by Melanchthon and
his friends as a condition of peace. When finally
others interceded for peace and proposed terms that
were artfully meant to make Melanchthon " cut his
own throat," the latter replied that he had always
sought the peace of the Church ; that he had intro
duced no new doctrines, and had taught the doctrines
received in the Church. " If this form of doctrine
does not please Flacius, let him publish another body
of doctrine. If the churches shall prefer it, I will
make no opposition." '
Melanchthon also wrote a letter to Flacius in
which he denies that the Leipzig Interim was " a
conspiracy of the theologians," as had been charged.
He also says:
" Then we were censured with all kinds of reproaches
by the courtiers. Now we are censured by you. At
length the Prince said with his own voice, that he did
not seek to have the doctrine, nor anything necessary,
1 C. R., 9: 103-105.

x557] Controversies 367
changed, but to retain external rites in the ordering of the
festivals, lections, and in attire. Subsequently the
counsellors named these Adiaphora ; for in the beginning
the word was imposed upon us. I knew that even the
slightest changes would be offensive to the people. Yet
when the doctrine was to be retained intact, I preferred
that ours should submit to this bondage, rather than for
sake the ministry of the Gospel, and I gave the same
advice to the Franconians. This I did. The doctrine
of the Confession I never changed. In regard to these
moderate rites I contended less because they have been
retained in very many churches of these parts. Then
you began your opposition. I ceased; I did not con
tend. Ajax iii Homer in his fight with Hector was satis
fied when Hector fell and acknowledged him as victor.
You make no end of criminations. What foe strikes
those who have surrendered and grounded their arms ?
Conquer! I yield. I will not contend about these rites.
I greatly desire that the Church should have peace. I
confess that in this matter I made a mistake, and I ask
pardon from God because I did not flee those insidious
counsels. But I shall refute the false charges made by
you and Gallus." 1
In April, 1557, Flacius was called to Jena as pro
fessor of theology. The new university became
the centre of rigid Lutheranism, and exerted a
strong influence over the Duchy of Saxony, in
Magdeburg, and in parts of Northern Germany.
But the larger part of the evangelical churches of the
country, viz., those of the Electorate, Pomerania,
Hesse, and Southern Germany, acknowledged the
services of Melanchthon and blamed the violence of
the Flacians.

> C R., 8 : 839.

CHAPTER XXXI
CLOSING YEARS AND DEATH
Frankfort Recess — The Flacian Party — Melanchthon Attends the
Colloquy of Worms — The Weimar Confutation Book — The
Bavarian Articles — The Heidelberg Scandal — Last Sickness —
Death and Burial.
THE Lutherans were now divided into two hostile
camps. The princes, assembled at Frankfort,
in March, 1558, sought to put an end to the contro
versies by the publication of a fair and candid de
claration, known as the Frankfort Recess,1 which is
based partly on an Opinion by Melanchthon and
partly on an essay by John Brentz. The Recess
states that man is justified by faith alone in Christ;
that new obedience is necessary in the justified, that
is, necessary according to divine appointment ; that
Christ is truly and essentially present in the Supper
with the bread and wine, and is given to Christians
to eat and drink.
The Recess was decidedly rejected by the Weimar
dukes, who caused the Weimar Confutation Book to
be published in 1559 as a refutation of all the heresies
>C. R.,9: 489. 368

1560] Closing Years and Death 369
of the times, and as the assertion of the most rigid
Lutheranism. The object of the book was to es
tablish pure Lutheranism in the land. Hence the
ministers of Thuringia were required to sign this
book ; but it did not preserve harmony even in the
ducal dominions. The spirit of antagonism had so
possessed the authors of the book, Flacius and
others, that they soon quarrelled with John Fred
erick the Second, and were driven from Jena.
That the Flacian party did good service in hasten
ing the rejection of the Interim, has been already
conceded in these pages; but " the profane scurril
ity " and " the most diabolical calumnies of the
Flacians," as Melanchthon characterises their con
duct, is worthy of unqualified reprehension. In
their mad presumption, and in their insane zeal for
pure Lutheranism, they transcended all just limits,
and became the most dangerous errorists. Indeed
the Lutheran Church has uniformly rejected the
errors of Osiander, Flacius, Amsdorf, and Stancar;
but she has never placed herself on record against a
single doctrinal proposition of Philip Melanchthon,
when such proposition was presented in the full
Melanchthonian form and sense. In the Confession
and its Apology, both of which he wrote, in his Loci,
and in the many admirable definitions and exposi
tions scattered through his voluminous writings, and
in his spirit, which still lives, Philip Melanchthon is
an abiding power for good in the Lutheran Church.
Even the authors of the Form of Concord, Andrese,
Chemnitz, and Selneccer, retained the full Melanch
thonian doctrine of the Will in the earlier drafts of

37° Philip Melanchthon [1497-
that famous book, and sacrificed it at last only at
the behest of a few intractable zealots; but still re
tained its fundamental tendency, as already shown,
in opposition to the absolute predestinarianism of
Luther and the Flacians, and in its affirmation of
the universality of divine grace.1
In the spring of 1557, Melanchthon was invited to
assist in reorganising the University of Heidelberg,
but his Prince refused to spare him from Wittenberg.
It was the purpose also of his Elector to take him
to Denmark to attend a synod in which the Lord's
Supper was to be discussed. In administering the
communion a pastor had been so unfortunate as to
spill some wine. This accident furnished the occa
sion for the calling of a synod. But Melanchthon
shrank from the proposed journey to the North,
giving as his reason that at his birth an astrologer
had told his father he should suffer shipwreck in the
Baltic. It is altogether probable that Melanchthon
dreaded a conference with the excited theologians
far more than he feared the stormy rage of the sea.
For some reason the Elector changed his mind,
and ordered Melanchthon to attend a colloquy at
Worms; but even with the prospect presented by
this journey Melanchthon was not pleased. To
Camerarius he wrote :
" I am now engaged in preparing for a trip to the
Rhine. I dread the dire sophistry and rage of the hypo
crites more than Ulysses dreaded Scylla and Charybdis.
I would rather stay at home and say prayers with my

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1560] Closing Years and Death 371
little granddaughters than elsewhere to listen to the
riddles of the Sphinx." '
On the fifteenth of August, 1557, Melanchthon
set out for Worms, accompanied by Peucer. Paul
Eber and Cracovius had gone on ahead. At Frank
fort he heard that the Flacians were demanding the
condemnation of all errors and errorists among the
Protestants as a condition preliminary to the holding
of a colloquy with the Catholics. He wrote to
friends that the virulence of his enemies was giving
him great trouble. August 28th he reached Worms,
and was received with the highest reverence by
nearly all of the theologians.
The Flacians spared no pains to excite the whole
body of theologians against him, and when they
failed in this they cried out, " There is no candour
and no love of truth ; everything is full of sarcasm
and vile hypocrisy." Finally when they failed to
carry their sentence of condemnation, aimed chiefly
at Melanchthon, they presented their protest, which,
however, was not entered on the minutes, but merely
allowed as the expression of personal conviction.
In reply to the accusation of the Flacians, Mel
anchthon reaffirmed his adherence to the Confession,
the Apology, the Schmalkald Articles, and the Con-
fiessio Saxonica. He said: " I wrote the Confession
and the Apology which they are quoting. Now
they are debating how to get rid of their author." *
When in the colloquy the Catholics asked
whether the Protestants were agreed, he replied,
» C. R., 9 : 185.
5 C. R., 9 : 260.

372 Philip Melanchthon [1497-
" We are all agreed on the Confession." Then the
Flacians again presented their articles; but failing
to have them recognised, they left the conference
at the beginning of October, declaring that they had
been excluded. The conference was now adjourned
to hear the pleasure of the King. In the earlier
sessions the Catholics had insisted on " the perpetual
consent of the Church," as " the rule for deciding
all controversies." The Protestants would admit
no rule except the Holy Scriptures and the three
ancient Creeds.
As the conference was adjourned, Melanchthon
now had leisure to visit Heidelberg on invitation of
the Palatine Elector. Here he was received with
extraordinary demonstrations of respect by the
Prince and by the university. His pleasure was
enhanced by meeting his brother George and his
dear friend Camerarius. But the latter had been
sent on a sad mission. Melanchthon's wife had died
on the eleventh of October, and Camerarius had
come to break the news to him. Finding how happy
he had made him by his visit, Camerarius postponed
the announcement to the second day, when the two
were walking together in the Prince's garden. Mel
anchthon heard the sorrowful intelligence with com
posure, and, looking up to heaven, exclaimed : ' ' Fare
thee well. I shall soon follow thee." He then
spoke to his friend on the distressed condition of the
Church, and on the terrible events that threatened, so
that he seemed almost to bury his own sorrow in his
thought of the common distress of the Fatherland.'
'Camerarius, p. 335.

i5&»i Closing Years and Death 373
In November, he returned to Worms, where he
prepared " A Formula of Agreement touching Cert
ain Disputed Articles." This formula gives the
clearest proof of his adherence to the Confession
and Apology, and to the whole Lutheran doctrinal
system. It will stand forever in the estimation of
fair and honest men as an all-sufficient refutation
of the outrageous slanders of his baleful enemies,
who were still boasting that they would drive him
out of Germany.1
As the Protestants had been invited to recognise
Ferdinand as Emperor, it was thought desirable to
hold a convention for the consideration of religious
questions. As usual, Melanchthon was commis
sioned to prepare an Opinion. This Opinion became
the basis of the Frankfort Recess already referred to,
which in time called forth the Weimar Confutation
Book. Melanchthon was now more than ever pained by
the extravagance and violence of the Flacians. His
distress was increased by the death, April 20, 1558, of
his dear friend and colleague, Pastor Bugenhagen,
and by the imprisonment of Victorin Strigel and
Pastor Hugel of Jena, because they would not sub
scribe the Confutation Book.
Nothing could be farther from the spirit of Mel
anchthon than the application of such a method to
secure uniformity in faith. Gladly would he have
kept aloof from all further controversy with the
Weimarians. But when the Elector of Saxony re
quired of his theologians an Opinion of the Confuta-
*C.R.,9: 401.

374 Philip Melanchthon [1497-
tion Book, it fell to the lot of Melanchthon to write
it. Among other things he declared that the
Weimarians make such statements in regard to the
Lord's Supper " as no one in the Church from the be
ginning has made, not even the Papists; viz., that
the body of Christ is in all places, in stone and in
wood." He refutes " the Stoic and Manichaean ab
surdities " of the Weimarians, as that "all the
actions of men are necessitated." On the contrary,
he says: " We begin with the Word of God, which
condemns sin, and which offers forgiveness and
grace for Christ's sake ; and we say that thereby
God works alarm and comfort, as is foreshown in
David's conversion." He lays down the rule:
Grace precedes ; the Will follows ; God draws, but
he draws him that is willing. ' ' '
There were also outside enemies whom Melanch
thon had to meet and refute during this last year of
his life. The Jesuits had worked their way into
Bavaria, and were expelling every person who would
not accept the thirty-one articles of their Inquisition,
which " had been prepared by a disreputable, raving
monk." Melanchthon first saw these articles in
September, 1558. In August of the following year
he published his Reply to the Impious Articles of
the Bavarian Inquisition.'' The Reply ranks as one
of its author's great apologetic writings, and has
been called his swan's song, or dying confession, in
asmuch as in his last Will and Testament, written
the day before his death, he reaffirms it as his ' ' Con-
1 C. R., 9 : 765-769.
* Corpus Doctrines Christian*,

1560] Closing Years and Death 375
fession against the Papists, the Anabaptists, the
Flacians, and the like." '
The Reply deals not only with the thirty-one
articles of the Inquisition, but also with the various
discussions which had risen among the Protestants
themselves. It is direct and positive in tone, and
leaves nothing to be desired from the standpoint of
a true, evangelical Lutheranism. It affirms the real
and substantial presence of Christ in the Eucharist
and the communication of his body and blood. In
regard to the Will he reaffirms the rule: " Grace
precedes ; the Will follows. The Word begins, the
Will is called and drawn. God draws, but draws him
who is willing."
A month later Melanchthon published the German
edition of his Corpus Doctrina Christiana, or, A
Complete Summary of the Correct, True, Christian
Doctrine of the Holy Gospel. It contains the Augs
burg Confession, the Apology, the Saxon Confession
of 1 55 1, the Loci, the Examen Ordinandorum, The
Reply to the Bavarian Articles, A Refutation of
the Mohammedan Error of Servetus. The Preface
bears date, September 29, 1559. The same book,
with only slight deviations in contents, was prepared
also in Latin, and published the following year.
The Preface is dated, February 16, 1560.
Melanchthon, now grown weary of life, and still
more weary of the quarrels of the theologians, was
destined to have his soul vexed again over a most
disreputable quarrel in regard to the Lord's Supper.
He had recommended Tillman Heshuss, a former
1 C. R., 9 : 1099. 0

Z7^ Philip Melanchthon [1497-
pupil of his, to a professorship and to the superin-
tendency at Heidelberg. Heshuss and one of his
deacons, Klebitz by name, actually fought over the
communion cup at the altar. The Elector deposed
both of them, and sent his secretary to Wittenberg
to obtain the advice of Melanchthon. Under the
circumstances it would have been useless to propose
new dogmatic formulas. Hence Melanchthon treated
the subject of the Lord's Supper wholly on its prac
tical side as " a communion of the body," as " a
consociation with the body of Christ," and ap
pealed to the Examen Ordinandorum for ' ' the form
of words concerning the Supper." He rejects the
transubstantiation of the Catholics, as also the dic
tum of the Bremen theologians that " the bread is
the substantial body of Christ," and that of Heshuss
that " the bread is the true body of Christ." '
The Elector Frederick, in his revulsion from the
disgraceful conduct of Heshuss and Klebitz, ban
ished the Lutheran doctrine and introduced the
Reformed. This so excited the aged John Brentz
that he assembled a synod at Stuttgart, and pro
cured the adoption of articles which set forth a most
extreme doctrine of the Lord's Supper, including
oral manducation and a declaration of the abso
lute ubiquity of the human nature of Christ. Mel
anchthon in a letter to George Cracovius complains
of " the decree of the Wurtemberg abbots " as
written in barbarous Latin, and as presenting a doc
trine " clearly in conflict with the ancient purer
Church " ; and affirms that he still retains the form
1 C. R., 9: 962.

1560] Closing Years and Death 377
of words published many years ago in the Examen
Ordinandorum. l
In this same letter he says that he "is cruelly
tortured by many hostile armies." But this torture
was not to last long. On the fifth of April, return
ing from Leipzig, whither he had gone to examine
the Elector's Stipendiaries, he caught a cold. This
affection was followed by a fever, which gradually
grew worse, but did not at once prostrate the
patient, nor wholly incapacitate him for work.
He continued to lecture, to converse with his
friends, to write letters, and to revise manuscripts
for the press. A few days before the end came, he
wrote on the left and right margins of a sheet of
paper the reasons why he should not fear death :
" Thou shalt depart from sin. " Thou shalt come into the
Thou shalt be set free from vexa- light. Thou shalt see God. Thou
tions, and from the rage of the shalt behold the Son of God.
theologians." Thou shalt learn those won
derful mysteries which in this
life thou couldst not understand,
as why we were created as we
are, and what is the character of
the union of the two natures in
Christ." s
As his weakness increased and his end drew nigh,
Dr. Peucer asked him if he wished anything else.
He answered, " Nothing else but heaven. Do not
ask me any more." The pastor then prayed, all
present falling on their knees. At evening the pastor
lC.R.,<): 1036.
9 A detailed account of Melanchthon's last sickness and death is
given in C. R., 10 : 235 et seqq.

378 Philip Melanchthon [1497-
pronounced the blessing on him, and Professor
Winsheim quoted for him from the Psalmist : " Into
thy hands I commend my spirit ; thou hast re
deemed me, thou faithful and true God." His lips
moved as if in prayer. At a quarter before seven
o'clock in the evening of April 19, 1560, Philip
Melanchthon fell on sleep, aged sixty-three years,
two months, and three days. The earthly house of
his tabernacle was dissolved. He had fought a good
fight, he had finished his course, he had kept the
faith. The body was placed in a tin coffin, and this in a
wooden one with an inscription in Latin which re
counts the chief events of his life, as that he had
served the University of Wittenberg forty-two
years, was the faithful assistant of Luther in the
purification of doctrine, was the author of the Augs
burg Confession, and the firm defender of divine
truth, publicly and privately, in diets and by his
writings. The remains were first taken to the Parish
Church and placed before the altar where he had
been accustomed to kneel in prayer. Dr. Paul
Eber, the pastor, delivered a German sermon on the
hope of immortality. The remains were then re
moved to Castle Church, where Dr. Veit Winsheim,
professor of Greek, pronounced a Latin funeral ora
tion. At five o'clock P.M., April 21st, all that was
mortal of Philip Melanchthon was sunk into the
grave by the side of the mortal remains of Martin
Luther — " lovely and pleasant in their lives, and
in their death they were not divided."
The funeral cortege, consisting of students, relat-

*56o] Closing Years and Death 379
ives, professors, officials, citizens, and nobles, was
the largest ever seen in Wittenberg. Men and
women alike testified their grief by their tears and
lamentations. To all parts of Germany, except to
those parts estranged by the Flacians, the news of
" the dear father and preceptor's death brought
sorrow." At Strassburg and Tubingen meetings
were held and memorial addresses were delivered.
Strangers who had never seen him sent letters of
condolence, and many Greek and Latin elegies were
written on his death. Yet death, the great recon
ciler, did not soften the wrath of his enemies. The
Flacians pursued his memory with calumnies more
virulent and malicious than ever. They charged
him with heresy and with the betrayal of the Lu
theran doctrine. Even at the beginning of the
seventeenth century, Leonhard Hutter, a Witten
berg professor of theology, during a public discus
sion, tore Melanchthon's picture down from the
wall and trampled it under foot. But History has
vindicated him against " the wrath of the theo
logians." To-day the Lutheran Church places him
on a pedestal by the side of Luther, and honours
the two together as the fathers and founders of the
Lutheran Church. Germany proclaims him her Pre
ceptor. Protestantism venerates him as the witness
of her spirit, as the prophet of her future.

APPENDIX
FUNERAL ORATION OVER LUTHER
" r I ''HOUGH amid the public sorrow my voice is ob-
1 structed by grief and tears, yet in this vast as
sembly something ought to be said, not, as among the
heathen, only in praise of the deceased. Much rather
is this assembly to be reminded of the wonderful govern
ment of the Church, and of her perils, that in our distress
we may consider what we are, most of all, to desire, and
by what examples we are to regulate our lives. There
are ungodly men, who, in the confused condition of
human affairs, think that everything is the result of ac
cident. But we who are illumined by the many explicit
declarations of God, distinguish the Church from the
profane multitude; and we know that it is in reality
governed and preserved by God. We fix our eye on
this Church. We acknowledge lawful rulers, and con
sider their manner of life. We also select suitable
leaders and teachers, whom we may piously follow and
reverence. "It is necessary to think on, and to speak of these
things, so often as we name the name of the Reverend
Doctor Martin Luther, our most dear Father and Pre
ceptor, whom many wicked men have most bitterly
381

382 Philip Melanchthon [1497-
hated ; but whom we, who know that he was a minister
of the Gospel raised up by God, love and applaud. We
also have the evidence to show that his doctrine did not
consist of seditious opinions scattered by blind impulse,
as men of Epicurean tastes suppose; but that it is an ex
hibition of the will of God, and of true worship, an ex
position of the Holy Scriptures, a preaching of the Word
of God, that is, of the Gospel of Jesus Christ.
" In orations delivered on occasions like the present,
it is the custom to say many things about the personal
endowments of those who are panegyrised. But I will
omit this, and will speak only on the main subject, viz.,
his relation to the Church; for good men will always
judge that if he promoted sound and necessary doctrine
in the Church, we should give thanks to God because he
raised him up; and all good men should praise his
labours, fidelity, constancy, and other virtues, and should
most affectionately cherish his memory.
" So much for the exordium of my oration. The Son
of God, as Paul observes, sits at the right hand of the
Eternal Father, and gives gifts unto men, viz., the
Gospel and the Holy Spirit. That he might bestow
these he raises up Prophets, Apostles, Teachers, and
Pastors, and selects from our midst those who study,
hear, and delight in the writings of the Prophets and
Apostles. Nor does he call into this service only those
who occupy the ordinary stations; but he often makes
war upon those very ones by teachers chosen from other
stations. It is both pleasant and profitable to contem
plate the Church of all ages, and to consider the good
ness of God, in sending useful teachers, one after
another, that as some fall in the ranks, others may at
once press into their places.
" Behold the Patriarchs, Adam, Seth, Enoch, Methu-

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1546] Appendix 383
selah, Noah, Shem. When in the time of the last named,
who lived in the neighbourhood of the Sodomites, the
nations forgot the teaching of Noah and Shem, and
worshipped idols, Abraham was raised up to be Shem's
companion and to assist him in his great work and in
propagating sound doctrine. He was succeeded by
Isaac, Jacob, and Joseph, which last lighted the torch
of truth in all the land of Egypt, which at that time was
the most flourishing kingdom in all the world. Then
came Moses, Joshua, Samuel, David, Elijah, Elisha,
Isaiah, Jeremiah, Daniel, Zechariah. Then Ezra, Onias,
and the Maccabees. Then Simeon, Zacharias, the Bap
tist, Christ, and the Apostles. It is a delight to con
template this unbroken succession, inasmuch as it is a
manifest proof of the presence of God in the Church.
" After the Apostles comes a long line, inferior, in
deed, but distinguished by the divine attestations: Poly-
carp, Irenaeus, Gregory of Neocaesarea, Basil, Augustin,
Prosper, Maximus, Hugo, Bernard, Tauler, and others.
And though these later times have been less fruitful, yet
God has always preserved a remnant ; and that a more
splendid light of the Gospel has been kindled by the
voice of Luther, cannot be denied.
" To that splendid list of most illustrious men raised
up by God to gather and establish the Church, and
recognised as the chief glory of the human race, must
be added the name of Martin Luther. Solon, Themis-
tocles, Scipio, Augustus, and others, who established, or
ruled over vast empires, were great men, indeed, but far
inferior were they to our leaders, Isaiah, John the Bap
tist, Paul, Augustin, and Luther. It is proper that we
of the Church should understand this manifest difference.
" What, then, are the great and splendid things dis
closed by Luther which render his life illustrious ? Many

384 Philip Melanchthon [1497-
are crying out that confusion has come upon the Church,
and that inexplicable controversies have arisen. I reply
that this belongs to the regulation of the Church. When
the Holy Spirit reproves the world, disorders arise on
account of the obstinacy of the wicked. The fault is
with those who will not hear the Son of God, of whom
the Heavenly Father says: ' Hear ye him.' Luther
brought to light the true and necessary doctrine. That
the densest darkness existed touching the doctrine of re
pentance, is evident. In his discussions he showed what
true repentance is, and what is the refuge and the sure
comfort of the soul which quails under the sense of the
wrath of God. He expounded Paul's doctrine, which
says that man is justified by faith. He showed the
difference between the Law and the Gospel, between the
righteousness of faith and civil righteousness. He also
showed what the true worship of God is, and recalled
the Church from heathenish superstition, which imag
ines that God is worshipped, even though the mind,
agitated by some academic doubt, turns away from God.
He bade us worship in faith and with a good conscience,
and led us to the one Mediator, the Son of God, who
sits at the right hand of the Eternal Father and makes
intercession for us — not to images or to dead men, that
by a shocking superstition impious men might worship
images and dead men.
" He also pointed out other services acceptable to
God, and so adorned and guarded civil life, as it had
never been adorned and guarded by any other man's
writings. Then from necessary services he separated the
puerilities of human ceremonies, the rites and institutions
which hinder the true worship of God. And that the
heavenly truth might be handed down to posterity he
translated the Prophetical and Apostolic Scriptures into

'546] Appendix 385
the German language with so much accuracy that his
version is more easily understood by the reader than
most commentaries.
" He also published many expositions, which Erasmus
was wont to say excelled all others. And as it is re
corded respecting the rebuilding of Jerusalem that with
one hand they builded and with the other they held the
sword, so he fought with the enemies of the true doc
trine, and at the same time composed annotations replete
with heavenly truth, and by his pious counsel brought
assistance to the consciences of many.
Inasmuch as a large part of the doctrine cannot be
understood by human reason, as the doctrine of the re
mission of sins and of faith, it must be acknowledged
that he was taught of God ; and many of us witnessed
the struggles through which he passed, in establishing
the principle that by faith are we received and heard of
God. " Hence throughout eternity pious souls will magnify
the benefits which God has bestowed on the Church
through Luther. First they will give thanks to God.
Then they will own that they owe much to the labours of
this man, even though atheists who mock the Church
declare that these splendid achievements are empty and
superstitious nothings.
"It is not true, as some falsely affirm, that intricate
disputes have arisen, that the apple of discord has been
thrown into the Church, that the riddles of the Sphynx
have been proposed. It is an easy matter for discreet
and pious persons, and for those who do not judge
maliciously, to see, by a comparison of views, which
accord with the heavenly doctrine, and which do not.
Yea, without doubt these controversies have already been
settled in the minds of all pious persons. For since God
25

386 Philip Melanchthon C1497-
wills to reveal himself and his purposes in the language
of Prophets and Apostles, it is not to be imagined that
that language is as ambiguous as the leaves of the Sibyl,
which, when disturbed, fly away, the sport of the winds.
" Some, by no means evil-minded persons, have com
plained that Luther displayed too much severity. I will
not deny this. But I answer in the language of Eras
mus: 'Because of the magnitude of the disorders God
gave this age a violent physician.' When God raised up
this instrument against the proud and impudent enemies
of the truth, he spoke as he did to Jeremiah : ' Behold I
place my words in thy mouth ; destroy and build. ' Over
against these enemies God set this mighty destroyer. In
vain do they find fault with God. Moreover, God does
not govern the Church by human counsels; nor does he
choose instruments very like those of men. It is natural
for mediocre and inferior minds to dislike those of more
ardent character, whether good or bad. When Aristides
saw Themistocles by the mighty impulse of genius under
take and successfully accomplish great achievements,
though he congratulated the State, he sought to turn the
zealous mind of Themistocles from its course.
" I do not deny that the more ardent characters some
times make mistakes, for amid the weakness of human
nature no one is without fault. But we may say of such
a one what the ancients said of Hercules, Cimon, and
others: "Axo/itpog pkv, otWa td piyiffta ayaBos —
' rough indeed, but worthy of all praise. ' And in the
Church, if, as Paul says, he wars a good warfare, holding
faith and a good conscience, he is to be held in the high
est esteem by us.
" That Luther was such we do know, for he constantly
defended purity of doctrine and kept a good conscience.
There is no one who knew him, who does not know that

1546] Appendix 387
he was possessed of the greatest kindness, and of the
greatest affability in the society of his friends, and that
he was in no sense contentious or quarrelsome. He also
exhibited, as such a man ought, the greatest dignity of
demeanour. He possessed
anpevdes t/Bos, evnpoGrjyopov arofia,
' An upright character, a gracious speech.'
" Rather may we apply to him the words of Paul:
' Whatsoever things are true, whatsoever things are hon
est, whatsoever things are just, whatsoever things are
pure, whatsoever things are lovely, whatsoever things
are of good report. ' If he was severe, it was the severity
of zeal for the truth, not the love of strife, or of harsh
ness. Of these things we and many others are witnesses.
To his sixty-third year he spent his life in the most ardent
study of religion and of all the liberal arts. No speech
of mine can worthily set forth the praises of such a man.
No lewd passions were ever detected in him, no seditious
counsels. He was emphatically the advocate of peace.
He never mingled the arts of politics with the affairs of
the Church for the purpose of augmenting his own
authority, or that of his friends. Such wisdom and
virtue, I am persuaded, do not arise from mere human
diligence. Brave, lofty, ardent souls, such as Luther
had, must be divinely guided.
' ' What shall I say of his other virtues ? Often have I
found him weeping and praying for the whole Church.
He spent a part of almost every day reading the Psalms,
with which he mingled his own supplications amid tears
and groans. Often did he express his indignation at
those who through indifference or pretence of other occu
pations, are indifferent in the matter of prayer. On this
account, he said, Divine Wisdom has prescribed forms of

388 Philip Melanchthon C1497-
prayer, that by reading them our minds may be quick
ened, and the voice ever may proclaim the God we
worship. ' ' In the many grave deliberations incident to the pub
lic perils, we observed the transcendent vigour of his
mind, his valour, his unshaken courage, where terror
reigned. God was his anchor, and faith never failed him.
" As regards the penetration of his mind, in the midst
of uncertainties he alone saw what was to be done. Nor
was he indifferent, as many suppose, to the public weal.
On the contrary he knew the wants of the state, and
clearly understood the feelings and wishes of his fellow-
citizens. And though his genius was so extraordinary,
yet he read with the greatest eagerness both ancient and
modern ecclesiastical writings and all histories, that he
might find in them examples applicable to present con
ditions. " The immortal monuments of his eloquence remain,
nor has the power of his oratory ever been surpassed.
" The removal of such a man from our midst, a man
of the most transcendent genius, skilled in learning,
trained by long experience, adorned with many superb
and heroic virtues, chosen of God for the reformation of
the Church, loving us all with a paternal affection — the
removal of such a man from our midst calls for tears and
lamentations. We are like orphans bereft of a distin
guished and faithful father. But though we must bow
to God, yet let us not permit the memory of his virtues
and of his good offices to perish from among us. And
let us rejoice that he now holds that familiar and de
lightful intercourse with God and his Son, our Lord
Jesus Christ, which by faith in the Son of God he always
sought and expected, where, by the manifestations of
God, and by the testimony of the whole Church in

1546] Appendix 389
heaven, he not only hears the applause of his toils in the
service of the Gospel, but is also delivered from the
mortal body as from a prison, and has entered that vastly
higher school, where he can contemplate the essence of
God, the two natures joined in Christ, and the whole pur
pose set forth in founding and redeeming the Church, —
which great things, contained and set forth in the sacred
oracles, he contemplated by faith; but seeing them now
face to face, he rejoices with unspeakable joy; and with
his whole soul he ardently pours forth thanks to God for
his great goodness.
" There he knows why the Son of God is called the
Word and the Image of the Eternal Father, and in what
way the Holy Spirit is the bond of mutual affection, not
only between the Father and Son, but also between them
and the Church. The first principles of these truths he
had learned in this mortal life, and often did he most
earnestly and wisely discourse on these lofty themes, on
the distinction between true and false worship, on the
true knowledge of God and of divine revelation, on the
true God as distinguished from false deities.
" Many persons in this assembly have heard him dis
course on these words : ' Ye shall see the heaven open,
and the angels of God ascending and descending upon
the Son of man.' He bade his hearers fix their minds
on that large word of comfort which declares that heaven
is open, that God is revealed to us; that the bolts of the
divine wrath are turned away from those who flee to the
Son; that God is now with us, and that those who call
upon him, are received, guided, and kept by him.
" This purpose of God, pronounced by atheists to be
a fable, admonishes us to banish doubt, and to cast out
those fears which restrain our timid souls from calling
on God and from resting in Him.

39° Philip Melanchthon C1497-
" He was wont to say that the angels, ascending and
descending in the body of Christ, are ministers of the
Gospel, who first under the direction of Christ ascend to
God and receive from him the light of the Gospel and
the Holy Spirit. Then they descend, that is, discharge
the office of teaching among men. He was also accus
tomed to add that these heavenly spirits, these angels
who behold the Son, study and rejoice over the mysteri
ous union of the two natures; and that since they are the
armed servants of the Lord in defending the Church,
they are directed by his hand.
" Of these glorious things he is now a spectator, and
as once under the direction of Christ he ascended and
descended among the ministers of the Gospel, so now he
beholds the angels sent by Christ, and enjoys with them
the contemplation of the divine wisdom and the divine
works. " We remember the great delight with which he re
counted the course, the counsels, the perils, and escapes
of the Prophets, and the learning with which he dis
coursed on all the ages of the Church, thereby showing
that he was inflamed by no ordinary passion for those
wonderful men. Now he embraces them and rejoices to
hear them speak, and to speak to them in turn. Now
they hail him gladly as a companion, and thank God
with him for having gathered and preserved the Church.
" Hence we do not doubt that Luther is eternally
happy. We mourn over our bereavement, and though
it is necessary to bow to the will of God who has called
him hence, let us know that it is the will of God that we
should cherish the memory of this man's virtues and
services. That duty let us now discharge. Let us
acknowledge that this man was a blessed instrument of
God, and let us studiously learn his doctrine. Let us in

J546] Appendix 391
our humble station imitate his virtues, so necessary for
us: His fear of God, his faith, his devoutness in prayer,
his uprightness in the ministry, his chastity, his diligence
in avoiding seditious counsels, his eagerness for learning.
And as we ought frequently to reflect on those other
pious leaders of the Church, Jeremiah, John the Baptist,
and Paul, so let us consider the doctrine and course of
this man. Let us also join in thanksgiving and prayer,
as is meet in this assembly. Follow me then with de
vout hearts: — We give thanks to thee, Almighty God, the
Eternal Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, the Founder of
thy Church, together with thy Coeternal Son, and the
Holy Spirit, wise, good, merciful, just, true, powerful
Sovereign, because thou dost gather a heritage for thy
Son from among the human race, and dost maintain the
ministry of the Gospel, and hast now reformed thy
Church by means of Luther. We present our ardent
supplications that thou wouldst henceforth preserve, fix,
and impress upon our hearts the doctrines of truth, as
Isaiah prayed for his disciples; and that by thy Holy
Spirit thou wouldst inflame our minds with a pure de
votion, and direct our feet into the paths of holy
obedience. " As the death of illustrious rulers often portends dire
punishment to the survivors, we beseech you, we, espe
cially, to whom is committed the office of teaching, be
seech you to reflect on the perils that now threaten the
whole world. Yonder, the Turks are advancing ; here,
civil discord is threatened ; there, other adversaries, re
leased at last from the fear of Luther's censure, will
corrupt the truth more boldly than ever.
" That God may avert these calamities, let us be more
diligent in regulating our lives and in directing our
studies, always holding fast this sentiment, that so long

392

Philip Melanchthon

[1546

as we retain, hear, learn, and love the pure teaching of
the Gospel, we shall be the House and Church of God,
as the Son of God says: ' If a man love me, he will keep
my words; and my Father will love him, and we will
come unto him, and make our abode with him.' En
couraged by this ample promise, let us be quickened in
teaching the truth of Heaven, and let us not forget that
the human race and governments are preserved for the
sake of the Church; and let us fix our eyes on that
eternity to which God has called our attention, who has
not revealed himself by such splendid witnesses and sent
his Son in vain, but truly loves and cares for those who
magnify his benefits. Amen."1
1 C. R., 11: 726 et seqq.

MELANCHTHON'S COAT OF ARMS.

gg»gr

0£

-'lisSs$|s:
iPII
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8^Plwi
ml*M
SwSHKF.
INDEX
Adams, Melchior, 175
Adiaphoristic Controversy, 338
sqq.
Agricola, John, 50, 58, 79, 167-
170, 175
Agricola, Rudolph, 13, 15
Agricola, Stephen, 185, 187, 189,
192, 258, 335, 350, 351
Alber, 254
Albert, Cardinal, 312
Alesius, Alexander, 265
Alliance against the Protestants,
314
Altenburg, 49
Amberg, 2
Amsdorf, Nicholas, 50, 72, 80,
87, 225, 257. 265, 28l
Anabaptists, 170, 171
Andreae, 369
Anshelm, Thomas, 22, 24
Antonius (Barnes), Dr., 229
Apology of the Augsburg Con
fession, 216, 217
Aquila, Caspar, 326
Articles of 1535, the Thirteen,
229
Articles of the Peasants, 145,
146
Augsburg Confession, 190-207,
218
Augsburg, Diet of, 191-201
Augsburg Interim, 329
Augsburg Religious Peace, 362
Aurogallus, 72
B
Bacchanti , 8
Baier, Dr., 81, 91, 200
Baptism, 170, 171
Barnes, Dr. Anthony, 228
Baumgartner, Hieronimus, 131,
182
Bebel, Heinrich, 20
Beckman, Otto, 37
Bellay, John, 224, 227
Bellay, William, 224, 227
Bern, 10
Bernhard, Bartholomew, 78, 79
Biel, Gabriel, 20
Bigamy, the Landgrave's, 274
sqq.
Billican, Theobald, 18
Billich, 297
Bindseil, 281
Blaurer, Ambrose, 225
Bodenstein (Carlstadt), Andrew,
37
Bora, Katharine von, 152, 153
Borner, Caspar, 37
Brassican, John, ig, 24
Bread-worship, 364
Brentz, John, 18, 185, 187, i8g,
225, 235, 243
Bretschneider, 21, 26
Bretten, 1-4, 8, 31, 33, 36, 114-
117, 121, 175, 256
Brismann, 152
Brttck, Chancellor, 80, 192, 214,
216, 221, 290, 303, 305, 306
Bucer, Martin, 185, 188, 225,
227, 250-253
393
394

Index

Bugenhagen, 127, 161, 162, 168,
169, 229, 254, 257
Bullinger, 363
Burkhard, Francis, 113, 117,
290, 337
Busch, Hermann, 115

Cajetan, Cardinal, 47, 49
Calvin, John, 264, 301, 363, 365,
366
Camerarius, Joachim, 35, 64, 114,
117, 119, 125-127, 131, 132,
136, 140, 152, 157, 160, 173,
176, 216, 225, 230, 232, 256,
280, 290, 295, 296, 329, 335,
353, 361, 37o, 372
Campanius, 359, 361
Campeggius, Lorenzo, 115, 122,
190, 199, 209, 211, 212, 214,
215
Capito, 253
Carlowitz, Christopher von, 310,
330-332
Carlstadt, 47, 49, 50, 52, 53, 79,
80, 82, 83, 85, 91, 92, 107,
126, 144, 195
Cassel, Bucer and Melanchthon
at, 251
Celibacy, 156, 157
Cellarius, Martin, 85, 91
Celle Interim, 334
Celtis, Conrad, 13
Chemnitz, Martin, 103, 283, 284,
369
Chilius, Dr. Ulrich, 224
Chrysostom, John, 88, 233
Chytrasus, David, 283, 284
Coburg, 140, 194, 195, 216 ; see
Luther
Cochlseus, John, 102, 211
Cologne Reformation, 296 sqq.
Comitianus, Andrew Francis, 35
Confession, see Augsburg
Confessio Saxonica, 354
Confessio Variata, 281 sqq.
Confutation, the Papal, 211
Constance, Council of, 76
Consultation, Hermann's, 296
sqq.

Cordatus, Conrad, 240, 257
Cracovius, 371, 376
Crotus, John, 13
Crotus, Richard, 24
Cruciger, 185, 229, 240, 252, 269,
272, 300, 319 D
Dalberg, John von, 13
Denck, John, 195
Diatribe, Erasmus's, 118
Dietrich, Dr. Leonhard, 18
Dietrich, Veit, 212, 259, 285
Diets, see Augsburg, Regens
burg, Spires, Worms
Dbllinger, Dr., 137
Doltsk, 80
Dringenberg, Ludwig, 9
Diiben, 35
Durer, Albrecht, 130, 140
E
Eber, Paul, 298, 324, 371, 378
Eberbach, Peter, 24
Eberhard, Duke, 19
Ebner, Hieronimus, 131
Eck, Dr. John, 32, 49-53, 55,
56, 67, 68, 74, 102, 195, 197,
202, 211, 283, 284, 2S6, 289-
292 ; his 404 Articles, 195
Eckinger, John, 190
Education, oration on, 132, 133
Einsiedel, Haubold von, 87, 91
Emser, Jerome, 70, 71
Epistola Obscurorum Virorum,
25-27
Erasmus, 27, 32, 48, 67, 102,
103, 113, 117-121, 233, 312
Erfurt, 30
Examen Ordinandorum, 357

Fabri, John, 176, 177, 211
Family, Melanchthon's, 64
Fanaticism at Wittenberg, 80, 84
Faventinus, Didymus, 70

Index

395

Faventraut, Alexius, 190
Ferdinand, 174, 177, 190
Flacius, 205, 284, 322, 339, 340,
342-344, 346-351, 359, 36o,
366, 367, 369
Forster, John, 361
Frankenhausen, 148
Frankfort Convention, 263
Frankfort Recess, 368
Frederick, George, 354
Frederick, John, 220, 223, 270,
320-322, 325, 332, 356
Frederick the Wise, 30, 31, 48,
82, 142
Free Will, doctrine of, 233 sqq.
Friedlieb, Francis, 10
Ftirstenschulen, 135
Funeral oration, 142, 143, 381
G
Gallus, Nicholas, 339, 364, 367
Gerbel, Nicholas, 10, 101
Gingelm, Nicholas, 36
Glass, Solomon, 272
Granvella, Chancellor, 290-292
Greek Letter, Melanchthon's,
152
Gresser, 335
Gropper, John, 291, 297
Grumbach, Chilian, 4
Grynaeus, Simon, 10, 115
Gymnasia, 135, 137
H
Hagenau, Colloquy of, 272
Haller, Berthold, 10
Haugwitz, Erasmus von, 159
Hawerer, 4
Hedio, 185, 188
Heidelberg, University of, 13,
15
Heilbron, 4
Helvetius, Conrad, 9, 15
Henry VIII., King of England,
227 sqq.
Hermann, Archbishop, 296, 298
Hermann, Count, 24
Heshuss, Tillman, 375

Hess, Eoban, 24, 108, 132
Hess, John, 60, 94, 265
Hesse, Landgrave of, 121- 124,
154, 171, 172, 174, 229, 250,
251
Heynlin, John, 20
Hiltebrant, John, g, 24
Hochstratten, Jacob, 23
Hochel, Melchior, 115
House, Melanchthon's, 65
Hubmeier, Balthaser, 195
Hugel, 373
Hyperaspistes , Erasmus's, 120

Inaugural, Melanchthon's, 37, 38
Infant baptism, 241
Ingolstadt, 16, 28, 32, 34, 4g, 66,
67
Inquisition, the Bavarian, 374
Instruction on Lord's Supper,
Luther's, 251
Interim, see Augsburg, Celle,
Leipzig

J

Jena, University of, I3g
John, Elector of Saxony, 220
John, Margrave, 354
Jonas, Justus, 72, 80, 82, 127,
162, 169, 175, 185, 187, 189,
192, 193, 22g, 240, 251 ; Jr.,
296 ; 3og, 358
JUterbok, 334, 335 K
Kaden, Michael, igo
Kaisersburg, Geiler von, 16
Kecheln, Peter, 4
Kessler, John, 112
Klebitz, 376
Koch, John, 64
Konigsberg, University of, 139
Kolbe, Christopher, 115
Kraft, Adam, 114, 130
Krapp, Hieronimus, 63
Krapp, Katharine, 63

396

Index

Lambert, Francis, 155
Lange, Dr. John, 50, 58, 5g, 63,
69
Latin schools, 134
League, Holy, 263
Leipzig Disputation, 50, 51
Leipzig Interim, 337
Lemp, Jacob, 20, 22, 27
Loci Communes, g4 sqq. , 231 sqq.
Locker, Jacob, 16
Lord's Supper, doctrine of, 178-
180, 242, 361
Lowenstein, Count von, 16
Luther, Martin, called to Wit
tenberg, 30 ; his Theses, 31 ;
compared with Melanchthon,
41-43 ; at the Leipzig Dispu
tation, 50 ; burns the Pope's
Bull, 68 ; writes two import
ant works, 68, 69 ; returns
from the Wartburg, 89 ; his
eight sermons, 90 ; publishes
the New Testament in Ger
man, 93 ; controversy with
Erasmus on the Will, 120 ;
relation to the Peasants' War,
147 ; his marriage, 154 ; at
Marburg, 185-187 ; at Co
burg, 194 ; approves Melanch
thon's Loci, 247 ; instruction
on the Lord's Supper, 251 ; his
death, 309 M
Major, Dr., 306, 360
Maltz, Dietrich von, 311
Mandari, Fandius, 5
Mansfeld, 78, 79
Marburg, University of, 138 ;
Colloquy of, 185-189; articles,
187
Martyr, Peter, 298, 363
Mass, 155-156
Matthesius, John, 350
Maurer, Bernhard, 27
Maximilian, Emperor, 5, 20, 24
Medler, Nicholas, 323

Melanchthon, Anna, 64
Melanchthon, George, 64
Melanchthon, Magdalena, 64
Melanchthon, Philip, birth and
early years, 1-11 ; student at
Heidelberg, 12-18 ; student,
teacher, proof-reader, and
editor at Tubingen, ig-28 ;
call to Wittenberg, 32 ; In
augural, 37 ; friendship with
Luther, 40 ; attends the Leip
zig Disputation, 50 ; contro
versy with Eck, 53 ; Theses,
58 ; marriage, family, salary,
63-66 ; controversy with Rha
dinus and the Sorbonne, 71,
74 ; relation to the Wittenberg
fanaticism, 85 sqq. ; writes
the Loci Communes, g4 ;
wishes to relinquish theology,
a compromise, 108-111 ; call
to Nuremberg and services in
the cause of education, 131,
133-140 ; relation to the
Peasants' War, I4g ; writes
the Saxon Visitation Articles,
161 ; controversy with Agri
cola, 167 ; tracts against the
Anabaptists, 170, 171 ; at
tends the Diet of Spires and
the Marburg Colloquy, 176,
186 ; writes the Augsburg
Confession, 193 sqq. ; negotia
tions with the Papists, 210-
215 ; publishes the Confession
and Apology, 218 ; called to
England, to Tubingen, and to
France, 224, 225, 22g ; new
edition of the Loci, 231 ; his
theology, 232 ; relation to the
Wittenberg Concord, 251 sqq. ;
at Schmalkald, 261, 262 ; his
Will, 268-271; his sickness and
relation to the Landgrave's
bigamy, 272, 274-280 ; revises
the Augsburg Confession , 280-
282 ; at Worms and Regens
burg, 28q, 2go ; aphorisms on
the Lord's Supper, 2g2 ; assists
in the Cologne Reformation,

Index

397

Melanchthon, Philip — Continued
2g6 sqq. ; writes the Wittenberg
Reformation, 303 ; funeral
oration over Luther, 310 ; let
ter to Carlowitz, 311 ; in ex
ile, 319 ; relation to the Gym
nasium and University of Jena,
322 ; relation to the Interims,
329 sqq. ; defamed by Flacius,
339 ; letter of defence, 342-
349 ; writes the Saxon Con
fession, 353 ; Mecklenburg
Liturgy and the Examen Ordi
nandorum, 357 ; controversies
on the Lord's Supper, 364
sqq. ; the Flacian party, 369 ;
reply to the Bavarian Articles,
374 ; last sickness and death,
377-379
Melanchthon, Philip, Jr., 64
Menius, Justus, 159, 185, 254
Miltitz, 49
Mosellanus, Peter, 32, 35, 114
Mtihlberg, battle of, 318
Miinzer, Thomas, 85, 144, 145
Musa of Jena, 192
Musculus, Andrew, 359
Myconius, Frederick, 159, 254,
280 N
Naucler, John, 22
Naumburg, Convention of, 361
Nausea, Frederick, 116
Neander, 136
Nesen, William, 113, 114, 125,
126
New Testament, 93
Niltzel, Caspar, 131
Nuremberg, 130 sqq. ; peace of,
220 O
Oberlanders (South Germans),
252 sqq. _
Obscurantism, 26, 27
CEcolampadius, 15, 20, 23, 52,
180, 182, 183, 185, 186, 188,
243, 301

Order of service, 91, 92
Osiander, Andrew, 140, 185, 187,
189, 258, 357, 361, 369

Pacaeus, 361
Pack, Dr. Otto von, 171, 173
Parma, 190
Paulsen, 138
Peace of Nuremberg, 220
Peasants' War, 142 sqq.
Pellican, Conrad, 31
Peucer, Caspar, 64, 281, 282,
37i, 377
Pfefferkorn, John, 23, 24
Pfeffinger, 335
Pflug, Julius von, 291
Pforzheim, 6, 7, 9-11, 33, 67
Philip, Count Palatine, 2-5, 13
Philip, Landgrave, see Hesse
Piacenza, 190
Pirkheimer, Wilibald, 24, 28,
34, 117, 130, 140
Pistorius, John, 291, 297
Planitz, John von, 159
Pletner, 80
Pollich, Dr. Martin, 30
Pontanus, Chancellor, 270
Pope Leo X., 46, 48-50, 52
Pope Paul III., 260
Preceptor of Germany, 125 sqq.
Predestination, 236
Prettin, 87
Protest, Protestants, 177
R
Ranke, 151, 191, 332
Regensburg, Diet of, 291 ; Book,
291
Regius, Urban, 185
Reuchlin, Dionysius, 13
Reuchlin, John, 6, 8-11, 13, 14,
16, 19-21, 23, 24, 28, 31, 32,
51, 66, 67
Reuter, Barbara, 4
Reuter, Elizabeth, 8
Reuter, Hans, 3, 4
Rhadinus, Thomas, 70, 100

398

Index

Rhagius, John, 37
Riccius, Dr. Paul, 31
Rochlitz, 64
Rorer, George, 284
Roting, Michael, 132, 141
Rubianus, Crotus, 25, 114

Sabinus, George, 64
Sachs, Hans, 130
Sacraments, number of, 240
Sadolet, Cardinal, 257
Salary, Melanchthon's, 66
Salmut, 361
Schemer, John, ig
Schenk, Jacob, 245, 257
Scheurl, Christopher, 35
Schleiz, 188
Schmalkald Articles, 260 ; Ap
pendix to, 261 ; Convention,
260 ; League, 2ig, 304 ; War,
316 sqq.
Schmidt, Dr. Carl, 35, 184, 286
Schnepf, Erhard, 285
Scholasticism, 13
Schoner, John, 132
Schreiber, Jerome, 2g6
Schurf, Augustin, 323, 324
Schurf, Jerome, 37, 80, 83, 91,
159
Schwabach, 188, 189, 193, 194 ;
Articles, 189
Schwartzerd, Anna, 4
Schwartzerd, Barbara, 4
Schwartzerd, Claus, 2
Schwartzerd, Elizabeth, 2
Schwartzerd, George, 2-5
Schwartzerd, George, Jr., 4, 115,
175, 372
Schwartzerd, John, 2
Schwartzerd, Margaretha, 4
Schwebel, John, 10, 57, 5g, 60,
101, 185
Schwenckfeld, 35g
Seidler, Jacob, 78, 7g
Selneccer, Nicholas, 271, 281,
283, 284, 36g
Servetus, 35g
Sickingen, Conrad von, 34

Sickingen, Francis von, 24
Sigismund, 266
Silverborn, John, 113, 117
Simler, George, 9, 10, 14, 19,
20, 23, 27, 34
Sleidan, 314
Sorbil, 16
Sorbonne, 73-76, 226
Spalatin, 32, 33, 40, 41, 44, 45,
48, 55, 57, 62,69, 77, 87, 101,
107-110, 113, 119, 162, 192,
202, 217
Spangel, Dr. Pallas, 114
Spengler, Lazarus, 131
Spires, Diet of, 174-178
Stadian, Francis, 20, 23, 27
Stadion, Bishop, 198
Stancar, Francis, 35g, 36g
Staupitz, Dr. John von, 30, 59
Stichs, Andrew, 4
Stigel, 322
Stbffler, Professor, 20, 23
Storch, Nicholas, 85
Strigel, Victorine, 103, 284, 322,
373
StUbner, Marcus Thomas, 85,
88, 91
Sturm, Jacob, 18, 176, 185, 226,
264
Sturm, John, 136
Sturm, Peter, 18

Theology, Melanchthon's, 231
sqq.
Torgau Articles, 193
Trent, Council of, 352
Trotzendorf, 136
Tubingen, M elanchthon's call
to, 224, 225
Tubingen, University of, 19, 20
U
Ulrich, Duke, 144, 223
Unger, John, 6, 7

Valdesius, Alphonsus, 198
Vienna, Council of, 76

Index

399

Vischer, Peter, 130
Visitation Articles, 161 sqq.
Voreus, Barnabas, 225
W
Weimar, Confutation Book, 373
Wessel, John, 13, 21
Westphal, Joachim, 363, 364
Wigand, 339
Wiland, Ulrich, 184
Will, controversy on, 118, 119
Will, Melanchthon's, 268-271
Wimpfeling, Jacob, 13, 16
Wimpina, 211, 265
Winsheim, Professor, 378
Winter, Balthaser, 284

Wittenberg, 29 sqq. ; Concord,
254, 255
Wolf, 136
Works, good, 360
Worms, Diet of, 289

Zeigler, Bernhard, 265
Zoch, Dr., 306
Zweibriicken, 10
Zwickau Prophets, 85, 86, 92,
107
Zwilling, Gabriel, 80, gi
Zwingli, 178. 180-186, 188, 195,
211, 243, 300

Heroes of the Reformation,

EDITED BY

SAMUEL MACAULEY JACKSON,
Professor of Church History, New York University.

FULLY ILLUSTRATED
A Series of biographies of the leaders in the Protes
tant Reformation.
The literary skill and the standing as scholars of the
writers who have agreed to prepare these biographies
will, it is believed, ensure for them a wide acceptance on
the part not only of special students of the period but of
the general reader. Full use will be made in them of the
correspondence of their several subjects and of any other
autobiographical material that may be available. The
general reader will be pleased to find all these citations
translated into English and the scholar to find them
referred specifically to their source. The value of these
volumes will be furthered by comprehensive literary and
historical references and adequate indexes.
It is, of course, the case that each one of the great
teachers whose career is to be presented in this series
looked at religious truth and at the problems of Chris
tianity from a somewhat different point of view. On this
ground an important feature in each volume of the series
will be a precise and comprehensive statement, given as
nearly as practicable in the language of the original
writer, of the essential points in his theology.
It is planned that the narratives shall be not mere
eulogies, but critical biographies ; and the defects of
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of the subjects will not be passed by or extenuated. On
the other hand they will do full justice to the nobility of
character and to the distinctive contribution to human
progress made by each one of these great Protestant
leaders of the Reformation period. The series will avoid
the partisanship of writers like Merle d'Aubigne, and, in
the opposite direction, of the group of which Johannes
lanssen may be taken as a type.

HEROES OP THE REFORMATION

I.— MARTIN LUTHER (1483-1546). The Hero of the Ref
ormation. By Henry Eyster Jacobs, D.D., LL.D.
With 73 Illustrations. 12°  $1.50
" The initial volume of the Heroes of the Reformation Series is a worthy in
auguration of what cannot but prove an interesting and instructive contribution
to a most important epoch of history. . . . Professor Jacobs is an exception
ally sympathetic and competent biographer. . . . The author has availed
himself of all the latest sources of information, and done the needful work of
selection and condensation with excellent judgment and skill."- — Christian
Intelligencer. II.— PHILIP MELANCHTHON (1497-1560). The Prot
estant Preceptor of Germany. By James William Richard,
D.D. With 35 Illustrations. 12° . . . . $1.50
" This work will be valued by ^ the general reader who likes a well-told biog
raphy, and bjr the historian who is looking for facts and not opinions about facts,
and by the wise teacher of the young who desires his pupils to read that which
will at once instruct and inspire them with respect for what is great and honor
able. For these purposes, I fcelieve no other work on Melanchthon can compare
with this one." — Universalisi Leader.
III. — DESIDERIUS ERASMUS (1467-1536). The Hu
manist in the Service of the Reformation. By Ephraim
Emerton, Ph.D. With 36 Illustrations. 120 . . $1.50
" Professor Emerton has done a thorough and skilful piece of work. . . .
He has given his readers a graphic, spirited, well-balanced and trustworthy study,
which contains all which most readers care to know, and in a manner which
they will find acceptable. The book is a valuable addition to the series." —
Congregationalisi.
IV. — THEODORE BEZA (1549-1605). The Counsellor of
the French Reformation. By Henry Martyn Baird, Ph.D.
With 24 Illustrations. 12°  $1.50
" No one could so well present the life of Beza in its true relations and in so
pleasing and popular a style as the accomplished historian of the Huguenots.
Dr. Baird has not only exceptional familiarity with the period, but fullest sym
pathy with the hero, and accoidingly has produced a book of special interest and
value." — Christian Intelligencer.
V.— HULDREICH ZWINGLI (1484-1531)- The Reformer
of German Switzerland. By Samuel Macauley Jackson,
LL.D. With 30 Illustrations, a Special Map, Battle Plan, and
a Facsimile Letter. 120  $2.00
u It is notable as the first adequate life of Zwingli by an English-speaking
author . , . portrays the man, the accomplished scholar, social reformer, ardent
patriot, the theologian, so far in advance of his time as to stand alone in the faith
that all infants would be saved. But Professor Jackson is no eulogist and
exhibits the defects of Zwingli with unsparing hand,a — defects which appear due
to his time and circumstances, and far less serious in our judgment than some
which lie at the door of those whose fame has overshadowed his." — The
Outlook. Send for complete descriptive circular
NEW YORK  Q. P. PUTNAM'S SONS  LONDON

HEROES OF THE REFORMATION

VI.— THOMAS CRANMER and the English Reformation.
1489-1556. By Albert Frederick Pollard, M.A., F.R.H.S.
With 21 Illustrations. Crown Octavo. (By mail, $1.50.)
Net  $i.35
"The life of the eminent martyr is here presented in what were its true re
lations. Mr. Pollard has fullest sympathy with his subject ; he indicates faults
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Press. ."The workis accurate, scholarly, and free from partisan hias . . . a rare
virtue in English works on Cranmer. The events in which Cranmer had a share
are recorded with fairness and accuracy." — The Lutheran.
VII.— JOHN KNOX the Hero of the Scottish Reformation.
By Henry Cowan, D.D.
With 28 Illustrations and 2 Facsimile Letters. Crown Octavo.
(By mail, $1.50.) Net  $1.35
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seems to us the ideal of a historical manual which, while perfectly adapted to the
tastes of the general reader ,^ is based on a. genuine examination of the original
authorities, and keeps fully in view the claims of the serious student who wishes
to remain in touch with them at every point." — Glasgow Herald.
VIII. BALTHASAR HUBMAIER the Leader of the Ana
baptists. By Henry C. Vedder, Professor of Church History
in Crozer Theological Seminary. With 24 Illustrations, 1 Fac
simile Letter, and 1 Map. Crown Octavo. (By mail, $1.50.)
Net  $1.35
Professor Vedder has spent a great deal of his time in the study of
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ing Hiibmaier's life, made a special journey to the country in which
Hiibmaier lived and died. The result is a faithful and spirited
presentation of the facts of Hiibmaier's life and an exceptionally able
presentation of his teachings. We have in this book numerous well-
chosen excerpts from Hiibmaier's writings, translated into graceful
English, thus enabling the reader to form his own conclusions as to
Hiibmaier's ability.
IX.— JOHN CALVIN, the Organizer of Reformed Protestant
ism, 1509— 1564. By Williston Walker, Titus Stout Pro
fessor of Ecclesiastical History in Yale University. With 20
illustrations. Crown Octavo. (By mail, $1.50.) Net, $1.35.
This work, based upon all the known facts of Calvin's life, includ
ing those recorded in recently discovered documents, is a scholarly
and authoritative biography. The illustrations have been collected
with great care, and give the geographical setting in which Calvin's
life was passed.
For list of volumes in preparation see separate circular

International Handbooks to the
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Edited by Orello Cone, D.D.
Pour volumes. Octavo. Each, net, $2.00
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