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BENITO JUAREZ,
The " "Washington " of Mexico.

©

Mexico in Transition

The Power of Political I^omani^m

Civil and ^eliqiou^ Liberty

By WILLIAM BUTLER, D.D.

SEAL OF MEXICO

'THERE IS A WAKING ON THE MIGHTY HILLS,
A KINDLING WITH THE SPIRIT OF THE MORN.'

ILLUSTRATED.

NEW YORK : HUNT & EATON
CINCINNATI : CRANSTON & CURTS

Copyright, 1892, by
lEllTTINrT cfc EATOM,
New York.

PREFACE.

In view of the false representations which were so indus
triously disseminated during the struggle described in this
work by those who had an interest in the wrongs which
Mexico so long endured, it is hoped that our readers may
kindly excuse the constant quotations and documentary as
pect of much of the text. Only by going back to original
evidence and furnishing the authority for our statements
could these falsehoods be exposed and the whole truth be placed
before our readers. This for the author was a long, slow,
and laborious process. But we believe it has been amply jus
tified, and that the reading public has now at last Mexico's
side of the question placed before it, with its evidences, so that
it can form a more intelligent opinion upon the merits of the
mighty struggle which was so providentially guided to an issue
that, while it overwhelmed the enemies of the rights of the
Mexican people, at the same time and in due order vindicated
and established those rights upon foundations which it is ex
pected will stand while sun and moon endure.
The errors corrected the reader will find to have been very
many ; some of them as willful and baseless as that which so
daringly asserted that " Colonel Lopez was a traitor, who sold
his sovereign and the password to the Republicans for thirty
thousand dollars," and thus loaded down that officer for twenty
years with an opprobrium that was heavy enough to have sunk
him into a dishonored grave, while at the time his lips were
closed in his own defense until the hour came, three years ago,
when the commanding general broke the seal of silence and
released the colonel from the peculiar and undeserved misery
which he had so long endured under a sense of loyalty to the

PREFACE.

express wishes of Maximilian, adding another illustration to
the maxim that " Truth is often stranger than fiction."
While these pages were being prepared for the press, to
illustrate the merciful intervention of Almighty God on behalf
of those who are wronged and denied the rights of popular
government, a remarkable utterance, and from a high quarter,
for a contrary doctrine made its appearance. The United
States senator from Kansas — regarded by his admirers as being
" brainy, brilliant, and audacious " — saw fit to choose his oppor
tunity lightly to pour his contempt upon convictions to which
multitudes of thoughtful people give their earnest sympathy.
Standing upon the battle-field of Gettysburg — upon ground
hallowed by the blood of thousands of American heroes — this
man is reported as having given utterance to the following pe
culiar and amazing language :
The purification of politics is an iridescent dream. Government is
force. Politics is a battle for supremacy. Parties are the armies. The
decalogue and the golden rule have no place in a political campaign.
The object is success. To defeat the antagonist and expel the party in
power is the purpose. In war it is lawful to deceive the adversary, to
hire Hessians, to purchase mercenaries, to mutilate, to kill, to destroy.
The commander who lost a battle through the activity of his moral nature
would be the derision and jest of history. This modern cant about the
corruption of politics is fatiguing in the extreme. It proceeds from the
tea-cnstard and syllabub dilletanteism, the frivolous and desultory senti-
mentalism of epicenes.
No doubt but this would be welcome news to the enemies of
the reign of law and personal and social purity everywhere,
people who hate to be rebuked or controlled by either God
or man, by law or by conscience. The decalogue and the ser
mon on the mount stand very much in the way of such persons
and it would have been greatly to their comfort and liberty of
action had the senator been able to add the proof that they
were really abrogated, as he said, and that such persons had
nothing to fear from them either now or hereafter.
( But this book will show that it was not with such a creed as

PREFACE.

this that the wronged and suffering Liberals of Mexico struggled A
up through their forty years of agony and effort to the joy of a
purified political system which at last gave their country rest
and peace. And surely the Christian and patriotic dead be
neath that senator's feet in that cemetery, who gave up home,
family, and life itself to rectify that " corruption of politics "
which flung over out fair land treason, rebellion, and death,
could they have risen from their graves, would have indignantly
confronted him as he thus characterized convictions like theirs
as " modern cant," etc.
The conscience of the nation was shocked by this ill-omened
utterance, and Kansas herself resented it as every way unwor
thy of her own convictions. For a few weeks after, when the
time for the re-election of her senator came round, she retired
this man to private life and elected another in his place. Nor
will the lesson be lost. It does not pay public men, and especially
those in prominent positions, in the long run, to get into con
flict with the Author of the ten commandments or the golden
rule, or to turn an indifferent ear to the earnest appeals of the
men or the women who look to them for sympathy and help
in their struggles against sin and wrong.
It seems singular that the refuge of divine law should be un
welcome to any human being, or that men can be found who would
object to have religion operate in this sphere of ours as though
it were an intrusion to be tolerated only in the clouds above
and the world beyond, but not to dictate here to the hearts and
lives of men nor aim to control their private ways, much less
their public acts and policies. Sooner or later an awakening
comes to such dreamers, and they have to learn — often too late
— that the ten commandments and the sermon on the mount
were not given as laws of life to saints and angels in heaven,
but to men and sinners down here in this wicked world, and
that their mothers were right when they taught their infant
lips to pray, " Thy kingdom come, thy will be done on earth
as it is done in heaven." Any attempt to exclude public life
and its responsibilities from the sphere of conscience and the

PREFACE.

divine control, and then " to teach men so," is a high crime and
misdemeanor, not only against the souls of men, but also against
patriotism as well as religion, against love of country and love
of God, all of which go hand in hand and constitute the " right
eousness which exalteth a nation," and is equally exalting to its
leading men.
Rectification of wrong is the only true foundation of tranquil
lity ; " first pure, then peaceable." " There is no peace, saith
God, to the wicked," and never can be. The most perfect and
permanent of all governments is that of the reigning Redeemer,
of whose blessed administration the eternal Father testifies:
" Unto the Son he saith, Thy throne, O God, is for ever and
ever : a scepter of righteousness is the scepter of thy kingdom.
Thou hast loved righteousness, and hated iniquity ; therefore
God, even thy God, hath anointed thee with the oil of gladness
above thy fellows." He is the very model for legislators and
governors. The anthem that inaugurated his administration
has gone on sounding round the world ever since, " Glory to
God in the highest, and on earth peace, good-will toward men."
He evidently maintains that purified politics and Christian
prayer-meetings can go well together, that caucuses and class
meetings stand related to each other, and that a man can he
president of one of earth's mightiest empires and yet be a saint
like Daniel, who bends his knees to the God whose help he
implores. Thank Heaven, the men who recognize God in
political life bear the names that humanity now loves to re
member and honor — Protestant, Catholic, and heathen alike;
and the number of such pure patriots is on the increase. It is
not necessary that we quote illustrative instances. One alone
shall speak a brief word for the whole class in decided contra
diction of the unworthy utterance against which we here protest.
The Marquis of Dalhousie was regarded by his contempora
ries as the most distinguished governor-general that England
ever sent to rule her Oriental empire. This honored man, dur
ing the eight years that he held this great responsibility,
ruled and guided nearly one sixth of the human family. His

PREFACE.

feeble frame bent down at last beneath the mighty load, but
God, whom he had so long honored, enabled him to finish his
duty. The day on* which his successor, Lord Canning, arrived,
in 1856, he was ready to leave. They tenderly bore him from
the viceregal palace in Calcutta down to the ship that awaited
him, and laid him in the berth from which he was unable to rise
till the voyage ended. As he lay there he wrote, with feeble
hand, using pencil and tablets by his side, his last report to the
Court of Directors. In that report he found room for God,
and here is the finishing sentiment of his public life, so ger
mane to our subject here :
These papers are an instance of the principle that we should do right
without fear of consequences. To fear God and to have no other fear is a
maxim of religion, but the truth of it and the wisdom of it are proved
every day in politics.
The golden rule abrogated! Nay, verily. "Heaven and
earth shall pass away, but His word shall not pass away ! "
That word is pledged to help the oppressed of every land.
" The meek shall inherit the earth and delight themselves in
the abundance of peace." For nineteen hundred years since
the Lord Jesus Christ announced his mission in Capernaum
(Luke iv, 18) his has been the " power working for righteous
ness " in all lands ; for this he lives and reigns. As immortal,
while he may make haste, he does not need to hurry. He can
take his time, for the future is all his own, and is sure to come
to him for the completion of his great task. "Wisely and ef
fectively is he now mightily working in " subduing all things
unto himself" and guiding the elements in motion to the grand
conclusions which will surely bring, by the attractions of his
cross, the wide world to his feet in loving and adoring homage.
Already there are millions of men and women who would will
ingly lay down their lives for him to evidence that love ; and
the number of such is daily increasing. Long after the men
who have slighted his authority have passed away and been
forgotten better men will be filling the positions which they

PREFACE.

were unworthy to occupy, and this glorious Deliverer will be
closing up to completion the high mission of his manifesta
tion. "In his name shall the Gentiles trust," not merely for the
salvation of the soul, but also for the rectification of every
wrong and the vindication of- every right to "life, liberty, and
the pursuit of happiness," for all the good available in " the life
that now is, as well as for that which is to come." This " King
of kings and Lord of lords," whose cross redeemed the world,
is yet to sway its happy populations by his golden rule until
even " the isles shall wait for his law." For ages this has been
the expectation and prayer of Christians and lovers of the Bible,
who have been looking forward to that
' ' One far-off divine event
To which the whole creation moves."

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER I.
Mexico's long and deep degradation — Unheeded — Daniel Webster — Warrant for
the Conquest — Resources of Mexico — Population — The Armada — Mode of
Christianizing Aztecs — Credibility of Cortez — Cuatemoctzin — Haciendas —
Wealth of the Church — Lerdo's report — Fueros — Calderon and Domenech's
testimony to desagravios and idolatrous worship — Character of clergy and
people — Humboldt — Indulgences  Page 1
CHAPTER II.
" Gross darkness " — Mariolatry of Mexico unique — Hostility of the two Virgins —
Their respective legends — Their fabulous wealth — General Thompson and
Mrs. Gooch's testimony to this wild idolatry — The "cursed fools" of Guada
lupe — Opposite parts taken by these Virgins in the conflict for popular rights
— Impossible titles and relations — The terrible climax at Puebla — Mexico's
degradation fully accounted for here — Dates of dogmas  42
CHAPTER III.
From darkness to dawn through conflict and suffering — Spanish rule — Ticeroys —
"Patriarch of Mexican Independence " — His "Grito" and helpers — The Bravos
— Odds against freedom — Iturbide and coronation — Unfortunate return — Mon
roe doctrine — Texan war and its object — McNamara and " Methodist wolves"
— General Fremont — War with United States — Treachery at Cherubusco —
The hand of God — Hidden refuge for Bible study in the Cafladas  64
CHAPTER IV.
Extending freedom in South America. — Resisted by the pope — Liberalism dis
tasteful to privilege — Duke of Richmond — Testimony of Curtis — Ecuador
the papal model for Mexico — President Barrundia and the papal bull —
Policy of Pius IX. — Constitutional freedom promised — Withdrawn — Flight
of the pope to Gaeta — Roman republic — Papal appeal to Catholic powers to
crush the Romans — Responded to by Louis Napoleon — Protest — Reaction
and vengeance — "The Butcher of Bologna" — Gladstone — Sardinian-God
within the shadow  96

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER V.
Desperate efforts of the Mexican clericals — Merits of the conflict — Coup dletatol
the church party — Terrorizing policy of Miramon — Violation of British em
bassy — Republican victories — Benito Juarez, Mexico's "Washington," and
his aids — Perfidy of Louis Napoleon — Intervention — Co-operation of the pope
— " Laws of reform " — Tripartite treaty — Jecker bonds — De Morny — Collapse
of Jecker — " Cinco de Mayo " — Maximilian's call and warning. . . Page 118
CHAPTER VI.
Why Maximilian failed — Warnings in Austrian history — Francis Joseph — Papal
denunciation — Denying a grave — Jaurez and Congress — Jaurez and Lincoln
— South American interest — Netherland League — Position of the United
States — Marshal's disagreement with the archbishop — Impossible task — Em
pire without foundation — Abbe" Domenech — Career for the Latin race — Grant
— Failure of efforts — Nuncio — Pope's expostulation — Clericals in politics —
Confidential letter of Carlota — Denial of papal authority  157
CHAPTER VII.
England and recognition — Beecher's effort — Cotton-spinners of Lancashire —
"Kicked out of Rome" — Papal. missive to "Lincoln & Co." — Recognition of
Jeff Davis by the pontiff — Outline of policy — Interview with Juarez sought
by Maximilian — Confidential letter of the emperor — False proclamation con
cerning Juarez-^" The Black Decree " — Execution of Arteaga and Salazar —
Letters — Libro Rojo — Santa Anna — Sudden departure of the empress — Inter
view with the pope — Incurable insanity — French troops withdrawn — The
emperor's attempted departure — Interference of French and clericals — Sheri
dan at Rio Grande  181
CHAPTER VIII.
Collapse of the empire — Siege of Queretaro — Efforts to escape — Capture of Maxi
milian — Court-martial — Charges — Defense — Sentence — Appeals for pardon 
Why declined — Princess Salm-Salm — Plan of escape — Falsehood and bribery —
Interview with Juarez — The execution — Unjust charges against Colonel Lopez
— "Selling Maximilian for $30,000" — Escobedo's letter — Taking of Mexico city
— Merciful treatment of prisoners — Santa Anna's last game — Disposal of the
body of the archduke — Admission of Maximilian's lawyers  221
CHAPTER IX.
"Vengeance is mine, I will repay, saith the Lord" — "So that men shall say,
Verily there is a God that judgeth in the earth " — The conspirators against
freedom — Could only be reached by the retributions of Almighty God  The

CONTENTS.

pontiff — Temporal power for one thousand years — Decree of infallibility —
Declaration of war — Downfall of Napoleon — The pope's temporal power ex
tinguished — Italy unified — Papal coin — Scene in San Angelo — Emperor Will
iam denies the pope's claim — Napoleon rushes to ruin at Sedan — End of his
glory — Death of the Prince Imperial — Eugenie in exile — France republican —
Religious liberty — Expulsion of the Jesuits  Page 256
CHAPTER X.
The star on Orizava — Summary of what Mexico has gained — Her resources — Im
proved financial condition — Porfirio Diaz; — Evangelical missions — Miss Ran
kin — Circus of Chiarini — Providential help — Purchase of Inquisition — Popular
vengeance — Buried martyrs — General Assembly — Statistics of Protestantism
— Persecution — Interview with President Diaz — Santa Anna — Epitaph —
Tomb of Jaurez — Memorial services of the Emperor William — Madame Cal-
deron's prophecy  .\ . . 281

table of illustrations.

Benito Juabez,
The " Washington " of Mexico  frontispiece
Significant Seal of Mexico,
Her Eagle, on the Nopal, killing the Serpent of Despotism ... on title pase
Mexican System of Railways, pacing page
Showing the eleven lines in use or under construction  1
Hernando Cortez, Marquis of the Valley of Oaxaca,
Conqueror of this New World, and its first Captain-General, 1521  9
The Plaza, or Great Square of the Capital,
The most historic spot in Mexico, and scene of its leading " Pronun-
ciamentos."  25
The Disctplinas (two plates),
Used on the hody for self-torture  32
The Virgin of Remedios,
The Patroness of the Spaniards in Mexico   44
The Virgin of Guadalupe,
The Patroness of the native Mexicans  48
Miguel Hidalgo,
The " Patriarch of Mexican Independence."  67
General Santa Anna,
The turbulent Dictator of Mexico  82
Pope Pius IX,
Who sanctioned and sustained the usurpation of Maximilian  108
Louis Napoleon,
Who originated the " Intervention " in Mexico  130
Maximilian, Archduke of Austria,
For three years, by usurpation, " Emperor " of Mexico  169
Carlota, Archduchess of Austria,
And " Empress" of Mexico  170

xvi TABLE OF ILLUSTRATIONS.
The Monogram of Maximilian, facing pagb
With Medallions of his favorite Generals  211
Cerro de las Campanas,
Scene of the execution of Maximilian, June 19, 1867  240
General Porfirio Diaz,
Mexico's brave soldier and honored president  286
Head-quarters of the Mission of the Methodist Episcopal Church, '
Calle de Gante, City of Mexico  292
The Inquisition, City of Puebla,
Purchased by the Methodist Episcopal Church in 1873  293
Covered Way of the Inquisition,
Connecting with the Examining Chapel  293
Martyrs of the Inquisition,
Taken out of the cells in the walls, where they were built in to die  294
Personnel of the Mexican Annual Conference, in January, 1888,
Seventeen of the number being natives of the country  297
Rev. J. L. Stephens, Congregational Missionary,
Martyred at Ahualuloo, March, 1874  302
Rev. Epigmenio Monroy, Native Methodist Minister,
Martyred near Apizaco, April 8, 1881  303
Interior of the Methodist Episcopal Church, City of Mexico,
Formerly a part of the great San Franciscan monastery  313

MEXICO IN TRANSITION.

CHAPTEE I.
Mexico's long and deep degradation — Unheeded — Daniel Webster — Warrant for
the Conquest — Resources of Mexico — Population — The Armada — Mode of
Christianizing Aztecs — Credibility of Cortez — Cuatemoctzin — Haciendas —
Wealth of the Church — Lerdo's report — Fueros — Calderon and Domenech's
testimony to desagravios and idolatrous worship — Character of clergy and
people — Humboldt — Indulgences.
My interest in the events which this work is to describe
originated in a Sabbath service toward the close of 1851. The
congregation were singing Bishop Heber's missionary hymn,
and as they reached the couplet
" Till, like a sea of glory,
It spreads from pole to pole,"
the glowing words seemed illuminated with a significance be
yond any former apprehension. My attention was fixed, all
else forgotten for the time, and questionings, new and strange,
were speaking to my heart and insisting on being heard.
Some of these questions ran on in this line : Does this congrega
tion comprehend properly the meaning of the sublime thought
to which they are giving utterance? Are they realizing the
exalted hope which those lines express? Of what "poles"
are they thinking — those of the eastern hemisphere, or those
of our own continent, where the best connection of those poles
exists by the formation which God has conferred upon them ?
Here, then, where Heber's lines, in this sense, find their most
literal interpretation, is the audience really anticipating the
2

MEXICO IN TRANSITION.

hour when from the most northern of human homes the " sea
of glory " is to illumine and bless the dwellers of the three
Americas till it reaches the southern cape and crowns it with
the cross of the world's Kedeemer ? Or, was the glowing song
a mere poetic sentiment to fan for a moment the affections
of these worshipers and, without further significance, sacrifice,
or personal duty, to pass from their minds and be forgotten ?
There was at least one heart in that assembly which was not
to forget them while life shall last. The halo that invested
those two lines was to draw its attention and stimulate its faith
and hope, until now, after more than forty years, the great
public events that have meanwhile transpired upon these conti
nents have been seen and understood with increasing clearness
in the illumination of that hour, and it has apprehended how
wondrously God is moving in those lands to turn the hope of
Heber's hymn into the bright reality of the perfect evangelical
day, when the whole American hemisphere shall be radiant with
the glory of the Lord. This book is the result of these increas
ing and glad convictions, and the author's hope is that, when
his readers have examined the facts traced and united here,
they too will share his confidence and be ready to address them
selves, " as workers together with God," to the sacrifices and
duties which the hour and the divine call demand for their
realization from the Church of Christ.
The interest thus aroused developed into an anxiety to ascer
tain what was the actual political, social, and religious condition
of the nations existing between our own border and the south
ern pole. Those seventeen States had then an aggregate popu
lation exceeding that of the United States and Canada com
bined. The results of this inquiry, faithfully prosecuted for a
considerable length of time, through an extensive examination
and correspondence, were sad indeed. In this advanced day
people can hardly appreciate the fearful darkness and destitution
which then prevailed over Central and South America, or realize
that there was not then among the nearly forty-eight millions of
human beings between our Texan border and Cape Horn one

MEXICO IN TRANSITION.

missionary of evangelical Christianity addressing those millions
in their own tongue ! All was darkness and spiritual death !
Nearly every one of those States were bound hand and foot in
concordat relations with the papal power, these concordats
requiring the executive of each nation to make ecclesiastical
matters paramount in his administration; to repress all dissent,
even to the extent of the forfeiture of freedom or property —
sometimes even of life itself; to maintain, unquestioned and un
challenged, the stern rule of the papacy over these benighted
millions. This had been going on for centuries past, and it was
fully purposed to perpetuate the same dark dominion for ages
yet to come ! No Bible, no missionary, no light from any
source was to be permitted to enter or disturb this reign of igno
rance and sin. It seemed in some respects a worse condition
than that of any heathenism on earth, because more cruel, re
pressive, and unreformable. Sufficient evidence of this will be
forthcoming, most of it furnished by the very people whom
Rome had overburdened for centuries, till at last, uhable to en
dure longer, they have risen in their wrath, one State after
another, and taken vengeance upon their clerical oppressors.
They have snatched from their hands the civil and religious
freedom which had been so long withheld, and secularized the
vast church property which their clergy had unlawfully ac
quired and so long employed for their own selfish purposes.
This hour of divine relief had not dawned in 1851. Years
of agony had yet to be endured ere it appeared, and the suf
fering friends and martyrs of freedom and a purer faith had to
wait and still cry to the Almighty, under their bitter pressure,
" How long, O Lord, how long ? "
Santa Anna was then in power, in the third term of his dic
tatorship, and this record will evidence that a more unscrupu
lous tool of the papacy never held a scepter. . Since the first
blow was struck for freedom in Mexico, and the life of its
noblest martyr was sacrificed, in 1811, occasional rumors
reached the outside world revealing something of the struggles
which the lovers of liberty were maintaining against fearful

MEXICO IN TRANSITION.

odds, and how the strong hand of the Church and the Spanish
party were cruelly repressing their aspirations, endeavoring to
extinguish them.
It seems strange now, as we look back, how unconscious our
people generally were of the condition of things in Mexico, •
how little they realized the depth of the degradation in which
her millions were perishing, or how long she had agonized to be
lifted up to the condition of our land. We dreamed not of
the debt we owed to her, and the nations beyond, but left them
to their fate. Meanwhile we were loud enough in our jubila
tion over our own happy condition, unconscious that we were
side by side with a race of people, then more numerous than
ourselves, who were under the dread control of the darkest
Romanism on earth !
Forty years ago, in a circle of friends, some of whom ex
pressed fears of national difficulties to grow out of the unset
tled north-eastern and north-western boundaries, Daniel "Webster
said: No, gentlemen, our great national difficulty lies not in that direction.
Our greatest danger is that we have a sister republic on our southern
border, almost in mortal agony, and no one amongst us seems willing to
lend it a helping hand.
Truly to comprehend the Mexican question we need to re
call the professed Warrant for the Conquest. The origin of the
title by which Spain and the Church of Rome claimed Mexico,
and indeed the entire western hemisphere, as their exclusive
domain, was an audacious act of the Roman pontiff at the close
of the fifteenth century. The craze of the Crusades led men
to imagine that the kingdom of Christ could be extended by
the sword, and the maritime nations of the age waxed jealous
of each other's share in the work and the gain it involved.
Add to this motive the love of adventure and military glory,
and the passion of avarice, and you have the elements which
moved men, and often the vilest of men, to volunteer for such
enterprises. As a warrant for all they undertook they looked
to the pope to bestow the sanction, of Heaven upon their vent-

MEXICO IN TRANSITION.

ures. The pope, nothing loath, readily authorized such expe
ditions, and that on the most extensive scale. Alexander VI.,
in 1494, settled the conflicting claims of the kings of Spain and
Portugal by dividing the world between them. The account
runs thus :
He divided' the undiscovered regions of the earth by an imaginary line
of longitude", running through the Atlantic Ocean, from pole to pole, three
hundred and seventy miles west of the Azores. He gave the Portuguese
unlimited sway over all the countries that they might discover to the east
of that line, and pledged himself to confirm to Ferdinand and Isabella of
Spain the right to every isle, continent, and sea where they should plant
their flag on the western hemisphere. Hence in every picture of the
landing of Columbus the first act in the scene is the planting of the flag
of the Spanish crown.*
This authority was to be unlimited and to cover all things
temporal and spiritual ; the bodies and souls, the property and
services of the conquered nations were to be their peculiar in
heritance, and that of their successors forever. Such was the
title-deed of Ferdinand and Isabella to North, Central, and
South America. This wonderful grant of Alexander YI. was
confirmed by his successor, Pope Julius II., to the Spanish
monarchy. Thus the whole continent, " from pole to pole," all
the kingdoms of this New "World, were assumed to be handed
over to a dynasty by a pontiff who did not own and had no
right to a foot of the territory or a single human being upon it.
But where are the two empires so pompously divided to
Portugal and Spain ? "Where the " Conquest " made under the
authority of Alexander VI., and consolidated with such crush
ing force on poor humanity, especially in Mexico ? What of the
proud claims which Spaniards made when they engraved across
their maps of the western world the words " New Spain," which
were made to stretch from the Gulf of Mexico to the Pacific
coast, and from the St. Lawrence to the southern cape, terri
torially the greatest empire that the world had ever seen ? The
pontifical gift has been wrested out of their blood-stained hands
* Mexico and the United States, by Gorham D. Abbot, p. 21. Putnam.

MEXICO IN TRANSITION.

by a mightier Power than their own ; her sons who did all this
wrong have been shaken out of this New World ; the bound
aries which she obliterated have been restored ; the races which
she so cruelly oppressed have risen again in this wonderful
day to power, and her proud title has been erased from the
maps of this hemisphere.
The assumptions of Alexander VI. would have had far less
significance to the world had not the papacy supposed they had
found in them a clew to universal dominion over mankind.
This idea was followed out, and Pope Paul III. convoked a
council in the city of Trent, in 1545, which was to legislate, under
the professed authority of the Holy Spirit, a body of canons
that were to subject all mankind for all ages to the will of one
man in the papal chair. This council was composed of 247
bishops, of whom 187 were Italians, 32 Spaniards, 26 French, and
2 Germans, and a majority vote (124) of these men undertook
to make the laws by which the millions of the human race in
all lands and ages were to be bound, under fearful penalties, to
accept and obey as the edicts of Almighty God !
Though Mexico to-day retains only a part of the immense
area which she once called her own, yether present size is stated
as " ten times larger than Great Britain, and nearly equal in
extent to France, Spain, Austria, Lombardy, and the British
Isles combined." The physical facts of this great country are
presented by Mr. Winston as follows :
It extends from about the fourteenth to the thirty-second parallel of
north latitude, and from the eighty-sixth to the one hundred and seventh
degree of west longitude, being in length from north to south about two
thousand miles, and in breadth from one hundred and forty miles at
Tehuantepec, on the south, to over a thousand miles where it joins our
own southern borders. It has a sea-coast on the Gulf of Mexico of about
one thousand miles, and on the Pacific Ocean and the Gulf of California
of over four thousand miles. Situated to a large extent within the tropics,
its coasts and the land near them possess a tropical climate, while the
plains of the interior rise to an altitude of seventy-five hundred feet above
the level of the sea, securing a temperate climate, although within the
tropics. Thus almost every product of fruit and grain is found within its

MEXICO IN TRANSITION.

borders. On no island in the southern seas is there a greater luxuriance
and beauty of tree and plant and flower, from the majestic palm to the
creeping vines which cover the ground and trees and overrun their dwell
ings, than in the south and east of Mexico, while in the north all the prod
ucts of our own land can be successfully cultivated. Its silver mines
have been and are the richest in the world. It has gold also, with iron
and other useful metals and minerals. Its majestic snow-clad mountains,
its beautiful valleys and hills, its luxuriant verdure and abundant plants
present rare pictures to all true lovers of nature.
The natives speak of their country as divided into three zones,
the lowlands along the coast as the tierras calientes (hot lands),
the range above as tierras templadas (temperate lands), and the
still higher table-lands as the tierras frias (cold lands). In
these last are seen those great volcanoes which are such a strik
ing feature in the scenery of Mexico. The height of the five
leading ones, as given by Humboldt, is :
Orizava  17,879 feet.
Popocatepetl  17,726 "
Ixtaccihuatl  15,705 "
Toluca  15,168 "
Colima  12,005 "
The summits of these are covered with perpetual snow.
Popocatepetl and Ixtaccihuatl rise in their sublimity on the
eastern side of the valley of Mexico, hoary guardians of the
Aztec capital, the first towering ten thousand feet above the city.
A railroad, wonderful for its engineering, that has overcome such
immense difficulties of construction, winds its way up from the
sea-shore at Vera Cruz to the city of Mexico, a distance of two
hundred and sixty-two miles, and an elevation of seventy-five
hundred feet. Some of the scenery on this road, and on other
lines lately constructed down to the coast, is unsurpassed in
grandeur in the world. Passing through all these zones garden
products are brought to the markets of Mexico, and dwellers in
that city enjoy fresh fruits and vegetables and flowers every day
in the year. The sweep of the mild currents of air from the
tropical ocean below, united with the rarefied air of the elevated
table-lands, afford one of the most balmy and equable climates in

MEXICO IN TRANSITION.

the world, free from extremes, so that in the valley of Mexico
the mercury seldom rises over eighty -five degrees,' or falls much
below forty-five degrees, and nature seems in its growth to be
a perpetual spring. This wonderful land, so gifted by nature's
God, if her people were only blest with evangelical religion,
and the freedom, peace, and intelligence it brings in its train,
might become like " the garden of the Lord," where "thanks
giving and the voice of praise " might be perpetually resounding.
In 1888 Mexico had an estimated population of 11,632,924.
Of these 12 per cent, are supposed to be of European extrac
tion, 28 per cent, mixed, and 60 per cent, aborigines. Such is
the fertility of the land that it is estimated it could sustain more
than one hundred millions of population. God has bestowed with
bountiful hand, so that it has been truly said, she has " every
herb bearing seed, and every tree that is pleasant to the sight
and good for food," while her mines are rich with the precious
metals. The single fact of Mexico's mineral wealth should have
saved her from her wretchedness. Ages before our Nevadas
were heard, of Mexico was the wealthiest of all lands, and
specialists have calculated that fully one half of the silver of
commerce was extracted from her mines since the Conquest.
An enumeration of the wealth from Mexican mines which passed
through the custom-houses of Spain from the Conquest to 1825
gives the enormous amount of £2,040,000,000, being an annual
revenue to the Spanish monarch of £6,800,000 for the three
hundred years then closing.* Nor is this all, for Robertson
gives his authorities for the conclusion that the sum above
named is less than the amount fraudulently introduced into
Spain without paying the fifth part which was the king's duty
on the importation.f No wonder this profusion of treasure
astonished mankind, who had hitherto gleaned a limited supply
of these precious metals from the scanty stores in the mines of
the eastern hemisphere.
Pampered with unsanctified wealth, gained by fraud and
* See King's Proclamation, printed at Havana, Sept. 6, 1831.
¦j- Robertson's History of America, p. 366, and note on p. 519.

HERNANDO CORTEZ,
Marquis of the Valley of Oaxaca, Conqueror of this Xew World and its
first Captuiii-Crcneral, 1.721.

MEXICO IN TRANSITION.

oppression, Spain became proud and overbearing, rejected the
Bible and the gr^at Reformation, and in the intoxication of her
bigotry madly essayed to dominate the world by terrorizing
weak nations, while at home she energized her abominable In
quisition in the interests of her intolerant Church. She then
rashly attempted to extinguish in cruelty and blood the Reforma
tion in its chosen home, by invading the country of Elizabeth.
The preparations for this purpose were characteristic of the
monarchy which had reduced the free Aztecs to peonage and
degradation, and which was exulting in the anticipation of im
posing a similar yoke on the necks of Englishmen. With the
money of Mexico the Armada was built and outfitted, and
then ostentatiously baptized the Invincible, as it sailed away to
accomplish its purpose. But in one short week the wreckage
of that vast fleet was strewing the Atlantic Ocean, or dashed
up on the shores of the land which sent it forth. The terrible
overthrow inspired the Protestant nations to build fleets to com
pete with this relentless tyrant of the seas. The Dutch and
English began to prey on the commerce of their common
enemy, and many a Spanish galleon had to lower her flag and
resign her treasure to build up the greatness of these powers.
From that time the decadence of Spain commenced, until her
argosies ceased to cross the ocean and rotted within her silent
ports. " The Lord had them in derision."
The wealth of Mexico has continued to flow, but no longer
to enrich her spoilers. It is now building up the commerce of
free and evangelical nations. Twice a month the transatlantic
steamer leaves Vera Cruz, bearing it away to London, where it
is turned into exchange for the East, and is soon reminted in
Calcutta, and circulates in India, China, and Japan.
The conquest of Mexico by Hernando Cortez, in the early
part of the sixteenth century, is one of the most interesting
subjects in all history. To overthrow an empire like that of
Montezuma with the mere handful of men whom Cortez led
seems incredible. The original account of this conquest is
contained in the four dispatches of Cortez to his emperor,

10 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
Charles V. The representation is one-sided ; the conquered race
have never until now had the opportunity of appealing to the
considerate judgment of mankind by recounting the story of
their wrongs, and the cruelties which they endured from the
fanatical invaders of their country. The destruction of their
civilization, their monuments, their literature and records, has
swept away till the judgment-day the proof which they should
have possessed. Zumarraga, the first Archbishop of Mexico, was
prominent among the iconoclasts who so recklessly destroyed
tlieir valuable manuscripts and monuments. Brantz Mayer
describes the immense bonfire that he made of all the Aztec
manuscripts he could collect " in and round the city of Mexico
and Tlatelolco."* Of course the "pious" soldiers in this
" holy war " zealously followed the example of their chief prel
ate, and so treasures which might have thrown light on the
history of Mexico and of the continent, invaluable to the his
torian and antiquarian, were ruthlessly consumed by these igno
rant vandals. The vast number of ruins of teocallis (temples or
sacred places) that still remain evidence the immense popula
tion which Mexico contained at the time of the Conquest, and
seem to justify the conclusion reached by Humboldt, that at that
period the empire of Montezuma may have " had a population
of not less than thirty millions," and " the city of Mexico a
population of three hundred thousand."
The Christianization of such a mass of humanity by a mere
handful of military adventurers and their few clerical helpers,
by the off-hand methods which they employed, frequently at the
sword's point, is an awful part of the record that has come
down to us. The world never before witnessed any such process
as they adopted in " Christianizing " those whom their cruelty
spared. Robertson gives the authority (Romish, of course) for
his statement :
"While this rage of conversion continued a single clergyman baptized in
one day about five thousand Mexicans, and did not desist until he was so
exhausted by fatigue that he was unable to lift his hands. In the course
* Brantz Mayer, vol. i, p. 93.

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 11
of a few years after the reduction of the Mexican Empire the sacrament
of baptism was administered to more than four millions. Proselytes
adopted with such inconsiderate haste, and who were neither instructed
in the nature of the tenets to which it was supposed they had given assent,
nor taught the absurdity of those which they were required to relinquish,
retained their veneration for their ancient superstitions in full force, or
mingled an attachment to their doctrines and rites with that slender knowl
edge of Christianity which they had acquired. These sentiments the new
converts transmitted to their posterity, into whose minds they have sunk
so deep that the Spanish ecclesiastics, with all their industry, have not
been able to eradicate them.*
" Conversion " and " baptism " are interchangeable in the
language of such people, and cases are quoted where their doc
trine of " baptismal regeneration " enabled two of their mis
sionaries to boast that " their ordinary day's work was from ten
to twenty thousand souls ! " The " fruits " of such a Christian
ity are manifest to-day in Mexico, as they have been for three
hundred years past, and Humboldt is fully justified in his state
ment when he says :
The introduction of the Romish religion had no other effect upon the
Mexicans than to substitute new ceremonies and symbols for the rites of
a sanguinary worship. Dogma has not succeeded dogma, but only cere
mony to ceremony. I have seen them, marked and adorned with tink
ling bells, perform savage dances around the altar while a monk of St.
Francis elevated the Host.
And equally true is Dr. Abbot's sad conclusion, that
Christianity, instead of fulfilling its mission of enlightening, converting,
and sanctifying the natives, was itself converted. Paganism was baptized,
Christianity paganized.
Cortez was not above the temptation to represent his oppo
nents in the worst possible light and to magnify greatly his own
victories as well as the number and character of those opposed
to him, in order to dazzle his government and his countrymen
with the splendor of his services and the proportionate rewards
that were due to him, and those who served with him in his
crusade against a peaceable nation in the ends of the earth, who
* Robertson's America, p. 364.

12 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
had offered him neither wrong nor insult, and of whose hospi
tality he took the meanest advantages and then punished their
heroic defense with robbery, slavery, and death ! But who then
dared to doubt the correctness of the narrations by Cortez ?
Every document for the public eye had first to be submitted to
the examination of the official censor, and without his license no
work could be published. Cortez was too useful as a son of
the Church and too valuable as a subject of the crown to have
any of his statements qualified or denied. Bernal Diaz (one
of his associates and a historian of the Conquest) ventures in a
very meek way to withhold his approval of some such state
ments, in these words :
It may be that the person whom Gomara mentions as having appeared
on a mottled gray horse was the glorious apostle San Jago or San Pedro,
and that I as being a sinner, was not worthy to see him. This I know,
that I saw Juan Francisco de Morla on such a horse, but, as an unworthy
transgressor, did not deserve to see any of the holy apostles. It may have
been the will of God ; that it was so as Gomara relates, but until I read his
chronicle I never heard among any of the conquerors that such a thing
had happened. (Chap, xxxiv.)
The statements of Cortez went forth accepted as facts by the
" Holy Office," and were commended to the belief of the un
educated millions of Spain. The emblazoned cross upon his
standard covered even the claims of miraculous assistance, the
presence of the saints (St. James and St. Peter especially) with
his army, and " the inspiration of the Holy Ghost," to guide in
his policy. All of which is indorsed by no less an authority
than Lorenzana, Archbishop of Mexico, in his Notes on the
Letters of Cortez, published in 1770. To eulogize such a man
as a "saintly " character was an insult to the moral sense of even
worldly men. The glamour of his course has now departed, and
candid criticism has weighed him in her balance and found him
wanting. Abundant evidence — much of it under his own hand —
has shown him to have been impure, untruthful, avaricious,
and cruel, and to-day his character is most discounted where
he was best known. The races which he so deeply wronged

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 13
execrate his memory, and one of their first acts as freemen was
to raise the question whether the soil of their land should shel
ter his remains, so that hastily and secretly his ashes were re
moved, to avoid the indignities to which the excited people
might have subjected them ! If any desire evidence to satisfy
them that this is not too strong condemnation of his character,
let them turn to the authorities given below (all from Roman
Catholic writers), which are but samples of the many such tes
timonies which could be added.*
The exaggerations of Cortez and his followers were on a scale
with their barbarities, and constitute a perpetual difficulty for
all who attempt to describe his conquest. Time and closer exam
ination only intensify this difficulty and throw a deeper shade
over their credibility. Nearly all visitors to Mexico who have
studied the subject, even partially, find themselves led to doubt
the amazing statements of the Dispatches and become con
vinced that Prescott should have discriminated in regard to
many of these wild assertions of Cortez. We have not room
to spare for the many illustrative instances at hand, but in pass
ing we will note that the victory of Otumba, after the night
of dreadful loss, called the Noche Triste (or Sad Night), where
four or five hundred exhausted men are said to have conquered
"more than one hundred thousand" Aztecs, may be regarded
as on a par with his story of the "one hundred and thirty-six
thousand skulls of the victims of the teocalli," which he says
he saw there, or the equally incredible number of human
sacrifices offered yearly on their reeking altars.f Even Clav
igero, the Jesuit historian of Mexico, is forced to pause and
decline to set down such monstrous figures in his history. £
But, on the contrary, he states that "the victors [Spaniards],
in one year of merciless massacre, sacrificed more human vic
tims to avarice and ambition than the Indians, during the
* Dispatches of Cortez, pp. 362, 398, 405. Robertson's History of the Discovery
and Settlement of America, pp. 252, 257, 485, 488, 494.
\ Helps's Life of Cortez, vol. ii, p. 305.
X History of Mexico, by Abbe F. S. Clavigero, vol. i, p. 281.

14 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
existence of their empire, devoted in chaste worship to their
native gods." *
Cortez's own lips have furnished the real secret to his charac
ter, and proves that " the cursed lust for gold " was the leading
motive that impelled him. Without hesitation he relates the
following incident. At an entertainment which he gave to the
officers of Montezuma on his first journey from the coast to the
city of Mexico he inquired of them if tlieir emperor had any
gold, and, being answered in the affirmative, Cortez said : " Let
him send it to me, for I and my companions have a complaint,
a disease of the heart, which' is cured by gold." f Montezuma
soon sent all that he could spare, hoping to get rid of the un
welcome visitor, but he had not enough to " cure" the disease.
It was a spasm of the same complaint, when he had captured
the valiant Cuatemoctzin, the nephew and successor of Monte
zuma, who led the defense of the city when the emperor was a
prisoner, that induced Cortez to commit the fearful crime that
will forever stain the records of his great conquest. The booty
which fell into his hands was so small, " only one hundred and
twenty thousand pesos gold," that he believed Cuatemoctzin had
secreted the treasure, and therefore ordered the princely man to
be tortured, with his chief noble, by roasting their feet before a
strong fire. The noble died under the torture, which was then
suspended in the case of Cuatemoctzin, only to be renewed later,
before he was hung by the conqueror, for refusing to reveal the
secret. \ So far from being ashamed of this diabolical act, the
anniversary of the capture of Cuatemoctzin and the fall of the
city which he so valiantly defended was regularly celebrated
„_during the three hundred years of Spanish rule, till the inde-
1 pendence, in 1821, brought the native race to the front and
terminated the insulting celebration. With such ample facts
before us, what are we to think of the indorsement given to
Cortez by Archbishop Lorenzana (already mentioned), who
* History of Mexico, by Abbe F. S. Clavigero, vol. ii, p. 194.
f Helps's Life of Cortez, vol. i, p. 56.
X Robertson's History, pp. 252, 257.

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 15
annotated the Dispatches of Cortez to Charles V. ? In his clos
ing note he says :
The Conquest took place in 1521, and in three years after Cortez, in
this dispatch, speaks as if fifty years of wise government had elapsed. I
shall ever reverence Cortez, and respect his name as that of a civil, mil
itary, and religious hero, unexampled in his career ; a subject who bore
the freaks of fortune with fortitude and constancy, and a man destined by
God to add to the possessions of the Catholic king a new and larger
world. (P. 431.)
We pause to note how completely the judgment of the arch
bishop was reversed by the divine providence. All that Cortez
established has been swept away, to the last remnant of the des
potic civilization imposed upon the long-suffering race, whose
enlightened sons are once more in possession of their country.
On the 21st of August, 1889, the Mexicans dedicated on the
Paseo de la Reforma — the magnificent drive leading from the
city to the palace of Chapultepec — a colossal bronze statue of
Cuatemoctzin, in honor of their valiant prince and last emperor.
One of the largest assemblies of the aborigines ever seen in Mex
ico city was present to witness the solemnities, each bearing his
garland to grace the monument which memorializes their de
liverance from ages of bitter humiliation. The triumphant ora
tion was pronounced in the Aztec language by Colonel Don
Prospero Cahuantzin, Governor of the State of Tlaxcala. The
national anthem was enthusiastically sung and the royal salute
of twenty-one guns thundered out, during which President Diaz
advanced and laid a wreath of roses and laurel at the foot of the
statue. Need we wonder that Cuatemoctzin's race is now claim
ing a reversal of many of those popular opinions on the Con
quest which Spanish historians and those who were misdirected
by them, have imposed on the world as the facts of history ?
In settling down to enjoy the results of their unjust invasion
the Conquistadores (as Cortez and his associates then were
called) adopted a social system of a very oppressive character.
Large, portions of the land were parceled out into immense
estates, and titles were conferred upon their Spanish owners,

16 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
while the millions of the Aztec race were reduced to a condition
of peonage. In the center of each estate haciendas (forti
fied farm-houses) were erected ; and here the natives had to live
under the eye of the owner, or of his administrator, when the
owner was non-resident, as was frequently the case. The
owner, called a hacendado, fixed the rate of wages and re
quired the peons to draw their supplies from his store, giving
him a double profit on their toil. A church was also erected, a
Spanish priest appointed to the charge, pledged to add spiritual
authority to sustain the claims of the hacendado. The Domin
ican monks were introduced, and under their administration
branches of the Spanish Inquisition were established in the
cities of Mexico and Puebla, for the repression of all dissent
and the punishment of any heresy. Under the weight of this
Spanish civilization the conquered race began their new life.
Without education, on the most scanty subsistence, without
owning the miserable hut of a single room that sheltered them,
they dragged on for three centuries, ranking among the most
ignorant and hopeless of the human race. Laws were passed
by the viceroys, who were appointed by the King of Spain, to
suit the situation, one of which was that the peons of one haci
enda were not at liberty to transfer themselves to another with
out the written, permit of the hacendado or his agent, if they
were in debt to the amount of twenty dollars. The estate own
ers took good care that their hands should be in debt to this
extent all the time, so as to secure the control of their labor.
Worse than this, many of these wretched people were formally
reduced to the condition of absolute slavery, and some were even
branded as such with the owner's initials by a red-hot iron
women as well as men !* while the middle class, the real back
bone of the nation, perished from the land.
It is no wonder that Las Casas, the Bishop of Chiapas, pro
tested so earnestly against his countrymen's barbarities, which he
declared threatened to exterminate the Aztec race, nor that he
twice crossed the Atlantic to lay the sorrowful story of their
* Wilson's Mexico, p. 209.

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 17
wrongs before Ferdinand and Charles V. A grateful Mexican
artist — Felix Parra — has immortalized the good bishop's human
ity in that famous picture which occupies the place of honor in
the Academy of Fine Arts in the city of Mexico. It is entitled
" Las Casas Protecting the Indians," and represents the venera
ble man standing, while at his feet is the bleeding body of an
Aztec, whose anguished wife clings to his robe as he raises the
cross for their protection, and his face, uplifted, is illumined as
he appeals to Heaven for help for the oppressed. Who that
has looked upon that pleading countenance can ever forget it ?
The historians of the Conquest admit that the merciless Span
iards subjected not only the common people to these barbarous
conditions of life, but also many of the caziques — nobles and
governors — were degraded to the condition of peonage on ' the
haciendas or to work in the mines.
The monks of the Franciscan order were soon imported to
Catholicize the native people and thus complete the work of
Cortez. Magnificent endowments were provided for this order
to carry on this work, until their head-quarters in the center of
the city of Mexico became one of the most extensive and
wealthy monastic institutions in Christendom.
A hundred years after Cortez reached Mexico, with this
creed and civilization, the Pilgrim Fathers landed on Plym
outh Rock, and, notwithstanding all the natural disadvan
tages, from which Mexico is so happily free, they planted a
faith and a freedom which have made the wilderness, the ster
ile soil, and the rock-bound coast a true commonwealth, and
consolidated a glorious civilization of peace, intelligence, and
prosperity without a rival on earth — the very reverse of the
debasement to which Spain and Rome degraded Montezuma's
race and country. If the Romish Church became an utter fail
ure in Mexico, as well as in Central and South America, that
failure cannot be accounted for at a future day by any lack of
material or adequate, even absolute, power for the accomplish
ment of the purposes to which Christianity aspires. She
secured also boundless resources by means which she alone em-

18 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
ploys; she chose her methods, took all the time necessary to
workout the results, and the world sees and laments her failure.
Notwithstanding her efforts to conceal the vast accumula
tions she had been sweeping into her treasuries for three hun
dred years, rendering no account to the nation, either as to their
extent or use, deliberately and contemptuously refusing to con
tribute a single dollar toward the public burdens, while claim
ing all immunities, some approximation of the amount had
been made manifest to the nation she had so impoverished,
and successive governments have investigated in the hope that
some portion of it might be made to fulfill its duty in helping
bear the public burdens, especially when it became apparent
that the lay estate could no longer carry all, or save the State
from bankruptcy.
The most successful of these efforts was made by the Liberal
government in 1850, when Sefior Lerdo, then minister of public
works, compiled a synopsis of the Mexican hierarchy, of the
religious houses, their endowments, revenues, salaries, etc.
While he could approximate very closely in regard to the mon
asteries, nunneries, their inmates, and the ecclesiastical staff, it
was still in the power of the clericals to evade his investigations
in regard to the bulk of the church property of Rome in Mexico,
which they alone knew, and which for so many years they were
using to fight against freedom in the land.
Sefior Lerdo's exhibit was approved by the " Mexican Society
of Geography and Statistics " as worthy of public confidence,
and it created a sensation. Men knew that but a part of the
resources of this foreign Church was laid bare, but what had been
ascertained revealed vast sums lavished upon institutions and
orders of indolent, ignorant monks and nuns, who were con
suming in idleness wealth for want of which their poor suffer
ing countrymen were steeped in poverty and their government
without resources. It was then calculated that the Church of
Rome owned " 861 estates valued at $71,000,000, and 22,000
city lots at $113,000,000— a total of $184,000,000." Some
writers value the property thus held at $300,000,000, and the

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 19
yearly income at $25,000,000, while the floating capital under
the control of the archbishop and his chapter amounted to about
$20,000,000, and was employed largely in loans and mortgages.
The money power wielded by the Church was only second to
her spiritual power, and she had a practical monopoly of both.
Even as late as 1873, when we entered Mexico, there were only
two or three banks in the republic. Yet there was plenty of
money to be loaned, and at moderate rates of interest. For
security they preferred bonds and mortgages, the expectation
being that before the spirit left the dying frame influences could
be brought to bear to lead the owner to leave a suitable part to
be used for masses for his soul.
Seiior Lerdo estimates the amount consumed in the main
tenance of the 3,223 ecclesiastics was annually $20,000,000,
besides the large amounts expended in the repairs and orna
ments of an enormous number of churches. In 1793 the
twelve bishops had $539,000 appropriated to their support, but
now their revenues are so mixed up with the revenues of the
Church that it is impossible to say how much these twelve
" successors of the apostles " appropriate for their support.*
Of this sum, it is understood, the Archbishop of Mexico received
as his yearly salary $130,000, the Bishop of Puebla and Valla
dolid (Morelia) $110,000 each, and the rest in due proportion.
These facts led several competent men to investigate the sub
ject. Their substantial agreement renders it unnecessary that
we should add statements to the representations which we have
quoted and which are accepted in Mexico as sufficiently near to
the facts of the case for all needful information.
As to the object for which these means were employed and
the power that they conferred to accomplish them, Mr. Wilson
remarks, in 1854 :
In place of the Inquisition, which the reformed Spanish government
took away from the Church of Mexico, the Church now wields the power
of wealth, almost fabulous in amount, which is practically in the hands of
* Mexico To-day, by Brocklehurst. London, 1883. Mexico, 1861-62, by Dr.
Lempriere. Wilson's Mexico, p. 322.

20 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
a close corporation sole. The influence of the arc/Mshop, as the substantial
owner of nearly half the property in the city of Mexico, gives him a power
over his tenants unknown under our system of laws. Besides this a large
portion of the church property is in money, and the archbishop is the
great loan and trust company of Mexico. Nor is this power by any means
an insignificant one. A bankrupt government is overawed by it. Men
of intellect are crushed into silence, and no opposition can successfully
stand against the influence of the Church Lord, who carries in his hand
the treasures of heaven and in his money-bags the material that moves
the world. To understand the full force of his power of money it must
be borne in mind that Mexico is a country proverbial for recklessness in
all conditions of life ; for extravagant living and extravagant equipages ;
a country where a man's position in society is determined by the state he
maintains ; a country the basis of whose wealth is the mines of precious
metal, where princely fortunes are quickly acquired and suddenly lost,
and where hired labor has hardly a cash value. In such a country the
power and influence of money has a meaning beyond any idea we can
form. Look at a prominent man making an ostentatious display of his
devotion ; his example is of advantage to the Church, and the Church may
be of advantage to him, for it has an abundance of money at six per cent.
per annum, while the outside money-lenders charge him two per cent, per
month. The Church, too, may have a mortgage upon his house overdue;
and woe betide him if he should undertake a crusade against the Church.
This is a string that the Church can pull upon, which is strong enough to
overawe government itself. (P. 323.)
What has she to show the impoverished nation for these
hundreds of millions which she has extracted from it ? A peo
ple without intelligence or morality or self-respect, steeped
to the lips in ignorance, poverty, and peonage as the Mexicans
were thirty years ago, and had been ever since the Conquest.
What became of all this wealth? Two or three quota
tions' will indicate for what purposes it has been so prodigally
employed, while the poor nation from which it was taken
was perishing for the improved conditions which that wealth
would surely have brought. Instead of that, this is the use of
it in which they have gloried. Madame Calderon writes :
Innumerable were the churches we visited that evening. . . . The cathe
dral (in Mexico city) was the first we entered, and its magnificence struck
us with amazement. Its gold and silver and jewels, its innumerable orna-

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 21
ments and holy vessels, the rich dresses of the priests, all seemed burning
with almost intolerable brightness. The high altar was the most mag
nificent; the second, with its pure white marble pillars, the most impos
ing. . . . Each church had vied with the others in putting forth all its
splendors of jewelry, of lights, of dresses, and of music. . . . There are be
tween sixty and eighty others, some of them possessing little less wealth
than the cathedral. (P. 108.)
We were also shown the jewels, which they keep buried in case of a
revolution. The custodia, the gold stand in which they carry the Host, is
entirely incrusted with large diamonds, pearls, emeralds, amethysts,
topazes, and rubies. The chalices are equally rich. There are four sets of
jewels for the bishop. One of his crosses is of emeralds and diamonds,
another of topazes and diamonds, with great rings of the same belonging
to each. (P. 274.)
To the right of the altar of the Cathedral of Puebla is the gem of the
building. It is a figure of the Virgin Mary, near the size of life. Dressed
in the richest embroidered satin, she displays strings of the largest pearls,
hanging from her neck to below her knees. Around her brow is clasped
a crown of gold, inlaid with emeralds of marvelous size. Her waist is
bound with a zone of diamonds, from the center of which blaze numbers
of enormous brilliants.
To cap this climax we need only quote one more testimony
concerning the shrine
In which rest the figure of the "Virgin of Remedios," who enjoys the
exclusive right, amid her other treasures, to three petticoats, one of them
embroidered with pearls, another with emeralds, and a third with
diamonds, the value of which is credibly stated at not less than three
millions of dollars.
In addition to all this wealth hidden in her churches, Rome
increased the burdens upon the nation by her monastic system,
which she jealously secluded from any governmental inspection,
or the influence of public opinion as to the personnel, property,
or the rights and liberties of the thousands around whom she
erected those massive walls. Sefior Lerdo's statistics give their
number. How fearful is the fact stated by Robertson : " In
the city of Mexico alone there are more than fifty convents,
male and female, containing three thousand three hundred indi
viduals" (p. 515). The unfortunate city had borne this load

22 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
for centuries notwithstanding all her protests. In proof of
this Robertson adds :
In the year 1644 the city of Mexico presented a petition to the King of
Spain, praying that no new monastery be founded, and that the revenues
of those already established might be circumscribed ; otherwise the relig
ious houses would soon acquire the property of the whole country. . . .
The abuse must have been enormous indeed, when even the bigoted Span
ish Americans were induced to remonstrate against them.
He also states that these numerous clergy " were generally
native Spaniards, devoted to the interests of the king, the Church,
and the Inquisition, passing their lives in criminal indulgence
or luxurious repose." The Spaniards took good care to reserve
all the positions of their political system, as well as the ease of
the monastic establishments for men of their own race, and
systematically excluded all Aztecs from the priesthood.
Clavigero took exception to this statement of Dr. Robertson,
but on referring the question to Madrid the representations
were amply vindicated (p. 518), It was a foreign priesthood
from first to last that wrought out the sad condition that we
deplore in Mexico.
Let us contemplate a single item of this heavy burden which
dragged so long upon the resources of the land. Of the fifty
convents, in the capital alone, the most important and wealthy
was that of San Francisco. We speak of this one from our per
sonal knowledge. It was in the center of the city, and covered
an area equivalent to four large blocks of ground. It con
tained an immense church and four suffragan chapels. In the cen
ter was a magnificent patio, or cloister, where the monks prome
naded, which, with its pillars and carved arches, must have cost a
very large amount of money to erect. There were also residences
of the superior, refectories, gardens, and orchards, with suitable
equipments, the whole inclosed with massive walls. Its re
sources were so ample that it was regarded as the most wealthy
monastic establishment in the New World, with few, if any, in
the Old World to surpass it.
In this establishment, as in all the rest of its kind throughout

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 23
the land, millions of the money of Mexico, extracted from its
people by many questionable expedients, were locked up in
costly buildings, while other millions were invested so as to
yield large revenues for the luxurious use of the Spanish eccle
siastics who occupied them. They scorned the idea of owing
any responsibility for their vast revenues or paying taxation
toward the support of the government of the country, while
they were ever ready to furnish funds to aid every effort to
crush the party of freedom in order to perpetuate their own
exclusive privileges. When the Liberals at last struggled up to
power, and had to face the question, and under Benito Juarez
became strong enough to enforce the decree of sequestration, in
spite of the stubborn defense of the church party, which re
fused all compromise and threatened the government and the
Congress with all the maledictions and ghostly penalties in their
power, they began with this monastery of San Francisco, by a
demand for admission and the keys. From within the monks
refused. The general commanding sent for the engineer corps
of his brigade, and led them to the center of the outer wall, where
it was about twelve or fourteen feet high. Ladders were raised,
and with pickax and crowbar the great stones were soon loos
ened. They broke down the wall to the ground, and while
part remained to clear away the debris the rest went across the
garden and began their work on the opposite wall, and when
this was open a street, now known as Calle de Independencia,
was completed right through the establishment. The monks
were then informed that the government was in possession, and
that they must leave. A small pension was assigned them for
their old age. The fraudulent aspect of the whole affair was
laid bare when it was discovered that this massive establishment
and its revenues were monopolized by the fourteen old monks
who stood there before the Liberal general !
The place was mapped out and divided into lots to suit pur
chasers, as were more than one hundred and fifty similar com
munities, and was turned to all sorts of uses — dwellings, schools,
stores, florist's garden, places of amusement, and of manufact-

24 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
ure. Being so many, they were sold at prices ridiculously low,
considering their original cost. It became the duty of the writer
to purchase a portion of this property of this San Francisco
establishment, for our mission purposes, the part of it already
mentioned as the "cloisters," for which we paid $16,300. The
extent of the monastery may be imagined from the statement
that this portion, though one hundred and eighty feet in depth,
was not more than one fiftieth part of the property which had
sheltered so many generations of lazy monks who added nothing-
to the resources of the country, but lived and died like
" Idle drones,
Born to consume the produce of the soil."
No wonder the freemen of Mexico wished to end this folly
and deliver Mexico from the incubus of their presence. The
archbishop protested, and threatened excommunication, but
when all was done tried to force the purchasers into the con
cession of paying a second- price to him as a condition of release
from his interdicts, and giving the sanction of the Church to
their title. A very few timid souls may have yielded to the
illegal demand. The writer was artfully approached with the
same purpose, but promptly declined to discredit the govern
ment of the republic by any such concession.
The great wealth she so long enjoyed corrupted the Church.
In her self-sufficiency she arranged to elevate herself above all
responsibility to any other power, and claimed inviolability and
immunity from secular jurisdiction. The clericals should be
amenable only to clerical courts, not merely for their own per
sons, but their property as well — a repetition of the prerogatives
insisted on by the clergy of the mediaeval ages, as lately shown
by H. C. Lea, in his History of the Inquisition. These priv
ileges were denominated fueros, under which
They established courts, in which every question relating to their own
character, their functions, their property, was tried and pleaded, and ob
tained almost total exemption from the authority of civil law and civil
judges.* * Robertson's Charles V., p. 34.

THE PLAZA, OR GREAT SQUARE, OF MEXICO.

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 25
This position, under which she could not be called to an}^ re
sponsibility by the State, immensely increased her power for
doing mischief. With her abundance of money and the co
operation of the aristocracy, and the service of her partisans of
every class, bound to her by all motives in heaven and earth,
this ecclesiastical despotism dominated Mexico. It knew the
price of the corrupt generals, and could furnish the funds for
a " pronunciamento," under which the liberal administration of
the hour would be overthrown, and the executive that replaced
it would be required to furnish assurance that ecclesiastical mat
ters should be held paramount in his administration. We have
in our possession a body of photographs, fifty-two in number,
portraits of the persons who have governed Mexico, under
various titles, during the fifty-eight years from 1821 to 1879.
Let three of these be deducted of those who ruled longest,
Juarez, Maximilian, and Diaz, nearly seventeen years between
them ; there remain then fifty governors for forty-one years, or
an average reign to each of about nine months and twenty-one
days. The terrible fact is that each of these frequent changes
was the result of a "pronunciamento," a conflict, bloodshed, and
waste of money. It may be asked here whether there is a par
allel to this atrocious case in all the history of Christendom.
Most of these sudden and expensive changes transpired in the
great plaza, or square, shown in the opposite picture. This is
the most historic spot in all Mexico. To the left is the great
cathedral, built on the site of the Teocalli, or Temple, of Mon
tezuma, so often referred to in the histories, and where so much
of the wealth of the Church is stored. Back from the garden
and where the flag waves is the National Palace, frequently
called the "Halls of Montezuma." To the right, and under
the tall flag, is the Municipal Palace, where the city govern
ment and courts are situated. The whole area is very extensive
and is a great center of business and wealth.
Leaving the past out of view for the time, we present, from
unquestioned evidence, some samples of their peculiar Catholi
cism and its practices, which will explain the degradation into

26 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
which Mexico has sunk. In doing this very little Protestant
testimony will be quoted — as some of our readers might hardly
resist the fear that such representations would be prejudiced —
nor will any Roman Catholic evidence be presented except that
of the highest character.
The two witnesses whose testimony will abundantly prove on
this ground the necessity of introducing the reformed faith
into Mexico are both of the highest class, prominent Romanists,
one from Spain and the other from France. The witness
from Spain is a lady, the accomplished wife of the first Spanish
embassador to Mexico, Madame Calderon De La Barca. The
reader is aware that as a result of the Avars of the first Napoleon
and the state of things inaugurated in Spain by him something
approaching constitutional rule was established there — the Inqui
sition was abolished both in Spain and her dependencies. Mexico
felt the thrill of the better day and welcomed it heartily, and
before the despotism of the Spanish monarch, Ferdinand VIL,
could be restored, Mexico proclaimed her independence, which
was finally achieved in 1822. A feeble attempt was made to
regain the lost province, but that failed, and Mexico was hence
forth to govern herself as well as she could, amid the struggle
with the Church and the aristocracy against the people. For
fifteen years Spain remained aggrieved, wlien, finding she was
only doing herself disadvantage by refusing to open diplomatic
relations with her revolted dependency, she concluded, in
1839, to forget her wounded pride, and, acknowledging the
independence of Mexico, appointed a minister to represent her.
The choice fell upon Senor Calderon De La Barca, who was well
suited for the purpose. His wife was eminently fitted to adorn
her high position by a splendid education, her many accomplish
ments, and other qualities which enabled her to fill most accept
ably the delicate duties of her position. Coming by the
United States, they left their daughters at school in New York,
and reached Mexico in December of 1839, where they were
received in the most cordial manner by the government and
the people. Madame Calderon became a special favorite, and

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 27
was indeed a privileged person. She was truly devout as well as
accomplished. The clergy were delighted with her, and she had
the entree to every thing that a lady might see and study during
the nearly three years that their term of office lasted. She was
regarded as lending the luster of the Spanish court and aristocracy
to the society of Mexico by her presence and courtesies.
Meanwhile, to interest her daughters, she wrote a regular
series of letters, giving them full particulars of all she was
privileged to see and enjoy, without any expectation that they
would ever go into print. But W. H. Prescott, the historian,
had meanwhile made the acquaintance of the family, and was
allowed to hear these interesting letters. He recommended so
earnestly that such rich stores of instruction and amusement
should not be reserved for the eyes of a few friends only, but that
they should be given to the world, that after Madame Calderon's
return from Mexico she consented to do so, having made such
alterations and omissions as were necessary in a private cor
respondence. They were accordingly published in a volume
under the title Life in Mexico. How little she imagined the
tumult of feeling the publication would cause among the clericals
of Mexico ! And yet there is not a bitter word or a false accusa
tion in the whole book ; nor could she imagine that the simple
truth would hurt either their feelings or their interests. Yet
it did, though so gently spoken, because they did not wish the
light let in upon their doings.
The other person whose testimony is so important in regard
to the state of things in Mexico was the Abbe Emanuel
Domenech, chaplain of the French Expeditionary Force, the
trusted representative of Napoleon III., of whose admissions
we shall have more to say later on, when we reach the " Interven
tion " period, but whom we here introduce for his testimony in
regard to what he found in Mexico after the failure of the
French, and the death of Maximilian, when, his first office hav
ing ended, he was required before leaving Mexico to go through
the land on a tour of observation, and report on the truth of the
rumors which had reached the outside world as to the low

28 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
moral and religious condition of the clergy and Church of Rome
in Mexico. This duty he fulfilled thoroughly, and on his return
published his report in Paris, in 1867, entitled Mexico As It Is,
the Truth Respecting its Climate, its Inhabitants, and its Govern
ment. His account is a fearful record. Nothing worse, prob
ably, was ever published of a Church and people than what his
pages contain. And yet the abbe was a prominent clergyman
of the Romish Church of France, describing the clergy and
people of the same Church in Mexico. The book was published
in French, and was evidently not intended for the Protestant
eye. As to the character of the religious sentiments which
the Mexican clergy have so long fostered and still sustain, the
abbe, writing in 1867, says :
Mexican faith is a dead faith. The abuse of external ceremonies, the
facility of reconciling the devil with God, the absence of internal exercises
of piety, have hilled the faith in Mexico. It is in vain to seek good fruit
from the worthless tree, which makes Mexican religion a singular as
semblage of heartless devotion, shameful ignorance, insane superstition,
and hideous vice. . . . The idolatrous character of Mexican Catholicism
is a fact well known to all travelers. The worship of saints and madon
nas so absorbs the devotion of the people that little time is left to think
about God. Religious ceremonies are performed with a most lamentable
indifference and want of decorum. The Indians go to hear mass with
their poultry and vegetables which they are carrying to market. I have
had to abandon the Cathedral of Mexico, where I used to go every morn
ing, because I could not collect my thoughts there. The gobble of
the turkeys, the crowing of cocks, the barking of dogs, the mewing
of cats, the chirping of birds in their nests in the ceiling, and the flea-
bites rendered meditation impossible to me, unaccustomed to live in such
a menagerie. . . . One day I was present at an Indian dance, celebrated
in honor of the patron saint of the village. Twenty-four boys and girls
were dancing in the church, in the presence of the priest. An Indian,
with his face concealed under a mask of an imaginary divinity resembling
the devil, with horns and claws, was directing the figures of the dance
which reminded me of that of the Redskins ! I remarked to the priest^
who, for all that, was an excellent priest, that it was very incongruous to
permit such a frolic in a church.
" The old customs," he replied, "are respectable; it is well to preserve
them, only taking care that they do not degenerate into orgies."

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 29
During holy week I have seen processions of three thousand persons
stripped and covered only with sackcloth, so coarse as to show that the
individual had not even a shirt. The different phases of the passion of
Christ were represented by groups of painted statues large as life, and by
men and women placed upon stages, borne on the shoulders of hundreds
of Indians. The bearers, bending under the weight of their burden,
would go, from time to time, to refresh themselves at the liquor shops,
leaving in the middle of the streets the groups representing the passion.
Jews and Romans, decked with helmets of tin plate, breastplates of paste
board, and breeches embroidered with silver, made a part of the procession.
The mysteries of the Middle Ages are utterly outdone by the burlesque
ceremonies of the Mexicans. The accouchement of the Virgin on Christ
mas night appears to me indecent. In France the police would forbid
the ceremony as a shock to public morals. But public morality being a
thing unknown in Mexico the custom of representing the accouchement of
the Virgin iu many of the churches offends no one.
But we forbear any further quotations from this paragraph.
The abbe finds himself forced to the sad conclusion, after their
three hundred years of opportunity, which he expresses in the
two sentences following :
It would require volumes to relate the Indian superstitions of an idola
trous character which exist to this day. For want of serious instruction
you find in the Catholicism of the Indians numerous remains of the old
Aztec paganism.
The observations I have made of the religious sentiments of the Mexicans
are not confined to the ignorant classes. They apply equally to those who
are well-to-do.*
As further samples of their religious practices we take from
Madame Calderon's work the following extracts :
All Mexicans at present, men and women, are engaged in what are
called the desagravios, a public penance performed at this season in the
churches during thirty-five days. The women attend church in the
morning, no man being permitted to enter, and men in the evening, when
women are not permitted. Both rules are occasionally broken.
The other night I was present at a much stranger scene, at the discipline
performed by the men, admission having been procured for us by certain
means, private but powerful. Accordingly, when it was dark, enveloped
from head to foot in large cloaks, and without the slightest idea of what
* See Mexico and the United States, by Gorman D. Abbot, p. 203, etc.

30 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
it was, we went on foot through the streets to the Church of San Augus-
tin. . . . The scene was curious. About one hundred and fifty men, en
veloped in cloaks and serapes, their faces entirely concealed, were assem
bled in the body of the church. A monk had just mounted the pulpit,
and the church was dimly lighted, except where he stood in bold relief,
with his gray robes and cowl thrown back, giving a full view of his high
bald forehead and expressive face.
His discourse was a rude but very forcible and eloquent description of
the torments prepared in hell for impenitent sinners. The effect of the
whole was very solemn. It appeared like a preparation or the execu
tion of a multitude of condemned criminals. When the discourse was fin
ished they all joined in prayer with much fervor and enthusiasm, beating
their breasts and falling upon their faces. Then the monk stood up and
in a very distinct voice read several passages of Scripture descriptive of
the sufferings of Christ. The organ then struck up the Miserere, and all
of a sudden the church was plunged in profound darkness, all but a
sculptured representation of the crucifixion, which seemed to hang in the
air illuminated. I felt rather frightened, and would have been very glad
to leave the church, but it would have been impossible in the darkness.
Suddenly a terrible voice in the dark cried, "My brothers, when Christ
was fastened to the pillar by the Jews he was scourged ! " At these words
the bright figure disappeared and the darkness became total. Suddenly
we heard the souud of hundreds of scourges descending upon the bare
flesh. I cannot conceive any thing more horrible. Before ten minutes
had passed the sound became splashing, from the blood that was flowing.
Incredible as it may seem, this awful penance continued, without in
termission, for half an hour ! If they scourged each other their energy
might be less astonishing.
We could not leave the church, but it was perfectly sickening ; and
had I not been able to take hold of the Senora  's hand, and feel
something human beside me, I could have fancied myself transported into
a congregation of evil spirits. Now and then, but very seldom, a sup
pressed groan was heard, and occasionally the voice of the monk encour
aging them by ejaculations or by short passages of Scripture. Sometimes
the organ struck up, and the poor wretches, in a faint voice, tried to join
in the Miserere. The sound of the scourging is indescribable. At the end
of half an hour a little bell was rung, and the voice of the monk was
heard calling upon them to desist; but such was their enthusiasm that the
horrible lashing continued louder and fiercer than ever.
In vain he entreated them not to kill themselves, and assured them
that Heaven would be satisfied and that human nature could not endure
beyond a certain point. No answer but the loud sound of the scourges.

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 31
which are, many of them, of iron, with sharp points that enter the flesh.
At length, as if they were perfectly exhausted, the sound grew fainter, and
little by little ceased altogether. We then got up, and with great diffi
culty groped our way in the pitch darkness through the galleries and
down the stairs till we reached the door and had the pleasure of feeling
the fresh air again. They say that the church floor is frequently covered
with blood after one of those penances, and that a man died the other
day in consequence of his wounds."*
In the Santa Teresa convent, in the refectory . . . they showed us a
crown of thorns, which on certain days is worn by one of their number
by way of penance. It is made of iron, so that the nails, entering inward,
run into the head and make it bleed. . . .
We visited the different cells, and were horror-struck at the self-inflicted
tortures. Each bed consists of a wooden plank raised in the middle, and
on days of penance crossed by wooden bars. The pillow is wooden, with
a cross lying on it, which they hold in their hands when they lie down.
The nun lies on this penitential couch, embracing the cross, and her feet
hanging out, as the bed is made too short for her upon principle. Round
her waist she occasionally wears a band with iron points turning inward ;
on her breast a cross with nails, of which the points enter the flesh, of the
truth of which I had melancholy ocular demonstration. Thus, after hav
ing scourged herself with a whip covered with iron nails, she lies down for
a few hours on the wooden bars, and rises at four o'clock. All these in
struments of discipline, which each nun keeps in a little box beside her bed,
look as if their fitting place would be in the dungeons of the Inquisition.
They made me try their bed and board, which I told them would give me
a very decided taste for early rising.f
These are some of the ceremonies of modern Romanism
in Mexico. My readers can imagine what St. Paul would
have said had he stood with Madame Calderon on these
occasions and had been asked if this were Christianity. Or
the prophet Elijah, to whom it might have recalled the
dreadful scene on Mount Carmel, when confronted by the
one hundred and fifty priests of Baal, who " cried aloud and
cut themselves with knives and lancets until the blood gushed
out upon them." Was the above scene any higher, as worship
or atonement, than what we missionaries witness of the self-
* Life in Mexico, by Madame Calderon, p. 213. Chapman &, Hall, London, 1843.
f Ibid., pp. 223, 224.

32 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
torturing fakirs in India? Nay, verily, they are alike heathen
abominations in the sight of God, and of no value to the soul.
We brought from Mexico a full set of these instruments of tort
ure, purchased from those who had used them. They are blood
stained and rusty from use, and are here presented photographed
on a reduced scale. The set includes five articles. Number 1 is
the scourge referred to by Madame Calderon, and is used in the
more public penance, which she was allowed, as a special favor,
to witness. It is about eighteen inches long, and the steel points
project a full half inch on all sides. The lash is swept over
both shoulders and strikes down to the waist. Numbers 3, 4,
and 5 are for more private infliction, and are worn under the
clothing. Number 2 is a circlet, called " the crown," for the
head, the points being about an eighth of an inch long, and is to
be tightened around the head. Number 3 and the rest have
points nearly a quarter of an inch long, and are designed for the
arms and limbs. Number 5 is for the waist, and has a strong
buckle at the end, by which it may be tightened as much as the
poor sufferer can endure. The tighter they are worn the more
meritorious is the penance. So unmercifully are they used that
they often make the blood trickle down into the stockings and
shoes !
Now let us hear the abbe further as to the character of the'
religion which is professed in connection with these ceremo
nies. He says :
The Mexican is not a Catholic ; he is simply a Christian, because he
has been baptized. I speak of the masses, and not of the numerous excep
tions to be met with in all classes of society.
I say that Mexico is not a Catholic country :
1. Because a majority of the native population are semi-idolaters.
2. Because the majority of the Mexicans carry ignorance of religion to
such a point that they have no other worship than that of form. It is
materialism without a doubt. They do not know what it is to worship
God in spirit and in truth, according to the Gospel. ... If the pope
should abolish all simoniacal livings, and excommunicate all the priests
having concubines, the Mexican clergy would be reduced to a very small
affair. Nevertheless, there are some worthy men among them, whose

THE " DlSCIPLlNAS,'
Used on the body for self-torture.

THE " DlSCIPLlNAS,"
Used on the body for self-torture.

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 33
conduct as priests is irreproachable. ... In all Spanish America there
are found, among the priests, the veriest wretches — knaves deserving
the gallows — men who make an infamous traffic of religion. Mexico
has her share of these wretches. Whose fault is it? In the past it has
been Spanish manners — climate. In the present it is the episcopate. If
the bishops had good seminaries, where pupils could receive a sound and
serious education; if the bishops had more energy; if they were more
cautious in the choice of candidates for the priesthood; if they required
others to observe, and observed themselves, more scrupulously, the canon
ical laws of the Church, they would not see the disorder of which they
are now the first to complain. ... I have known, in the south and in
the north of the Mexican Empire, pastors who gave balls at their houses
and never thought the least in the world that it would be better to dis
tribute bread to the poor than to give champagne and refreshments to
the danseuses.
The clergy carry their love of the family to that of paternity. In
my travels in the interior of Mexico many pastors have refused me hospi
tality in order to prevent my seeing their nieces and cousins, and their
children. It is difficult to determine the character of these connections.
Priests who are recognized as fathers of families are by no means rare.
The people consider it natural enough, and do not rail at the conduct
of their pastors, excepting when they are not contented with one wife.
... I remember that one of these prelates, passing through a village
near the episcopal city, the priest said to him, " Sire, have the goodness to
bless my children and their mother." The good bishop blessed them.
There was a chamberful. Another did better still. He baptized the child
of one of his priests. Can a clergy of such character make saints ? I
doubt. Nevertheless, they must not be taken for heretics. . . .
They make merchandise of the sacraments, and make money by every
religious ceremony, without thinking that they are guilty of simony, and
expose themselves to the censures of the Church. If Roman justice had
its course in Mexico one half of the Mexican clergy would be. excommuni
cated. . . . The well-instructed priests, disinterested and animated by a
truly apostolical spirit, holy souls whose religious sentiments are of good
character, constitute an insignificant minority. . . .
But is it not a lie to God and men to make a vow of poverty and then
live in the midst of abundance and comfort, as the ecclesiastics of all
Spanish America do?
One of the greatest evils in Mexico is the exorbitant fee for the mar
riage ceremony. The priests compel the poor to live without marriage,
by demanding for the nuptial benediction a, sum that a Mexican mechanic,
with his slender wages, can scarcely accumulate in fifty years of the
4

34 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
strictest economy. This is no exaggeration. The consequences of the
excessive demands for perquisites in general are as lamentable to public
morality as to religion. One of the first duties of the Mexican episcopate
should be, in my opinion, to reduce the fee for baptisms, marriages, dis
pensations, and every thing else indispensable to the performance of relig
ious duties.*
Another brief testimony from Madame Calderon which is
especially pointed. The evil existing in monastic institutions
was concealed as far as possible from her ; yet, doubtless with
a sad heart, she made this entry :
Some of these convents are not entirely free from scandal. Among the
monks there are many who are openly a disgrace to their calling, though I
firmly believe that by far the greater number lead a life of privation and
virtue. Once more, as it intrudes itself on her view even in the public
streets, she is reminded of the attempts of the Viceroy Revil
lagigedo, as long ago as his time, to restrain the profligacy of
these monks by stern expulsion. She adds :
Alas! could his excellency have lived in these degenerate days and
beheld certain monks of a certain order drinking pulque and otherwise dis
porting themselves, nay, seen one, as we but just now did from the win
dow, strolling along the street by lamp-light, with an Tndita (Indian girl)
tucked under his arm ! (Pp. 153, 238.)
In one of the quotations from the abbe we read, " The Mex
ican is not a Catholic ; he is simply a Christian because he has
been baptized." This distinction is amusing to a Protestant.
How a " semi-idolater," " ignorant of spiritual worship," can be
a Christian in any sense acceptable to God is something evan
gelicals cannot realize, and it shows how sacred terms are per
verted by the false theology of Romanism. He would explain
his remark by the doctrine of baptismal regeneration. The
poor Indian having been baptized by one in the " apostolic
succession" was therein regenerated, notwithstanding all his
" insane superstition " and " hideous vice." Poor Mexico !
Romanism has not saved her ; she needs the true Gospel
* Mexico and the United States, pp. 195, etc.

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 35
of the Lord Jesus, offering her the mercy that she requires,,
freely. The perversion has been so great and the abolition of biblical
ideas of truth and purity so complete in the ruin wrought by
this fallen Church upon the nation that the evangelization of
Mexico has thus been made the most difficult work to which
the Church of Christ can now address herself. If it were not for
the promised power of the Holy Spirit, to whose blessed agency
all things are possible, the condition would seem almost hope
less. But with this co-operation it is our privilege to believe
and expect that the mercy and consolation reserved for this
deeply injured people will all the more transcend the weight of
sorrow through which they have passed, so that " where sin
abounded grace shall much more abound."
Rome began her rule in Mexico by sweeping away by red-
handed violence the intellectual stamina of the nation as well
as its records and literature. On this point Baron Humboldt's
testimony is conclusive. His great learning and thorough
inquiry in examinations conducted on the ground itself enable
him to speak with full authority. Of the original wrong and
destruction of the middle class, which wrecked the nation, he
writes :
The Christian fanaticism broke out in a particular manner against the
Aztec priests and the teopiqui, or ministers of the divinity, and all those
who inhabited the teocallis, or houses of God, who might be considered as
the depositaries of the historical, mythological, and astronomical knowl
edge of the country, were exterminated ; for the priests observed the me
ridian shade in the gnomons and regulated the calendar. The monks
burned the hieroglyphical paintings by which every kind of knowledge
had been transmitted from generation to generation. The people, deprived
of these means of instruction, were plunged in an ignorance so much the
deeper, as the missionaries were unskilled in the Mexican languages and
could substitute few new ideas in place of the old. The better sort of
Indians, among whom a certain degree of culture and intellect might be
supposed, perished in great part at. the commencement of the Spanish
conquest, the victims of European ferocity. The natives who remained
consisted only of the most indigent race — poor cultivators, artisans,
weavers — porters who were used as beasts of burden. How shall we

36 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
judge, then, from these miserable remains of a powerful people, of the de
gree of cultivation to which it had risen from the twelfth to the sixteenth
century, and of the intellectual development of which it is susceptible ?
If all that remained of the French or German nation were a few poor
agriculturists, could we read in their features that they belonged to nations
which had produced a Descartes and a Clairaut, a Kepler and a Leib
nitz ? *
In General Lew Wallace's valuable work entitled Quetzel, or
The Fair God, the author has united together the incidental
evidence which history and legend still hold of Montezuma's
empire and people as they were before the Spaniards invaded
their country and savagely destroyed their prosperity. It was a
worthy service to render to Mexico, and may well rank in this
sense next to that which he embodied in Ben Hur, when pre
senting to the world the civilization which characterized the
period of the Incarnation and the nature of the foreign rule
which had displaced the native dynasty of the Jewish people.
Even Nero's despotic government left uninjured the conquered
race in the very particulars in which the Roman Church and
Spanish government crushed life and freedom and hope out of
the Aztec people. This conviction was ingrained into the
minds of many of the intelligent native gentlemen of Mexico.
One such said to the writer in 1875 :
My countrymen are to-day in a far worse condition than they were when
Cortez burned his ships behind him in the harbor of Vera Cruz and
marched to the conquest of Montezuma's empire — worse fed, worse clad,
worse housed, and more ignorant than they were that day.
Few that know Mexico would call this terrible accusation in
question ; while the quotations which we have made from the
work of the Abbe Domenech (whose veracity no Romanist will
call in question) show that it is the Church and not the State
that must be held responsible for the guilt involved in the
above charge. Take the single fact of the burning shame so
long festering in the social life of Mexico, which is one of the
charges that the abbe brings against his Church, the absence of
* Essai Politique, vol. i, p. 117.

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 37
marriage and the consequent general prevalence of illegitimacy
over the land.
Nor was it from the poor uninstructed millions of the Otomi
or Aztec race alone that she took away the " key of knowledge,"
as we learned when fitting up a church in the city of Mexico.
The Ten Commandments were placed on either side of the pulpit.
Intelligent Mexican gentlemen were constantly coming in to see
the changes going forward in the building, and they would
stand in front of the second commandment and read every word
of it, read it again, as those who had never seen it before, and
sometimes would turn to us and ask if that " was really in the
Bible?" Then, mark the universal practice of image worship, the doc-
trine^>f purgatory, with its corresponding tenet of indulgences ;
without the Bible or the school, terrorized by the Inquisition,
and threatened with the " major excommunication," or the per
petual pains of hell, if they desired a change or claimed freedom
to worship God. It seems incredible that a Church could thus
crowd a nation into destitution and ignorance, but the testimony
cannot be questioned. Beyond the impoverishment caused by
her extravagant church demands, there was another means
more potent still to draw from the people their resources, by
masses and indulgences for the souls of the dead. General
Waddy Thompson, United States embassador in Mexico, ex
presses his amazement at what he saw in 1845. He writes :
The immense wealth which is collected in the churches is not by any
means all, or even the larger portion, of the wealth of the Mexican Church
and clergy. They own very many of the finest houses in Mexico and other
cities' (the rents of which must be enormous), besides valuable real estates
all over the republic. Almost every person leaves a bequest in his will for
masses for his soul, which constitute an encumbrance upon the estate, and
thus nearly all the estates of the small proprietors are mortgaged to the
Church. As a means of raising money I would not give the single institution of
the Catholic religion of masses and indulgences for the benefit of the souls
of the dead for the power of taxation possessed by any government. Of
all the artifices of cunning and venality to extort money from credulous

38 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
weakness there is none so potential as a mass for the benefit of the souls
in purgatory. Our own more rational faith teaches that when a man dies
his account is closed and his destiny for good or evil is fixed forever, and
that he is to be judged by " the deeds done in the body; " but another
creed inculcates that that destiny may be modified or changed by prayers
at once posthumous, vicarious, and venal. It would seem to be in direct
contradiction to the Saviour in the comparison of the camel passing
through the eye of a needle. Nothing is easier than for a rich man to
enter the kingdom of heaven; he purchases that entrance with money.
I do not know how the fee for these masses is exacted, but I do know that
it is regularly paid, and that, without the fee, the mass would be regarded
of no value or efficacy. I remember that my washerwoman once asked me
to lend her two dollars. I asked her what she wanted with it. She told
me that there was a particular mass to be said on that day which relieved
the souls in purgatory from ten thousand years of torment, and that she
wished to secure the benefit of it for her mother. I asked her if .^e was
fool enough to believe it. She answered, "Why, yes, sir; is it not true? "
and with a countenance of as much surprise as if I had denied that the
sun was shining. I have seen stuck up on the door of the Church of San
Francisco, one of the largest and most magnificent in Mexico, an adver
tisement, of which the following was the substance :
"His holiness the pope (and certain bishops which were named) have
granted thirty-two thousand three hundred years, ten days, and six hours
of indulgence for this mass."
The manifest object of this particularity is to secure the more effect
ual belief in the imposture. By thus giving to it the air of a business
transaction, a sort of contract between the devotee and the Almighty,
by his authorized agent and vicegerent on earth, the pope, is estab
lished. I tremble at the apparent blasphemy of even describing these
things.* Such indulgences are constantly seen, as advertisements on
the church doors in Mexico, without any attempt at conceal
ment. These facts justify Father Gavazzi's assertion that " the
dogma of purgatory became the true California of the priests,
the best gold-mine of the papal system."
The pictures of purgatory, provided to make the requisite
impressions on those who have lost friends, are frightful. One
of, them, purchased in Mexico, lies before ns. It represents a
lady shut up in this miniature hell, surrounded by thick walls
* Recollections of Mexico, p. 43 .

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 39
and the window barred with heavy irons. On her wrists is fast
ened a yard of heavy chain, while the lurid flames rise round
her to the height of her shoulders. In agony she lifts up her
manacled hands as in imploring supplication to her living
friends to furnish the aid that shall end her misery and deliver
her from the place of torment. No wonder that such pictures,
among ignorant people, do the work they were intended to ac
complish. Well did that vile peddler of such indulgences,
sent out with full powers by Pope Leo X., in 1507, to dispose
of them, know how to raise the requisite terror in the imagi
nation of the crowds that stood around him in Germany, then
so ignorant and superstitious. But Roman greed outdid itself
when God's agent, Martin Luther, entered the crowd and heard
the audacious Tetzel finish his harangue with the words, " The
very moment the money clicks on the bottom of this chest the
sonl escapes from purgatory and flies to heaven ! Bring your
money, bring money, bring money ! " Luther was horrified
with the profanation, and within a few days nailed up the ninety-
five immortal theses on the doors of the Cathedral of Wiirtem-
berg, and the great Reformation was born. Our characteristic
designation sprang from the protest of this honest monk.
We are, and will remain, Pro-test-ants in the name of
Almighty God, against all doctrines that cannot be deduced
from his Holy Bible.
But, alas for the Mexican people ! Denied the word of
God, they have no way of ascertaining that the doctrine is of
man's invention, a perversion of the Gospel, "and a dishonor to
the Redeemer's office. He is represented as interceding for the
salvation of all who " come unto God by him." But if mul
titudes of them are in purgatory, as Romanism teaches, they
are practically beyond his help. He can do nothing for them,
as the pope alone holds the key. There they may remain for
ages, unless they have left money for masses, or their friends
supply the lack. " The power of the keys " — a phrase which
they boastingly use — is only exerted where money furnishes the
motive, so that it has been bitterly said of these conditions,

40 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
" Where there is high money there is high muss, low mone}',
low mass, and no money, no mass."
One trembles on reflecting what will be the ultimate venge
ance of God upon a system that so daringly misrepresents
his mercy and the sole efficacy of the sacrifice of his Son.
Now being the " accepted time, and this the day of salvation,"
by " the precious blood of Christ, which cleanseth from all
sin," this leaves nothing for purgatory or priest to cleanse after
death, and its special honor is that it is offered to all, " with
out money and without price." A glorious Gospel for even the
poorest sinner on earth.
Many of the educated men of Mexico, disgusted with the
manifestations of this money-getting system of Romanism, are
infidels or free-thinkers, like the same class of men in France
and Italy, while many of them who are not infidels cannot rec
oncile this doctrine of their Church with common sense or
with the justice of God. Madame Calderon refers to a con
versation with one such after attending a ".high mass " for the
release of a mutual friend :
C  n received an invitation some time ago to attend the honras of the
daughter of the Marquis of S  a. M. was observing to-day that if
this Catholic doctrine was firmly believed, and that the prayers of the
Church are indeed availing to shorten the sufferings of those who have
gone before us, to relieve those whom we love from thousands of years of
torture, it is astonishing how the rich do not become poor and the poor
beggars in furtherance of this object; and that if the idea be purely
human it showed a wonderful knowledge of human nature on the part of
the inventor, as what source of profit could be more sure? (P. 81.)
Madame Calderon evidently sympathized with the idea pre
sented. How can men really believe as the priests of Rome
profess to do and act so heartlessly ? Here is the pope, who
upholds so strongly the belief in purgatory and in his own
power of release from it, and yet only money can move him to
open those dreadful doors and let out the sufferers. If this
man truly believed in his doctrine and his power to meet the
dreadful emergency of multitudes — of millions — shut up, as

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 41
they declare, in fires " only a little less hot than hell itself," how
could he rest day or night ? Should we not expect that his zeal
would consume him in his efforts to issue indulgences and offer
these releasing masses from early morning to late at night, not
waiting for any other motive but the promptings of compassion
alone, to free them daily by the thousands from their tortures?
And would not the Mexican clergy, if they sincerely maintained
this doctrine, instead of waiting for the low motive of money
to arouse them, rush to the rescue and be on their altars from
dawn to dark to relieve such sufferers, and especially the poor
who have nothing with which to pay for their release .?

42 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.

CHAPTER II.
" Gross darkness " — Mariolatry of Mexico unique — Hostility of the two Virgins —
Their respective legends — Their fabulous wealth — General Thompson and
Mrs. Gooch's testimony to this wild idolatry — The " cursed fools " of Guada
lupe — Opposite parts taken by these Virgins in the conflict for popular
rights — Impossible titles and relations — The terrible climax at Puebla —
Mexico's degradation fully accounted for here — Dates of dogmas.
We should not do our subject justice if we failed to present
to our readers one of their religious peculiarities, and perhaps
the most awful of them all — for the extent to which it has de
based the nation. It is equally nnscriptural and irrational with
those already named, and amazes strangers who visit the land.
Even Romanists, who come not merely from Protestant coun
tries, where religious competition has saved them from descend
ing to the sad depths in which they find their Church in Mex
ico, but natives of Spain and Italy as well, are pained to be
hold what they witness here. Madame Calderon will be again
our impartial guide. Here, too, we shall be conscious of that
occasional quiet humor which she could not quite repress as the
amazing stories were told her by bishops and others. Though
a devoted Romanist, there was a revulsion in her intelligent
mind as she witnessed these absurd and wicked idolatries of her
Church in Mexico. Their splendor and costly decorations could
not blind her as to their true character. We are referring to the
practices of the Mariolatry, which has no parallel in any other
land, and which has raised up two Virgins for the adoration of
the Mexican people !
Madame Calderon tells the story of the first of these Virgins
as follows :
We went lately to pay a visit to the celebrated " Virgin de los Reme
dios," the Spanish patroness and rival of "Our Lady of Guadalupe."

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 43
This Virgin was brought over from Spain by the army of Cort6z, and on
the night of the Noche Triste the image disappeared, and nothing further
was known of it, until, on the top of a barren mountain in the heart of
a large maguey, it was found. Her restoration was joyfully hailed by the
Spaniards. A church was erected on the spot. A priest was appointed
to take charge of the miraculous image. Her fame spread abroad.
Gifts of immense value were brought to her shrine. A treasurer was ap
pointed to take care of her jewels, a camarista (a keeper of robes) to
superintend her rich wardrobe. No wealthy dowager died in peace until
she had bequeathed to Our Lady of Remedies her largest diamond or her
richest pearl. In seasons of drought she is brought in from her dwelling
in the mountain and carried in procession through the streets. The
viceroy himself on foot used to lead the holy train. One of the highest
rank drives the chariot in which she is seated. In succession she visits
the principal convents, and as she is carried through the cloistered pre
cincts the nuns are ranged on their knees in humble adoration. Plenti
ful rains immediately follow her arrival or pestilences are terminated.
... It is true that there came a time when the famous curate Hidalgo,
the prime mover in the revolution, having taken as his standard an image
of the Virgin of Guadalupe, an increased rivalry arose between her and
the Spanish Virgin ; and Hidalgo being defeated and forced to fly, the
image of the Virgin de los Remedios was conducted to Mexico dressed
as a general and invoked as the patroness of Spain. . . .
The church where she is enshrined is handsome, and above the altar is
a copy of the original Virgin. After we had remained there a little while
we were admitted into the sanctum, where the identical Virgin of Cortez,
with a large silver maguey, occupies her splendid shrine. The priest
retired and put on his robes, and then returning, and all kneeling before
the altar, he recited the Credo. This over, he mounted the steps, and,
opening the shrine where the Virgin was incased, knelt down and
removed her in his arms. He then presented her to each one of us in
succession, every one kissing the hem of her satin robe. She was after
ward replaced with the same ceremony.
The image is a wooden doll about a foot high, holding in its arms an
infant Jesus, both faces evidently carved with a rude penknife, two holes
for the eyes and another for the mouth. The doll was dressed in blue
satin and pearls, with a crown upon her head, and a quantity of hair fast
ened onto the crown. No Indian idol could be much uglier. As she has
been a good deal scratched and destroyed in the lapse of ages, C  n ob
served that he was astonished that they had not tried to restore her a little.
To this the padre replied that the attempt had been made by several artists,
each one of whom had sickened and died. He also mentioned as one of

44 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.

her miracles that living on a solitary mountain she had never been robbed ;
but I fear the good padre is somewhat oblivious, as this sacrilege has hap
pened more than once. On one occasion, a crowd of leperos (beggars)
being collected, and the image carried round to be kissed, one of them,
affecting intense devotion, bit off the large pearl that adorned her dress
in front, and before the theft was discovered he had mingled with the
crowd and escaped. When reminded of the circumstance the padre said
it was true, but that the thief was a Frenchman ! (P. 120.)
This ill-conditioned image has been for more than three
centuries the special idol of the Spanish aristocracy in Mexico.
She was served with great splendor, and was the owner of the
famous petticoats valued at $3,000,000. Waddy Thompson
describes one of her processions which he witnessed, " number
ing some forty to fifty thousand persons, including all the high
dignitaries of the government, the Church, and the army," all
professing to believe the priestly story that every attempt to
repair the broken nose or to supply the lost eye " ended in the
death of the daring sinner who would attempt to improve an
image made in heaven." The Empress Carlota, on her arrival
in Mexico in 1864, accepted this Virgin as her protectress, and
resolved to serve her with an earnestness that would popularize
her with the nation. Those who were present and saw her do
it described to the writer how zealously she headed the proces
sion of Mexican ladies, she, as each of them, carrying an immense
burning wax taper as they walked through the dusty streets of
the capital in honor of this image. The poor lady evidently
knew not all the facts involved in her action, or how much too
late it was to restore the popularity that had been waning ever
since the republican movements, which began in 1810, bringing
to the front another idol — another Virgin Mary — instead of
this one, formerly the popular image of Mexico.
We should say that the picture of this Virgin which we here
present and which is the accepted type, brought from Mexico,
rather flatters the original ! The artist evidently did not fol
low copy in this case and give the world a faithful representation
of the image which is so truly described as " rude and ugly."
Of course one is expected to make allowance for a lady who not

THE VIRGIN OF REMEDIOS,
The patroness of the Spaniards in Mexico.

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 45
only went through the vicissitudes and hard experiences of " the
Conquest," but who in addition has added three hundred and
fifty to her years of earthly life and shows now the effect of both !
In January, 1874, 1 paid a visit to this shrine to see and hear for
myself what there was remaining of this once famous image.
The church and its surroundings was a picture of desolation.
The only power that could have restored its prestige and glory
bad been overthrown when the cause of Maximilian and Carlota
had been crushed. She shared their fate. The church, once so
resplendent, was shut up, but three or four poor people, who
were hanging round in expectation of an occasional visitor, on
seeing us approach started off to call the priest of the church.
He soon appeared, the doors were opened, and after robing him
self he took down the image from her shrine with the usual
large amount of formality and many genuflections, and pre
sented her to our view, and then lowered her near enough for us
to kiss the hem of her garment, if so disposed, and seemed rather
disappointed when we declined the honor. Our lack of service
and reverence, however, was made up by the three or four
beggars who had come in when we entered. They adoringly
kissed the " sacred " margin of her petticoat and crossed them
selves. As we stood at that altar and contemplated this image . our
hearts went out in deep compassion to the misguided millions
of Mexico who have been taught to trust in and worship such a
rival of Almighty God as this is, and at the same time became
conscious of a deeper feeling than we have ever felt before of
the guilt of a clergy who could thus mislead their fellow-beings.
This idolatry explained the poverty, ignorance, and degradation
of the people. I asked the priest why the Virgin no longer
went in grand processions to Mexico, as of old, and he sadly re
plied, " Ah, Senor, the Virgin of Remedios goes no more in pro
cessions until the ' Laws of Reform ' are repealed ! " All right.
Then she will probably stay where she is, more and more de
serted, for the liberty-loving Mexicans are not likely to go back
on their grand record of freedom. While the Mexicans are

46 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
greatly to be pitied, we have no reason to suppose that we should
have been in a better state had we for three hundred years been
bearing the burdens they have carried. Give the United States
to the absolute control of the same Church and the same kind
of clergy, let them inculcate the same doctrines and practices,
place the same restrictions on freedom of thought and the Bible,
grant them an established Church and the parochial school sys
tem, with political corruption in national affairs, and what rea
son have we to suppose that in half the time they have thus
wielded power in the land of the Aztecs, say one hundred
and fifty years, we would not show an equal ruin and degrada
tion? Still, we have not completed our showing of the unique situ
ation in Mexico. The second image of the Virgin, which has
figured as a bitter rival of this one, shall have her story pre
sented to us by Madame Calderon, who had the narration from
the lips of the resident bishop, on the occasion of her visit to
the grand shrine of the Virgin of Guadalupe, with all the
surroundings of the gorgeous cathedral to impress her favor
ably. The "divine painting" of the Virgin of Guadalupe repre
sents her in a blue cloak covered with stars, a garment of
crimson and gold, her hands clasped, and her foot on a crescent,
supported by a cherub. The original painting is coarse, and
only remarkable for the tradition attached to it. Madame
Calderon's narrative is as follows :
We went to call on the bishop, the Ylustrisimo Senor Campos, whom
we found in his canonicals, and who seems a good little old man, but
no conjurer. . . . Folding his hands and looking down, he proceeded
to recount the history of the miraculous apparition, pretty much as fol
lows: "In 1531, ten years and four months after the conquest of Mexico, a fort
unate Indian, whose name was Juan Diego, passing by the mountain of
Tepeyac, a short distance south of Mexico city, the holy Virgin suddenly
appeared before him and ordered him to go in her name to the bishop,
the Ylustrisimo D. Fr. Juan de Zumarraga, and to make known to him
that she desired to have a place of worship erected in her honor on that

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 47
spot. The next day the Indian passed by the same place, when again the
holy Virgin appeared before him and demanded the result of his commis
sion. Juan Diego replied that in spite of his endeavor he had not been
able to obtain an audience of the bishop. 'Return,' said the Virgin,
'and say that it is I, the Virgin Mary, mother of God, who sends thee.'
Juan Diego obeyed the divine orders, yet still the bishop would not.give
him credence, merely desiring him to bring some sign or token of the
Virgin's will. He returned with this message on the 12th of December,
when, for the third time, he beheld the apparition of the Virgin. She now
commanded him to climb to the top of the oarren rock of Tepeyac, to
gather the roses which he should find there, and to bring them to her.
The humble messenger obeyed, though well knowing that on that spot
were neither flowers nor any trace of vegetation. Nevertheless, he found
the roses, which he gathered and brought to the Virgin Mary, who, throw
ing them into his tilma [blanket], said, ' Return, show these to the bishop,
and tell him that these are the credentials of thy mission.' Juan Diego
set out for the episcopal residence, and when he found himself in the
presence of the prelate he unfolded his tilma to show him the roses,
when there appeared imprinted on it the miraculous image which has
existed for more than three centuries.
"When the bishop beheld it he was seized with astonishment and awe,
and conveyed it in a solemn procession to his own oratory, and shortly
after this splendid church was erected in honor of the patroness of New
Spain. From all parts of the country," continued the old bishop, " people
flocked in crowds to see our Lady of Guadalupe, and esteem it an honor
to obtain sight of her. What must 1 >e my happiness, who can see her most
gracious majesty every hour and every minute of the day? I would not
quit Guadalupe for any other part of the world, nor for any temptation
that could be held out to me ; " and the pious man remained for a few
moments as if rapt in ecstasy.*
The old bishop's account is borrowed, but in very much
abridged form, from a printed sermon of Cardinal de Lorenzana,
Archbishop of Mexico in 1760 ; and that sermon and descrip
tion, be it observed, is the general source from whence all writers
take in presenting this legend, though its value as to veracity is
brought much into question by the fact that the cardinal did
not give the story to the world until two hundred and twenty-
seven years after the events were said to have occurred ! Those
who desire the fuller account of the legend will find it in
* Life in Mexico, p. 60.

48 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
Brantz Mayer's valuable work.* His account is taken from
that printed by Ignatio Barillo y Perez.
All persons visiting this now famous cathedral corroborate
the account of the wealth and splendor which have been lav
ished on this shrine until the facts seem bewildering, and the
extravagant ceremonial of her anniversary every December may
well be reckoned among the amazing facts of this world, espe
cially considering the ponderous edifice that the clericals have
ventured to build upon such a slender foundation as this story
of the poor Indian peon and his blanket. Robertson describes
the splendor of the scene which he witnessed on the anniversary.
He says :
The interior decorations of the church are sumptuous in the extreme.
The altar at the north end, and the canopy and the pillars around it, are
of the finest marbles. Above it, in a frame of solid gold, covered with a
crystal plate, is the figure of the Virgin, painted on the Indian's tilma,
presented in the picture on the opposite page here. On each side of the
image, within the frame, and extending its whole length, are strips of
gold literally crusted with emeralds, diamonds, and pearls. At the feet of
the figure there are again large clusters of the same costly gems. From
each side of the frame issues a circle of golden rays, while above it, as if
floating in the air, hangs the figure of a dove of solid silver as large as a
goose in size.t
We here present this second Virgin of Mexico to our readers.
This picture, gorgeously illuminated, of her whom they de
light to call " The Patron Saint and Protectress of Mexico " is
found in nearly all the homes in the land, in every variety, from
cheap engravings to costly paintings. With her devotees the
greatest day in the whole year is the 12th of December, the
anniversary of her miraculous appearance, when the crowds
come from all parts to witness the rites instituted in her honor.
Until recently the whole pompous ceremonial was countenanced
by the presence and apparent devotion of all the high officers
of the government, including the president himself. In evi-
* Mexico : Aztec, Spanish, and Republican, in two volumes, Drake & Co., Hartford,
vol. i, p. 256, etc.
f A Visit to Mexico, by W. P. Robertson, vol. ii. London, 1853".

CMSBSAX Y ce

NONFECIT TAUTER OMiNI NATI

THE VIRGIN OF GUADALUPE,
The patroness of the native Mexicans.

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 49
dence of this amazing folly notice the testimony of General
Thompson. After describing the scene and its prodigality of
wealth in honor of this idol of Mexico, he says :
If the reader should ask, "Does any body believe this?" I answer,
that on the anniversary of this miracle I went to the Church of Guada
lupe, where more than fifty thousand people were assembled, among
them President Bravo and all his cabinet, the archbishop, and, in short,
every body in high station in Mexico. An oration in commemoration of
the event was delivered by a distinguished member of the Mexican Con
gress. He described all the circumstances of the affair as I have given
them, but with all the extravagance of Mexican rhetoric, just as one of
our Fourth of July orators would narrate the events of the Revolution.
The president and others exchanged all the while smiles and glances of
pride and exultation.*
Eleven years later R. A. Wilson, of Rochester, visited Mex
ico and made a thorough examination of their ceremonies in this
Gaudalupe cathedral. Two of his Sabbaths were given to the
matter. He says :
The State and the Church were duly represented upon the platform by
-the president [then Santa Anna], the nuncio, and the archbishop.- Beneath
the platform, and within the silver railing, were the official representatives
of foreign nations, who were easily distinguished by a strip of gold or
silver lace upon the collars and lapels of their coats. To this uniformity
of dress there was a single exception in the person of the new American
embassador, Mr. Gadsden, whose plain black dress and clerical appearance
would have conveyed the impression that he was a Methodist preacher,
had he not been engaged, with all the awkwardness of a novice, upon his
knees in crossing himself. . . . On the next Sabbath I attended the
Indian celebration of the appearance of "the most blessed Virgin." Dur
ing the Christmas holidays in the country of the Pintos I had seen Indians
dressed up in whimsical attire, enacting plays, and singing and dancing ;
but this was the first time that I had ever seen, in a house dedicated to
the worship of God, or, rather, in a temple consecrated to the adoration
of the Virgin, fantastic dances performed by Indians under the supervision
of priests and bishops. When I found out what the entertainment was
I was heartily vexed that I should be at such a place on the Sabbath day.
The dancing and singing were bad enough, but the climax was reached
when the priest came down from the altar, with an array of attendants
* Recollections of Mexico, p. 112.
S

50 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
having immense candles, to the side-door, where the procession stopped
to witness the discharge at midday of a large amount of fire-works in
honor of the Virgin Mary.
I hurried home from this profanation of the Lord's day, and sat
down and comtemplated the old Aztec god, who had been deified for his
wisdom, and could not but regret the change that had been imposed
upon these Indians. The next Sabbath after this was the national anni
versary of the miraculous apparition; but having seen enough of this sort
of thing I concluded that my Sabbath would be better spent in staying
at home and reading a Spanish Testament, which had been brought into
the country in violation of the law. When I was first at the city of
Mexico, Governor Letcher related to me the stratagem by which he con
trived to smuggle an American Bible agent out of the country when the
police were after him, on an accusation of selling prohibited books ; for
in such a country as this the word of God is a prohibited book.*
One is surprised that so competent an observer as Madame
Calderon is so deficient in her account of the services at Guada
lupe. It could not be for lack of opportunity, for she remained
in Mexico for more than two years, and must have seen it all,
especially at the time of the great festivals. Her silence, to
us, can be accounted for in two ways — either the fact of her
Spanish interests leading her to sympathize rather with the
Virgin of Remedies, or else she had witnessed the scenes at
Guadalupe and had been so grieved that she was unwilling to
describe them.
A recent witness, Mrs. F. C. Gooch, describes the occurrences
in 1887. A change for the better has certainly come at Gua
dalupe, especially in the entire withdrawal of government pat
ronage ; yet these observations evidence that enough remains
of these manifestations of folly and profanity in the name of
religion to grieve the heart of every intelligent Romanist who
visits Mexico. She writes :
A party of Americans, of which I was one, with a few Mexicans, went
to Guadalupe the night before the grand fiesta was to take place. To
adequately describe the scene would require the pen of a Dickens. The
poor, the lame, the halt, and the blind had been there congregated as well
as the hale and the hearty. The babel of voices, the songs of the Indians,
* Mexico and its Religion, p. 230, by R. A. Wilson. Harper & Co., 1856.

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 51
the fire-crackers and sky-rockets, suggested to us, instead of a religious
congregation, rather a demoniacal pandemonium. Gambling was in full
force. . . . The air was filled with an indiscriminate jangle of un
earthly sounds, from a variety of very earthly instruments, which, with
the dust, the odor of the meat cooking, and the fumes from the crowd,
made us hurry along to the chapel on the hill, where a treat was in store
for us. The Indians from the fastnesses of the Sierras, in the far north,
were to dance in their peculiar costumes.
Animated by insatiable curiosity, and anxious to witness the entire cer
emonials, I pressed through the crowd of poor people to the inner circle.
What a scene ! The wildest, most fantastically decked beings that mor
tal eye ever beheld were in the inner space. . . . Then the dance !
They formed circles, the men on the outer circle and the women on the
first inner circle, and again other circles of the younger Indians of both
sexes, forming one within the other. The everlasting jangle and trum-
trum of the ghastly jarana covered with the skin of an armadillo, looking
like an exhumed skeleton, with the finery of flaunting ribbons floating
around it, its harsh notes mingling with the drowning wail of the wild
musician who played as though in a frenzy, were in keeping with the
whole scene. ... It was the wildest, most mournful dance that
mortal could invent ; and it seemed as if the souls of the devotees were
in the movement. It was a sort of paroxysm of physical devotion, and
seemed to exhaust its votaries.
Having concluded the dance to the honor and glory of Guadalupe, they
filed into the church chanting a low, monotonous hymn. I was the first to
enter after them, followed closely by my friends. When they reached
the altar, where a large picture of the Virgin was suspended, all dropped
on their knees in regular lines of fours, and began crossing themselves and
murmuring their paternosters.
The man who played on the jarana recited prayers, the others respond
ing. After this they sang a litany, accompanied by low, moaning sounds,
as if in anguish of spirit, while every eye was fixed steadily upon the pa
tron saint in mute appeal, and tears streamed down their bronzed and
hardened faces.
After half an hour thus spent upon their knees they arose, and still
accompanied by the strange music from the ghastly instrument, that
seemed to have taken on a more unearthly character, moved backward,
making a low courtesy at each step, and as they filed out sang in chorus in
their strange tongue : " From heaven she descended,
Triumphant and glorious,
To favor us —
La Guadalupana.

52 Mexico in transition.

"Farewell, Guadalupe !
Queen of the Indians !
Our life is thine,
This kingdom is thine."
When they withdrew from the church, our party following closely, the
dancing was renewed with added fervor. But before we had gone down
ten of the almost countless steps, one of the most picturesquely attired of
all the Indians was walking by my side, making a bargain with me for the
sale of his crown and feathers !
While the scene I had just witnessed had at times an effect to excite
merriment the contrary feeling of sadness and almost reverence prevailed.
I could not but feel awe in the presence of those dark children of the wild
mountains as they performed their mystical devotions and sang the rude
barbaric songs that had in their tones the strangeness of another world.*
All this heathenism in the house of God ! More Aztec by
far than Christian ; for, save the person supposed to be repre
sented on the " blanket " within the golden frame, there is not
one Christian idea about the whole service. Yet these occasions
are regarded as the most meritorious of the year in Mexico.
The scene, taken altogether, is matchless on the earth. A vast
multitude of people, all bent on these wild, idolatrous practices ;
the sales of the sacred medals, ribbons, scapulars, and other de
vices ; the crowd around the sacred well struggling for a share
of the " holy " water, to carry to their distant homes, while the
women and boys push vigorously the sale of the tickets for the
lottery. One asks, " Is it possible that this scene is authorized
by the Roman Catholic Church ? " It is, all authorized. Look
into the center of that crowd at the church door and see. A busy
man stands behind a table selling bright medals, which are oblong
in shape, and about an inch and a half long. On one side is
the image of the Virgin of Guadalupe, with the inscription,
" N. S. D. Guadalupe de Mexico ; " on the obverse, " Non
fecit taliter omni nationi." Each is delivered to the purchaser
wrapped in a little piece of printed paper, on which you read :
Our most holy father, the sovereign Pope Pius VI., by his brief of the
13th of April, 1785, has conceded plenary indulgence in the hour of death
* Face to Face with the Mexicans, by F. C. Gooch, p. 251.

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 53
to all those who shall then have upon them one of the medals of Our Lady
of Guadalupe, which, ready blest, are sold in her sanctuary.*
So the highest authority in the Church of Rome has indorsed
all this perversion of Christianity, and even professes to carry
its supposed benefits through death into eternity ! The poor,
misguided people accept the assurance of their pontiff and vent
ure their soul's welfare upon the possession of the medal !
They also furnish a document to show that this " miraculous
appearance of the mother of God upon earth," the year and
at the place aforesaid, was proved before the Congregation of
Rites at Rome. And Benedict XIV. was so fully persuaded
of the truth of the tradition that he made
cordial devotion to our Lady of Guadalupe, conceded the proper mass
and ritual of devotion. He also made mention of it in the lesson of the
second nocturnal, . . . declaring from the high throne of the Vatican
that Mary, most holy, non fecit taliter omni nationi.
All this resting upon the slender foundation of the story of
an Indian peon, " though, like many of his race, he was prob
ably an habitual liar, yet when he bears testimony to a miracle
he is presumed to speak the truth.f " Those who have examined
the "miraculous" picture closely are very doubtful of the
" blanket " part of it. Mr. W. E. Curtis, in 1888, while on a
mission from our government, carefully examined the matter,
and gives his conclusion :
According to the story, the portrait is stamped upon the serape or blan
ket of the shepherd, and this Catholics in Mexico devoutly believe. But
a close examination reveals the fact that it is done in ordinary oil colors
upon a piece of ordinary canvas, and that the pigments peel off like those
of any poorly executed piece of work. J
This testimony is confirmed by Colonel Evans in Our Sister
Republic, p. 349.
General Thompson was one day looking at this picture in
company with a Mexican friend, and directing his attention to
* See A Visit to Mexico, Robertson, vol. ii, p. 154.
f Wilson's Mexico, pp. 231, 232. | The Capitals of Spanish America, p. 21.

54 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
the Latin sentence, Non fecit taliter omni nationi, which is no
doubt quoted from the Vulgate of Psalm cxlvii, 20, where the
psalmist is exulting in the distinguishing favors which the Lord
Jehovah had conferred upon Israel, saying, " He hath not dealt
so with any nation." Unaware that he was putting a question
to his friend which intelligent Mexicans are reluctant to answer
to a foreigner, he asked the meaning of the words, whereupon
his friend promptly replied that it meant, " She had never
made such cursed fools of any other people ! "
The gentleman's exposition may pass unchallenged, though
its utterance a few years earlier might have sent him to the
Inquisition ; for there is no worse degradation than is here ex
hibited, which this dreadful departure from primitive Chris
tianity has entailed upon this people for generations.
So far as we can trace back the origin of this legend we re
member that the conquistadores found it impossible to complete
the catholicizing of Mexico by force and cruelty. They found
it equally difficult to attract the conquered natives to the wor
ship of the Spanish Virgin Mary, whose image and pictures
they sought to induce the Aztecs to accept and set up in their
homes for worship. The conquered people could not forget
that the figure of this Spanish Virgin was borne on the stand
ards of their victorious oppressors, and aided, as they supposed,
in their enslavement. This foreign goddess they thereforo
rejected, unless when compelled to worship her. Tlieir own
temples and idols had all been destroyed, and they longed for
something to trust in and adore. So, a new policy to meet the
case had to be thought out, and erelong the idea was conceived
of a native Virgin Mary — not Spanish but Mexican — manifest
ing herself as such to the Aztec race as their own Virgin and pa
troness. It was not hard to find a suitable tool with which to try
the experiment, and Juan Diego, being well backed up, worked
out the problem successfully. It did not seem to give the con
spirators who invented this new Virgin Mary much considera
tion that the two ladies must necessarily be rivals and the whole
affair become ridiculous in its results. It was enough for them

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 55
that the Spaniards could worship one Virgin Mary and the Aztecs
worship the other, each with the services and rites which they
preferred, and all would go conveniently.
Wealth remained with the Spanish Virgin for a long time,
but the one of Guadalupe had the crowds, and their devotion
led them to emulate the liberality of the other party and in time
to exceed it, though in doing so they made their own impover
ishment perpetual, so that every stranger visiting the land is
amazed at the incongruity of the poverty of the worshipers
and the wealth and splendor of the services.
When the great struggle for deliverance from the Spanish
yoke culminated in the effort for independence led by Hidalgo,
in 1810, the patriot priest saw that he could rally the oppressed
native races best by putting the image of the Virgin of Gua
dalupe on his flag of freedom. The Spaniards met this by
painting the image of the Virgin of Remedios on their flag.
Under this leading the conflict was fought out most bitterly for
twelve years, when the native blood and determination proved
the stronger, and " Nuestra Senora de los Remedios," used by
the Spaniards as their war-cry, was silenced, and herself and
shrine sunk into disregard, deserted by all save the few Spanish
families that remain and still adhere to her. Iturbide, when, in
1822, he joined the party of freedom as the leader of the creole
class, was wise enough to discern that with the " Guadalnpana"
— as the Spanish aristocracy designate the " Indian Virgin " —
was the best prospect of victory, and he thus united a con
siderable section of the wealth and intelligence of the cities
with the cause represented by the Virgin of Guadalupe. The
failure of the French intervention and overthrow of Maximil
ian's empire, as already intimated, extinguished the last hope of
the partisans of the Virgin of Remedios for her recovery of
her former glory and influence.
During the years of the dreadful conflict waged by the dev
otees of their two Virgins it is almost amusing to contemplate
how much and how earnestly these two ridiculous dolls were
regarded and treated as real personages, whose active influence

56 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
was looked for to crown the cause of their respective devotees
with the victory which they implored. On one occasion, when
the republican cause seemed to be getting the worst of it, the
fact was attributed to the presence and favor of the Virgin of
Remedios, and her expulsion from Mexico was therefore re
solved upon. The general-in-chief made out her passport in
due form, and is said to have gone with some of his staff to her
shrine, where he tore the general's scarf, which she wore, from
her waist, and, delivering her passport to the attendant priests,
ordered her immediate expulsion from Mexico ! This order
her devotees, however, found means to avoid, and she remained.
After peace was won and the republic established it was
deemed necessary to end the disgraceful squabbles and liability
of conflict between the partisans of the two Virgins by for
bidding either party to take their favorite in public processions
through the streets. The " Laws of Reform " made this ex
cellent rule perpetual.
The utter absurdity of this condition of things in religion,
running on through the centuries, was endured by the dis
tracted nation without either party seeming to realize how
unworthy of reason and common sense was the pretension to
divine authority in either case. We are here reminded of Ma
dame Calderon's excuse for some scenes not very unlike these
which she describes, probably the only one she, as a Roman
Catholic, could offer : " However childish and superstitious all
this may seem, I doubt whether it may not be as well thus to
impress certain religious truths on the minds of a people too
ignorant to understand them by any other process" (p. 108).
This is a poor explanation to offer for a wealthy Church which
had these millions in her power for three centuries, and whose
first duty it was to cure them of their " ignorance " and " super
stition " and to elevate them in sacred knowledge and morality.
Alas, what a failure is Romanism in Mexico ! Over this wide
world Protestant mission work needs no excuses, nor has it any
where any such failures to answer for. Its converts are a
credit to it, no matter how brief the period it has had them

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 57
under training. "Where it has had them for even a fourth part
of the time above mentioned they have become a self-support
ing, intelligent, and missionary Christianity, an honor and a
blessing to the lands whose highest positions some of them are
to-day filling.
Before leaving the subject it is our painful duty to ask the
reader's attention to'one more aspect of the utterly unwarranted
idolatrous extravagance of doctrine which this Church built
up on the ruins of Aztec heathenism. Those who only know
Romanism as they see it in the United States or in England —
for there it is astute and careful — can have little idea of the
practices which that Church has encouraged in Mexico. Not
only has she failed to give them the Gospel of Christ, but she
presented them with " another gospel," in the sense which St.
Paul so plainly condemns.
We are conscious of the seriousness of the words which we
now use, but the painful evidence is too abundant to be over
looked. We will present only a very few out of the many
samples, each from their own acknowledged authorities, to
justify the charge which Protestantism brings against the
terrible departure from the teachings of revealed religion.
These errors center around the person of the mother of our
Lord, who has by them been exalted out of the sphere which
she occupies in the evangelical narrative, clothed with divine
attributes and made the supreme object of human trust
in the matter of salvation. All this without any warrant
from the word of God, and in defiance of its spirit and
teaching. Let us take a few of the titles which Mexicans have been
taught to employ in common with their co-religionists elsewhere
before introducing what is special in the teaching of the hier
archy of Mexico. One of these is that the Virgin Mary is
" the mother of God ; " and because evangelical Christians object
to such a title being applied to any creature, and being in
strict language impossible in itself, the Romish clergy there bit
terly misrepresent us and our teaching and try to raise the

58 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
hatred of their fanatical followers against us as " revilers of the
Virgin Mary."
A human creature " the mother of God " is an utter im
possibility. The stream cannot rise higher than its source. She
became, as the Scriptures call her, " the mother of Jesus," who
derived his manhood from her, but not his godhead. That god
head existed in all its perfection a whole' eternity before the
Virgin Mary was born, and therefore could not be born of her
in time. She gave him all she had to give, her humanity,
and that was all that her mission called for. " The man Christ
Jesus " was her child, and to this humanity the divine and eter
nal Son of God united himself and became " Emmanuel " by
the unity, and was thus qualified to become the atoning Saviour
of the human race.
Another of those titles invented to lend color to the claim
which they have set up to invest her with superhuman attri
butes and give her a title to divine honors is that of "the
divinized mother of God." * Concerning this pure and honored
woman no one knows any thing beyond what is written in the
four gospels and Acts of the Apostles, because her name is not
once mentioned in any of the epistles, while the five apostolic
fathers of the first century after Christ say nothing about her
save what is given as above. " Mary, of whom was born Jesus,
who is called Christ" (Matt, i, 16), is the opening of the sim
ple and beautiful record. Now let us put by the side of this
the amazing and awful designations invented by Romanism to
prove her to be " divinized," and as such the object of human
trust and adoration.
The announcement of the new doctrine of " the Immaculate
Conception " of the Virgin Mary, in December, 1854, by
Pope Pius IX., revised the shocking profanity of the rosary
of " the Blessed St. Anne, Mother of the Blessed Virgin, and
Gbandmotheb of God Almighty ! " f All this blasphemous
language is recklessly employed to commend " the divinized
mother of God" to the adoration of her worshipers, while
* Christian World, vol. xiv, p. 254. f Ibid., vol. vi, p. 163.

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 59
true Christians grieve and infidels mock at such impossible
assumptions. Still another of these unauthorized titles adopted for this
humble woman is that of " Queen of Heaven." As such she
is represented in their picture on page 44, crowned with the
infant Saviour in her arms. There is nothing to justify this
picture ; it is manifestly false to the facts. Mary was the wife of
a poor carpenter in a humble home, and the bauble of a crown
never rested upon her brow. If answered that the picture rep
resents her as she appears in heaven, that view of it is equally
false, for it is impossible for her to appear as this represents in
the eternal world, where Christ sits — not in her lap or in her
arms, but " on the right hand of the Majesty on high."
There seems something very unworthy in this constant at
tempt to keep Jesus in his babyhood before the minds of
Roman Catholic people. It minifies him, and eclipses the true
glory of his immortal manhood and priestly functions by thus
exalting his mother's patronage and power over him, notwith
standing that eighteen hundred years have passed since she had
the opportunity of such responsibility.
Pius IX. took special delight in thus exalting the Virgin
Mary. He says in his encyclical letter to the bishops of the
Catholic world, December, 1864, that the Virgin Mary, " who,
sitting as a queen upon the right hand of her Son, our Lord
Jesus Christ, in a golden vestment, shining with various
adornments, knows nothing which she cannot obtain from the
sovereign Master." *
The old gentleman does not condescend to inform the
world by what authority he states this as to her position, the
dress she wears, and the ornaments with which she is decorated.
His word is to be accepted without question. He knows, how
ever, no more about these things than the humblest person who
reads his pompous encyclical. Her spirit, no doubt, is before
the throne, waiting, like all the true saints, for the glorious
resurrection of the dead. And yet in this false and unwarranted
* Christian World, vol. xvi, p. 200.

60 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
teaching she is represented as embodied clothed in cloth of
gold, wearing a crown and exercising her mediation for sinners
here on earth as the great " Queen of Heaven." But heaven
has no queen. The term is drawn from the Sabian idolatry >
and as such is denounced and condemned by Almighty God in
Jeremiah vii, 18, and xliv, 17.
The two most popular books of devotion which they use are
The Litany of the Dolorous Virgin Mary, prepared by Pope
Pius VIL, and The Glories of Mary, by Ligouri. These books
contain ascriptions to the Virgin of nearly every attribute of
Almighty God ; but the climax is reached where she is repre
sented as having by the act of the divine Father superseded the
adorable Saviour as being more tender-hearted toward the sinner
than he can be ! It is expressly taught in these books of their
devotions that " the Lord Christ has assumed the administration
of justice and punishment " toward men " and resigned to her the
functions of grace and mercy ! " So the poor, misguided souls
are taught to transfer their appeals and hopes to her in such
prayers as these : " O Mary, we poor sinners know no refuge hut
thee. Thou art our only hope. To thee we intrust our salva
tion " (p. 130). This shocking inversion of the Gospel is then
wound up in a grand doxology, putting her on a par with the
adorable Trinity, at which I tremble as I copy it :
I salute thee, 0 Great Mediatrix of peace between men and God ; O
Mother of Jesus our Lord, the love of all men and of God : to thee be honor
and blessing with the Father and with the Holy Spirit. Amen.*
With assumptions and ascriptions like these Pins IX. carried
his point and gave forth to the world, on the 8th of December,
1854, as an article of faith henceforth " necessary to salvation,"
his dogma of the Immaculate Conception of the Virgin Mary.
In his missive he tells Christendom that he did this
with a particular filial devotion and with our whole heart, to adore the
blessed Virgin and to promote all that tended to her praise and glory, and
whereby her worship might be more and more extended.f
* The Glories of Mary, by Ligouri, and Christian World, vol. xxi, p. 10.
f Christian World, vol. vi, pp. 212, 213.

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 61
One might suppose that the widest departure from the Bible
and apostolic Christianity had been reached when the above
were written, but there was one step more that might be taken,
and Cathohcism in Mexico has not shrunk from taking it. We
now, with a heavy heart, present this additional evidence of the
peculiar Mariolatry for the invention of which the Church has
incurred such a fearful accountability to the Holy Trinity, as
well as to the judgment of the Christian world, whose sen
sibilities have been shocked as the facts became known that
Romanists in Mexico have dared to adopt such language on such
a subject. To be cautious to the fullest degree, I have had the
inscription carefully copied from the tablet on the immense
"reja," or iron screen, of the third chapel on the left as one
enters the great cathedral in the city of Puebla. This is, next
to the cathedral in the city of Mexico, regarded as the most im
posing church on this continent. The tablet hangs in front of
the Chapel of the Virgin of Guadalupe, and the inscription
is in the form of a prayer to her. We' give first the original
Spanish and then the translation :
Oracion.
Vfrgen santisima de Guadalupe, admirable Hija de Dios Padre, Madre
de Dios Hijo, y Esposa de Dios Espiritu Santo, Senora mfa consagrada,
primero santificada que creada, suplfcote Patrona y Senora mfa, que si en
este dia, en este instante, en esta hora, d en lo restante de mi vida, 6 en la
muerte, contra mi 6 contra cosa mfa alguna sentencia f uere dada, sea por
vuestra intercesion revocada, y por mano de tu Hijo nuestro Sefior Jesu-
cristo sea perdonada. Amen, Jesfis.
The translation is as follows :
Pkatbr.
Most holy Virgin of Guadalupe, glorious daughter of God the Father,
mother of God the Son, and wife of God the Holy Spirit, my Lady conse
crated and sanctified before thou wast created: I pray thee, my patron
saint and Lady, that if to-day, if this moment, if this hour, or if during the
remainder of my life, or in death, any sentence should be passed against me
or against any thing of mine, it may by thy intercession be revoked, and by
the hand of thy Son our Lord Jesus Christ be turned aside. Amen, Jesus.

62 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
This awful language is not a thing allowed in the past times
of ignorance only ; but in the recent issue of the Novena, or
manual for nine days' prayer to the Virgin of Guadalupe, au
thorized by the members of the " Chapter of Holy Mary of
Guadalupe," in 1885, and printed by J. J. Little & Co., New
York, the same expressions are found on the eleventh page,
ending with these words :
The Holy Spirit also has made thee the dispenser of all his gifts and
graces. All the three divine persons concurred to crown thee at thy glo
rious ascension to the heavens, and then there was conferred upon thee
absolute power over all created in heaven and on earth.
How heart-sickening to think that these extracts and that
doxology are sanctioned by highest authority in the Roman
Church ! No wonder that the millions of Mexicans have failed
to find their Saviour, and that their services have degenerated
into the heathenish spectacles such as we have presented.
Thoughtful students of history, as they note the difference
between nations, are impressed by the fact that wherever image-
worship is met, there ignorance, degradation, and wretchedness
abound. There is an adequate cause for this that can only be
accounted for by the recognition that there exists an all-power
ful Being whose decalogue is the supreme law of this world.
The Almighty avows his position and purposes toward the vio
lators of his holy law as expressed in the second commandment,
who, making any " graven image, or any likeness of any thing
in heaven above, or on the earth beneath," do " bow down to
it, or serve it." The reason is given why he punishes this fear
ful sin not merely with individual but with national judg
ments : " For I the Lord thy God am a jealous God, visiting
the iniquity of the fathers upon the children unto the third
and fourth generation of them that hate me; and showing
mercy unto thousands of them that love me, and keep my com
mandments." No wonder the Romish priests fear to let their people
"search the Scriptures;" no wonder that they exclude the

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 63
second commandment from many of their catechisms and
nearly all their books of devotion. But it is a wonder that
they do not realize the fearful responsibility which they
assume in so doing, nor the account that they may yet have to
render to God and to their people for having done so.
Keeping close, as we Protestants do, to the Bible teachings,
and ready at any hour to have our opinions brought to the test
of the word of God, it is. unjust to call us " heretics." Con
trast our position with the fluctuations and theological novel
ties of the following list of dates of the doctrines now held by
the Roman Church, not one of which is in the Bible, nor can
be proved thereby, but several of which we have shown here to
be contrary to its teaching, and it will be easy to decide who are
the "heretics." DATES OF EOMISH DOGMAS.
The Church of Rome claims to be apostolic, immutable, and
infallible. The following table will show how far this is from
being true :
Prayer for the dead began  a. d. 200
Worship of saints, martyrs, and angels  350
Worship of the Virgin Mary was developed about  431
Worship in an unknown tongue  600
Papal supremacy  606
Worship of images and relics imposed  788
Obligatory celibacy of the priests  1000
Infallibility of the Church  1076
Sale of indulgences  1190
The dogma of transubstantiation officially decreed  1215
Auricular confession officially imposed  1215
The cup kept back from the laity officially sanctioned. . . . 1415
Purgatory officially recognized  1439
Romish tradition put on a level with the Scriptures  1540
Worship of the Virgin of Guadalupe sanctioned by the pope. 1785
The Immaculate Conception proclaimed  1854
The pope's temporal power proclaimed  1864
Papal inf allibility proclaimed  1870
The last pope made the belief in the three items which he
proclaimed a necessary condition of grace and salvation.

64 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.

CHAPTER III.
From darkness to dawn through conflict and suffering — Spanish rule — Viceroys
— " Patriarch of Mexican Independence '' — His " Grito " and helpers — The
Bravos — Odds against freedom — Iturbide and coronation — Unfortunate re
turn — Monroe doctrine — Texan war and its object — McNamara and " Meth
odist wolves" — General Fremont — War with United States — Treachery
at Cherubusco — The hand of God — Hidden refuge for Bible study in the
Canadas.
Feom the year 1535 until the year 1821, when Mexico obtained
her independence, the country was governed by sixty-one vice
roys appointed by the Spanish crown. Their term of service
extended over a period of two hundred and eighty-six years,
giving to each viceroy an average of more than four years.
Among these Spanish rulers there was occasionally found one of
benevolent disposition and liberal ideas. But it must be con
ceded that in the main the Spanish rule in New Spain was one
of iron despotism, in which priest and soldier bore an equal part,
until several millions of human beings, the constitutional ele
ments of whose character were gentleness and docility, rose
against their oppressors with the determination of driving
them from the land.
The Spaniards had acted so domineeringly in the exercise of
their absolute rule, and in the monopoly of all places of trust and
power, that they oppressed and insulted the native Mexicans until
positive hatred was the result. Not only so, but they had also
made the public service so close that even the " creole " class
were by law excluded from any participation in it. The Cre
oles were descendants of the Spaniards, members of their own
families ; but under the rule that no country-born person should
be allowed to participate in the government of the colonies in
the slightest degree they were made to feel the inferiority of
their birth.

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 65
The legislation prepared in Spain for the government of these
" colonies of the crown " was equally exclusive and oppressive,
though New Spain was a hundred times larger than Old Spain,
and far more populons ; yet at every point the laws were made
to discriminate against the former, to the extent that the mul
berry-tree or the silk-worm were not allowed to be cultivated,
nor the vine grown (though both so genial to the soil).
Mexico must purchase her wine and her silk of the mother-
country or do without them, nor could her poor raise and sell
them elsewhere and so assist themselves to this extent by their
industry. The Spaniards were, in many cases, non-resident, living in
Spain on the incomes remitted from their Mexican estates, and
the rest occupying their high positions in the capital and lead
ing points of the country. The Creoles numbered several hundred
thousand. The Roman Church stood with the Spaniards, with
all her influence and wealth, as against the popular wishes, save
in those very few cases where some of the humble clergy (bet- ¦
ter than their system) ventured to sympathize with their poor
people in the heavy burdens which they endured. Early in
this century a movement had begun with the creole class to have
the Spaniards share with them political rights, and in this desire
the then viceroy, Iturrigaray, was disposed to concur, in the in
terest of peace, if not of justice. It was a great blow aimed at
caste 'after nearly three hundred years of monopoly ! But this
kind concession cost the viceroy his position. He was re
moved, and the Archbishop of Mexico was placed in power,
until a new viceroy, of a sterner kind, was sent from Spain.
The French Revolution and the changes made by the move
ments of Napoleon L, including the removal of the Bourbons
from the throne of Spain, reduced the prestige of the Spanish
rule in Mexico and seriously lessened the power of the viceroys.
This was intensified when the emperor placed his brother on the
Spanish throne, thus giving a heavy shock to the doctrine of
the "divine right of kings," and the immutability of estab
lished order, and raising hopes that changes in the interests of

66 MEXICO IN TRANSITION. .
liberty and right were to be expected and welcomed, and, if need
be, fought for, by those who appreciated the sentiment, " Who
would be free himself must strike the blow ! " The spirit of
liberty became infectious, and was strengthened by the Consti
tution granted by the new Cortes of Spain in 1812, which
abolished the Inquisition and gave to Mexico more freedom than
she had known since the Conquest. The viceroy was a cruel
absolutist, and had no heart to welcome the beneficent change,
and longed for its overthrow. The fall of Napoleon was fol
lowed by the removal of his brother and the change of the
liberal regimen in Spain. Ferdinand VIL, who was restored to
the throne by the policy of the " Allied Powers," who met in
Paris to reconstruct the map of Europe, was one of the
most despotic of the Bourbons. He abolished the Constitution,
restored the Inquisition, and absolute government once more
oppressed the inhabitants of the Spanish peninsula. Stern
orders were sent to withdraw all that had been conceded to the
people of Mexico. Fearing the progress of the liberal ideas in
that country as well as in the South American colonies, Ferdi
nand was intending to dispatch a fleet and army to bring the
Mexico and South American, colonies into submission. Before
it was ready to sail the discovery was made that many of the
officers had become infected with "this new fever of liberty,"
and even dared to express their displeasure at the service de
manded of them, and were, indeed, more likely to lead the revolt
in . Mexico than to suppress it. None others could take their
places, and Ferdinand and his clerical sympathizers were openly
criticised for their despotic plans till, alarmed for the stability
of his throne, the Constitution was restored and the hostile
expedition to Mexico abandoned.
Next to personal redemption, that in which man most needs
the intervention of Almighty God is in his aspirations for jus
tice and freedom. Of these it is true that " every good gift,
and every perfect gift, is from above." The apostles of liberty,
as those of religion, are messengers of God, the author of liberty.
The martyrs of both are under his vindication, accepting their

MIGUEL HIDALGO,
The " Patriarch of Mexican Independence."

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 67
work and crowning their efforts with success. So that in this
sense also we hold that
"The proper place for man to die
Is where he dies for man; "
or, better still, as they sang so enthusiastically during our civil
war: "As He died to make men holy,
Let us die to make them free ! "
The honored men who laid the foundations of our republic,
and the devoted man who dared to abolish slavery forever within
our borders, appealed to the " considerate judgment of man
kind and the gracious favor of Almighty God" for the rectitude
of their intentions and the successful prosecution of the work
before them. So also in Mexico the divine Spirit raised up de
voted men who dared to face danger and death to secure the
" good gift " of freedom for the millions around them. We
have no doubt, when the facts are fairly stated, generous Ameri
cans will admit that these are as worthy as any to be held in
" everlasting remembrance."
We now present to our readers the head of this illustrious line,
Hidalgo, whom the Mexicans so delight to honor. He is called
" The Liberator of Mexico," " The first Governor of Mexico by
the National Will ; " and " The Patriarch of Mexican Independ
ence." Miguel Hidalgo y Costilla was born on the 8th of May,
1753, received a liberal education, entered the Roman Cath
olic priesthood, and at the time of his great effort was curate
in the town of Dolores, in the State of Guanajuato. He was
fully devoted to the welfare of his parishioners. Among other
things he taught them the culture of the vine and the silk-worm,
the making of porcelain and other small industries, by which
their temporal condition began to improve. Although the spirit
of freedom was in the air in 1810, and some relaxation of the
cruel prohibitions of Spain against Mexico might have been
taken for granted, these humble efforts of the kind-hearted cu
rate were disapproved at head-qnarters as a daring innovation

MEXICO IN TRANSITION.

not to be tolerated. The viceroy gave orders for the destruc
tion of the industries, and there was some talk of passing over
Hidalgo to the Inquisition, where his notions might be inquired
into, for he was known to entertain liberal views.
When the agents of the viceroy reached Dolores, and
Hidalgo saw with indignant sorrow all that he had accom
plished for his people destroyed, the vines rooted up, the mul
berry trees cut down, and the other works overthrown, the tyr
annous act incensed him and his people, as it also aroused the
general disapprobation of the nation. He was then nearly sixty
years of age, and had previously been in correspondence with
other lovers of liberty. The thought of independence had
grown stronger in view of the weakening of the Spanish
monarchy. Hidalgo had several persons on whom he could
rely, some of them, priests of good reputation, assured him of
their co-operation if he would lead the way. Satisfied that the
time had come to strike the blow, Hidalgo prepared his declara
tion of independence, made his flag, and on the 16th of Septem
ber, 1810, displayed that flag and gave forth the " Grito," or cry
of independence. His own people and the country around
took up the cry, thousands flocked to his standard and placed
themselves under his leadership.
His first move was toward Guanajuato, where he believed
some creole officers would join him with the men under their
command. That city of 70,000 inhabitants is the center of
the silver mining of the district. Hidalgo and his army were
cordially welcomed and remained there for ten days organiz
ing his troops. Again, and more formally, he proclaimed the
independence of Mexico, and was announced as " captain-gen
eral " of the forces. In the government treasury he found
$1,000,000, which very opportunely supplied him with the
sinews of war. The increasing crowd that he led was but half
armed and entirely undisciplined, and it need not be wondered
at that in the first hour of their power the arrogant conduct of
their Spanish oppressors was remembered, and in that bitter re
sentment for the wrongs so long endured by their race venge-

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 69
ance was taken upon some of them before Hidalgo and the
leaders could restrain their men. Soon Valladolid, Guadalajara,
and other cities fell into their hands. More patriots reached
their camp, foremost among whom were the priests Morelos
and Matamoros. This army swept on, the country rising in
favor of the cause of independence, enthusiastically recogniz
ing Hidalgo and his chiefs as representing the national will, and
justly claiming the allegiance and help of all who loved their
native country.
In a few days they reached the crest of the great valley of
Mexico, and a halt was there made to take council as to their
movements. Right before them in the center of that valley was
the capital, the possession of which would add thousands of sym
pathizers to their numbers and soon place the whole country in
their power. But a royal garrison held it, amply provided with
the best armaments of the times, including artillery, and having
well-disciplined cavalry. Hidalgo hesitated to lead his followers
into a conflict so unequal. Numbers and courage were under his
command, ample for any effort, but discipline, weapons, artillery,
and cavalry he had not, and while some were for taking all the
risks involved, and desirous of prompt attack, the leader and
his officers concluded that it was safer for the sacred cause they
had in charge to retire toward the United States frontier,
where, with the money in hand, they could purchase all that
they required, and meanwhile discipline and training would be
organizing their followers to return again, better fitted for a con
flict which now seemed so unequal.
The order was given to turn northward. But the vigilant
agent of the viceroy, General Calleja, was watching tlieir move
ments and saw that he had them at a disadvantage. He con
centrated his troops and followed, attacking them at Aculco and
again at Calderon, inflicting terrible damages upon the undis
ciplined crowd. The main body still held together and reached
Saltillo in January, 1811. Here Hidalgo left Rayon in com
mand, and with an escort pushed on for the Texan frontier to
purchase the military equipment so much required. Unfortu-

70 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
nately, just before reaching it he and his party were betrayed,
by a former friend named Elizondo, into the hands of the
Spanards. Hidalgo and his three chiefs were at once loaded
with chains and cast into prison. On the 29th of July he
was led before the ecclesiastical tribunal, clad in clerical robes,
for degradation from the priesthood. He was stripped of his
sacerdotal garb, the chains and fetters put upon him again, and
then was handed over for execution to the civil authority.
It is narrated of him by those who witnessed the trying
scenes that " even the chains and shackles could not detract from
the dignity and patience that characterized him." He was led
out to be shot on the morning of July 30, 1811. He faced his
executioners with courage, and placed his hand over his heart as
a guide to the soldiers' aim ; but it required the fifth volley to
extinguish his noble life, the veneration in which he was held
probably interfering with the accuracy of their aim. His offi
cers, Jimenez, Aldama, and Santa Maria, had been executed
three days before. The heads of all four were placed on spikes
and elevated on the corners of the castle of Granaditas, in
Guanajuato, and their bodies in the chapel of the Franciscans.
When his cause was triumphant, twelve years later, the grate
ful nation decreed them a public funeral, and the remains of
these heroes were tenderly brought from the scene of their
sufferings and deposited beneath the "Altar of the Three
Kings," under the dome of the cathedral of the capital of the
country for whose liberty they died.
Certainly Hidalgo could not have dreamed of the glorious
part which his tattered flag should bear in the future. On the
eve of the 16th of September, the highest national holiday, at
eleven o'clock P. M., in the Hall of Representatives, the presi
dent, his cabinet, and the members of Congress, public men of
Mexico, with all the brilliancy of society in the capital, crowd
the structure and wait for the moment when the hands of the
clock reach the hour at which Hidalgo first raised the cry of
independence. Then the President of Mexico raises the old
flag, waves it three times, and repeats the " Grito," " Viva la

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 71
Libertad ! Viva la Republica ! Viva Mexico ! " and the great
audience rises to join in the shout, " Viva la Republica ! " as if
they would lift the roof off the building. The thunder of the
artillery gives its response to the popular joy, and the more
than three hundred thousand people in the capital, and, indeed,
the whole nation, remember gratefully the man who died to
make them free. Visitors who are privileged to witness the
scene can never forget its deep enthusiasm or fail to realize
how much constitutional liberty cost the Mexican people and
how dearly they prize it.
On the death of Hidalgo the leadership devolved upon Jose
Maria Morelos. He was also a priest, but a born warrior, and
one who earned for himself in his brief career the popular title
of " the hero of a hundred battles." His army continued to
increase, and many victories were gained over the royalist
forces ; in many cases the garrisons were surprised, the officers
were imprisoned, and the troops induced to join the Republican
army. Morelos became immensely popular, and men began to
feel that the cause of independence was already won. In 1812
he was joined by theBravos (father and son), Guadalupe Victo
ria, Bustamente, and Guerrero.
Morelos was impressed with the necessity of having the
movement for independence sustain a truly national character,
and that its interests should be furthered by constitutional
means. A Congress was gathered representing all classes of the
Mexican people. It was limited in number, as it was subject to
constant movement, and could be more easily protected from
the pursuing army of the viceroy. The care of this Congress
devolved upon Morelos ; while they deliberated, his division of
the patriot forces stood over them to guard them from impend
ing danger. A constitution was finally framed and proclaimed
in October, 1814. Some time after the Congress was moving to
a more distant point, when Morelos, discovering that the royal
ist force was gaining upon them, decided to save the represent
atives of the people by remaining with a small guard to check
the progress of the enemy, while the larger part of the force,

72 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
under Nicolas Bravo, had time to conduct them to a place of safety.
Having thus secured their escape, Morelos was unable to face
the greatly superior force which confronted him, and was taken
prisoner on the 15th of November.
General Concha was amazed at the quiet resignation of his
prisoner as he remarked, " My life is nothing if the Congress be
saved ; my task was finished from the moment that an inde
pendent government was established." He was taken to the
capital, degraded by the bishop from the priesthood, and handed
over to the secular power for execution. To increase the deg
radation of his death it was ordered that he should be shot in
the back as a traitor. The vindictive nature of the hierarchy,
who exulted in his death, is seen in the cruel and reckless lan
guage used in the document ordering his execution. He is
characterized as " an uneonfessed heretic, and an abettor of
heretics, a profaner of the holy sacraments, and a traitor to God,
the king, and the pope." All this malignity was manufactured
out of the one fact that this brave man loved liberty so much
that he was willing to fight to see it established in his country.
But the honorable name of Morelos could not be tarnished.
His countrymen have conferred his worthy name upon the
capital of one of their greatest States, and in Morelia his name
is preserved as a shrine of freedom where men go to do homage
to his memory. His portrait hangs in its principal hall, and
beneath a frame holds the remnant of the silk handkerchief
with which he covered his eyes in the hour of his execution,
and underneath are the lines :
" This is the venerated relic,
The mournful bandage with which the tyrant
Hid the gaze of Morelos,
When the martyr of the Mexican people
Offered to his beloved country
His precious life as a sacrifice."
How fearful the acts against the patriots is indicated in the
records of the years between 1810 and 1820. The viceroys con
ducted the war with a vengeance which is described as " proc-

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 73
lamations which make the hair stand on end." So says Chev
alier, and adds: "A system of extermination was ordered.
An order of the day of General Cruz, even still more revolting,
directed that 'the insurgents should be pursued, incarcerated,
and killed like wild beasts.' "
An illustration of their spirit, which contrasts so favorably
with the noble conduct of the patriotic leaders, is shown in the
case of the two Bravos, father and son, both holding the rank
of generals in the Republican army. The father was named
Leonardo and the son Nicolas. They were devoted to each
other as well as to the cause of their country. Leonardo Bravo
was taken prisoner at the battle of Cuautla, was tried and con
demned to be shot. Venegas, then viceroy, so highly appreci
ated Leonardo's abilities that he offered him his life if he would
induce his brothers and son, Nicolas, to join the royalists.
Leonardo scorned such an offer. Before his execution, Nicolas
Bravo, having in his hands as captives three hundred Spanish
prisoners — some of whom were wealthy and influential men —
was authorized by Morelos to offer to exchange the whole of
them for his father. But the viceroy, appreciating the value of
a Bravo to the popular cause, rejected the offer and ordered
the execution to take place.
The grief of Nicolas for his father was extreme, and he ordered
his three hundred prisoners to be shot, and had them placed " in
chapel" (religious preparation for death) for execution next
morning. During the night he reflected that if his order was
carried out, while he would be justified in the eyes of the
world and by the usages of war in executing them under the
circumstances, in retaliation for his father's death, the cause
of independence, so dear to him, might be dishonored by the
act. So his measures were taken, and at sunrise the next morn
ing he was on the ground when his army stood confronting the
prisoners and waiting for the order. Riding out in front, he
thus addressed the doomed men :
Tour lives are forfeited. Your master, Spain's minion, has murdered
my father, murdered him in cold blood for choosing Mexico and liberty

74 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
before Spain and her tyrannies. Some of you are fathers, and may imagine
what my father felt in being thrust from the world without one farewell
word from his son ; aye, and your sons may feel a portion of that anguish
of soul which fills my heart as thoughts arise of my father's wrongs and
cruel death. And what a master is this of yours ! For one life, my
poor father's, he might have saved you all and would not ! So deadly is
his hate that he would sacrifice three hundred of his friends rather than
forego this one sweet morsel of vengeance ! Even I, who am no viceroy,
have three hundred lives for my father's. But there is a nobler revenge
than this. Go 1 You are all free ! Go, find your vile master, and hence
forth serve him if you can !
The effect was overwhelming. In gratitude to him for
sparing their lives, the soldiers, with tears streaming from their
eyes, rushed forward and offered their services to his cause, and
remained faithful to him and to it to the end.
General Bravo afterward bore a conspicuous share in the
history of his liberated country. He lived to take part in the
American war (1847), his last military service being at the de
fense of Chapultepec and Molino del Rey. He died at the age
of sixty-eight, beloved and admired by all who knew him.
Meanwhile the Congress continued its labors, and had the
courage to send a completed copy of the Constitution which
they had framed to the viceroy Calleja. The royal council
to whom he referred it solemnly condemned the document.
The viceroy had a copy of it burned in the great plaza of
Mexico by the public executioner, and ordered a similar cere
mony performed in all the chief cities where Spain had a garri
son. He also issued an edict which threatened with the death
penalty and confiscation of property any one who was found
with a copy of the Constitution in his possession, and forbade
any person to refer to it.
The peculiar difficulties under which the patriots of Mexico
wrought out the freedom of their country will be made the
more manifest and impressive when the actual facts are clearly
understood. While the Mexicans studied with admiration, so far
as they could from time to time obtain a view of the condition
of peace and prosperity which the United States had won for

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 75
themselves, and longed to be like them, yet there were diffi
culties in their way which our patriot fathers never knew, and
burdens to be borne beyond all that they ever carried, while
the shut-in condition of the Mexicans separated them from the
light and intelligence which so brightly shone to guide our way
to constitutional freedom.
Let us mark the difference more definitely, that our Mexican
neighbors may have the proper credit for the freedom which
they won against such fearful odds. When our patriot fathers
here pledged " life and fortune and sacred honor " to become
independent and free, they had not been for three hundred
years crushed down in ignorance and poverty, almost without
hope or aspiration. No powerful viceroy wielding the military
forces of a foreign despot was in power to repress every utter
ance for liberty or " hunt them down like beasts of prey " when
they attempted to obtain it. No great landed aristocracy,
owning every acre of the soil, laid its heavy hand upon them in
vengeance. No wealthy established Church united its ghostly
power with the civil despotism to repress them, bringing to its
aid the remorseless Inquisition and their spiritual maledictions,
adding blasphemously the terrors of God and of eternity to
utterly crush their cause and their hopes as unlawful. Nor
were they cut off from the sea and its resources or left without
one friendly nation on the earth to extend sympathy or a help
ing hand to them in the unequal struggle, nor so destitute of
resources that they had to win battles to obtain weapons and
ammunition to continue the conflict. All these disabilities the
patriot Mexicans had to endure for years ere they were able to
stand on equal terms with the combined and relentless foes of
their freedom. All they had to begin with was tlieir own right
hands and noble leaders, who " loved not their lives unto the
death," to make their nation a land of liberty. Generous
Americans will give worthy credit to such a people, and to the
patriots who led them at last to the liberal institutions which
they now enjoy.
To all this we may add that the land was, from end to end,

76 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
without the Bible, the school, or the most elementary literature ;
that even their Constitution (when they gained one) had not the
doctrine of religions liberty in it, for that they had to learn at
a later day, when Benito Juarez enshrined it in his glorious
Constitution of 1857, and thus crowned the freedom of his
country. It surely may be questioned whether a people ever
won constitutional liberty under greater disadvantages than
these had to endure during their struggles from 1810 to 1857.
Matters moved slowly during the four following years, but
in 1820 events in Spain again revived the hopes of the Mexi
can Liberals, and they renewed their efforts for independence.
This led the viceroy to re-organize his army for offensive oper
ations and to call once more to his aid the creole Colonel
Augustine Iturbide, who had already made himself famous in
the war against Hidalgo and Morelos. The Spanish forces then
in Mexico and subject to the viceroy's orders amounted to eleven
regiments, while the patriot army was estimated at twenty-four
regiments ; but they were more widely scattered than was the
royal army, less disciplined, and but half armed. Iturbide was
appointed by the viceroy to the command of the Army of the
South-west. About this time it came to be supposed that Ferdinand VIL,
in view of the insecurity and unrest of his Spanish throne, was
considering the question of abandoning that uneasy seat in
Madrid for a quieter one in Mexico, where he might find more
devoted subjects and an asylum from revolutions. Some of the
Liberals were led to suppose that they could obtain constitu
tional freedom under Ferdinand, and were willing to consider
the question. This led to a temporary cessation of hostilities,
and to the removal of the despotic viceroy. A man of more
gentle character, named O'Donoju, was sent in his place. Yield
ing to the patriotic influences brought to bear on him, Iturbide
had just before (February 24, 1821) issued to the nation what
was called the " Plan of Iguala," or the " Constitution of the
three Guarantees " — religion, independence, and union. In re
ligion the nation was to be Roman Catholic, without toleration

MEXICO IN TRANSITION.

of any other faith — independence of the entire country from
Spain ; union conceding the equal rights of the native races
with those of the Creoles and Europeans. This proposal was
such an immense advance toward freedom that the "Plan"
took extensively with the masses, while the enlightened leaders,
on reflection, regarded it with suspicion as being too churchly to
be safe for complete liberty.
The new viceroy and Iturbide met at Cordova and discussed
the situation. A few modifications in the plan satisfied the
viceroy, who consented to become one of the members of the
" Provisional Junta " to carry on the government until a mon
arch could be obtained. On reflection Ferdinand declined the
offered throne. The crown-princes of Spain also refused to
come. Each thought he had interests at home that would be
compromised, and the whole affair dropped to the ground.
During these negotiations the viceroy died, and none other had
been appointed before events hurried on to a conclusion. Itur
bide was now standing at the head of affairs. His "Plan"
went forth to the nation, the first article of which declared as
follows : " The Mexican nation is independent of the Spanish
nation, and of every other, even on its own continent." By
this act Mexico virtually became independent of Spain, and
Spain was then so much disturbed and impoverished that she
was unable to do more than protest ; and so Mexico and South
America were left, at least for the present, to organize them
selves as they chose under the circumstances. But it does seem
singular that after all the long years of strife Mexico should have
effected her independence without shedding another drop of
blood. The Spanish flag, after having floated for just three
hundred years, was hauled down on the 24th of February, 1821,
and thus the good seed sown by Hidalgo and his followers was
in great part harvested by the hand of Iturbide eleven years
afterward. Iturbide had already secured an understanding with Guerrero,
the Republican leader, for uniting the two armies in view of
independence. Had he been satisfied to have remained a pop-

78 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
ular leader he would probably have been promptly elected con
stitutional President of Mexico. But Iturbide was not a patriot,
and thought more of his own interests than of those of his
country. Chance threw in his way the opportunity of doing a
great service to the nation without suffering or risk to himself,
and he did it, and thus earned the designation of " The Liber
ator of Mexico."
Those who knew him well and remembered his antecedents
believed him to be heartless and animated by personal ambition.
Republicans could not forget that Good Friday in 1814 (of
which Chevalier gives the account in his second volume), when,
to celebrate his victory at Salvatierra, two or three days pre
viously, over the feeble patriotic forces, in the mere wantonness
of his power he resolved to " celebrate the day becomingly " by
shooting the three hundred Republican prisoners whom he had
taken, on the pretext that " they were excommunicated persons,
and that the Spanish authorities employed spiritual weapons as
well as swords, muskets, and cannon in subjugating the Inde
pendents ! " So, to please the hierarchy and consummate their
work, Iturbide doomed those men to die like dogs — not on the
battle-field, but on the parade-ground — because the Church had
excommunicated them for taking up arms to win the liberty of
their native land ! Now, however, he had done Mexico a good '
turn, and men hoped he might prove worthy. A new Congress
in which the clergy were well represented was in session, and
great solicitude was felt as to the form of government. This
body stood in the way of Iturbide's ambition to reign, of which
the patriots learned with alarm. Having gained the attach
ment of many of the officers and promised large concessions to
the Church, his first move was to have a number of his partisans
parade the streets shouting, " Long live Augustine I: ! " The
next day the Congress debated the question, while the galleries
were crowded with adherents of Iturbide, who was also present.
Some voted to appeal to the various States, but a vote was
forced (May 19, 1822) which awarded the imperial crown to
Iturbide. The church party gave their influence, as well they

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 79
might, considering what was wrapped up in the plan of Iguala,
from which the Republicans were beginning to fall away.
Every thing was done to make the coronation a gorgeous cere
mony. An archbishop and many bishops added their dignity
to the occasion. The great cathedral was made to display all
its resources of magnificence. On the 21st of June, with music,
processions, illuminations, incense, joy-bells, and salvos of artil
lery, he was anointed and crowned at the high altar as Augus
tine the First. A heavy civil list was voted, an imperial court
was arranged, his children were entitled as princes, and an
aristocracy was instituted. The Spanish government contempt
uously repudiated the movement, but was unable then to
reverse it. Unfortunately for Iturbide's welfare, he soon began
to presume too much upon the power of his position. The
Spaniards were unduly favored in the gifts of offices and honors,
the representatives of the nation were treated to some manifes
tations of arbitrary conduct that were unpleasant, and a de
mand for more centralized power in the Imperial hands was
advanced. These and other kindred developments opened the
eyes of the people to the consciousness that they had not gained
much by this change of masters. Just here a name looms up
that was to fill a large space in the future history of Mexico,
and which became, by force of circumstances, better known to
Americans than any other south of our own border for the fol
lowing forty years. Santa Anna was at this time in military
command at Vera Cruz. Hearing how matters were going on
at the capital, and perceiving therein an opportunity to push
himself into prominence by resistance to a man whom many
were already beginning to regard as a tyrant, he raised the
standard of revolt and " pronounced " against Iturbide. Yet to
Iturbide he owed his own position, as he had been raised by the
emperor within a few months past from the rank of captain to
that of general. The Republican leaders, Victoria, Guerrero,
and Nicolas Bravo, supposing Santa Anna sincere in his profes
sions of freedom, hastened to join him with their followers.
Iturbide soon realized that he had forfeited the confidence of

80 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
his subjects, that civil war was upon him, and he was powerless
to meet it with any hope of victory. So on the 20th of March,
1823 — just nine months* after his elaborate coronation — he
tendered his resignation. The Congress, however, refused to
accept it, on the ground that it had not voluntarily elected him
emperor, and proceeded to form a provisional government
composed of four revolutionary chiefs — Bravo, Victoria,
Negrete, and Guerrero. Sentence of exile was pronounced
against Iturbide, but in view of his services in securing inde
pendence the Congress voted him a pension of $24,000 per
annum, on condition of his leaving the country and residing in
Italy, without the right to return to Mexico. Accepting these
terms, Iturbide left, with his family, for Italy. Happy had it
been for him and them had he kept his word with the Mexican
nation, but on the 14th of July, 1824 — only fourteen months
after his departure — he returned, with his family, to Mexico,
landing at Sota la Marina, in the State of Tamaulipas, when he
was arrested by the governor and executed. The Congress
granted a pension of $8,000 to the family, which went forthwith
to reside in the United States, where the son, Don Angel Itur
bide, became a student at the Jesuit college at Georgetown,
D. O, and there married an American lady of the Romish com
munion, daughter of Mr. Nathaniel Green, of that city. A son
of this marriage, " Prince Augustine," as he is regarded by the
church party in Mexico, represents the dead emperor, and is the
connecting link between the past and the present. After his
father's death he remained in Mexico, with his mother, and was
there during the French intervention. Toward the close of the
empire of Maximilian, who was childless, this boy attracted the
attention of the Empress Carlota, and was adopted with the
intention of making him heir to the throne, but on the collapse
of the empire he was surrendered again to his mother. After
ward he entered the same college that his father had attended,
and on completing his course returned to Mexico, while he took
a subordinate position in the army. Here,, after a couple of
years, he was charged with some acts of insubordination toward

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 81
his superior officer, and after trial was sent to prison for fifteen
months. Meanwhile his mother had died, and on his release
lately he left for the United States. This, no doubt, ends the
probability of the Iturbide family being any further a disturbing
element in Mexican history.
The fall of Iturbide closed the empire, and a republic, on
the model of the United States (save the one item of full relig
ious freedom), was established under a constitution, in October,
1824, General Victoria becoming first constitutional President
of Mexico, remaining in power until April, 1829.
By this time Spain had recovered a measure of her strength
and took the resolution to reconquer Mexico and South Amer
ica. A small army was landed at Tampico under the com
mand of General Barradas, but it was soon after defeated by
the Republican army under Santa Anna and General Teran,
and forced to quit Mexico. These events intensified the hatred
of the Spaniards, already strong enough. In a moment of
irritation the Congress voted the exile of all Spaniards from
the country, but it was not fully carried out. From that hour,
however, Spanish influence has declined, and the Mexicans have
come to the front in public affairs. What remain of the Span
iards in Mexico have generally continued faithful to their
preference for monarchical government, and did what they
could for its re-establishment in Mexico during the following
thirty years.
The events which we have now rapidly enumerated, com
mencing with the declaration of independence by Iturbide in
1822 — an event which led the United States to acknowledge
that independence in the same year — were the facts which, in
the interests of the peace and political welfare of this continent,
led President James Monroe to issue in 1823 that doctrine of
reciprocity of non-intervention which has ever since been asso
ciated with his name, and which has done so much to preserve
our own nation from entanglement with European quarrels. It
had equally preserved us and the neighboring nations from
disturbance from foreign powers from that time up to the
7

82 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
year 1862, when it was so maliciously violated by Napoleon III.
and led to the fearful events which the further part of this nar
rative is to lay before our readers. The first effect of that
doctrine was seen in the fact above intimated, that Spain never
attempted a repetition of the barbarous purpose she undertook
in 1829, to force her cruel rule on an unwilling people, while the
failure of the last attempt has, no doubt, settled that question
for this continent for all time to come.
The accepted summary of this grand doctrine, under the
protection of which the nations of North, Central, and South
America are resting, maybe here presented. It runs thus :
The American continents, by the free and independent condition they
had assumed and maintained, are no longer to be considered subjects for
colonization by European powers. Any attempt on the part of European
powers to extend their political systems to the western hemisphere would
be considered dangerous to the peace and safety of the United States. Any
interposition by such powers to oppress or control the governments that
had declared their independence and maintained it, and whose independ
ence had been acknowledged by the United States, would be viewed as
unfriendly to the United States. The political systems of Europe could
not be extended to any portion of the American continent without endan
gering the peace and happiness of the United States, and such extension
would not be regarded with indifference.
From 1822 to 1855 the name of Santa Anna was the most con
spicuous in Mexican politics, chiefly as the most active disturber
of the peace of the nation. His clerical patrons knew well
how to utilize his remarkable qualities, though it must be con
fessed that his eye to the main chance was always as keenly open
for his own advantage as for the promotion of their purposes.
His vanity and love of display are apparent in the picture
opposite, where his breast is covered with decorations that were
never won nor conferred, though they were assumed, and were
his because he had paid for them ! His despotic acts no doubt
postponed by twenty years the rest of constitutional freedom
that would have been won but for his reckless interferences.
His full name was Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna. His
home was at Manga de Clavo, near Jalapa, where he had an

GENERAL SAXTA A.NXA,
The turbulent Dictator of Mexico.

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 83
estate, the extent of which Madame Calderon tells us was twelve
leagues, between that city and Vera Cruz. Mrs. F. C. Gooch
truly says of him that
When only twenty years old he entered the arena of politics by disrupt
ing the empire established by Iturbide, and the career thus begun was
consistently carried out. At an early age he had so mastered the arcana
of scheming and revolution as to reflect credit on a veteran in the cause,
demolishing and creating sovereignties, often grasping victory from defeat,
and gathering strength when all seemed lost. He was five times president,
and was the means of deposing, probably, twenty rulers. As a commander
of men his resources and ability were remarkable. After the most disas
trous defeat he generally managed to retire from the scene still holding
the confidence of his ragged, half-starved army, increasing it materially
while on the move. His fertile brain was ever ready to plan a revolution
or arrange a coup d'etat.
In the change which he fomented of establishing a central
system, abolishing the federal power, every State was deprived
of its share of control and all authority lodged in the hands of
the executive in Mexico city. No wonder that Yucatan and
Texas rebelled and resolved to establish each a separate gov
ernment. This was the origin of the war with Texas, and that
developed into the war with the United States.
Santa Anna is best remembered by Americans for his attempt
to whip back the Texans into the traces, when they made their
effort for independence of Mexican control, and also for his infa
mous perfidy in executing the little Texan force under Colonel
Fannin, after they had surrendered under written stipulation that
their lives should be spared. Nor will he be soon forgotten in
our history in connection with his capture by General Houston
and his little army of Americans and Texans on the 21st of April,
1836, or the inordinate vanity that he displayed when led into the
presence of Houston. Santa Anna laid the flattering unction
to his soul that he was himself a hero of the highest class. He
had already given himself the amazing title of " The Napoleon
of the South ! " and expected of his followers that he should be
so regarded. The record tells us that even in his fallen condi
tion as defeated and a prisoner, when he was led into the Texan

84 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
camp and to Houston's presence, he pompously announced him
self as "Antonio L6pez de Santa Anna, the President of Mexico,
who surrenders as your prisoner ; " and then added, as he looked
at General Houston, " Yon are born to no common destiny,
who are the conqueror of the Napoleon of the South ! "
The treaty signed recognized the independence of Texas and
prompt evacuation of Texas by the Mexican army, and solemnly
pledged Santa Anna and his four generals (who all signed with
him) to obtain its confirmation by the government of Mexico.
How much value there was in the promises and the signature
of this hypocritical character was evident enough when, about
six months afterward, on reaching Mexico, he publicly repudi
ated the convention into which he had entered and had signed,
on the contemptible ground that " obligations contracted by an
individual under duress were absolutely void ! " He thus proved
himself to be as false and hypocritical to his own parole as he
was in respecting the conditions which he violated in the case
of the brave Texans who unfortunately trusted his promises at
Goliad and San Antonio.
During his parole in the United States ere he returned to
Mexico he visited Washington and had an interview with Presi
dent Jackson, upon which he afterward liked to dilate, as the
writer had opportunity to hear him do toward the end of his
career. Disgraced in the eyes of his countrymen by his failure
in the Texan campaign, Santa Anna retire/! to his estate and
remained there until the following year, when a hostile visit of
the French navy to Vera Cruz made his services again desirable.
He was placed in command of the army at that port, and in re
pulsing the French troops on the 5th of December, 1838, he
lost one of his legs. This mended his reputation somewhat,
but laid him aside until the events of 1841 once more called
him out, and he became president again, but soon took advan
tage of his position and proclaimed himself dictator.
It may interest the reader and throw some additional light
upon the great transition through which Mexico had to pass on
her way from such follies to respectability and character in her

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 85
public life, if we take another glance at the whimsicalities of
the man whom we leave here for the present as the arbitrary
dictator of his suffering country. Some of them seem incredi
ble, but we have the authority for them all.
"The fantastic tricks before high Heaven" which Santa
Anna was so fond of playing may refer us again to that left
leg, which he lost by a shot from the Prince de Joinville's artil
lery. He had it carefully boxed up, and sent it from Vera Cruz
to his admirers in the capital, accompanied by an eloquent letter
breathing great patriotism. The stratagem succeeded, and the
leg was appropriately cared for until a magnificent monument,
surmounted by the national insignia, was prepared to receive it.
Santa Anna returned to the capital before the monument was
quite finished, and it is said went in the procession to the burial
of his own leg ! It was deposited with all the honors. He de
fended the affair very laconically by remarking that, " It was a
Christian leg, and deserved to have a Christian burial ! " The
newspapers of the day announced the event as follows :
Mexico, September 28, 1842. — Yesterday was buried with pomp and
solemnity, in the cemetery of St. Paul, the leg which his excellency, Presi
dent Santa Anna, lost in the action of December 5, 1838. It was depos
ited in a monument erected for that purpose, Don Ignacio Sierra y Rosa
having pronounced a funeral discourse appropriate to the subject.
Gilliam, while referring to these facts, was reminded of an
event which has a good parallel in it. He says :
It is true that while Benedict Arnold, the traitor, was in London he in-
quired of an American what the people of the United States would do
with him if he should return to his home. The American replied that
the leg in which he had received an honorable wound, in his career for
liberty and independence, would be separated from his body and buried
with all military honors ; but that his body would be hung between heaven
and earth as a traitor to his country.*
As Santa Anna stood before the crowd around that monu
ment where this singular funeral was so pompously conducted,
* Travels over the Table-Lands and Cordilleras of Mexico during 1843-44, by A. M.
Gilliam, p. 119, and Calderon's Life in Mexico, p. 368.

86 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
how little he imagined what would there occur within only two
years after ! During this brief term of time he could not be
satisfied with being president ; he must assume dictatorial powers
and try to bend the Congress to his will. Even the archbishop,
at the head of the church party, pronounced against his tyran
nical policy of levying a forced loan of $4,000,000 — the most
odious of all imposts, because so opposed to the principal object
for which governments are founded, the security of the prop
erty of the people. His effort excited universal indignation
throughout the republic and caused his overthrow. Even his
army refused to fight for him, and deserted, so that he was now
" The leader of a broken host,
His standard fallen and his honor lost."
He had to surrender himself into the hands of his bitter foes,
who sent him a prisoner to the gloomy fortress of Perote, within
whose walls many of the victims of his vindictive policy had
pined in days gone by. During the tumult in December, 1844,
the monument was desecrated, and the leg it contained was
dragged from its resting-place and kicked through the streets
by the rabble ! This was all the more humiliating to him because
he had during this very dictatorship indulged so freely in that
extravagance of display and vulgar love of pageantry for which
he was so noted.
After ten years of independence Texas applied for admission
to the United States. The resolutions providing for her annex
ation awakened hot debate in Congress and violent discussions
all over the country. Into the debates entered the great ques
tion of African slavery in the Union. To annex Texas was sure
to involve the United States in a war with Mexico. To advocate
war for the sake of extending slavery and increasing the slave
power of the Union was enough to excite the most bitter oppo
sition from the Whig and the Free Soil parties.
Texas contained two hundred thousand square miles of un
disputed territory, out of which, Senator Benton, of Missouri,
said in Congress, " nine slave States could be made, each equal to

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 87
the State of Kentucky." This would give, he argued, a pre
dominant slave representation in the government. Here, then,
we find the great underlying cause of the war which so soon
followed. Mr. Calhoun, also in the Senate, at the close of this
Texan war, maintained the right of slave-holders to carry and
hold their slaves in all the free territory acquired by conquest
from Mexico.*
It is honorable to Mexico just here to call attention to the
fact that, as soon as this purpose was avowed, her republican
sons protested against such a desecration of the territory which
they had made free by abolishing slavery forever from every
part of it. But all in vain, as we shall see. Our Southern slave
holders, infatuated, forgot Him who is " higher than the high
est," who was able to defeat their purposes.
At this period an event occurred which was to prove of the
highest moment to the future of the United States and Mexico.
The war-ships of the British and American navies were hover
ing off the coast of California, each anxious to arrive before the
other, so as to land and run up the flag and take possession in
the name of their government. Colonel Fremont, with a small
force, having the same object in view, was operating in the in
terior. But there was another party also, representing a differ
ent government from either, who was anxiously pushing a proj
ect of his own to secure that California for his master and a
very different future.
We have heard of that wonderful map which hangs in the
library of the Propaganda at Rome, said to be the largest
map of the United States in existence, on which are definitely
marked all the points of interest and prospective importance
and power in our great West and away to the Californian coast.
It was an immense work then to ascertain and locate these points
so well and so quietly, " while men slept," unconscious that the
papacy was preparing to preempt in advance the strategic
points of these broad lands for its own purposes. These facts
were presented by Rev. Dr. Ellinwbod in an able paper read
* See History of the War with Mexico, by H. 0. Ladd.

88 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
before the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church in
1881. We copy so much as refers to our subject. He said :
But while a Mexican dictator had grasped despotic power, and our
statesmen had planned for territory which would render slavery secure,
there were other schemes afloat.
Testimony now to be found in the archives of the State department at
Washington shows that in the years 1845 and 1846, just as our conflict with
Mexico was commencing, an Irish Catholic missionary in California, of
the name of McNamara, conceived a plan for planting on a very large
scale a colony of Irish Catholics in the rich valley of the San Joaquin
River. In an intercepted letter to the Mexican president Father McNa
mara says: "I have a triple object in my proposal. I wish, first, to ad
vance the cause of Catholicism ; second, to promote the happiness and
thrift of my countrymen ; and, thirdly, to put an obstacle in the way of
the further usurpations of that irreligious and anti-Catholic nation — the
United States. And if the plan which I propose be not speedily adopted
your excellency may be assured that before another year the Californias
will form a part of the American nation. The Catholic institutions will
become the prey of Methodist wolves, and the whole country will be in
undated with cruel invaders." The grant of the land was made; and,
according to the testimony given before a committee of Congress, General
Castro had armed and organized the Mexican Californians, and had en
gaged the Indian tribes to help to exterminate the American settlers,
when the whole scheme was reported at Washington.
Captain Gillespie was at once dispatched as a secret messenger to Gen
eral Fremont, then on the Oregon border.
After many hair-breadth escapes from the Indians the message was
delivered. Fremont turned back, rallied the American settlers, levied on
horses, guns, and stores, and with the suddenness of a thunder-bolt routed
the Mexican force, broke up a junta which had been appointed to nego
tiate with the British Admiral Seymour, then off the coast, to establish a
British protectorate, and on the 5th of July, 1846, having learned of the
declaration of war between Mexico and the United States, he ran up the
Stars and Stripes, and California was saved for the "Methodists."
These events are wonderfully like those which had transpired in Ore
gon a short time before ; and it is fortunate for Christian civilization
that the result was the same in both cases.*
Further light is thrown upon this subject by a paper furnished
to the Century Magazine by Mrs. Jessie Benton Fremont,
* Mexico, Her Past and Present Resources, in The New York Evangelist, June 30, 1887.

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 89
widow of General Fremont. From this it appears that McNa
mara was a British subject, but working in the interest of a
project originated at Rome to checkmate the growing Protest
antism of the United States. He had succeeded in interesting
both the civil and religious authorities at Mexico, who had con
sidered and indorsed this colonization plan, in which he had
engaged to locate ten thousand families, to each of whom he was
to apportion a square league of land. Mexican authority in that
great West was then a mere shadow, without force and unable
to sustain itself against the American element scattered through
the country, if they would only come together and set up a
government of some kind. Hence the efforts made by McNa
mara to hasten the British Admiral Seymour to land in Califor
nia, raise his flag, and take possession. He had almost secured
his prize of 13,500,000 acres, from San Francisco to the San
Gabriel Mission, near Los Angeles, the San Joaquin River and
the Sierra Nevada being the boundaries. The Mexican gov
ernor, Pio Pico, issued this immense tract of land to Father
McNamara " on the express condition that the grant was to
keep out the Americans." But Fremont and his band suc
ceeded in raising the United States flag that very day at Mon
terey before Admiral Seymour could arrive and act in McNa-
mara's interest. California was thus added to the United States,
and his plan was utterly defeated. The following year the
treaty of Guadalupe-Hidalgo closed the war with Mexico and
confirmed by purchase as well as conquest the possession of
California to our Union.*
A brief reference to our war with Mexico is necessary here.
Santa Anna (who was recalled from exile to aid in the strug
gle) took the field at the head of twenty thousand men. He
met General "Zachary Taylor at Buena Vista, and suffered a
heavy defeat. At Cerro Gordo he was vanquished, after which
he retreated to defend the capital, but Molino del Rey, Chapul
tepec, and Mexico city surrendered to General Scott.
* Compiled from Mrs. Fremont's manuscript, in the Century Magazine, April,
1891.

90 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
The Stars and Stripes floated over the national palace in
Mexico from September 14, 1847, till June 12, 1848. The
concessions demanded by the United States government were
embodied in the treaty signed at Guadalupe by the plenipoten
tiaries of both nations on the 2d of February, 1848. By this
treaty Mexico surrendered territory about equal to one half of
her former extent, making the enormous total of our southern
and south-western border of 851,590 square miles ; seventeen
times the size of the great State of New York, including ten
degrees of latitude on the Pacific coast, and extending a thou
sand miles to the east.
It is true that $15,000,000 of compensation and a release
from $3,250,000 of claims of United States citizens on Mexico
were tendered and accepted by the vanquished nation. But
the Mexican government well knew that the acceptance of the
sum offered was obligatory, though it was not, even then, more
than a fraction of its value, not to mention the hundreds of
millions which the mines of California were to yield in all the
future to the United States ! To this was added the bitter re
flection to the Mexican administration that after they had, in
their honest and painful efforts to establish a true republican
government in their country, abolished slavery forever, and
now when they entreated, in the framing of this treaty with
tlieir conquerors, that a clause should be inserted committing
the United States not to permit slavery to be established in any
part of the ceded territory, they were met with a disdainful
refusal, and their honorable demands were rejected by the
great republic, the power that of all on earth should have
been to them a friend in their struggle to maintain the liberty
they had established. Instead of this, our nation was led to
wage this unnecessary and unjustifiable war inN the interest of
the Southern slave-holders and for the wider extension of tlieir
wicked institution. For abundant evidence of this fact we
refer the reader to the book of Mr. Jay,* where, from page 150
* A Review of the Causes and Consequences of the Mexican War. Boston. Mussey
i. Co., 1849.

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 91
to 195, will be seen, from the action and language of our gov
ernment and the debates in Congress, that the extension of the
area of slavery was the paramount object of the war with
Mexico. It is enough to make any lover of freedom tremble to im
agine what the result would have been to the future of the
world and of Christian civilization had the purpose of the
Southern oligarchy been carried out as they intended. The
gain of this immense territory made them so bold that they
next planned the abolition of all restriction throughout the
country, so that they might have power of control over their
slaves from the Canada line to the Gulf of Mexico. The
Fugitive Slave Law was passed in their interest, and the
hunted slave was no longer safe wherever the Stars and
Stripes floated. The surprise and excitement of the nation,
and especially of our liberty-loving millions, became intense,
while the haters of constitutional freedom indulged their bitter
sarcasm at our expense. We were on the high road to the
building up, over this wide land, from the Atlantic to the
Pacific, of the most colossal empire of negro slavery that the
world had ever seen. It only needed time for development,
and to be left unhindered by God and man to become even far
worse and more awful than that " open sore of the world " of
which Livingtone spoke in Africa. Worse, because the Arabs
there have set that sore running under the sanction of their
Koran, while our sacred Book, in its spirit and precepts, forbids
such injustice.
So men who were ruled by their consciences and who feared
God declared that they would not be forced to aid or to perpet
uate an institution so unchristian. Slave-holders professed to
laugh at our reverence for the " higher law," and our convic
tions, and were determined to force obedience to the Fugitive
Slave Law, even declaring that they would erelong " call the
roll of their slaves under the shadow of Bunker Hill." Slowly
the great North arose to the duty which she owed to God and
humanity to free herself from what Mr. Wesley designated as

92 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
" the sum of all villainies." Judge Harrington, of Vermont,
well voiced the conscience of the North in that case where the
slave-hunter had overtaken his victim and brought him into
court to demand his rendition, offering the proof of ownership
in the bill of sale to the person whom he represented. The
worthy judge closed the case when he ruled that, " This title is
invalid here. I demand a bill of sale from the Almighty ! "
So the slave went forth to freedom.
The word of God is the instrument to unify the world, and
these mighty movements were in his providence to open its
way to its great mission among men. In our war with Mexico
the Bible entered to begin its beneficent work in the hands of
the Aztecs. There were a few there who had heard of it,
though they had not seen it ; but they welcomed it, for they
were longing for a clearer knowledge of the way to salvation.
A small number of these were priests, like Orestes, Gomez, and
others. Among the laity more were anxious for its introduc
tion, for they had learned that the Bible stood well with liberty,
that Bible readers every-where were free men, that the most en
lightened nations were those where the Holy Scriptures had
the fullest circulation, and they desired the help of such a book
in their struggle for popular freedom. When the war with
Mexico was proclaimed in 1847 the American Bible Society
grasped the opportunity and appointed Rev. M. Norris as agent,
an edition of the Spanish Scriptures being then just published.
Mr. Norris went with the army and distributed many copies, and
was aided by some of the men and officers. An account of what
was done in this respect was written by Major-General Casey
in 1850. We will quote one fact of special interest on the sub
ject, to show how some of the educated people looked at the
wonderful book, now for the first time within their reach. He
writes :
The occupying of the city of Mexico by our army, considering the
obstacles which were to be overcome, naturally excited a new train of
thought among the intelligent and thinking Mexicans. They would ask
these questions of one another : "How is it that these people, whom we had

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 93
been taught by our priests to consider as God-forsaken heretics, over
come all obstacles which have been opposed to them from Vera Cruz to
this city, and then with a comparative handful of men have broken through
the three lines of fortifications with which our city was surrounded and
taken possession of the capital of our republic ? Our city had a popula
tion of 200,000, and besides it was under the special protection of Mary
of Guadalupe, who in many priestly processions about our streets was inter
ceded by us. These people possess and are zealously distributing a book
from which they profess to derive their religion, and from which we also
pretend to derive ours. May it not possibly be that the priests from
interested motives have corrupted the teachings of the truth ? " A little
leaven has been planted in Mexico which by God's blessing will leaven
the whole.
At this time General Casey held the rank of captain, and in
this capacity led the storming party at Cherubusco, where the
American army suffered its greatest loss, chiefly by the treachery
of some of its own soldiers. His account of this affair is as
follows :
On the 20th of August the battles of Contreras and Cherubusco were
fought. At the latter place the principal point of attack was a fortified
convent, and the American army lost 1,000 men in killed and wounded
by the obstinate resistance. This was caused by the presence of more
than two hundred deserters from the American army, composed mostly of
Catholic Irish, who had been persuaded to desert by the instigation of the
Mexican Catholic priests. Fifty of these men were afterward captured
and hung, the drop at the gallows falling just as the American flag
went up on the castle of Chapultepec. When the final assault on the city
was made by the causeway, at the extremity of which the castle of Chapul
tepec was situated, we had but little more than 6,000 men.*
The sectarian treachery of the Irish deserters might have
proved to be overwhelming. Yet Mr. Jay considers the pun
ishment as excessive.-)- But it is only fair to remember that
this had to be judged in the light of the emergency which their
desertion, and the turning of their weapons against their gov
ernment in the presence of the enemy, had created. It might
have involved the destruction of the whole American force,
which was so small comparatively. As it was it cost them
* Christian World, vol. xxiv, p. 47. \ Review of the Mexican War, p. 208.

94 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
nearly one seventh of their whole number. Nor should it be
forgotten that this was not the first time. A few months be
fore a similar act of treachery had occurred in General Taylor's
command at Monterey, by the same class of men deserting and
crossing the river to join their co-religionists on the other side
and help them fight the Americans. While Christians may
well seek the intervention of the Omniscient One to guard
against dangers of this class, the patriot is equally bound to use
his vigilance to counteract them. On some occasions yet to
come the celebrated order may need to be repeated as a precau
tion, "Put none but Americans on guard to-night!" The
spirit of that order might have saved a large part of that dis
heartening loss at Cherubusco.
The valley of Anahuac, in which the city of Mexico is situ
ated, is surrounded by high mountains on every 6ide. Between
the peaks are deep gorges known as " cafiadas." To one of
these we went, in 1874, to see the place where a few Mexicans
used to meet on the Sabbath day to listen to the reading of the
word of God. A copy of the Scriptures had come into their pos
session, and they arranged to assemble to hear it read. The place
selected was high up on the side of a mountain where a little cave
was found. They dug a bank for seats on the sides, where
twenty or thirty might sit, and in the center they built up with
sods a little rest where the Bible could be laid, and a seat be
hind it for the reader to occupy. Every thing had to be done
with the greatest secrecy. They could not dare to approach or
leave the place together, for their Jesuit enemies would soon
have suspected and discovered their retreat. So, from various
directions and one by one, they came to enjoy their oppor
tunity. Every Sabbath this little company of Mexicans
met together, and the Bible was then brought from its hiding-
place and read and talked over, and then they would kneel down
and pray, imploring God to give them grace faithfully to follow
what they had learned, and entreating him to have mercy upon
their country and hasten the hour when this holy book should
be free and available to all in their benighted land. While here

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 95
in this favored country we were in the regular enjoyment of
our luxury of the means of grace with " none to make us afraid,"
how little we could realize at what risk and under what diffi
culties these honest souls, without any man to guide them, were
seeking light and help from the divine oracles ! It was no
ordinary privilege to visit such a place and try to realize how
it looked with its worshipers only a few years before. Un
doubtedly this was a sample of several such scenes over the
country after the distribution of the Bible had taken place, and
before the triumph of the republic had made it safe to let it
be known that people were in possession of it or that they met
to read or hear it read. After the departure of the Ameri
can army in 1848 a raid was made by the clergy upon these
holy books, and many of them were given up and destroyed by
burning them publicly with indignities, especially in the cities;
but yet many of them were never surrendered, and to-day
some of those old and well-worn Bibles are seen and examined
with a peculiar reverence. Thank Heaven, it is not the Bible-
burners that have the upper hand in Mexico to-day! Their
malignant power to hinder it is gone. It has at last "free
course and is glorified " in all the land.
Santa Anna's failure to free the country from the presence
of the United States army greatly disappointed the nation and
led to the formation of factions against him, so that he felt him
self forced to resign his positions of president and commander-
in-chief on the 1st of February, 1848, and on the 5th of April
he sailed with his family for the island of Jamaica, where for
nearly five years he found a quiet asylum. But we shall see
him once more as a turbulent dictator ere his final exile is
pronounced. The Mexican Congress declared General Herrera
constitutional president, and the nation tried to recover from
its terrible experience of war and its many miseries.

96 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.

CHAPTER IV.
Extending freedom in South America — Resisted by the pope— Liberalism dis
tasteful to privilege — Duke of Richmond — Testimony of Curtis — Ecuador
the papal model for Mexico — President Barrundia and the papal bull —
Policy of Pius IX. — Constitutional freedom promised — Withdrawn — Flight
of the pope to Gaeta — Roman republic — Papal appeal to Catholic powers to
crush the Romans — Responded to by Louis Napoleon — Protest — Reaction
and vengeance — "The Butcher of Bologna" — Gladstone — Sardinia — God
within the shadow.
This brings us to a period where we have to consider certain
events transpiring in Europe which will be found to have a
very intimate relation with those which have preceded and are
yet to follow in Mexico — facts that proved more hostile to her
aspirations for freedom than were the events now passed under
review, sad as they were, bnt which nevertheless, in the mercy
of God, contrary to their designed intent, were to help her
forward. He who would properly comprehend the crisis in Mexico
which we now approach must bear in mind that her sorrows
were shared by others, and that they arose from identical causes.
Her great transition did not stand alone, nor was it at all isolated,
while on her struggle for constitutional freedom was probably
suspended the future peace and welfare of this whole continent.
This was specially true of Latin America, but also, and in a
very serious sense, it was true of Anglo-Saxon America. All
that both in the best estate longed for in their respective futures
was involved in the Mexican struggle, and, under God, depended
upon her success. If she were crushed they must have been
involved sooner or later in the great catastrophe ; while, if she
rose triumphant, the security of all the rest would be established.
The States of Central and South America had, with one ex
ception, enthusiastically proclaimed themselves converts to the

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 97
theory of constitutional freedom for all their people, which the
Anglo-Saxon portion so grandly illustrates before them in its
peace and prosperity, and were coming into possession of simi
lar blessings for themselves. To gain this for their respective
countries their bravest and best had given their treasure and
their blood, and thousands of them had become martyrs in the
glorious cause. But all this is hateful to the claims of political
Romanism. That one little State of Ecuador is more to the
pope's mind as to what the condition of a State should be than
all the order, prosperity, and intelligence of the rest put together.
Once, and only about seventy years ago, all of Central and South
America were about as Ecuador is to-day, and the papacy was
happy over their condition, so much so that no voice, with
her sanction, was ever raised to call them to a better life of
freedom or intelligence. On the contrary, Romanism did her
best to rivet those chains and to proscribe and punish with dis
abilities and even cruel deaths, as we have already seen, those
who raised the flag of freedom, even when the ever^to-be-honored
men who did this were some of her own clergy.
In this regard (whatever she may say to the contrary occa
sionally) Rome holds that the greatest of all offenders on this
hemisphere against her will and preferences is the United
States. If it were not for this land of ours her rule would
have been undisturbed and unchallenged over all the rest, per
haps for generations to come. We chose to be free, and at
once began to talk about it quite loudly as a very good thing
and desirable for every body else, and our neighbors heard and
proceeded to examine our condition in order to judge for them
selves, and were won by 'the teaching of our example. The
pope and his curia are not at all in love with us and our meas
ures, and their occasional compliments to our blessings must be
taken with many grains of allowance, as their official utterances
frequently evidence. It was bad enough for us to have a " free
Church in a free State " for ourselves, but to '•' let our light so
shine" that sixteen States should follow our example and cast
their concordats away and declare for similar freedom — this
8

98 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
was outrageous. In fact, we are a great concern to the pope.
Worse yet, we are using our prosperity not merely as an example
of freedom and safe statehood, but we are also employing our
resources to evangelize the natives of the earth with such vigor
that our contributions for the spread of the Gospel are double
what the pope collects from his whole denomination to extend his
papal missions ! Hence his tears and lamentations and encycli
cals bearing on the subject, and his fixed resolves to checkmate
us by any means within his power.
There were other elements also that entered into the struggle
in regard to Mexico. The toryism of the English nation and
her high churchism found our example distasteful, illustrating
as it did the capability of enlightened men for self-government
and the power of the Christian Church to sustain herself and
her institutions without the crutches of State support. To peo
ple who held to the " divine right of kings," and the theory of
a national church establishment and such laws as those of pri
mogeniture and entail, the United States was an unwelcome fact
before the Mexican question was raised. No one can fully
understand the story of the French intervention in Mexico and
our relation to it if he does not comprehend how far these
jealousies entered into the question as well as their sympathy
for the Southern rebellion.
There are facts that seem to intimate that a purpose has been
long entertained by the monarchists of Europe to neutralize the
influence and example of the United States, and, if possible, to
overthrow our institutions. There are those who remember the
language used by the Duke of Richmond, when Governor-
General of Canada in 1819, to Mr. H. G. Gates, of Montreal,
and by him faithfully reported afterward. Speaking of the
government of the United States, the duke is reported to have
said: It was weak, inconsistent, and bad, and could not long exist. It will
be destroyed ; it ought not, and will not, be permitted to exist; for many
and great are the evils that have originated from the existence of that
government. The curse of the French Revolution and subsequent wars

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 99
and commotions in Europe are to be attributed to its example, and so
long as it exists no prince will be safe upon his throne, and the sovereigns
of Europe are aware of it, and they have been determined upon its de
struction, and have come to an understanding upon this subject and have
decided on the means to accomplish it ; and they will even finally succeed
by subversion rather than conquest.
The Church, of Rome has a design upon that country, and it will, in
time, be the established religion and will aid in the destruction of that
republic. I have conversed with many of the sovereigns and princes of
Em-ope, particularly with George the Third and Louis the Eighteenth, and
they have unanimously expressed these opinions relative to the government
of the United States and their determination to subvert it.*
Mr. Gates tells us that the duke then proceeded to show how
this plan would be carried out. We were to be swamped by
immigration ; these immigrants would in time become citizens,
next they would get strong enough to hold the balance of power
between the parties into which the nation was divided, and
finally would gain the majority, when our institutions would be
overthrown and the republic abolished. This is very like the
testimony and warning of the illustrious Lafayette, who well
knew the hostility of Romanism to republican governments, and
declared it as his conviction to Prof. Morse and others that " if
ever the liberties of the United States are destroyed it will be
by Romish priests." f It is somewhat startling to pause and
realize how the duke's anticipations seem in process of accom
plishment, and especially remembering that immigration at that
date was only about 11,000 per annum and the Romish popu
lation in this country very small indeed. Now the former has
risen into hundreds of thousands annually and the latter has
climbed up to nearly 8,000,000. How amazed would this
aristocrat become were he here to-day to see it, and how assured
of the near approach to fulfillment of his anticipations ! Such
men, however, leave out of their calculations the divine control
in human affairs and that power which is working for right
eousness in this world. The servants of God can be calm and
confident, even with full knowledge of the wicked purposes of
* Christian World, vol. vii, p. 132. \ Ibid., vol. vi, pp. 305, 359, 454.

100 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
their enemies, as they realize " The Lord is our defense ; and
the Holy One of Israel is our King " (Psa. lxxxix, 18).
The duke in his prophecy only represented the most unworthy
element of his nation. America and American principles are
better understood and appreciated by England than ever before.
We have a hundred friends there to-day for the one that we
had in his day, and so also of the wide world; grand men,
too, in all ranks of life, who rejoice in our prosperity, and who
feel all the stronger in view of the fact that they have such an
ally as the United States to stand with them for constitutional
freedom (whether monarchical or republican) and evangelical
faith, speaking the same grand language, reading the same free
Bible, ruled by the same just laws, laboring together to make
this world better by the agency of evangelical religion. We can
offset the prejudiced duke by one of his own order, the devout
Earl of Shaftesbury, when he wrote to Dr. Baird, of New York,
declaring, " The union of America with England in all these
things of prime importance to the human race is of incalculable
value. May God make us to be ever of one mind and one heart
for his service and glory ! "
All the States of Central and South America have broken
away from the yoke of Spain or Portugal, one after another,
following the cry for independence proclaimed by Hidalgo in
1811, and have declared for a republican form of government.
Mexico became the key to the whole position ; she was nearest
to us, and, as fast as able, copied our example. The others,
bound largely by the medium of a common language, studied
and imitated her. Their struggle with dictatorships has resulted
in constitutional order more or less perfect. Their concor
dats are abrogated, in many civil and religious liberty is pro
claimed, monasteries and nunneries abolished and their proper
ties secularized for the support of the State and education, the
press made free, civil marriage laws passed, and altogether a
new life of peace and prosperity has been entered upon under
which some of these States have reached an era of order and
social welfare which surprises those who visit their territories.

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 101
Meanwhile Protestant missions have gone in to offer a purer
faith and a Christian education to their youth. This has been
accomplished by resolute men in the face of mighty opposition.
From Rome came anathemas and excommunications, hurled at
them in the name of Almighty God by a power that could not
show its right to speak in his name. At home clerical des
potism, with all the bitterness it dared to show, fought the
new-born freedom, but the rising intelligence of the people
saved the precious cause and brought it to its present state of
advance. We select an illustrative instance here from a responsible
source, one which will present the very latest aspects of the
situation. The government of President Arthur selected a
gentleman of known ability to proceed to Central and South
America as commissioner and accredited agent of the United
States, to examine and inquire thoroughly into the condition of
the States of Spanish America and the prospects of trade and
commerce with this country, and to furnish reliable information
concerning the finances, trade, agriculture, politics, social con
dition, and necessities of the several States. Mr. William E.
Curtis was selected to fulfill this commission. A short time
since he returned, and has given us a volume entitled Capitals
of Spanish America, in which he has concentrated a mass of
information, well arranged and illustrated, more complete than
can be found in any other work. Mr. Curtis was evidently
surprised and delighted to find such enlightened freedom and
extending prosperity among these South American States. We
present the condition of one State which he visited and found
to be in such fearful contrast with all the rest, the lowest of the
low, which had deliberately refused the boon that the others
had so earnestly sought, and in the possession of which they
are so glad and grateful. Yet the fact will show that this sad
exception of Ecuador is one fixed exactly according to papal
requirement, and just as political Romanism would have it
arranged. As our readers study the description they will do
well to bear in mind that here is shown the model after which

102 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
such desperate effort would have been made to mold the future
of Mexico had the French intervention been successful.
That all this miserable condition of things was intended and
provided for by the papacy as their idea of what a State should
be is evident in the terms of the treaty into which this very
State entered, or rather to which its ultramontane President
Moreno committed it, in April, 1863, when he negotiated that
treaty with Cardinal Antonelli, the papal secretary of state.
Three or four paragraphs will show its character as a sample of
her preferences, and will equally show what Rome would have
insisted on had she succeeded in Mexico, and would insist on
every-where if she once gained her hoped-for ascendency in
America. It was expressly stipulated in the case in the pope's
name as follows :
1. The Roman Catholic and apostolic religion is the religion of the re
public of Ecuador. Consequently the exercise of any other worship or
the existence of any society condemned by the Church will not be permitted
by the republic. »
2. The education of the young in all public and private schools shall
be entirely conformed to the doctrines of the (Roman) Catholic religion.
The teachers, the books, the instructions imparted, etc., etc., shall be sub
mitted to the decision of the bishops.
3. Government will give its powerful patronage and its support to the
bishops in their resistance to the evil designs of wicked persons, etc.
4. All matrimonial causes, and all those which concern the faith, the
sacraments, the public morals, etc., are placed under the sole jurisdiction
of the ecclesiastical tribunals, and the civil magistrates shall be charged to
carry them into execution.
5. The privileges of churches (the ancient right of asylum in conse
crated buildings) shall be fully respected.
6. Tithes shall be punctually paid, etc.
The preceding extracts vindicate the deliberate judgment of
Lord Palmerston, for so many years prime minister of En
gland, and who had the widest opportunity to form an opinion
of Romanism in this respect. He left us his conviction in the
following language :
All history tells us that wherever the Romish priesthood have gained a
predominance there the utmost amount of intolerance is invariably theprac-

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 103
tice. In countries where they are in the minority they instantly demand
not only toleration, but equality, but in countries where they predomi
nate they allow neither toleration nor equality.
But we need not now to go to foreigners to ascertain the
real purposes contemplated by the papacy, not only in Mexico
and South America, but in this, our own land, as well. The
pope may not have intended this to be so plainly uttered just
yet in a Protestant country, but as a sample of what is already
avowed by Catholic writers, who jump so confidently to tlieir
conclusions as to our prospective subjugation when they gain
the power of numerical majority, and as an illustration of Lord
Palmerston's words, take the following, which appeared some
time since in the Rambler, a prominent Roman Catholic journal
in our own land :
You ask, If the Catholic were lord in the land, and you (Protestants) in
the minority, what would he do with you ? That would depend upon
circumstances. If it would benefit Catholicism he would tolerate you ; if
expedient he would imprison you, banish you, fine you, possibly he
might even hang you. But be assured of one thing, he would never tolerate
you for the sake of the " glorious principles of civil and religious liberty." *
Many Protestants suppose, as did the writer in other days,
that, whatever might be the record of Romanism in the past,
she must have been touched with the tolerant spirit of our age,
and that it is a mistake to suppose she is really so false to free
dom and so resolutely bent, whenever she gains the power of
numbers, on renewing her intolerant course toward those who
dissent from her teaching as these utterances of her public
writers so often imply. Alas ! the language of her highest au
thorities and her work as we see it here and in Mexico make it
impossible longer to hold on to this judgment of charity con
cerning her real intentions. We have no evidence that as a
Church she is changed for the better or would show herself
more tolerant and less cruel than she was in the days of old.
Romanists can easily be found who favor tolerance, but they
do not guide her policy, and could not 'restrain it if the hour
* Christian World, vol. xiv, pp. 299, 301.

104 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
and the opportunity which she so much desires should again
return to her.
Now, what did Mr. Curtis find in Ecuador as a result of their
concordat relations with Rome ? We quote a few sentences in
reply :
The rule which prevails every-where, that the less a people are under
the control of that Church the greater their prosperity, enlightenment, and
progress, is illustrated in Ecuador with striking force. One fourth of all
the property in Ecuador belongs to the bishop. There is a Catholic church
for every one hundred and fifty inhabitants ; of the population of the
country ten per cent, are priests, monks, or nuns, and two hundred and
seventy-two of the three hundred and sixty-five days of the year are ob
served as feasts or fast days.
The priests control the government in all its branches, dictate its laws
and govern their enforcement, and rule the country as absolutely as if the
pope were its king. There is not a railroad or stage-coach in the entire
country, and until recently there was not a telegraph wire. Laborers get
from two to ten dollars a month, and men are paid two dollars and a quar
ter for carrying one hundred pounds of merchandise on their backs two
hundred and eighty-five miles. There is not a wagon in the republic out
side of Guayaquil (the port), and not a road over which a wagon could
pass. The people know nothing but what the priests tell them ; they have
no amusements but cock-fights and bull-fights, no literature, no mail
routes except from Guayaquil to the capital (Quito). If one tenth of the
money that has been expended in building monasteries had been devoted
to the construction of cart-roads, Ecuador, which is naturally rich, would
be one of the most wealthy nations, in proportion to its area, on the globe.
Although Ecuador is set down in the geographies as a republic, it is
simply a popish colony, and the power of the Vatican is nowhere felt so
completely as there. ... So subordinated is the State to the Church that
the latter elects the president, the Congress, and the judges. A crucifix
sits in the audience chamber of the president and on the desk of the pre
siding officer of Congress. All the schools are controlled by the Church,
and the children know more about the lives of the saints than about the
geography of their own country. There is not even a good map of Ecua
dor. . . . The social and political condition of Ecuador presents a pict
ure of the Dark Ages. There is not a newspaper printed outside of the
city of Guayaquil, and the only information the people have of what is
going on in the world is gained from strangers who now and then visit the
country, and a class of peddlers who make periodical trips, traversing the
whole hemisphere from Guatemala to Patagonia.

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 105
The ceremony of marriage is not observed to any great extent, for the
expense of matrimony is too heavy for the common people to think of
paying it. For this the Catholic Church is responsible, and to it can be
traced the cause of the illegitimacy of more than half of the population.
One fourth of the city of Quito is covered with convents, and every fourth
person you meet is a priest or a monk or a nun.
Until the influence of the Romish Church is destroyed, until immigra
tion is invited and secured, Ecuador will be a desert rich in undeveloped
resources. Witli plenty of natural wealth, it has neither peace nor in
dustry, and such a thing as a surplus of any character is unknown. One
of the richest of the South American republics and the oldest of them all,
it is the poorest and most backward.*
How there could be found people who deliberately prefer
this condition of things seems impossible to comprehend. Yet
the beneficent changes wrought in other States alarmed the
papacy and aroused its determination to force back these States
into the condition of Ecuador. For this purpose the French
Intervention was attempted in Mexico, to extinguish, if pos
sible, constitutional freedom and evangelical Christianity upon
this continent.
Every step toward progress which these now free States made
has been fought by the pope. Evidence of this is abundant.
We need only quote one as a sample, the case of New Granada.
There lies before us the allocution of the pope against that
State, dated 27th of September, 1852. Being nearly nine pages
long we have room only for the doings which he denounces and
his attempted abrogation of them and his threats of punishment.
The translation is from the Tablet, the Irish Roman Catholic
journal. His " holiness " first enumerates the chief actions of
the government and legislature of New Granada, which he
denounces. They are as follows :
1. The expulsion of the Jesuits and the breaking up of the other or
ders. 2. The encouragement given to those who had taken the monastic
vows to break them and return to the ordinary manner of life. 3. The
giving of the appointment of parish priests and the regulation of their
salaries to the people of each parish, convened in public meeting. 4. The
interference of the government in the question of the revenues of the
* Capitals of South America, by W. E. Curtis, p. 306.

106 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
archbishop and bishops. 5. The introduction of " free education." 6. The
liberty given to all to print and publish their opinions on the subject of
religion. 7. And finally the liberty granted to immigrants and to any one
else to profess privately and publicly whatever worship they please.
And this is all to make him, as he declares, "heavily op
pressed," and cause him " bitter grief."
How does he meet the situation ? He states that since 1845
he has been complaining and remonstrating with that legislature
and government " against these unjust laws " and " nefarious
decrees," and had backed up the bishops in their resistance to
them ; and he condemns the clergy who were willing to accept
and obey them, and denounces the proposal of the president " to
give our legate his conge when he did not neglect to protest in
our name against all those wicked and sacrilegious attempts."
Then he comes to his denunciation :
We do censure, condemn, and declare utterly null and void all the afore
said decrees, which have, so much to the contempt of the ecclesiastical
authority and of this holy see, been there enacted by the civil power.
He then adds his threat and closes :
We very gravely admonish all those by whose instrumentality and orders
they were put forth that they seriously consider the penalties and censures
which have been constituted by the apostolical constitutions and the
sacred canons of councils against those who violate and profane sacred
persons and things and the ecclesiastical power and the right of this apos
tolic see.*
The legislature and government of New Granada were un
moved by this bitter blast from Rome, and paid it no more at
tention than the idle wind which passed by them. The presi
dent and public men of the State of Honduras were not quite so
patient, when about the same time the pope and his secretary
of state, Antonelli, tried the same course with them, and on their
refusal to be moved one iota from the liberal constitution which
they had framed and were following the pope excommunicated
the president. When the bull of excommunication arrived the
president called a mass-meeting in the public square to hear it
* Christian World, vol. iv, pp. 55-63.

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 107
read. He had a company of artillery and a cannon placed in
front of the crowd, with the muzzle pointed toward Rome and
loaded with blank cartridge. When all was ready President
Barrundia, standing beside the gun and facing the dignitaries
of state, civil and military, drew forth and read aloud every
word of the bull. Then, carefully folding it, he placed it in the
cannon, had it rammed home, and gave the signal to send it
back to Rome ! * This was the very spirit of Martin Luther
when he burned the pope's bull at Wittenberg. The free and
enlightened world applauds the courageous act of the great re
former, as the freemen of South America to-day do that of
Barrundia. One of the leading editors of the State struck the
key-note of their freedom when, in view of these transactions,
he wrote :
We are Catholics and partisans of the absolute emancipation of the
Church, because religion is all conscience and needs nothing from force.
Its seat is in the heart. What religion needs is what every thing needs —
liberty, not in licentiousness, but in justice.
When will Rome learn this simple lesson and give up her
f oolish attempts to override the conscience of mankind ?
This is the power whose workings we have to watch with
sleepless vigilance as the price of liberty for ourselves and for
others — a power unscrupulous, unchanging, and centralized,
wielding the false assumption of a divine authority and demand
ing the absolute subjection of all to its despotic will ; its center
the Roman curia, its secret police the Jesuits, its army of oper
ations the bishops and priests, sworn to implicit obedience to all
its behests, no matter how unpatriotic, illiberal, or unscriptu-
ral they may be. Not satisfied with his despotic rule over his
own denomination, Pius IX. set his heart upon extending that
rule over all the other Churches. He asserted that he was the
vicegerent of God upon this earth, without warrant for the
claim ; still he attempted to force that claim on Mexico, thereby
causing the most agonizing conflict of her history. What made
this all the more difficult to endure was the fact that he made
* Christian World, vol. v, p. 307.

108 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
the world believe, for a few weeks at the beginning of his reign,
that the spirit of the nineteenth century had reached the Ro
man curia, and that their war against modern civilization was to
cease. The liberal cabinet selected by Pius IX. framed a
statuto (constitution), which was promised in the pope's name
in 1847. The liberal world was taken by storm, men threw up
their hats and cheered for " the reforming pope ! " "A con
federated Christendom " was talked of, with Pius IX. at the head,
and universal liberty safe under its protection. Crowded public
meetings were held in the cities of our land ; one such, on the
29th of November, 1847, in the Broadway Tabernacle, with the
mayor of New York in the chair, while the leading men present
exulted in " the movement which had placed the head of the
most venerable Church in Western Christendom at the front of
the great liberal movement in the whole world ! " Horace
Greeley made one of the addresses, and moved six enthusiastic
resolutions, the last of which we here quote :
Resolved, That "peace hath her victories, no less renowned than war,"
and that the noble attitude of Pius IX., throwing the vast influence of the
pontificate into the scale of well-attempted freedom, standing as the ad
vocate of peaceful progress, the prompter of social amelioration, industrial
development, and political reform, . . . is the grandest spectacle of our day,
full of encouragement and promise to Europe, more grateful to us, and more
' glorious to himself, than triumphs on a hundred battle-fields ! *
Mexico doubtless rejoiced as she heard their jubilations, and
supposed her long conflict was ended — that freedom's bright
day under the highest religious sanction had dawned at last for
her. She could not then have for a moment anticipated a French
Intervention and a cruel war, forced upon her within sixteen
years, sanctioned by the man who at that moment was raising
such hopes of freedom.
Poor Greeley, too ! How little he could imagine in that hour
that twenty years after he would stand again on that same plat
form to utter his disappointment at the failure of the hopes he
then expressed, to indignantly denounce those who had proved
* Christian World, vol. xxii, p. 92.

POPE PICS IX.,
Who sanctioned and sustained the usurpation of Maximilian.

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 109
so false to their pledges of freedom, and to give his sympathy
to a real liberty in Italy under the constitutional rule of
Victor Emmanuel when the pope's temporal power was in
the dust !
This purposed freedom in Rome, under pontifical patronage,
was destined to an imperfect development and a short life. It
is amusing to read the " faint praise " with which the experi
ment was greeted by Roman Catholic writers, like Maguire, in
his Rome ; Its Rulers and its Institutions. As we follow him
for a little we see that it did not put him into any intoxication of
delight, like that exhibited by the advocates of liberty who be
lieved the papacy sincere in its reforming course. Unfortunately
for himself, the pope had raised hopes of constitutional freedom in
the minds of the liberal party in Italy, but when the constitu
tion, after long delay, appeared it did not give satisfaction. The
press of Rome and the liberal leaders began to realize that they
were trifled with. The Romans, army and people, resolved not
to be cheated out of their right to a liberal constitution, and
held Pius IX. to his promises. Their determination was such
that the Pope chose to regard himself as in danger for his liberty,
if notfor his life — an insinuation which they indignantly re
pelled. Instead of conciliating, he made np his mind to desert
them, and thus, he thought, to throw all things into confusion.
This was carried into effect on the night of November 24, 1847.
Count Spaur, the Bavarian minister, and his wife had their car
riage at the palace of the Quirinal, where the pope, disguised in
a suit of livery, took his seat on the box beside the coachman,
and thus the head of the Catholic world, under the hat of a
lackey, rolled away from his palace. They rode all night to
Gaeta, where, under the wing of the King of Naples, he was pro
tected during the seventeen months of his absence from Rome.
For this secret flight there was no necessity. He had only to
keep his promises to his people to win their loving gratitude ;
but, having decided to disappoint their hopes, and by appealing
to the Catholic powers to restore him to his throne by force of
arms in case the Romans did not invite his return on his own

110 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
terms, he could provide for the punishment of the patriotic
leaders of the Roman people, who were so obnoxious to him, as
well as secure a foreign garrison to keep the people in subjec
tion in the future.
The flight of Pius IX. was welcome news to the Romans,
who proceeded at once to organize a constitutional assembly.
They closed the Inquisition, re-organized the police, provided
educational facilities and other beneficent measures that were
greatly needed. A most respectful appeal was made to the
pontiff to return and resume his spiritual functions, assuring
him of their loyalty to him as the head of the Church, asking
only that be recognize the civil liberties which they had estab
lished and had determined to maintain. They would concede
complete liberty of action in religious matters, and so end peace
ably the long contention. But this proposition from the people
was indignantly spurned by the pope. Nothing but their abso
lute submission to the former state of things would satisfy him.
Instead of' conciliating those whom he professed so much to love,
like the " gentle lamb " and " mild dove," as Maguire calls him,
he issued an appeal, couched in the harshest language, addressed
to the great Catholic powers, demanding their armed assistance
to crush his people and their chosen government, to re-instate
him on his throne, and to sustain him there. This is the clos
ing sentence of the appeal :
Since Austria, France, Spain, and the kingdom of the Two Sicilies are,
by their geographical position, in a situation to be able efficaciously to
concur by their armies in re-establishing in the holy see the order which
has been destroyed by a band of sectarians, the holy father, relying on
the religious feeling of those powerful children of the Church, demands
with full confidence their armed intervention to deliver the States of the
Church from this band of wretches who by every sort of crime have prac
ticed the most atrocious despotism.*
Louis Napoleon, anxious to bid largely for the support of the
priesthood in France, and jealous of the rival power of Austria,
regarded up to that time as " the pope's broad shield," promptly
* Rome : Its Rulers and its Institutions, by T. J. Maguire, M.P., p. 116.

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. Ill
sent a force of forty thousand men, that after a struggle of
two months overcame the heroic defenders of Rome. The
Austrian troops meanwhile stamped out all patriotic resist
ance in northern Italy. The pope may be said to have walked
over the mutilated bodies of his subjects to his throne. The
survivors published to the world a protest that in vigor of lan
guage exceeds any thing ever addressed to any pontiff. This
document was prepared by the " Circolo Populare " (the
People's Club). It was issued a short time before the city of
Rome fell into the hands of Louis Napoleon, and had the
widest circulation among the people. In it is expressed with
dignity and sincerity an exalted knowledge of justice and right
and true religion. We have room for only a few of its vigorous
sentences. They thus address Pius IX. :
You say that you have received from God, the Author of peace and
charity, the mission to love with parental affection all people and all
nations, and to procure for them, as far as lies in you, protection and
safety, and not to urge them on to slaughter and death. False words!
for they are belied by the solemn fact, confessed by yourself, of your hav
ing called against us, and urged on to fratricidal war, Austria, France,
Spain, and part of Italy. Who has caused the slaughter at Bologna
and Ancona, and the carnage under the walls of Rome? You were adverse
to that war which brave citizens fought for the safety of Italy ; but O,
you are not averse to this one, carried on by vile men for the purpose of
replacing you, the most abhorred of sovereigns, on the throne which you
deserted, and from which, by the inscrutable decree of divine Providence,
rather than by act of ours, you have been deposed ! Whose blood waters
our land? Whose carcasses cover our fields ? Unworthy pontiff ! This
blood cries for vengeance before the throne of God, and those souls will
bring down on you the judgment of the Most High ! . . . Who can for
give you your perversions of facts and outrages on persons? Language
has not words more black and disdainful than those you employ against
us, whose crime is that of having despoiled you of your earthly sovereignty
after having exhorted you, in a thousand ways, to carry out true reforms,
stable, and such as our wants demanded. It is not the word " republic "
we are in love with, but we want a wise, provident, and just government.
Now this, callit what you will, is what we have always wanted, and we
have a right to it. To this point we tried to urge you, from which the
government of the popes had so far receded.

112 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
Vindicating their claim to be called Bible Christians, and not
" infidels," as he called them for opposing his temporal power,
they continue :
We hold the religion of Christ dear, because we believe it to be true,
saving, and holy. But this religion, which is none other than faith in
Christ, by which we are justified before God, and forgiven all sins, can
well exist without bishops and priests. This religion of faith, professed
by many persons in all parts of the world, constitutes that invisible
Church of believers which is universal, whose Head and Pontiff and
Priest is, and can only be, Jesus Christ. . . .
When you left Rome the Bible entered it. The Bible so long perse
cuted by the popes, both the Gospel of Christ and the holy letters of
the apostles faithfully translated into Italian, are now in the hands
of the people, who read them, and there they find neither popery nor
pope. . . .
O, senseless we! That we should ever have believed you, ever ap
plauded your feigned promises and ephemeral concessions, to find ourselves
now deluded in our hopes and cheated of our happiness! If you appeal
to the religion of the canons, we stand by the holy religion of the Gospel;
you belie it ; we are faithful to God and to his Christ. Yes, we believe
in the Chkist op God, and our faith daily increases in comparing his doc
trine with your practice. The more we disbelieve you, the more are we
led to see that we ought to believe him. He is the free Saviour of his
people, you an oppressor and destroyer. You, who alone might have
saved our country and redeemed it from its lost condition, have joined
yourself to her enemies to condemn and destroy her.*
These are not the words of " blasphemers of God and relig
ion," nor of " anarchists," nor " red republicans," nor of " de
mons let loose from hell," as Pius IX. so cruelly and unjustly
called them. They were merchants, teachers, business men of
intelligence, trusted by those below them in the social scale,
whose violence they restrained.
This indignant protest of the heroic defenders of freedom
called the attention of the civilized world to the awful venge
ance dealt out to the patriots on the restoration of the papal
power. When government expostulations had been tried in
vain, several public men went to Italy to investigate the truth
* Christian World, vol. i, pp. 12-17.

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 113
of these reports. From England, among others, went the Hon.
W. E. Gladstone and Rev. William Arthur. Their letters and
books show what they found.
Mr. Maguire fights very shy of the terrible vengeance taken
on the republicans by the government of the pope and the
other potentates of Italy on their restoration. He sneers at
English opinion, and especially at Mr. Gladstone for aiding to
form that opinion, as to the cruelties practiced by the Italian
despots in 1849. He assures us that all this is the unwarranted
exaggerations of the liberal party, and states that it cannot be
true, because " his holiness Pius IX. was as gentle as a lamb
and as mild as a dove " (p. 412), and even dares to add that
" the King of Naples was one of the most foully libeled of
living men." This Romish way of writing history is worthy
of Jesuitism itself. The facts form one of the saddest
chapters of the modern history of Europe, and received at
the time the attention of many competent witnesses. Mr.
Arthur gives his authorities for the dreadful facts he pre
sents in his work, The Modern Jove. We quote one or two
paragraphs :
Under guise of an amnesty the pope excluded from political pardon
members of the assembly, general officers, and a multitude besides,
and applied the rule with such rigor that among his subjects the word
" amnesty " became another name for death, prison, and exile.
No sooner did the French authorities see what cruelties were meditated
by the ecclesiastics than they tried to prevent them, but in vain. The
Austrians, who held the northern part of his States, were at first and in
general ready instruments of the priestly excesses, but even they some
times turned upon their employers. Gennarelli, in his sad little book,
I Lutti dello Stato Romano, quotes a case of an Austrian officer who, with
his battalion of Croats, had to protect executioners from popular fury,
and said that had he to serve such a government, he would tear off his
uniform and break his sword. In the town of Bologna alone, during the
years of restored papal authority, one hundred and eighty-six persons
were shot. And as to Faenza and Imola, Gennarelli cites a document in
which the government alleges a case where no less than eighty were shot
after a single trial, while ten more were sent to the galleys, and thirteen
to prison. (P. 108.)
9

114 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
The wonder is that enough to continue the struggle for lib
erty were left when this savage process had ceased ; and the fact
that there were, and to win it, too, shows, as it did in Mexico,
how universally and sincerely the people had resolved to be
free. God alone knows the price they had to pay in either
land to win their freedom. It would be hard to find a patriot
people whose heroic endurance of exile, scaffold, and dungeon
more appropriately suggests Lowell's lines :
' ' Truth forever on the scaffold,
Wrong forever on the throne.
Yet that scaffold sways the future,
And behind the dim unknown
Standeth God, within the shadow,
Keeping watch above his own."
One of the most unscrupulous of the officials of the papacy,
in carrying out the persecutions and massacres of the defeated
liberals, was Monseigneur Bidini, apostolic nuncio. So atrocious
was this man's thirst for vengeance that he has been since
known and hated through Italy as " the Butcher of Bologna."
In view of the character for ferocity which he had acquired
there were few governments in Europe that were willing to
have him made the medium of communication with them.
Yet only two years after these events, and while his cruel noto
riety was still so fresh, this was the person chosen by the pope
to be sent to America to perform some mission in this country,
and then to go to Mexico and Brazil. This seemed to be a
studied insult, in complete disregard of our views, for which
there could be no excuse. President Polk, in 1847, when send
ing our first charge d'affaires to Rome, had requested the pon
tifical court, in the event of their sending any diplomatic agent
to this country, to send always a layman, not an ecclesiastic —
the same thing that the Duke of Wellington had insisted upon
before, when it was proposed that England should send an
embassador to Rome. Notwithstanding this distinct notifica
tion Pius IX. deliberately disregarded the request of our gov
ernment, and not only selected an ecclesiastic, but one whose

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 115
hands were stained with the blood of the martyrs of Italian lib
erty, this Archbishop Bidini, as their chosen emissary to this
republic. Father Gavazzi was here when this ill-omened messenger ar
rived, and publicly denounced him in one of his lectures. The
exiled Italian patriots then in New York heard of his land
ing, and called a public meeting, where they denounced him
from their personal knowledge of his cruel acts against their
countrymen, and exhibited his infamous character before the
American people. His clerical friends were led to fear for his
life, so they kept his whereabouts as secret as possible, and
when the hour for his departure arrived he was taken on a tug
boat down the Hudson to the ship without passing through the
city, and so escaped the vengeance of his countrymen. He had
previously been burned in effigy in Cincinnati, Baltimore, and
other cities, and his cruelties exposed in many of the leading
papers. In the sorrowful period which now ensued in Italy only one
of her sovereigns paid the slightest regard to the constitutions
and promises of freedom granted in 1848. The others de
stroyed their constitutions, resumed their despotic rule, opened
the dungeons of the Inquisition, and the cause of freedom soon
seemed dead in Italy. The grand exception was Charles Albert,
King of Sardinia, who, faithful among the faithless, became the
star of hope amid the darkness. Still, what could he do against
the despotism of the other six rulers, and the Legion of France
upholding the power of the pope? God raised up to help him
one of the grandest of men, Count Camillo di Cavour, a man
who had traveled and studied the institutions of self-governing
countries till the freedom of his native land became his absorb
ing passion. He believed it was possible to liberate and unite
the Italian people. The brave little kingdom of Sardinia had
only four millions of subjects, while the reactionary powers had
twenty millions, but it began its march of progress by granting
liberty to its inhabitants and religious freedom to the Waldenses,
who were reduced to about twenty-five thousand souls by the

116 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
persecutions that had wasted them for the past six hundred years.
Their gratitude to this constitutional king was unbounded, and
a legion of them was raised that faithfully served in the final
struggle for the unity of Italy. They bore on their banners
the inscription "The grateful Waldenses to Charles Albert."
The fearful "shadow" over them had been lifted. All through
the past two hundred and fifty years the prayer of John Milton,
Oliver Cromwell's great secretary, had been in the heart of
evangelical Christendom for them. The reader will remem
ber how the sonl of Cromwell was stirred to indignation by the
accounts of what these people were enduring from the cruelty
of Rome and its allies, and how he interposed for their relief,
and wrote to the Protestant governments of Europe, asking
them to join in their defense. But Protestantism was then
weak, and power was on the side of the oppressors, and little
could be done. At that hour Milton wrote his immortal
prayer : "Avenge, O, Lord, thy slaughtered saints, whose bones
Lie scattered on the Alpine mountains cold ;
Even them who kept thy truth so pure of old,
When all our fathers worshiped stocks and stones.
Forget not ; in thy book record their groans,
Who were thy sheep, and in their ancient fold,
Slain by the bloody Piedmontese, that rolled
Mother with infant down the rocks. Their moans
The vales redoubled to the hills, and they
To heaven. Their martyred blood and ashes sow
O'er all the Italian fields-where still doth sway
The triple tyrant; that from these may grow
An hundred-fold, who, having learned thy way
Early, may fly the Babylonian woe."
The " bloody Piedmontese " whom he thus so justly character
ized were the cruel Duke of Savoy and his troops, urged on to
this awful work by Pope Paul IV., and also Francis I., sovereign
of France, who ordered his soldiers to " extirpate the Waldenses
without mercy." How wonderful to note now who became the
agents of the Lord's predicted mercy for these people ! First,

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 117
the Duke of Savoy's descendant, Charles Albert, and then a suc
cessor of Francis I. on the throne of France, Napoleon III., was
providentially constrained, by a way that he knew not, and did
not choose, to close the temporal sovereignty of the pontiff, and
to consent that the " States of the Church " should be added to
complete Italy's unity ! Now the Waldenses worship in Rome,
right in view of the Vatican ! Milton's prayer has been glo
riously answered, to the permanent peace and benefit of all con
cerned. The papacy still keeps up a tirade against modern
civilization and its progress in the hope that the emancipated
nations will some_day regret their freedom and unite to crush
the constitutional security of its former subjects and restore its
misrule. Truly this illusion is unique and wonderful !
We have thus passed briefly in review for the better under
standing of our main subject the antecedent and contemporary
facts by which the events in Mexico are to be understood. No
unusual thing, in this sense, was happening to her ; she was only
suffering from the conspiracy against freedom which had long
afflicted the world on the other side of the Atlantic. If she
had been able to take a comprehensive view of what was trans
piring in Europe, her hope of a blessed solution of her own
trials would have been greatly strengthened.
The Roman hierarchy, indignant at the losses which constitu
tional struggles in Europe had caused, in desperation deter
mined to make good its losses in the New World. To this end
all its great resources were ready, and the plans were to be
carried out regardless of public opinion or will. Here, then,
we find the source of Mexico's latest struggle and recognize
those with whom she had to deal.

118 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.

CHAPTER V.
Desperate efforts of the Mexican clericals — Merits of the conflict — Coup d'etat of
the church party — Terrorizing policy of Miramon — Violation of British em
bassy — Republican victories — Benito Juarez, Mexico's "Washington," and his
aids — Perfidy of Louis Napoleon — Intervention — Co-operation of the pope —
" Laws of reform " — Tripartite treaty — Jecker bonds — De Moray — Collapse
of Jecker — " Cinco de Mayo " — Maximilian's call and warning.
Santa Anna was recalled in 1853 and appointed president
" for one year, until a constitutional Congress could be convened
and the future provided for." It soon became evident that
the years of his exile had not been employed in learning lessons
friendly to popular government or his country's peace under
republican forms. The record of the past might have saved
the Mexican patriots from the error of supposing that this
" leopard " could change his characteristic " spots." In the
twenty years that had passed since his first inauguration as pres
ident he had become as despotic as he had then sworn to be
constitutional. Hardly was he seated in the presidential chair when he began
to develop his real character. He proceeded to overthrow the
federal republic, and announced himself on December 16, 1853,
as permanent dictator, and assumed the title of " Serene High
ness," with power to name his successor ! He recalled the
Jesuits, whom the nation had previously expelled, knowing
that they would work out zealously his projects for the church
faction, and finished his desperate course by the crime against
the Constitution of investing, on July 1, 1854, Jose Gutierrez
de Estrada with powers " to negotiate iii Europe for the es
tablishment of a monarchy in Mexico," and this without any
authorization from the nation ! This Senor Estrada, as the
agent of the church party, was not new to such business. It

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 119
was he who in October, 1840, issued a pamphlet in Mexico ad
vocating the overthrow of the republican institutions and the
establishment of a Mexican monarchy. Madame Calderon tells
us of the excitement caused by this production. Estrada was
compelled to exile himself to escape the vengeance of the gov
ernment. But he still proved true to his clerical affiliations,
and ten years after this authorization by Santa Anna we find
him heading the deputation which waited on Maximilian at
Miramar, to offer him an imperial crown in Mexico.*
Santa Anna brought about his own overthrow by one more
despotic step in abolishing the Institute of Sciences in Oaxaca
because of its liberal principles, and was compelled to fly, in
August, 1855, to Cuba, and later to St. Thomas. He was tried
once again for high treason, sentenced to be hanged, and his
property confiscated. President Juarez afterward commuted
the sentence to banishment for eight years. This was the end
of his power, but not of his disturbing presence in Mexico. We
shall hear from him again, in an aspect of deception which illus
trated still more fully the vileness of his character.
The overthrow of Santa Anna carried down once more the un
scrupulous church party and swept away the plan of Tacubaya,
under which they acted. Estrada was not able to bring his
royal prince to aid in time, and the nation was aroused to a
sense of this new conspiracy against its freedom. These various
"plans" were found to contain one fatal defect which the grow
ing liberty party now resolved to remedy. This was the attempt
to build a free State without its foundation-stone. All the con
stitutions framed under the various " plans " retained the papal
concordat as an item of the social compact. From 1822 to this
time (1854) this excluded religious liberty. The highest of all
liberty being denied, the remainder was not worth dying for.
At last the true republican idea was embraced, the concordat
abolished, and religious freedom was to be incorporated into a
constitution under which the nation should find permanent
peace. * Mexico and the United States, p. 2 7 6. The Fall of Maximilian's Empire, Schroeder.

120 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
General Alvarez, a true patriot, but aged and infirm, was
elected president, and called Benito Juarez to his cabinet as
secretary for the departments of justice, ecclesiastical affairs,
and public instruction. Soon afterward there was issued a
proclamation for the election of delegates to a national Con
gress, " for the purpose of reconstructing the nation under the
form of a popular representative democratic republic." On
the 22d of November, 1855, the celebrated law for the admin
istration of justice, known as the "Law of Juarez," was pro
claimed. This grand law abolished the whole sj'stem of class
legislation, and was deeply resented by the clerical party. The
Congress devoted a whole year to the task of framing a Consti
tution based on this law, and on the 3d of February, 1857, it
" issued in the name of God, and by the authority of the Mexi
can people," the magnificent Constitution of which Mr. Seward
said that he regarded it as the best instrument of its kind in the
world. It may be found in Abbot's Mexico and the United
States, p. 283.
President Alvarez having been obliged to resign on account
of increasing infirmities, General Comonfort was elected to the
office. The implacable and still powerful church party pro
nounced against the Constitution. We present the leading prin
ciples of each of the parties in question, so that what they were
fighting for may be made clear to the reader.
The clerical platform was as follows :
SYNOPSIS OP THE PLAN OF TACUBAYA PROCLAIMED BY ZULOAGA.
1. The inviolability of all church property and church revenues and
the re-establishment of former exactions.
2. The re-establishment of the fueros, or special rights of the church and
of the army. (Under these fueros the military and clergy were responsible
only to their own tribunals, and not to the law of the land.)
3. The restoration of the Roman Catholic religion as the sole and exclu
sive religion of Mexico.
4. The censorship of the press.
5. The exclusive system with regard to foreign immigration, confining
it solely to immigrants from Catholic countries.

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 121
6. The overthrow of the Constitution of 1857, and the establishment of
an irresponsible central dictatorship, subservient solely to the Church.
7. If possible, the restoration of a monarchy in Mexico, or the estab
lishment of a European protectorate.
In contradistinction to this was the platform of the Repub
lican party, as follows :
SYNOPSIS OF THE LIBERAL CONSTITUTION OF 1857.
1. The establishment of a constitutional federal government in the place
of a military dictatorship.
2. Freedom and protection to slaves that enter the national territory.
3. Freedom of religion.
i. Freedom of the press. '
5. The nationalization of the $200, 000, 000 of property held by the clergy,
from which, and other sources, the Church derives an annual income of
not less than $20, 000, 000. *
6. The subordination of the army to the civil power and the abolition
of military and ecclesiastical fueros, or special tribunals.
7. The negotiation of commercial treaties of the fullest scope and liberal
character, including reciprocity of trade on our frontiers.
8. The colonization of Mexico by the full opening of every part of the
country to immigration, and the encouragement of foreign enterprise in
every branch of industry, particularly in mining and in works of internal
improvement.* The resources of wealth wielded by the church party were yet
too strong for freedom, and Comonfort was compelled to retire
in 1858. However, Juarez was soon elected to the presidency.
Before he could assume the reins of government the clericals, led
by the papal nuncio, Clementi, called the " Junta de Notables "
(an aristocratic council of twenty-eight persons of their own
choice), and sustained by a small body of the military, annulled
the grand Constitution over which the whole country was re
joicing and proclaimed the plan of Tacubaya in its stead.
They elected Zuloaga as their president, while the constitu
tional president was compelled to leave the capital and carry
on his government at Guanajuato or Vera Cruz, protected by
the loyal portion of the army, and being recognized and sus-
* Mexico in 1861-62, by Dr. C. Lempriere, p. 37. London, 1862.

122 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
tained by all the States of the Mexican Union save two, which
were under the control of the clerical troops. Though this
clerical government held only the cities of Mexico and Puebla
and the country immediately surrounding them, they managed
by tlieir large financial resources to hold their position for
three years. How the usurpation was accomplished and how it
retained its hold of the capital for such a length of time needs
explanations. Of all the despotic acts of the clerical party this
was the most daring. Four men were chiefly used for the pur
pose, Gabriac, who represented France, Senor del Barrio, the
Guatemalan minister, Senor Pacheco, from Spain, and Louis
Clementi, the nuncio of the pope. The latter was the ruling
spirit and inspired the others with the idea that it was the will
of the pope, and of Almighty God through him, and was their
positive duty, to render tlieir service to the pontiff and the
cause of religion. So firm was the stand which they took, though
concealing the religious motive as well as they could, that the
other foreign ministers stupidly allowed themselves to be led
to recognize the usurpation of Zuloaga. This prolonged the
situation, which otherwise could only have lasted for a few
months. The clericals improved the opportunity to send em
bassadors to foreign courts, Almonte, the most detested of
their agents, being sent as representative to the French court,
where he was soon to plan, with Napoleon, so much suffering
for his native land. These agents represented only a pronun
ciamento of traitors, not the lawfnl government of Mexico.
President Juarez meanwhile issued protests against the legiti
macy of their actions, the nation became thoroughly aroused,
while the facts began to find their way to foreign governments,
so that one after another the embassadors of England, Prussia,
and the United States were ordered away from the capital, and
appeared at Vera Cruz to recognize President Juarez, our own
representative, Mr. McLane, being the first to do so.
The downfall of these traitors was approaching. The Re
publican army, ably led by such generals as Ortega and Uruaga,
was augmenting and increasingly victorious.

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 123
The clericals were not long in discovering that Zuloaga was
not exactly the man to do their work. Their purposes required
an instrument with less conscience and more despotism. Zu
loaga was displaced and General Miguel Miramon was named
by the junta as their president, on January 31, 1859. The
character of this new instrument of papal power, as well as of
Marquez, whom he made commander-in-chief, was eminently
worthy of the party which sanctioned and approved of their
conduct, both then and some years later, under Maximilian, when
they repeated, only on a larger scale, these same outrages on the
laws of war and of common humanity. In illustration of this
we here quote an order of Miramon to the general-in-chief,
issued after the battle of Tacubaya (in which the Republican
troops were victorious), when the church president resolved
that he would terrorize Mexico by authorizing assassination of
all those who would lift their hands to help her into the posses
sion of constitutional freedom : Mexico, April 11, 1861.
In the afternoon of to-day and under your excellency's most strict
responsibility, your excellency will give the order for all the prisoners
holding the grade of officers and chiefs to be shot, informing me of the
number which have fallen under this lot. Miramon.
Marquez at once followed this out by a proclamation to the
nation itself, as follows :
LEONARDO MARQUEZ TO THE PEOPLE OF MEXICO.
Know ye, that in virtue of the faculties with which I am invested, I
have resolved to publish the following decree :
1. Benito Juarez, and all who have obeyed him or recognized his gov
ernment, are traitors to their country, as well as all who have aided him
by any means, secretly or indirectly, no matter how insignificantly.
2. All persons coming under the heads of the preceding article shall
be shot immediately on their apprehension, without further investigation
than the identification of their persons. Marquez.*
This atrocious attempt to terrorize a whole people into obe
dience to a body of despots is the most awful fact up to this
* Mexico in 1861-62, by C. Lempriere, p. 127.

124 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
date in Mexican history. The clericals knew that the masses of
the people were overwhelmingly against them, yet they author
ized these two men to work out their will, becoming guilty of
the blood of their countrymen in order to serve those who pro
fessed to be ministers of God ! Nor was this all of which this
pair of traitors proved themselves to be capable. At the close of
1860 there was in deposit in the British Legation in the city of
Mexico the sum of $660,000, which President Juarez had paid
in on account of the English bond-holders' debt. It was under
the seal of the British embassador, who was then absent.
Miramon and Marquez, who were on the eve of being thrust
from the capital by the advancing Republican army, forcibly
entered the legation, broke the seals, and carried off the money.
The British government exonerated the government of Juarez
and the Mexican people from blame for the outrage, but Mexico
had to pay the amount over again notwithstanding.
There was one government, however, which was in no haste
to be undeceived, and which had ulterior ends to be served.
This vile Miramon faction had negotiated a treaty through its
agent at Paris, Juan N. Almonte, which conferred advantages
and recognized claims before refused by every liberal govern
ment of Mexico, and this to a very large amount. The consti
tutional government protested against this Almonte treaty as
" unjust in its essence, foreign to the usage of nations in the
principles it established, illegal in the manner in which it was
negotiated, and contrary to the rights of the country." But it
furnished Napoleon III. with just such a weapon as he wanted,
and he gladly took its infamous author under his special pro
tection and resolved on a war whose injustice will be recognized
as long as modern history is studied by honest men, and can
never be forgotten by Mexico.
As to how matters seemed to strike an intelligent stranger
visiting the country at the time, we may quote a sentence
from the work of Dr. Lempriere, fellow of St. John's Col
lege, Oxford, whose indignation was aroused to find that
his own government was so completely deceived by the artful

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 125
policy of the cabal then holding the city of Mexico. He
writes thus :
And yet at present England seems moving as the tool of such an unmiti
gated scoundrel as Miramon — a man whom, if there existed an extradition
treaty, we should have insisted on being hung; Gabriac (the ultramontane
French representative), the fosterer of this man's murderous rule, and
Pacheco, both of whom have been hooted out of the country with well-
merited and universal execration. These are the men who are moving the
strings at Paris, with Almonte their able embassador. The clergy of
France are in accord with their distressed and exiled brethren; but who
can explain the action of England? [He means in recognizing such a
usurpation as the true government of Mexico.] We are aiding a power
and establishing a religious dominion which is abhorrent to the mind of
every honest Englishman.*
He adds this note on Gabriac : \
In the papers of the Archbishop of Mexico (captured by the Liberals) was
found a recommendation of this man to the prayers and favor of the pope
for the valuable services he had rendered the clerical party in the revolu
tion of Mexico, and the recognition of Miramon, their champion.
Another proof of the papacy being the life and soul of these
reactionary measures against popular freedom, as much so as it
had been against those of Italy and other lands already liberated
from its despotism.
During Miramon's absence at the head of his army the de
moralization in the city of Mexico was such that a document
was drawn up and signed by the members of the diplomatic
corps still remaining at the capital, with the exception of the
Guatemalan minister and the nuncio, declaring that " there was
no government existing at the capital." On the 23d of Decem
ber, 1860, Miramon returned to the city, escorted by only two
or three aids, having been completely routed the day previous
at Calpulalpam. The ministers of France and Spain tried to
make terms for him with the advancing General Ortega,- but he
would not listen to them. So Miramon fled secretly, taking
with him what remained of the English bond-holders' money,
which he had stolen eight days before from the legation. The
* Mexico in 1861-62, p. 9.

126 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
advanced portion of the constitutional army reached Mexico
city the next day — Christmas day — and the government of
Juarez was peacefully established in the National Palace on the
11th of January, 1861.
There was one more struggle to be endured ere the clerical
party should submit to popular rule, and this the most deadly
of all. -The Spanish element here dropped from sight and
was replaced by the French, or rather by the French emperor,
for France would not have been guilty of such wrong against
a feeble nation ; but for the following six years she had to
see her sons and her resources employed to assassinate free
dom, the very form of freedom that she preferred above all
others. The compromised clerical and military traitors fled from Mex
ico, fearing the vengeance of the Republican government. It
is significant that they went directly to Paris, to the man who
was already known as the protector of all such, and by whose
army they were to be escorted back within a year to renew the
cruel struggle against Mexican liberty.
Three of the compromised diplomatic representatives re
solved to remain, perhaps not aware that their records were so
well known to Juarez. They were Pacheco, del Barrio, and
Clementi. Four days after the re-establishment of the govern
ment in the capital they were ordered to leave the country
forthwith. Senor Ocampo, the secretary for foreign affairs, pre
pared a circular, stating the reasons for the action, which was
sent to every legation where Mexico had a representative.
What he said concerning the reasons for dementi's expulsion
we will quote in full :
Don Louis Clementi has held in this country the mission of nuncio
from his holiness the pope. His disposition, and the general tone of the
Roman Church which he has represented, has caused him to figure
throughout the civil war as a partisan of the seditious clergy of the
republic, who, to the greatest degree, have stained with blood the past
revolution in this country, under the pretext of religion.
Now that the Mexican republic has, in the exercise of its sovereign

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 127
power, declared religious liberty, and the absolute independence of each
other of Church and State, the official representative of the Roman Church
can have no mission whatever to the general government of the republic.
Ocampo.*
It is sad to add of this worthy minister Ocampo, one of the
most disinterested patriots of the land, that within three years,
when Maximilian was emperor and the clericals had induced
him to employ Miramon and Marquez as generals, they took
the first opportunity to be revenged. Pie had retired from
public life and was living in his private residence in the coun
try, when Miramon came upon him with his army and brutally
murdered him, after torturing him for two days. The full
account is given in the Libro Rojo.
Let us contemplate the man, the most remarkable in every
respect that Mexico has yet produced, Benito Juarez, one of
Montezuma's race, without a drop of Spanish blood in his
veins, often affectionately styled in Mexico " our little Indian,"
being small in stature. We call attention to his portrait on the
frontispiece of this work, taken from a life-size painting which
hangs in the place of honor in the " Hall of Embassadors," in
the National Palace, which is regarded as the best in existence
of this patriot, whom Castelar called " the saviour of the honor
of his country." Juarez was born in 1806, in the little Indian
village of San Pablo Guelatao, twenty miles north-east of the
city of Oaxaca. His early years were passed in the quiet of
the little hamlet, serving as shepherd for his uncle's flocks.
His parents having died, leaving him in care of relatives, at the
age of twelve he went to a sister living in Oaxaca, where for
the first time he began to learn Spanish and to study under
the care of a worthy citizen named Perez, who recognized the
ability of the lad. Another kind merchant, Senor Diego Chavez,
encouraged him to enter the seminary of Oaxaca, from which he
graduated with honors. A friendly Franciscan monk urged him
to enter the priesthood, but his liberal ideas inclined him to a
political career, and therefore he pursued the law course in the
* Mexico in 1861-62, p. 9.

128 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
Institute of Sciences, being admitted to the bar in 1834. Before
this he had become somewhat prominent in his advocacy of
liberal ideas and reforms, and suffered imprisonment during
one of the terms when the Conservative party was in power. In
1842 he was elected chief-justice of his native State, and when
the Governor of Oaxaca resigned, being unable to quell a revo
lution raised by the clericals on account of a proposition to
despoil them of some of their possessions in order to defend the
State from the invasion of the American army in 1847, Juarez
was placed in power, and for the ensuing five years governed
most acceptably, bringing the finances of the State to a better
condition, encouraging reforms, and making the State the most
prosperous of the Mexican Union.
In 1853 he was exiled by Santa Anna, on account of his lib
eral views, and took up his residence in New Orleans, where
he lived in great poverty, but gaining strength for the future
conflict from the study of our institutions and our leaders.
Washington and Bolivar were his heroes. Two years later
he joined Alvarez in a revolution against Santa Anna's despotic
rule, and on its success he was again brought into power as
minister of justice under President Alvarez. His first act was
to abolish the special military and clerical courts, which had so
long removed these two classes from the power of the national
law. In 1858 he became president, and we shall follow him as
we note the events of the country's history.
His family life was of the happiest nature. No shadow of
injustice or wrong dims the luster of his name. In his vari
ous prominent positions many opportunities must have pre
sented themselves for him to gain wealth at the expense of the
nation, but he was superior to such temptations and died a
comparatively poor man.
How he impressed a stranger is admirably given in the de
scription of Colonel G. S. Church, of the United States, who
visited him at Chihuahua during the French intervention :
Pushing aside the curtains from the door of an interior room a quiet,
unassuming man advances to meet you. A courteous greeting, a frank

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 129
grasp of the hand, and a cordial invitation to be seated place you at once
at your ease, and you prepare to study the Indian before you. He is,
perhaps, five feet five inches in height, thick set, and with a broad, full
chest, which gives him a powerful vitality. A bold rounded and high
forehead, very slightly receding from a vertical line, eyes large and
swimming in liquid blackness, finely cut eyebrows, arched and curving
far back, a goodly development of practical as well as theoretical brain.
While at rest his Indian features do not show the power behind them;
but once kindled to action the brain illuminates every one of them, and
the black eyes flash a peculiar light, as if to give more forcible expression
to his language. A quiet, unyielding determination and a firm reliance
upon self are the impressions you gain of him upon acquaintance. You
converse upon politics, and you find that your ideas are not more thor
oughly republican than his ; you speak of war, and his military knowledge
meets you half-way; you turn to political economy and find that you pro
pose nothing that he has not analyzed, and you finally leave him with the
impression that you have met one of the ablest men that Mexico has pro
duced.* Such was the man on whom had already fallen the heaviest
burden of responsibility and care for his country's freedom
that had probably ever rested on a patriot's heart. How well
and conscientiously he bore it, and to what victory he carried it,
this record will soon show. If our space had permitted it
would have been a pleasure to have presented a view of the
noble men who stood so faithfully by him to the last through
that " great fight of afflictions," and who were, in the mercy of
God, spared to share his triumph. Prominent among these
was Matias Romero, his worthy and distinguished representative
at Washington, who so. faithfully and laboriously sustained his
duties as embassador of Mexico. Few have any adequate idea
of the toil demanded from one filling the position of Mexican
representative during the events of the Intervention. Seiior
Romero had not only the usual diplomatic duties resting upon
him, but had also to be on the alert to collect the archives of the
governments of England, France, Spain, Austria, and the Holy
See in regard to the Mexican Empire, so called, and to make this
information available for his government and also for the Presi-
* Historical and Political Review of Mexico, by Col. G. S. Church.
10

130 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
dent of the United States. It was necessary to have the truth
concerning Mexico published in order to counteract the false
statements of the press agents of the empire ; to purchase arms
and munitions of war and charter steamers to convey them to
ports where they could be safely entered ; to print Mexican
bonds and negotiate them in the market, and to make contracts
for other purposes as well as being the medium of intercourse
to and from the outside world for all matters, postal and other
wise. Senor Romero has been honored almost ever since by
his grateful country, by keeping him in his important position.
The cabinet of Juarez also deserve mention for their loyalty
during the dark period from 1862 to 1867. We can but name
these patriots : Sebastian Lerdo de Tejada, secretary of state ;
Jose Maria Yglesias, minister of the interior; Ignacio Mejia,
minister of war ; and Ignacio Mariscal, minister of justice.
And the brave military chiefs who served their country with
such valor, Zaragoza, Escobedo, Porfirio Diaz, Salazar, Arteaga,
Trevino, Corona, and others, deserve honorable mention for
their services to the cause of freedom in Mexico.
Before proceeding with our narrative let us consider the
man who was to be for the ensuing five years the controlling
impulse of all the wrong which liberty was to suffer from his
" Intervention." This picture here given well expresses the
sinister character of the man whom Mexico especially has rea
son to hold in abhorrence through all her future life. What a
record has he left behind for the world to study ! We abridge
a few sentences from Hugo's summary of his earlier life:
Charles Louis Napoleon was born in Paris, on the 20th of April,
1808, the son of Hortense de Beauharnais and Louis Napoleon,
then King of Holland, and brother of Napoleon I. This youth
commenced his varied career by scheming in his own interest
for the overthrow of the French monarchy, on the 30th of Oc
tober, 1836, at Strasburg, being then twenty-eight years of age.
This abortive attempt was pardoned by King Louis Philippe,
with the understanding that Louis Napoleon was to exile himself
to the United States. But before two years had expired he

LOUIS NAPOLEON,
Who devised and carried out the " Intervention " in Mexico.

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 131
violated his parole and returned from America to Switzerland.
Finding that the French government was made uneasy by his
return, he wrote assuring them " that he lived almost alone in
the house where his mother died, and that his firm desire was to
remain quiet." They supposed he meant what he said, but his
characteristic duplicity manifested itself when on the 20th of
August, 1840 — only two years after giving his solemn pledge
to the government — he landed at Boulogne at the head of sixty
followers (disguised as French soldiers). He carried a gilt eagle
on the top of a flag-staff, with a live eagle in a cage, and a
large supply of proclamations pronouncing for an empire. As
he and his curious following advanced up the street he flung
money to the passers-by, and, elevating his hat on the point of
his sword, cried out, " Vive l'Empereur ! " Meeting with no
favorable response, he fled, but was captured and condemned
to imprisonment for life in the fortress of Ham, from which,
disguised as a working mason, he escaped six years afterward
and took refuge in England.
In 1848 the French monarchy fell and a republic was pro
claimed. Professing to lay aside his imperial aspirations, he
returned to France and offered himself as a representative of the
people in the Constitutional Assembly. When elected he made a
display of his pretended democratic sentiments, saying, " All my
life shall be consecrated to the strengthening of the republic."
Though some were suspicious of him he was elected president.
On the 20th of December he took the oath, and as the presi
dent of the Assembly uttered the formula, " In the presence
of God, and before the French people, I swear to remain faith
ful to the democratic republic, one and indivisible, and to ful- .
fill all the duties which the Constitution imposes upon me,"
Louis Napoleon raised his right hand and said, " I swear it."
He then voluntarily added :
The suffages of the nation and the oath which I have just taken com
mand my future conduct. My duty is traced. I will fulfill it as a man of
honor. I will see enemies of the country in all those who would try to
change by illegal means what France entire has established.

132 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
The president of the Assembly replied, " We call God and
man to witness the oath which has just been taken."
They expected he would be true to this pledge. The Consti
tution, which he swore he would maintain, contained among
other articles these :
Article 36. The representatives of the people are inviolable.
Article 37. They cannot be arrested on a criminal charge save in case of fla
grant misdemeanor, nor prosecuted except after the Assembly has permitted.
Article 68. Every measure by which the president of the republic dis
solves the National Assembly, or places obstacles in the way of the
execution of its decrees, is a crime of high treason. By this sole act
the president is suspended from his functions.
On December 2, 1851, less than three years after the mem
orable oath was taken, he proclaimed, " The National Assembly
is dissolved ; the first military division is placed in a state of
siege ; the council of state is dissolved."
To this terrible record of the highest treason against a whole
nation by this perjured adventurer the historian adds the fol
lowing dreadful record, in which one would fain hope that
there may be some exaggeration, as the account was written so
close to the events — only a few weeks after — and under the
fearful pressure of that coup d'etat. But it must be confessed
that the judgment of charity thus intimated finds little con
firmation of its hope in the subsequent career of this man either
in France, Rome, or, above all, in Mexico. The historian adds:
At the same time Paris learned that fifteen of the "inviolable" repre
sentatives of the people had been arrested in their homes during the night
by order of Louis Napoleon. In the days following he seized the execu
tive power, made an attempt on the legislative power, drove away the As
sembly, expelled the high court of justice, took twenty-five millions from
the bank, gorged the army with gold, raked Paris with grape-shot, and
terrorized France. He proscribed eighty-four of the representatives of the
people, decreed despotism in fifty-eight articles under the title of a con
stitution; garroted the republic, made the sword of France a gag in the
mouth of liberty, transported to Africa and Cayenne ten thousand Demo
crats, exiled forty thousand Republicans, placed in all souls grief and on
all foreheads blushes. *
* The Destroyer of the Second Republic, by Victor Hugo, 1852, p. 29, etc.

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 133
How significant it is that this violent change from a free
republic to a despotic empire was quickly indorsed by the
hierarchy of Rome and the pope, and that neither is on record
as having uttered one word of protest against the overthrow of
the government of the people or the acts of treason by which
it was consummated ! It is equally significant that the first per
son to congratulate him on the complete success of his move
was the Countess Montijo, who was already known as being
under Jesuit influence, intensely bigoted, and to whom he was
soon afterward married. The church party could now rejoice
that they had an emperor and that he was suitably mated for
their purposes. Victor Hugo seems justified in his assertion
that " Louis Napoleon had on his side the clergy, from the
highest to the lowest, in the coup d'etat."
Almonte, the embassador of the clerical party of Mexico,
fonnd in Napoleon a ready listener to his wicked statements con
cerning Mexico, that it was " monarchical to the core," only held
back from expressing its preferences by a faction of Republicans
"without character, who were stained by crimes and oppres
sions of the worst kind," and that it would be a highly meri
torious and Christian act for some power to intervene to free
Mexico from her oppressors, and give her an opportunity to
express her preferences, which, he said, " she would do
promptly and gratefully." Louis Napoleon was eager for just
such a chance, now outlined as desirable. We have already
seen what his apologist, the Abbe Domenech, admitted as to
the ultimate object of Napoleon's intervention in Mexican
affairs, and how he fondly anticipated that the results would so
redound to his fame as to be afterward regarded as " the
crowning event of the nineteenth century," and Mexico was
but the stepping-stone to this consummation. He was already
being dispossessed of the idea that he could emulate his uncle's
fame and become the dictator of Europe, to give away thrones
and dominions. Probably he imagined he could gain in the New
World what was eluding his grasp in the Old. He knew he
could use the papacy in aid of his purpose, by having an under-

134 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
standing with the pope, and that he could calculate on Spanish
aid in view of the compensation he could render her in South
America. We find both these influences co-operating with him
in the project. The intervention in Mexico was to be an entering
wedge to split up the democracy of America and found a mo
narchical system upon its ruins. Similar work south of Mexico
would have been comparatively easy. With our United States
divided by civil war, and the presence of an aristocratic ele
ment in the Confederacy, the bribe of a restored slavocracy
might have had an immense influence in reconciling the South
ern States to a monarchical system, which could have been mild
at first, and less constitutional later. How long could the North
have held her own under such circumstances ? With her mill
ions of Romanists acting as a unit under priestly guidance, and
a doubtful papal immigration (and the reader will remember
that immigration, avowed by the Duke of Richmond, is hinted
at by Domenech as part of Napoleon's plan) pouring in upon us,
soon gaining the " balance of power," then, alas ! might soon
have come a long farewell to freedom and republican govern
ment on this continent.
Bnt there is a divine providence in human affairs, however
much such men as Napoleon choose to ignore it, and we were
under its blessed care.
On his restoration to Mexico city President Juarez set him
self zealously to establish order and carry out the enactments of
the Congress, especially in regard to the financial condition of
the country. When he and his cabinet reached the capital they
found the treasury empty, so the continuation of the seculariza
tion and sale of the unused church property became a necessity.
The hierarchy had previously been requested to consider the
situation and to relinquish a portion of their large possessions
that they did not require, but without avail. Even the Abbe
Domenech admits that they were blind to refuse such a com
promise. The sales, though slow at first, brought into the public
treasury within a year the sum of $5,000,000,* and confirmed
* La Carte de Roma y el Emperador Maximiliano. Mexico, 1870.

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 135
the purpose of the Liberals to thus utilize a portion of this vast
property. The pope issued his expostulations and sustained the Mexi
can bishops in their resistance to the law until two of them —
the Bishops of Puebla and of Guadalajara — were exiled by the
government for rebellious interference. As a last resource the
pope issued an allocution declaring, " We condemn, disavow,
and declare absolutely null and void and of no effect all the
decrees above mentioned, and all the acts which the civil power
in Mexico has done, in contempt of the ecclesiastical authority
of the holy see." He then expresses " the deep grief of his
soul " over these principles, and closes by threatening the " pen
alties and censures " which he holds against " these usurpers
of the rights of the holy see." He utters a similar jeremiad
against South America, as " following the sad example of the
Liberals of Mexico." *
The leaders of Mexico, instead of heeding the pope's nullifi
cation, shrugged their shoulders and went ou with the good
work of building up the welfare of the nation. Mexico and
South America were not doing a deed unknown in any other
nation, as the papal lamentation might lead one to believe,
but they were doing what England, France, Italy, Portugal,
Germany, and nearly all the other States of Christendom
had already done. Of the nationalization of ecclesiastical
property, and abolition of monastic institutions, European
history is full, from Magna Charta and King John down
to our days in Italy. Mackenzie puts the facts in regard
to France :
The possessions of the Church, amounting to one third of all the soil of
France, were seized. Henceforth the priests were to be paid their pain
fully reduced salaries by the State. Tlie Church held property valued
at £80,000,000 ($400,000,000), and yielding an annual revenue of over
£3,000,000 ($15,000,000), all of which was appropriated by the State
in its necessity in the period when it abolished feudalism and privilege
and laid the foundations of French freedom. The nation afterward safe
guarded her rights and limited the interference of the pope and the
* Christian World, vol. xiv, p. 195.

136 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
Church in matters of state by a dictated concordat, which is to-day her
defens,e against ecclesiastical aggressions. (P. 5.)
And in the same way Magna Charta, wrested by the liberty-
loving and sturdy barons of England from that papal tyrant
and coward, King John, proved the sure foundation of English
freedom, notwithstanding the thunders of excommunication
which Pope Innocent III. hurled against the barons and their
Charta, and his foolish attempt to hand over the English king
dom to Philip of France, as well as absolving John from all
obligation of fidelity to the solemn signature which he had
affixed to the great document.
No wonder that when "the French troops and tlieir officers
reached Mexico, in 1864, and heard the complaints of the church
party against the Republicans on these grounds, they were
amazed, knowing well, as they did, that their own country had
done the very same things with the papal Church and its over
grown wealth and monastic orders, and in doing so had laid the
foundations of the liberties and greatness of France. It was
equally a matter of surprise to the Abbe Domenech, and for
the same reasons. Mexico and South America could thus
quote a score of precedents to justify their actions in all that
they did, and yet the pope in this allocution bitterly denounced
Mexico as if her government and legislative action were unprec
edented and unjust.
It is surprising how legally the statesmen of Mexico moved
in their measures to build up the condition of their country
on right foundations. Even in this very matter, where to the
superficial observer they might seem to be depending alone
on power, they kept within the clear limits of the accepted
usages and law which govern such cases. There is probably
no higher authority on the " Law of Nations " than Emerich
Vattel, of Switzerland, and no commentator on English law
superior to Sir William Blackstone. Both of these jurists
lay down rules which vindicate the actions of the popular
government of Mexico in the demands which they made on
the vast ecclesiastical property. Blackstone says :

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 137
The priests would have engulfed all the real estate of England. It
took centuries to protect and perfect the nation against their rapacity
and schemes to avoid the statutes.
And Vattel covers the whole question arising out of this con
dition of affairs in the following rule :
Far from the goods of the Church being exempted because they are
consecrated to God, it is for that very reason that they should be the first
taken for the welfare of the State. There is nothing more agreeable to
the common Father of men than to preserve a nation from destruction.
As God has no need of property the consecration of goods to him is their
devotion to such purposes as are pleasant to him. Besides, the property
of the Church, by the confession of the clergy themselves, is chiefly des
tined for the poor; and when the State is in want it is, doubtless, the
first pauper and the worthiest of succor.
To carry out the provision and purposes of the national Con
stitution and guard the liberties which it guarantees, enact
ments of the legislature, called " Laws of Reform," were issued.
We will here enumerate the leading items of these laws, issued
by the secretary of state :
The complete separation of Church and State.
Congress cannot pass laws establishing or prohibiting any religion.
The free exercise of religious services. The State will not give official
recognition to any religious festivals, save the Sabbath, as a day of rest.
Religious services are to be held only within the place of worship.
Clerical vestments are forbidden in the streets.
Religious processions are forbidden.
The use of church-bells is restricted to calling the people to religious
work. Pulpit discourses advising disobedience to the law, or injury to any.
one, are strictly forbidden. Worship in churches shall be public only.
Gifts of real estate to religious institutions are unlawful, with the sole
exception of edifices designed exclusively to the purposes of the insti
tution. The State does not recognize monastic orders nor permit their estab
lishment. The association of Sisters of Charity is suppressed in the republic, and
Jesuits are expelled and may not return.
Matrimony is a civil contract and to be duly registered. The religious
service may be added.

138 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
Cemeteries are under civil inspection and open for the burial of all
classes and creeds.
No one can sign away their liberty by contract or religious vow.
Education in the public schools is free and compulsory.
This synopsis of the " Laws of Reform" represents the action
of the Mexican Congress on the 12th of February, 1857, with
the amendments of the same of September, 1873, and the cir
cular issued by the Interior Department January 15, 1877.
In view of the conspiracy to overthrow the republic and to
establish a monarchy a special law was passed in 1862, making
a capital crime of
Invitations given by Mexicans, or by foreigners resident in the republic,
to subjects of other powers, to invade the national territory or change
the fonn of government the republic has adopted, whatever the pretext
set up.
Yet within three months after the enactment of this law
Almonte and his associates left Paris for Mexico and were re
ceived with honor by the French military chiefs at Vera Cruz,
given the protection of their flag and an escort of two thousand
cavalry, thus violating the statutes of the land, which they pre
tended they had come in a friendly spirit to establish.
The pretense under which that army and the forces of En
gland and Spain were sent to Mexico was the " tripartite
treaty," reached at the convention of London, and signed by
the three powers on the 31st of October, 1861, for the accom
plishment of common objects in Mexico. The necessity for
such a convention had been well worked up by the representa
tive of Napoleon in Mexico, M. Saligny, who all through, like
Shylock, mercilessly insisted upon having his " pound of flesh,"
no matter how much blood came with it. In the unsettled
condition of Mexico by the intrigues and pronunciamentos
of the clerical party during these years, society was disturbed
and wrongs were perpetrated, by forced loans, highway rob
bery, and otherwise ; and foreigners shared in these imposts,
Frenchmen among them, of course. Saligny trumped up a
heavy list of these inflictions against the Republican govern-

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 139
ment and demanded heavy indemnities for each case. While
admitting some of them the government declared the majority
were without foundation, and asked for the proofs, which Sa
ligny could not furnish. He resented all attempts to require
evidence of his French claims, and his master backed him up in
his demands.
Let it also be remembered that these forced loans and other
criminalities were not inflicted by the Republican party, but by
their bitter foes during the brief terms in which from time to
time they held power, and yet that all of these were saddled
upon the Republican government when restored, which had to
pay these exactions, as in the case where Miramon robbed the
British Legation of the $600,000. Another item of the claim
was made out of the debts due to foreigners who had lent Mex
ico money in her emergencies, at enormous rates of interest,
and these debts she did not deny, save when fictitious claims
were added to them, as in the case of the "Jecker bonds."
The Mexican government, on its restoration to power, finding
the treasury empty, and being unable to raise money sufficient,
postponed payment of the interest on outside debts for two
years, promising then to resume payment. In the business
world such a concession is constantly made by creditors toward
those who only want 'time' to enable them to recover, espe
cially when the parties thus favored have hitherto met tlieir ob
ligations faithfully. But Mexico, on which now rested the duty
of self-preservation, which in a nation is certainly for the time
being superior to the obligation to pay debts, was now to real
ize no mercy from hard-hearted men who took her by the
throat, saying, " Pay me what thou owest ! " though she
pleaded, " Have patience with me, and I will pay thee all."
M. Saligny had circulated the false and cruel impression that
she could but would not. Hence England and Spain were led
blindfolded into " the London Convention," only to be unde
ceived a year after, when their commissioners reached Mexico
and ascertained the truth from interviews with Senor Doblado,
President Juarez's secretary of state. England and Spain

140 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
freely gave Mexico the time she required, and their claims
were recognized to be paid, principal and interest.
As we examine this unworthy transaction there is revealed an
unexampled rascality. Government documents furnished by
Mexico present the facts of her indebtedness with detailed
statements of what had been paid these three nations, and what
she still owed to each when they invaded her soil. Apart from
the Jecker claim, the diplomatic correspondence shows, quoting
a dispatch of Sir Charles Wyke that was laid before Parlia
ment, " the French have only a small debt of $190,S56 to re
cover, which is being paid off by twenty-five per cent, of the
import duties levied at Vera Cruz." The first thing that Saligny
did when he left his legation at the capital and came down to
meet the French force, to guide its action, was to advise the
French commander to seize the custom-house and appropriate
its income to meet the French claims, so that it is likely
that almost all had been paid ere Sir Charles wrote his dis
patch. Saligny contended, however, that the claims of the
" Jecker bonds " should be added to the French debt, and the
Mexican government had to submit. After a full investi
gation they decided that all that could be honestly claimed by
France for the debt, the indemnities due to French subjects for
losses during the revolutions, for interest, and the Jecker bonds
was $2,859,917. So her debts to the three nations were shown
to be, "to British subjects, $69,311,657; to Spanish subjects,
$9,461,986, and to the French the smallest sum of all, $2,859,-
917." France was then the nation which had the least motive
to make war on Mexico. Napoleon's object was not merely the
settlement of the claim, but he sought a pretext for a quarrel
with Mexico for the accomplishment of ulterior purposes.
When the English and Spanish commissioners understood this
they withdrew from the country, leaving Saligny to push the
outrageously magnified Jecker bonds, which Napoleon was
confident they could force to payment.
M. Jecker was a Swiss speculator who went to Mexico and
assumed the role of a banker during the period when Miramon

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 141
and the clericals held the capital. The ready money of the
party running low, Jecker made the most of the opportunity.
He could furnish $750,000 cash, and securities amounting, appar
ently, to $740,000 more, in all $1,490,428. " For this amount
the reactionary government issued paper to the value of $15,-
000,000, at six per cent, annually, and fundable in eight or ten
years." A large part of the issue was made available " for the
value on their face at the custom-houses in Mexico, in the pro
portion of a fifth of their exhibits, M. Jecker to pay the bearer
interest at three per centum." *
Merchants who bought up these bonds were soon to realize
how Miramon had deceived them when they began to present
them for duties. The constitutional president, on learning of
their issue, had proclaimed them illegal and worthless, and
not a custom-house in Mexico would accept them. Merchants
turned to the French Legation, on the ground that France had
recognized the Miramon party as the government of Mexico,
and a plot was raised to include these bonds as part of the
French claims against the Juarez government and to demand
payment for the full amount on their face. Just then it was
discovered that Jecker was not a French subject, and therefore
his bonds could not legally be included in French claims ; but
the rogues were not to be defeated, and an effort was made to
naturalize him and leave the date of the nefarious deed in the
background. Before the naturalization papers could arrive
from France two packets of secret correspondence between
Jecker and his representatives in Paris fell into the hands of
the Republican troops, were forwarded to the president, and
the villainous conspiracy was revealed. They stated, among
other things, how the conspirators were manufacturing public
opinion in Europe, how much they were afraid of the coming
of Pacheco, the embassador of Juarez, who would be sure to
expose their baseness, of their efforts to get the naturalization
papers to Jecker, and how they "showed your letters to his
majesty," and speak of their intercourse with "the duke,"
* Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States, 1863, pp. 239, 249.

142 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
called in one place " the new duke," which soon identified the
person intended, who was so deeply interested in the success of
the Jecker claims.
Who was this person so high at court, thus mysteriously
named as " near the throne," who had so much at stake in these
fraudulent transactions? Only a few knew when the dis
patches were written, but recently it has been given to the
world. The new duke referred to was the Count de Morny,
illegitimate half-brother of the French emperor. When a
child he was given into the custody of a Frenchman by name of
de Morny, who had his home in the West Indies. His mother
left him 40,000 francs, which was intrusted to the guardian,
who squandered it in gambling. When the young man be
came of age he was penniless, but returned to France and en
tered the army, developing soon the sharp points of his character.
He and Louis Napoleon had never yet met, but Napoleon
heard of him as a suitable instrument for his purposes in the
coup d'etat which he was then contemplating. He was brought
to Paris and proved just the conscienceless personage such as
Napoleon wanted to aid in this great crime against the re
public. When he had proclaimed himself emperor the traitors
who shared in the iniquitous plan were rewarded, De Moray's
share being money, which he much coveted, and the life-presi
dency of the Corps Legislatif. A more mercenary man never
held office. His extravagance earned for him the title of " the
Magnificent Spendthrift." It is asserted that " his great crime
was in taking money from all sides, all parties, all men." While
president of the Corps Legislatif he was " known to receive a
yearly subsidy from the Viceroy of Egypt for certain reasons."
Napoleon made him a duke while Miramon was the clerical
party's President of Mexico, and when the chance arose to
make a few millions out of these infamous Jecker bonds this
unprincipled man demeaned himself still further by stooping
to unite with Jecker and Miramon to organize the scheme to
float these worthless bonds and to force their payment in full
on Mexico, while his half-brother seized upon them as an ad-

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 143
ditional pretext to carry out his ulterior purposes in America.
They were worthy of each other in the wicked use they made
of power.*
When our civil war broke out the French emperor deemed
that the time had come for the development of his purposes in
America. The convention of London was arranged, and the
allied fleet arrived at Vera Cruz in December, 1861. There
was some surprise felt on finding that England had no soldiers,
only seven hundred marines as a guard of honor for her rep
resentative, and Spain but a few soldiers, while France had
nearly seven thousand men fully prepared for aggressive move
ments. The Spanish commissioner was General Prim, the En
glish, Sir Charles Wyke, and the French, M. E. Jurien. They
opened negotiations with the government of President Juarez,
professing solemnly over their respective signatures that the
object of their coming was entirely pacific, without any inten
tion of interference with the form of government preferred by
the nation, but they were there only as " lookers-on, to preside
at the grand spectacle of your regeneration, guaranteed by
order and liberty." They then gently intimate that they also
seek " satisfaction for outrages inflicted, and sacred obligations
that have not been discharged," but assert that the other is the
higher object of their coming.
To this President Juarez replied that, while obliged to them
for their interest in the welfare of the country, he was not con
scious that Mexico needed any intervention for the regulation
of her affairs, being competent to manage for herself ; but in
regard to any claims, he was willing to hear and consider them,
and that they could appoint commissioners on their part, who
should be met by others from him, and the cases be considered.
He did more ; for on the commissioners informing him that
their men were suffering from sickness on account of the heat
and climate, and would soon be liable to the yellow fever, so
* Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States, 1863, part i, p. 239, etc. The
Cosmopolitan, May, 1890. Christian World, vol. xvii, p. 72. Diplomatic Corre
spondence Presented to Parliament, 1862, pp. 602-614.

144 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
common in Vera Cruz during the heated term, and requesting
his permission to move up to the mountain region where they
would be exempt, the president kindly granted this conces
sion as soon as the allies would agree upon its conditions. This
led without delay to what is called " the Convention of Soledad "
(twenty-six miles from Vera Cruz), where the commissioners pro
ceeded and were met by the secretary of state. A conference
was agreed to, to be held at Orizaba, up in the mountains and
eighty-two miles from Vera Cruz, where it was comfortable
and healthy, and during the negotiations the troops might be
brought up and allowed to occupy the towns of Cordova, Ori
zaba, and Tehuacan. The fourth article stipulated :
That it may not be believed, even remotely, that the allies have signed
those preliminaries in order to procure the passage of the fortified posi
tions garrisoned by the Mexican army, it is stipulated that, in the unhappy
event of the rupture of negotiations, the forces of the allies shall evacuate
the aforesaid towns and situate themselves in the line which is before
said fortifications on the way to Vera Cruz.
The fifth article provided that in these unfortunate circum
stances " the hospitals that the allies may have shall remain
under the safe-guard of the Mexican nation."
These fortifications were places of great natural strength and
could easily be defended by even a small force. The president
could not then dream that any of the persons whom he had
thus treated with such candor and kindness would prove un
worthy or unfaithful to this fourth article, after having accepted
and signed it.
As the negotiations progressed the bad faith of the French
began its development and introduced confusion, and at last
involved defeat of the entire effort. The first of these was the
announcement that General Miramon and staff were on the ex
pected English mail steamer with the intention of renewing the
civil war which had only just died out after the three years'
bloody struggle. It was also ascertained that a party of church
troops, with horse and munitions, were awaiting him above to
enable him to penetrate into the interior. The commissioners

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 145
discussed the situation, and the majority were for preventing
him from landing, while the English Commodore Dunlop de
clared he would " arrest him for having robbed the British
Legation if he lands while our flag is flying here." It was
very significant that Saligny " earnestly protested in the name
of his government against any such thing being attempted."
Nor could he be moved by the consideration urged by the
British and Spanish commissioners, that to allow Miramon to
land, and thus invade the country with an expedition of his
own, would utterly disgust the Liberal government with whom
they were treating and lead it and the nation to infer that the
allied commissioners must be in collusion with that traitor to per
mit him to land where their flags were. flying. So Dunlop, not
withstanding Saligny's protest, two days after, when the packet
arrived, had Miramon arrested and returned to Havana by
the next steamer, and the difficulty ended for a time.
The English and Spanish claims for indemnity were accepted
by the Mexican commissioners without any difficulty. They
were recognized and placed on file to be discharged as soon as
possible. But when the French claims were presented the
commissioners were simply amazed, and especially when the
" Jecker bonds " were introduced and full recognition de
manded for them. No wonder that the English and Spanish
commissioners were astounded when demand was made by Sa
ligny for their recognition to the full amount of the $15,000,000 !
In common honesty the government of Juarez did not owe
Jecker a single dollar. When Miramon fled from the city on
the approach of the national troops, and President Juarez had
arrived, he was soon after called on by Jecker, who claimed
to be under the protection of the French Legation. Under
the supposition that the president was intimidated by the In
tervention and would yield any thing, Jecker made a demand
for the payment of the bonds issued by the fugitive clerical
president on the plea that "one government must be held
responsible for the acts and obligations of the other." This
Juarez refused to do. A parallel case would have been orig-
11

146 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
inated had Jefferson Davis after the battle of Bull Run entered
Washington, and while he remained there in the absence of
Mr. Lincoln had issued bonds to French subjects and gone off
with the money received from them, and Napoleon on the re
turn of Mr. Lincoln had sent a force to the United States to
demand the payment of said bonds. The Jecker claims were
originated by one who was a rebel against the constitutional
government, which had not ceased to exist during the three
years, and ought not therefore to be held responsible for the
acts of an unlawful party.
For the sake of peace, and in order to get rid of the hostile
visitors, the Mexican government was disposed to concede
the original sum of $750,000, with five per cent, interest, but
repudiated any further claims on that ground. The English
and Spanish commissioners positively declined to be parties
to pass up such claims to the Mexican president, and reported
the facts to their respective governments, and were sustained in
their course. The next item in the French demands was for
reclamations for injuries and impositions suffered by French
subjects on various occasions during past years; for them a
round sum of $12,000,000 was claimed. No detailed statements
were presented, no names of persons or dates of events or ex
tent of wrong or injury in each case were forthcoming, and when
these were inquired for the French minister replied that his
government had made a general estimate to cover all the cases,
and that he regarded that as entirely sufficient. The English
and Spanish commissioners, after having submitted the items in
their claims which they were to urge on the Mexican government,
felt that they could not be parties to include a demand like this
without vouchers of any kind. They then proposed to M. Sa
ligny to grant to the Mexican government the right to examine
into the justice of such claims through the medium of a mixed
commission, to which Mexico was ready to consent; but even
this reasonable proposition was declined by M. Saligny. Mex
ico must pay what France demanded, " trusting to her high sense
of honor to demand only what was right." The ulterior object of

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 147
France was by this made manifest. Up to this hour the French
government on repeated occasions had declared that it went to
Mexico "to obtain satisfaction for its demands, and nothing
more." The French representative signed the agreement in the
treaty of London and of Soledad, " not to interfere in the in
terior affairs of Mexico." In the address of Napoleon's secre
tary of state to the French Parliament he used these words :
France can do no more than she has already — that is, to repeat the
assurance that she does not propose to intervene in any manner with the
internal affairs of Mexico; that her sole object is to obtain payment of
her claims and reparation of the injuries that had been done her. . . . But
to compel them by force, never !
Honest men have only certain terms to characterize profes
sions like these when they contrast so widely with the conduct
pursued. It is worthy of note that while the convention was
sitting ships of the French navy were visiting the leading ports
of Mexico, trying to induce them to " pronounce " in favor of
the plan of Almonte (the agent of the church party) and mon
archy, as well as sheltering traitors like Miramon, Marquez, and
others who were ready, when this convention should break up,
to commence their efforts to overthrow the Republican govern
ment preferred by the nation and erect on its ruins an imperial
throne !
To proceed further was impossible ; the convention of Sole-
dad terminated. The English and Spanish representatives duly
informed the Mexican government, and retired with their mili
tary escort from Mexico, sending on the facts to their respective
governments, which approved their action. The French repre
sentative alone remained and transferred to the French general
and his army the obligation to proceed without delay to execute
the will of their imperial master, and ordered up the additional
troops that had arrived. Saligny was asked if he really did
not intend to observe the distinct condition into which they
had all entered, in case the negotiations were broken off, to retire
their troops " to the line below the fortifications " on the Cumbres
before beginning their operations. Not he ! He well knew

148 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
he served a master who would freely condone the base treach
ery of thus violating his own signature. He had an immense
advantage for his purpose, and was going to retain it, no matter
how all honorable soldiers, or the whole world itself, might stamp
it with infamy as an almost unprecedented violation of diplo
matic and military honor ! The French emperor gained what
he wanted, the power to act alone, on his own terms, in forcing
his demands, at the bayonet's point, on an enemy whose gener
osity he violated, while he demanded full payment of fictitious
claims, and then drove him from the seat of authority to which
the nation had elected him in order to place upon it a stranger
whom he had already selected for that purpose !
In addition to a full account of the convention so disastrously
ended Sir C. Wyke and General Prim declared to their govern
ments that their observation and inquiries in Mexico " had fully
satisfied them that a monarchy was not desired by any one in
Mexico save a few Conservatives and the church party."
The church party embraces all that is bigoted and fanatical in the
country, and is therefore retrogressive in policy, and at variance with the
spirit of the age, and is detested by a great majority of the people, who are
in favor of a liberal policy. (P. 723.)
It is not usual for the secretary of state of a great nation to
take the responsibility of expressing himself so bluntly concern
ing the measures of a neighboring sovereign and his government
as Lord John Russell did at this time concerning the whole
question under review here. Writing to his embassador at Paris,
who he expected would report the sentiments of his government
to the French secretary of state, Lord Russell says :
It is hardly possible that claims so excessive as that of $12,000,000 in the
lump, without an account, and that of $15,000,000 for $750,000 actually
received, can have been put forward with an expectation that they would
be complied with. ... I stated to Mr. Flahault (the French embassador
at London) that what we could not agree to, and must keep clear of, was
the putting forward of claims merely for the sake of making a quarrel.
That was a course we could not adopt ourselves nor defend in others. . . .
The principle -of non-intervention having been always maintained by the

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 149
English government, our force was withdrawn and our flag hauled down
upon the express determination of Admiral de la Graviere and M. Saligny
to march to Mexico for the purpose of overthrowing the government of
President Juarez.*
General Prim in his address to the Cortes held exactly the
same position.
Having gained their point of being left alone in Mexico, being
heavily re-enforced, ultimately up to forty-five thousand men,
and with the full intention of forcing the payment of both these
enormous claims, and in addition resolved to make Mexico " pay
the expense of the war, which on her side was not provoked,
nor declared by the other," as Seiior Romero phrased it, the
march toward Mexico city was begun. Before the allied com
missioners had left Saligny made an unexpected proposal. He
had evidently become alarmed at the effect which his enormous
demands would have on public opinion in Europe when the
reasons for the breaking up of the convention were made
known ; so he offered to abandon the Jecker claims if the other
two commissioners would indorse the claim for $12,000,000,
which, being entirely without evidence, they would not do.
Saligny then withdrew his proposal and referred the matter
to Napoleon.
Late in September, 1862, the Republican forces operating
between Vera Cruz and the city of Mexico intercepted another
packet of letters addressed to M. Jecker by his friends in Paris.
They were sent to President Juarez, and were found even more
nefarious than the previous ones captured. The president sent
them to Senor Romero, who laid them before the government at
Washington, and they were sent to Congress. A few sentences
will show their purport, and who was operating influentially
behind the scenes in this abominable business, and also give a
clearer view of the objects of these enemies of freedom and
justice. One tells Jecker, among other things, "Your letter of
July 16 has been presented entire before the eyes of his Maj-
* Diplomatic Correspondence Presented to Parliament, 1862, part iii, pp. 242,
720, 801.

150 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
esty, as has been done with the previous ones when their tenor
has permitted." Another of this band of sharpers writes :
Affairs are taking a better aspect for us. For a decision has been come
to to colonize. Forty-five thousand men are to be sent out. . . . Our
friends think the bonds will be admitted in Mexico. I will divulge noth
ing though I see every thing has been prohibited since the disgusting
correspondence of Sir C. Wyke has been submitted to Parliament. That
diplomate has been your adversary and deadly enemy. . . . Feeling itself
almost anticipated, and closely watched by Wyke, the French government
lets nothing transpire with reference to its projects of protectorate, colon
ization, etc. Not less than eighteen generals go out with the expedi
tionary corps, for which reason it must be very considerable. . . . The
expedition will have relation also to the affairs of the United States.
Jecker's father in another letter says :
I have not deceived you in repeating to you now for more than a year
that there would be colonization, a throne, protectorate, etc. I believe, also,
these forces have in view to restrain the United States, drunk with pride and
vain boasting. ... In Paris, for the present, it is better not to wake the
cat that sleeps. Wyke has been our real enemy, Juarez should burn a
long candle for him. . . . With forty-five thousand men submission will
follow, and even a pressure will be brought to bear upon the United States,
the jiosition of which is not without its influence on what passes. . With
reference to the organization of the government (in Mexico), Maximilian
was nothing more than a pilot balloon without any importance. Who
will be placed to govern under the tutelage of France I cannot say. . . .
C  (who has just returned from Mexico) says : "The reactionaries fear
the entire and full recognition of the bonds, because it would burden the
treasury. The Liberals execrate them, and the French believe the calum
nies employed to depreciate them, so that I can truly say that I have not
encountered any one in Mexico but Saligny who sustains them." *
These are merely samples. The "new duke" figures con
stantly, and they boast of the able men whom they employ to
manufacture public opinion in France and Europe to favor the
bonds and to sustain Saligny's policy, yet (np to September 3)
the naturalization papers for Jecker had not reached him, and
the French government was thus zealously engaged in behalf
of a wretched swindler who was not even a French subject !
* Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States, ~So. 54, pp. 375-387.

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 151
Having sold his bonds at a large advance, Jecker had obligated
himself to pay interest at three per cent, until they were re
deemed at the treasury or custom-houses of Mexico for their
face. So long as Juarez held power nothing could be realized
on them. The interest had to be paid promptly to keep up
the credit of the bonds, and Jecker was ruined before aid could
reach him. President Juarez (early in October) ordered the
arrest and banishment of Jecker and his crew from the country,
and thus ended their dreams of enormous wealth at Mexico's
expense. The expulsion of Jecker and the contents of the intercepted
letters were not long in reaching the English government, and
soon after found their place in the London Times. Telegrams
to Paris of what was coming created quite a commotion among
" those personages who occupy high positions in the court of
the Tuileries near the imperial throne." It was in vain the
next morning to prohibit the entrance of The Times into Paris
as they attempted. Many had obtained the news, and Jules
Favre arose in the Chamber of Deputies to question M. Billant,
who was known to be the mouth-piece and defender of the em
peror. The questions were scorching, such as a minister has rarely
had to face in Parliament. The worst could not be spoken, but
men understood the meaning of the courageous deputy as he
denounced those who had so despicably traded with the char
acter of France in a foreign land, while the Duke de Morny
sat presiding over the Assembly ! No wonder that Jecker had
boasted in the past that Napoleon was bound to sustain him
and his bonds because of the hold he had upon his character
and of those who stood with him.
The Mexican government had come to understand that France
was not to blame for her sufferings, and attributed them solely to
the emperor. An incident which showed President Juarez's feel
ing on the subject occurred at a reception given in his honor at
Chihuahua, when an indiscreet admirer spread the French flag
on the ground in front of the door with the intent that the
president should tread on it. The moment that Juarez saw it

152 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
he turned, went around it, and requested that it be lifted up.
When remonstrated with for declining to dishonor the flag that
was invading their country he answered : " No; that flag rep
resents France, against which we have no cause of complaint.
We distinguish between the French people and their emperor,
and when all is over France will yet do Mexico justice. Let
us honor that flag."
On the way to the city of Mexico the French troops under
General Laurency were met near Puebla by a force of Repub
licans under General Zaragoza, and there, under the shadow of
the snow-capped volcanoes, Popocatepetl and Ixtaccihuatl, they
suffered the humiliation of defeat by Mexico's poorly equipped
soldiers. The heroes of Solferino, who had known no defeat
since Waterloo, were driven back to Orizaba with serious loss.
It was not because of any special superiority of numbers or facil
ities of the ground occupied by the Mexicans in the struggle.
Under God it was won by the vigor which comes to those who
fight for their homes, their country, and the freedom which
they love. This triumph filled Mexico with exultation and
hope, and the day, the fifth of May, "Cinco de Mayo,"
is yearly celebrated. The French troops waited at Orizaba
for re-enforcements before renewing their march against Mex
ico. The chagrin of Napoleon may be imagined, and his pride
urged him to send forward more than adequate resources,
with a consequent increase of expense which he confidently
expected that Mexico should pay, and which claim was em
bodied in the convention between himself and Maximilian, as
we shall see.
This check and its results consumed several months of time,
and enabled President Juarez and the Congress more fully
to make their final arrangements for the preservation of the
government and the defense of the nation against its implaca
ble enemy. At Miramar and Rome matters were being pushed
forward in regard to the departure of the Archduke of Austria
for Mexico as soon as the French should clear his way to the
capital. Already he had accepted the crown proffered him,

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 153
not by " the people of Mexico," as he was untruthfully assured,
but by the exiles and traitors who hung around the French
court, and by the " Assembly of Notables," so called, who
mysteriously kept up from the Mexican capital communica
tions with these enemies of their country's freedom. Maxi
milian apparently tried to believe their assurances of the senti
ments of their country — that he would find his path " strewn
with flowers from Vera Cruz to the throne in the ' Halls of
Montezuma,' and that all opposition would drop into the dust
within a few weeks of his arrival," and " the united nation
would gather around him with enthusiasm as their beloved
sovereign." Yet, after all these assurances, he seemed to hesi
tate, and stipulated that a general vote of the people should
be obtained, that he might have the assurance that not a class
only, but the nation itself, was really calling him to be their
sovereign. This hesitancy was not causeless. It was the result
of a warning that he had received by a trusty messenger from
President Juarez, in regard to the danger to which his advisers
were luring him for their own purposes. Happy had it been
for him had he heeded that warning. It appeared on his trial
and aided in his condemnation. The Conservative faction
assured him that the popular vote which he desired would most
certainly be promptly taken. If Maximilian had not been
weak-minded and so disposed to yield to undue influence he
would have known that such a vote was impossible in view of
the fact that the Republican forces were controlling more than
two thirds of the nation, and that less than one third was held
by French bayonets, and that only in places where the latter
held sway could such a vote be taken, and that even then it
would be utterly unreliable as an expression of the popular will.
Among those surrounding the archduke was Sefior Gutierrez
de Estrada, president of the delegates of the "Council of
Notables," which was an -assembly of aristocratic aspirants,
composed of persons whose families formerly bore titles before
the republic superseded them, while the rest of the council was
made up of " priests, friars, and military officers in the service

154 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
of the bishops." They anticipated a titled aristocracy as a suit
able setting for an imperial throne in Mexico, and this would
have required territorial endowments, a law of primogeniture
and entail for its due dignity, while the Church was to " raise
her mitered fronts in court and Parliament," and Mexico was
to bear the financial burdens of those Old World pomps and
decorations. Some of the doings became known, and liberals,
even in Austria, made themselves merry over the situation and
the ridiculous aspects of the matter. Among these questions
were proposed : " What relation has the young prince to Mexico,
that he should be made emperor ?" " By what title will he
reign over a country at the other end of the world ? " while
others offered the advice that " Maximilian should study the
Spanish, in order to be able to converse with his subjects ! "
John Lothrop Motley was at that time the United States
embassador at the court of Austria, and was personally ac
quainted with the archduke and his views. As an American
he was frequently asked his opinion of this curious affair in its
different aspects. We place before the reader what he says
upon the subject in his correspondence, as follows :
Vienna. September 22, 1863.
In this capital the great interest just now is about the new Mexican
emperor. The Archduke Maximilian is next brother to the Emperor of
Austria, and about thirty years of age. He has been a kind of lord high
admiral, an office which, in the present condition of the imperial navy,
may be supposed to be not a very onerous one. He was Governor-General
of Lombardy until that kingdom was ceded to Victor Emmanuel, and he is
considered a somewhat restless and ambitious youth. ... It is, I believe,
unquestionable that the archduke is most desirous to go forth on this
adventure. It is equally certain that the step is exceedingly unpopular in
Austria. That a prince of the House of Hapsburg should become the
satrap of the Bonaparte dynasty, and should sit on an American throne,
which could not exist a moment but for French bayonets and French
ships, is most galling to all classes of Austrians. The intrigue is a most
embarrassing one to the government. If the fatal gift is refused, Louis
Napoleon, of course, takes it highly in dudgeon. If it is accepted, Aus
tria takes a kind of millstone around her neck in the shape of gratitude
for something she didn't want, and some day she will be expected to pay

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 155
for it in something she had rather not give. The deputation of the so-
called "Notables" is expected here this week, and then the conditions
will be laid down on which Maximilian will consent to lie in the bed of
roses of Montezuma and Iturbide. The matter is a very serious and
menacing one to us.
He adds, under the same date, to Oliver W. Holmes, and in
allusion to the drought then prevailing in Austria, the significant
words :
There is no glory in the grass nor verdure in any thing. In fact, we have
nothing green here but the Archduke Maximilian, who firmly believes
that he is going forth to Mexico to establish an American empire, and
that it is his divine mission to destroy the dragon of democracy and re
establish the true Church, the right divine, and all sorts of games. Poor
young man !
Speaking of Maximilian's characteristic and church notions,
Mr. Motley adds what might have been expected as a result
of the training which he received under the bigoted influence
of his mother, the^ Archduchess Sophia :
Maximilian adores bull-fights, rather regrets the Inquisition, and con
siders the Duke of Alva every thing noble and chivalrous and the most
abused of men. It would do your heart good to hear his invocation to that
deeply injured shade, and his denunciations of the ignorant and vulgar
Protestants who have defamed him. . . . You can imagine the rest.*
How completely Maximilian was in the hands of the wily
French emperor may be seen in the terms of the treaty which
he was required to sign before he left for Mexico. How any
man with his eyes open could be induced to bow his neck to
accept such a heavy load of financial obligations is incompre
hensible. Not merely did it include the cost of the intervention
from first to last, but also the claims rejected at Soledad, and
which could be made to cover, surreptitiously, even the Jecker
bonds. Besides these it was necessary to provide for his im
perial salary, the civil list, and all the national expenses, military
and naval. Very adroitly the proposed loan of £8,000,000
sterling at ten per cent, interest, about to be floated, professedly
* The Correspondence of J. L. Motley, vol. ii, p. 138.

156 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
to put Maximilian in funds to begin his administration, was ar
ranged so that fifty-four million francs were at once to be paid
to the French emperor on account, and twelve million francs
as an installment of the indemnities due to Frenchmen ! Poor
Maximilian, this treaty was to prove one of the millstones that
was to sink his empire ! He signed it because he was misin
formed and deceived as to the prof essedly great resources of the
land he thought he was invited to govern !

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 157

CHAPTER VI.
Why Maximilian failed — Warnings in Austrian history — Francis Joseph — Papal
denunciation— Denying a grave — Juarez and Congress — Juarez and Lincoln
— South American interest — Netherland League — Position of tbe United
States — Marshal's disagreement with the archbishop — Impossible task — Em
pire without foundation — Abbe Domenech — Career for the Latin race — Grant
— Failure of efforts — Nuncio — Pope's expostulation — Clericals in politics —
Confidential letter of Carlota — Denial of papal authority.
Maximilian had his personal warnings as to the serious risks
in which such a course as he was now entering upon might in
volve him. He had seen this illustrated under his own eyes
during the previous five years, and to what risks and humilia
tion attempts to do the papal will and ignore popular rights had
brought his brother the emperor, until at last, driven to desper
ation by the pope's demands, Francis Joseph had to fling these
demands to the winds and break with the papacy in order to save
his crown and kingdom. He thus made Austria constitution
ally free, and gave Roman Catholic Europe an example which
she has been swift to follow in ridding herself of the burden
of political Romanism. Many concordats were smashed when
it was seen that Austria, so long subservient, could no longer
exist in the nineteenth century hampered with one. This had
recently occurred under Maximilian's observation, and was the
more emphatic as he was obliged to relinquish his viceroyalty
of Lombardy and yield up that territory to Victor Emmanuel
for the unification of Italy, as demanded by her people, who
scorned Austria's claim to rule longer any part of their land.
This prince leaves all this scene of rectified wrong in the inter
ests of a nation's liberty, as if he had learned no lesson from it
to cross the ocean and impose a foreign sovereignty on a free
nation, and all this in order to do the will of a crafty pope and

158 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
his clergy, and through the agency of an army of foreigners
sent by an unscrupulous sovereign.
The Austrian nation had long been regarded as " the broad
shield of papacy," and had been trusted accordingly. In all
emergencies of the pontiff a word was sufficient to bring the
armies of Austria to his aid. Freedom was thus repeatedly
crushed and despotism sustained. In her pride and self-confidence
she aspired to dominate Germany, and watched with jealous eyes
the rising greatness of Prussia. Meanwhile she was closely
observed by Louis Napoleon, who coveted her peculiar position
as patron of the papacy, and aspired to fill the place of " the
eldest son of the Church." To gain this point he was ready to
aid Victor Emmanuel to drive Austria out of Italy. The hour
desired came in 1859, and the terrible overthrow of Magenta
and Solferino spread the gloom and despair of defeat through
out the Austrian empire. Four years previously Francis
Joseph had completed with the pope a concordat, every item
of which had been dictated by the clericals, and under the pro
tection of which Austria considered herself safe. The pope's
allocution, issued only six weeks later, intended to strengthen
the concordat, wrought exactly the other way. As a sample
of how the papacy can pour its adulation upon those who stoop
so low as the Austrian emperor did to take this yoke upon him,
it is very monitory.
Thanks to the infinite bounty of God, and to the piety of our most dear
son in Jesus Christ, Francis Joseph, Emperor and Apostolic King of
Austria, what we desired has come to pass — in this completed concordat
— and has been regularly and solemnly confirmed. . . . We offer up great
thanksgivings to the Father of mercies and God of all consolation, who
has given a wise and enlightened heart to our most dear son in Jesus
Christ, Francis Joseph, Emperor and Apostolic King of Austria.
All this gush of joy soon proved a delusion, and this " dear
son " had a rude awakening when, crushed on the battle-field,
he found no hand to help him. Hurrying back to Vienna, he
took counsel with the best men of his diversified empire. They
advised him to break with the papacy, to cast off the concordat,

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 159
and to unify his empire by granting civil and religious free
dom. Acting upon this advice, the emperor adopted a consti
tutional course which saved Austria. Under the guidance of
Count von Beust (a Protestant statesman, called to be premier)
the nation began to enjoy freedom and peace. Nearly all that
Kossuth and his compatriots had unsuccessfully struggled to
obtain more than a score of years before was conceded, and the
empire was at last united in civil and religious freedom, guar
anteed to them by their enlightened sovereign and the excel
lent constitution which he had signed. While the States around
were rejoicing with the Austrians in their freedom and the
peace that had come with it, there was one power which surveyed
the scene with envious eyes and cursed it, not merely " in their
hearts," but in the bitterest language, and that too, in the name
of Almighty God, whose holy providence had led these millions
out of such long-time tribulation into the happiest condition
their country had ever known. That power was the papacy.
An allocution full of wrath was pronounced by the pope.
How outspoken and violent it was may be judged by our read
ers from an epitome of it expressed in his own words. He
denounces them for having not only abrogated the concordat
with him, but for having, in place of it, dared to pass " the fol
lowing odious and abominable laws : "
1. Laws establishing liberty for all opinions, liberty of the press, and
liberty of faith and worship. ">
2. Laws granting to the members of all denominations the right of es
tablishing schools and colleges.
3. Laws permitting the intermarriage, on terms of religious equality,
of Catholics and Protestants.
4. Laws permitting civil marriage.
5. Laws permitting the burial of Protestants in Romish lands where
Protestants have no cemeteries of their own in which to bury.
6. Laws establishing public schools for secular education that shall be
free from the control of the Romish priesthood.
The pope denounces the above laws and declares them
"contrary to the doctrines, rights, and authority of the

160 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
Catholic religion ; " and adds, " Let it be understood that the
Roman Catholic Church declares such laws as these, wherever
they may be enacted, to be null and void." * He closes his
lengthy and excited allocution by reminding all who had act, hand,
or part in the framing or enactment of those laws that they had
made themselves amenable to " the censures and spiritual punish
ments" which it was in his power to inflict upon them ! To this
un-Christlike tirade Baron von Beust, the premier, calmly re
plied through the embassador of Austria at Rome, informing the
pope and his curia that they were not going to be moved in the
slightest degree from the beneficent course they had deliberately
chosen for themselves as freemen ; nor have they been moved
from that day to this. The people and the press of Austria
have stood by their government loyally, and the clergy have not
dared to institute any resistance to the national will.
If there be any thing in a man's relation to his fellow-creat
ures that is most detestable in the estimation of heathen and
Mohammedan people, it is the very course here pursued by the
pope of Rome, when he utters his shameful protest against the
humanity of the Austrians in allowing a dead Protestant a
place to rest in peace. Yet here is a man ready to shed his
tears because the Austrians had that much common humanity
left. That unreasoning fanatics of his Church should now and
then so far forget themselves as thus to insult the dead of
other Christian denominations is a small offense compared to
this. Here is a man professing to be the chief priest of Chris
tianity, publicly taking this awful stand before all the world, and
this, too, in our tolerant age, as the avowed and settled policy
and principle of his Church every-where, that she holds the
power to inflict this last indignity upon the man, the woman,
or the babe that dies where his religion has temporal sway !
We may well thank Heaven that Romanism controls only a
limited portion of our race, and also that of those she yet con
trols there are not five States to-day that would do her bidding
on this question, while even this number is growing less.
* Christian World, vol. xix, pp. 312-314.

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 161
Maximilian was going to a country where such wicked in
tolerance was carried out not so many years ago, while in
Europe it was common enough, in papal lands, in the days of
our fathers. The readers of Dr. Young's Night Thoughts
will recall his terrible experience in Spain. Dr. Young, as a
last hope for recovery, took his gifted daughter to try the effect
of that climate upon the consumption that was wasting her
away. She continued to fail and soon died. He went out to
make arrangements for her burial and was horrified to learn
from the undertaker that no grave could be claimed for her,
she having been a " heretic ! " Dr. Young inquired of the
man what then was he to do. A shrug of the shoulders was
the only answer. Money could not bribe him to attempt it,
even privately, for fear of the priests ; so that Dr. Young
returned to his dead almost distracted. The account- runs
that a kind-hearted gentleman came to advise with him, and
they arranged to make up the body into the smallest parcel
possible, and after midnight, when all had retired, they bore the
precious burden between them, and, leaving the road, found a
plowed field, where they dug such a grave as they were able
and laid the loved one to her rest. The doctor has memorial
ized the event in his Night Thoughts :
" While nature yearned blind superstition raved,
That mourned the dead, and this denied a grave."
Surely here is evidence in the pope's own words, as well as
the facts of history, justifying the sad conclusion that Roman
ism is unchangeable, that the cruelty she has inflicted upon
humanity, living and dead, she would repeat if she only had the
power again to exercise it, and that therefore she cannot be
trusted. Napoleon's increased army now advanced to open the way
for the Austrian archduke, and the Mexican president and Con
gress, unable to offer an adequate resistance, were compelled to
retire from Mexico city. The Congress dispersed, but before
doing so they invested the president with what is called in
n

162 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
Mexico " ample faculties," giving him their unlimited confi
dence, and the use of all the available resources of the nation
in the great task of carrying on the conflict for the freedom of
Mexico. Thirty days after the return of peace the Congress
was to convene and receive the report of the use made of
' this power. How wonderful the scene when the legislature
transferred its authority to the discretion of this incorruptible
patriot! The sublime faith and devotion to the cause embodied
in the Constitution which he drew up in 1857 displayed by this
distinguished man is a most remarkable fact in the history of
freedom. With the army of a foreign despot threatening his
capital and his navy bombarding the coast cities to force a for
eign monarch on the nation ; with domestic treason, led by men
\ called ministers of the Most High ; with forces scattered, few
in number and deficient in resources ; with foes to misrepresent
the truth in other lands and with none to help, yet this good
\ \ Republican president faints not. There is only one man with
'; whom to compare him — Lincoln; and they are worthy to be
associated in honor together.
The address of Bishop Simpson, able, affectionate, and excellent as it
was, at the funeral of our martyred president, contained nothing more not
able than the quotation that the orator made from one of Mr. Lincoln's
speeches, uttered in 1859 (four years before these events in Mexico), in
which, speaking of the slave power, he said : " Broken by it, I, too, may
be ; bow to it, I never will. The probability that we may fail in the strug
gle ought not to deter us from the support of a cause which I deem to be
just, and it shall not deter me. If ever I feel the soul within me elevate
and expand to those dimensions not wholly unworthy of its Almighty
architect, it is when I contemplate the cause of my country, deserted by all
the world besides, and I, standing up boldly and alone, and hurling de
fiance at her victorious oppressors. Here, without contemplating conse
quences, before high Heaven and in the face of the world, I swear
eternal fidelity to the just cause, as I deem it, of the land of my life, my
liberty, and my love." No inspiration finer than this breathes in any of
Mr. Lincoln's utterances. It almost seems as if an intimation of his life
and death were given to him at the moment, as if a glimpse into his own
and his country's future had been vouchsafed to his excited vision.*
* Holland's Life of Lincoln, p. 534.

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 163
Every word here could have been adopted by Juarez as his
own in his struggle with clerical despotism. How wonderful
the providence that raised up two such men, living and acting
side by side, taking the same risks for the same cause, enduring
this during the same eventful decade, 1860 to 1870, thinking not
of themselves, but of that " vision of their country's future," by
that God-given glimpse vouchsafed to each of them, now so
fully realized by their grateful countrymen and by those who
love liberty in every laud !
Juarez and his cabinet sought safety in the Northern States
of the republic while they were developing the resources of
their country and preparing their plan of resistance in the hope
of ultimate victory over all this Avrong. The States of Cen
tral and South America took the alarm to heart very seriously.
They hastened to communicate with the Mexican president, to
assure him of their detestation of Louis Napoleon's treason to
freedom, and that they held the cause of Mexico as their cause,
and it should have their abundant sympathy, while they would
forever honor the man who so worthily bore the banner of con
stitutional freedom for the New World, as he was doing. We
have not room for their utterances which came to cheer Juarez
in that anxious hour, and can only briefly refer to them. The
president of Pern, in his address to the Congress at Lima, closed
with these stirring words :
No ; the republics of the New World, from Hudson's Bay to Tierra del
Fuego, are and will be free, independent, and sovereign ; because such is
their will — it accords with their democratic instincts and most profound
convictions ; and because in America monarchy is an impossibility. Mexico
responds with her friendship and sympathy to that which Peru displays
and demonstrates for her.
The Argentine Republic, Chili, Bolivia, Nicaragua, the
United States of Colombia, and others followed, adding their
protest against the French invasion. Under all the circumstances
they regarded our own United States as within the circle of dan
ger should Mexico fall before the remorseless power which had

164 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
already its grip upon her life, and which led the venerable
Masquera, then President of New Granada, to say to his own
Congress, " If the United States fails we all go under." Well
he might say so, in view of the fact (among many other things
then taking form) that when Peru proposed that " league
for mutual protection," and it was being discussed, it was credi
bly reported that the minister of Napoleon at Bogota remarked
to the minister of Ecuador that "France would not allow such
a league to be formed ! " * So the pressure first was to fall on
Mexico, but the others correctly understood that that was but
the entering wedge to more destructive results, and that thus
Mexico was not merely struggling for the rights and freedom
" which affect all America," as the address of the United States
of Colombia declared, but on a broader and higher scale even
than this, as Abbott remarks, like Washington and the found
ers of our republic " she was struggling not for herself and
America alone, but was in a sense fighting Fbeedom's Battle
for all mankind and for posterity."
The eyes of the world were already drawn toward Mexico,
and true lovers of constitutional liberty on the other side of the
Atlantic were yielding their sympathy and prayers for her suc
cess in the unequal conflict. In a document drawn up by the
"Netherlands League," a Democratic association at the very
home of Carlota, were the following expressions, sent to Presi
dent Juarez by Senor Romero:
We address you as the only legal representative of the Mexican nations, to
congratulate you on y%our persevering resistance against a foreign usurper,
who is trying to rob the Mexicans of their liberty and independence.
. . . The sixteen hundred young men who left Belgium for Mexico were
made to believe that they were going solely to serve as a guard to the so-
called Empress of Mexico, daughter of the King of the Belgians, and these
men, thus deceived, continued to enlist without reflecting that they were
going to uphold principles of tyranny and oppression. The people of
Belgium are lovers of liberty, and the independence they want for them
selves they desire for other nations.
* Christian World, vol. xvi, 1865, p. 136.

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 165
The hour had now come for the United States to take their
position so as to justify their future course, whatever that might
be. Mr. Seward wrote on the 7th of April, 1864, to our minis
ter at Paris, for the information of the French government :
A resolution passed the House of Representatives by a unanimous vote,
which declares the opposition of that body to a recognition of a monarchy
in Mexico. He adds in his letter to the minister these decisive words: "I
remain now Arm as heretofore in the opinion that the destinies of the
American continent are not to be permanently controlled by any political
arrangement that can be made in the capitals of Europe."
At the same time, in response to a dispatch in which Napo
leon assumed great frankness, while really concealing his pur
pose toward Mexico, Mr. Seward stated our position :
While I appreciate the frankness and the good-will which the emperor's
government manifests in thus communicating its views and purposes on
the subject, it nevertheless remains my duty to say that this government
has long recognized and does continue to recognize the constitutional
government of the United States of Mexico as the sovereign authority in
that country, and the president, Benito Juarez, as its chief. This govern
ment at the same time recognizes the condition of war existing in Mexico
between that country and France. We maintain absolute neutrality be
tween the belligerents.*
Our present duty was done when President Lincoln laid before
Congress, a few days after, the views of the administration in
regard to Mexico, expressed with his usual candor. Napoleon
might dissemble as he chose, but henceforth he knew what to
expect from the United States in regard to Mexico.
As President Juarez passed out of the northern end of the
valley of Anahuac the vanguard of the French despot entered
at the southern, coming to dictate in the New World what style
of government he would allow here, and what measure of civil
and religious liberty we must give up, and what we might
retain, conformably to papal dictation !
The president fixed his government at San Luis Potosi, Chi
huahua, and El Paso alternately. So well was he served by his
faithful people that, though the clerical faction would have

166 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
given " large money " to any one who would have betrayed him
into their hands (and they would probably have given him but
a short shrift), yet he was preserved from all plots, to carry on
his great work, until his cause was triumphant in Mexico.
After his departure from the capital, and until the Austrian
archduke should arrive, an interregnum government was arranged
by a regency of three persons, of whom Archbishop Labastida
was one. This domineering prelate was in his element, and
soon tried to introduce reactionary and repressive measures. He
could not wait till the prince arrived and had the opportunity
to approve what was now done in his name. The insolent course
of this ecclesiastic soon brought him into conflict with Marshal
Neigre, who commanded the French forces. The archbishop
was not disposed to relax one iota of the Church's claims on
the confiscated property, but demanded that the sales should be
declared " null and void," though they had been effected legally
under the preceding regimen ; but he cared nothing for the laws
of the Congress, and considered a simple decree of the regency
sufficient to restore all the properties, no matter whose interests
were violated. The marshal expostulated, and reminded the
prelate that such action did not become him who had so lately
been sheltered at the French court and had been brought back
under the protection of the French flag. He considered the
archbishop's course so compromising and premature that he
raised the question whether an appeal to the pope " against this
retrograde spirit of the higher Mexican clergy would not be
successful and the archbishop suppressed."
The heavier storm, however, came when the marshal requested
the archbishop to indicate which of the unused churches at the
capital might be taken as a place of worship for such of his
soldiers as were Protestants. His own government made such
provision, and furnished chaplains for them, and they expected
the same privilege in Mexico. The wrath of the archbishop
was extreme when the marshal preferred his reasonable request,
without dreaming of being refused. What followed we will
state in the language of Chevalier, a French writer, who, though

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 167
a Romanist, seems to have been as much surprised at the prel
ate's violence and intolerance as was the marshal :
The Archbishop of Mexico, forgetting not only what he owed to France,
but also the services that the French Intervention was rendering to Mex
ico and to Catholicism, was eager to create a sensation. He resigned his
functions as a member of the provisional government, he issued a protest,
and a little later he distributed papers among the faithful, in which, accord
ing to the terms of a letter addressed to this high church dignitary by Gen
eral Neigre, "appeal was made to the most detestable passions against the
army of his majesty the emperor." The circumstances of the case were
such that the general thought it his duty to address these severe words to
the archbishop. "Tell that party, monseigneur, that we are watching
them and are aware of their plots. Tell them that though it is always re
pugnant to us to employ violent measures of repression we shall yet, should
circumstances make the painful duty incumbent, know how to thrust back
the real enemies of Mexico into the obscurity from which they dare to
issue their diatribes."*
Alas ! General Neigre forgot he was not in enlightened Europe,
but in Mexico, so long oppressed, and that this wicked prelate
was trying to drag the nation back into the darkness from which
she had so lately emerged, and that in doing this he was obey
ing the will of the pontiff, to whom they dreamed of appealing
against his acts. What a lesson unfolds itself in this interfer
ence of the marshal and its results as to the burden which had
so long oppressed Mexico !
All things being now ready, Maximilian went to Rome to re
ceive the papal benediction. Pius IX. was flattered by this act.
It recalled the customs of the Middle Ages, and the most was
made of the example ; but it has had no imitators, and how much
good the pontifical benediction did this " crowned adventurer,"
as some one then called him, we shall see. Maximilian received
the full assurance of " perpetuity to his dynasty," and the
"blessing of Heaven upon his enterprise" from the pontiff, who
claimed that, as God's vicegerent, he was the only authority on
earth which could originate a new dynasty by " divine right "
and transmit to it Heaven's indorsement. The entire clerical
* Mexico, Ancient and Modern, by M. Chevalier, 1864, p. 10.

168 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
party seconded this assurance. How grim this appears now, and
what a fearful mistake this " infallible " man made in regard to
this new Catholic empire and its perpetuity ! Pius IX. did a
large amount of blessing and cursing in his time. Some curious
lists were made up to illustrate how often and how completely
Providence reversed his benedictions and his anathemas until
men became so indifferent that they neither desired the one nor
feared the other, and especially after the overwhelming disaster
that followed his benediction upon Maximilian and his empire !
Of God alone, as the omniscient Judge of men, can the words of
the heathen king of Moab to Balaam be true : " I know that
he whom thou blessest is blessed, and he whom thou cursest is
cursed." The exercise of these prerogatives God has never con
ferred on mortal man, not even on this one who set up his claim
to be " supreme judge of Christendom ! "
Even though thus fortified there is evidence that Maximilian
was not quite assured that his empire would be altogether safe.
Before leaving Miramar he exacted a guarantee from Louis Na
poleon, pledging the power of France to " keep the new throne
secure." What power on this continent could Maximilian be anx
ious about save the United States ? Already Napoleon's minister,
M. Billant, had begun in the French Parliament to dilate on the
benefits which his master's policy was to confer upon this hem
isphere. He intimated that when the emperor had succeeded in
giving " a good government " to Mexico he might then extend
his benevolence " over the other disorderly republics of the New
World." And it was noted that M. Billant in this connection
made no exception of the United States.* Senor Romero, the
Mexican embassador, had full evidence in his possession for his
belief that Napoleon had unfriendly intentions against our
country. This he placed before Mr. Seward and President Lin
coln. When our hands were tied on account of our civil war
Napoleon hastened the Intervention in Mexico, and undoubtedly
stood prepared to utilize his chances, whatever they might be,
to our disadvantage.
* Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States, 1863, pp. 63, 310, 444.

MAXIMILIAN, ARCHDUKE OP AUSTRIA,
For three years, by usurpation, " Emperor " of Mexico.

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 169
The church party made great preparations to receive Maxi
milian and Carlota at Vera Cruz, and on the 12th of June,
1864, they made their formal entry into the city of Mexico,
and were escorted with great pomp to the cathedral, where they
were enthroned. The great building was decorated, and under
the direction of Archbishop Labastida all that was possible
was done to show popular jubilation. Mr. Flint gives a very
full account of what was said and done, and evidently leaves
nothing out in his zeal to mark their welcome to the capital
and to create the impression that Maximilian was received in a
great blaze of popularity. How much of this was spontaneous
and outside of clerical manipulation this partisan does not state,
but the further part of this narrative will show.
We here present this now imperial couple to our readers.
The pictures are from photographs taken at Trieste, when on
their way to sail for Mexico.
The prince, or emperor, as we must now begin to call him,
came well equipped to set up a gorgeous court before the Mex
icans. Among other costly articles he had brought a gaudy
state carriage, so rich with gold trimmings, plate-glass, and other
trappings, after the old French style, that it was a load for four
horses to draw, and is reported to have cost $47,000. Tourists
go to see this curiosity, and also rooms full, until lately, of fur
niture and other luxurious articles, all bearing the imperial
monogram. Few of them came into use and some were never
unpacked ! Sad reminders of vanities and glories provided at
an immense cost ! Colonel Evans gives five pages to an enumer
ation of these frivolities with which the poor emperor provided
himself, which those curious in such matters can consult. What
intensifies the foolishness of the prince who was tjius led to
emulate the court spendors of Napoleon III. was the fact that
they were provided with borrowed money, much of which was
never paid, and never will be ! Maximilian himself was com
paratively poor, and had only a small patrimony. These thou
sands thus vaingloriously squandered in advance could have
been taken only from that ill-starred Mexican Loan in Europe

170 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
into which Napoleon had led him. Thus Maximilian lands in
the country which he invades at the head of a foreign army,
and, before he can realize a dollar from taxation or from her
customs, fastens round her neck bonds which demand millions
for their discharge, but for not one cent of which could the
poor suffering nation be fairly and honestly held accountable in
any court on earth. Nor is this all, nor even the worst of the
financial wretchedness he brings to load her down in helpless
ness and long years of future misery. How is his costly court
and administration and this reckless war he wages to be sus
tained by her ?
This question was thoroughly examined by a competent
Mexican statist, Senor Francisco Zarco, of Saltillo. The entire
paper lies before us, but we have only room for his exhibit for
the yearly demand and his conclusion upon it. After showing
that the new empire had to begin its life with a debt of its own
of $26,580,000 he comes to the question of the annual expense
sanctioned (including interest on the $40,000,000 of the loan
taken in Paris, Brussels, Hamburg, and Amsterdam), and de
velops the following table as the result to be met when the first
year ends :
International obligations  $12,781,000
Interest on the home debt  1,200,000
The emperor's salary  1,500,000
Appropriation for the empress  100,000
Expenses of the imperial household  100,000
Worship and clergy, at least  5,000,000
The army, 40,000 men, same pay as French  8,000,000
Civil list, pensions, rewards, annuities, and secret
service fund  8,000,000
A total annual expense of  $36,681,000
While Maximilian is perfecting this prodigious invention the empire
would have to suffer a deficit of $20,681,000 in the second year of its estab
lishment, as the revenue could not be more then than $16,000,000 annu
ally, considering the state of war and other serious obstacles. How was
this deficiency, threatening to increase, too, from year to year, to be sup
plied? That is the question. It is the death of the empire in its cradle !

CARLOTA, ARCHDUCHESS OF AUSTRIA,
and " Empress" of Mexico.

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 171
Sefior Zarco pauses here to realize how Prince Maximilian,
with his eyes open, could have been led into such a hopeless
and helpless enterprise as this ; and then, recalling the archduke's
amazing confidence in the pope's blessings and in Napoleon's
deceptive assurance that he " was going to seat him on piles of
gold and silver instead of on a throne," Zarco laconically winds
up his review of the doubtful situation with this remark :
The pope's precious blessings may do well for eternal life, or help to
make a passage through purgatory shorter, but nobody ever made a pot-
pie out of them. . . . Sad will be the archduke's waking, when his frolic
is over, and, looking for the promised "piles of gold and silver," sees
only his poor wife's dressing-table.*
In confirmation of the accuracy of Sefior Zarco's estimate it
is well to note that the same ground was gone over in the fol
lowing year by Mr. Middleton, secretary of the British Lega
tion in Mexico, fully sustaining what Senor Zarco had antici-
pated.f No wonder that Louis Napoleon's minister of finance
declined to make France responsible for so much, or that Francis
Joseph refused to have part in such transactions, or that so
early there arose the talk of " taking material guarantees," or
even the proposals for " the sale of the border States of the
empire, with the Juarists thrown in as chattels." Who could be
the purchasers ? The United States did not desire an extension
of territory ; the Confederate States could not afford such
luxuries, and France was not in condition to claim Sonora or
Tehuantepec, much as she desired them, in satisfaction of the
Miramar contract !
Sad and distracting as all this was there lay before the unfort
unate emperor a more difficult duty to his employers, through
which he was expected to go without shrinking so as to carry it
to its full consummation. The clericals had laid out the work,
and the pope had accepted the arrangement. Maximilian had
no alternative, nor was he to be allowed any modification of
* Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States, 1864, p. 518. La Accion, June
18, 1864.
f Papers Relating to Foreign Affairs of the United States, 1866, part ii.

172 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
its execution. Those whose work he was to do laughed at hi&
modern notions of a " limited monarchy " and " constitutional
sovereignty." " The allocution of the holy father " against
Mexico (already presented to our readers) was placed before
him as his guide. It bitterly condemns the laws passed
under the famous Constitution drafted by Juarez, and declares
all the acts done under it to be " condemned, disallowed, and
absolutely null and void, and of no effect ! " The people, the
Congress, and the government are sternly required to bow down
before the demands of the pope and to surrender all that they
had won, under the threat of " the penalties and censures of the
holy see." Maximilian was to build up by its terms a model
Romish State for this continent ! At first he tried to conciliate
the hierarchy, choosing the members of his cabinet from among
the Conservatives, and endeavored to subjugate the national
affairs to the papal will.
Let us now turn our attention to the broader facts of the
Intervention now so fully launched in Mexico. It had more
than armies in the field and navies on the ocean for the accom
plishment of its purposes. It had its trained writers and
pamphleteers, for the manufacturing of public opinion, sta
tioned in New York and in the leading cities of Europe. All
that related to the Intervention was put in the most flattering
aspects, and the republic was misrepresented in a detestable
manner, calculated to bring down the curse of " the God of
truth " upon those who sought their objects by such means.
The man who occupied a prominent position among the calum
niators of the republic, and the special eulogist of the empire,
has already been introduced to our readers. The Abbe Em
manuel Domenech bore the title of " Senior Director of the
Press of the Cabinet of his Majesty the Emperor Maximilian,"
and was so appointed by Napoleon for very special service. He
thus occupied a position between two thrones, was informed
concerning all that passed, and had immense influence in mold
ing public opinion in Europe in regard to the Mexican question.
His whole heart was given to the work of representing unfa-

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 173
vorably the character of the Mexican Liberals and to building
up on this continent the European system of government, with
its civil and religious despotism. In his volume, Mexico As
It Is, he distinctly avows that the object of Napoleon in the
Intervention was to checkmate the United States. Our trans
formation was to be accomplished by overthrowing the Monroe
doctrine, and by "giving to the Latin race a career on this
continent." That career was to change the republics of Central
and Sonth America into monarchies, and thus open the way to
monarchize us. We will quote his words :
If monarchy should be successfully introduced into the Spanish repub
lics, in ten years the United States would themselves declare a dictator
ship, which is a kind of republican monarchy adopted by degenerate or
too revolutionary republics. (P. 226.)
He next asserts that the settled policy of the United States
was to appropriate Mexico as their own, and then the rest of
the continent. He adds :
In starting with the principle, which is now a fact, that the American
continent is the common property of the human race, and not of the shat
tered union of a single race, without title or right, at least to Spanish
America and the Latin race, mother of all civilization, it evidently follows
that the principle of the protection of Europe, at least in the seventeen
republican States of South America, belongs to us (the French) and to all
the powers of the Old World. We must protect the Latin race, and in
order to protect it we must first take possession of the point menaced by
the United States. (P. 230.)
This is the policy indicated by Napoleon's words on another
occasion, when he said, "My object is to assure the preponder
ance of France over the Latin races, and to augment the influence
of those races in America." * Domenech then adds :
It would have been good policy to have recognized the Southern Con
federacy, in order to make the work of intervention more speedy. (P. 240.)
While several times too he declares :
The Intervention was a grand and glorious undertaking, which prom
ised to be for France the crowning glory of the reign of Napoleon III., and
* Mackenzie, p.- 53.

174 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
for Europe and the world the grandest enterprise of the nineteenth cent
ury. (P. 223.)
These assertions were written after the utter failure of the In-,
tervention, when the French had left Mexico, and this "Senior
Director of the Press of the Cabinet of his Majesty the Em
peror of Mexico " was trying to account for the overthrow of all
these grand plans of his master, and felt so exasperated against
Mr. Seward's diplomacy and the moral support which the
United States had given to Mexico in her struggle. He knew
far more than he chooses to tell us ; but as he sits there, so disap
pointed and so disconsolate, with the ruins of their " empire "
around him, the Confederacy collapsed and the United States
right before him now more powerful and glorious than ever,
we can well enough understand what he means when he writes
this closing paragraph and says :
Behind the Mexican expedition there was more than an empire to found,
a nation to save, markets to create, thousands of millions to develop;
there was a world tributary to France, happy to submit to our sympa
thetic influence, to receive their supplies from us, and to ascribe to us
their resurrection to the political and social life of civilized people.
(P. 242.)
Yes, indeed, behind the Mexican expedition there was more
to be accomplished than he here enumerates. He does not
state what or how much more, but it is no longer difficult to
surmise the rest, after these admissions of this deeply disap
pointed priest and the side lights that we now have from so
many other quarters. The wicked conspiracy stands clearly
revealed. How blind to the teachings of history must have been this
man ! The Latin and the Teutonic races had been struggling
for supremacy for generations on the European continent, and
such battle-fields as Sadowa and Gravelotte had given the
ascendency to Teuton civilization, and that of Sedan soon after
consummated the great change. Three hundred years ago the
Latin race held the wealth of the world in its possession, with

MEXICO IN TRANSITION.

175

all that that wealth could command, and the fairest and most
fruitful realms of earth as its own, to show what it could do
for humanity. Refusing the blessings conferred by the Refor
mation and the open Bible, it bowed to papal despotism, and
now the result shows Italy, Spain, Mexico, and South America
far behind Protestant nations in enterprise, intelligence, indus
try, and virtue !
Yet this enemy of constitutional freedom was vain enough
to imagine that he conld dazzle the world by holding up the
ignis fatuus of " Latin civilization " as something to be preferred
to Protestant and Christian freedom at the close of the nine
teenth century. His folly provoked extensive examinations into
national statistics covering such questions as those of illiteracy,
crime, legitimacy, and prosperity, which were tabulated and
published, presenting comparisons as to the respective results of
the two systems of civilization. These various exhibits lie be
fore us, but leaving those which present the sad results of Latin
civilization in regard to all the other points, we take up the
one that deals with illiteracy and present it for the consideration
of our readers. Eight countries of each civilization, aggregat
ing each other closely in population, etc., are here compared.*
What a lesson do these tables teach !

ILLITERACY 01" LATIN AND TEUTONIC POPULATIONS.

ROMAN CATHOLIC
COUNTRIES. LATIN.

Venezuela 
Austria-Hungary,
France 
Brazil 
Spain 
Portugal 
Belgium 
Italy 
Total 
Average 

A

o

<M

1

^1

1?

»3

a,
ftiO
90.00
2,075,245
90.0
39,224,511
67.6
32.00
38,218,903
78.5
25.00
12,922,375
99.0
84.00
16,958,178
99.0
60.00
4,708,178
99.0
82.00
5,520,009
99.0
42.00
28,459,628
99.0
91.4
61.94
59.64
148,087,027
PROTESTANT COUNTRIES.
Victoria 
Sweden 
Switzerland.. .
Netherlands..Germany 
Denmark 
Great Britain.
United States .
Total....Average
^
SJ5
0
~§
%
c w
3
°-2
a,
P<h
1,009,753
73.0
4,682,769
99.0
2,846,102
59.0
4,336,012
66.0
46,852,680
62.6
1,980,259
99.0
30,066,646
93.3
57,928,609
86.4
79.78
149,702,830
fta
.30
10.50 1.27 .36
11.09 9.40
4.156
?From Indian Witness, 1890.
176 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
These figures, being fairly compared, teach very important
lessons, especially at this time. They show :
Sixty illiterates out of every one hundred is Rome's average where she
has a fair chance. Four illiterates out of every one hundred is the Prot
estant record, using round numbers in both cases. That is, the Roman
group turns out fourteen thousand three hundred and forty-three times
as many ignoramuses as the Protestant group. There is no doubt she has
many profoundly learned men in her fold. But Romish influence on pop
ular education, where she is unhindered, is the influence of the upas-tree.
It blights and kills. Study the two Americas, North and South. The
one is under a pall of mental and spiritual darkness. The other basks in
the rays that shine from the common school and an open Bible.*
A study of the above table and the exhibits from which it
was compiled draws out also three significant facts, as follows,
on which our readers can reflect :
Fact number one : In Rome there are one pope, thirty cardinals, thirty-
five bishops, one thousand four hundred and sixty-nine priests, two
thousand two hundred and fifteen nuns, and three thousand monks. Fact
number two : In Rome over one hundred thousand of the population can
neither read nor write. Fact number three : The Romish Church says it
is in favor of education, and wants us to allow it to have its own way in
this matter, as it has had in Italy, Mexico, and elsewhere.
To leave the United States any longer unchecked all men
would soon believe, as we do, in the charter of human rights, and
millions would accept along with this the inspiring soul of our
Anglo-Saxon civilization — the original and procuring elements
of our elevation in the public school, the open Bible, and the
evangelical creed. To see this great country, with a territory
larger than all Europe, grow up on such foundations as these,
with the almost certainty within sixty years more of having a
population, mostly Protestant, equal in number to the present
population of Europe, standing then peerless in unity, influence,
and power among the nations of the earth, remodeling the
world by its high example, was a prospect that the papacy and
the despotism of the Old World could not endure ! Hence
* William Wheeler, in Pittsburg Christian Advocate.

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 177
their hatred, their desperation, and their efforts for the over
throw of the United States as their ultimate object. General
Grant so regarded it, and few men were more far-sighted than
he. He was not deceived by the fact that Mexico was at first
placed in the foreground, as if that were all that was aimed at.
In the last pages that he ever wrote, when dying at Mount
McGregor, this subject engaged his thoughts. He says :
Under pretense of protecting their citizens these nations seized upon
Mexico as a foot-hold for establishing a European monarchy upon our con
tinent, thus threatening our peace at home. I, myself, regarded this as
a direct act of war against the United States by the powers engaged,
and supposed as a matter of course that the United States would treat it
as such when their hands were free to strike.*
Maximilian, having chosen his cabinet from among the Con
servatives, gave himself to the consolidation of his empire.
But no man ever undertook to found an empire amid such dif
ficulties. Nor was this due to the fact that a state of war sur
rounded him, carried on by troops that were not under his
control ; nor was the chief obstacle the lack of funds for neces
sary expenses, nor in the conviction that the nation failed to
come to his standard. All these and other discouragements
loomed up before him, but the chief trouble he found in the
heart and purpose of Archbishop Labastida in Mexico and the
pontiff in Rome.
The archduke had been promised during his visit to the
Vatican that he should receive the constant benediction of the
holy father, and that a nuncio would soon be sent who would
be his confidential adviser. Month after month went by, and
no nuncio came, though Maximilian's embassador at Rome con
stantly urged the emperor's desires and expectations. He was left
to the guidance of the hierarchy in Mexico (as was no doubt
intended). They made their demands, backed up the allocution
of the holy father for the reversal of all that the nation had
done in the interest of self-government. This mediaeval docu-
* Personal Memoirs of U. S. Grant, vol. ii, p. 545.

178 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
ment had been ignored by the Republican leaders, but Maximil
ian was now expected to carry out its entire provisions.
Chevalier, as a French Romanist, was amazed to find this
allocution demanding of Mexico what the pope would not dare
require of France or of any other European country, as they had
all in succession done exactly as Mexico had done. It seemed
to him that the pope was speaking with "a double voice" in
thus condemning Mexico for what he allowed unrebuked in
larger countries. What this distinguished writer expresses of
his astonishment in finding the papacy taking this stand in
the New World, and attempting to found a monarchy on doc
trines rejected by the intelligence and conscience of all the old
States of Christendom, so as to force into acceptance a type of
political Romanism three hundred years behind date, gives the
true interpretation to the events now opening before us. It
explains why Maximilian failed, and how deliberately wicked
were those who sent him to this continent to do such work,
that they might spread by force their system of absolutism over
lands already enlightened and free !
Maximilian soon realized the injustice of the demands of the
allocution, and refused to carry out its decrees concerning relig
ious intolerance, the recall of the Jesuits, and the restoration of
clerical estates sold under former laws. To reverse this would
cause a greater revolution than the one which had brought it
about, the number of titles having multiplied into the thou
sands, and the nation would not justify the attempt. His cabi
net stood with him in this resolution. Finally, by decree, on
December 27, 1864, he ordered the continuation of the sales of
the former ecclesiastical property. It now became the turn of
the clericals to become alarmed, and they eagerly looked for
the nuncio to head off the liberal tendencies of their emperor.
In this matter and the consequences which resulted it was neces
sary to have evidence ready for every statement, as so many
contradictory representations were made. The writer realized
this need so imperatively that he returned to Mexico and spent
several months looking for reliable information, and was fortu-

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 179
nate in finding what was required. When the empire collapsed
its archives fell into the hands of the republican government,
and were made available. The Official Daily Journal, with
voluminous correspondence, pamphlets, and books, explained
what could not be otherwise understood. Some of these vol
umes contain the very information necessary at this point, and
especially the one entitled la Corte de Roma y el Fmperador
Maximiliano. It furnishes the documents which passed be
tween the two courts, and, besides, contains confidential letters
written by Maximilian and Carlota, which shed full light upon
the sad situation and the pressure brought to bear upon the
unfortunate emperor to compel him to do the will of the pope
and his curia; how Archbishop Labastida and the nuncio
used their influence, almost to the point of torture, till at last,
maddened by the persistent goading, Maximilian threw off their •
hold and broke with them, but too late either to save his em
pire or life, or the reason of the empress !
We first present the leading portion of the pope's letter, or
protest, to Maximilian, dated October 18, 1864, which was ex
pected to spur him to the duty before him. It reads :
Sire : When in the month of April last, before assuming the reins of the
new empire of Mexico, your majesty arrived at this capital in order to
worship at the tomb of the holy apostles and to receive our apostolic ben
ediction, we informed you of the deep sorrow which filled our soul by
reason of the lamentable state into which the social disorders during the
past few years have reduced all that concerns religion in the Mexican
nation. Before that time more than once we had made known our complaints
in public and solemn acts, protesting against the iniquitous law called
"The Law of Reform," which attacked the most inviolable rights of the
Church and outraged the authority of its pastors, against the seizure of the
ecclesiastical property, the dissipation of the sacred patrimony, and the
unjust suppression of the religious orders.
For these reasons your majesty must have well understood how happy
we were to see — thanks to the establishment of a new empire — the dawn of
pacific and prosperous days for the Church in Mexico ; a joy that was in
creased when we saw called to the throne a prince of a Catholic family,
and one who has given so many proofs of religious zeal and piety. Equally

180 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
intense was the joy of the worthy Mexican bishops who had the happi
ness of being the first to pay their sincere homage to the sovereign-elect
of their country, and of hearing from his own lips the most complete as
surances of his firm resolution to redress the wrongs done to the Church
and to reorganize the disturbed elements of civil and religious adminis
tration. . . .
Under such auspices we have been waiting day by day the acts of the
new empire, persuaded that the Church, outraged with so much impunity
by the revolution, would receive prompt and just redress, whether by
the revocation of the laws which had reduced it to such a state of oppres
sion and servitude, or by the promulgation of others adapted to the sup
pression of the disastrous effects of an injurious administration. . . .
Ah, sire, in the name of that faith and piety which are the ornaments of
your august family ; in the name of the Church, whose supreme chief and
pastor God has constituted us, in the name of Almighty God, who has
chosen you to rule over so Catholic a nation with the sole purpose of heal
ing her ills, and of restoring the honor of his holy religion, we earnestly
conjure you to put your hands to the work, and laying aside every human
consideration, and guided solely by an enlightened wisdom and your
Christian feelings, dry up the tears of so interesting a portion of the Catho
lic family, and by such worthy conduct merit the blessings of Jesus Christ,
the prince of pastors.
With this purpose, and in compliance with your own wishes, we send
you our representative. . . .
We have instructed him to ask at once from your majesty, and in our
name, the revocation of the unjust laws which for so long a time have op
pressed the Church.
Your majesty is well aware that, in order effectively to repair the
evils occasioned by the revolution, and to bring back as soon as possible
happy days for the Church, the Catholic religion must, above all things,
continue to be the glory and the mainstay of the Mexican nation, to the
exclusion of every other dissenting worship; that the bishops must be per
fectly free in the exercise of their pastoral ministry ; that the religious or
ders should be re-established or reorganized, that no person may obtain
the faculty of teaching false and subversive tenets ; that instruction,
whether public or private, should be directed and watched over by the
ecclesiastical authority; and that, in short, the chains may be broken
which up to the present time have held the Church in a. state of depend
ence and subject to the arbitrary rule of civil government. . . . And,
besides, you will give a. striking example to the other governments of
the republics in America, in which similar very lamentable vicissi
tudes have tried the Church; and, lastly, you will labor effectually

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 181
to consolidate your throne, to the glory and prosperity of your imperial
family. Confidently hoping to see these most ardent desires of our heart, we
send to your majesty and to your august spouse our apostolic bene
diction. Given at Rome, in our Apostolic Palace of the Vatican, 18th Oct., 1864.
Pius IX.*
The nuncio, Monseigneur Meglia, bearing the above letter
duly arrived and was received with all the honors usually ac
corded to a messenger from the " holy see," and the anxious
emperor hoped with his aid to arrive at some satisfactory ar
rangement notwithstanding the dubious character of the pope's
communication. On the day after the nuncio's arrival an interview was ac
corded, but Maximilian was surprised to find him quite non
committal. It soon became manifest that his policy was one
of passive resistance. He allowed Maximilian to do the talk
ing, and when requested to represent the pope's views of the
situation and of how the various difficulties were to be met and
overcome, he would fall back on his phrase that he "had
no instructions," the pope's epistle was enough, and marked the
duty expected of Maximilian. No matter what were the bar
riers in the way of reversing the acts of 'the nation which the
emperor pointed out, this was the invariable answer. The
terms of the pontiff were not to be discounted ; it was these or
nothing. Maximilian soon realized that this policy of the nun
cio was disrespectful and embarrassing to the last degree. So,
hoping to develop some concession, he took these two proposi
tions from his programme and handed them to the nuncio for
his consideration :
First. The Mexican government tolerates all forms of worship which
were formerly forbidden by the laws of the country, but concedes its
especial protection to the Catholic, Apostolic and Roman, as the religion
of the State.
* History of the French Intervention in Mexico, by E. Lefevre, official documents
taken from the archives of Maximilian, vol. ii, p. 16, etc. Brussels and London,
]869. Appleton's Annual Cyclopedia, 1865, p. 149, etc.

182 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
Second. The public treasury shall provide for the expenses of public
worship, and shall pay its ministers in the same way and in the same pro
portion and under the same title as the other servants of the state.
The next morning the nuncio sent to Senor Escudero, the
minister of justice, his conclusions upon them. We need only
quote that on liberty of worship ; he says :
Touching some of the points of this proposition, I have disapproved the
first, on the tolerance of worship (other than Catholic), as contrary to the
doctrines of the Church, and the desire of the Mexican nation, which is all
Catholic* Just at this time Marshal Bazaine arrived in Mexico, and on
understanding the situation at once took sides with the emperor
and against the demands of the nuncio and hierarchy in the in
terest of the nation's right and peace. Maximilian seems to
have exhausted all his patience in trying to bring this haughty
ecclesiastic to a reasonable course, but in vain. The members
of his ministry then tried, but they too failed. Last of all, the
empress resolved to see what her negotiation with him could
do to effect a settlement which the nation might be led to en
dure. Yet, after subjecting herself to his lordly manner, she
too had to give up the effort. The emperor's advisers urged
him to send an embassy, accompanied by two special councilors,
to place the difficulties before the pope, in hope of a better under
standing. The result showed that this effort was of no avail to
turn the Roman curia from their purpose to force Maximilian
to act according to the lines laid down in the allocution.
One more effort was made by the ministiy to bring the
nuncio to some reasonable ground, but it was equally unsuccess
ful. We present the closing paragraph of his reply, where our
readers will be amazed to read the new and pompous title he
confers upon the pontiff (italics ours) :
I take the liberty to request that you will beg his majesty, who is de
votedly attached to the holy father, to abstain from taking any steps
contrary to the Church and its laws, that he may not add to the sorrow of
* La Corle de Roma y el Emperador Maximilio.no, p. 52.

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 183
a pontiff so good, and who has suffered so much, and that he await the
oracle of His Beatitude, which can only redound to the glory of religion
and to the true welfare of his majesty the emperor.*
Tired out with the long delay and resistance of the nuncio,
Maximilian resolved to act for himself and the nation, and
proclaim a constitutional system for his empire, as the only
chance of its establishment. So on the 27th of December,
1864, he wrote to his secretary of state :
In order to overcome the difficulties which have arisen regarding the
so-called " Laws of Reform," we have purposed to adopt a means which,
while it shall satisfy the just demands of the country, shall have for its
object the re-establishment for all the inhabitants of the empire of tran
quillity of mind and peace of conscience. To this end we endeavored
when in Rome to open negotiations with the holy father as the universal
chief of the Catholic Church.
The apostolic nuncio has come to Mexico, but, to our great surprise,
has declared that he is not provided with instructions to negotiate. The
difficult situation, prolonged now for six months, no longer admits of
delay. It must soon be brought to a conclusion. Consequently we charge
you to propose to us immediately measures whose object shall be :
Justice to all without respect to persons.
The legitimate interests created by the laws of reform to be guaranteed
without hinderance to the measures necessary to be taken to repair the in
justice and excuses to which said laws have given occasion.
The support of divine worship and the safeguard of religion to be pro
vided for.
And, lastly, the sacraments and the other functions of the ecclesiastical
ministry to be exercised throughout the empire free of charge.
In order to this you will submit to us at once a plan for the revision
of the operation regarding mortmain property conveyed to the clergy.
Finally, you will be guided by the most ample principles of religious
toleration, without losing from sight that the religion of the State is the
Catholic, Apostolic Roman. Maximilian, t
This outline of the emperor's policy startled the clerical fac
tion, who had all along bitterly fought these very same liberal
ideas when put forward by Juarez and the Republican party.
The bishops sent a protest, bitterly condemning his action.
* La Corte de Roma, p. 53. f Ibid.

184 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
Though it lies before us we can only quote one sentence show
ing its character. They say, " With regard to religious toler
ance we can see nothing that renders it, not to say urgent, but
even excusable."
Cardinal Antonelli again wrote in the same strain, warning
Maximilian not to fail to recognize his " true interests and the
real purpose of the mission" which God had confided to him
by obedience to the course marked out for him by the pontiff.
The manifesto of the bishops drew forth a reply from Maxi
milian that fell like a thunder-bolt in their camp. Boldly
does he dare before the nation to tell them that their previous
assertion of never having occupied themselves in politics is un
true, that they have resisted the State, producing revolutions
and securing for themselves temporal possessions to the neglect
and injury of their flocks. Even Juarez could hardly have
lectured these guilty prelates more harshly than does this im
perial manifesto. He says :
You state that the Mexican Church has never taken part in political
events. Would to God it had been so ! But unhappy proofs exist which
demonstrate clearly that even the dignitaries of the Church have flung
themselves into the revolutions, and that a portion of the clergy have ex
hibited a very active resistance against the State. Confess, my well-
esteemed prelates, that the Mexican Church, by a lamentable fatality, has
mingled too much in politics and in affairs of temporal possessions, neg
lecting, in consequence, the Catholic instructions of its flocks. Yes; the
Mexican people are pious and good, but they are not yet, for the most
part, Catholic, in the true sense of the holy gospels, and it is not their
fault. They need to be instructed, to receive the sacraments as the Gos
pel ordains, gratuitously. But Mexico will be Catholic, I assure you.
Suspect, if you will, my Catholicism ; Europe has long known my senti
ments; the holy father knows my thought. The Churches of Germany
and of Jerusalem, that are to the Archbishop of Mexico as to me, bear wit
ness for me on that point. But, just and good Catholic as I am, I will be
also a just and liberal prince. Receive the expression of my affection.
Maximilian.*
Maximilian was left by this with a very limited clerical sup
port. They put him in a position where no man with a con-
* Christian World, vol xvi, 1865, p. 158.

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 185
science could succeed, and then fell away because lie could not
do what they demanded. What was said at Rome is reported
by the well-informed editor of these confidential letters :
We know by the mouth of persons to whom Pope Pius IX. said it, not
long since, that he considered the Mexican empire as a thingthat could
not last long. He said: "Maximilian commits many errors in Mexico.
He cannot hold himself up. He should lean solely on the clergy and be
governed by them alone. But on the contrary he asks things which cannot
be granted to him, because they are contrary to his own interests." *
No wonder that, thus surrounded with uncertainty and gloom
and clerical intolerance, the following sad and confidential letter
to a friend was wrung from the heart of the Empress Carlota.
It was written early in January, 1865, and gives the inside
view of matters. She writes :
Your kind letter, I repeat, has caused me a double pleasure, because it
is at once a proof of your remembrance and of the friendship which ever
unites us. To speak frankly, we need friendship just now, because the
situation is far from improving. I do not know if you are aware that the
holy father, who has a merry disposition, says often of himself that he is
" jettatore" (playful). So it is a fact that since his envoy set foot on our
soil we have had nothing but disappointments, and can only expect soon
to have many more. The clergy, wounded to death by the letter of De
cember 27, are not easily appeased ; all the old abuses elude the efforts
of the emperor to remedy. We have here, perchance, not fanaticism,
but such a dull and painful tenacity that I believe it impossible for the
members now forming the clergy ever to form anew. What shall be
done with them? That is the question. ... It is a month now since we
entered upon a serious crisis. If we pass through it victoriously the
future of the Mexican empire is assured ; if not, I know not what may
come about. For the first six months every one pronounced the govern
ment perfect; now, touch any thing, interfere in the least, and you are
cursed. . . .
The army is decreasing, and with it the material forces of the govern
ment. What is needed is soldiers. The Austrians and Belgians are very
well in time of calm, but let the tempest come, and we see only red trou
sers (French). I believe it is going to be very difficult for us to pass
through the first vital crisis unless the country is more extensively occupied
* La Corte de Roma, p. 89.

186 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
than at present. Every thing is greatly scattered, and it seems to me that
instead of withdrawing in the least, it is necessary to increase. . . .
In case of need we can retire, as Juarez did, to a distant province, or re
turn to the place from whence we came; but France must triumph, first,
because she is France, and, second, because her honor is at stake.*
The nuncio's last effort was to address a communication to
the emperor so dictatorial in character that the ministry re
sented it and informed the nuncio that he was presuming to
interfere with matters which had not been submitted to him,
which the government reserved for its own action. The minis
ter of justice bravely stated to him :
Those who allow themselves to be carried away by an extravagant zeal
and push the papacy beyond its limits and despoil it of its character
forget the severe lessons of history.
And against the nuncio's efforts to subjugate the emperor to
the will of the pope they say :
Maximilian, a citizen and member of the Christian communion, bows
with respect and submission before the spiritual authority of the common
father of the faithful ; but Maximilian, the emperor and representative
of the Mexican sovereignty, does not recognize any power on earth supe
rior to his own. Consequently I cannot accept the thought which possi
bly may have escaped your excellency, in exalting the sovereignty and in
dependence of the Roman pontiff, to the effect that the emperor should
obey him as his subject. Allow me to respectfully suggest to you that
said word is most improper.
The emperor and the pope have both received directly from God their
full and absolute power, each within his respective limits. Between
equals there can be no subjection. This Bossuet himself also says, and it
is a precept taught by an authority superior to his, that of the divine
code of Christianity.
We must now observe what Providence had been doing
outside in aid of the cause of liberty in Mexico by restraining
the enemies of that cause, who were so anxious to weaken the
influence of the United States, so as to hinder her efforts to
help Mexico. * La Corte de Roma, p. 24.

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 187

CHAPTER VII.
England and recognition — Beecher's effort — Cotton-spinners of Lancashire —
"Kicked out of Rome " — Papal missive to "Lincoln & Co." — Recognition of
Jeff Davis by the pontiff — Outline of policy — Iuterview with Juarez sought
by Maximilian — Confidential letter of the emperor — False proclamation con
cerning Juarez—" The Black Decree " — Execution of Arteaga and Salazar —
Letters — Libro Rojo — Santa Anna — Sudden departure of the empress — Inter
view with the pope — Incurable insanity — French troops withdrawn — The
emperor's attempted departure — Interference of French and clericals — Sheri
dan at Rio Grande.
The sympathy of the Confederate States with the French
Intervention was a matter of anxiety to our government.
That sympathy became active along the line of the Rio
Grande when it resisted the republican force under General
Negrete and tried to intercept the bearers of dispatches be
tween President Juarez and his minister at Washington, thus
acting as allies of the French emperor. Jefferson Davis tells
us of how much value they were to him and his cause. Na
poleon ardently desired to recognize the Confederacy, and
urged the British government to join him in such recognition.
Mr. Davis says :
Napoleon was anxious to go beyond this, and so was the pope of Rome,
and they only. . . . Napoleon's efforts looking toward the breaking of
our blockade met with refusal from England, the country whose artisans
were the chief sufferers by the cotton famine.*
How hard Mr. Davis tried to induce the Emperor of the
French to authorize the construction of war-vessels for the
Confederate navy, in order to prey upon the commerce of the
United States, is well known to the readers of the work of Mr.
J. Bigelow, our minister to France in 1862-68.f
* Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government, by J. Davis, p. 618.
\ France and the Confederate Navy, by J. Bigelow.

188 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
Far more important for us and for Mexico was the position
taken by England in the question of recognition. Had she
thrown her influence against us, long years might have been
added to the sad struggle, or the North, for the sake of peace,,
might have allowed the South to go. This might not have
ended the contest or saved republicanism in Mexico, but it
might have compelled us, as Motley wrote,
To build a Chinese wall of custom-houses and forts across the widest part
of the American continent, from the Atlantic to the Pacific, and keep
an army of three hundred thousand men perpetually on foot, and a navy
to match, in order to watch the nation on the other side of that wall and
fight it every half-dozen years or so, together with its European allies.
The present war, even if it lasts ten years longer, is cheaper in blood and
money than the adoption of such a system.*
There were special difficulties in the way of England's com
plete understanding of our cause. The tory class was jealous of
our democratic views and of our growing power, and was will
ing to see us weakened and divided. In regard to the position
actually taken by the English government it is satisfactory to
have the assurance which has lately appeared over the signature
of Hon. W. E. Gladstone. He writes :
As a member of the cabinet of Lord Palmerston, and now nearly its
sole surviving member, I can state that it never at any time dealt with
the subject of recognizing the Southern States in your great civil war, ex
cepting when it learned the proposition of the Emperor Napoleon III.,
and declined to entertain that proposition without qualification, delay, or
dissent. . . . You will, I am sure, be glad to learn that there is no founda
tion for a charge which, had it been true, might have aided in keeping
alive angry sentiments happily gone by.
This is decisive, coming, as it does, from the highest au
thority. Among the leading journals of England, also, there were
some which could rise above the superficial aspect of matters
and do justice to the United States in their anticipation of the
inevitable results, and this, too, as early as 1863. The London
* Correspondence of J. L. Motley, vol. ii, p. 11.

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 189
Morning Advertiser closed one of its able articles in the fol
lowing strain :
It strikes us there is no doubt whatever that, in due season, Napoleon
will have to meet the United States, for they will again be united, in the
field of mortal conflict, to defend his right to interpose in a continent
severed from his own empire by rolling oceans. It will be to no purpose
to plead that a consul was insulted, or that a French merchant was mal
treated. These are things for which it is easy to provide a remedy. Such
things furnish no reasonable ground for the transfer of an army and the
invasion of a country. In the event of such a war, which we take to be
absolutely certain, Napoleon will find that his present glory is purchased
with a fearful reversion. It will be found that the United States is at
once training both troops and generals, and that, should the day arrive
when they resolve to hurl the French into the Pacific, and to undo their
work in Mexico, it will be found that they are once more confronted, in
effect, with the steel of England — that of England's sons — and it will then
behoove the emperor, should he not have changed his lodgings at the Tuil-
eries long before, to mind what he is about.
The North was not alert in placing its cause before Europe ;
the agents of the Confederacy were more than a year in advance,
manufacturing opinion favorable to the Confederacy, before
our government realized the importance of having our cause
rightly understood there. Our friends were at first denied a
hearing in many leading cities. The biography of Henry Ward
Beecher is interesting on this theme. He, among others, went
to England determined to be heard, that the British public
might be undeceived. After careful study he decided that the
friends of the North were to be found among the middle class
and the laboring people, with a few of the upper classes, the
queen and prince consort, the Quakers, and religious folk
generally. In some of the meetings which he was to address, in Man
chester and Liverpool especially, the mob would howl so that
it was almost impossible to speak. When a lull occurred Mr.
Beecher would throw in a few words, the beginning of some
incident or story, till finally the pauses became longer as their
attention was gained, and the very disturbers were soon found

190 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
applauding the sentiments he uttered. His biographer gives us
an account of what proved to be the greatest of his triumphs in
changing, within two hours, prejudiced and mistaken foes of
the North into its cordial friends and well-wishers.
This event occurred at Manchester on the 9th of October,
1863, in the Free Trade Hall, an immense room capable of hold
ing from five to six thousand people. It was full. The great
crowd at last consented to be quiet and hear Mr. Beecher for
his cause. As he went on he realized that he was gaining all
the time on their good-will.
Toward the close of his address a telegram was passed up to the chair
man of the meeting, who read it, and then rose and said a word to Mr.
Beecher, who paused, and the chairman then said to the audience, "I hold
in my hand, just received, a telegram from London stating that her
majesty has to-night caused the ' Broad Arrow ' to be placed on the rams
in Mr. Laird's ship-yard at Birkenhead. " This meant a stoppage of those
ships which were being built by Messrs. Laird for Confederate cruis
ers. The effect was startling. The whole audience rose to its feet and
cheered and waved their hats, while women waved their handkerchiefs
and wept. A howling mob was transformed into a friendly crowd, while
hundreds hurried to the platform to shake hands with the eloquent de
fender of the North.*
The last page ever written by Mr. Beecher was on this sub
ject. He had been requested by The Century Magazine to
prepare an article on his English tour in 1863. On the morn
ing after his death the unfinished article was found in his desk,
the closing words of which were :
A more pathetic example of the heroism of the poor was never exhibited
than in the case of the Lancashire weavers. They saw their industries
wasting, their bread grew scarce, even their poverty became poorer, nor
was there any sign upon the horizon that this cloud would soon pass away,
and yet they held fast in their integrity; and, believing the cause of the
North was the cause of the day-laborer the world over, they patiently
bore famine and distress with fortitude until the day dawned. No other
men among all English-speaking people gave a testimony of the love of
liberty so heroic and so pathetic as the weavers of Lancashire.
* Biography of H. W. Beecher, p. 410.

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 191
Early in the year 1863 these working-men of Manchester
sent Mr. Lincoln a letter, to which he gave a grateful and
cordial reply. They, although greatly suffering in consequence
of the war, sent him their sympathy ; and in his reply he
said to them :
It has been often and studiously represented that the attempt to over
throw this government, which was built upon' the foundation of human
rights, and to substitute for it one which should rest exclusively upon the
basis of human slavery, was likely to obtain the favor of Europe. Through
the action of our disloyal citizens the working-men of Europe have been
subjected to severe trial for the purpose of forcing their sanction to that
attempt. Under these circumstances I cannot but regard your decisive utterances
upon the question as an instance of sublime Christian heroism, which has
not been surpassed in any age or in any country. I do not doubt that
the sentiments you have expressed will be sustained by your great nation ;
and on the other hand I have no hesitation in assuring you that they will
excite admiration, esteem, and the most reciprocal feelings of friendship
among the American people.*
The attitude of the papacy during our civil war was a source
of anxiety to our government and to thoughtful men. Indi
vidual exceptions there were, undoubtedly, but the general
trend of the Roman Church was unfriendly. As if by a subtle
instinct the lowest member discerned that he could have no in
terest-in preventing the power of this nation from being crip
pled, or its prestige as the great Protestant republic destroyed.
Their vote was generally thrown against the war, as the enemies
of our country at home and abroad desired. For a contrast
look at the various Protestant sects of our land, and see how
loyally they rallied to the help of our government to the last hour
of the conflict. There is a reason for this marked distinction ;
our downfall would have been the failure of Protestantism at
its culminating point. It is a curious thing to compare the
stern refusal of the Romish authorities in Mexico to permit
the Protestant soldiers of the Intervention to have the use
of a place of worship in which to hold divine service in the
* Holland's Life of Lincoln, p. 419.

192 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
city of Mexico with what so recently had happened in Rome.
Since 1850 Americans in the " Eternal City " had been in the
habit of meeting for a simple religious service on the Lord's
day in a private house. Major-General Cass, our embassador
to Rome, and Mr. King, our consul, supported the service. Even
singing was sometimes omitted to avoid giving the intolerants
a motive to complain. But it became known that the service
was held, and a demand was made for its suppression. The in
fluence of our embassador with the papal government postponed
this for a time. Rev. G. H. Hastings was pastor of the little
congregation. When word reached this country that such a
service was held in Rome the bigoted Roman Catholic papers,
instead of advising that the service should have the same liberty
so fully granted to their Church in the United States, flamed up
and professed to be horrified at the idea of a Protestant service
in Rome ! The editor of the Freeman's Journal, the organ of
Archbishop Hughes in New York, wrote an article misrepre
senting the service, which was in English, for English-speaking
people exclusively, and then adds: "Mr. Hastings can do
nothing, as the very first convert he should make he would be
kicked out of Rome, though Mr. Cass should bundle up his
traps and follow him." * This written under the Stars and
Stripes of our glorious freedom ! " Kicked out of Rome ! " As
though liberty of conscience was not as dear in Rome as in
New York or London ! Yet if Cardinal Wiseman converted
an Englishman, who talked of "kicking?' him out of London?
or Archbishop Hughes out of New York if he converted an
American ? Yet in this spirit of intolerance Pius IX. ordered
the suppression of the little Protestant service ! The " pious "
pope of the nineteenth century proved less tolerant than the
infamous Nero of the first. The emperor of pagan Rome
allowed Paul to preach undisturbed in his " hired house " for
years, and " to receive all who came unto him," preaching and
teaching with all confidence, " no man forbidding him." Even
the personal troops of the emperor were the objects of his
* Christian World, vol. ii, p. 203.

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 193
ministry — "the whole pretorian guard" (Phil, i, 3, Rev. Ver.)
and " saints in Caesar's household " sent their salutation to Chris
tians every-where. No wonder that God so soon after ended
this worse than pagan bigotry by wresting from the papal
grasp the power which it so misused. Mr. Hastings had the
right to re-open his services, and Victor Emmanuel provided that
no man should "kick him out of Rome" for making a convert,
but would have rather rejoiced had he made ten thousand in
the city !
Ere this happened General Cass, returning home, was elected
to the Senate of the United States from Michigan. The ques
tion of Romish intolerance toward the living and the dead
came up, and he made a grand speech on the right of Ameri
cans to freedom of religious worship and Christian burial wher
ever they may be, and the question was referred to the Commit
tee on Foreign Relations. A few weeks later, when Congress
was taking the vote on supply, some one moved that the lega
tion at Rome be left without an appropriation, which ended it,
and thus another of the temporal dignities of Pius IX. passed
away. This " sovereign," occupying such a precarious throne,
was desperately anxious to exert his influence in our conflict,
that he might " ride on the whirlwind and direct the storm "
according to his own interests. The measure he tried first was
by directing a pastoral to his archbishops of New York and
New Orleans, authorizing them in his name to convey his
wishes as "the administrator of the vicegerent work of Him
who is the Author of Peace " to our " chief rulers and people."
With their subordinate bishops as commissioners of the pontiff
of Christendom they were to undertake to settle our national
troubles by the utterance of platitudes from one who was not
invited to interfere at such a time, wdien the appeal had been
made to the Lord God of Hosts, to give the victory to the side
which he espoused. There was a well-known cause for the
war, but the pope did not touch it nor state the remedy — ¦" to
break every yoke and let the oppressed go free ! " He did
not send his commissioners with that message to Jefferson
14

194 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
Davis and so end the war by extinguishing its cause, if they
would but obey him. No, the papal commissioners were to
expostulate with Washington and the Northern people, not
with Richmond and the South.
Remembering that Abraham Lincoln and the Congress are
pointed at, let us note a few sentences from this papal pastoral :
Apply all your study and exertion, with the people and their chief rulers,
to restore forthwith the desired tranquillity and peace.
Neither omit to admonish and exhort the people and their supreme rulers
even in our name.
We are confident that they would comply with our paternal admonitions.
We have no hesitation, venerable brothers, but that, calling to jour aid
the services of your associate bishops, you would abundantly satisfy these
our wishes, and by your wise and prudent efforts bring a matter of such
moment to a happy termination.*
How flattering must have been the self-conceit that could im
agine that the "name," "authority," and " paternal admonitions"
of this curious old man could " restore forthwith the desired
tranquillity and peace ! " Think of how Stanton and Seward
would have listened to such an admonition to " bring a matter
of such moment to a happy termination ! " Or imagine the
president's face if he had listened to these commissioners of
Pius IX. ! What a refreshing " admonition " would have been
sent back "in the name of" Abraham Lincoln, importing that
.Italian priests should mind their own affairs and rectify their
own great wrongs against civil and religious liberty, with some
allusions to the unchristian treatment of Mr. Hastings at Rome,
in the closing of the American chapel, with the ending of the
legation at Rome thrown in as a clincher !
The archbishops did not deliver this message to those to
whom it was nominally addressed, but it was given out to those
who are not mentioned, and wrought its purpose by drying up
the patriotism of many who took their politics as well as their
religion from Rome, and had, it is feared, its effect in the draft
riots in New York, and their attendant horrors a few months
* Christian World, vol. xiv, p. 357.

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 195
later. Americans are not likely to forget Archbishop Hughes's
address to the lawless crowd while those ruins were still
smoking. Instead of taking warning by the issue of this intermeddling,
the pontiff adopted a more open measure to aid the side he
favored. Deeply disappointed that Napoleon could not be in
duced to go forward alone and recognize the Confederacy,
Jefferson Davis had been urging the pope to take the initiative
under the idea that the Catholic powers would follow his lead,
as they had done in generations past. It is evident from the
letter that we are about to present that Davis was informed of
the communications sent to the archbishops. It seems a pity
that we cannot present his letter to the pope, but our search
for it has been in vain. It was sent by the hand of his agent,
Colonel A. D. Mann, of Virginia, who in a dispatch to the
Confederate secretary of state gives an account of the interview
with Pius IX. Colonel Mann informs his chief that the pope,
in referring to " the rulers of the other peoples of America,"
spoke of them as "Lincoln & Co.,"* and then furnished his
recognition and reply, as follows :
LETTER OP PIUS IX. TO JEFFERSON DAVIS.
Illustrious and Honorable President: We have just received
with all suitable welcome the persons sent by you to place in our hands
your letter dated 23d of September last. Not slight was the pleasure we
experienced when we learned, from these persons and the letter, with what
feelings of joy and gratitude you were animated, illustrious and honorable
president, as soon as you were informed of our letters to our venerable
brothers, John, Archbishop of New York, and John, Archbishop of New
Orleans, dated the 18th of October of last year, and in which we have
with all our strength excited and exhorted those venerable brothers that
in their episcopal piety and solicitude they should endeavor with the
most ardent zeal, and in our name, to bring about the end of the fatal
civil war which has broken out in those countries, in order that the Amer
ican people may obtain peace and concord and dwell charitably together.
It is particularly agreeable to us to see that you, illustrious and honorable
president, and your people are animated with the same desire of peace and
* The Century Magazine, May, 1891.

196 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
tranquillity which we have in our letters inculcated upon our venerable
brothers. May it please God at the same time to make the other peoples
of America and their rulers, reflecting seriously how terrible is civil war,
and what calamities it engenders, listen to the inspirations of a calmer
spirit and adopt resolutely the part of peace. As for us, we shall not
cease to offer up the most fervent prayers to God Almighty that he may
pour out upon all the people of America the spirit of peace and charity,
and that he will stop the great evils which afflict them. We at the same
time beseech the God of mercy and pity to shed abroad upon you the light
of his grace and attach you to us by a perfect friendship.
Given at Rome at St. Peter's the 3d day of December, 1863, of our
Pontificate 18. Pius IX. *
Who that reads the above letter and his pastoral to his bishops
can doubt that the writer had already taken his side in the dis
pute? His influence was thrown in favor of the South and
made official by his recognition of the slave-holding Confed
eracy and its illustrious and honorable president ! The pope
was the only sovereign power that did recognize it. Expecting
that the Catholic nations would follow his lead, he looked around
to see France join his position, but she did not, nor Spain or
Austria. Having no navy to give effect to his recognition, he
had the mortification of knowing that his act was practically
worth nothing to the South, while it revealed his real preference
and position to the North and to the world at large.
On the 8th of December, 1864, the pope issued the encyclical
and syllabus (before referred to) addressed to all " patriarchs,
primates, archbishops, and bishops in connection with the
apostolic see throughout the world." They reiterate his de
nunciations of the errors and heresies of modern civilization,
and in virtue of his "apostolic authority" reprobate and con
demn eighty " prominent errors," the holding of which (accord
ing to Pius IX.) cut off every one maintaining any of them
from Heaven's grace or hope of mercy. The errors enumerated
are not all that men hold or commit, but are those which assail
principles which the papacy regards as dangerous to itself and
the claims of its domination over mankind. The enlightened
* Appleton's Annual Cyclopedia, 1863, vol. iii, p. 830.

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 197
reader, when he examines this list, will be amazed to find that
some of these " errors," so bitterly denounced, are cherished
items of his religious and political creed, held by millions of
the most intelligent men and women in this world, for the
maintenance of which they would yield up life ; such as " the
right of private judgment," " religious liberty," " freedom of
worship " for all, and our " public school system." There are
some other " errors " mentioned, " errors " which Protestants
would denounce as firmly as he does, such as infidel socialism,
divorce, or denial of divine rule in human affairs ; but, unlike
him, we would not condemn nor persecute men for their opin
ions, but leave them to the just judgment of God.
These fanatical documents may be found in full in The
Papacy and the Civil Power, Thompson, Harpers, p. 721,
and also in Rome and the Newest Fashions in Religion,
W. E. Gladstone, Harpers, p. 109.
To give a general idea of the character of this encyclical,
we copy here, from an able summary which appeared at the
time, some of its leading points, where the pope condemns in
the most unequivocal manner the foundation principles upon
which our government rests, and which Mexico and the South
American States had imitated, and against which he calls up
the millions of his followers in this land to unite for their
overthrow :
1. The Catholic Church ought freely to exercise until the end of time a
" salutary force, not only with regard to each individual man, but with re
gard to nations, peoples, and their rulers."
2. The best condition of society is that in which the power of the laity
is compelled to inflict the penalties of law upon violators of the Catholic
religion. 3. The opinion that "liberty of conscience and of worship is the right
of every man, " is not only ' ' an erroneous opinion, very hurtful to the safety
of the Catholic Church and of souls," but is also "delirium."
4. Liberty of speech and the press is "the liberty of perdition."
5. The judgments of the holy see, even when they do not speak of
points of faith and morals, claim acquiescence and obedience, under pain
of sin and loss of the Catholic profession.

198 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
6. It is false to say "that every man is free to embrace and profess the
religion he shall believe true," or that those who "embrace and profess
any religion may obtain eternal salvation."
7. The " Church has the power of availing herself of force, or of direct
or indirect temporal power."
8. In a legal conflict " between the ecclesiastical and civil powers " the
ecclesiastical "ought to prevail."
9. It is a false and pernicious doctrine that "public schools should be
open without distinction to all children of the people and free from all
ecclesiastical authority."
10. It is false to say that the " principle of non-intervention must be
proclaimed and observed."
11. It " is necessary in the present day that the Catholic religion shall
be held as the only religion of the State, to the exclusion of all other
modes of worship. " *
Protestants in general regarded the appearance of this re
markable document from the Vatican as a matter for thanks
giving. The liberalism of our times had led many people to
suppose that Romanism had really altered for the better, and
that while many of its writers still kept up occasionally the'
role of intolerance the papacy itself had abandoned its denun
ciations of the evangelical faith and its followers. But the
appearance of this portentous paper and the signature at the
end settled that fond notion for all the future. Kind-hearted,
tolerant people awoke from their dream and felt pained to be
obliged to admit that here was evidence to which they could no
longer close their eyes, furnishing a complete refutation of all
apologies that had been made in times past respecting that
semi-religious political power, the Roman hierarchy.
Young Italy indignantly burned the document in the cities
and villages, the press almost universally condemned it. Many
ridiculed it as " post-dated by about three hundred years," and
asserted that its author must have imagined himself living in
the fifteenth century. Notwithstanding the liberal concordat
that gives France special protection, Louis Napoleon was more
indignant than any other ruler, as it helped to spoil his own
* The Christian Advocate, New York, 1865.

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 199
work in Mexico and arrested its progress. He took measures
to make the pope realize his annoyance. So the convention
between him and Victor Emmanuel was made closer in regard to
withdrawing his troops from Rome, and leaving the pope to the
care of his own people. More important still, an imperial de
cree appointed Prince Jerome Bonaparte vice-president of the
privy council, and, in case of the emperor's death, regent of the
empire, thus changing the regency from the Empress Eugenie
(who was regarded as wholly at the pope's service through
her confessor) and conferring it upon one who had ever been
opposed to French patronage of the papacy, and who, as son-in-
law to Victor Emmanuel, could be counted upon to favor the
unity of Italy. This act was a terrible blow to the pope. This
attempt of his to overthrow the leading, priceless privileges of
modern civilization proved too much for even Roman Catholic
nations, while free Protestant countries viewed it with con
tempt. There was the true ring of freedom in the speeches
made in the parliaments of Italy, France, and other nations,
rejecting the papal demand. The same was true of the legisla
tures of South America, and Mr. Bingham's grand utterance in
the Congress of the United States will be long remembered.
We quote a few sentences :
The syllabus is an attempt to fetter the freedom of conscience; it is an
attempt to fetter the freedom of speech ; it is an attempt to strike down the
rising antagonism against every despotism on the face of the earth in the
form of representative government, foremost among which is America, the
child and hope of the earth's old age. . . . Do not the gentlemen know
that the foremost of all the men reared in the faith of the Church of
Rome . . . uttered the word while under the ban of Charles V., Leo X.,
and Henry VIII., which speaks to-day all over Christendom ? I refer to the
Augustine monk who found out for himself and repeated to mankind the
great central fact which to-day possesses the enlightened mind of the nine
teenth century, that no mitered head may, in ' ' the grace of God, " or of di
vine right, interpose his dark shadow between man and his Maker. Under
the omnipotent power of that utterance every tyrant, whether in Rome or
out of it, holds to-day the reins of power with a tremulous and unsteady
hand, and the day is not far distant when the very throne of his power

200 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
shall turn to dust and ashes before the consuming breath of the enlight
ened public opinion of the civilized world, which declares for free govern
ment, free churches, free schools, free Bibles, and free men.*
Thus was God opening a door of hope to Mexico even by the
jealousies and self-seeking of their common enemy, and at the
same time preparing the way for their overthrow and for her
own deliverance.
This papal effort was a failure as far as even Maximilian was
concerned. Following the example of the other Roman Cath
olic governments in Europe, we find him and his cabinet forbid
ding the publication of the encyclical or any papal documents
without imperial sanction previously obtained. This involved
another collision with the clergy. The situation in the United
States, where the North was gaining victories and power, and
the attitude of the French Parliament and press had now begun
to add seriously to Maximilian's anxieties. Favre and Thiers
were friends of Mexican freedom, and resisted the emperor's
policy as far as they dare, while the following extract from one
of the leading French papers will show the public feeling :
It is a sad thing to say, but we fear for our cash-boxes that peace may
be made in the United States. The largest thorn we have in our foot is,
incontestably, the Mexican affair, which trammels our finances and causes
lively apprehension for the future. The equilibrium of our budget will
feel for a long time, we think, the Mexican expedition.
Maximilian had been trying to attract some of the Mexican
Republicans to his cause, but they quietly repelled his advances.
He now again took up the idea, which he had broached the year
before to Baron de Pont, of Brussels, that an interview with
President Juarez, if it could possibly be brought about, would
greatly facilitate " in smoothing the difficulties and enlightening
him (Juarez) on the views of the archduke for the good of the
country he is called to rule over ! " This ridiculous proposal
Maximilian now carried out, guaranteeing to " Senor Juarez "
a safe conduct to any locality he might designate where the
* Christian World, vol. xxi, p. 219.

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 201
meeting could take place, and was even foolish enough to inti
mate motives of personal aggrandizement to induce the presi
dent to consent to such a consultation ! This incorruptible
ruler answered the letter of Maximilian with dignity, as the
republican chief of his nation. We quote its closing pas-

It is impossible for me to accede to this call ; my official occupation
will not admit of it. But if in the exercise of my public functions I could
accept such an invitation, the public faith, the word and honor of an
agent of Napoleon, the perjured, would not be sufficient — of a man whose
safety reposes in the hands of Mexican traitors, and of a man who at this
moment represents the cause of one of the parties who signed the treaty
of Soledad. ...
I had previously noted when the traitors of my country presented
themselves as commissioners at Miramar with the view of tendering
to you the crown of Mexico — sustained only by the treacherous pro
ceedings of. ten towns of the nation — that you had not seen in all these
proceedings any thing more than a ridiculous farce unworthy totally
of being seriously considered by an honorable and intelligent man.
You replied to these frauds by demanding the will of the nation, freely
expressed, as the result of its unanimous vote. Why, therefore, should
I not be surprised to see you come upon the Mexican soil when no
measures have been adopted concerning the conditions exacted ? Why
should I now not be astonished when I find you accepting the deceits
of the traitors, adopting their language, decorating and placing in your
service bandits like Marquez and Herran, and surrounding yourself with
that low class of Mexican people ? I have, frankly speaking, been greatly
deceived. You tell me that peace will result from the conference we may have,
and with it the happiness of the Mexican people, and that the empire will
hereafter, by placing me in an important position, have the benefit to be
derived from my knowledge and the support of my patriotism. It is
true, sir, contemporaneous history registers the names of great traitors
who have proved false to their oaths, their promises, and their words,
who have betrayed their former history and every thing that is sacred to
the man of honor; that in all their betrayals of all human relations the
traitor has been guided by the infamous ambition of rule and the vile de
sires of pandering to his own passions and vices ; but the present incum
bent in the presidency of the republic, who rose from the obscure masses of
the people, shall bow poor and full of misery, if in the arcana of Providence j
it is decreed that he shall so succumb, but complying with his oaths, and '

202 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
thus meeting the hopes of the nation over which he presides, he will thus
satisfy the inspirations of his conscience.*
What a lesson of uprightness and honor is here presented
before a proud descendant of Charles V. by a humble repub
lican of the Aztec race? This letter was published in the
various state journals of the governments of South America,
and became the subject of warm eulogies in their congresses.
In a proclamation of great courage the President of Mexico
once more rallied the nation to put forth its best efforts to com
plete the work of their deliverance, closing with the words :
We have generous co-laborers within and without the republic who
with their pens, their influence, and their money are aiding us, and they
offer up earnest prayers for the salvation of our country. Redouble, then,
your efforts.
Mr. Seward, conscious of the firmer ground occupied by the
government of the United States, on the 16th of December,
1865, sent the following to our embassador at Paris :
It is the president's purpose that France should be respectfully in
formed upon two points, namely :
1st. That the United States earnestly desire to continue and to cultivate
sincere friendship with France.
2d. That this policy would be brought into jeopardy unless France
could deem it consistent with her interest and honor to desist from
the prosecution of armed intervention in Mexico to overthrow the repub
lican government existing there and to establish upon its ruins the foreign
monarchy which has been attempted in the capital of the country. . . .
We should think it wrong, as well as unwise, on the part of the United
States to attempt to subvert by force monarchical governments in Europe,
for the purpose of replacing them with republican institutions. It seems
to us equally objectionable that European States should forcibly interfere
in States situated on this continent to overthrow republican institutions
and replace them with monarchies or empires.
Having thus frankly stated our position, I leave the question for the
consideration of France, sincerely hoping that that great nation may find
it compatible with its best interests and high honor to withdraw from its
aggressive attitude in Mexico within some convenient and reasonable
* Official Journal of the Mexican Government, Chihuahua, July 29, 1865.

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 203
time, and thus leave that people of the country to the free enjoyment
of the system of republican government they have established for them
selves, and of their adhesion to which they have given what seems to the
United States to be decisive and conclusive as well as touching proofs.*
There was some cunning maneuvering to extract a promise
from our government that his work in Mexico should be re
spected after the withdrawal of his forces (which was not con
ceded) before Napoleon fixed the date for the evacuation of
Mexico by his troops. The deplorable condition of the Mexican
empire was already revealed by Maximilian himself in the fol
lowing confidential letter to a friend : Chapultepec, June, 1865.
It is needful to confess frankly that our military situation is as bad
as it can be. Guanajuato and Guadalajara are threatened. The city of
Morelia is surrounded by enemies. Acapulco is lost, and provides, by its
excellent position, an ever-open road to feed the war and supply the
enemy with men and arms. There is no news from the North, so that
the situation is, I suspect, very bad, worse than it was last autuihn.
Precious time has been lost, the public treasury is ruined, confidence is
disturbed, and all because they have been made to believe in Paris that
the war has been gloriously concluded and immense territories, vaster than
France itself, have been tranquillized. A large number of troops, believ
ing these absolutely false rumors, have withdrawn, thinking that by
so doing they would overcome opposition. An insufficient number of
soldiers remains. On the other hand, we have been obliged to spend
enormous sums on the bad auxiliary troops, and so this poor country has
to pay French troops and hordes of natives troops who only cause disas
ter; and in recompense for these huge pecuniary sacrifices we see the
principal cities of the country, the centers of wealth, threatened by daring
soldiers who are generally known as and called " thieves," but who mani
fest a remarkable military talent and take immediate advantage of the
many weaknesses of our position. . . .
Speaking of Morelia reminds me of the promises made to me last year.
They talked then, as now, about the rainy season, and said every thing
would be over in the winter. A thousand promises were made to the
unhappy towns, and though a whole year has gone by we find ourselves
in just as deplorable a position as then. Maximilian, t
* Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States, 1865, p. 451.
f La Corte de Roma, p. 27.

204 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
The contrast between the sad revelations of this letter and
the roseate reports being published by clerical journals and
such authors as Domenech, Flint, Elton, and others is most
striking 1 The French troops openly boasted that they " were
trampling the Monroe doctrine of the Washington government
into the mud of Mexico under their horses' hoofs ! " They did
not report the increased number of towns where patriotic meet
ings were being held, nor that resources of trained men and
munitions of war were being added to the republican army, nor
that they themselves were being slowly driven back toward the
capital. Nor did they report the facts that proved indisputa
bly that, apart from the clerical party and compromised traitors,
monarchy had no following in Mexico, and that its only pros
pect for a standing was in foreign soldiers and foreign money.
Take a simple incident in illustration. Chihuahua, the largest
city of north-west Mexico, was two or three times captured by
the French, to prevent Juarez from having his government
there. When military necessity obliged them to give it up it
was at once re-occupied by a republican force and the president
and his cabinet returned. On one occasion during the French
occupation Senor J. Escobar, who had filled various responsi
ble offices and had been secretary of legation at Washington (in
1861-63), attempted with others to celebrate the 16th of Sep
tember in honor of Hidalgo. He was arrested, imprisoned, and
made to sweep the streets with the common prisoners of the city.
But the ladies and children turned out en masse and strewed
flowers along his way as he performed his humiliating task.
Just at this time there was developed that feature of vacilla
tion in Maximilian's character which resulted in acts so relent
less and cruel that the world was horrified when the facts came
out, and which have left his name covered with an infamy
which will last as long as the French Intervention is remem
bered. Whether he made up his mind to pursue this terroriz
ing course of his own volition, or whether he was urged to it
by the advice of other wicked spirits around him (such as Mira
mon and Marquez), has not been made clear. But he assumed

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 205
the terrible responsibility, and so far as the human eye can now
see the " sin lieth at his door " alone. God and man hold him
accountable. Finding that he could not overcome the republican
forces by fair fight, he concluded to deny them every right of war
or belligerency, and advertised them as brigands to whom no
mercy should be shown when captured. He was weak enough
to suppose that decrees to this effect would paralyze their patri
otism as they fought for their country's freedom against the rule
of a foreigner. His first move to accomplish this purpose was
to deny that they had a flag or a government to follow. There
fore, on the 2d of October, 1865, he issued a decree to the nation
asserting positively that President Juarez had been driven out
of Mexico and taken shelter in the United States; that this
fact left them without a leader and turned them into bandits,
whose assassination was therefore lawful and imperative in the
interest of order as well as of the imperial government !
This decree was & falsehood. President Juarez never left the
territory of Mexico for an hour while carrying on his govern
ment. He was then at Paso del Norte, and remained there till
the 17th of the following June, when he and his cabinet re
moved to Chihuahua, two hundred and forty miles nearer to the
capital. Next morning (October 3) Maximilian issued another decree,
known ever since and will be known in the future of Mexican
histoiy as " the Black Decree." It was drawn with great artful
ness, so as to catch not merely the officers and men of the re
publican army, but also all who sympathized with them, or who
afforded them the least help or comfort or information in the
conflict. We here present, almost in full, the text of this in
human decree :
We, Maximilian, Emperor of Mexico, by the advice of our council of
ministers and of our council of state, do decree as follows :
Article I. — All persons belonging to armed bands or societies not legally
authorized, whether of a political nature or not, whatever be the number
of those forming the band, or its organization, character, or denomination,
shall be tried by a court-martial, and, if found guilty, if only of the act of

206 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
belonging to such a band, they shall be condemned to capital punishment,
which shall be executed within the twenty-four hours next ensuing after
the declaration of the sentence.
Article II. — Persons belonging to the band described in the foregoing
article, when caught using arms, shall be tried by the commandants of the
force making the capture, who, within twenty-four hours after such ap
prehension, shall cause the offense to be verbally investigated, hearing the
offender in his own defense. A record of such investigation shall be
written down, terminating with the sentence, which shall be capital
punishment should the offender be found guilty, if even solely of the fact
of belonging to the band. The commanding officer shall cause the sen
tence to be executed within twenty-four hours, allowing the culprit to re
ceive spiritual consolation, and after execution of the sentence the said
officer shall forward a record of the proceedings to the minister of war.
Article XIII. — The sentences of death rendered for the crimes described
in this decree shall be executed within the periods stated, and no petitions
for pardon will be received.
Article XV. — The government reserves the right to declare when the
provisions of this decree shall cease.
Given at the palace in Mexico, October 3, 1865. Maximilian.
To show how this barbarous decree worked we will refer to
the first case that occurred under it. Only ten days after the
signing of this decree the fortunes of war in the State of Micho
acan threw into the power of Colonel R. Mendez several hun
dred republican troops. Among these were officers of the
highest rank, such as Generals Arteaga and Salazar, six colonels,
and a number of subordinate officers. They were surprised and
taken prisoners in the town of Santa Anna Amatlan. They all
belonged to the regular army and were gentlemen of education
and profession, and had fought for the independence of their
country from the time that the French entered Mexico. Ar
teaga, who had been twice Governor of the State of Queretaro,
had reached the highest rank in the military service and was in
command of the Army of the Center. He was a patriot without
blemish, and enjoyed among friends and foes the highest repu
tation for honor and humanity. They were informed of the
decree signed ten days before, and told that within twenty-four
hours they would be executed !

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 207
But even Mendez, one of the most heartless of traitors, as
his record shows, seems to have shrunk for the moment from
thus immolating fellow-countrymen like these. He postponed
the execution and wrote at once to Mexico to inquire from the
emperor if this was really the purport of the decree, and
whether he would be justified in sacrificing them according to
its terms. Appended to this dispatch was a note by the oificer
next in command to Mendez, C. D. Barres, as follows. Speak
ing of the surprise in which the party were captured, he says :
This achievement, one of the most glorious of the campaign, does the
greatest honor to Colonel Mendez and simplifies the task of pacificating
Michoacan. Arteaga, without being a skillful general, is an honest and
sincere man, who has distinguished himself more than once in his career
by traits of humanity. Justice to the conquered.
This honorable indorsement appended to the dispatch of
Mendez went before Maximilian and his military advisers for
their action.
During the seven days that elapsed before the reply could
reach Mendez every effort was made by French, Belgian, and
Austrian soldiers who had been taken prisoners and humanely
treated and exchanged by the forces commanded by Arteaga.
Two hundred and fourteen of them, then within reach, signed
a protest against the execution, and another communication by
them was sent in haste to Maximilian. All in vain. On the
21st the reply arrived, a mandate from Maximilian through the
imperial minister of war, that " they were all to be shot, and
directing Mendez in this and all subsequent occasions to exe
cute the provisions of the decree to the very letter ! " There
exists to-day the most abundant evidence of these atrocities ;
not merely the official documents of the diplomatic correspond
ence, which in themselves are ample, and other volumes writ
ten by these authors from personal knowledge, but also a
special and illustrated record, prepared by leading patriots of
Mexico. It is full of pathos, written in a calm, judicial spirit,
which we will now present to our readers. The volume is

208 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
very large and richly illustrated, and bears the title of El Libro
Rojo. Translated it means " The Red Book," but from the
deeds recorded it might well be entitled " The Book of Blood."
Its thirty-three sketches include some of the acts of the Inqui-.
sition in Mexico, and with a few exceptions relate the torture
and imprisonment inflicted on the victims of Spanish and
Romish cruelty as well as those inflicted by the traitors to their
country on its faithful patriots. The descriptions are written
by leading public men of Mexico and are signed by the authors.
The pictures of the later scenes are portraits of the sufferers,
and add greatly to the interest of the book, which is very costly
and now difficult to obtain. It is Mexico's voice in protest
against the cruelties perpetrated on martyrs of her liberties.
In compiling the account of the first terrible result of " the
Black Decree" of October 3, we have availed ourselves, in
addition to what appears in the official correspondence and this
Libro Rojo, of the information gathered by Colonel Evans, who
accompanied Mr. Seward through Mexico two years after the
death of Maximilian and the restoration of the republic. The
reception of Mr. Seward by the grateful Mexican people, for
the noble stand he took from the first in their behalf, was of
the heartiest character. His traveling companion was desirous
of writing up the actual facts of the death of Generals Arteaga
and Salazar, and had, at head-quarters, so near the time, the
fullest opportunity for accomplishing his purpose.
On the evening of the 21st of October, when the decision
arrived from the capital, the two generals were notified that
they were to die the next morning. The information was re
ceived with serenity. They occupied themselves with writing
to their families and arranging their worldly affairs.
A kind-hearted priest, the curate of the place, by the name
of Ortiz, who may have sympathized with their cause — as a few
of his class did — came and spent the last night with them, and
grateful mention is made of the consolation they derived from
this good man's exhortations and prayers during its hours. He
also took charge of the letters written by the prisoners to their

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 209
mothers, with some little gifts, and had them safely delivered.
Certainly the world is richer that these two letters were pre
served, to be read and admired by those who honor true
nobility and unflinching courage in the trying hour. How
tender is the dying remembrance of the brave man for the
young sister, who seems to have derived her sobriquet of " the
little Yankee " from the way in which she stood up for the
United States as her idea of a true republic !
The following is General Arteaga's letter :
Uruapan, Oct. 20, 1865.
My Adored Mother: I was taken prisoner on the 13th instant by the
imperial troops, and to-morrow I am to be shot. I pray you, mamma, to
pardon me for all the suffering I have caused you during the time I have
followed the profession of arms, against your will. Mamma, in spite of
all my efforts to aid you, the only means I had I sent you in April last;
but God is with you, and he will not suffer you to perish, nor my sister
Trinidad, the little Yankee.
Mamma, I leave nothing but a spotless name, for I have never taken
any thing that did not belong to me, and I trust God will pardon all my
sins and take me into his glory.
I die a Christian, and bid you all adieu — you, Dolores, and all the
family, as your very obedient son, Jose M. Arteaga.
The letter of his fellow-sufferer was equally worthy :
Uruapan, Oct. 20, 1865.
Adored Mother : It is seven o'clock at night, and General Arteaga,
Colonel Yilla Gomez, with three other chiefs and myself have just been
condemned. My conscience is quiet. I go down to the tomb at thirty-i
three years of age, without a stain on my military career or a blot on my\
name. Weep not, but be comforted, for the only crime your son has j
committed is the defense of a holy cause — the independence of his coun- J
try. For this I am to be shot. I have no money, for I have saved noth
ing. I leave you without a fortune, but God will aid you and my chil
dren, who are proud to bear my name.
Direct my children and my brothers to the path of honor, for the
scaffold cannot stain loyal names. Adieu, my dear mother. . . . My
blessings for all my friends, and receive the last farewell of your obedient
and faithful son, who loves you much. Carlos Salazar.
Postscript. — If affairs should change hereafter — and it is possible they
may — I wish my ashes to repose by the side of my children, in your town.
15

210 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
Things did change in truth. When the cause for which they
died triumphed the remains of these martyrs were brought to
the capital and interred near President Juarez, within the
sacred precincts where Mexico honors her illustrious dead.
No relaxation of this awful decree was allowed. The assas
sinations went on to the very last. A well-authenticated case,
within three days of Maximilian's capture at Queretaro, is given.
A young gentleman of the name of Mercado, son of one of the
leading families of Queretaro, was taken by the imperialist force
and was executed within the twenty-four hours, as prescribed
by the decree. No chance for mercy, nor for the rectification
of mistakes, where only a verbal examination was allowed, and
where the officer in charge was forbidden to forward any peti
tion for pardon! What fastens the responsibility for these
assassinations upon Maximilian still mOre definitely was his
act when, seven weeks after the deaths of Arteaga and Salazar,
he rewarded Mendez in the following order, which appears in
the Official Journal of December 9, 1865: "Colonel Mendez,
the captor of Arteaga, etc., has been promoted to the rank of
general on account of his recent services in Michoacan." *
At this very time — November, 1865 — Marshal Bazaine was
humanely exchanging prisoners at Mexico city with General
Riva Palacios. No wonder that he and Maximilian quarreled,
and that he hated Marquez and the church party. As com
mander-in-chief Bazaine concedes the rights of belligerents to
the forces of the republican army, and calls their leader " gen
eral," and even compliments their humanity to the French pris
oners in their power. His language to the republican general
is a sufficient reply to Maximilian's cruel decree. He wrote :
I am pleased at the sentiments of humanity that have animated you in
this affair. ... I will not close this letter without thanking you for your
kindness and attentions toward the prisoners.
* El Libro Rojo. V. Riva Palacios y Manuel Payno. Mexico, 1810. Diplomatic
Correspondence of the United States, 1866, p. 460, etc. Our Sister Republic, by
Colonel Evans, p. 324. Hartford, Conn., 1870.

MONOGRAM OF MAXIMILIAN,
With Medallions of his favorite Generals.

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 211
Here we present a monogram which appeared at this time as
an attempt to popularize the empire. How far Maximilian
was responsible for its publication does not appear. But the
bad taste expressed in it is unaccountable. The emperor and
empress are seen in the central medallion, their armorial bearings
are above them, and on either side are their favorite generals,
Miramon, Mejia, and Marquez — men infamous for their cruel
ties, and who were held in abhorrence, with good reason, in tens
of thousands of homes in Mexico. Two of these men shared
the fate of the emperor, and the other fled his country, too
guilty to be forgiven. The lower portrait is Marquez, the
one on the left Miramon, and on the right Mejia. These are
the generals who attempted to build up the empire by the cru
elties of " the Black Decree." The last place where we should
look for such faces in conjunction Avith Maximilian and fair
Carlota would be under the motto of the empire, " Equity
and Justice " — a motto which they so utterly failed to evidence
in this period of their unworthy career.
The year 1866 opened in gloom for the French Intervention.
Napoleon's course in regard to discontinuing the monthly grant
for the support of the troops, his dissatisfaction with the prog
ress made, joined to solicitude as to the intentions of the United
States government, with their war closing, and the immense
resources now free under their command, were sad facts for
the young couple that occupied the imperial throne. Then, in
addition, Santa Anna was prowling round, like a beast of prey,
anxious to enter Mexico and start an interest of his own. For
this purpose he issued a proclamation to the nation, dated
" Elizabethport, N. J., June 5." He had the hypocrisy to
offer his services on the 21st of May to the republican
government, which were promptly declined, because, as the
reply runs :
As an officer he has been disloyal to all the governments that have em
ployed him ; that as the head of the government he has been disloyal to
all the parties who have aided him to power, and that as a Mexican he
has been lately disloyal to the cause of his country.

212 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
He then had the audacity to address our own government on
the 10th of August, asking " support " in his enterprise and
promising " gratitude to our government with a liberal hand "
if thus assisted! He was promptly repelled by a note from
Mr. Seward. His countrymen in New York, learning of his
attempts, in their organization, " The Mexican Club," at once
drew up a public protest against him and his plans as " the
man who was always the foe of freedom, and who, abusing all
honor, begged for Mexico the shameful foreign yoke she now
wears." To commemorate this man's rejection Maximilian (to
whom two years before he had actually offered his services) on
the 12th of July issued a decree ordering the confiscation of all
Santa Anna's property in Mexico. Ordinary mortals would
have been extinguished after such a tornado of repulses. But
Santa Anna was not an ordinary mortal, and he was yet to
make one more dash for the destruction of his country's free
dom before abandoning public life forever.
How desperate the state of the empire must have become by
the 1st of July may be imagined by the sudden departure of
the empress for Europe in the ordinary mail steamer of that
month. Her presence was very essential to her husband. In
deed, she was regarded as the prop of the whole enterprise,
from her superior mental ability, for Maximilian was con
fessedly weak and unreliable ; yet this gifted woman resolved
to face alone the risks of such a journey, including the danger
to her life from the yellow fever at Vera Cruz (which rages
worst in July), and to leave her husband alone and exposed
in her desperate effort to save their empire. What she could
hope to accomplish, which could not be done by correspond
ence, by her personal presence in Paris and Rome, may be
inferred by glancing at the leading items of the situation.
Foremost of all was the expressed intention of Napoleon to
withdraw his troops, in view of the pressure from the United
States. Of the small force that would remain to Maximilian,
the republican troops, she feared, and rightly, would soon give
a good account. Worse, if possible, than the loss of the French

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 213
force was the warning from Napoleon that the monthly re
mittance for expenses must soon cease, in view of his own
increasing military wants and the clamor of the French parlia
ment and press against further outlay in a hungry enterprise
which swallowed up such enormous sums, and yet yielded no
return in either gain or glory. The course of Bazaine, also, in
refusing to recognize Maximilian as his master in his military
measures — for the marshal had a contempt for the Mexican
emperor's judgment, and was wont to ignore him and decide
what was to be done in view of his instructions from Napo
leon — was keenly felt by Maximilian, as commander-in-chief
of his empire, all the more as the French were losing ground
and many of the important cities hud been recaptured by the
republican forces. Add to this the unrelenting pressure of the
church party to force Maximilian to act in the line of the
papal allocution, even to the point of reimbursing the Church
for her losses by republican confiscation — and this, too, at a time
when he was uncertain from whence the support of his own
household was to come — and we have more than enough to ac
count for the desperation that led Carlota to cross the sea to
endeavor to relieve their distressing situation. She was deter
mined to find out if her husband was really emperor, or merely
a French agent, and she flattered herself that she could sway
Napoleon to her views of the case. Alas ! that " imperturbable
reserve " and " ambiguity " for which the " sphinx of the
Tuileries" was already known proved too much even for the
accomplished daughter of that Nestor of kings, Leopold. The
case was even worse for her than when she left Mexico, for on
her way across the ocean she may have imagined that Austria
had chastised Prussian insolence and would be therefore tri
umphant! What a terrible revelation must the fact of the
case have been when she landed and Sadowa's result was told
to her astonished ears ! Austria's power dashed to pieces,
Napoleon so involved that he was preoccupied with affairs with
which, in their gravity to himself, the Mexican enterprise was
a mere militarv excursion ! The attention of French statesmen

214 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
could not be attracted to the Mexican empire save to wish
that their emperor had never originated it. The conviction
was now forced upon her that help from France was out of the
question, and that if their empire could not stand when the
French troops were recalled and French money ceased to flow
to it, then it would be hardly worth while for her to make
another journey across the Atlantic! The short answers re
ceived from Napoleon could not have been a total surprise to
her, nor his evident desire that she should leave Paris, while
he addressed himself to the question of withdrawing from
Mexican affairs with as little loss to his prestige as possible.
There was only one thing for the distressed empress to do,
and that was to place herself and their cause in the hands of the
pope, from whom she fully expected sympathy and such help
as he could give. But here begins the dark cloud which so soon
enveloped her mental powers. Maximilian's failure to carry
out the stern policy of the pontiff in regard to reversing the ac
tion of the Republicans, and, worse still, fn having himself, under
the pressure of the nation's necessities, ordered the renewal of
the sale of the church property, had enraged the curia, so that
the pope at first could hardly be civil to the empress, and it is
said that he condemned her husband's conduct in very strong
language. The deed for which he had excommunieated Victor
Emmanuel could not be overlooked in Maximilian.
Of the sad events of the days since Carlota's arrival in Eu
rope the following letter was a melancholy report for Maximil
ian. It was written by his embassador at Rome on the 18th of
October, 1866 :
Sire : I proceed to inform your majesty of the particulars of the un
fortunate and unexpected events of the last few days.
We could imagine many calamities to Mexico, but it certainly never
entered our minds, when we were admiring the courage and heroic valor
of her majesty the empress at leaving your majesty, enduring the dangers
and fatigues of the bad roads to Vera Cruz, in the rainy season, in the
midst of yellow fever, crossing the ocean and coming as a great riegotia-
trix to demand rights for Mexico and the execution of treaties, that she

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 215
would be so ungraciously received in Paris as to affect her majesty's mind
so seriously.
The effects of her reception in Paris were so strong that she had to stop
in Botzen, on the way to Rome, where she imagined herself surrounded by
Napoleon's spies and traitors, who had poisoned her. On the 26th her
majesty rested in Rome, and the next day we called to see his holiness.
This interview was solitary, as your majesty knows is the custom witli
sovereigns, and lasted one hour and eighteen minutes.
At eight o'clock in the morning, on the 1st inst., her majesty the em
press went out, and I waited for her till three. At five and a quarter I
got a note from Cardinal Antonelli, telling me to come to the Vatican
immediately. I met Cardinal Antonelli much afflicted because her majesty the em
press said she would not return to the hotel until Count del Valle, her
lady of the wardrobe, and Dr. Benslaveck, who, she said, had poisoned
her, had left the house. She wanted to stay in the Vatican all night, for
fear of the persons mentioned, but I persuaded her to return to the hotel
by 7 P. M. On entering her room she perceived the keys were not
in the door. In fact, the doctor had taken them away secretly, as he aft
erward acknowledged, to lock her majesty in her chamber, in case of a
violent attack. Missing the keys, she went straight back to the Vatican,
and locked herself and Madame del Barrio in the room under the pope's,
where she passed the night. . . .
I have lately heard that the idea of poison originated in Paris. While
visiting the Tuileries lemonade was given to her majesty, and when she
got back to the Grand Hotel she said that they had poisoned her.
I am sorry to learn at this moment that her majesty the empress even
suspects the Count of Flanders, and will not see him. I regret to send
you such sorrowful news, but it is my determination to let your majesty
know every thing, as that is true frankness and loyalty and the true way
to serve you.*
It may be that the embassador makes more of the facts against
Napoleon than is fair, and less against Rome. We have a letter
that throws great blame on the pontiff, but it is so bitter against
him that we withhold it. Two facts, however, remain for con
sideration. In the first place, Carlota's chief hope was with
the pope. She hoped he would relax the demands made on
the Emperor Maximilian, which we know he did not do, and,
secondly, that after her interview with the pope her malady
* Diplomatic Correspondence, 1867, part iii, p. 385.

216 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
assumed a greater intensity. The poor mind completely lost its
balance. Long after her husband was dead she insisted that
he lived, was triumphant in Mexico, and would soon come for
her. She was taken to her home at Miramar, where she has
since lived in solitude and desolation.
The pending departure of the French troops would leave only
the " Foreign Legion," composed of Belgic and Austrian vol
unteers, with such levies as the church party might raise, and
these were utterly inadequate to meet the republican troops.
Maximilian proceeded to invite foreign volunteers, under large
bounty and extra pay, from Cuba, Austria, and Egypt. Napoleon
had initiated the effort of this latter class ; a battalion of them,
four hundred and forty-seven strong, was already in Mexico.
Maximilian desired a large increase of this Egyptian force, as
they were bold and ferocious fighters. Juarez appealed to
our government to put a stop to such an outrage, and Mr.
Seward ordered our representative in Egypt " to protest against
any more Nubian Negroes being supplied for Mexico, to sub
vert established political institutions or disturb society on the
American continent." It was bad enough to invite Austrians
and Cuban negroes, but to have Nubians, and probably savages
from the Soudan, to murder American republicans was worthy
of the traitor to freedom who originated it and wished to carry
it on when his own soldiers were recalled. The protest of our
government terminated the effort for volunteers from any quar
ter, and left Maximilian to be sustained by the foreign legion
and such adherents of the clerical party as would fight for him.
On the surrender of Lee, Maximilian attempted to strengthen
his position by offering great inducements to the leaders of the
South to colonize in Mexico. Colonel M. F. Maury (formerly
of the United States navy) was appointed " Imperial Commis
sioner of Colonization." The idea took amazingly with some
of the Confederates. It is amusing to read now the names of
those who shook off the dust of their feet against the United
States — men like Generals Sterling Price, John O. Shelby,
and Governor Isham G. Harris, of Tennessee, Judge Perkins,

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 217
Generals Hardman and Terry, of Texas, and many others. It
is entertaining to see by their letters, published in the Diplo
matic Correspondence, what facile converts to monarchy they
made, and how they laud " his majesty the emperor," a " much-
admired and praised monarch," and all that sort of thing! This
is mingled with denunciations of the United States, and even
contrasts drawn in favor of the order prevailing in the land
where their " new and delightful homes " were situated ! About
two hundred such men availed themselves of the magnificent
offers of land in some of the choicest spots of Mexico, and
might have prospered, bnt their rough treatment of the Indian
laborers soon produced a revolt which ended in the overthrow
of this scheme and the return of nearly all to the once despised
territory of the United States.* By October, 1866, Maximilian
became apprehensive of coming disaster. His solitary condi
tion, combined with the failure of French aid, led him suddenly
to resolve to leave the country before the French could inter
fere. Some of his effects were sent down to Orizara, anct/pfob-
ably under color of having a change of climate for a while, he
soon followed. From Orizava he opened communications with
the commander of the Austrian war-ship Dandolo at Vera
Cruz, informing him that he would leave Orizava at half past
twelve on the night of October 31, and warning him to have
his frigate ready by five o'clock the following afternoon, at
which time he would arrive and embark at once. As soon as
day dawned the captain went to the house of the French com
mander, Peyrau, and in confidence communicated the message
he had received. The Frenchman was amazed, and, suspecting
something wrong, immediately telegraphed the news up coun
try to Marshal Bazaine, who was equally surprised. Bazaine at
once telegraphed his orders to Orizava and Vera Cruz that the
emperor and his luggage were to be detained, and also informed
Maximilian that he had discovered what he was attempting,
but that unless he abdicated in due form he would not let him
embark. Indeed, Napoleon, despairing of success under the cir-
* Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States, 1866-67, p. 202.

218 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
cumstances, had already sent General Castlenau to advise Maxi
milian to abdicate, which he declined to do.
For some time past the French had had their suspicions that
Maximilian was intending to deceive them, and Bazaine had
been instructed how to act in such a case. They would not
hinder him from leaving if he chose to do so, but it must be on
the condition of abdication. The position taken was, " Maxi
milian abdicating, French engagements are at an end ; but
Maximilian going off without abdicating and renouncing the
throne, and declaring, as they say was his intention, all 'his
griefs against the French,' which then rested in a very bad
position, immense ridicule would have fallen on them from
which abdication would save them." * Into what a ridiculous
situation would Maximilian's quiet escape have turned the en
tire situation had the French and the church party waked up
next morning and been informed that their " emperor " had
fled and was then a couple of hundred miles off upon the broad
Atlantic ! The meeting between Maximilian and Bazaine was
a stormy affair and ended in open rupture. The clericals,
alarmed by the prospect of the complete failure of their plans,
now came forward with offers of money and men if the em
peror would only renew the struggle. To his council, who had
been hastily summoned to Orizava, Maximilian propounded the
question whether it would not be advisable for him to abdicate f
This raised intense excitement among the adherents of the em
pire. What occurred at the council, in view of the terrible re
sults, shall be stated by one who stood on the side of Maximilian
and the Intervention, and who had no partiality for the republi
can cause. This was Captain Elton, of the French army. The
reader will not fail to note what he says of the character of the
two clerical generals, now advanced to power, and the irre
sponsibility with which they were clothed. He says :
The council, influenced by their own dangerous position, and backed
up by the church party, who were beginning to see that unless they could
* Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States, 1866, p. 392. Historia de la
Intervention, por. E. Lefevre, vol. ii, p. 349.

MEXICO IN TRANSITION 219
succeed in propping up the tottering foundations of the empire their
rights, property, and privileges must inevitably go by the board, opened
their eyes at last to the absolute necessity of immediate action. They
found themselves on the point of falling from the frying-pan into the fire
— from the hands of an emperor inclined to conciliate them, and who only
desired to establish some sort of order and morality among their ranks,
into the power of the Liberals, who decidedly would make the very fact of
their having invited Maximilian into the country an excuse for ill treat
ment and the legal plunder of what property still remained to them.
Foreseeing all this, they made the first overtures of conciliation and offers
of substantial aid to the imperial government, the bishops, as a commence
ment and guarantee of their good faith, giving thirty millions of piasters
toward the establishment of the army. They declared it necessary for the
preservation of order that the present government should be sustained,
offering to Maximilian the services of Miramon and Marquez, the two
champions of the church party, who, good soldiers and brave men,
though not overscrupulous as to the means they employed, undertook to
raise troops and lead them against the enemy, provided they were given full
powers and not rendered accountable to any authority for illegal acts.
Finally Maximilian agreed to a compromise, and matters stood thus :
The services of Marquez and Miramon were accepted, full power being
delivered to them to raise troops by whatever means they chose to adopt ;
every assistance in the way of supplies of arms and money was to be fur
nished them from all available resources, and authority was given them
to raise forced loans whenever and wherever they pleased, in order to de
fray the expenses of their armies. On their side Marquez and Miramon
engaged to march at once with all the men they could collect, and in con
junction • with Mejia endeavor to strike an effective blow and recapture
the towns and territory lost to the empire by the French evacuation.
It was thus by a curious combination of circumstances that the emperor
again found himself trusting for support to this still powerful clerical
party. From this moment the aspect of matters underwent a violent
change, for suddenly his army sprang into new life, money was plentiful,
and the two most able generals in Mexico declared for his side.*
The report of this fearful and irresponsible power thus con
ceded to these two generals to stamp out the republicanism of
Mexico, together with their well-known character as compro
mised traitors, and the power of the Black Decree of October 3,
*With the French in Mexico, by J. F. Elton, pp. 177-181. London, Chapman &
Hall, 1867.

220 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
to be wielded in full at their will, soon spread over Mexico
and carried anxiety and distress in all directions. It revived,
too, the recollection of the horror caused by the assassination of
Generals Arteaga and Salazar and their associates, and of many
others since. But the combination did not work just as the
church party and their agents expected. On the contrary, a
fearful revulsion set in, and men grew desperate in their resolve
to overthrow these murderous agents of Maximilian and save
their country. The homes filled with mourning under that
black flag that floated so freely now were not commending the
imperial cause to the men and women of Mexico.
General Grant had a broad view of the events transpiring in
Mexico, and a few lines written by him will show his opinion
of the crime perpetrated by Louis Napoleon against Mexico
and the United States. He writes :
The governing people of Mexico (the Imperialists) continued to the
close of the war to throw obstacles in our way. After the surrender of
Lee, therefore, entertaining the opinion here expressed, I sent Sheridan
with a corps to the Rio Grande, to have him where he might aid Juarez,
. . . much to the consternation of the (French) troops in the quarter of
Mexico bordering upon that stream. This soon led to the request from
France that we should withdraw our troops and to negotiations for the
withdrawal of theirs. Finally Bazaine was withdrawn from Mexico by
order of the French government. From that day the empire began to totter.
Mexico was then able to maintain her independence without aid from us.
... To erect a monarchy upon the ruins of the Mexican republic was
the scheme of one man, an imitator without genius or merit. He had
succeeded in stealing the government of his country, and made a change in
its form against the wishes and instinct of his people. He tried to play
the part of the first Napoleon without the ability to sustain that role. He
sought by new conquests to add to his empire and his glory ; but the
signal failure of his scheme of conquest was the precursor of his own over
throw. . . . The beginning of his downfall was when he landed troops
on this continent. Failing here, the prestige of his name— all the pres
tige he ever had — was gone. He must achieve a success or fall. He tried
to strike down his neighbor, Prussia, and fell. The third Napoleon could
have no claims to having done a good or a just act.*
* Personal Memoirs of U. S. Grant, vol. ii, p. 545.

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 221

CHAPTER VIII.
Collapse of the empire — Siege of Queretaro — Efforts to escape — Capture of Maxi
milian — Court-martial— Charges — Defense — Sentence — Appeals for pardon —
Why declined — Princess Salm-Salm — Plan of escape — Falsehood and bribery
— Interview with Juarez — The execution — Unjust charges against Colonel
Lopez — " Selling Maximilian for $30,000 " — Escobedo's letter — Taking of
Mexico city— Merciful treatment of prisoners — Santa Anna's last game —
Disposal of the body of the archduke — Admission of Maximilian's lawyers.
Me. Sbwaed's firm stand compelled Napoleon to name the
date for the evacuation of Mexico as the 11th of March, 1867.
His subsequent effort to defer this until November was met
with a firm refusal. In a brief dispatch Napoleon's embas
sador was informed that our government would expect a satis
factory answer, pending which a " military force of observa
tion " would " await the president's directions." This was per
fectly understood at Paris. The whereabouts of Sheridan were
known to Napoleon. Therefore the French army withdrew at
the appointed time, the republican forces following closely and
occupying the cities which they had held for the empire.
Some of our people, who were not acquainted with the cru
elties now daily perpetrated in Mexico by these wretches, were
inclined to regard Mr. Seward's present pungent messages as
rather risky and dictatorial. But our government was fully in
formed by Senor Romero, and was aware that the protection
of the French should be withdrawn in order, among other rea
sons, that these frightful assassinations might end. Even at the
risk of war, the United States must at this point help Mexico.
By the 1st of May only a single line remained in the power of
the empire, the other parts of the country being occupied by the
republican forces. The city of Mexico and Queretaro, with the
towns between, were still held by the Imperialists, but the in
tervening towns were soon taken by the advancing Liberal army.

222 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
The capital was defended by the traitor Marquez, while Maxi
milian, with his foreign legion, occupied Queretaro. The last
outside conflict was near Zacatecas, where Miramon was de
feated by General Escobedo. Miramon returned and joined
Maximilian at Queretaro. General Escobedo laid siege to that
city with an army of about twenty-five thousand men, while
General Porfirio Diaz surrounded the capital with a sufficient
force. Escape from either city was practically impossible, and
famine soon began its horrors in each place.
Amid the difficulties existing in the way of obtaining reliable
information at this most important point it seems very fortu
nate that, in entering upon the final scenes of the Intervention,
we are not left to rely upon fragmentary or unreliable state
ments, but that full evidence in regard to the capture, trial,
and execution of Maximilian became available to us. There lie
before us as we write a dozen volumes on the subject, six of
which were written in the interests of Maximilian and the In
tervention by competent authors who were with him and who
did their best for their subject. These authors are : Dr. Basch,
the emperor's physician ; Alberto Hans, one of his prominent
officers ; Count de Keratry, his friend ; the Princess Salm-Salm,
wife of a member of his staff, who was devotedly attached to
the interests of the empire, and the two lawyers who defended
him at his trial, M. Riva Palacios and M. de la Torre. On the
other side we have the republican cause defended in the volumes
of E. Lefevre, H. Frias y Soto, the report of the attorney-gen
eral and the secretary of the court-martial, by Lorenzo Elizaga,
and Rafael M. de la Torre, in the Libro Rojo. Two of these
are chiefly occupied in traversing the statements of the de
fenders of the empire and pointing out their inaccuracies. Ad
ditional facts have been gleaned from the works of Schroeder
and Colonel Evans, from the Diplomatic Correspondence, and
from the newspaper La Sombra de Arteaga, of Queretaro,
which published a full account of the trial as it progressed.
We condense the information regarding the eventful night
of the 14th of May. Maximilian had become convinced that

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 223
further resistance was hopeless. A report received that day
from his generals, Miramon, Mejia, and Castillo, on the situa
tion had greatly excited him and led him to doubt the fidelity
of these officers, and to fear that they were disposed to save
themselves by abandoning himin the emergency if an oppor
tunity occurred. He concluded he would do well to save him
self, leaving them to their fate. To this end he selected Colonel
Miguel Lopez, once a republican officer, but who had during
the empire been in his service in command of the regiment of
the empress, and had served him faithfully. Maximilian took
him into his confidence, directing him secretly to open commu
nications with General Escobedo, the commander-in-chief of the
republican army. This Lopez did, from La Cruz, the part of
the works which he defended, and was admitted to the head
quarters of the republican army during that night. He de
livered his message, which was that Maximilian, despairing of
the situation, was ready to surrender at once if his own life was
guaranteed and Escobedo would grant him leave to pass out,
escorted by fifty horsemen only, to make his way to the coast,
and so leave Mexico, offering the most solemn assurances never
to return. General Escobedo could not accede to such a propo
sition. Maximilian must surrender unconditionally, leaving
the government to judge of his case. His willingness to avoid
further bloodshed was, however, appreciated by General Esco
bedo, who, having learned from the admissions of Colonel Lopez
the desperate condition of the besieged, took measures at once
for a final assault upon the city in order to force surrender.
Lopez returned to Maximilian with the news of General
Escobedo's firm refusal, which greatly depressed the emperor.
That he could have entertained the hope of such a concession,
under such circumstances, is another evidence of his weakness
of mind. But he had judgment to realize, after reflection, that
he had seriously compromised his dignity and his honor by a
proposition which contemplated the forsaking of those who had
followed his fortunes and risked their lives in his service. It
was, however, kindred in character to his attempt in the pre-

224 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
vious year to escape by the Dandolo from Vera Cruz, and to
leave the French to face the results of his desertion of their
cause. The next morning before daylight the final assault was made,
one column entering without resistance at the post held by
Lopez, who assured his command that further resistance was
useless, and they therefore quietly surrendered. In the confu
sion Maximilian mounted a horse and tried to escape, but was
surrounded and captured at the Cerro de las Campanas. Gen
eral Corona soon came up and guarded Maximilian until the
arrival of General Escobedo.* One account states that Maxi
milian drew his sword with formality and said, "I am Maxi
milian, Emperor of Mexico, and I surrender to you," offering
the sword. On which Escobedo replied, "No, Maximilian, you
are not Emperor of Mexico, and never were, nor could you be
against the will of its people." He intimated to his chief of
staff to receive the proffered sword, to be sent to President
Juarez, and directed that Maximilian should be taken to suit
able quarters and carefully guarded. The archduke (we shall
henceforth call him) was apprehensive that he would be in
sulted, and even appealed to General E:-cobedo that he "should
be treated with the consideration due to a prisoner of war ; "
to which Escobedo replied, " That you may trust to me."
Later in the day Maximilian asked for a private conversation
with General Escobedo, and renewed the request which Colonel
Lopez had already negotiated in vain. The short reply, " I am
not permitted to concede what you request," ended the matter.
A telegram was,at once sent to President Juarez, informing
him of the capture of the city and that the archduke, Miramon,
Mejia, with fifteen other generals and over eight thousand men,
were made prisoners. Head-quarters were soon crowded by
those who had been cruelly bereaved and injured by the Im
perialists, who demanded the fullest penalty upon them for the
crimes they had committed. General Escobedo asked for in-
* Official Documents from the Private Archives of Maximilian, by E. Lefevre,
vol. ii, p. 390. Brussels and London, 1869.

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 225
structions from the supreme government. The president had
come from Chihuahua to San Luis Potosi, which was within
a comparatively short distance from Queretaro and connected
by telegraph. He directed that a court-martial should try the
three chief offenders, that every thing should be done legally,
and that full publicity should be allowed. A competent lawyer
of Queretero, Senor J. M. Vasquez, wras retained on behalf of
Maximilian, and on the expression of his desire for additional
counsel he was allowed to name three of the leading lawyers
of the capital, Senores E. M. Ortega, M. Riva Palacios, and
R. M. de la Torre, who were at once sent for, and in company
with the Prussian embassador, Baron Magnus, and other gen
tlemen were permitted to pass out of the besieged capital by
General Diaz, and forwarded under a safe conduct to Queretaro.
Maximilian was well and ably served, and at the close expressed
his gratitude for their efforts to each of those lawyers. Seven
officers constituted the court-martial, the president being Colonel
Platon Sanchez, with Colonel M. Aspiroz as attorney-general.
After consultation, having approved the line of defense, the
lawyers agreed that two should remain to conduct the case, and
the other two should go to San Luis Potosi, to be near the gov
ernment to use all the means available there in the interest of
the archduke. Maximilian claimed that the court-martial was
incompetent to try him, and that another month of time was
necessary for a full defense. He declined to appear in court,
and was not compelled to do so. His generals, Miramon and
Mejia, were there, but his seat between them remained vacant.
Morning and evening his lawyers reported proceedings and re
ceived instructions. He addressed a long and rather rambling
statement to the commanding general, in which he argued his
views for a change of tribunal, the withdrawal of the present
charges, and the formulation of others to be held before a
" tribunal of the federation," and made use of the case of Jeffer
son Davis to indicate the course which should be pursued toward
himself, though he was unable to find facts to institute a paral
lel between them. It was replied that Davis did not cross the
16

226 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
ocean as a foreigner at the head of a large army to overthrow
the government of a country and establish a monarchy on its
ruins, and this without a declaration of war, and then, when
fair fighting could not accomplish his purpose, raise the black
flag, and, by the authority of a mere decree, send those who
fell into the hands of his agents to death within twenty-four
hours, without tribunal or appeal for mercy, and not even allow
their names to be reported till after their execution had taken
place ! The parallel could not apply.
It seems that he supposed himself to be in better case than
that of Jefferson Davis, as the following curious extract may
show that he claims exemption from punishment on the ground
"that the death penalty can be imposed upon the traitor to the
country in foreign war, but it is clear that Maximilian, not be
ing a native of Mexico, but of Austria, the charge of traitor to
the country cannot be made against him ; therefore he is in the
case, not as an exception, but of the general rule." He con
cludes his rambling statement in this curious style :
Having time for no more, I conclude by requesting, first, that you declare
yourselves incompetent, and, second, that you command all proceedings
being instigated against me in accordance with the law of January 25, 1862,
to be withdrawn ; third, that the ordinary council of war created by that
law be not appointed nor installed, as I do not recognize but do deny its
competence, declining now its jurisdiction under any form ; fourth, and
last, that reports be made to the proper persons for ultimate effect; and,
finally, I will say that, in accordance with the frankness of my character, I
should not conceal from you that a copy of this letter is in the possession
of the consul of Hamburg to be transmitted, when possible, to the diplo
matic corps of my court. (Signed) Maximilian.*
The archduke misunderstood his surroundings. He expected
rough treatment, which did not come. On the contrary, he was
treated courteously and reasonably provided for as to all per
sonal comforts. Sufficient time was allowed for preparation
before the trial began ; all legal forms were duly observed as
* Memorandum sobre el proceso Del Arquiduque Fernando Maximiliano de Austria,
by M. R. Palacios and R. M. de la Torre, part ii, p. 3. Mexico, 1867.

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 227
the procedure developed in his case ; he was free from all
annoyance, and was fairly and even deferentially treated. So
that, with his views, he was liable to imagine that his personal
safety was not much compromised. In fact, Maximilian had a
contempt for what Mr. Lincoln called " the common people,"
and was disposed to believe occasionally that this " democracy "
would not dare to lay its hand upon his life. Somewhat harsher
treatment, it might be, than Jeff Davis received might be dealt
in his case. He might be expelled from Mexico, but no worse
was at first feared by him. His " rank " and royal blood would
surely protect him. This fond notion clung to him to within
forty-eight hours of his death, as we shall see, and then only
the earnest assurances of the two generals who were to die with
him could convince him that his life was in danger !
These are the chief counts of indictment on which he was
tried :
1. The first charge against Maximilian consists in having
lent himself to serve as an instrument to the intervention of
the French in the political affairs of Mexico.
2. The title of emperor with which he came to support the
aims of the French Intervention. The illegality of this title
makes him a usurper of the rights of a sovereign people.
4. That of having disposed, with the violence of armed force,
of the interests, rights, and life of the Mexicans.
5. The kind of war which he made upon the republic, to
gether with the French ; the responsibilities which he con
tracted on account of the excesses committed by the French
army in the name of the emperor.
6. In having himself made war with foreigners, subjects of
powers who were not in war with the republic.
8. The publishing of a decree on October 2, 1865, in which
he falsely asserted that the republican government had aban
doned the national territory, from which falsehood he deduced
that the republican forces had no known flag, that they were
bands of robbers, and should be treated in accord with the de
cree he issued on October 3.

228 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
9. In having continued the war after the French army had
withdrawn from Mexico; with the aggravating circumstances
of having surrounded himself with men who had made them
selves famous for their crimes in the civil war of Mexico, and
of having continued to employ means of violence, death, and
destruction until he fell, surrendered at discretion in this
town.* The claim for a change of tribunal was not allowed. The
procedure was being impartially applied to the two generals
indicted with him, and could not be altered in favor of him
who was the chief of the rebellion against the constitutional
government of the country. The trial lasted two whole days.
All that his able lawyers could do, under the circumstances, for
his defense was done, but in vain. They could not lift the
weight of guilt against the nation which pressed upon him.
They tried mercifully to insinuate that " the Black Decree " of
the 3d of October was intended merely to be used in terrorem,
to frighten men into submission to the empire, but not to be
made effective or to last too long. When the evidence of this
was demanded it could not be furnished. The very contrary
was proved by evidence found in the prince's archives, giving
the names of leading Mexicans who had perished under his
decree, even up to recent dates, as in the case of young Mer-
cado. The decree was never suspended and never disavowed.
The families of these victims were demanding stern justice on
the man whose warrant sent them to swift and illegal execution,
and also upon the guilty wretches who were the willing instru
ments of this sanguinary decree — Marquez, who at Orizava
stipulated that he should be clothed with irresponsible power ;
Mendez, who was rewarded with higher rank after the assassina
tion of Generals Arteaga and Salazar ; and Miramon, whose cru
elty was continued to the very last of his power, and many
others. The nation, in sympathy with the bereaved families,
maintained that these men were murderers, and demanded how
* Causa de Fernando Maximiliomo de Hapsburgo, Attorney-General Aspiroz,
p. 289. Mexico, 1868.

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 229
much better was the prince who gave them the authority and
rewarded their acts.
Some facts brought out in the trial were regarded as grave
crimes against the republic, as even the formulated charges.
The regency was one of these. When leaving the capital to
take command at Queretaro, on the 7th of March, in view of
the contingencies of war and his liability to death, Maximilian
drew up a decree of regency. Though the French army had
withdrawn from him, though he had seen the whole republic
(save two cities) rise up against him, and in spite of the fact
that the legations of Spain, France, Prussia, Belgium, Italy,
Austria, and England at the capital had united in an earnest
protest against continuing the hopeless struggle, and against
the rule of the reckless men Maximilian had put in power, he
determined to arrange for a continuation of this bloodshed !
He actually provided that in the event of his death a regency
should come into power, naming as its members Senores Lares,
Lacunza, and General Marquez, with two vice-regents to fill
vacancies. This regency was to carry on the war and the gov
ernment until a Congress was assembled. As this could not be
called until the war was over he thus aimed to prolong this
arbitrary power even when he was in the grave ! * The horror
of the nation on the discovery that he intended to continue thus
the cruel struggle was greatly intensified by the fact that the
universally hated traitor Marquez was to be elevated to the posi
tion of ruler over the people he had so bitterly wronged. The
" Decree of Regency " was published in La Sombra de Arteaga
at Queretaro, during the progress of the trial, and no doubt
aided in his condemnation.
" The Inviolability of the Constitution of Mexico," an article
accepted by the nation in February, 1857, filled a very decisive
position in this trial. The language runs thus :
Article 128. This Constitution shall not lose its force and vigor even if
its observance be interrupted by any rebellion. In case that, by means of
* Documentos Oficiales, E. Lefevre, vol. ii, p. 446.

230 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
such an event, a government shall have been established contrary to the
principles which it sanctions, immediately upon the people recovering
their liberty its observance shall be re-established, and according to its
provisions and the laws which have been framed in virtue of it they shall
be judged, as well those who have figured in the government emanating
from the rebellion as those who have co-operated with it.
The law of January 25, 1862, was for the defense of this
article of the Constitution, and it was shown on the trial that
Maximilian was entirely without excuse: He knew all this be
fore he left his home for Mexico, President Juarez having
warned him to this effect. Here is the evidence of Mr. Lerdo,
secretary of state, to the two lawyers who, in an interview,
hoped to break the force of the application of this heavy
charge against their client :
Having so reasoned with Mr. Lerdo, he replied that the law of January
25, 1862, was a pre-existent law, and that its several dispositions must
have been perfectly understood by the archduke before coming to Mexico.
He also stated that an agent of the constitutional government, Sefior Don
J. Teran, a gentleman well known for his intelligence and integrity,
went to Miramar and demonstrated to the archduke the dangers of the
enterprise of founding a monarchy : that there was no basis in Mexican
society upon which to set up such a project, as Mexico had become too
thoroughly republican in maimer; that democracy had become profoundly
rooted in the New World and was thoroughly wedded to republican insti
tutions; that those who might uphold an empire were not those who
had a secure following in the country, nor could they ever command suffi
cient elements to make it popular ; that it would lose its prestige from the
fact of the necessity of an intervention (French) to uphold it, and would
fall flat as soon as that support was withdrawn.*
On ascertaining that his brother was to be put upon his trial,
and hoping to help the solution of the case somewhat in his
favor, the Emperor of Austria communicated, through the
United States government, to President Juarez that he was
" ready at once to reinstate Maximilian in all his rights of suc
cession as archduke upon his release and renouncing forever all
* Memorandum sobre el proceso Del Archiduque, etc., por M. R. Palacios y R. M.
de la Torre, p. 29.

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 231
projects in Mexico." In addition to this, but with a more grave
sense of the prince's danger, the Queen of England and the
Emperor of the French appealed to the United States govern
ment " to use any legitimate good offices writhin its power to
avert the execution of Prince Maximilian." These messages
had to be very cautiously and deferentially communicated, for
the government and people of Mexico were then in no mood to
tolerate any thing that looked toward outside dictation in any
shape or form, in the duty which the nation in that hour owed
to itself and its future. Mr. Seward carefully and delicately
" requested Mr. Romero, if compatible with his convictions of
duty, to make these sentiments known in a private and confi
dential manner to the republic of Mexico."
Sixteen months previous, on learning of the execution of
Generals Salazar and Arteaga, Mr. Seward had asked that the
influence of the French government might be thrown against
the decree of the 3d of October, and the merciless manner of
its application, but the imperial minister declined to recognize
any responsibility for France in the matter, saying that " Max
imilian was an emperor like any other, and that France had
nothing to dictate to him respecting his conduct." *
A similar answer might have been returned by Mr. Seward,
but it was not so done. The offer of the restoration of Maxi
milian to his rights of succession did not reach President Juarez
until after his death, but was of no moment in the case.
The court-martial commenced at eight o'clock on the morning
of the 13th of June, and on the afternoon of the 14th the verdict
of guilty was pronounced against Maximilian, Miramon, and
Mejia, and they were sentenced to be shot on the morning of
the 16th. Three days were added to this by President Juarez.
An appeal for pardon was made by the two leading lawyers for
Maximilian, but was refused in these terms :
This application for pardon, and others presented with the like object,
having been examined with all the deliberation which the gravity of the
* Documentos Oficiales recogidos en la Secretaria Privada de Maximiliano, por
E. LefSvre, p. 402.

232 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
case requires, the president of the republic has been pleased to determine
that he cannot accede to them, because the weightiest reasons of jus
tice and the necessity of assuring the peace of the nation are opposed
thereto. There are things that a powerful and trusted president may
not dare to do, and to pardon this crime against a nation's life
was one of them. He and his cabinet knew better than their
critics the limitations of mercy in the case. They realized the
deep indignation, on account of the acts of the so-called empire,
which the developments of the trial had produced in the heart of
the nation, and knew the danger which a failure of justice might
involve to the future of the republic. Mr. Otterburg, then our
embassador to Mexico, in a dispatch informed Mr. Seward that
the government was aware how the Conservative party had been
talking, aud " giving evidence of a determination never during
the prince's life to cease from advocating his claims to the
crown of Mexico and from disturbing the quiet of the country
by agitating his return." *
No act of injustice was desired or contemplated on the pop
ular side. Reduced to the last analysis, the foreign archduke
had shot their generals, taken in arms against his government;
had they not the right to shoot him, taken in arms against
theirs ? Their first emperor (Iturbide) had pledged his honor,
when they exiled him and provided him with an ample pen
sion, never to return from Europe or trouble them again ; but,
under encouragement from this same Conservative party, he
had violated his word, and what assurance could they have that
their second emperor would not violate his and return to plunge
the nation once more into the horrors of a civil war?
After hearing the appeals made to them for pardon on behalf
of the archduke it was decided that it could not be granted,
and the reasons were given by the supreme government of
Mexico in justification of its conclusion that the sentence
against Maximilian should be carried out. Senor Lerdo, the
secretary of state, in reply to the lawyers of Maximilian, when
* Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States, 1867, part ii, p. 434.

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 233
they came to reiterate their appeal for pardon for their client,
gave this decision of the cabinet in the following language :
The pardon of Maximilian might be very detrimental to the country,
because, owing to the well-known vacillating nature of his character,
there could be no great probability that he would abstain from another at
tempt. Civil war can and should end with the reconciliation of the par
ties ; but in order to do this it is necessary that the government remove
the chief disturbing elements that might lead to a probable uprising. In
this process justice fulfills one of its functions. The country would call
us to an account for an indulgence that might expose it to the dangers
of a renewed agitation. The government has thought, previously and at
present, with the greatest caution, upon the dangers of pardon as well as
upon the consequences of death; and if it denies pardon, be assured,
gentlemen, that it believes it demanded by national sentiment, justice,
public welfare, and the need of giving peace to a country which, without
this new element of monarchy, had had sufficient disturbance for the last
fifty years. Who would believe that men of revolutionary intent, to whom
the progress of society, its advance, its institutions, are a sin and only
serve to excite them to revolt, would settle down to quiet ? Who would
assure us that Maximilian would live in Miramar, or wherever Providence
might take him, and not desire to return to a country by which he be
lieves himself chosen ? What guarantees could the sovereigns of Europe
give that we should not have a fresh invasion to sustain the empire ?
Europe is not willing to see in the Mexicans men worthy to form a nation.
It holds the very poorest idea of us ; it thinks that republican institutions
are an idle dream of the demagogues. It is not impossible that Maximilian
might be induced to again attempt the founding of an empire. The fatal
inspirations which animated the Intervention might be revived, and the
governments of Europe, under the pretext of civilizing us (in itself a blow
at true morality) would arm new legions, which, though composed of for
eigners, would carry the Mexican flag in order to establish again the power
of him whom they called emperor. Consequently the pardon would be a
misfortune for us, and to the disdain and dissatisfaction with which such
a grant would be viewed we would have to add the stirring up of hatred ,
between the parties and the cry of treason upon all sides. One party I
would constantly turn its eyes toward Miramar, and a fresh violation of j
the principles of public justice would be imminent. Then might the in- 1
dependence of Mexico pass through greater dangers than those which it j
has recently passed through at so great a cost. The existence of Mexico
as an independent nation must not be left to the will of the governments
of Europe. Our reforms, our' progress, our liberty must not stop at the I

234 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
wish of any foreign sovereign who might take a notion to father an em
peror who should endeavor to regulate the amount of liberty or servitude
he thought best to bestow.upon us. The life of Maximilian might be the
excuse for an attempt at a viceroyalty. . . . The return of Maximilian to
Europe might be a weapon for the calumniators and enemies of Mexico to
bring about a restoration and the overthrow of the institutions of the coun
try. For nearly fifty years Mexico has pursued a policy of pardon and
leniency, and the fruits of that policy have been anarchy among ourselves
and loss of prestige abroad. Now, or never, may the republic consoli
date itself.* (
We now reach a point in this sad history which for Maximil
ian's own sake we heartily wish he had never allowed to occur.
We refer to his active co-operation with some of those friends
whom the government had allowed to have access to him to
promote his comfort, and whom he desired to use in order
that he might make his escape and avoid execution. Foremost
of these was the Princess Salm-Salm, wife of Maximilian's first
aid-de-camp. This prince was a German, a sort of " soldier of
fortune," who had taken part in our civil war, and while in
the United States had made the acquaintance of this lady, a
Roman Catholic of Georgetown, D. C. Though an American,
she seemed to take wonderfully to the theory of the divine right
of kings and its kindred doctrines. After their marriage, at the
close of our war, she accompanied her husband to Mexico, where
he went to offer his services to Maximilian. On the capture
of the archduke she attached herself to him to look after his
wants, which was kindly permitted by the commanding general,
under the express condition, however, that she was not to take
advantage of her position to do any thing illegal in regard to
the prisoner. But her book, soon afterward published, shows
how lightly these engagements rested upon her conscience.
She relates all her efforts, including the most questionable ones,
where untruthfulness and deceptive measures were used by her,
without a blush, and even glories in them in view of her ob
ject, which was to secure the archduke's escape by some means
or other. * Memorandum sobre el proceso, etc., Riva Palacios y de la Torre, p. 58.

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 235
Her first effort was with the president, going to San Luis
Potosi to interview him. Here she evidently did her best.
But David's desire and prayer in one of his psalms, " Let
integrity and uprightness preserve me," was so thoroughly
embodied in Juarez's character that she could not shake his
sense of duty. She returned to Queretaro to pursue her plan
for the escape. Every thing depended upon a Mexican officer,
Colonel Palacios, who had charge of the prisoners. She delayed
her visit at his quarters that afternoon till it became dark, and
then, professing fear to go home alone, requested him to escort
her, which he did. On reaching the house she asked him to
enter and be seated. She adroitly gained his confidence by talk
ing of his wife and newly born baby, and of their necessities
in the future, and then came to what she wanted to propose.
She first made him swear " by the life of his wife and babe "
not to divulge to any one what she was about to confide to
him, even if he rejected' her proposition. Little suspecting the
character of the affair, he gave his engagement to respect her
secret. She then drew from her pocket two drafts on the im
perial family in Vienna for $100,000 each, to be paid to him and
the other colonel (Villanueva) on condition that the archduke
should regain his liberty by tlieir means. These drafts Maxi
milian had prepared and signed, and had given the princess his
signet ring to be handed to Colonel Palacios, to be returned to
the archduke at once by the colonel as a token that " all was
right." The amazed colonel hesitated as he held the drafts in his
hand. He was poor, and here was what seemed to him bound
less Avealth for his wife and child in all their future. But he
hesitated. The princess assured him it was for his country's
good to do this thing, and not stain her record with the blood of
the archduke, and, besides, he " would not be asked to do any
thing ; he would have only to turn his back and close his eyes
for ten minutes ; " others, who would be ready outside, would
arrange for the rest of the escape. He declared himself unable
just then to accept the drafts or the ring. He would reflect upon
the matter in the night and give her his decision in the morning.

236 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
She had $5,000 in gold ready for the escort, who stood ready
to move in the matter. Greatly to her disappointment, the
whole affair must be left over until the next night.
The distracted colonel went to bed, but not to sleep. At
midnight he rose, went to head-quarters, and divulged the plan
to General Escobedo. At daylight the next morning a carriage
was stationed at the door of the house where the Princess Salm-
Salm was staying. Dr. Basch and the other two foreigners in
the secret had been roused from their beds and sent off with the
assurance that if they returned sooner than five days they would
be shot. The lady was allowed to sleep until she was ready to
rise, but on coming down-stairs she was ordered to enter the
carriage to be driven to head-quarters. The account of the inter
view is as follows :
In polite but sarcastic tone, General Escobedo observed that the air
in Queretaro did not seem to agree with me, that it was, indeed, very
bad. I assured him that I never felt better in all my life; but he
insisted that I did not look well at all ! He had a carriage ready and
an escort to take me to San Luis Potosi, where I should feel much better.
I told him I had no desire whatever to go there, but thanked him for his
kindness. Seeing that she was not willing to accept the opportunity of
withdrawing, and unable to endure her insincerity any longer,
General Escobedo spoke out and upbraided her dishonorable
conduct and her wicked attempt to bribe his officers and bring
him into an embarrassing position. She tried to defend herself,
and insisted on remaining in Queretaro. Orders were then
given for her departure.
She was permitted to return to her lodgings and pack her
valise before leaving, and an officer in citizen's dress was detailed
to escort her to San Luis Potosi. Before leaving her lodgings
she had a scene with the captain, who was ordered to keep
her in sight until she left. In her anger she drew her re
volver to shoot him on the spot. She might well remark after
she cooled down and reflected on her whole conduct, as she
does in closing the account :

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 237
If I consider what I attempted to do, and that I was by no means yield
ing, I must acknowledge that I was treated throughout with great forbear
ance and courtesy, not only by General Escobedo, but also by Sefior Juarez
and his secretary and all Mexicans with whom I came in contact.*
Flight and bribery and falsehood, all sanctioned or concurred
in by himself, are very unworthy associations to have identified
with Maximilian's name and last hours, especially when we
recall the high standard of honor by which he wished to be
known and remembered.
On her arrival in San Luis Potosi the princess resolved to
make one more of her efforts to save the archduke's life. Not
withstanding the serious way in which she was compromised
in the effort for Maximilian's escape, the president consented
to give her the interview she sought. We will let her describe
it in her own words. She writes :
The last day before the execution had come ; the emperor was to be shot
on the following morning. Though I had but little hope, I was resolved to
make another effort and to appeal once more to the heart of that man on
whose will depended the life of the emperor. It was eight o'clock in the
evening when I went to see Mr. Juarez, who received me at once. He looked
pale and suffering himself. With trembling lips I pleaded for the life of
the emperor, or at least for delay. The president said that he could not
grant it ; he would not prolong his agony any longer ; the emperor must die
to-morrow. When I heard these cruel words I became frantic with grief. Trembling
in every limb and sobbing, I fell down on my knees and pleaded with
words which came from my heart, but which I cannot remember. Mr.
Juarez tried to raise me, but I held his knees convulsively and said I
would not leave him before he had granted his life. I saw the president
was moved; he, as well as Mr. Iglesias, had tears in their eyes, but he
answered me with a low and sad voice, "I am grieved, madam, to see
you thus on your knees before me ; but if all the kings and queens of
Europe were in your place I could not spare that life. It is not I who take
it, it is the people and the law, and if I should not do its will the people
would take it and mine also." (P. 223.)
Her failure led her to regard Maximilian ever after as " my
august martyr."
* Ten Years of My Life, by the Princess Salm-Salm, pp. 211-220. New York,
R. Worthington, 1877.

238 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
Even at this late hour Maximilian was still clinging to his
belief that the Republicans would respect his rank and not
dare to execute him. His companions tried to undeceive him.
They were confined in rooms which were so situated that by
looking diagonally across they could see each other's faces as
they stood at their windows. Colonel Evans was taken to the
premises by a gentleman who was present when the following
took place. He writes :
When my friend entered they were conversing. Miramon called out to
Maximilian :
"Emperor! I beg you to prepare for death; I tell you they will cer
tainly shoot us ! "
Maximilian replied confidently, "No; they dare not do it; they may
shoot you, possibly, but Don Benito Juarez will not let me be killed. He
will send me either to the United States or to Europe ! "
Miramon replied, "I assure you that you are deceiving yourself; they
will certainly shoot us all ! " (P. 235.)
This assurance decided the matter in his mind ; he accepted
the inevitable, and the rest of the time was devoted mostly to
the remaining duties in a spirit which exhibited the better
attributes of his nature. All efforts for pardon or escape had
closed, the 18th of June had come, and at seven o'clock next
morning he was to die. He addressed a telegram to the presi
dent pleading for the life of Miramon and Mejia, and that " he
might be the only victim." He then addressed a copy of the
following note to each of the lawyers who had defended him :
Mt Dear Sir: The energetic and valiant defense which you made on
my behalf demands that I assure you of my profoundest gratitude for
your noble and generous service, which is deeply graven upon the heart
of yours affectionately, Maximilian.
And this letter to the president : Queretaro, June 19, 1867.
Senor Benito Juarez : Being at the point of death, in consequence
of having wished to make the experiment whether new political institu
tions would put an end to the bloody civil war raging for so many years
in this unhappy country, I will give up my life gladly if by its sacrifice

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 239
peace and prosperity shall come to my new country. Profoundly per
suaded that nothing permanent can be founded upon a soil soaked with
blood and torn by violent commotions, I implore you in the most solemn
manner, and with the seriousness becoming my position, that my blood be
the last to be shed, and that the same perseverance (which I was glad to
recognize and fully esteemed in the midst of prosperity) with which you
have defended the cause that has triumphed shall consecrate that blood
to the noble task of reconciliation and of founding in a permanent and
stable manner peace and tranquillity for this unhappy country.*
(Signed) Maximilian.
It will not be wondered at that some sad reflections clouded
his closing hours that morning, and that he was unable to keep
them to himself. Here he was left to die in a land of hostile
strangers without a word of sympathy from either those to
whom he stood related beyond the seas, or from those whose
purposes he was brought here to work out ; lured to his
death by clericals whom he had tried so zealously to serve,
but who, because he found it impossible to serve them in the
despotic manner and extent which they required, had here
left him alone and friendless to face all the consequences.
Perhaps harder than all this to endure was the bitter remem
brance of that imperial pair at Paris who had first fired his
ambition to attempt the impossible task, and made it still more
impossible by withdrawing the help on which they led him to
rely; and, last but not least, to recall for the closing time
on earth that supreme and " infallible " papal power whose
will he was sent here to accomplish under the assurance that
"the blessing and protection of Heaven" would rest upon
the enterprise to which he was consecrated, and perpetuity be
granted to the dynasty and empire which he came here to
found !
Dr. Basch, his physician, tells us how bitterly he remembered
Padre Fisher, who had done so much to induce him to change
his mind and return to the capital to renew the war when he
was already at Orizava on his way out of the country, and
who had promised to proceed at once to Rome and complete the
* Memorandum sobre el proceso, etc., p. 74.

240 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
concordat which he had sketched, and whose mild requirements
would, Maximilian was assured, have satisfied the nation and
saved the empire ; and yet, swayed by other influences, proved
false and returned from Rome without it. Here are the doc
tor's words as to how Maximilian regarded this man in these
last hours in that prison in Queretaro :
"Father Fisher, with his concordat, has lied and has deceived me."
These words of the emperor are the most implicit condemnation of the
conduct of the father.*
There were also some others to whom, no doubt, some of
these dying thoughts were given. Frias y Soto has voiced
this remembrance, and we quote him, merely adding in expla
nation that the closing name refers to Eugenie, the French
empress, by her original title. She was understood to have
promoted zealously the origin and establishment of this Cath-
"olic empire in Mexico. The author says :
In that supreme moment of the life of one sentenced to death a century
is lived.Maximilian must have thought then, with that instantaneous vision
that can hardly be conceived, of the insane woman at Miramar; of Napo
leon, feeling, on learning of this execution, terror touching his heart and
the red wave of shame covering his face, . . . and of Rome cleansing with
her papal mantle the drop of blood that would spatter from the scaffold
at Queretaro on the infallible tiara of the pope-king.
That look encompassed all the drama the secret thread of which began
to be woven in the boudoir of "La Montijo." +
At seven o'clock on the morning of the 19th of June, 1867,
the execution of Maximilian, Miramon, and Mejia took place
outside the walls of the city, at a place called the Cerro de las
Campanas. The archduke bore himself with dignity in the
terrible ordeal. We give a picture of the spot where they
suffered and the little memorial erected upon it. His body
was carefully embalmed and laid away for future disposition.
* Recuerdos de Mexico, by S. Basch, M.D., 1870, p. 74.
f Notes on De Keratry's Elevation and Fall of Maximilian, by Frias y Soto, 1870,
p. 370.

CERRO DE LAS CAMPANAS,
Scene of the execution of Maximilian, June 19, 1867.

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 241
It is now our duty to refer at this point to the case of a man
who through all these intervening years has borne a heavy and
peculiar cross for this dead prince — a man whom the world
meanwhile had branded as guilty of the charge, until two years
6ince, when the highest authority in the case has proved him
innocent of the alleged wrong. The reader will remember the
effort made by Maximilian to gain the sanction of the republi
can general for his own escape before the capture of Queretaro.
That request was, of course, refused. But in brooding over
the situation the archduke soon realized how unworthy was
that attempt, and how fully he had compromised himself with
his adherents there and with his friends in Europe should
the facts become known. In order to save his own credit, he
resolved upon a course that was to load down an officer in
his service, for long years to come, under the terrible charge
of " treason and dishonor." The world has widely heard of
Colonel Lopez "selling his imperial master and his cause to
the Republicans for thirty thousand dollars," and so ending
the war in Mexico. For nearly twenty-four years he bore the
weight of this burden, conscious all the time that he did
not deserve it, but was merely the scape-goat of Maximilian's.
vanity. So satisfied were even good men that he richly de
served this opprobrium that when he died a few months ago
(April 26, 1891) one of the leading Christian journals of this
country headed an editorial on his departure with the words,
"The Mexican Judas." It now is evident that this man's
mouth was closed in his own defense from a sense of honor
by which the archduke had bound him to save his own credit
for courage and chivalry. People simply accepted the charge
without examination, and Lopez bent down under it; and so
the years went on until the burden became intolerable. That
life which was to have been, by the stipulation imposed upon
him, the limit of his silence, was most mysteriously prolonged.
At last, when feeling his own end approaching, and not being
willing to go into the dark grave of a traitor, he made his appeal
to the one man in all this world who could clear his character

242 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
by an honest statement of the facts, to do him this justice with
out further delay.
If those who regarded his crime with such detestation and
shrunk from him had reflected, there certainly were several
things that might have led them to be more cautious in their
judgment, and to give him the benefit of the doubts they
raised. For instance, thirty thousand dollars was a great sum
of money in the year 1867 for the republican government or
its army to have at its disposal for any thing but the strictest
necessities, and much more to be able to spare for any such
purpose as this. Even if the cash were plentiful and available
for such purpose it would be hard to prove that it was really
necessary for the object to be gained. Escobedo and his' army
did not need this help to finish tlieir work. He had only to close
his hand, and every thing and every body in Queretaro was held
and could not escape. Why purchase, and at such a price, what
was his when he chose to take it ? Then, again, Colonel Lopez
was constantly under the eye of his countrymen during all these
intervening years, and those who knew him intimately asserted
that no evidence of any such wealth as this meant was ever
exhibited by him or in his condition.
In the spring of 1889 Lopez appealed to General Escobedo,
the republican commander at Queretaro, with whom the inter
view took place before the fall of that city, to state the facts of
the case. General Escobedo compiled his report in answer to
the request, and placed it in the hands of President Diaz,
who ordered its publication in the volume Mexico d travez
de los Siglos, from which it was copied into one of the journals
of the capital, on the 13th of July, 1889. We present the
most important items of the document, so that the reader can
judge. The real proposition of Maximilian we have already
stated on page 223.
Mr. President : The imperialist colonel, Miguel Lopez, published in
one of the journals of this city a letter addressed to me asking me with all
sincerity to express the truth regarding those events (the supposed treason).
The reactionary press of Mexico takes from the book [referring to a work

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 243
of Victor Daran, lately published at Rome, reviving the scandal against
Lopez] that which shall most affect the history of our struggle against the
so-called empire. They are working hard, with a vehement obstinacy, to
have divulged the secret part of that affair relating to the supposed trea
son of Ldpez and the taking of the town of Queretaro, claiming that,
owing to the direct part which this officer was to take in it by betraying
his sovereign and selling the countersign for gold, the town was to fall
into the power of the Mexican army. . . .
I divulge my knowledge of the affair for my own satisfaction, preferring
to deposit the secret with the supreme government of the republic in order
that this historical document may be preserved in the archives of the
nation. . . .
The imperialist colonel, Miguel Lfipez, though unfaithful to his country,
did not betray the Archduke Maximilian of Austria, nor did he sell his office
for gold. On the 24th of May, 1867, Colonel Lopez came to me, asking
permission to speak with me in private. I agreed, and accordingly sent
away my adjutants, and remained alone with him. He told me that the
emperor had requested him to come to me to beg me to keep the pro-
foundest silence regarding the conference he (Lopez) had had with me as
the emperor's agent on the evening of the 14th, because the emperor wished
to save his prestige and reputation in Mexico and in Europe, which would
be injured if the terms of the said conference and its results were made
known. I replied to the envoy of the archduke that it would be totally
indifferent to me whether or no I should keep the reserve as requested ;
that neither way would my own honor or that of my cause be affected ;
that he would certainly be directly affected by my silence, for it was already
well known that he was being accused by his companions of disloyalty
to the archduke, whom they said he had miserably betrayed ; also, that
as I was in doubt as to the legality of such a request, having no proofs to
believe him, I did not wish to effect any agreement with him, deeming
that improper and unsuitable for me.
Lopez replied that he cared little for the premature judgment passed
upon his conduct ; that he would keep silence, because it was his duty to
yield in all things to the desires of the emperor, to whom he owed very
much, and to whom he could not be ungrateful. He added that he was
provided with a document which cleared him of any stigma that might be
cast upon him ; and in order only to set at rest the doubts which I had
expressed he showed me the document referred to, which consisted of a
letter addressed to him by the archduke, the authenticity of which ap
peared to me to be beyond all doubt. I took a copy of it, and it is as
follows :
" Mt Dear Colonel Lopez : We charge you to maintain the most pro-

244 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
found secrecy regarding the commission we gave you for General Escobedo,
because if divulged our honor will be sullied.
"Yours affectionately, Maximilian."
Then Lopez asked me if I had any objection to keeping the secret, as it
would not injure me in the least. I replied that I would reserve the right
to divulge it when I might think it proper, without promising any definite
time. This was all confirmed in an interview which the general had
with the archduke before his execution, when he earnestly
entreated him to agree with what Colonel Lopez desired on his
behalf. We quote further from the general's narrative what
Maximilian said on the subject :
He entreated that I should grant him a special favor, the obligations of
which would entail no consequences upon me, but which if I would grant
he would be relieved of the weight resting upon his mind, as, in spite of
possessing liberal ideas, he always bowed before the respectful recollections
of his illustrious ancestors. He calmly said that he would probably be
sentenced to death, and that he feared the judgment of history in deal
ing with his brief and stormy reign. He asked me if Colonel Lopez had
spoken to me. Upon my replying in the affirmative he went on to say
that he was not possessed of sufficient mental force to bear the reproaches
which his companions in misfortune would heap upon him if they should
know of the conference held between Lopez and myself by his orders (in
regard to the desired escape from Queretaro), and that, therefore, not
appealing to aught save to his situation, he begged me to keep silence
regarding said- conference, which would neither be difficult nor dishonor
able for me to do. I said to him that it appeared as if he was a victim to
the treason of Ldpez toward his person, an infamous act already stigma
tized with all the horrors of an execrable disloyalty. I said I had no
object in revealing any thing of the past, but that rather than appeal to
me he should do so to Ldpez, who was the one morally injured in these
events. The prince replied that Ldpez would not speak so long as I kept I
silence ; that the time to which he would bind me not to reveal the re- 1
suits of the conference was short, being until the Princess Carlota had
ceased to live, and her life would be extinguished when she should learn of
the execution of her husband. As a final answer to the requests of the
archduke I stated that it seemed to me quite impossible to keep the
secret even if Ldpez should remain silent, because his defenders, his gen
erals, the foreign ministers, or the Princess Salm-Salm, who had done

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 245
every thing in their power to save him, would not fail to make use of the
current versions of the treason of Ldpez and his inexplicable conduct to
ward himself as his chief and protector. In spite of this the archduke
again insisted that I should keep the secret as requested, saying that the
Princess Salm-Salm was prepared, not only to say nothing regarding that,
but also to prevent the people interested in him from in any way referring
to the disloyalty of Ldpez, assuring me that all those persons would strictly
keep their word and not mention the colonel.
The condition in which the prince was, with his broken health, a pris
oner about to be brought to trial and condemned to death, his desire to
preserve, even after death, a stainless name, moved me, and, yielding to
a sentiment of consideration for the unfortunate prisoner, I promised to
keep his secret so long as circumstances did not oblige me to lift the veil
which I have this day lifted upon the facts which precipitated the fall of
Queretaro, May 15, 1867. . . . The lengthy exposition of the facts just
narrated, taken from the journal of operations of the general head-quarters
of the army of operations, is historic truth, and I herewith deposit it in
the hands of the supreme magistrate of the nation to dispose thereof as he
sees fit. (Signed) M. Escobedo.
This evidence clears the character of Colonel Lopez from the
stain so long and unjustly resting upon him, under a sense of
duty to a man whose vanity and pride of family could impose
such a burden upon one who had served him faithfully to the
last hour.
The city of Mexico was not captured till the 20th of June,
after a siege of seventy days. It was cruelly prolonged by
Marquez for his personal purpose. The two hundred thousand
inhabitants were reduced by him to the extreme of oppression
and distress. He kept up recruiting his force by all the vio
lence of the press-gang. Forced loans (some of them for im
mense sums of money) were extorted. False news of imperial
victories in the columns of the Diaro Imperial was circulated,
with " the approach of the emperor's army to relieve the cap
ital," and even fire-works and joy-bells gave forth their jubila
tion in honor of these monstrous lies, while for thirty-six days
of the seventy Maximilian and his generals were prisoners or
under trial.
General Porfirio Diaz was conducting the siege with a force

246 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
of thirty-five thousand men. He could have thus taken the city
any day in June, but he humanely shrank from proceeding to
the extremities of serious bombardment in which so many inno
cent people must suffer, expecting that a few days more of
the terrible pressure would bring surrender. At length the for
eign ministers and members of the city government, ignoring
Marquez and his army, resolved to make an effort to open nego
tiations with the republican general outside. None of the min
isters could do it except the American minister. Their govern
ments had recognized Maximilian's empire ; his government
had never done so, and he was therefore in full relations with
the republican government. The effort was made, and the en
tire truth of the whole situation became known, and the terms
which General Diaz would offer to those willing to lay down
their arms. This message was delivered to the commander of
the foreign legion (chiefly Austrians), stipulating that if during
the night they would cease their hostility, shut themselves up
in the national palace, raise the white flag, and remain there
until General Diaz should enter and receive their surrender they
should all be spared and be escorted to Vera Cruz and allowed
to embark without molestation. All, with one exception, grate
fully accepted the generous conditions, and the next morning
the white flag was seen over the " Halls of Montezuma." Gen
eral Diaz, at the head of a portion of his army, rode peacefully
into the city, and the war was over !
The liberal conditions were all fulfilled. The most surprising
thing about the capture of the city was the non-appearance of
the infamous Marquez. Every gate was guarded to secure
him, but he was not found. On investigation it was learned
that he had suddenly disappeared during the night, leaving his
second in command, General Tabero, to bear the odium of a de
fense protracted beyond all reason. How he got away with his
plunder has never been revealed. There are few crimes of which
wicked men are guilty that were not laid to his charge by his
countrymen — violence, robbery, and murder among them — and
yet it was to a wretch of this infamous character that the arch-

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 247
duke extended his highest patronage and exalted him (as com
mander-in-chief and military member of the regency) to posi
tions where he could most irresponsibly and powerfully exert
his baneful influence to promote the misery of his country.
That such a man could effect his escape and be living to-day
on his ill-gotten gains in the city of Havana is one of the mys
teries of the Providence that governs this earth.
This man — the trusted and favorite general of the clerical
party — the republican government would certainly have exe
cuted had they caught him. But for all the rest of his coun
trymen who had been deluded and led astray the government
provided a merciful penalty. After nearly four months of
patient investigation of those who were compromised, on the
2d of November, 1867, the government issued its decision in
a general order by the minister of war covering every case, as
follows :
For native Mexicans who took service under the empire, either as offi
cials or in the army, the penalty was to be :
1. To those who held the higher offices, or whose names were signed to
the decree of October 3, 1865 (the Black Decree), with regents and presi
dents of council, the penalty was made banishment, subject to trial if
they returned to Mexico. The number under this head were about fifteen
persons. 2. Those of lesser rank in the service of the empire, under-secretaries,
etc., to the number of twenty-five, banishment until permitted to return.
3. To all below these, but above the rank and file of the service, im
prisonment for from two to four years, being about two hundred in all.
4. For all the rest, in the army, civil service, etc., they were allowed to
go free and return to their homes, only being required to register their
addresses and pursue a quiet course of life in obedience to the laws of the
country. Only two hundred and fifty persons in all were subjected to these pen
alties. For the foreigners, all were permitted to leave the country with
out further molestation.*
The bishops and compromised clergy had fled, fearing the
vengeance of the government for the prominent part they had
* Dispatch of United States Minister Plumb, Diplomatic Correspondence, 1867,
part ii, p. 469.

248 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
taken in the rebellion. They were not able, however, to assume
much of the martyr aspect in their exile in view of the compar
atively gentle treatment dealt out by the government to those
who had the courage to remain at home and face the results.
These churchmen, after recovering from their scare, began to
glide back again to their places. They were not interfered
with, but it was understood by both sides that political Roman
ism was henceforth dead in Mexico, and that they must now
and forever keep their hands off the nation's affairs and mind
their religious work, and that alone — a hard lesson for them to
learn, but a necessary one.
The general amnesty, proclaimed in 1871, closed the last of
these retributions. The death penalty was not imposed in any
case by the government, and thus the request of the Archduke
Maximilian was fully conceded.
It may be doubted whether, in view of all the fearful prov
ocations to vengeance in the case, any government has ever
been more forbearing, and even lenient, in the hour of victory
than was this of Mexico in 1867. It will stand, when fully
understood, in the future history of the world as a high honor
to the true character of constitutional republicanism.
What a contrast is suggested by the following fact ! Two
or three days after the capital was occupied by the republican
forces some of the proprietors of the mercantile houses and
other capitalists waited on the United States minister, and pro
posed that in view of the necessities for money which must
exist to meet the immediate wants of the army, until the
revenue from the custom-houses began to come in, they would
be willing to furnish a voluntary loan 'of $200,000, without
interest, payable at the convenience of the government. Gen
eral Diaz was surprised at such a proposition, especially from
people who had been so recently and repeatedly fleeced by the
traitor Marquez. He gratefully accepted the generous offer,
making only one stipulation, that no part of this loan was to
be accepted from any person compromised by connection with
the imperial party. This was guaranteed, the money was forth-

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 249
with paid, and in due time it was gratefully returned by the
government.* One would naturally expect that in this hour of triumphant
peace and rest no disturbing element could possibly arise to put
such conditions in jeopardy or attempt to fling the nation back
into the fearful chaos from which it had just emerged ; but
there was one man who would fain attempt-even this diabolical
work. The surrender of Vera Cruz to the republican army
under General Benavides had already been arranged for, and
in a few days more the Mexican flag would have floated un
challenged from the Gulf to California.
War-ships of England, France, Austria, and the United
States were at anchor in the harbor, waiting to witness the
close of the requisite negotiations, when, unexpectedly, on the
3d of June, the mail steamer Virginia hove in sight, having
on board General Santa Anna, with a staff of five officers and
a supply of munitions of war and a stock of proclamations for
his purpose. General consternation was the result. Knowing
the man, they could anticipate nothing from his advent at such
an hour but confusion and destruction. The imperialist Gen
eral Gomez was in command of the Castle of San Juan de
Uloa, which dominates the city and harbor. He had formerly
been a friend and adherent of Santa Anna, and promptly in
vited him to land and remain there till arrangements could be
made for a grand reception in the city. Within an hour after
the band in the fort was playing marches of welcome and the
garrison shouting, " Viva el General Santa Ana ! "" The for
eign soldiers on the shore responded, and all saw that he had
but to land, and a hostile force, which he so well knew how to
attract and increase, would be around him, and alkother author
ity at an end. Fortunately, before he landed he invited a con
ference of officials on board the Virginia, and there announced
his purpose " to set up a republic in place of the tottering
empire, and with the assurance that he came under American
protection," " after interviews with President Johnson and Mr.
* Diplomatic Correspondence, 1867, p. 431.

250 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
Seward, and at their solicitation, Maximilian having offered to
deliver up the government of the country to him." These
outrageous falsehoods opened the eyes of all present. He had
overreached himself in asserting that the American govern
ment sustained him. A council of war was called that night at
the city hall by the naval and military officers, with the consuls
stationed at Vera Cruz. The conclusion was practically unani
mous that Santa Anna should not be allowed to land and at
tempt to spoil all that had been accomplished. Captain Roe, of
the United States war steamer Tacony, was requested by the
entire company to take charge of the matter and see Santa
Anna sent off again in the ship that brought him. This he did
in thorough style next morning, to Santa Anna's amazement
and indignation. He escorted the Virginia for the first twenty
miles, and parted from her with injunctions to her captain not
to land the old general anywhere in Mexico. At Sisal Santa
Anna sent a letter, inclosing one of his proclamations, to the
Governor of Yucatan, with the request to give it publicity.
The governor was aroused to the danger involved, and as soon
as Santa Anna landed he arrested him, sending him off, for
greater security, to the State of Campeche, to await the action
of President Juarez. Our own government, under the circum
stances, approved the action of Captain Roe.*
Afterward Santa Anna was tried (for the fourth time) for
treason and sentenced to death. This was commuted by
President Juarez to banishment for eight years, but under
the general amnesty of 1871 he was permitted to return, and
passed the remaining five years of his life in obscurity in
the city of Mexico.
On the evening of the 14th of July, as darkness settled down
on the city of Vera Cruz, rockets were seen in the offing. A
pilot was sent out, and when the vessel reached the harbor it
was ascertained that it was the United States revenue cutter
Wilderness, having on board the wife and family of President
Juarez, after their long exile in the United States. Our gov-
* The Fall of Maximilian's Empire, by Lieutenant Schroeder, p. 66, etc.

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 251
eminent had offered the vessel, through Senor Romero, to this
devoted woman, to take her back to her country. They landed
on the morning of the 15th, the very day when the honored
president arrived at the city of Mexico from the North. The
Vera Cruzanos made a joyful demonstration at the landing of
Mrs. Juarez and her children. Every boat was in requisition as
an escort fleet, while the ringing of bells, the booming of can
non, and the display of flags testified to the general rejoicing.
This last act of courtesy from Mr. Seward touched many Mexi
can hearts.
Beyond description were the rejoicings at the capital when
the president and the people who had so fully trusted him met
to celebrate the victory of constitutional republicanism. The
future safety of their political system was guaranteed from in
terference of outside foes, the power of political Romanism
was broken, while civil and religious freedom were won for all
the future. The worthy instrument of all this mighty victory
for freedom was here again, preserved through all the toil and
danger and sufferings of those five dreadful years, to rejoice
with his people, whom he had served so well and so faithfully.
He was made, by the supporting mercy of God, equal to the
height of his great mission, and in its. closing triumphs showing
himself to be equally generous and humane. To him truly,
without qualification, might be ascribed the brilliant words
which Victor Hugo addressed to him on the 20th of June,
1867 :
America has two heroes, Lincoln and thee — Lincoln, by whom slavery
has died, and thee, by whom liberty has lived. Mexico has been saved by
a principle, by a man. Thou art that man !
We would not be doing justice to the subject should we fail
to recognize the religious character of Benito Juarez. No
detailed statement exists of his belief, but his devout faith is
constantly shown in the reverential manner in which he pro
claims his victories or recommends his people to seek the help
of God in their emergencies. An irreligious man, as his cleri-

252 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
cal enemies have called Juarez, would not have used such ex
pressions as the following in his proclamations to the nation :
" Providence concedes me the satisfaction of announcing a vic
tory over the enemy." " Let us give thanks to Providence for
having aided the Mexican people to reconquer their liberties."
On account of his demand for the benefit of the State of some
of the vast wealth held by the Church of Rome in Mexico,
he was denounced as an enemy of true religion by the
papal faction. Far from this, Juarez believed that in free
ing the Church from the political strife that had absorbed
its energies to the detriment of its spiritual work he was
aiding the Church to regain its lost mission to the souls
of its people. To this belief all unprejudiced Mexicans
hold firmly, and claim that Juarez's name shall be honored
not only as a great leader, but as a devout worshiper of
Jehovah. He believed himself an instrument in the hand of God to
work out the liberty of his country. The simplicity of his life
and actions was the result of this conception of his mission.
Is there aught in the writings of any leader more admirable
for his reverential tone and all absence of self-seeking than Jua
rez's words to the nation at the close of the dreadful struggle
of the Intervention ? " Let the Mexican people fall on their
knees before God, who has deigned to crown our arms with
victory. He hath smitten the foreigner who oppressed us
sorely. He hath established this his people in their rightful
' place. For he who hath this habitation in the heavens is the
visitor and protector of our country, who strikes down those
who came with intent to do us ill. The excellent, the only
just, almighty, and eternal One is he who hath dispersed the
nations who like vultures had fallen on Mexico."
This far-seeing patriot did not live to see the grand success
of evangelical missions in the land, yet he realized the benefit
which a purer faith would be to his people. Shortly before
his death he said to an intimate friend, now a government
official, from whose lips we have heard it, that " upon the de-

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 253
velopment of Protestantism largely depends the future happi
ness of our country."
Juarez was greatly influenced by a sincere priest, Father
Palacios, who, unable to accept the errors of the Roman Church,
had come out from it with a little band of followers, and had
established a service where the Bible was read. Thus a simple
evangelical Church arose, which later joined our mission, and
Brother Palacios labored faithfully as pastor of one of our
churches until his death, in 1890.
After the death of Maximilian effort was made by several
parties to get possession of his body in order to convey it to
Vienna. His physician, Dr. Basch, the Princess Salm-Salm,
Captain Groller, of the Austrian corvette Elizabeth, then at
Vera Cruz, and some others, made application for it to the
Mexican government. All were refused. The body, care
fully embalmed, was still lying in the church at Queretaro.
The reason why this refusal was returned was, first, that
these parties were not authorized by the Austrian govern
ment to make such a demand, and, secondly, that the Mexican
government could not, consistently with its own dignity, thus
privately dispose of the mortal remains of the archduke.
" An official act of the Austrian government or a petition
from the family " was the proper procedure, and would be at
once responded to. Of course, this was not pleasant to these
parties, whose kinsmen, following Louis Napoleon's lead, had
even denied the existence of a national government in Mex
ico or treated its claims with contempt. Now they had to
face the consequences of their own injustice by " recognizing "
that government and asking from it respectfully the favor
desired. Finding that the only way to succeed was the just and hon
est one above intimated, the Austrian court laid aside its pride
and the false purpose by which it was misled, and, in a candid
and worthy manner, made its appeal by the chancellor of the
Austrian empire, Baron von Beust, to the government of
Mexico through its secretary of state, Sefior Lerdo, for the body

254 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
of the prince. It was promptly conceded by the Mexican gov
ernment. The following is the reply of the Mexican secretary
of state : Department of Foreign Relations, )
Mexico, Nov. 4, 1867. J
Mr. Minister: Vice-Admiral Tegethoff has delivered me your note.
In it you say that his majesty, the Emperor of Austria, feels the very nat
ural desire that the mortal remains of his brother, the Archduke Ferdi
nand Maximilian, should find a last resting-place in the vault that holds
the ashes of the princes of the house of Austria ; that the father, mother,
and brothers of the deceased archduke, as well as other members of the
imperial family, participate in the desire ; that his majesty, the emperor,
hopes the government of Mexico, from a feeling of humanity, will assist
in realizing this desire, to effect which Vice- Admiral Tegethoff has been
sent to Mexico to request the president to permit the remains of the arch
duke to be taken to Europe.
Conscious of the just sentiments expressed in your excellency's note,
the president of the republic does not hesitate to gratify this natural de
sire of his majesty, the Emperor of Austria, and the imperial family.
Instructed by the president, I have informed Vice- Admiral Tegethoff
that the mortal remains of the Archduke Ferdinand Maximilian will be
delivered to him immediately to be carried to Europe, in compliance with
the object of his mission.
I have the honor to offer your excellency the assurances of my dis
tinguished consideration. S. Lerdo de Tejada.*
The remains were transported from Queretaro to Vera Cruz
at the expense of the Mexican government, and were attended
by an escort of one hundred dragoons, with a number of officers.
They reached Vera Cruz on the 25th of November, the body
was identified on the 26th and delivered to Admiral Tegethoff
on board the frigate Novara, the same vessel that three years
and a half before had brought Maximilian and Carlota across
the ocean to that very port. Now it takes back to Miramar the
lifeless form of him who came with such high hopes, while the
poor demented wife will not comprehend what they are doing
as they lay him in the tomb of his ancestors !
It is but fair to add here the testimony borne by the two
* Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States, 1867, part ii, p. 478.'

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 255
leading lawyers, Senores Palacios and De la Torre, who defended
Maximilian, as to the course pursued by the Mexican govern
ment through the trial, and the spirit of fairness shown by the
president and secretary of state in all the interviews which they
sought with them from first to last. Their own report of the
trial, printed as a volume, was published at the expense of the
government and every facility given them. They say :
So numerous were the inaccuracies of the European press in referring
to the tragic death of the archduke, so much that was offensive to our
country was published, that we could not, in conscience, leave the history
of the trial of our defendant buried in his tomb. All Mexico saw the
consideration granted to the chiefs, officers, and soldiers of the Austrian
army who surrendered at discretion to the general-in-chief. The repre
sentatives of France, England, Spain, Austria, Italy, Belgium, and the
United States were witnesses of that consideration, and also saw that all
the foreigners enjoyed full liberty and all sorts of guarantees. Yet, in
spite of this public action of the authorities of our country, Mexico has
been calumniated and held up to the world as unworthy of being a nation.
It was the death of Maximilian that raised this cry, and we who were
his defenders feel called upon to present the history of that painful event
such as it is. The responsibility and the comments can then be placed
upon their true ground. . . .
As faithful narrators of this sad history we must acknowledge that the
president, Juarez as well as his ministers, always granted us all the time
we desired for many and lengthy interviews, and that to all our reasonings
they replied with other arguments which betrayed a profound and patient
study of all the elements which contributed to the tragic end of the em
pire. The same tranquil reasoning that Mr. Lerdo had shown, though
expressed in different words, we found in the president. He let fall not
a single word of enmity or vengeance, but there was underneath his replies
an inflexible resolution which augmented our fears. He generally closed
by saying that all that we had set forth would be weighed in the cabinet
so that a just conclusion might be reached.*
* Memorandum sobre elproceso, p. 4.

256 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.

CHAPTER IX.
" Vengeance is mine, I will repay, saith the Lord " — " So that men shall say,
Verily there is a God that judgeth in the earth " — The conspirators against
freedom — Could only be reached by the retributions of Almighty God — The
pontiff — Temporal power for one thousand years — Decree of infallibility —
Declaration of war — Downfall of Napoleon — The pope's temporal power ex
tinguished — Italy unified — Papal coin — -Scene in San Angelo — Emperor Will
iam denies the pope's claim — Napoleon rushes to ruin at Sedan — End of his
glory — Death of the Prince Imperial — Eugenie in exile — France republican —
Religious liberty — Expulsion of the Jesuits.
Had the guilty parties which had so desperately attempted to
crush constitutional freedom in Mexico retired from their effort
after the death of Maximilian, there was not a power in Europe
which would have called them to account or inflicted any
penalty upon them. And yet every one of those parties was
held to a terrible responsibility, while a chastisement was in
flicted upon each of them that was an amazement to Europe and
will never be forgotten. But who was it that thus took cog
nizance of their crimes against freedom and visited them with
such condign vengeance? Not the aggrieved and injured
party, for Mexico could not follow them across the sea. God
Almighty himself espoused her cause and answered for her in
his own way and time. Let us look at the facts of this wonder
ful retribution and see the evidence of the divine hand that
punished them.
There were six leading and responsible parties to this con
spiracy against Mexican freedom and against the right and
duty of the United States to evangelize her neighbors. The
Most High, as we judge by the providential results, allowed not
one of them to escape the penalty due. These parties were, the
pope — in whose interest the whole enterprise was undertaken ;
Louis Napoleon, the pontiff's willing instrument ; Eugenie, that
" power behind the throne," who had more to do with this most

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 257
unwomanly work than yet appears ; Maximilian and Carlota,
heart and soul devoted to the object to be accomplished ; and
the Jesuits, those wily schemers, who had developed the enter
prise and were to utilize its consummation, when the sword had
fully opened their way and done its work upon prostrate Mex
ico and a bleeding and divided United States.
With reverent heart we bow before the divine Majesty and
his work of vindication and vengeance. First, as to the pontiff.
It was hardly necessary that Prince Bismarck should give the
world his assurance that " the papacy has been apolitical power
which, with the greatest audacity and with the most moment
ous consequences, has interfered with the affairs of this world,"
though his doing so carried corroboration of the fact where it
might not otherwise have reached. The claim of temporal
sovereignty has been to the pope as precious as the apple of his
eye. He had held it for a thousand years as an essential ele
ment of his power, knowing well that a large portion of his
peculiar immunities were held to him by this secular bond. To
strike him here first of all, and so let loose the " rights " which
he had gathered up and bound under this broad girdle, from the
people he had so long misruled, was an act within the divine
power alone. Let us mark the steps by which this was brought
about. The convention of September, 1864, was a treaty be
tween Louis Napoleon and Victor Emmanuel, secretly consum
mated, which bound Napoleon to withdraw his troops from
Rome in two years from that date. The secret was carefully
kept for six months, and when announced it fell like a bomb
shell upon the Vatican. The anger of the papal party was un
bounded at what they designated as the " desertion of the pope
by the emperor." Every one else was delighted, and the exul
tation of the people broke out on all sides. It was seen that
it was the beginning of the collapse of the temporal power.
It was stipulated also in the convention that the capital of
Italy was at once to be removed from Turin to Florence, a more
central position, and nearer to Rome. Napoleon hoped that
the pope might thus "be led to reconcile himself to accom-
13

258 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
plished facts and bow with some grace to manifest destiny."
Vain hope ! The pontiff, instead of taking counsel of expedi
ency or being guided by the light of the nineteenth century,
took his stand in the eleventh by the side of Hildebrand,
and developed his now famous "encyclical." Napoleon, it
will be remembered, answered this by appointing Jerome
Bonaparte to the regency as well as to the presidency of the
Corps Legislatif.
The indignation of the pope at Napoleon's action was un
bounded. But he held his displeasure in restraint, knowing
that the emperor would bear little abuse from him. He could
anathematize Victor Emmanuel to his heart's content, and did,
for the king could do no more harm to the temporal power
than he had done in this convention. It was different with
Napoleon. If provoked he could order the immediate evacua
tion of Rome by the twenty thousand troops which held it for
the pope-king and leave him to the tender mercies of his own
people, which was what Pius IX. feared above all else. In the
volume of his published speeches the pope had characterized
them as " communists " and " demons let loose from hell ! "
The people of whom he thus so violently spoke were the lib
erty-loving statesmen of Italy, who were wisely leading their
countrymen on to constitutional liberty and peace, and who had
addressed to him the vigorous document found on page 111. It
was truly said at that time, " Had it not been for these and
their constitutional government the red republicans and Roman
communists would have made short work of the papacy, and
neither the pope nor Antonelli nor one of the Roman curia
had dared to breathe Italian air. To-day his Vatican had been
ashes, and instead of the mock imprisonment which he parades
he would have gone to prison or to death." * It is wonderful
what power for good these patriots whom he had thus maligned
had over the masses, to keep them from excess and violence.
The people only wanted the Church to attend to her proper
work in the spiritual realm and leave secular affairs to them ;
* The Modern Jove, by William Arthur, p. 48.

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 259
but when the head of the clergy insisted on being the tem
poral ruler as well there was " confusion and every evil work,"
under which what was good withered and what was evil flour
ished. The pope alone could not see the danger arising from these
facts, and supposed nothing more was necessary for peace and
order except military power enough to hold in subjection to
his will the three and a half millions of people within the Ro
man State, and as his own people refused to accept military
service under him foreign mercenaries were necessary. All
Italy had gladly accepted a constitutional sovereign, and the
Church State was almost a unit in the same desire, as the vote
taken shortly after this proved.
Failing to bring the nations of Christendom to his will by
the thunders of the " encyclical, " Pius IX. issued a call for an
ecumenical council to pass the decree of his infallibility as
an end of controversy, and as an authoritative voice that would
subdue all dissent in the religious world as well as save his
temporal power at home. Eight hundred bishops came to
gether, and after deliberating six months the vote was ascer
tained on the 13th of July, 1870. It was during the eighty-
fifth secret session of the council, 601 members being present.
The vote was :
Placet (Yes)  451
Placet juxta modum (with modification)  62
Non-placet (No)  88
601*
On July 18, when the vote on the final adoption was taken,
the disaffected and absentees reduced this number to 533, by
whom, many of them under heavy pressure, the doctrine was
accepted and the dogma proclaimed that afternoon. This in a
Church which, according to the Annuario Pontifico of Rome,
has 1,400 bishops and archbishops. Eight hundred and sixty-
two took no part, or refused to vote " yes," so that the minority
* Rome and the Newest Fashions in Religion, by Hon. W. E. Gladstone, p. 74.

260 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
of 533 ingrafted this dogma of papal infallibility upon their
creed. Yet this is called the act of an ecumenical or universal
council !
This was the hour chosen by the Almighty to pour confusion
on this blasphemous decree, in its attempt to subordinate the
government of the world, in his name, in all things human and
divine, to an individual will ! "And, behold, the day after the
proclamation of the dogma, Napoleon III., the political ally
and supporter of Pius IX., unchained the furies of war, which
in a few weeks swept away the empire of France and with it
the temporal power of the infallible pope." * The 533 prelates
departed hastily from Rome, as it was rumored that Napoleon
needed the twenty thousand men that garrisoned that city and
that they would be left unprotected ! What a sarcasm to call
such a system a Roman Catholic Church, when in this emerg
ency these prelates knew that they could not find fifty Romans
in the whole city willing to fight for their protection or that
of their infallible head !
Many supplications were offered before many altars to God,
the Virgin Mary, and the saints, to crown the " eldest son of
the Church" with victory and enable him soon to lower the
prestige of that Protestant king. It was not long — from
the 15th of July to the 1st of September, forty-seven days
only — until two of the greatest armies that Europe ever saw in
conflict met and made their appeal to the Lord of hosts to
judge between them and grant victory to the side which he
espoused. At least the Prussians made this appeal, and with
great earnestness. How the French acted is not stated, but we
know what great confidence they had in their equipment and
their leading. Truly has inspiration said, "Some trust in
chariots, and some in horses," but in war there is something
more to trust in.- The right, and Him who defends it, is more
than all besides, as was here shown when a German empire
arose from the victorious battle-field and Protestantism sprang
to the political and military leadership of Europe.
* Rome and the Newest Fashions in Religion, by Hou. W. E. Gladstone, p. 79.

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 261
The complete overthrow of Napoleon at Sedan opened the
way for the Liberals of Italy to enter Rome. All Italy saw
that the hour had come for her to claim her capital for her con
stitutional government, and entreated their king to occupy it.
Victor Emmanuel was cautious, and before yield ing to the voice
of the people tried once more to conciliate the pontiff. Count
Pondodi di San Martino was selected to offer the pope, in ex
change for the temporal sovereignty,
Leonine Rome as a residence, including St. Peter's, the Vatican, with all
its treasures, the Church of Santa Maria Maggiore, Castle Gandolfo, and
their dependencies ; and these were all to be exempted from taxes and
common law jurisdiction. This immunity was to be extended to any
temporary presidency of the pope, conclave, or council. He was to have
his own post-office and telegraph, choosing his own officials, to prefer
benefices without royal permission, his seminaries were to be free from
Italian scholastic authorities. Besides these he was to be freed from the
entire papal debt, which the nation would assume, and he was to be pro
vided with an income of 3,255,000 lire per annum and guaranteed the
right of diplomatic representation, free ecclesiastical jurisdiction, and im
munity of cardinals and embassadors.*
This liberal offer was contemptuously rejected.
Seeing that Pius IX. was unwilling to concede any thing,
the people of Italy laid siege to Rome and captured it. Victor
Emmanuel entered it on the 31st of September, 1870. His re
ception was enthusiastic, accompanied by every manifestation
of joy that a glad people could show to their deliverer and con
stitutional king. In order that no doubt should remain as to
the fact that he was the accepted ruler of the Roman people
Victor Emmanuel left the city until a vote could be taken. In
due course the plebiscite was proclaimed that surprised the world.
Forty-nine votes only were cast for the retention of the papal
government, and fifty thousand against it, in favor of the king.f
If ever a question was settled by the people it was in this
case. No political madness could be greater than the attempt
* McClintock & Strong's Cyclopaedia, vol. iv, p. 708. Christian World, vol.
xxiv, p. 52.
f Christian World, vol. xxi, p. 355.

262 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
of the pope and the Curia Romana to override its decision.
Yet this was done and is being done. At once a most inflamma
tory appeal was issued by the pontiff to every European gov
ernment to unite to place him again on his throne ! Antonelli
followed his master's appeal with another of the same class.
Thus the demand was made, not only to crush the Romans, no
matter what suffering and bloodshed might be necessary, but
also to provide a standing force to permanently sustain the
papal throne !
Men paused and waited in surprise to see what response
would be made to these furious demands of the papacy, but
their hearts were relieved as honr after hour went past and no
response came out of that ominous silence of the nations. No,
not a protest was uttered, and not one hand was raised to help
him in his dire emergency. All Europe concurred in what
Roman freedom had done, in closing forever this hybrid gov
ernment, and leaving Victor Emmanuel free to enter and reign
over a " willing people," who had so cordially accepted and
chosen him as their sovereign. Amid the glad rejoicings of
his people, a few days after he entered the city of Rome and
papal misgovernment dropped into the dust.
The institutions of united Italy were transferred from Flor
ence to the capital. Lovers of freedom from many lands sent
their congratulations to the rejoicing sons of Italy. All were
happy save the pope, and he was overflowing with rage. The
language in which he condemned the whole affair was sim
ply awful. As to " the people," now enfranchised and free, he
acted as if they were nothing in the case, and had no rights
that he was bound to respect. The leading men of Italy felt
themselves forced to give up all attempts at conciliation and
to advance in the way they deemed best for the welfare of
their country. Any plotting in the interests of his former
power was sure to bring out the firmness of the government
and of public opinion. Shortly after the establishment of the
constitutional regime, a banquet was given in Rome, attended
by members of both houses of parliament, the foreign embas-

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 263
sadors, and prominent men. The speech of the evening was
delivered by the mayor, Count Bianciani, whose closing words
ought to have ended all uncertainty when he declared that
"the people of Rome would rather see their city perish in
ashes than again be subjected to papal domination ! " This
declaration was heartily applauded. The sentiments of the
Romans have not changed, as a recent speech by ex-Prime
Minister Crispi shows :
He declared that it was necessary to combat all persons, high or low,
who were seeking to undermine the political edifice of Italy. The tem
poral power of the pope, although it had existed for centuries, had been
only a transition period. Rome existed before it, and would continue
to exist without it. Complaints or threats either from home or abroad
would have no effect. He declared unassailable the utterance of King
Humbert, that Rome forms an integral part of Italy, just as law forms a part
of the modern world.
He asserted that the pope possessed perfect religious liberty, and was
only restricted — and less harshly than in other Catholic States— from en
croaching upon the sphere of national right.
The hand of God is especially seen in the events which trans
pired at this period. The rapidity of the movements, the rela
tion which they lent each to the other, and their accumulated
power for the purpose, all argue to an observing world that
there was something more than human force behind the chain
of events which so soon completely answered the preposterous
claim advanced, in the name of God, on the 14th of July.
Consider it, and say if Europe ever before saw any such chro
nology as this :
1870, July 14. Infallibility proclaimed by the pope and his council.
" July 15. War proclaimed against the only leading Protestant power
on the continent by Napoleon III., "the Eldest Son
of the Church.''
" Sept. 1. This eldest son captured by this Protestant king.
" Sept. 20. The pope and his capital captured by a king whom he
had excommunicated.
" Oct. 2. The appreciation by the Roman people of the pope's
paternal rule expressed by their almost unanimous deci
sion against it !

264 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
Divine Providence permitted this consummation of pontifical
and imperial folly to proclaim itself in its pride and vainglory
during those fifteen days of July, and then showed the world
his overwhelming confusion of their claims in September.
Well might devout men exclaim, as they did, "This is the
Lord's doing, and it is marvelous in our eyes."
The work to be done in Italy was identical with that Mexico
was engaged upon — the abolishing of the censorship and the
Inquisition, the proclamation of freedom of the press and
of worship, the provision for education and the public debt,
the sale of monastic properties, sending the swarms of indo
lent monks to earn their own living. The beneficent effects
of these changes were soon manifest. Some incidents in
the author's experience may show the changes as well as any
thing else. On our return from mission work in India, Rome
was still famous for her intolerance, only holding her people
down by the presence of foreign troops. Fourteen years later,
on our second return from the mission field, we resolved to pass
a few weeks in Rome, and see the effects of the happy changes
that had occurred, and which our experience in Mexico had
prepared us more fully to appreciate.
The first indication of the changed state of public opinion
was given as we drove up to St. Peter's, and in paying the
coachman I handed him, among others, a soldi bearing the
inscription of the papal government. To my surprise the man
objected to take that copper. When I said that it was one of
the holy father's own coins he shrugged his shoulders as he
repeated contemptuously, " Holy father ! Please change it,
sir." He preferred one bearing the image and superscription
of his king, Victor Emmanuel. We were within sight of the
windows of the Vatican, and yet this cabman ventured to show
his animosity toward the government of the pope in a way that
might have sent him to the Inquisition had he uttered it a few
years previously.
On entering the Castle of San Angelo we shuddered at the
thought of the cruelties perpetrated within its walls for hundreds

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 265
of years past. Our attention was called to the soldiers on
guard ; they were bright, intelligent-looking men, and — won
der of wonders ! — away on the far side of the room we noted
many of them grouped near a large case of books, which proved
to be a depository of the British and Foreign Bible Society, and
the Holy Scriptures in Italian, French, and other languages, on
sale for all who wished to buy, right here in the former prison
of the Inquisition. Shades of Alva and Torquemada ! Was
this real, or only a dream ? It was indeed wrought out by more
than human power, by the " mighty working of Him who is able
to subdue all things unto himself." In the cells of this castle
our brethren had suffered, not for wrong-doing, but for their
evangelical sentiments such as we cherish. What an answer to
the martyr's cry, " How long, O Lord, how long ? " was the en
trance of Victor Emmanuel, bringing religions liberty to " them
that were bound," and letting " the oppressed go free ! "
It was delightful to see the Protestant churches already
erected (our own in Piazza Poli) where so recently none were
allowed, nor were evangelical services permitted to be held in
a private house.
We found nine Protestant churches. Since then this num
ber has been increased, and at present there are few towns of
importance in Italy where a congregation of converted Italians
cannot be found. Rev. William Arthur, of London, was then
in Rome. Few foreigners have done more to help Italian free
dom than has this distinguished man. It was a great privilege
to meet him and have his assistance to realize the wondrous
-changes that have transpired since the fall of the pope from his
temporal power. One of the most remarkable of these was to
occur in the Wesleyan Methodist church on the following day
under his own presidency. When we were parting he said to
us, "Would you not like to be present at our soldiers' sacra
mental service in our church to-morrow?" It was in con
nection with the removal of this brigade from Rome to another
city. We well knew that the Wesleyan Mission had been
devoting much attention to the Italian military and sustains a

266 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
regular chaplain for them. Hundreds of these men have been
converted under this ministry, and in their changes to new
stations take their notes of removal and report themselves for
pastoral care where they go, the incoming men doing the
same, and thus sustaining the services held for their benefit.
It was the expressed and positive resolve of Victor Emmanuel
that his soldiers should have the fullest religious freedom. The
officers sympathize with their sovereign's wishes, and so the
men enjoy their privileges.
We had no correct idea how far this had been successful
with them, though we had evidently touched this matter at San
Angelo. We were therefore rejoiced to have a nearer view.
Had we found even a dozen or a score of such men it would
have been a joy and delight. Our surprise may therefore be
imagined when on entering we found the center of the little
church filled with happy-looking men wearing the uniform of
Victor Emmanuel, William Arthur presiding over the beautiful
service and using Italy's own sweet language in doing so. One
of the soldiers read the yearly report of the progress of the
work among them. I counted the exact number present, and
found there were one hundred and thirty-two ; and the report
accounted for the difference between that number and one
hundred and fifty, for those who were unable to attend that
day by duties from which they could not be excused, and other
causes. The service closed by the gift from Mr. Arthur to
each of a new pocket Bible, for all of these soldiers had been
taught to read as well as having been led to Christ. This was
the most thrilling and significant sight on which we had gazed
during our visit to the old city. Think of it ! Here we were
among one hundred and thirty-two of Victor Emmanuel's sol
diers — the men who take care of the pope, that nothing may
harm him, and who garrison Rome, " sitting together in heav
enly places " in a Methodist church, with open doors, speaking
their experience in love-feast fashion, within rifle-shot of the
Vatican ! We concluded that " the right side of the world was
coming up."

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 267
If any fact is needed to render all this still more emphatic as
a suitable consummation of the penalty of Providence in the
abolition of his temporal power it may be found in the cor
respondence which so soon after took place between the pope
and the venerable Emperor William of Germany. To understand
the deep significance of the claim insinuated so adroitly by the
pope — that baptism, any baptism, Protestant as well as Romanist
— gave him claims and control over all who had received the rite,
to compel conformity to the rest of Rome's requirements, we must
remember that such is the doctrine of Romanism, and one of
their justifications for the persecution of Protestants. Secretary
Thompson's valuable work presents the claims, and gives the
authorities relied upon, from the Council of Trent down.*
To have that claim conceded in any way, even by silence on the
part of Emperor William, would have been counted as a great
gain by the pope, but the emperor was too vigilant to be thus
entrapped, and meets the claim, as we shall see, very effectively.
Lord John Russell, then British premier, was equally ready to
repudiate the audacious claim of "lordship over all baptized
persons," when he said in Parliament, " Rome, no longer satis
fied with equality, claims ascendency. This would include the
queen and the Parliament. / decline it ! "
The unhesitating reply of the emperor is refreshing — and in
such a quiet, friendly way, too — when he plainly tells this " infal
lible " old pope that he is mistaken and has fallen into some
errors on the subject mentioned in his letter, and that the
trouble is from his own clergy "assisting the enemies of all
law." He closes with the assurance that his own difference of
opinion with any of his neighbors did not hinder him from
" living in peace with them." A very broad hint to his vener
able correspondent, while his repudiation of papal headship in
Christianity in favor of that of the divine Saviour is grand and
most appropriate !
The letters were regarded of so much importance that as
soon as they appeared in Berlin they were telegraphed to the
* The Papacy and the Civil Power, p. 613. New York, Harper & Brothers.

268 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
New York Times. The date of the pope's letter is the 7th of
August, 1873, and is as follows :
Your Majesty : The measures which have been adopted by your maj
esty's government for some time past all aim more and more at the de
struction of Catholicism. When I seriously ponder over the causes which
must have led to these very hard measures, I confess that I am unable to
discover any reasons for such a course. On the other hand, I am informed
that your majesty does not countenance the proceedings of your govern
ment, and does not approve the harshness of the measures adopted against
the Catholic religion. If, then, it be true that your majesty does not ap
prove thereof — and the letters which your august majesty has addressed
to me formerly sufficiently demonstrate that you cannot approve that
which is now occurring — if, I say, your majesty does not approve of your
government continuing in the path it has chosen, of further extending its
rigorous measures against the religion of Jesus Christ, whereby the latter
is most injuriously affected — will your majesty, then, not become con
vinced that these very measures have no other effect than that of under
mining your majesty's own throne? I speak with frankness, for my
banner is truth ; I speak in order to fulfill one of my duties, which consists
in telling the truth to all, even to those who are not Catholics ; for every
one who has been baptized belongs in some way or other, which to define
more precisely would be here out of place — belongs, I say to the pope. I
cherish the conviction that your majesty will receive my observations
with your usual goodness, and will adopt the measures necessary in the
present case. While offering to your most gracious majesty the expres
sion of my devotion and esteem I pray to God that he may enfold your
majesty and myself in one and the same bond of mercy.
(Signed) Pro.
The emperor wrote in reply from Berlin on the 3d of
September :
I am glad that your holiness has, as in former times, done me the honor to
write to me. I rejoice the more at this since an opportunity is thereby
afforded me of correcting errors which, as appears from the contents of the
letter of your holiness of the 7th of August, must have occurred in the com
munications you have received relative to German affairs. If the reports
which are made to your holiness respecting the German questions only
stated the truth, it would not be possible for your holiness to entertain
the supposition that my government enters upon a path which I do not
approve. According to the constitution of my States, such a case could
not happen, since the laws and government measures in Prussia require

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 269
my consent as sovereign. To my deep sorrow a portion of my Catholic
subjects have organized for the past two years a political party, which
endeavors to disturb by intrigues hostile to the State the religious peace
which has existed in Prussia for centuries. Leading Catholic priests have
unfortunately not only approved this movement, but joined in it to the ex
tent of open revolt against existing laws. It will not have escaped the
observation of your holiness that similar indications manifest themselves
at the present time in several European and some transatlantic States. It
is not my mission to investigate the causes by which the clergy and the
faithful of one of the Christian denominations can be induced to actively
assist the enemies of all law, but it certainly is my mission to protect in
ternal peace and preserve the authority of the laws in the State whose
government has been intrusted to me by God. I am conscious that I owe
hereafter an account of the accomplishment of this my kingly duty. I
shall maintain order and law in my states against all attacks, as long as
God gives me the power. I am in duty bound to it as a Christian mon
arch, even when to my sorrow I have to fulfill this royal duty against serv
ants of a Church which, I suppose, acknowledges no less than the evangel
ical Church that the commandment of obedience to secular authority is an
emanation of the revealed will of God. Many of the priests in Prussia
subject to your holiness disown, to my regret, the Christian doctrine in
this respect, and place my government under the necessity, supported by
the great majority of my loyal Catholic and evangelical subjects, of ex
torting obedience to the law by worldly means. I willingly entertain the
hope that your holiness, upon being informed of the true position of
affairs, will use your authority to put an end to the agitation, carried on
amid deplorable distortion of the truth and abuse of priestly authority.
The religion of Jesus Christ has, as I attest to your holiness before God,
nothing to do with these intrigues, any more than has truth, to whose
banner, invoked by your holiness, I unreservedly subscribe. There is oue
more expression in the letter of your holiness which I cannot pass over
without contradiction, although it is not based upon the previous infor
mation of your holiness, namely, the expression that every one that has
received baptism belongs to the pope. The evangelical creed, which, as
must be known to your holiness, I, like my ancestors, and the majority of
my subjects, profess, does not permit us to accept in our relations to God
any other medium than our Lord Jesus Christ. The difference of belief
does not prevent me living in peace with those who do not share mine,
and, offering your holiness the expression of my personal devotion and
esteem, I, etc. (Signed) William.*
* Christian World, 1873, vol. xxiv, p. 363.

270 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
This manly Protestant letter totally ignores and brushes aside
all claims of "temporal power" and personal "infallibility,"
and must have opened the eyes even of the pope himself for the
moment to the amazing changes that had transpired in his con
dition !
Let us now look at the retribution upon Napoleon. His
course showed that his ambition was to be the dictator of
Europe, as his uncle had been. He was not trusted by France,
and six attempts were made to assassinate him. His patronage
of the papacy, his intervention in Mexico, his desire to help the
Confederacy, and his interference with Italian affairs all were
for his personal aggrandizement, yet not one of them redounded
to his credit or increased his popularity. His greatest ambition
was to loosen the bonds of German unity and arrest her aspira
tion to be the leading power in Europe.
Napoleon did not dream of the results when he invited this
quarrel with the liberty-loving Germans. He had prepared
for it for years, and the miserable pretext of the " Spanish
marriages " furnished the occasion. A fancied insult to his em
bassador was sufficient for him to rush into war, but unex
pectedly to him the Germans were well prepared to meet him,
not at Berlin, as he supposed, but on French ground, for they
had crossed the Rhine before he could reach it. The battle
between these two great hosts was soon begun. Three days it
raged, till the French were driven back on Sedan, and their
magnificent cavalry — the steel-clad cuirassiers — held in reserve
as Napoleon's last hope, had been overwhelmed, and lay a
shattered wreck in the open space between. This was the
supreme moment of Prussian valor. Forbes, the famous war
correspondent of the London Daily News, was present and
thus describes it. With the Prussian sovereign were Von
Moltke, Bismarck, and the royal staff and some privileged per
sons. " King William had risen to his feet and was intently
watching the issue. The strained silence was curiously broken
by the snap of a closing binocular, followed by the decisive
words, 'It is all over with the French now!' Every eye

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 271
turned on the speaker, a resolute man in blue undress uniform
that was not German. He was none other than General Phil
Sheridan, representative of the United States army attached to
the royal head-quarters. At the word the German chiefs ran
to shake the foreign soldier by the hand, for they knew the
comment came from the past-master in the art of war."
The sad contrast of the two monarchs as they met next morn
ing is marked by Forbes : " The German tall, upright, square-
shouldered, with flush of health on his cheek and flash of victory
from the keen grey eye under his helmet, . . . the Frenchman,
bent, with leaden face, eye drooping and lip quivering, ailing
in body and ill at ease in mind."
The language of Napoleon's surrender is pitiful indeed. He
said, " Unable to die at the head of my army, I tender to your
majesty my sword." The interview was brief. Twenty
minutes sufficed, as Bismarck and Von Moltke had the docu
ments ready for signature. Early the next morning Napoleon
entered the waiting carriage, and with an escort of sixty Ger
man dragoons took his departure as a life-prisoner for Wil-
helmshoe, a German fortress near Cassel, never to wear a crown
again !
Appropriately does the author of the article in the Libro
Rojo of Mexico comment upon this utter downfall of this
enemy of his country's freedom, when he writes :
Napoleon III. must have comprehended, as he surrendered at Sedan,
the great exaltation of victory, the great agony of defeat ; all the inex
plicable bitterness of a capitulation, and the futility of conflicts between
nations who shed their blood, spend their treasure, and shatter the ele
ments of life in the struggles which excite their evil passions, in the un
bridling of which all is lost, in spite of the will of the masses. (P. 146.)
How bitter must have been his reflections as he afterward
learned of the capture of Paris, the cession of Alsace and Lor
raine, the victorious king crowned in Versailles emperor of
united Germany, and the Rhine made the permanent boundary
between the two countries ! What makes all this more signifi
cant is the fact that it was the Teuton triumphing over the man

272 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
who, eight years before, announced, with such a flourish of trum
pets, his intention to open out a career for the Latin race and
all that it implied on the soil of the New World, which was
to be " one of the most glorious enterprises of the nineteenth
century " and " the most brilhant event " of his career ! Poor
man ! What a " bubble " reputation was his ! It began in the
fortress of Ham and now closes in the fortress of Wilhelmshoe,
while France resuscitates the republican government which he
had so foully dissolved ! Well might Mr. Gladstone remark, as
he did at the time, " History records no more striking example
of swift retribution of chimerical ambition."
Usually it is not considered appropriate to subject a lady to
hostile criticism, unless she willfully steps beyond the bounds
which propriety prescribes for her action and subjects others
to injury. Unfortunately for the Empress Eugenie, she early
began to assume the role of a partisan of the papacy and to
throw all her influence against religious freedom. It was not
French Protestants alone who had reason to complain that her
beautiful hand was heavy against their rights, and that Na
poleon had placed "a frivolous Spanish bigot at the head of
the French court."
Shortly after the coup d'etat she was married to the em
peror (30th of January, 1853) in the Cathedral of Notre Dame,
in royal magnificence. If fidelity to the pope could have
secured providential care and blessings, then she should have
greatly enjoyed her lot in life instead of sinking to be the un
happy creature which she soon became and is to-day. Madame
Carette, her lady of honor, in her volume entitled Recollections
of the Court of the Tuileries, which is understood to have
been issued under the permission of the ex-empress, tells us of
her great devotion to her religion — how, for instance, "every
year on Palm Sunday the empress received from the holy father
at Rome a palm branch, blessed by him, which was hung at the
head of her bed as a protection from evil during the year ; "
also of her many prayers and religious observances. But
she was to learn erelong what mere "fables" these things

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 273
amounted to in the storm of realities to which her surround
ings and her course of life was leading her. While people were
admiring her beauty, who could imagine that the " canker and
the grief" had already laid hold on her, or that the following
sentence would ever publicly describe her condition ? Madame
Carette writes :
A Spanish tradition has it that the pearls with which brides adorn them
selves on their wedding-day become the symbol of the tears which they
must shed during their married life. The empress, scorning the super
stition, wore on that day a superb collar of incomparably beautiful pearls
which almost covered the satin corsage. Alas ! the tradition was but too
completely fulfilled ! This collar was sold among her other jewels by her
majesty after the war.
What was the cause of this terrible realization ? The authoress
continues and makes the best representation she can of the em
peror, as loving Eugenie after a sort, but frankly admits the
true reason that had blighted her existence. She says :
Nevertheless, after eight years of married life, the empress had already
experienced more than one conjugal affront. The emperor, yielding to his
former easy indulgence in unworthy pleasures, and influenced by the lax
ity of morals in those by whom he was surrounded, did not always suf
ficiently consider her sensitiveness as queen and woman. In the very height
of her youth and beauty she was made to taste the subtile poison of infi
delity, which corrupts the most delicate and secret sensibilities of a wo
man's heart. After abandoning himself to these temporary distractions,
one of which gained such unhappy notoriety, the emperor, who, like most
men, attached no importance to these passing caprices, always seemed
surprised that they had troubled his wife, since she alone occupied a really
important and honored place in his life. She became irremediably as
sailed by melancholy. Dating from that time a marked change took place
in her majesty's tastes and habits. It seemed that her youth had quite
vanished, while the consciousness of her rank, hitherto scarcely discern
ible, was now plainly visible on the ever-charming features of the grief-
matured woman. (P. 61.)
This man was viler than the world imagined when he could
thus injure this beautiful woman and consign her to premature
old age, and then defend himself by the fact of his prefer-
19

274 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
ence of her and the position to which he had raised her as suf
ficient to condone his conduct !
Notwithstanding, she was the "power behind the throne,"
after events proving that she was the great upholder of the
Jesuits. She influenced Napoleon in his inimical position to
ward Italy and Mexico, sustained the pope to the last degree,
and fomented the animosity with which the growing strength
of Prussia was regarded. She cherished intense confidence that
this Protestant power was to be broken, and that her husband
was the instrument to accomplish this great work for the papacy.
She identified herself thoroughly with the effort, and much is
contained in the words attributed to her when the campaign
against Prussia opened, and she raised her hand with the signifi
cant words, "This is my war!" Then began the prolonged
prayers at the shrine of " Our Lady of Victory," which she
so zealously kept up during the entire period of the conflict,
accompanied with offerings of great value. A large number of
ladies assisted her in these intercessions, and they confidently
expected the most decisive victories ! Before this time, when
she and her husband were at the height of power and influ
ence, Horace Greeley had visited Paris and studied the situ
ation, especially in the part taken by the empress, and on his
return, while delivering a lecture on France in the Westminster
Church in Brooklyn, he was quite carried away by the convic
tions which crowded upon him. We quote from the report his
remarkable utterance :
Near the end of his discourse Horace Greeley seemed to become elevated
almost like a seer, and his words appeared like prophesies as he spoke of a
day coming when, "as sure as there is a God in heaven, Napoleon III. will
pay the penalty for having outraged moral and civil law. And thou,
Eugenie, beautiful queen of power and of fashion, when that day does
arrive, thou wilt have thy share in the penalty ! "
When the blow came that so overwhelmingly shattered the
power of the empire she escaped from Paris by the kind help
of an American, Dr. Evans, a dentist in Paris, and made her
home in England, to which Napoleon soon came, it being under-

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 275
stood that his escape from "the fortress at Wilhelmshohe was
not unwelcome to the German government.
Meanwhile Italy had reached her capital and consolidated
her power. Mackenzie tells us that Eugenie was so enraged at
this fact that she exclaimed, " Rather the Prussians in Paris than
the Italians in Rome ! " (P. 67.) But the world was then no
longer ruled by her preferences. Madame Carette's book shows
the estimate in which Mexico's public men were held at France
while she was at the head of its gossip. Benito Juarez was
" that ambitious barbarian whom the arrival of Maximilian in
Mexico had temporarily reduced to powerlessness ; " the repub
lican forces were " savages " and " bands of ferocious adventur
ers, who exercised neither justice nor mercy." (P. 260.)
Perhaps in her bigotry Eugenie most of all regretted that
France should re-establish the republic and maintain true relig
ious liberty. The fall of her power was good news for evan
gelical Christians. That grand Scotchman, Mr. McAU, was
soon in Paris beginning the work that has had such a develop
ment, reporting now forty-four halls in Paris and eighty-six
in the surrounding towns, with two hundred and fifty-nine
helpers, while about two hundred and fifty thousand people
regularly hear the Gospel preached on week-days and the Sab
bath in those places. The writer had an opportunity of seeing
some of these audiences in 1879, and can testify that not merely
the " wearers of the blouse," but all sorts of people, avail them
selves of the privilege. On reaching such a place one evening
I found the hall well filled, and the audience singing with great
satisfaction French adaptations of Gospel Hymns. There was
a delay in the service, as the preacher had not arrived, so they
still sang on. The gentleman in charge was watching the door
for the expected help, and finally he left the desk and came to
inquire if I was a minister. He requested me to preach, which
I was willing to do, but could not in French, so he asked if
some one in the audience who spoke English would interpret
for me. A gentleman came forward and stood by my side in
the pulpit. Meanwhile I had determined to take a theme of an

276 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
experimental character — the witness of the Holy Spirit to the
sonship of Christian believers. While I tried to present it in
as simple a manner as possible, yet I felt the subject might
be "strong meat" for people who might have come to this
service without some good measure of religious feeling and in
telligence ; but, to my delight, I found I had the most earnest
attention of the audience, and that my translator never seemed
at a loss for a word, that the theme was evidently not new to
him or them. At the close I was told he was a banker of the
city. This in Paris ! It was gloriously free and has continued
so, while Eugenie sits deprived of all power to dictate in the
sacred rights of any human being there or elsewhere.
After Napoleon's death, in 1873, Eugenie's hopes were bound
up in the life of her son, " the Prince Imperial," who might,
she hoped, some day restore the fallen empire. As his educa
tion was about completed, in 1879, the Zulu war broke out. His
father, years before, in a dispatch had lauded the military spirit
of the lad, and had spoken enthusiastically of him as having
passed unflinchingly through his " baptism of fire" on the field,
and the youth was ambitious to win military fame. His mother
encouraged his desire, and application was made to the Duke of
Cambridge for a position on the staff of Lord Raglan, the gen
eral commanding, which was at once refused as dangerous. The
prince insisted upon going, even as a volunteer, and finally was
permitted. Shortly after his arrival in Africa he and a little
party of scouts were surprised by the Zulus, and the prince lost
his life. This was the culmination of the misery of this un
happy woman. There was nothing left her but to go and seek
the body of her son and bring it home to be buried beside
Napoleon III. There they will remain, doubtless, as France is
not likely to desire to restore their dust to her own soil, as she
did in the case of the great Napoleon, to lay his body under the
dome of the " Invalides " in Paris.
Eugenie, alone in a foreign land with her dead, discrowned,
widowed, and childless, is a sad but striking memorial of the
penalty dealt out to the oppressors of Mexico, and may well

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 277
rank with the retribution imposed upon the pontiff. These
penalties were not inflicted by human hands. They are the
judgments of God, and are a wonderful evidence of the truth of
his own words, " Vengeance is mine ; I will repay, saith the
Lord." Poor Maximilian and Carlota! The events that deprived
the one of life ard the other of reason oppress us in the con
templation of their calamitous magnitude, and all the more
when we reflect that they sacrificed the substance for the
shadow. Had they declined to do this wrong to Mexico and
patiently waited, crown and throne and empire would all have
been theirs if they had lived. Meanwhile they might have
continued to enjoy what Madame Carette so justly describes as
" the tranquil shades of that charming retreat on the borders of
the Adriatic, where, at the foot of the Tyrolese mountains, they
had delighted in constructing a fairy palace to shelter their
happy and harmonious union." (P. 252.) The suicide of Ru
dolph, the only son of Francis Joseph, two years ago, would
have left Maximilian and Carlota heirs to all the honors of the
Austrian empire. But this too was sacrificed, as well as life
and reason, by the course that was urged upon them so deter-
minately by the pontiff and Louis Napoleon for their own pur
poses. No wonder the divine judgment fell so heavily, as we
have seen, upon those who thus misled this young couple to
their complete undoing, and that all alike shared in the terrible
catastrophe which so completely overthrew papal despotism
and saved constitutional freedom in the New World !
Our view of these providential retributions will close with a
few words in regard to the Jesuits. This hateful society, whose
machinations give the religious world no rest, prepared the
plan which God reversed in Mexico. Standing back in the
shadow, they work unseen day and night for their purposes.
By the use of the confessional they can lay their hands on
every secret of social and personal life in every family where
they have a representative of their religion. And as to politics
and public men, no power in this world is so debasing as that

278

MEXICO IN TRANSITION.

of Jesuitism. The attention of thoughtful men was intensely
drawn to this prompt and overwhelming series of calamities
which overthrew these parties. Seldom has the world witnessed
a more manifest fulfillment of the utterance of inspiration,
that " When thy judgments are abroad in the earth the inhab
itants of the world learn righteousness," and that " There is a
God that judgeth in the earth."
In evidence of their frequent rejection of the order of Jesu
its by all the states of Christendom (and by heathen nations as
well), which found tlieir presence intolerable to their peace and
order, let the following list bear witness.
This society, founded by Ignatius Loyola, August 15, 1534,
conditionally sanctioned by the bull of Pope Paul III., Septem
ber 25, 1540, unconditionally approved by him in 1543, has
had a most troubled existence, and has in some way succeeded
in winning a vast amount of ill-will of both rulers and people.
For their crimes, intrigues, and conspiracies the Jesuits have been ban
ished from various countries again and again, as will be seen by the fol
lowing table, compiled from A Short Sketch of the Jesuits, also from the
Fncycloposdia of Chronology, by B. B. Woodward and William L. R.
Cates, and from other trustworthy authorities.

La Pallnterre 
Vienna 
Avignon 
Antwerp, Portugal, etc.
England 
England again 
England again 
England again 
Japan 
Hungary and Transylva
nia 
Bordeaux 
The whole of France 
Holland 
Touron and Berne 
England again 
England again 
Denmark, Venice, etc. . .
Venice again 
Amura, Japan 
Bohemia 
Moravia 
Naples and Netherlands.
China and India 
Turkey 
Abyssinia 
Malta 

1555
1558
1566 1570
1578 1579
1581 1584
1586 1.5871588 l.-.s:i
159415961597160216041606161216131618 1619
16*2 16231628163216.34

JESUITS EXPELLED FROM
Russia  1723
Savoy  1724
Paraguay  1733
Portugal  Sept. 3, 1759
Prohibited in France  1762
France again  1764
Spain, colonies and Sici
lies, and Naples  1767
Parma and Malta  1708
All Christendom, by bull
of Clement XIV., July 21, 1773
Russia  1776
France again  1804
Canton Orisons  1804
Naples again  1810
France again   1816
Moscow, St. Petersburg,
and Canton Soleure... 1816
Belgium  1818
Brest (by the people) . . . 1819
Russia again  1820
Spain again  1820
Rouen Cathedral (by the
people)  1825
Belgium schools  1826
France, 8 colleges closed. 1828
G't Britain and Ireland. 1829
France again  1831

From entering Saxony. . 1831
Portugal  1834
Spain again  1835
Rheims (by the people) . 1838
From entering Lucerne. 1842
Lucerne again  1845
France again  1845
Switzerland  1847
Bavaria and Genoa  1848
Papal States, by Pius IX.,
Sardinia, Vienna, Aus
tria  1848
Several Italian states... 1859
Sicilyagain  I860
Spain again  .¦  1868
Guatemala  1871
Switzerland  1871
German empire  1872
Mexico (by the viceroy) . 1853
Mexico (by Comonfort) . . 1856
Mexico (by Congress) . . . 1873
New Granada  since 1879
Venezuela  1879
Argentine Republic  1879
Hungary  1879
Brazil  1879
France again  1880

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 279
The last report shows that there are 2,377 members of this
order, 1,130 of them being in the United States, and a large
portion of the remainder in England.
These are the gentlemen, polite, plausible, and trained, the spies, the
vassals, the sworn minions of a foreign despot, who, having been expelled
from all Catholic countries again and again by popes, princes, and kings,
both Catholic and Protestant, now swarm into England and America, and,
under the protection which the influence of an open Bible gives to honest
men, are proceeding to destroy the public schools, debauch the govern
ment, and work the mischief which has ever been their legitimate business.
The clearance which Mexico made of all monastic orders was
so complete that I once asked a Mexican gentleman if it was
really necessary to be thus thorough and expel even the " Sis
ters of Charity." He promptly replied that the nation so re
garded it, adding :
Do not mistake us. We are not opposed to religion, as such; far from
it. But we have learned by bitter experience that the ultimate object of
these confraternities and sisterhoods is not religion. Religion is only a
means for reaching the ends which they aim at. Their object in being
here is to work for the subjugation of our people to a foreign despotism
that has its seat at Rome. We have suffered so much from this source
that we want no more of them.
Being in Mexico at the time of the final expulsion of the
Jesuits (August, 1873), I naturally desired to witness the en
forced departure of the last band, and so went to the railroad
station to see them off. No demonstration was made save by a
few of their devotees, who went on their knees occasionally to
receive their parting benediction. It looked rather theatrical
and tiresome. On the morning after their departure there came
out in the columns of El Monitor Republicano, one of the
leading dailies of the city of Mexico, an article bearing the
title " Adios Jesuitas ! " — " Jesuits, farewell ! " It contained a
fearful arraignment of the miseries which this order of foreign
ers had inflicted upon Mexico during the years when their bane
ful influence was intruded into her social and public life ; how
they had identified themselves remorselessly with the enemies

280 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
of her freedom, and aided in sending some of her noblest and
best to premature graves.
The gist of the article, and of others which were published
at the same time, may be thus expressed : " Jesuits, farewell !
In this hour of your departure we have sympathy and compas
sion, but that sympathy and compassion are not for yon. We
reserve both for the people among whom you will now fix your
homes, and with whose religious, social, and civil life you will
endeavor to tamper, as you have tampered with ours, with
similar results of misery and distress. Jesuits, farewell ! "
Thus Mexico, instead of being — as she was twenty-five years
ago — the most priest-ridden country on earth, has worked her
way up, by the help of God and the valor of her sons, to the
position of the most free of all Roman Catholic lands, while her
existing laws now sanction no monastery or nunnery, sisters of
charity or Jesuits, within her bounds.
In connection with the expulsion of the Jesuits a law was
enacted by Congress to facilitate prompt action in any case of
return. It was entitled " The Pernicious Foreigner's Act,"
and certainly was sufficiently offensive as a title. It was de
signed to save time, so that, without waiting for processes of
law, the person could be met and promptly told to leave. Not
only so, but all foreigners coming to reside in the country were
required to appear before a magistrate and be duly registered,
with name and abiding-place, so as to leave no loop-hole for un
desirable (or " pernicious ") people to remain. It became my
duty as superintendent, as our missionaries arrived, to see this
regulation complied with. Invariably the smile would pass
round when we appeared, and the magistrate would courteously
ask us to excuse the trouble which the act gave us, observing,
" Of course, sefior, the law is not meant for you missionaries.
We have no anxiety about your coming in. But we have to
act in a way that is impartial. Please excuse the trouble of
this attendance here." They knew we did not, as law-abiding
people, regard it as any hardship, and we were respected ac
cordingly.

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. '281':

CHAPTER X.
The star on Orizava — Summary of what Mexico has gained — Her resources — Im
proved financial condition — Porfirio Diaz — Evangelical missions — Miss Ran
kin — Circus of Chiarini — Providential help — Purchase of Inquisition — Popu
lar vengeance — Buried martyrs — General Assembly — Statistics of Protestant
ism — Persecution — Interview with President Diaz — Santa Anna — Epitaph —
Tomb of Juarez — Memorial services of the Emperor William — Madame Cal-
deron's prophecy.
On the 19th of February, 1873, an hour before daybreak, we
stood on the deck of the steamer approaching Vera Cruz. The
object of our gaze was the peak of Orizava, towering up in
maje.sty three miles and a half in height above sea-level (17,879
feet). The cone, covered with its perpetual snow, shone in the
azure vault of heaven, above all obscurity of mists or vapors,
recalling the glowing lines :
" As some tall cbiff erects its awful form,
Springs from the vale and midway meets the storm,
Though round its base the rolling clouds are spread,
Eternal sunshine settles on its head."
At that time Orizava's majesty was farther glorified by the
brilliant morning star resting on its brow, radiant light en
throned on spotless purity ! We gazed in rapt attention until
the star " Melted away into the light of heaven "
and the early rays of the sun gilded the mountain's summit.
Never can that vision be forgotten. Often have we dwelt upon
it, accepting it as an omen for good of that coming hour when
the smile of Him who is " the bright and morning star " shall
rest on the heart of redeemed Mexico.
We stand at last amid the grand results for which Mexico
has so long struggled and suffered. Let us look at some of the

282 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
evidences of her wonderful progress since 1857. The fruits of
her victories over civil and religious despotism have been thus
summarized by outsiders, who rejoice with her in the victories
which she has won :
1. They have firmly established a free Constitution, embodying those
essential guarantees of liberty which we Anglo-Saxons regard as funda
mental, including an entire divorce of Church and State.
2. They have secularized the vast and ill-gotten estates of the Church,
from the revenues of which it was always able to pay a mercenary soldiery
in the interest of despotism, and by which it virtually controlled the
country and kept it deluged in blood.
3. They have placed on an enduring basis the rights of free speech, a
free press, speedy public trials, and, above all, liberty of conscience in re
ligious worship, and are establishing universal suffrage and trial by jury.
4. They have in operation, and are steadily extending, a system of
primary schools, which could never have been done while the priestly
tyranny continued.
5. Already the fruits of these beneficent victories are visible in the press
of the country, and are expanding literature in the growth of education
among the youth. In another and grander aspect the change is so remark
able that a volume might well be devoted to its discussion. This is the
great religious awakening, standing perhaps without a parallel in this
century. Prom small beginnings, in 1846-47, the sacred Scriptures have
been finding thdir way to Mexican homes, till their circulation has become
openly and remarkably rapid. Already thousands of her people have
wholly abandoned the old religion in which they were born and organ
ized themselves into evangelical Churches, in harmony with the leading
Churches of the United States, and taking the Bible only as their rule of
faith. They have spiritual leaders of their own race and language. Their
influence is rapidly extending by means of the pulpit, religious societies,
and the press.*
In the presence of such results, wrought out by the endurance
and heroism of such a people, how just and appropriate is the
conclusion of Dr. Ellinwood at the close of his address before
the General Assembly ! He says :
I have marked the struggle of the Mexican people for their independence
in order to meet the flippant talk which we sometimes hear about annex
ing their country to the United States. I have wished to show that men
* Putnam's Magazine, July, 1870.

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 283
whom the armies of Europe could not compel to accept even the most
amiable of rulers, men who could carry the life and soul of their republic
with them, though driven all over their domain, are not of a class to be
handed over easily to a neighboring power, exchanging their independ
ence for a few railroad lines and a little commerce.
We would not attempt to annex Mexico, but would rather take a gener
ous pride in her independence, while by every means we extend our aid
in securing for her all the blessings of Christian enlightenment which we
enjoy. But chiefly it is my desire to emphasize those wonderful provi
dences which have wrought out her religious liberty.
Those who have examined her unique and magnificent re
sources are well aware that Mexico is worthy of the progress at
which she aims. Baron Humboldt's testimony, after his full
and scientific inspection, has been justified by all subsequent
discoveries and experience. He wrote : " This vast empire,
under careful cultivation, would alone produce all that commerce
collects together from the rest of the globe." Her scientists to
day assert " that there is not a mineral known except cryolite
that is not found in Mexico." Her very formation wonderfully
favors her wealth, the railways on both sides concentrate the
productions from the tropics with those of the temperate belt,
and bring them to the mart of the capital.
Here is a partial list of her products which she exports :
Cereals and fruits, sugar, rice, cotton, tobacco, dyewoods, coffee,
indigo, cocoa, cocoanuts, India rubber, vanilla, chili, cochineal,
mahogany, rosewood, ebony, lemons, limes, pine-apples, jalap,
salts, vegetable waxes, medicinal gums, cinchona bark,
anise-seed, Sisal hemp, madder, ramil, hennequin, dyes, nuts,
oils of commerce and for the table, and, in fine, every variety
of produce known in the temperate and torrid zones. Her
wheat is regarded as almost the finest in the world, next to that
of Egypt ; Indian corn, maize, and barley are of excellent qual
ity, and one of her specialties is the bean, of all kinds and colors,
from black to white. The beautiful marble or onyx from
Puebla is coming ;into great use for clocks and different orna
ments. In return she wants our petroleum, clocks, and watches, quick-

284 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
silver, lamps, and gas-fixtures, silks, woolen goods, hardware,
printing-presses and type, books, paper, rails, locomotives,
tools, machinery of all kinds, well-boring apparatus and pumps,
canned meats and preserves, scientific instruments, pianos and
organs, educational appliances, plated-ware and cutlery, tele
graph wire, agricultural machinery of all sorts, railroad carriages
for passengers and freight, maps, globes, and charts, mining
fuses, seeds and plants, slates, lithograph-stones, and a hundred
other articles which she does not produce but constantly re
quires, and for which she is now paying the highest prices, in
addition to the cost of four thousand miles of freight charges,
to English and German importers.
At the close of Maximilian's empire Mexico had but one
railroad, with 260 miles of track. To-day she has them running
in all directions (see the map), with an average of 10,025 kilom
eters (about 6,300 miles), and is building more. Of telegraph
lines in 1867 she had but a few short connections, under 3,000
kilometers ; now she has telephone and telegraph lines which
aggregate between 60,000 and 70,000 kilometers. So satisfied
was General Grant, after thorough examination, of Mexico's
coming prosperity that he stated to her government that subsi
dies for the building of her railroads might soon cease entirely,
and the lines be built relying on the trade they would develop
for their support. That hour has now come, and his confidence
in the prosperity of Mexico is fully justified.
In his last message to Congress (1891) President Diaz said :
It is gratifying to me to be able to inform Congress that the financial
situation of the republic continues to improve. The receipts of the treas
ury during the past fiscal year exceeded $36,000,000, the receipts from
the frontier and maritime custom-houses reaching $24,000,000. This
shows the magnificent impulse that mercantile traffic has received, since,
without increasing the tariff, the custom-houses now collect $9,000,000
more than they did four years ago.
Of the nation's credit, once so low, he said :
The loan of £6,000,000 sterling was issued September 9 in Europe, and
taken many times over. The banks having the subscriptions in charge

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 285
had to close their registers almost immediately without giving the general
public a chance to subscribe.
The revenues of the republic have more than doubled in the
past twenty years. In 1870 they were $16,000,000 ; they are
estimated now at over $36,000,000. Reviewing Adolfo Sa-
lina's valuable work, Mexico and her Riches, the reviewer
says: The figures should prove of great interest not only to those who are
actively engaged in Mexican trade, but also to all who wish well to Mex
ico. They are conclusive on two points, namely : (1) The volume of Mex
ican exports since 1872 has largely increased year by year, being twice
as much in the fiscal year 1889-90 as in 1879-80. (2) The major part,
over two thirds, in fact, of the exports go to the United States. The last-
named country received during the fiscal year 1889-90 three times the
quantity of exports from Mexico that it did in the year 1879-80. These
facts show that Mexican trade with the United States increases more
rapidly than it does with any other country. This is not to be wondered
at, seeing that Mexico and the United States adjoin, and that each coun
try has products which the other requires and does not produce. Each
country is, in fact, the complement of the other, and both together produce
all known products.
The spread of education, the extension of the railway system,
the increase of industries under the protection of an enlight
ened government, with the increasing consciousness of the rights
and duties of civil and religious freedom, are fast bringing the
country to the orderly and peaceful development of her great
resources. From a table showing the exports from Mexico to the United
States and the total exports to all countries, we select the ex
hibit of every fifth year since she entered upon the control of
her own circumstances, and have this grand result :
v_,„_ Exports to the Total Mex-
IKABS- United States. ican Exports.
1872-73  $11,367,859 $31,594,000
1877-78  12,340,689 29,285,000
1882-83  16,739,097 41,807,000
1887-88  31,059,626 48,885,000
1889-90  43,022,440 63,276,395

286 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
MEXICAN IMPORTS, 1888-89.
Prom the United States  $22,669,420 71
" England  $6,337,980 30
" France  4,956,568 41
" Germany  2,842,932 35
" other countries  3,217,992 55—17,355,473 61
$40,024,894 32
Of the above, free-list imports during 1888-89 amounted
in value to  $13,506,230 23
Giving as dutiable imports during 1888-89, in value . . . 26,518,664 09
$40,024,894 32
MEXICAN DEBT, JDNB 30, 1890.
Mexican foreign debt  $52,500,000 00
" domestic debt, consolidated under laws of 1883
and 1885  23,052,550 00
" indebtedness represented by certificates  2,906,076 32
$78,458,626 32
The remarkable man now honored by his fellow-citizens by
a third presidential term demands our attention at this point.
Porfirio Diaz (see portrait opposite) was born in the State of
Oaxaca, in 1830. His intercourse with Juarez in his early
manhood inspired him with the ardent patriotism of that great
reformer, and he began his efforts for the freedom of the conn-
try by resisting Santa Anna's despotic measures in 1854. Dur
ing the succeeding years of conflict his valor won his advance
to the highest position in the army, and at the overthrow of
Lerdo, in 1876, he was elected to the presidency. In 1880
he relinquished the office to General Gonzales, and for a 6hort
time served as minister of public works, carrying out many
excellent reforms. Resigning his position in 1883, he made
an extended tour through the United States, where he was
received with great cordiality. In 1884 he was again elected
president, and in 1888, so rapid had been the advancement of
the country under his rule, the amendment to the Consti
tution, advanced by Diaz himself in 1878, against re-election

GENERAL PORFIRIO DIAZ,
Mexico's brave soldier and honored president.

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 287
was changed, in order to keep this exceptional statesman at the
head of the nation. The term now drawing to a close has been
one of great prosperity. The commerce of the country is rapidly
extending; the credit of the nation has risen until now they
can borrow money in any market; the public debt has been
reduced, railways have been bnilt, and all classes are enjoying
the benefits of justice and peace.
As we write popular demonstrations are being made in favor
of another term. Certainly no other man in Mexico shows
such ability as General Diaz, and the universal respect paid
him by foreign residents, as well as by Mexicans, testifies to his
impartial and just dealings. During his administration all
forms of worship have been protected. While carrying out the
laws for freedom of opinion he has been justly severe with
those who interfered with the rights of others, and this may
have caused some opposition to him among fanatical people.
Mrs. Diaz is a daughter of Manuel Romero Rubio, a prominent
lawyer of the capital, and is very active in charitable work and
much esteemed.
The present prosperity of Mexico is very largely due to
the efforts and incorruptible character of her noble president,
Porfirio Diaz. A recent biography written by Hubert Howe
Bancroft, gives an excellent view of the life of General Diaz
and of his association with Benito Juarez. To this we refer
our readers who wish to know more of the subject.
The incoming and results of evangelical missions in Mexico,
consequent upon the establishment of religious freedom, will
now, in closing this record, claim our attention, as the highest
aspect of that happy transition which has crowned all the efforts
and sufferings of the past forty years.
That devout Christian woman, Miss Melinda Rankin, who
shortly after 1850 established herself in Brownsville, Texas,
and employed colporteurs to sell and distribute copies of the
Scriptures in the Spanish, was the providential agent to open
the way for the Bible into northern Mexico. For twenty years
she prayed and toiled and suffered. The bigoted priests tried

288 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
to meet her work at every point, while again and again the sad
story of the destruction of the sacred volumes was borne back
to her by the faithful agents who often risked their lives in
their work. Little congregations grew out of this Bible work,
and her helpers were enabled to go farther into Mexico ; the
work in the city of Zacatecas being started by these, and at Cos
also, where they were aided by a Christian physician from the
United States located there. The long strain of this service
began to tell on Miss Rankin's strength, and after her sister's
death and her own severe attack of yellow fever she realized
the need of stronger hands to lift the burden, which by its very
success had grown so heavy. It needed also regularly ordained
workers to organize the churches and administer the sacra
ments, in order that an evangelical form of worship might
extend through the country. Therefore, after due deliberation
she made over the results of her labors to the American Board
of Commissioners for Foreign Missions. She published a book
giving some of her experiences, entitled Twenty Years Among
the Mexicans, and from her home in Bloomington, 111., she
went, as much as her strength would permit, to visit the
churches, interesting the people in the cause of the Gospel in
Mexico. On the 7th of December, 1888, she passed to her
reward, leaving a name that will always be associated with the
earliest efforts for the redemption of Mexico.
Toward the close of Miss Rankin's service the American and
Foreign Christian Union was led to institute a union move
ment in Mexico city, but after a trial of this method the work
was found to be more in the line of promoting the services of
one denomination than the contributors desired, and also bore
a somewhat exclusive aspect. Therefore, at the close of 1872,
a conclusion was reached to discontinue this union effort and
allow each Church to go in and do what it could in the use of
its own forms to enlarge the work. , Success has amply justi
fied the change, and, as we shall see in our closing pages, far
more has been accomplished in behalf of Mexico than by the
methods of any professedly undenominational plan.

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 289
The writer was appointed by Bishop Simpson in November,
1872, to proceed to Mexico and establish a mission there for
our denomination. We reached the city of Mexico on the
23d of February, 1873, and for three weeks had the help of
Bishop Haven's presence and advice in acquiring property at
the capital and at Puebla. A reference or two at this point will
illustrate the amazing changes that had occurred, and in what
an extraordinary manner divine Providence was leading the lib
erty party in Mexico to open the way for Christian missions.
The first necessity of the hour was to find suitable places, in the
right locality, for the work to be done and to secure them, es
caping all the risks of false titles, extravagant prices, and the
wicked interferences of Jesuitical enemies, who toiled day and
night to get between us and the available property and thus
defeat our purpose.
Secularized church property, particularly the convents,
were in demand in suitable localities. Two of these which fell
to our share may be referred to briefly as being in themselves
most uncommon purchases for Protestant missions. These im
mense establishments were generally structures of the most
enduring character, adapted for a scenic worship, but usually
gloomy, with windows fifteen or more feet from the ground,
beneath which hung great pictures. The light and airy ap
pearance of Protestant places of worship was absent, and great
expense was necessary to adapt them to our purposes, especially
where the walls were so thick and solid.
One of these properties which we secured was part of the
monastery of San Francisco, as we described elsewhere. It
had been sold to a theater company, which had failed, because
the ladies expected to attend, much as they liked the per
formances, regarded it as somewhat sacrilegious to have them
in a building once consecrated to religious uses. The Chiarini
Circus company shared the same fate for the same reasons. -So
closely were the missionaries watched to prevent them from
acquiring property that, when any one of us was seen looking
at a desirable place, before it could be decided upon it was
20

290 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
" out of the market." Hearing that the Chiarini Circus was
for sale, I was eager to see if it could be adapted for our use.
Not daring to go near it in the day-time, for fear of being seen
and losing the chance, I waited until ten o'clock at night, then
went and knocked at the great door. The sleepy janitor opened
the portal a little way only, and was reluctant to admit any one
at such an hour. However, a silver dollar proved quite persua
sive to compensate him for his interrupted sleep, and upon my
saying that I only wanted to see what the circus of Chiarini
was like the drowsy creature woke up to considerable willing
ness and by the light of his lantern showed me the premises.
To my great satisfaction I found the property just what we
required, and at once made earnest efforts to secure it. But I
learned that one of the parties whose signature was necessary
was a fanatical old lady who would rather see the building
go up in smoke than sold to Protestants. What to do I could
not imagine. We needed the place so much, the location was
admirable, central yet quiet, and our work, already begun, was
suffering for lack of a proper center of operations. But here
was delay and uncertainty. We could only seek divine help
and wait. Three weeks later I was standing at a street corner,
conversing with a friend, when a gentleman passed on the other
side of the street. My friend signaled, the stranger crossed
over, and we were introduced. During the conversation India
was mentioned. " What ! " said I, " have you been in India ? "
"Yes; I fought under Havelock, and was one of the volun
teer cavalry that rode with him into Lncknow." Instantly
it flashed across my mind that here was help at last if I could
win him ! " Well," I replied, " I have done my best to immor
talize you and your gallant comrades." " What do you mean % "
said he. Asking him to remain where we were for a few min
utes, I hurried to the hotel and took a copy of The Land
of the Veda, which I carried back and showed to him, opened at
the portrait of General Havelock. He looked at it astonished,
and said, "That is indeed our illustrious commander," and
commenced at once to read the pages that refer to the bravery

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 291
of the heroes, led by their devout general. I stood prayerfully
and anxiously Avaiting. Finally, turning to me he said, "How
much I would like to possess this book ! " " Please, sir, then,.
accept it as a gift from the author." Thanking me with genu
ine heartiness he exclaimed, "Is there not something I could
do for you to show my gratitude ? " I had learned that he was
an Irishman and a Catholic, but Providence led me to feel that
he could and would help me, so I replied, " You are probably
the only man in this city who can do something very necessary
forme." "What is it?" I explained the circumstances, how we
were anxious to secure a suitable property for our work, but that
the bigoted old lady would not be willing to sell it to us, and
I feared to trust any broker in the city lest they should be in
duced to fail us. He asked, " Would you trust me ? " I felt free
to say I would. " Have you the money ? " Yes ; the money was
ready in the bank. " Well, say nothing until I come to you to
morrow morning, and I will arrange it all for you." I reminded
him that I was a Protestant missionary and that he was a Catho
lic, but he said, "What of that? Have five hundred dollars
ready for me to-morrow." He came the next day, took the
money, paid the installment, and obtained his receipt. The
property was his and all secure. As soon as the papers in the
case were ready he took me to the government office and made
out a deed to me as agent of the missionary society of our
Church, and the circus of Chiarini was ours ! He had mean
while, when his purpose leaked out, an enticing offer to be
unfaithful to us, but he spurned the temptation and in due
time and form made it over to us.
Surely " the hearts of all men are in the hands of God," and
he has his own way of answering the prayers of those who seek
his aid. Here, when I needed it so much, after all my anxiety,
was this warm-hearted Irishman brought in good time twelve
thousand miles across the world, attracted to nle by a common
interest which that " Land of the Veda " represented to us both,
ready to do a service that I could not safely ask any lawyer or
broker or other Romanist to do in the city of Mexico !

292 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
One of the clerical papers came out a few days after with the
following note, under the title, " Each Time Worse : "
It is said that the Protestants have purchased the Chiarini Circus. As
is known, this place is formed out of a patio of the monastery of San Fran
cisco. O, venerated shades of Belaunzaran and Pinzon ! You will
wander lamenting around that place which was sanctified by the presence
of the sons of San Francisco, and which is profanated in a descending
scale, by rope-dancing, immoral shows, licentious balls, and the ceremo
nies of a dissenting sect which is the enemy of the Church. It is a real
profanation, but it cannot be remedied, for power protects the profana-
tors. On the opposite page is a view of the newly erected facade
of this church. The beautiful interior will be shown farther
on. It increased our interest to discover, as we did, from the
pages of the Jesuit historian Clavijero, that these premises
were part of the very site of the famous palace of Monte
zuma.* Afterward in relaying the floor we found confirma
tion of this fact near the front door by discovering one of the
fish fountains which Clavijero describes. Could Montezuma
and his historian rise from the dead how amazed would they
be to witness the transformation that has taken place ! Here,
in place of the pagan palace and the Romish convent, there
stands to-day the beautiful evangelical church, complete in all
its appointments, with chapel, vestries, printing-office, schools,
besides two comfortable parsonages and other accommodations
for this work. Mexico has had many "transitions" during
the past twenty-five years, but none more wonderful than that
which we witness here.
Equally remarkable was our purchase of the property se
cured for our work in the city of Puebla. While Mexico city
is the political capital, Puebla may be considered as the ecclesi
astical capital of the country. A branch of the Inquisition
of Rome had #een established in each city with equal powers.
No Protestantism existed then in either city or in either
* Ancient History of Mexico, by Abbe D. F. S. Clavijero, book v, p. 2 1 3. London,
1810.

HEAD-QUARTERS OP TOE MISSION OF THE METHODIST EPISCOPAL CHURCH,
Calle de Gaute, City of Mexico.

THE INQUISITION, CITY OP PUEBLA,
Purchased by the Methodist Episcopal Church in 1 873.

COVERED WAY OP THE INQUISITION,
Connecting with the Examining CliapeL

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 293
section of the country for this diabolical institution to expend its
energy upon, during the first three hundred years of its exist
ence. Its watch-care then was directed toward its own people,
and evidently extended to more than questions of religious
opinion, thus enabling the priesthood to lay a heavy hand upon
those who dared to make themselves prominent in the advocacy
of civil and religious freedom. But these inquisitors had such
ability to cover their tracks that the whole truth can never
be known until the books are opened in the judgment-day!
We are about to uncover dark transactions which " that day "
will fully reveal, when the sightless eyeballs and the dumb lips
on which we have gazed with horror shall open, and the truth
of their tortures shall be brought before those who thus in
flicted them !
We present two views of the Inquisition building in Puebla.
The photograph was taken from the roof of one of the corridors.
On the left hand appears the dome of the Examining Chapel,
where the victims were tried, and beneath, on the ground floor,
were the cells, which we must soon mention. The second pict
ure shows the covered way leading to the Inquisition over the
tops of the houses. The face of it remains open as it was left
when the government cut a street through the premises. Cer
tainly those who erected these buildings, with walls of masonry
some of them over six feet thick, and arches and trimmings of
cut stone, expected that they would endure for all time. In
some of the changes necessary to adapt them to our use crow
bar and pickax seemed weak tools to make any impression upon
their hardness. These immense premises of the Dominican
monks (the Inquisitorial order) fell at last into the hands of the
republican forces, and the people, especially those from whose
homes father, brothers, or sons had disappeared, and of whose
fate something might be learned within those walls, demanded
permission to search, as did the Parisians at the Bastile. The
request was granted and the excited searchers went through the
whole establishment from the ground to the roofs ; a few sur
vivors were found, but the majority of seekers were disap-

294 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
pointed. Baffled and enraged, they were about to leave when
some one remarked on the amazing thickness of the walls. A
new train of thought was started. The walls were struck and
at places seemed to sound hollow to the blow. Tools were pro
cured, openings made, and within narrow cells were found those
whom they sought, manacled and ghastly, not arrayed in grave
vestments, but in their daily clothing, as when last seen. Twelve
such cells were found and opened, each with its occupant. Truly
this was "bringing to light the hidden things of darkness."
These victims of Rome's cruelties, buried alive for freedom, or
for Christ, or both, it may be, were tenderly lifted out into
the o^en patio and a photographer called. A flower-stand was
near, and four of the martyrs who were recent enough to be
handled without breaking up, though not recognizable, were
placed against it, and the sun has painted for us the faithful and
enduring proof which the Liberals of Mexico can hand down in
evidence to future generations of what the Church of Rome
did with their fellow-countrymen. From one of these photo
graphs in our possession the picture opposite was copied.
The cells were four feet six inches on the square, and seven
feet high. The need for the thick walls was thus explained.
These spaces Avere left open when building until the victim
was condemned and bound in the Examining Chapel above, and
brought down to the corridor where the cells were located.
He or she (for women were among the number) was placed in
the cell, a "brother" of the order who was handy with the
trowel was ready to build up the entrance before their face and
leave them to a horrible death, while a coat of plaster and
whitewash made all invisible, and these fiends in human form
may have supposed that they had sealed up their crime forever
and buried their secret beyond discovery. Two bodies of such
sufferers may still be seen in a glass case in the National Mu
seum in Mexico city.
One cell, making the thirteenth, was overlooked and not
opened until we came into the possession of the premises. We
found it occupied and had the body removed and buried. Like

MARTYRS OF THE INQUISITION,
Taken out of the cells in the walls, where they were buried alive.

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 295
the other large ecclesiastical properties, this had been divided
into lots for sale, and a street cut through the premises. A Ger
man Jew, living in Puebla, bought this portion of the Inquisi
tion. When we came to Puebla to look for property, such even
then was the clerical influence that people were timid about
renting or selling to us. With the Jew it was different. He
cared nothing about their fulminations, and was eager to make
a trade with us. Both in India and in Mexico I have made all
sorts of purchases for our society, but when we stood beside
this man on the dais of the Examining Chapel in Puebla, and
realized that a Jew was actually offering the Inquisition for
sale to a Methodist preacher, this seemed about the most extraor
dinary transaction in real estate which we had ever known !
To have purchased , the great cathedral itself would not have
been more amazing. Around us were the evidences of the
popular vengeance that had been wreaked upon the accursed
building ; the doors, windows, and floors had been torn up and
smashed to pieces, and the plaster defaced. But all this could
soon be repaired. On the upper floor to the right was a suite
of rooms which would make a comfortable parsonage, and on
the left the Examining Chapel could be made into the first
Methodist Episcopal Church in Puebla. It Avas capable of hold
ing about one hundred and fifty people. On the floor below a
room as large as the chapel would gi ve ns a good school-room, and
the apartments and corridors to the right would afford accommo
dation for the boys' orphanage and a theological seminary. We
were thus — at least for the time being — amply provided for in
the work which our Church was to undertake in Puebla.
It was while engaged, a few months later, in laying out the
rooms on the ground floor for a theological seminary that we
made that additional discovery of those dead secrets which
have ever since been such a perplexing remembrance to us.
The leading impression produced has been that they represent
" deeds of darkness " that certainly double the guilt and cruelty
which we already know to be justly chargeable to the account
of this horrible institution. In front of the rooms where the

296 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
cells were there runs a covered corridor with outside pillars,
about twelve feet wide. Onr purpose then was to divide this
space by a wall into two rooms. Having indicated where the
foundation was to be laid, we left the spot, but were soon after
met with the startling announcement that the workmen in dig
ging had come upon a number of human skeletons packed to
gether in rows. They were about two and a half feet below
the surface, covered with earth, and over this a layer of mortar
in which large floor-bricks Avere firmly laid. They were packed
close together and occupied about two feet in depth, the trench
running the entire length of the corridor. They were lifted out
into the patio, and the mayor of the city notified to send the
municipal carts and grant them proper burial.
People were annoyed that Protestant strangers should make
such a dreadful discovery. They thought that they knew all
the horrors of that establishment and had removed them. We
discussed the situation, but could find no innocent cause for their
being there and in such condition. They were not more than
twelve feet in front of the martyrs' cells, all under cover of the
roof, with less than thirty inches of earth over them, and the
mortar and floor-brick resting on this shallow protection, the
whole bearing the aspect of utter secrecy. As a probable
explanation it was suggested that at certain intervals, when the
cells were full, the floor would be opened and the contents of
the cells emptied into the space made, and then closed up like
the rest, leaving the cells ready for new occupants. The one
. fact seems to bear a relation to the other in guilt and secrecy,
but of the character of the manacled martyrs of the cells there
is no doubt whatever.
It is with much concern that we are contemplating parting
with this locality ; but, notwithstanding all its interest, the place
has become too small for our growing work in Puebla. We
have secured a large lot in the best part of the city and are
erecting a church adequate for our congregation. These inci
dents will suffice until we come to the close to speak of the work
done by all the missions operating in the land.

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PERSONNEL OF THE ANNUAL CONFERENCE IN MEXICO IN JANUARY, 1888,
Seventeen of the number being natives of the country.
MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 297
What an utter failure those Dominican and Franciscan
monks were ! After their three hundred years of power the
conquered race expels them from New Spain, and. some of
their palatial abodes, Avrested from the hands of pagan royalty
for their endoAvment, pass into the hands of heretics, who there
proclaim the word of life under the ample protection of Mex
ican law. Had they done their work as God willed it to be done
their time would have endured forever, and our services would
not have been required. They failed to elevate Mexico, but
made her a land of ignorance, unrest, and misery, from the
galling yoke of which she could only shake herself free by one
of the most extraordinary revolutions known to history, carried
through by the very people they had trained in their faith and
usages. The advance which our own Mission has made under the
divine blessing is indicated in the picture opposite of our An
nual Conference of 1888. Eighteen of the ministers therein are
native Mexicans, most of them raised up and trained under our
own labors during the preceding fifteen years.
The entrance of Protestant missions into Mexico and their
progress since the close of the French Intervention has claimed
the attention not only of the public journals but also of the
government, and is frequently referred to with approbation.
There lies before us as we write the Official Report of the Prog
ress of Protestant Missions in Mexico, by the government sec
retary of finance, dated January, 1879, in which the facts are
given with entire fairness. This public and kindly notice of
the Protestant propaganda in their country is given not because
of any personal interest in our views, but because the facts fur
nish the most satisfactory evidence of the full religious freedom
and progress which their country is now enjoying side by side
with the United States. Any violation of these rights is
denounced in the most prompt and decided manner by all save
the fanatical faction who are under the inspiration of the Romish
clergy, and all wrongs under it are quickly redressed on appeal
for the protection of the rights of ourselves and our people.

298 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
As these missions stand for the highest progress which Mex
ico can ever know, the desire for the meeting of a General
Assembly of Evangelical Missions began to take form about
1886. The purpose was
To review the results of the past fifteen years and to consult with each
other in regard to the future of their common work. A committee, with
power, was agreed upon to call this assembly from all parts of the land,
and to take such measures as, in their judgment, would best accomplish
the purposes of such a gathering. A suitable circular was prepared and
sent to every missionary in the country to be filled up with replies to the
questions which would bring together the information desired to be laid
before the assembly.
After nine years of absence from the termination of my own
work in Mexico (in 1879) I naturally desired to be present on
this occasion, as well as to have the opportunity of collecting
the information which Avas needed for writing this work. Five
months of delightful privilege was thus improved, especially in
witnessing the advance made by the country during the period
from 1879 to 1888. From all quarters of Mexico these serv
ants of God, American and Mexican, came to represent the
Avork in which they were engaged for their common Lord and
Master. On the morning of January 31, 1888, this remarkable body of Christian
men and women assembled in Trinity Methodist Episcopal Church in the
city of Mexico, the largest Protestant church in the city. It was found
that there were eleven evangelical denominations represented, as follows :
The Baptists, North and South; the Friends; the Presbyterians, North
and South; the Methodist Episcopal Church, South; the Episcopalians;
the Associate Reformed Presbyterians ; the Congregationalists ; the Cum
berland Presbyterians, and the Methodist Episcopal Church. The repre
sentation was from one to nine, according to the size of the missions
operating in Mexico. Including two for the Bible Society, the total
representation consisted of about seventy-five persons. These, with other
missionaries and native ministers, who came as visitors, swelled the num
ber attending to about one hundred and twenty-five. Deeply interested
audiences, from three hundred to four hundred in number, were present
at the sessions, mornings, afternoons, and evenings. It was the first oc
casion on which these evangelical workers had ever come together. Few

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 299
of them had before met one another, and yet the meetings, lasting more
than three days, were undisturbed in their delightful harmony.
It may not be too much to say that in view of the past history of this
land, the interests involved, and the future which was intimated, this
General Assembly was the most important event that has occurred here
since the Laws of Reform were passed by the new-born nation. It pre
sented before the people of this country and before the Church of Rome
the blessed evidence of the union, affection, and the strength of evan
gelical Christianity in a way that must have astonished them. Cer
tainly, if there really was (as was supposed by many) any treasonable
purpose of the Reactionary party to employ the opportunity of December
12, 1887, in connection with the crowning of the Virgin of Guadalupe,
to overthrow the civil and religious liberties of this nation, that party
found a surprise of which they never dreamed, and one which they can
not soon forget. How like it seems to a direct answer of the Almighty
to the enemies of his cause — giving them to understand that he has taken
Mexico out of their hands and is to accomplish her redemption after her
long night of sorrow !
The programme was carried out almost to the letter, and a wonderful
unanimity realized in the conclusions reached upon each item by the
Assembly. These " watchmen saw eye to eye."
We have not space for an outline of the deliberations or of
the work accomplished except under one head, that of the
statistics. Many Romanists came in to see the Assembly, and
it was evident that they were surprised at the order and
thoroughness of the deliberations and the size and attention of
the audiences. They must have realized that their methods of
contempt and persecution could not frighten these people from
their convictions, and that the intelligent and sincere aspect of
their countrymen who had become preachers and members
of these Protestant Churches had some claim upon their re
spect. Great interest was excited by the reading of the report of
" The Statistics of Protestantism in Mexico." The utmost care
had been taken to have the exhibit as accurate as possible. The
forms which were supplied were of the fullest and most exact
character. Each mission filled out its own forms, and then
the whole was carefully tabulated, so that every item of every

300 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
mission in Mexico was fully presented from its own records. I
have resubmitted these statistical tables again to each of the
missions represented, requesting them to correct and add to
their figures the growth of the past four years, so as to pre
sent the numerical standing of Protestantism in Mexico at the
close of 1891. The tables are too voluminous to be given in
full for each mission. It may be enough to present the results
in two columns, the first showing the grand total of the eleven
Protestant missions in Mexico, and the second the statis
tics of the missions of the Methodist Episcopal Church by
themselves alone. No one who has prayed and contributed
for the spread of the Gospel in this land but must rejoice over
"what God has wrought" during the past twenty years in
Mexico. If such a glorious result has been reached in twenty
years, in the face of vigorous opposition and fanaticism, what
may Ave not expect in the future as a result of the work now
so well established under the ample protection of the law of
the land ?
ABSTRACT FROM THE BEPORT OP THE STATISTICS OP PROTESTANT MIS-
SIOKS IN MEXICO, 1888 (REVISED TO 1892). Total of Methodist
Protestant Episcopal
I. The Field. Missions. Missions.
Number of centers of operation  87 30
Number of congregations  469 125
II. The Workers.
Number of ordained foreign missionaries  59 9
Number of assistant foreign missionaries (that is, unordained
men, and wives of ordained and assistant missionaries). ... 51 9
Number of foreign lady teachers  67 9
Whole number of foreign workers  177 27
Number of native preachers, ordained  Ill 13
Number of native preachers, unordained  161 38
Number of native teachers  177 47
Number of other native helpers  63 45
Total number of native workers  512 143
Grand total of foreign and native workers  689 170
III. The Churches.
Number of churches organized  385 100
Number of communicants  16,250 2,665
Number of probable adherents  49,512 6,735

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 301

ABSTRACT PROM REPORT — CONTINUED. Total of Methodist
TV" Tha C/>7irt/i7o Protestant Episcopal
J. V . J. lie dCuOOLS. Missions. Missions.
Number of training and theological schools  7 1
Number of students in same  88 5
Number of boarding-schools and orphanages  23 4
Number of pupils in same  715 125
Number of common schools  164 49
Number of pupils in same  6,533 2,703
Total number under instruction  7,336 2,833
Number of Sunday-schools  347 45
Number of Sunday-school teachers and officers  694 90
Number of Sunday-school scholars  9,814 1,797
Total membership of Sunday-schools  10,508 1,887
T. Publishing Interests.
Number of publishing-houses  5 1
Number of papers issued  11 3
Pages of all kinds of religious literature issued since
the establishment of your press  75,197,885 35,197,885
VI. Properties.
Number of church buildings  118 23
Approximate value of same (including furniture)  $391,675 $84,575
Number of parsonages  45 19
Approximate value of same (including society furniture) $158,835 $110,925
Number of educational buildings  31 8
Approximate value of same (including furniture and
utensils)  $256,940 $93,490
Value of publishing outfit  $36,850 $18,000
Total value of all missionary property  $844,300 $306,990
VII. Historic and Personal.
How many martyrs, if any, has your mission had ?  58 1
Place and date of such martyrdom?  *  t
The last item but one, that of the martyrdom of our preachers
and people, developed the deepest feeling in our Assembly. The
time and place where these cruel deeds were done is stated in
the foot-note of the table, and makes the dreadful showing that
an average of one murder every three months had been inflicted
upon our Protestant missions from 1873 np to the period of
holding that General Assembly. One of these was an American
* One foreigner and 57 Mexicans : Martyrs — 4 at Capalhuac in Holy Week, 1 873 ;
2 at Ahualulco, March, 1874; 15 at Acapulco, 1874; 2 at Tlalquiltenango, 1876; 1
at Guadalajara, 1876 ; 25 at Atzala, 1878 ; 1 at San Jose, 1879 ; 1 at Salatitlan, 1880 ;
1 at Apizaco, 1881 ; 1 at Progresso, 1881 ; 2 at Almoloya, 1884; 2 at Anuacatitlan,
1887, and 1 at Comalcalco, 1887. \ Brother Monroy at Apizaco.

302 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
missionary ; the rest, fifty-seven in number, were Mexicans,
either preachers or members. One word of condemnation or
reproof from Archbishop Labastida would have prevented these
unprovoked atrocities, but that word Avas never spoken to his
dying hour last year, and the cruel fanatics presumed that his
silence meant consent for'their deeds. Most of the cases were
atrocious to the last degree. The Rev. John L. Stephens
(whose picture is here given) was sent out by the American
Board in October, 1872, to Guadalajara. He was a man of
noble character and devoted to his work. On Sunday night,
March 2, 1874, after preaching at Ahualulco, he was attacked
by a party of fanatics, who broke into the place and assassinated
him and one of his native preachers.
Another case we speak of from personal knowledge. He
was one of our native ministers, the Rev. Epigmenio Monroy,
stationed at Apizaco. This man was characterized as being of
an unusually sweet spirit, avoiding controversy as far as possible,
and loving to preach the Gospel in its experimental blessedness.
He had opened a station at Santa Ana, about three miles from
Apizaco, and one night (April 8, 1881) on returning late after
holding the service, he was followed and left for dead on the
side of the road, terribly mangled. Some time after his groans
attracted the attention of some travelers, who found him lying
in his blood in the darkness. They revived him till he could
tell them where he lived, when they kindly bore him into
Apizaco. Medical help was called, but it was too late, his life
was fast ebbing away ; he had only time and strength to bless
his family and bid them farewell. The Christ-like spirit of the
man Avas still in full possession of him. He requested his
family not to prosecute his murderers in case they should be
discovered, he had forgiven them, and, feebly lifting his hands
and looking up to heaven, he threw the last energies of his life
into the prayer, " Father, forgive them, they know not what
they do ! " His head rested down on his bosom, and he was
gone ! Surely it may be asked, What more has the Christian
religion done for men anywhere in making them Christ-like

REV. J. L. STEPHENS, CONGREGATIONAL .MISSIONARY,
Martyred at Aluialuloo, March, 1874.

REV. EPIGMENIO MONHOY, NATIVE METHODIST MINISTER,
Martyred near Apizaco, April 8, 1881.

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 303
than it did for this humble minister, whose mangled remains we
laid to rest in the sure and certain hope of a glorious resurrec
tion ? At the Annual Conference his brethren, by whom he
was greatly beloved, out of their scant allowances united to
place a little monument over the grave of this proto-martyr of
the Methodist Church in Mexico. We present a picture here
of this good and devoted native Methodist preacher.
We Americans have been also the objects of this malicious
ness, but the fanatics are more afraid to strike us in view of
the closer guardianship which the government is able to extend
to us, and of the fact that we occupy centers where the police
care is more effective. For the first year or two we were ex
posed to their hostility, and some of them imagined that if we
were only struck down the cause would die. But the govern
ment knew onr danger better than we did, and was constantly
on the lookout for our safety, giving us useful cautions from
time* to time. From the press and the pulpit, and in episcopal
edicts put up on church doors, we and our work were held up
to public hatred. Some of our churches have been desecrated
and burned. Threats of all kinds have been hurled at us and
our doom said to be decided upon. On the 9th of Decem
ber, 1873, the oldest of our native helpers informed me that he
had reason to believe (I understood from government intima
tion) that a body of these fanatics had been banded together to
accomplish the assassination of all the Protestant ministers,
American and native, in the city of Mexico — a " Saint Bar
tholomew's Day " on their own account. But the government
was quietly vigilant, and had intimated to some of the leaders
that they were aware of their purpose, and threatened punish
ment if we were injured. Thus we were left unharmed.
The tactics pursued by the enemies of evangelical faith in
Mexico are identical with those followed by Romanists else
where. They try first to terrorize, then to deny our religious
belief, then they malign our morality ; and when they have thus
depreciated us, and inoculated their ignorant dupes with this
virus of malice and hatred, the step is a short one for these to

304 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
think that to kill would be doing God service. Even if the
blow is not struck their course answers its first purpose, to keep
the people away from Gospel instructions and from the read
ing of the Holy Scriptures. From this source come the cruel
names which they bestow upon us. We are not only " here
tics," but " children of Satan," and are assured by the pope (in
his encyclical of November 9, 1846) that " It is certain that
every »ne avIio does not preserve the Roman faith entire will
be utterly and eternally lost," and that bishops must inculcate
unity with the Catholic Church, " out of which there is no sal
vation, and obedience toward the chair of St. Peter, on which
the whole structure of our most holy religion reposes." No
wonder they fear the reading of the Bible, where not one word
can be found to sustain this assumption. They even dare to
justify their cruelties toward evangelical Christians in the fol
lowing language :
The Church or Christian princes are not blamed for putting heretics to
death. The blood of heretics is not the blood of saints, no more than the
blood of thieves, man-killers, and other malefactors — for the shedding of
which blood by the order of justice no commonwealth shall answer.*
Let it be observed that this . murderous language is not the
utterance of some obscure writer, but is the rule laid down by
a leading theologian of their Church, andJ copied into the stand
ard work of Peter Dens, that manual of divinity in which vile
and intolerant system the majority of her priests are trained.
The deeds of cruelty done in Mexico have not helped them.
The thoughtful people of the land condemn the idea that, to
gratify clerical malice, Protestants are to bo " counted as sheep
for the slaughter," and are determined that this shame must
terminate. We will ever remember the interview with Presi
dent Diaz on the occasion of the assassination of some of our
native brethren at Atzala. After expressing his deep sorrow at
the atrocities and assuring us that religious freedom would be
.vindicated, that the government was ready at any hour to de-
* Rhenish Test., annot. upon Rev. xvii, 6.

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 305
fend our people in the rights guaranteed by the Constitution,
President Diaz assured us that not only the government but
also the Congress and people generally all over the land Avere
as indignant as we were over these instances of Romish intol
erance ; and he earnestly deprecated the idea that people out
side should judge, their nati#n by these instances of the rage
and cruelty of their Church and its fanatical agents.
The president then made a remark that at first surprised us
all. It was to this effect :
You are greatly depressed and discouraged over what has now occurred,
and I do ndt wonder; but if you knew this country as I know it you
would feel differently.
He saw our surprise and then proceeded to explain :
I have seen this land as none of you ever saw it, in degradation, with
every thing in the line of toleration and freedom to learn. I have
watched its rise and progress to a better condition. We are not yet all
we ought to be and hope to be ; but we are not what we once were. "We
have risen as a people, and are rising now faster than ever. My advice is,
do not be discouraged. Keep on with your work, avoiding topics of irri
tation and preaching your Gospel in its own spirit, and believe me that
twenty years hence. religious murders will have ceased in Mexico and our
people will be rejoicing in the peace and toleration which our Constitution
guarantees to all without distinction.
The words of the worthy president have already become
true. Long within the twenty years anticipated these murders
have ceased and people are willing, beyond all former expe
rience, to hear us for our cause. Blood-stains — even though
only " the blood of heretics " — are no longer considered excus
able or endurable on the clerical escutcheon. Popular con
demnation (and, let us hope, the priestly conscience as well)
has become opposed to it. The warning of our Quaker poet,
uttered in 1871, when the pope issued a second call to Romish
nations to come to his aid and crush and drive out Italians and
King Victor from their capital, has sunk deep into the souls of
men : " Woe be to the Church which mingles human blood
with her wine of sacrament and breaks the peace of God
21

306 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
among men ! " It is again true that " the more they oppressed
them the more they multiplied and grew." Some time since I
was delighted to hear from the secretary of the American
Board that the very man who held the torch to enable the mur
derers of Brother Stephens to do their work has been converted
and is now devoted to the cause which he once destroyed.
The table of statistics on page 300 shows that, in spite of this
great fight of afflictions, our work has wonderfully prospered
and that we are doubling our numbers, on the average, about
every eight years. In twenty years there have been raised
up 111 native ordained ministers, 161 unordained, and a total
of 512 native workers, with 16,250 communicants and 49,512
adherents in 469 congregations. Who, after this, need doubt
whether Roman Catholics can be converted to evangelical Chris
tianity ? Thank God for the faithfulness of our Mexican
converts !
During this recent visit to Mexico we went again to see
the cemeteries of Guadalupe and of San Fernando, symbol
izing as they do the past and the future of Mexico and the
great change she has experienced. What a rush of memories
came over us as we stood by the monument that covers the
grave of Santa Anna, just inside the gate of the Guadalupe
cemetery ! Of all his desperate movements, the last — at Yera
Cruz, in 1867 — seems to have been the most pregnant with
evil for his country. What a chapter of political ruin and
ecclesiastical domination he might have added to the history of
Mexico if the commander of the Tacony had not interposed !
About two years after his return from exile, under the general
amnesty granted by Juarez, we saw him in Mexico city. Ex-
Governor Brown, of Georgia, and some of his friends were
visiting in Mexico. They expressed a desire to have an inter
view with the old dictator. The visit was arranged, and we ac
companied these friends. Santa Anna had not yet had his prop
erty restored, and was living in an obscure street, neglected and
forgotten by all parties. He seemed gratified that Americans
should desire to see him. On entering the apartment we found

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 307
the old man sitting on a sofa, behind which hung the life-size
picture of his wife, "her serene highness, Dolores Tosta de
Santa Anna," arrayed as a vice-queen. The magnificence of
the painting contrasted sadly with the poverty-stricken aspect
of the room and furniture. To him, however, this could make
but little difference, as we soon saw that he was totally blind as
Avell as feeble and broken in spirit, with a tendency to mental
weakness. He did nearly all the talking, and frequently re
ferred to his interview with General Jackson, and of his being
sent home on a United States war vessel, which he took care
to emphasize as a mark of high respect to himself. He was
still the vain and self-seeking Santa Anna !
We sat before him in a semicircle and surveyed a man who
had probably more history in him at eighty years of age than
any other person on this continent; one who had been the
ready instrument of clerical despotism, firmly resolved to keep
the Bible and religious freedom out of his native land, but
who had failed in every point. God had overthrown him and
his purposes, and here were missionaries sitting before him en
tirely unconcerned whether he was vexed or not that the Bible
and evangelical Christianity were where he had intended that
they should never come. He had every opportunity to make
himself the Washington or Cromwell of his country, but
proved that he was incapable of being a true reformer. Instead
of this the amazing record that he built up seems matchless in
modern history. It was recalled the more vividly by the pict
ure behind him. Curtis has well epitomized the facts which
in this presence were made all the more expressive :
It created a sensation in Mexico when the pretty peon girl Dolores
Tosta was suddenly raised from abject poverty to affluence. Santa Anna
was President of Mexico three years before she was born ; she was married
to him when she was only thirteen. He was then a military dictator,
sleeping on his sword, beset with constant perils. In six months he had
lost his leg and got into a Texas prison. For twenty years her life was
spent in a camp, surrounded by the whirl of warfare. Her husband was
five times President of Mexico and four times military dictator in abso-

308 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
lute power, and in his reckless career had upset some fifteen governments
of his country. He was banished, recalled, and again banished. She
has seen much " glory " and received unlimited adulation, but she hardly
ever enjoyed one thoroughly peaceful month in all her life.
So far Curtis is correct, but he errs in supposing that their
career ended in exile. Here they were, having been permitted,
on their petition, by the republican government, to return and
die in their native land. That government, consolidated and
strong, had nothing more to fear from this traitor or his allies,
and the public had left them to sink into the neglect and ob
scurity in which we found them.
A short time after Santa Anna died, at the age of eighty-four.
The account of the funeral is dreary enough, " only a few
prominent individuals following the funeral cortege " to the
cemetery of " the most Holy Virgin of Guadalupe." True to his
habit, he made a modification of his title to be cut on the white
marble monument (to which her name and title were added
ten years after). We thought it interesting enough to be copied
exactly as it appears : Excelentfsimo
Sk Gral Antonio Lopez de Santa Ana.
Junio 21 de 1876.

Serenfsima Sora
Dolores Tosta de Santa Ana.
Agdsto 11 de 1886.

R. I. P.
The translation is : Most Excellent
General Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna.

Most Serene Madame
Dolores Tosta de Santa Anna.

Truly it might be said that this man was as Avhimsical in
death as in life and character, in view of certain solemn obsequies
that transpired in another locality and of another monument that

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 309
was erected years before. It might be said that he was buried
in sections, while, unfortunately for his fame, the pomp and
ceremonial came at the wrong end of his career. A public
funeral was decreed for his " Christian leg," while the rest of
him was interred almost in privacy and without ceremonial.
If the Virgin of Guadalupe is all that his clerical guides
taught Santa Anna to believe, then even he may have a chance,
for he served her well in his way and placed himself under her
protection at the last. But if not — if this " holy image of the
mother of God " is but a myth and will not be beside that
judgment throne to own and shelter her devotees — what an
awaking must be that of the man who lies here, in view of the
miseries inflicted upon Mexico during the forty years of his
more active life !
It was pleasant to turn from this pathetic example of Mex
ico's degraded past to the Panteon de San Fernando, the rest
ing-place of many of her illustrious dead. Most prominent and
rising above them all stands the worthy monument of "the
Washington of Mexico," Benito Juarez. He died on the 19th
of July, 1872, aged sixty-six years, and his ever-grateful country
erected this rich tribute above his grave.

It is a tomb the most exacting soul might envy. As a work of art it is
fine indeed, but as the tribute of an Indian sculptor to the great Indian
statesman it is magnificently impressive. Out beyond the Alameda in the
Panteon of San Fernando is the resting-place of many of Mexico's illustri
ous dead, and the eternal fitness of things in God's acre is kept when the
richest tribute that sculpture could bring rises above the grave of Juarez.
This monument is the work of Manuel Islas, who has succeeded in the
most difficult of all fields. The unvarying testimony of those who visit
the cemetery might be quoted in proof of this claim, and certainly no
monumental effort in the United States tells such a story of heroic grief
or so immortalizes the dignified emotion of a nation. A small but well-
proportioned Grecian temple, surrounded by rows of columns, contains
the commemorative group of spotless marble, the dead president lying at
full length with his head supported on the knee of a female figure repre
senting Mexico. It is the most simple and natural thing in the world,
after it is done ; and yet the United States has scarcely a memorial of dead

310 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
greatness that does not seem conventional and strained beside it, scarcely
one in any degree so good in its technical qualities, or so satisfying as a
work of art.
Summer and winter this magnificent tomb is fragrant with
the floral offerings laid upon it by his grateful countrymen.
Around him, in this Westminster Abbey of Mexico, lie —
sharing his honor and the glory of his success — such heroes as
Generals Arteaga and Salazar, and many others, who struggled
and died to secure to Mexico the glorious future on the thresh
old of which she stands to-day.
Under the gentle influence of that " timely silence" Avhich
falls on all who approach this tomb of Mexico's greatest states
man-patriot and the resting-places of many others of her noble
heroes, one feels instinctively that there may not be on earth a
spot where the adaptation of those wonderful words of our own
martyr-president might be more justly admitted :
The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here have consecrated it
far above our power to add or detract. The world will little note, nor long
remember, what we say here ; but it can never forget what they did here.
It is for us, the living, rather to be dedicated here to the unfinished work
which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. It is rather
for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us, that
from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for
which they gave the last full measure of devotion ; that we here highly
resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain ; that this nation, under
God, shall have a new birth of freedom, and that the government of the
people, by the people, and for the people shall not perish from the earth.
Before Ave left Mexico there occurred a significant event which
presented a providential response to the vaporing of Louis Na
poleon when he tried to interfere with American affairs under
the pretense of securing on this continent " a career for the Latin
race and its civilization,"which he alleged was " to be the glory
of his reign " and " the most beneficent event of the nineteenth
century." I refer to the memorial services of the Emperor
William of Germany. Next to those in Berlin it may be safe
to say that those so grandly solemnized in the city of Mexico

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 311
were among the most significant. The lesson was so marked
that we need not wonder that the papal party in Mexico re
sented the honor being conferred upon the memory of the man
who with such Teutonic and Protestant candor and courage
could so ably brush aside the hollow pretenses and antiquated
claims of Pius IX. when he ventured so adroitly to impose
them upon the emperor's acceptance. Nor is it strange that in
the capital of Mexico memorial services should be held for the
grand man who laid low the " eldest son of the Church " and
all his projects, thus avenging the wrongs which Louis Napoleon
inflicted on Mexico ! It was gall and wormwood to the cleri
cal party that the memory of the great Protestant sovereign of
the land of Luther and of the glorious Reformation should be
thus honored in the city of Mexico and in the presence of its
government. In this respect it was also the grandest hour for
the evangelical faith that Mexico up to that date had wit
nessed. ~ From an account which we prepared at the time we
present the facts of this extraordinary event.
On Friday morning, March 9, 1888, when the telegram arrived
announcing the death of the Emperor of Germany, the Rev. J.
W. Bntler5 m charge of our mission in Mexico city, went at once
to wait upon the German embassador and the consul to express
our sympathy and offer the use of our church for any memorial
services which they might desire to hold. The Germans have
no church of their own in Mexico, and on several occasions
have gratefully accepted the use of our edifice. Both minister
and consul expressed themselves as most thankful for the kind
spirit shown by our American mission in this offer to place our
church at their disposal. They arranged at once to call together
the heads of the German colony (residents in Mexico city) for
consultation, and to communicate with the pastor without
delay. Within a few hours the colony had been consulted
and their measures taken, and the committee appointed came
to express their gratitude and arrange a programme. Monday
evening at five o'clock was their preference. By early after
noon on Saturday their invitations, printed on heavily bordered

312 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
mourning-paper, in Spanish, were ready. They bore the coat
of arms of the German empire, and read as follows: "The
German minister, in his name, and in that of the German col
ony, has the honor to invite you to the religious ceremony
which, occasioned by the death of his majesty the Emperor of
Germany, will take place Monday, March 12, at five o'clock in
the afternoon, in the temple on Gante Street." The word
temple is used for all places of worship in Mexico.
This invitation was sent to General Diaz, the president of
the republic, to the members of his cabinet, to the foreign em
bassadors and consuls and the members of their respective
staffs, and also to the governor of the federal district and the
various officials, civil and military, in the capital, as well as the
gentlemen and ladies of the German, English, and American
colonies, and others. The editors of the leading papers were
also invited.
Meanwhile the leading decorator of the city had been called
and instruction given him by the Germans to decorate our
church suitably, regardless of expense, for the high and solemn
occasion. With a little army of assistants he commenced his
labors at daylight on Saturday and worked till midnight, re
suming again early Monday morning, and had all ready one hour
before the time for commencement of the services on Monday
afternoon. The handsome audience-room was a suitable back
ground for the rich adorning with which they draped its pil
lars, cornices, arches, and balconies. This is truly the land of
flowers, and the fullest use was made of their magnificence to
add to every other charm of the place. The gorgeous tropical
plants were intertwined with the floral decorations, making a
sight in themselves alone worth a journey to see and enjoy.
Then the festoons of flowers were carried around, above, upon
the arches and cornices, and the wreaths were hung under the
center of the arches and upon each pillar. The flowers used
were those which were appropriate, white roses and violets
preponderating largely.
The flags and shields with the German arms were then placed

INTERIOR OF THE METHODIST EPISCOPAL CHIRCH, CITY OF MEXICO,
Formerly a part of the San Franciscan monastery.

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 313
in position, and the long bannerets, with spheres of silver crys
tal, were suspended from the roof above. Black crape was
gracefully draped every-where, and all the ornamentation was ap
propriate to the occasion. Black cloth hung from the balconies
all around the church. But it was upon the pulpit and commun
ion rails that their chief skill was employed. Upon the pulpit
platform near the wall rose a white pedestal draped, on the top
of which rested a bust (life-size) of the dead emperor, supported
by a cushion of flowers. Behind the pedestal and bust hung
down, some eight feet in length, a rich drapery of black velvet,
studded with silver stars. The pulpit was draped with black
velvet and silver trimmings, as were the communion rails, and
illuminated by small chandeliers, bearing wax tapers. The
kneeling-step was overlaid with the leaves of the rubber-tree,
their shining green contrasting beautifully with the black and
silver above them. On the communion table a superb im
perial crown of roses rested on a rich cushion of white rose
buds. In front of the rails hung a large wreath formed of blue
corn-flower (the emperor's favorite flower), with his monogram
"W" filling the center. This was a gift of affection sent by a
Swiss lady and gentleman, and was regarded as the gem of all
the floral decorations. The perfume of the lovely flowers rose
on the air of the church as nature's own incense, making the at
mosphere redolent with their fragrance.*
Anxious to illuminate the church to the highest degree pos
sible, the committee had some electric lights put up on Mon
day, to be additional to the illumination given by our own
reflector, and when all was laid on the flood of splendor which
filled the sacred edifice was beyond any light that ever shone
there since it was erected. The rich stone carvings and har
mony of the several parts, added to the effect of the decorations,
* To enable the reader more fully to realize the beauty of this scene we introduce
here a photographic view of the interior of our church. The decorations shown
have nothing to do with our present description. They are the usual embellish
ments put in by our people to celebrate the birthday of their great president,
whose portrait hangs behind the pulpit

314 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
were brought out so distinctly by the brilliancy as to attract the
general admiration of the audience. It was, altogether, a sight
never to be forgotten by those who gazed upon it.
No superstitious symbols were introduced to mar the simple
and natural beauty of the scene ; nothing out of harmony with
the sincerity and reverence which was intended to be expressed.
Seats in front near the pulpit were reserved for the government
officials and the diplomatic corps and their ladies. The ladies
of the German colony, in full mourning costume, were seated
on the right hand of the pulpit and down that side of the
house, while the Mexican orchestra of forty-five pieces, and the
Orpheon, or German Choral Society, occupied the other side
of the pulpit on a platform provided for them. The general
audience filled the center behind the legations, and overflowed
back into the chapel, the windows of which were lowered so as
to make one audience of the whole assembly. The Partido
Liberal, in its report, estimates the number present at over one
thousand persons. Many senators and deputies of the Congress,
heads of departments, ' and members of various societies and
clubs and business organizations were in the audience.
At ten minutes past five o'clock nearly all had arrived. The
reserved seats in front were occupied by the embassadors of
England, France, the United States, Spain, Belgium, Italy, and
other countries, with their secretaries and consuls, most of them
in splendid uniforms, while a few of the leading diplomates wore
on their breasts the orders of merit or honor which had been
conferred upon them. A few chairs in the front row still
awaited their occupants. Soon a slight buzz was heard, and
Baron Von Wacker Gotter, the German minister, appeared at
the entrance, escorting his excellency the President of Mexico,
who was accompanied by the members of his cabinet, with sev
eral generals of division in full uniform. The entire audience
rose to receive them with due honor.
As soon as these were seated the services commenced by the
orchestra rendering the solemn strains of Chopin's "Funeral
March." After this came the Kreutzer andante, "La Cha-

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 315
pelle," sung with deep feehng and expression by the German
Orpheon. The Rev. John W. Butler, pastor of the church,
then rose and read the Scripture lesson, from the fifteenth chap
ter of First Corinthians. And well, and with proper emphasis,
did he render St. Paul's glorious doctrine of the resurrection
of the dead. The seraphic faces, sculptured in the stone over
each of the twelve pillars above, seemed as though looking
down upon the reader and the audience as his voice resounded
among these old monastic arches, which suggested the dissimilar
scenes which they had echoed in the days of yore, till the center
of that assembly seemed to be that magnificent open Bible, now
and henceforth unbound and free in Mexico. I wonder not
that the reporter of El Nacional, a clerical journal, in his ac
count of the service, innocently remarks, referring to that sacred
volume, " which we suppose was the Bible of Luther."
As I sat there and looked out upon the wonderful and
brilliant scene I seemed lost in astonishment at the contrast
which it presented to the time, fifteen years before, when I first
entered this building. It had been purchased from the govern
ment some time previously and fitted up as a theater. The
company had failed, and we bought it from them in 1873. Its
condition then was simply indescribable — dark, dirty, and reek
ing with the fumes of tobacco. This added to the darkness, for
the daylight was purposely excluded so as to depend entirely on
the gas-lights for their effects.
Such, too, was the bigotry of that time that I had difficulty to
find men who were then willing to work for Protestants ; so I
stood amid that gloom and defilement wondering how I could
evolve light and cleanliness and beauty out of such a state of
things. But I knew the beauty was there, though hidden, and
that it could be brought out.
Now, here I was, fifteen years after, looking, as the redeemed
often do, at " the hole of the pit whence they have been digged,"
conscious that but few eyes besides my oaati in all that bright
assembly before me had looked upon the disorder, ruin, and chaos
out of which this present vision of light and loveliness had risen.

316 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
I also remembered how few and timid were those who at first
ventured, when I did develop a place of Christian worship out
of the circus, to join with us in evangelical services under
this roof ; and now here we were with the grandest assembly
this land can produce, with its honored president and his min
isters in this magnificent memorial service !
Just here my son finished his reading and turned and looked
at me, intimating that the time had come to take my part.
" What hath God wrought ! " was on my lips as I came to
the front, and, lifting up my hands in prayer, the entire audi
ence rose to join me in the act. God helped me as I pleaded
for the stricken nation with whom we sympathized in the death
of its venerable monarch, and for the bereaved family and the
aged widow, and especially for that suffering crown-prince on
whom the imperial burden must now fall so heavily. I im
plored God to bless Germany, and to impart to the powers of
Europe at this critical time that grace and sagacity which would
lead them to indorse heartily the dying word of the grand old
emperor as he. pleaded for " peace " — the peace of God among
the nations. I closed by invoking the benediction of the Al
mighty upon the land whose hospitality we were enjoying, and
its honored president, so that beneath itsfiag of freedom, civil and
religious liberty, with peace and order, should be maintained as
long as the sun and moon endured. I had a consciousness that
my prayer was heard and that the hearts of the great assembly
were with me in the petitions presented. Some of them, espe
cially the Germans, were in tears, and thanked me heartily at
the termination of the service.
Another funeral dirge and another hymn, and then my son
again took the pulpit and used the closing portion of the burial
service of our ritual, in the Spanish, ending with the Lord's
Prayer. A short pause, and then the whole audience rose to re
ceive the benediction, which he gave in the German language.
This ended the beautiful service. The audience remained stand
ing while the president and his cabinet and the foreign ministers
and other officials passed slowly out.

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 317
As I saw them reverently retiring I could realize the quiet
and yet great advance that our cause had gained in this city
during the past few years. Eleven years ago hardly one of
these upper-class Mexican people had the courage to enter this
or any Protestant church, so decided were their prejudice and
timidity. In 1877 I conducted in this same church the funeral
service of Herr Benecke, the Consul-general of Germany ; but
on that occasion we conld not induce the limited number of
these people who attended to go forward and take the front
seats. They lingered round the entrance, and were timid about
making any farther advance into the room. On this occasion
there was no hesitation. The whole front was occupied and the
church crowded. Slowly but surely the Lord's work is advanc
ing in this land, and we can look for more candor and less
prejudice as the light spreads and they come to understand us
and our object in being here among them.
The General Assembly of all the Protestant missions pre
viously held in this church no doubt did much to impress them
favorably ; and now came this grand service, at which the highest
people of the land were not afraid or ashamed to be present.
AU this is a decided advance for the evangelical cause.
In the minds of many of these people on this occasion there
was a fact that greatly interested them, which would not at all
have been regarded as remarkable by any Protestant audience.
That fact was that the two ministers who conducted the service
and were together in that pulpit stood in the relation of father
and son to each other. Such a fact was never seen in Roman
Catholicism. No priest or bishop of that Church ever had his
son to minister by his side. Here, too, is something to lead
them to reflection as to one of the reasons why the clergy of
their Church are what they are, denied as they are by mere
human authority those relations of holy matrimony which the
Founder of Christianity has expressly declared to be the right
and privilege of his ministers.
The archbishop had threatened that attendance at this service
would be followed by the usual penalties ; but his effort to pre-

318 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
vent people from going was a failure. He would have had a
large business on hand had he attempted to carry out his threat.
These were people, beginning with the president, not to be
trifled Avith, and he knew it, and concluded that discretion
was the better part of valor. Among the many evidences
which we found in the reports in the papers next morning
of the excellent impressions made by the service, nothing was
more unique or paid a higher homage to the holy word of God
than the innocent declaration of the editor of one of the lead
ing periodicals, who evidently was a stranger to the language of.
Holy Scripture, and supposed, as he listened with such profound
attention to my son's reading, that he was uttering something
which he had himself composed for the occasion. He therefore
reported upon it that "such an eloquent and pious address we
have never before heard." No doubt of it, for the minister
was reading St. Paul's inspired description of the resurrection
of the last day in 1 Corinthians, chapter xv !
As we close, our thoughts revert to a remarkable utterance
of Madame Calderon's, and nothing much more appropriate
could end this book. Here was a gifted lady, sincere in her
Romanism, sadly contemplating a condition of things that was
a reproach to her Church. She who for nearly three years
stood in that wealthy but dark past which we have portrayed,
when there was no ray of light and no prospect of betterment
apparent, felt, Avith increasing conviction, that some change
was inevitable, from the necessity of the case, or her Church
in Mexico must remain a standing reproach throughout the
civilized world. She could discover no source from whence
hope of change could arise save one, and that not from the
quarter she as a Romanist would have preferred; yet, if it
must be so, she bows to the inevitable and predicts its approach.
Here is " the prophecy of Madame Calderon : "
The cross was planted here in a congenial soil, and as in the pagan
East the statues of the divinities frequently did no more than change
their names from those of heathen gods to those of Christian saints, and
image-worship apparently continued, though the mind of the Christian

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 319
was directed from the being represented to the true and only God who
inhabits eternity ; so here the poor Indian bows before visible representa
tions of saints and virgins, as he did in former days before the monstrous
shapes representing the unseen powers of the air, the earth, and the
water ; but he, it is to be feared, lifted his thoughts no higher than the
rude image which a human hand has carved. . . . He kneels before the
bleeding image of the Saviour who died for him, before the gracious form
of the Virgin who intercedes for him ; but he believes there are many
virgins of various gifts, and possessing various degrees of miraculous
power and different degrees of wealth, according to the quality and
number of the diamonds and pearls with which they are endowed — one
even who is the rival of the other — one who will bring rain when there is
drought, and one to whom it is well to pray in seasons of inundation. . . .
If any one wishes to try the effect of strong contrast let him come
directly from the United States to this country ; but it is in the villages
especially that the contrast is most striking. Traveling in New England,
for example, we arrive at a small and flourishing village. We see four
new churches, proclaiming four different sects ; religion suited to all cus
tomers. These wooden churches or meeting-houses are all new, all painted
white, or perhaps a bright red. Hard by is a tavern with a green paling,
as clean and new as the churches, and there are also various smart stores
and neat dwelling-houses; all new, all wooden, all clean, and all orna
mented with slight Grecian pillars. The whole has a cheerful, trim, and
flourishing aspect. Houses, churches, stores, taverns, all are of a piece.
. . Every thing proclaims prosperity, equality, consistency; the past
forgotten, the present all in all, and the future taking care of itself. No
delicate attentions to posterity who can never pay its debts. No beggars.
If a man has even a hole in his coat he must be lately from the Emerald
Isle. Transport yourself in imagination from this New England village to
that of  , it matters not which — not far from Mexico city. " Look on
this picture and on that ! " The Indian huts, with their half-naked in
mates and little gardens filled with flowers ; the huts either built of clay
or the half-ruined beaux restes of some stone building. At a little distance
a hacienda, like a deserted palace, built of solid masonry. There, rising
in the midst of old faithful-looking trees, the church, gray and ancient,
but strong as if designed for eternity, with its saints and virgins, and
martyrs and relics, its gold and silver and precious stones, whose value
would buy up all the spare lots in the New England village ; the lepero,
with scarce a rag to cover him, kneeling on the marble pavement. Leav
ing the inclosure of the church, observe the stone wall that bounds the
road for more than a mile, the fruit-trees overtopping it, high though it

320 MEXICO IN TRANSITION.
be, with their loaded branches. This is the convent orchard. And that
great Gothic pile that stands in hoary majesty — what could so noble a
building be but the monastery, perhaps of the Carmelites, because of itB
exceedingly rich garden and well-chosen site ? For they, of all monks, are
richest in this world's goods. Also we may see the reverend old prior
riding slowly from under the arched gate up the village lanes', the Indians
coming from their huts to do him lowly reverence as he passes. Here,
every thing reminds us of the past, of the conquering Spaniards who seemed
to build for letemity, of the triumphs of Catholicism, and of the Indians
when Cortez first startled them from their repose and stood before them
like the fulfillment of half-forgotten prophecy. It is the present that
seems like a dream, a pale reflection of the past. All is decaying and
growing fainter, and men seem trusting to some unknown future that they
may never see. One government has been abandoned,- and there is none
in its place. One revolution follows another, yet the remedy is not found.
Let them beware lest half a century later they be awakened from their
delusion, and find the cathedral turned into a meeting-house, and all
painted white, the railing melted down, the Virgin's jewels sold to the
highest bidder, the floor washed (which would do it no harm), and
around the whole a nice new wooden paling, freshly done in green —
and all this performed by some of the artists from the wide-awake repub
lic farther north.*
" The artists " are already there and hard at work, but not
in any line of interference with the political institutions. Ma
dame Calderon would be amazed could she return and see how
literally her anticipations have been realized, and the peace,
order, and prosperity that are firmly established throughout the
land. More than all would she be surprised to behold, not
merely foreign artists at work, but a noble band of native
Mexican ministers and teachers engaged in spreading evangel
ical Christianity, and with grand results.
Mexico is destined to a high mission on this continent. Her
evangelization will aid gloriously in the redemption of Central
and South America. Erelong the States beyond, who imitate
her example, will receive her missionaries, who, using the same
melodious language, will speak to those millions and thus con
summate the evangelization of Spanish America.
* Life in Mexico, p. 289.

MEXICO IN TRANSITION. 321
O, Church of the living God ! here is the " open door,"
" great and effectual," which the divine Master has set before
thee ! It is thine to enter. God expects it as the work which
" thy hand findeth to do." He sends thee to open their eyes,
to turn them from darkness to light, and from the power of
Satan unto God, that they may receive " remission of their
sins, and an inheritance among them that are sanctified by faith ,
in Jesus Christ." Living or dying, I appeal to thee for them.
Give them, O, give them quickly, thine evangelical faith and
thy saving Gospel. Give in adequate measure for the con
summation of the blessed change for these millions of dying
men, that Mexico may become that " delightsome land " which
the Lord of Hosts has promised, where her " sun shall no more
go down, neither shall her moon withdraw itself, for the Lord
shall be her everlasting light, and the days of her mourning
shall be ended."
Then will redeemed Mexico, her sorrows closed, rise to the
greatness of her position on this continent, and, turning to the
Redeemer who has saved her, and to him alone, will claim her
right to crown him with the diadem of Mexico's adoring love,
as " Lord of all, to the glory of God the Father." Henceforth
it will be her joy to adopt as her own the rapturous strain of
Cowper : " Come then, and added to Thy many crowns
Receive yet one, the crown of all the earth,
Thou who alone art worthy!' It was thine
By sacred covenant, ere nature's birth ;
And thou hast made it thine by purchase since,
And overpaid its value with thy blood."
22

INDEX.

Alexander VI., division of the world by, 5.
Archbishop Labastida and Marshal Niegre,
166.
Archbishop Lorenzana's extravagant praise
of Cortez, 14.
A rteaga's letter to his mother when about to
die, 209.
Austria's concordat with the papacy, 158.
Beecher's triumph at Manchester, 190.
Bibles sold in the castle of San Angelo, 265.
" Black Decree," the, 206.
Blackstone on rapacity of clericals, 137.
Bravo's vengeance for the murder of his fa
ther, 74.
"Butcher of Bologna," the, 114.
Cabman at St. Peter's refuses papal coin,
264.
Calderon, Madame, introduction of, 26.
 on the desagravios of Mexico, 29.
 "prophecy" concerning the future of
Mexico, 318.
Carlota's confidential letter to a friend, 185.
 sudden departure from Mexico, 212.
 stricken with insanity at Rome, 214.
Christianizing the Aztecs, Spanish methods
of, 10.
"Circulo Populare;" arraignment of the
pope, 111.
Clavijero declines to Indorse some of the
statements of Cortez, 13.
Clergy, condition of Mexican, 33.
Colonization of Confederates in Mexico, 216.
Comments of English press on the French
Intervention, 189.
Comparison of Lincoln and Juarez, 163.
Confederacy supporting the Intervention, 187.
Convention of Soledad, 147.
Cortez, dispatches of, to his emperor, 10.
 character of, shown by his own act and
language, 12.
Council of Trent and its assumptions, 6.

Cruelties inflicted by the Spaniards on the
conquered, 14.
Cuatemoctzin, tribute to the fame of, 15.
Curtis's Capitals of Spanish America, 101.
De Morny's aid to the conspiracy against
Mexico, 142.
Diaz, General, capture of Mexico city by, 245.
 , president, successful administration of,
286.
 , interview with, 305.
Domenech's influential position between two
thrones, 172.
 ¦ on the character of Mexican Catholi
cism, 28.
 , his reasons for the Intervention of Na
poleon, 173.
Ecuador as a model papal state, 104.
Emperor William I., frank correspondence
with Pius IX., 268.
 , memorial services in city of Mexico, 310.
Eugenie's share of the penalty, 272.
Financial status of Maximilian's empire, 170.
French at Puebla, defeat of the, 152.
 enormous financial claims against Mex
ico, 146.
Fueros established by the Church in Mexico,
177.
General Assembly of Protestant Missions in
1888, 298.
Gladstone's explanation of the position main
tained by England, 188.
Grant, General, on the Intervention in Mex
ico, 177.
 , view of the attempt to monarchize
Mexico, 220.
Greeley, Horace, bis deep disappointment
with papal policy, 108.
 ; remarkable foresight of Eugenie's fall
from power, 274.

324

INDEX.

Guadalupe, legend of the Virgin of, 46.
 , amazing idolatry exhibited at, 49.
Hidalgo proclaims independence of Mex
ico, 68.
 and his helpers, with their defeat, 70.
 anniversary of the " Grito " celebrated,
71.
Honduras and the papal bull, 106.
Hugo's, Victor, eulogium on Juarez, 251.
Humboldt on the destruction of Aztec rec
ords, 35.
Infallibility decreed by Pius IX., 259.
Inquisition of Puebla, purchase of part of
the, 295.
Intolerance toward the dead In Spain, 161.
Italian soldiers in Wesleyan service in Rome,
266.
Iturbide, the liberator, 76.
 , the election and coronation of, as em
peror, 79.
 , exile and death of, 80.
Jecker bonds, their nefarious character, 140.
 , expulsion from Mexico by Juarez, 278.
" Jesuits, farewell 1 " in 1873, 280.
Juarez, outline of life of, 127.
 response to the invitation of Maximil
ian, 201.
 recognition of the help of God in the
struggle, 251.
 on the value of Protestantism to his
country, 253.
 generous terms granted to the con
quered, 247.
 tomb of, its beauty and significance, 309.
" Kicked out of Rome," the papal threat, 192.
Las Casas protecting tbe Indians, 17.
Latin and Teutonic races, illiteracy com
pared, 175.
" Laws of Reform," meaning of, 137.
Legation at Rome closed by Act of our Con
gress, 193.
Lerdo's exhibit of church property, 18.
Liberty in Rome after the flight of the pope,
110.
Lincoln's reply to the workingmen of Lan
cashire, 191.
Lopez, Colonel, supposed treachery explained,
241.

Map of the United States in the library of
the Propaganda, 87.
Martyrs of Protestantism in Mexico since
1873, 302.
Maximilian's relation to the Austrian em
pire, 154.
 visit to Rome to receive the papal bene
diction, 167.
 arrival at Vera Cruz, to establish an
empire, 169.
 crushing burden assumed by him, 170.
 mission to Mexico Impracticable, 177.
 expostulated with by Pius IX. for bis
slowness, 17'9.
 failure of nuncio to subjugate his action,
181.
 and his cabinet break with the papacy,
183.
 attempt to leave Mexico privately, 217.
 induced by the clericals to renew the
effort for empire, 218.
 issuance of the " Black Decree," 205.
 unworthy efforts to -make terms for es
cape with Escobedo, 222.
 capture at Queretaro with all his force,
224.
 • court-martial and defense, 225.
 condemnation, with reasons therefor,
232.
— attempts to escape by the aid of friends,
234.
 execution of, 19th of June, 1867, 238.
 body returned to Austria, at request of
royal family, 254.
McNamara's project to forestall the United
States in California, 88.
Mexico, cruelties of Spanish rule in, since
the Conquest, 64.
 degradation of the clergy of, 32.
 natural wealth of, 8.
 acquired wealth of the Church of Rome
in, 18.
 unique Mariolatry in her religion, 42.
 war with the United States, 86. '
— advanced position of the United States
in her favor in 1866, 202.
 statistics of Protestant missions in,
299.
Milton's prayer for the Waldenses an
swered, 116.
Miramon 's TObbery of the British legation,
124.
"Monroe doctrine" and its application in
this case, 82.

INDEX.

325

Napoleon, Louis, sketch of his history, 130.
 plans against freedom of, 133.
 unfriendly intentions toward the United
States, 168.
 declares war against Prussia, 260.
 utter downfall at Sedan, 270.
Netherland League's address to Juarez,
164.
New Granada, protest of pope against its
laws of freedom, 105.
Orizava and the morning star, 281.
Palmerston, Lord, view of Romanism, 102.
Pius IX., policy of freedom at his acces
sion, 108.
 flight from Rome, 109.
 protest of the "Circulo Populare"
against his action. 111.
 letter to Maximilian urging stern meas
ures, 179.
 wily effort to interfere in our civil war,
193. '
 recognition of the Confederacy by, 195.
 encyclical and syllabus to dominate
Christendom, 196.
 loss of his temporal power, 261.
Purgatory, reflections on, 38.
rtankin, Miss Melinda, and her work, 287.
Rome's designs against the United States,
99.
Xomeros, Matias, great service to his coun
try, 129.

Salazar's letter to his mother when about to
die, 209.
San Franciscan monastery, purchase of part
of the, 289.
Santa Anna's first political move, 82.
 negotiates through Estrada for a mon
archy, 118.
 tried for treason and banished, 119.
 attempt to reopen the war in 1867, 249.
 interview with shortly before bis death,
306.
 visit to the grave of, 308.
South America, freedom in, resisted by pon
tiff, 96.
 ¦ sympathizing with Mexico, 163.
Texas, separation from Mexico of, 83.
Treachery at Cherubusco, 93.
Tripartite treaty of England, Spain, and
France, 143.
Vattel ou secularization of ecclesiastical
property, 137.
Vengeance on conspirators against Mexico,
256.
Victor Emmanuel enters Rome as her chosen
king, 261.
Virgin of Guadalupe, legend of, 48.
 of Remedios, 42.
Webster, Daniel, on our neglected duty to
Mexico, 4.
Zuloaga's usurpation in the interests of the
clericals, 122.

THK END.