YALE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY

THE LIBRARY OF THE
DIVINITY SCHOOL

Biblical Introduction Series
THE PSALMS AND OTHER
SACRED WRITINGS
THEIR ORIGIN, CONTENTS,
AND SIGNIFICANCE

BY

FREDERICK CARL EISELEN
Professor of Old Testament interpretation
in Garrett Biblical Institute

THE METHOI
NEW YORK

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CONCERN
CINCINNATI

Copyright, 1918, by
FREDERICK CARL EISELEN

The Bible text used in this volume is taken from the American Standard Edition
of the Revised Bible, copyright, 1901, by Thomas Nelson & Sons, and is used by
permission.

CONTENTS
CHAPTER PAGE
Preface  7
I. Hebrew Poetry  9
II. The Book of Psalms  37
III. The Wisdom Literature of the Hebrews . . 81
IV. The Book of Proverbs  93
V. The Book of Job  123
VI. The Song of Songs  163
VII. The Book of Ruth  187
VIII. The Book of Lamentations  197
IX. The Book of Ecclesiastes  211
X. The Book of Esther  233
XI. The Book of Daniel  249
Appendix to Chapter XI  283
XII. The Books of Ezra and Nehemiah  289
Appendix to Chapter XII  313
XIII. The Books of Chronicles  317
Index  339

PREFACE
The Psalms and Other Sacred Writings repre
sents Volume III in a series of books intended to furnish
a scholarly, nontechnical Introduction to the entire Old
Testament. Volume I has already appeared under the
title The Books of the Pentateuch. The present
volume discusses the origin, contents, and significance of
the books included in the third division of the Hebrew
Bible, known as The Writings; they are treated in the
order in which they appear in the common editions of
the Hebrew Bible. Volume II, which will be ready for
publication in the near future, will deal with the remain
ing books of the Old Testament, forming the second divi
sion of the Hebrew Bible, and called by the Jews The
Prophets. For a statement of the aims and principles which
guided the author and a description of the method of
treatment, the reader may turn to the Preface of Vol
ume I. Frederick Carl Eiselen.
Evanston, Illinois.

CHAPTER I
HEBREW POETRY

CHAPTER I
HEBREW POETRY1
Hebrew poetry reaches back to the most ancient recol
lections of the people of Israel. As seems to have been
the case with other nations of antiquity,2 poetry was the
form in which the earliest literary efforts of the Hebrews
found expression ; and even the earliest poetic efforts had
to do with all conditions and experiences of life that
yielded themselves to poetic treatment.
The Old Testament has preserved a large amount of
this poetry, chiefly religious poetry; but there are refer
ences showing that much of it has been lost. For in
stance, reference is made to the Book of the Wars of
Yahweh3 and the Book of Yashar* evidently the names
of collections of songs and poems earlier than any of
those now found in the Hebrew Scriptures.5 Besides,
there are allusions here and there to the existence of
other poetic compositions6 and to the use of songs at
banquets and similar festal occasions.7 Some poems and
poetic fragments have been preserved in the so-called
1 Since some of the most important books among the Writings are in
poetic form, it seems desirable to devote a chapter to a discussion of
the general characteristics of Hebrew poetry.
2 C. F. Kent, The Songs, Hymns, and Prayers of the Old Testament,
Pi-
'Num. 21. 14.
?Josh. 10. 13; 2 Sam. 1. 18.
6 F. C. Eiselen, The Books of the Pentateuch, pp. 259, 293, 294.
6 For example, 1 Kings 4. 31-33.
7 Gen. 31. 27; 2 Sam. 19. 35; Amos 6. 5; Isa. 5. 12; 16. 10, etc.
11

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
historical books.8 The first specimen is the Song of
Lamech, or of the Sword, in Gen. 4. 23, 24; but from
there on poetic compositions appear again and again.9
The prophetic books also contain many fine specimens of
poetry, and frequently the prophets rise, in their dis
courses, to an elevated poetic style which cannot easily
be distinguished from the poetry in the Psalter.10 In
addition to these poetic sections embedded in prose, there
are five books in the Old Testament which consist entirely,
or almost so, of poetic compositions. These are the books
of Psalms, Proverbs, Job, Song of Songs, and Lamenta
tions. The book of Ecclesiastes is a mixture of poetry
and prose.
Essential Characteristics of Poetry. The English
term "poesy" or "poetry," like its Greek original, noirjcng
may be applied to all artistic literary productions in which
the imagination plays an important part. Poetry in a
wider sense, therefore, is not necessarily associated with
verse or rime; it may find expression in prose, and, in
point of fact, often has done so both in ancient and mod
ern times. In the present discussion, however, the term
is used in a narrower sense, poetry in form as well as in
substance. Poetry has been variously described or defined by
modern literary critics. A convenient definition is that
of Leigh Hunt, who says : "Poetry ... is the utterance
of a passion for truth, beauty, and power, embodying and
illustrating its conceptions by imagination and fancy, and
modulating its language on the principle of variety in
8 From Genesis to Esther.
9 See F. C. Eiselen, The Books of the Pentateuch, Chap. XVI.
10 See G. B. Gray, Commentary on the Book of Isaiah, I-XXXIX
sections 44-57, on "The Poetical Forms in the Prophetic Literature."
12

HEBREW POETRY
uniformity.11 This definition recognizes three essential
characteristics of all true poetry: (i) The substance is
something that grips the emotions — it is the utterance of
a passion for truth, beauty, and power. Poetry springs
from quickened emotions ; hence it arouses the emotions.
(2) Its presentation is imaginative — literalism is dis
carded and imagination is given full sway in the presenta
tion of the substance. (3) The inevitable result is the
use of an emotional, exalted style, a style marked by the
lively swing called rhythm.
The following lines from In Memoriam illustrate these
three essential characteristics of true poetry :
Perplexed in faith, but pure in deeds,
At last he beat his music out ;
There lives more faith in honest doubt,
Believe me, than in half the creeds.
The substance grips the deepest emotions — the strug
gle of a perplexed soul, the presentation is imaginative,
the form of expression is rhythmical.
Rhythm in poetry may be defined as the harmonious
repetition of fixed sound relations. These sound rela
tions may be determined either on the basis of quantity
or time ; that is, the regulated succession of long and short
syllables, or on the basis of accent or stress; that is, the
regulated succession of accented and unaccented syllables.
The units formed by each fixed group of sound relations
are called feet, or meters, or measures. A method of
emphasizing the rhythm, which may or may not accom-
n Imagination and Fancy, p. 1. Practically the same ideas are ex
pressed by C. F. Kent, when he defines poetry as "the imaginative and
rhythmic expression of the insight, the feeling, and the creative thought
of an inspired soul" {The Songs, Hymns, and Prayers of the Old Testa
ment, p. 3). Creative power, which Kent considers an essential element
of all true poetry, is a sequel of the stirring of the emotions.
i.3

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
pany the use of the fixed sound relations, is the use of
rime; that is, the correspondence in sound of the final
syllables in the lines.
In ancient classical poetry — Sanskrit, Greek, and Latin
— the rhythm is produced by the regulated succession of
long and short syllables. Early poetry shows only iso
lated cases of rime, and these may be due to accident. As
a common mark of poetry it seems to have been intro
duced by early Christian poets, and it reached a high
degree of perfection in the twelfth and thirteenth centu
ries of the Christian era. In modern poetry rime is used
extensively; it renders the rhythm more distinct and ap
preciable than the other methods by themselves could do.
It is for this reason that in French, where the accents
are so weak that verse without rime is almost indistin
guishable from prose, poetry without rime has never been
fully developed.
The regulated succession of long and short syllables, as
a method of marking rhythm, has practically disappeared
from modern Western poetry. The two methods com
monly used are rime and the regulated succession of
accented and unaccented syllables. Sometimes the two
characteristics are found together. Frequently, however,
rime is absent ; in such cases the rhythm is marked solely
by the regulated succession of accented and unaccented
syllables, which form of poetry is known as "blank
verse." Blank verse may be illustrated by these lines
from the Drama of the Exile:
If thou hadst gazed upon the face of God
This morning for a moment, thou hadst known
That only pity fitly can chastise,
Hate but avenges.
The combination of the regulated succession of ac-

HEBREW POETRY
cented and unaccented syllables and rime is seen in the
stanza from In Memoriam, quoted above.12
Characteristics of Hebrew Poetry. The ancient He
brews were intensely religious, a characteristic shared by
all Semites. The interest in religion furnished a vast
amount of "emotional" material that yielded itself readily
to poetic treatment. But leaving religion entirely out of
consideration, the genius of the entire Semitic race, in
cluding the Hebrews, was emotional. "These peoples,"
says A. R. Gordon, "were all the children of passionate
feeling. And the Hebrews shared to the full in the com
mon race temperament. They loved intensely, and they
hated intensely."13 Thus, even apart from religion, the
Hebrew spirit contained within itself the potentiality of
great poetry. As orientals the Hebrews were richly en
dowed with the powers of imagination that are essential
in the production of sublime poetic compositions. But
wherever these two characteristics are present, rhythmic
expression follows naturally and inevitably.14
Though the presence of poetry in the Old Testament
has always been recognized by careful students, until
modern times no one seemed to know what were the ex
ternal marks that distinguished Hebrew poetry from
n In some instances, especially in the case of poetry intended to be
sung, the "'sound relations" are more or less vague; and it almost
seems as if rime furnished the only external mark of poetry. Compare,
for example, the stanza:
"Just as I am, without one plea,
But that thy blood was shed for me,
And that thou bidst me come to thee,
O Lamb of God, I come."
18 The Poets of the Old Testament, pp. 1,2.
14 The influence of Semitic racial characteristics on the development
of early Semitic poetry is fully discussed in G. A. Smith, The Early
Poetry of Israel, especially Chapter II.
IS

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
prose.15 Indeed, it was not until 1753 that the study of
Hebrew poetry was placed on a solid basis. The merit of
discovering the chief characteristic of Hebrew poetry
belongs to Bishop Robert Lowth, at the time professor
of poetry at Oxford, who published in the year mentioned
the results of his investigations in a book entitled De
Sacra Poesi Hebraorum Prczlectiones Academics. He
pointed out that the rhythm of Hebrew poetry was not
marked primarily by rime, nor the regulated succession
of accented and unaccented syllables, nor the regulated
succession of long and short syllables, but by the arrange
ment of the lines according to sense. This peculiarity he
called "parallelism of members," by which he meant the
parallel arrangement of two clauses of approximately
the same length, the second of these sustaining a vital
relation to the thought of the first line. For this paral
lelism of members it is not necessary to have agreement
in thought ; the parallelism may be in form only ; in such
cases the second line may express the very opposite
thought, or may advance or otherwise complete the
thought of the first line.
16 The statements of ancient writers on the subject of Hebrew poetry
were inspired more by a "desire to assimilate Hebrew poetry to the great
productions of the classic nations with which they were familiar,"
than by an accurate knowledge of the facts. Thus Josephus states
that Exod. 15 and Deut. 32 were written in hexameters, and he men
tions the use of several other meters in the Psalms. Similar claims
were made by Eusebius and Jerome; but a study of Hebrew poetry
itself makes it clear that whatever elements of truth these statements
may contain, they can in no sense be accepted as final. During the Middle
Ages little advance was made toward an understanding of the form of
Hebrew poetry: Christian interpreters were interested almost ex
clusively in the contents, and the Jewish rabbis, though some alluded
incidentally to what were later found to be essential characteristics of
Hebrew poetry, failed to carry their discoveries to their logical con
clusions. 16

HEBREW POETRY
These differences did not escape Lowth, and in explana
tion of them he distinguished three types of parallelism :
(i) Synonymous parallelism: Parallel arrangement
in which the second line contains a thought identical with
or similar to the thought of the first line. For example,
But his delight is in the law of Jehovah ;
And on his law doth he meditate day and night.1'
Sometimes practically the same words are used in the
two lines :
For in a night Ar of Moab is laid waste, and brought to nought;
For in a night Kir of Moab is laid waste, and brought to nought."
(2) Antithetic parallelism: The thought of the first
line is emphasized by calling attention to a contrast, the
second line expressing the opposite thought. This kind
of parallelism is used especially in gnomic or didactic
poetry. For example,
A wise son maketh a glad father ;
But a foolish son is the heaviness of his mother.18
(3) Synthetic or constructive parallelism: The second
line contains neither a repetition of the thought of the
first line, nor a contrast to it, but in various ways advances
or completes it. There may be a simple completion of
the thought; for example, Yet I have set my king 10
Upon my holy hill of Zion.1'
Or, the second line may furnish a comparison; for ex
ample, Better is a dinner of herbs, where love is,
Than a stalled ox and hatred therewith.2"

16 Psalm 1.2. 19 Psalm 2. 6.
17 Isa. 15. I. m Prov. 15. 17.
18 Prov. 10. 1. 17

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
In other cases the second line supplies a motive; for
example,
Answer not a fool according to his folly,
Lest thou also be like unto him.21
These are the three types of parallelism recognized by
Lowth; and while it would be possible to make further
subdivisions, for all practical purposes his classification
is sufficient. It has become customary, however, to add
at least one more type.
(4) Climactic parallelism: The first line leaves the
thought incomplete; the second repeats certain words
from it and then goes on to complete the thought; for
example, Ascribe unto Jehovah, O ye sons of the mighty,
Ascribe unto Jehovah glory and strength.22
The same phenomenon is known also as Ascending
Rhythm, a designation used especially of the peculiar
stairlike movement23 found in some of the Pilgrim
Psalms,24 where an emphatic or significant word is car
ried over from one line or stanza to the next. For
example, I will lift up mine eyes unto the mountains:
From whence shall my help come?
My help cometh from Jehovah,
Who made heaven and earth.
He will not suffer thy foot to be moved:
He that keepeth thee will not slumber.
Behold, he that keepeth Israel
Will neither slumber nor sleep.25
21 Prov. 26. 4.
22 Psalm 29. 1.
23 G. A. Smith calls it "Spiralism," The Early Poetry of Israel, p. 13.
21 Psalms 120-134.
26 Psalm 121. 1-4. The italics, not found in the American Revised
Version, are introduced here to call attention to the significant expres
sions. 18

HEBREW POETRY
Bishop Lowth's theory that parallelism of members is
the chief characteristic of Hebrew poetry is universally
accepted. But it is not without its difficulties. After all,
parallelism seems too narrow a term to fit all the facts. It
is almost impossible to stretch its meaning sufficiently
to satisfy all Old Testament poetry. Many of the stanzas
are synthetic, and in these there is, strictly speaking, no
parallelism at all. Nevertheless, with due recognition of
the difficulties, parallelism of members as defined and
described by Lowth must be regarded as a prominent
factor in all Old Testament poetry.
Until recently it was thought that parallelism of mem
bers as a determining principle of poetic art was peculiar
to the Hebrews, though incidentally it might be used by
the poets of other nations and races. Later the discovery
that the poetry of the Babylonians and Egyptians was
constructed on the same principle, led to attempts to trace
the origin of this parallelism to one or the other of these
two civilizations with the assumption that the Hebrews
derived it from them. It should be noted, however, that
traces of the same kind of parallelism are found in the
poetry of other ancient peoples ; and that numerous mod
ern illustrations can be found which cannot be explained
as dependent on biblical poetry. True, modern classic
poetry has largely discarded it, but popular poetry, and
poetry imitating folk songs, still make use of it.26
Whatever, therefore, the influence of Babylon or
Egypt on the development of Hebrew poetry may have
been, the origin of parallelism as an essential factor in
poetry must be sought, as first suggested by Herder, in
the "responsive mode of primitive folk-song. . . . The
28 Numerous illustrations of parallelism in popular poetry are given
by G. A. Smith, Early Poetry of Israel, pp. 15, 16.
19

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
parallel lines, as it were, come dancing to meet each other,
like the singing choruses that gave them form." 27 Speak
ing of the parallel lines, Herder says: "They sustain,
uplift, and strengthen each other in their counsel. or their
joy. This result is obvious in songs of triumph. The
effect aimed at through the mournful notes of sorrow, on
the other hand, is that of the sigh or lamentation. As
the very drawing of the breath seems to support and com
fort the soul, so does the other half of the chorus share
in our sorrow, becoming the echo, or, as the Hebrews say,
the daughter of our expression of grief. In didactic odes
the one line strengthens the other. It is as though the
father spoke to his son, and the mother repeated his
words. The counsel thus becomes so very true, cordial,
and intimate. In love songs, again, we have sweet lovers'
talk — a real interchange of hearts and thoughts. In fine,
so simple a bond of family affection is formed between
the two parallel expressions of feeling, that I may readily
apply to them the words of the tender Hebrew ode
(Psalm 1 33) 'Behold, how good and how pleasant it is
for brethren to dwell together in unity' . . ."28 G. A.
Smith explains the wide prevalence of parallelism in early
poetry in these words : "The fact is, poetry was primi
tively the art of saying the same beautiful things over
and over again in similarly charming ways, which rimed
and sang back to each other, not in sound only but in
sense as well. 'Deep calleth unto deep,' tree to tree, bird
to bird, all the world over. The heart of the poet is
full of such natural antiphons, he knows many metaphors
for the thing which he loves or hates, and he will put
27 A. R. Gordon, The Poets of the Old Testament, p. 14.
28 J. G. von Herder, Vom Geist der Hebraeischen Poesie, in Werke,
vol. xi, p. 237. 20

HEBREW POETRY
them over against each other; more careful at first that
they are balanced in meaning than in rhythm, though as
his art develops he will control this also to regularity.
Like the musician (and the early poet always was a
musician as well), he instinctively gives us variation upon
variation of the same theme."29
Meter in Hebrew Poetry. The fact that practically all
ancient and modern poetry outside of the Old Testament
is constructed according to clearly defined systems of
meter has inspired numerous efforts to discover a metrical
system in Hebrew poetry. The theories proposed ex
haust all the possibilities imaginable : some scholars have
marked beats, some quantity, some accents; some have
combined the first or second with the third; some have
taken the syllable as the determining unit, some the word ;
some have built their theories upon the Hebrew text as
it stands, others have taken all kinds of liberty with it.30
As a result of these numerous and prolonged investiga
tions, the confident assertion of Kuenen that Hebrew
poetry is without meter may safely be displaced by the
equally confident statement that Hebrew poetry is con
structed according to a metrical system. Even as the
text now stands a large portion of Hebrew poetry is fully
metrical, while another large portion shows but few irreg
ularities. The determining factor in the Hebrew metrical system
is, as was first suggested by Bellermann, the play of the
accent. Moreover, as was discovered by Meier and Ley,
the metrical movement is determined by the number of
accented syllables, the number of unaccented syllables

29 Early Poetry of Israel, p. 16.
30 For an excellent discussion of the various theories proposed see
W. H. Cobb, A Criticism of Systems of Hebrew Meter.
21

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
separating the accented syllables being immaterial; "as
many may precede or follow the accented syllables as can
be pronounced within a given duration of time." Bearing
in mind the fundamental difference between the Hebrew
and Greek metrical systems — the former being based on
accent, the latter on quantity — the most common "foot"
in Hebrew resembles the Greek anapaest (kj kj — ), from
which the transition is easy to the iambus (kj — ) or to the
paeon (kj kj kj — ).
The line, or stichos, found most frequently is one hav
ing three strong accents, but the line with four strong
accents is not uncommon, and in poems picturing swift
motion, there is a preference for lines with two accents.
A peculiar metrical grouping is found in the so-called
Kinah verse. While studying the book of Lamentations,
Lowth was impressed by the fact that "the verses are
clearly longer by almost one half than those we usually
meet elsewhere." Later De Wette noticed that each line
was marked by a caesura, corresponding both with the
accent and the sense; and subsequently Keil pointed out
that the Caesura divided the line into unequal parts. Fi
nally Professor Karl Budde, after an exhaustive investiga
tion of the entire subject, set forth the true nature of the
verse, to which he gave the name Kinah.31 The Hebrew
Kinah means "dirge" or "lamentation"; and the terra
was applied to this particular kind of verse because it was
used "wherever poet or prophet fell into the dirge-note
for the dead." Further study has shown, however, that
its use is not restricted to the poetry of mourning. It
seems that after it had once come to be recognized as a
distinct measure it was used for the expression of intense
feeling of every sort, be it joy or sorrow.
31 Zeitschrift fuer die Alttestamentliche Wissenschaft, 1882, pp. iff.

HEBREW POETRY
The peculiarity of the Kinah verse consists in the fact
that the line of more than ordinary extent is made up of
two parts of unequal length, the ratio being ordinarily
three accented syllables in the first part to two accented
syllables in the second, but the ratio four to three and
other irregularities are also found. The shortening of
the second part gives a "limping" rhythm to the verse;
it seems to die away and expire ;¦ hence its use in lamenta
tions. Lam. i. i may serve as an illustration, though the
English translation makes no special attempt to reproduce
the original rhythm :
How doth the city sit solitary — that was full of people 1
She is become as a widow — that was great among the nations !
She that was a princess among the provinces — is become tributary !
The attitude of skepticism taken by some toward the
question of a metrical system in Hebrew poetry may be
traced to the presence of numerous irregularities even in
poems in which the great majority of lines have the
normal or expected number of accents. "A poem, the
most of whose lines have three accents each, will be
broken by several of two or four each; while sometimes
a series perfectly regular in the proportion of their ac
cents will be closed by a single longer line with an accent
more than its predecessors. In the Kinah rhythm the
normal proportion of three to two is not always observed ;
we find couplets of four to three and four to two."32 The
method adopted by some scholars, to establish regularity
by wholesale emendations of the text, more or less arbi
trary, does not increase confidence in their theories.
Nevertheless, with full recognition of frequent irregu
larities, the presence of a metrical system in Hebrew
poetry can no longer be doubted.
32 G. A. Smith, Early Poetry of Israel, p. 12.
23

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
Many of the irregularities may be accounted for by
corruption of the text. Such irregularities may easily be
removed, and in many instances cautious emendations
have greatly improved the rhythm. But in addition to
irregularities due to carelessness in transmission, some
may have been present from the beginning, due especially
to two causes : ( i ) The dominant influence of the paral
lelism of members on the construction of the lines. "If
parallelism be the characteristic and dominant form of
Hebrew verse, if the Hebrew poet be so constantly bent
on a rhythm of sense, this must inevitably modify his
rhythms of sound. If his first aim be to produce lines
each more or less complete in itself, but so as to run
parallel to its fellow, it follows that these lines cannot be
always exactly regular in length or in measure of time.
If the governing principle of the poetry requires each line
to be a clause or sentence in itself, the lines will frequently
tend, of course within limits, to be longer or shorter, to
have more or fewer stresses than are normal throughout
the poem."33 (2) Another cause may be found in what
Smith calls "Symmetrophobia, an instinctive aversion to
absolute symmetry," which may be traced in every form
of Oriental art.
Poetic Units. In a sense the measure, or foot, dis
cussed in the preceding paragraphs, is the smallest poetic
unit in Hebrew, as in other poetry ; but from the point of
view of parallelism the smallest unit is the line, or stichos,
or verse.34 Upon an average the lines consist of seven
or eight syllables, but they may be longer or shorter as

33 G. A. Smith, Early Poetry of Israel, p. 17.
34 Properly speaking, the verse is a single line, and the word is so
used here; though common usage makes the verse a combination of
lines. 24

HEBREW POETRY
the poet may desire ; even within one and the same stanza
the lines need not be of the same length, though ordinarily
they are, at least approximately, of equal length.35 When
the line is much longer than seven or eight syllables it is
commonly divided by a caesura ; for example :
The law of Jehovah is perfect, restoring the soul:
The testimony of Jehovah is sure, making wise the simple.
The precepts of Jehovah are right, rejoicing the heart:
The commandment of Jehovah is pure, enlightening the eyes.
The fear of Jehovah is clean, enduring forever :
The ordinances of Jehovah are true, and righteous altogether.38
The next larger unit in Hebrew poetry is the stanza,
which consists of a combination of lines or stichoi. The
stanza may be a monostich, that is, it may consist of one
single line. These monostichs, found but rarely, are used
to add emphasis to a thought, either at the beginning or
at the close of a poem :
I love thee, O Jehovah, my strength.37
Or,
Jehovah shall reign forever and ever.38
By far the largest number of stanzas are distichs, or two-
line stanzas :
For Jehovah knoweth the way of the righteous;
But the way of the wicked shall perish.3"

35 It is especially at the close of a strophe that sometimes a longer
and heavier line occurs, similar to the "Schwellvers" in old German
ballads; for example, Judg. 5- 3> 8, io, 12, 19, 27; Deut. 32. 14, 24,
42. 43-
36 Psalm 19. 7-9.
w Psalm 18. 1.
>»Exod. 15. 18.
39 Psalm 1. 6. For different types of distichs, see above pp. 17, 18,
the paragraphs dealing with different kinds of parallelism.
25

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
There are also many stanzas consisting of three lines
each, called tristichs. Here different types arise according
to the relation in which the several lines stand to each
other. Sometimes the three lines run parallel :
But let all those that take refuge in thee rejoice,
Let them ever shout for joy, because thou defendest them:
Let them also that love thy name be joyful in thee.10
In other cases the first two lines are parallel, while the
third completes the thought :
The kings of the earth set themselves,
And the rulers take counsel together,
Against Jehovah, and against his anointed."
In still other cases lines two and three are parallel, the two
together continuing the thought of line one:
Arise, O Jehovah ; save me, O my God :
For thou hast smitten all mine enemies upon the cheek bone ;
Thou hast broken the teeth of the wicked.12
Sometimes lines one and three are parallel ; two being in
the nature of a parenthesis :
Answer me when I call, O God of my righteousness ;
Thou hast set me at large when I was in distress ;
Have mercy upon me, and hear my prayer.43
Still fairly common are the combinations of four lines,
called tetrastichs:
And he shall be like a tree planted by the streams of water,
That bringeth forth its fruit in its season,
Whose leaf also doth not wither ;
And whatsoever he doeth shall prosper."
Here again different types arise, determined by the rela-
40 Psalm 5. 11. « Psalm 4. 1.
« Psalm 2. 2. *» Psalm 1. 3.
42 Psalm 3. 7. 26

HEBREW POETRY
tion which the several lines sustain to each other.45
Stanzas of five lines, Pentastichs, are rare in the Old
Testament :
God bringeth him forth out of Egypt;
He hath as it were the strength of the wild-ox :
He shall eat up the nations his adversaries,
And shall break their bones in pieces,
And smite them through with his arrows."
Rarer still are the six-line stanzas, or Hexastichs:
For though the fig-tree shall not flourish,
Neither shall fruit be in the vines ;
The labor of the olive shall fail,
And the fields shall yield no food ;
The flock shall be cut off from the fold,
And there shall be no herd in the stalls."
On the basis of more or less marked breaks in the
development of the thought of a poem the stanzas may
be grouped into strophes. Gnomic poetry, as found, for
example, in the book of Proverbs, may exist without such
grouping, for each couplet (stanza) may express a com
plete idea independent of its immediate context. How
ever, in poetry that develops a theme at greater length,
such as lyric poetry, strophic arrangement may be ex
pected. And it is now almost universally admitted that
Hebrew poets grouped their stanzas, with more or less
consistency, into strophes. In some cases the close of

46 In the passage quoted, Psalm I. 3, line one is independent; the
remaining three lines are parallel. For other types see Gen. 49. 7-
Psalms 127. 1; 24. 12; 40. 17; Isa. 59. 8; etc.
46 Num. 24. 8; for other types, as in the case of tristichs and tetra-
stichs, see Deut. 32. 14, 39; 1 Sam. 2. 10; Psalm. 39. 12; etc.
47 Hab. 3. 17; for other types see Num. 24. 17; 1 Sam. 2. 8; Song of
Songs, 4. 8. 27

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
groups of stanzas is marked by refrains;48 Psalm 107
contains two distinct refrains;49 in other poems the
refrains appear in similar, though not identical, forms.50
In Psalm 119 the strophic arrangement is indicated by
the grouping of eight separate stanzas under each letter
of the Hebrew alphabet. In many other instances, in
which there is no formal indication of strophic arrange
ment, poems fall so naturally — logically and poetically —
into groups of stanzas that there can be no doubt regard
ing intentional strophic arrangement.51 In other poems
breaks in the thought are not so easily seen, but in such
cases also close examination reveals a development of
thought which makes grouping into strophes at least pos
sible.52 Since poems are of unequal length the number of
strophes in different poems varies. There are a few short
poems of only one strophe each.53 The most frequent
combination is the pair of strophes,54 sometimes doubled,
that is, four strophes ;55 eight or sixteen strophes are rare.
In addition to these combinations the late Professor
Briggs, who devoted many years to the study of Hebrew
poetry, distinguished poems of three strophes and its
48 For example, Psalm 46. 7, 1 1 ; it is not improbable that the same
refrain was found originally after verse 3; compare also Amos 4. 6, 8,
9, 10, 11; Isa. 9. 12, 17, 21; 10. 4.
49 Verses 6, 13, 19, 28 and 8, 15, 21, 31.
60 Psalm 80; compare verse 3 with verse 7, with verse 19.
61 Psalm 2 falls naturally into four groups: 1-3, 4-6, 7-9, 10-12.
62 Diversity of opinion regarding the strophic arrangement of certain
poems need not appear strange in view of the fact that in the large
majority of cases the extent of the groups is not indicated in the text.
Hence each investigator must be guided by his own judgment regard
ing the significant breaks in the thought of a poem.
63 Psalms 133, 134.
64 Psalm 1. 1-3, 4-6.
65 Psalm 2. 1-3, 4-6, 7-9, 10-12. 28

HEBREW POETRY
multiples, six, nine, and twenty-four; also poems of five
strophes and its multiples, ten, fifteen, and twenty. Poems
of seven strophes are not common ; poems of eleven and
twenty-two strophes are confined to alphabetic poems.56
The strophes vary in the number of lines and in the
combination of kinds of parallelism. Strophes contain
ing only one type of parallelism are not common, for such
uniformity would tend to monotony. As to the number
of lines in strophes, — there are strophes of two, three,
four, five, six, seven, eight, nine, ten, twelve, and four
teen lines. Of these the two-line strophes are more
appropriate in gnomic poetry; in lyric poetry four and
six line strophes are the most common.
Artificial Devices. The Hebrew language, though in
many respects poorer and less developed than the Indo-
European languages, possesses certain characteristics
which, in the hands of a true artist, may greatly enhance
the power and aesthetic quality of poetry. Mention may
be made, for instance, of the profusion of gutturals and
sibilants, the frequent doubling of consonants and the
great variety of vowel sounds; the almost complete ab
sence of compounds and abstract terms — Hebrew words
express concrete objects and actions rather than ideas —
the wealth of synonyms and the richness of metaphors,
the simplicity of construction of both words and sen
tences, with the verb the dominant element in the latter.
The Hebrew poets seem to have been fully aware of the
poetic possibilities inherent in their language, for they
made the most of their opportunities. By a skillful ming
ling of appropriate consonants and vowels, by the careful
selection of synonyms and metaphors, and by the effective
66 C. A. Briggs, The Book of Psalms, I, pp. xlvff. ; The Study of Holy
Scriptures, pp. 398ff. 29

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
grouping of words and clauses, they produced results of
high artistic merit. Assonance and alliteration, while not
very common, are not unknown, and there are a few
striking cases of paronomasia, or play upon words.57 All
these artistic devices, however, can be appreciated only
by the student of Hebrew poetry in the original lan
guage.58 Rime, which, as has been stated, plays an important
role in modern poetry, is used but rarely in Hebrew
poetry. In one of the earliest poems preserved in the Old
Testament, the Song of Lamech,59 rime is found in the
first four lines, each ending in the pronominal suffix of
the first person, i. G. A. Smith has attempted to repro
duce the rime in the following translation :
Adah and Sillah, hear ye the voice of me,
Lemekh's-wives, hearken the speech of me,
For a man have I slain for a wound to me,
And a youth for a blow to me.
Another illustration of rime may be seen in the riddle
of Samson,60 which is rendered by G. F. Moore :
Out of the eater came something to eat
And out of the strong came something sweet.
A faw other cases are found in the Old Testament, but
on the whole, rime is extremely rare in Hebrew poetry.
Moreover, the means by which it is secured are few and
simple. In the majority of cases it is formed by the
67 For example, Gen. 9. 27, play on the name "Japheth"; Gen. 49. 16,
on the name "Dan"; verse 19, on the name "Gad"; Deut. 33. 8, on the
name "Meribah"; Judg. 5. 12, on the name "Deborah"; etc.
68 For a fuller discussion of these artistic devices, see G. A. Smith,
Early Poetry of Israel, Chapter I; compare also A. R. Gordon, The
Poets of the Old Testament, pp. 1-8.
69 Gen. 4. 23, 24.
80 Judg. 14. 14. 30

HEBREW POETRY
repetition of the same pronominal suffix or the same
plural ending; and in a few cases by the repetition of un,
which is an unusual plural ending of the verb. There
can be no question, therefore, that to the Hebrew poets it
was more natural to produce "a parallel of meaning than
a harmony of sound."
Of artificial devices for purposes of ornamentation, the
most important is the alphabetic acrostic. The alphabetic
psalms are 9-10, 25, 34, 37, m, 112, 119, 145. Outside
of the Psalter the alphabetic arrangement is used in the
first four chapters of the book of Lamentations, and
traces of it appear in Nah. 1. Sometimes each separate
line begins with a different letter ;61 sometimes every two-
line stanza begins with a different letter.62 In Psalms
9-10, 37, two two-line stanzas are given to each letter, the
characteristic letter standing at the beginning of the first
of the four lines. In Psalm 119 each letter opens eight
successive two-line stanzas. In Lam. 3 the three lines of
each of the twenty-two stanzas begin each with the same
letter. In Lam. 1, 2 every three-line stanza begins with
a different letter.
Kinds of Poetic Composition. According to early
Greek writers, the three principal kinds of poetic com
position are epic, dramatic, and lyric poetry, and for the
present discussion this classification is still adequate. Epic
poetry is descriptive and is intended to be recited. It
deals with external objects and events of which it gives
a narrative in poetic form. The events portrayed may
be partly real and partly fictitious, or all fictitious. Dra
matic poetry is concerned with the reproduction of acts
and events and is intended to be acted. Thus it makes

"Psalms in, 112.
62 Psalms 25, 34, 145; Lam. 4. 31

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
its appeal to the eye as well as to the ear. Its subdivisions
are tragedy and comedy. Lyric poetry is subjective. It
sets forth the inward occurrences of the poet's own mind :
his feelings and reflections, his joys and sorrows, his cares
and complaints, his aspirations and despairs, etc.
From the literature that has been preserved in the Old
Testament it would seem that the Hebrews never created
a verse epic, like the Iliad and Odyssey of Homer. Some
of the prose narratives in the Old Testament, especially
in the book of Genesis, are of an epic character, but,
strictly speaking, the Old Testament contains no verse
epic.63 The drama, in the sense of a poetic composition
intended to be acted, is also wanting in the Old Testa
ment, and this lack the Hebrews seem to share with the
rest of the Semitic peoples. The lack may be due to a
certain onesidedness of disposition, a want of objectivity,
on the part of the Semites.
On the other hand, dramatic form is a conspicuous
element in Hebrew poetry. The book of Psalms and the
prophetic literature contain many fine illustrations of
dramatic arrangement. Psalm 24. 7-10, for instance, is
dramatically arranged :
( Lift up your heads, O ye gates ;
Chorus: ) And be ye lifted up, ye everlasting doors :
( And the King of glory will come in.
Inquiry: Who is the King of glory?
„ ( Jehovah strong and mighty,
Response: 1 T , , .... 7
( Jehovah mighty in battle.
Lift up your heads, O ye gates ;
Chorus: ^ Yea, lift them up, ye everlasting doors:
And the King of glory will come in.

63 According to present knowledge, the Babylonians alone among the
Semites developed epic poetry. '
32

HEBREW POETRY
Inquiry: Who is this King of glory ?
D ( Jehovah of hosts,
Response: { „ . lL v. ' ,
j He is the King of glory.
In structure the book of Job is in the nature of a drama
and may be termed a dramatic poem.64 Its principal part
consists of a series of dialogues between Job and his
friends; other speakers are Elihu and Yahweh, and in
the prologue "the Satan" is introduced as one of the
speakers.65 The Song of Songs also is interpreted by
many scholars as a dramatic poem, whose object is the
glorification of true human love. According to one view,
two principal characters appear in the drama — Solomon
and the Shulammite maiden, according to another view
three persons take the principal parts — Solomon, the
Shulammite, and her shepherd lover.66
By far the largest part of Hebrew poetry is lyric in
character. Lyric poetry seems to have been the earliest
development of literature, and the Hebrew poets seem
to have been content with its cultivation in all its varieties.
In large measure this may have been due to the fact that
the genius of the ancient Hebrews was preeminently sub
jective. As a result Hebrew poets found it difficult to
adjust themselves to the presentation, in poetic form, of
the emotions, thoughts, and actions of others, as both epic
and dramatic poetry require. It was their own thoughts
and emotions for which they endeavored to find forms
of expression. In lyric poetry proper, the poet seeks to
give expression to his own emotions and experiences : his
joys or sorrows, his cares or complaints, his aspiration or
despair ; or he reproduces in words the impressions which
64 But see below, p. 131.
65 See below, Chapter V.
86 See below, Chapter VI. 33
fiYALE WWH SCHOOL]

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
nature and history have made upon him or upon those
whom he represents.
By the side of lyric poetry proper the Hebrews devel
oped to a high degree of perfection the thought-lyric or
gnomic poetry. This kind of poetry does not express the
author's experiences or emotions, but his thoughts and
observations on human life and society, or generalizations
respecting conduct and character.67 Only a few speci
mens of secular gnomic poetry are preserved in the Old
Testament ; the finest of which is the Fable of Jotham.68
Its religious and ethical types are found chiefly in the
wisdom literature — represented by some of the Psalms,
the books of Proverbs, Job, and Ecclesiastes.
The line between the two kinds of. lyric poetry cannot
always be clearly drawn. Sometimes a lyric poem as
sumes a gnomic or didactic tone; on the other hand, a
poem which on the whole is gnomic may in parts rise to
a lyric strain. In Psalm 25, for example, verses 1 and 2
are lyric : Unto thee, O Jehovah, do I lift up my soul.
O my God, in thee have I trusted,
Let me not be put to shame;
Let not mine enemies triumph over me.
Verse 3 assumes the character of thought-lyric:
Yea, none that wait for thee shall be put to shame :
They shall be put to shame that deal treacherously without cause.
Secular Poetry. The Old Testament being preemi
nently a book of religion, it is only natural that almost
all poetry in it should be of a religious nature. It con
tains secular poetry only in the sense that a few poems
center around secular themes ; but even some of these are

67 See below, Chapter III.
"Judg. 9. 8-15.

34

HEBREW POETRY
permeated by an intense religious spirit. The following
secular poems or fragments of poems are embodied in
the Pentateuch and the book of Joshua :
Gen. 4. 23, 24, The Song of Lamech, or, of the Sword.
Gen. 49. 2-27, The Blessing of Jacob.
Exod. 15. 1 -18, The Triumph Song over the Destruction
of the Egyptians.
Num. 21. 14, 15, The Song concerning the Boundary Line
between Israel and Moab.
Num. 21. 17, 18, The Song of the Well.
Num. 21, 27-30, The Song Commemorating Israel's
Victory over Sihon.
Deut. 33. 2-29, The Blessing of Moses.
Josh. 10. 12, 13, The Standing Still of Sun and Moon.00
Outside of these books the following secular poems may
be noted :
Judg. 5. 2-31, The Song of Deborah.
Judg. 9. 8-15, The Fable of Jotham.
Judg. 14, 15 (passim), Riddles and Proverbs of Samson.
1 Sam. 18, 7, The Greeting of David by the Women.
2 Sam, 1. 19-27, The Lament of David over Saul and
Jonathan.
2 Sam. 3. ^, 34, The Lament of David over Abner.
Psalm 45 may have been originally a secular poem ; if so,
it was changed subsequently into a religious psalm. The
Song of Songs may have been intended originally to rep
resent a collection of secular love poems.70

69 For a discussion of these poems, see F. C. Eiselen, The Books of the
Pentateuch, Chapter XVI.
70 See below, Chapter VI. Allusions to secular songs sung at ban
quets and other festal occasions occur in a number of places; see, for
example, Gen. 31. 27; 2 Sam. 19. 35; Amos 6. 5; Isa. 5. 12; 16. 10;
24. 9; Job 21. 12; Psalm 69. 12; etc. 35

CHAPTER II
THE BOOK OF PSALMS

CHAPTER II
THE BOOK OF PSALMS
Title. The first book in the collection of Writings, in
the ordinary Hebrew Bible, is the book of Psalms. The
book itself furnishes no title for the collection of psalms
as a whole; nor is such title found anywhere else in the
Old Testament. The nearest approach to it occurs in
Psalm 72. 20, "The prayers1 of David the son of Jesse
are ended." The singular of the same word "prayer"
appears as the title of Psalms 17, 86, 90, 102, 142, and
would be appropriate in many other cases ; indeed, all the
psalms glow with the spirit of prayer, if prayer is inter
preted in a broad sense as any turning of the heart to
God in supplication, reverence, or praise. The later Jews
gave to the book the title sepher tehillim, "book of
praises," which title was known also to the early church
fathers. The singular noun tehillah, "praise" or "praise-
song," which has furnished this appropriate title for the
entire book, is found in the Hebrew text as the title of
only one psalm.2
The usual Septuagint title is (Jipkog xpaXfuov, biblos psal-
mon, "book of psalms,"3 rendered in the Vulgate,
Liber psalmorum. In the Codex Alexandrinus the title
tpaXrTJpiov, psalterion — the name of a stringed instrument4
— is substituted for the usual Septuagint title. The latter

1 Hebrew, tephilloth; singular, tephillah.
2 Psalm 145.
3 The ipakii&s is primarily a song sung to the accompaniment of
stringed instruments.
4 Perhaps the same as the frequently mentioned Hebrew nebhel.
39

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
is used in the New Testament in Luke 20. 42 and Acts
1. 20. The English titles, Book of Psalms and Psalter,
are the equivalents of the two Septuagint headings.
Number and Division. Both the Hebrew Bible and
the Septuagint give the total number of psalms as 150,
though the two recensions show differences in the ar
rangement of the individual psalms:
Hebrew Septuagint
1-8 1-8
9, 10 9
11-113 10-112
114, US "3
116 114. US
1 17-146 1 16-145
147 146, 147
148-150 148-150
However, there are early traditions, embodied in the
Talmud and some early MSS., which show that this
number was not always accepted as definitely fixed.5
Moreover, internal evidence makes "it doubtful that the
collection contains exactly one hundred and fifty separate
poems. It seems that in some cases what was originally
one poem has become divided into two,6 while in other
cases two poems originally separate have been united into

6 The Palestinian Talmud, Sabbath XVI, 1, gives the number as one
hundred and forty-seven, "'corresponding to the one hundred and forty-
seven years of our father Jacob."
6 Psalms 9 and 10, for example, were originally one poem, as is shown
by the continuation of the same acrostic scheme throughout both
psalms; so also Psalms 42 and 43, as appears from the recurrence of
the same refrain in 42. 5, 11 and 43. 5.
7 This is clear in the case of Psalm 108, which consists of two psalms
or fragments of psalms, 57. 7-1 1 + 60. 5-12; in other instances internal
evidence points in the same direction; for example, Psalm 19 = 1-6 +
7-14; Psalm 24 = 1-6 + 7-10; Psalm 27 = 1-6 + 7-14; Psalm 36 = 1-4 +
5-12. 40

THE BOOK OF PSALMS
The Septuagint arrangement was adopted in the Vul
gate and in the early English translations based upon the
latter; but the English translations made directly from
the Hebrew follow the arrangement in the Hebrew Bible.
The Septuagint contains one additional psalm, but makes
the definite statement that it is not to be considered a
part of the canonical book. Its title reads : "This psalm
was written by David with his own hand, though it is
outside of the number, when he fought in single combat
with Goliath." The contents show this extra psalm to
be unworthy of being classed with the others, for it con
sists almost entirely of prose sentences taken, with slight
variations, from the books of Samuel.8
The book of Psalms in its present form is divided into
five books, a division recognized in the American Revised
Version: I, 1-41 ; II, 42-72; III, 73-89; IV, 90-106; V,
107-150. While this division is not original and does not
mark successive steps in the formation of the psalter,9 it
is very old. A Midrash10 on the Psalms, which undoubt
edly embodies pre-Christian traditions, opens with a glow
ing comparison between the lawgiver and the king, the
five books of the Torah and the five books of the Psalms,
the blessing of Moses and the blessing of David. The
Septuagint also recognizes the fivefold division, which
may indicate that it was known at least as early as the
second century B. C.11 The Midrash passage suggests

8 For a translation of the psalm, see Hastings's Dictionary of the
Bible, vol. iv, p. 146.
.' • See further below, pp. 64ff.
10 A Midrash is in the nature of a homiletical commentary.
11 On the basis of the literary parallel between 1 Chron. 16. 8, 36
and the doxology closing Book IV, Psalm 106. 47, 48, it is sometimes
claimed that the chronicler knew the division; but this is doubtful, for
verses 47, 48 may have been a part of Psalm 106 before the division was
4i

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
the reason for the fivefold division : it was to make the
hymn book of the temple service, which contained the
response of the people, correspond to the lawbook, which
contained the expression of the divine will.
The close of each of the five books is marked by a
doxology, which either was a part of the last psalm in
the group or was added at the time the division was
made. These doxologies are found in 41. 13; 72.18, 19;
89.52 and 106. 47, 48. Since Psalm 150 was in the nature
of a doxology it was considered a suitable close of the
fifth book; hence no special doxology was added.
Psalm Titles. Many of the psalms have superscrip
tions or titles. These are of three kinds, referring (1)
to the musical setting of the* psalm, (2) to its authorship
or composition, and (3) to the historical circumstances
giving rise to it. The musical notes are manifold and the
terms used are frequently obscure; hence an adequate
discussion is possible only in connection with a detailed
study of individual psalms; but the other two kinds of
statements deal with the origin of the psalms, and there
fore cannot be passed over in the study of questions of
Introduction. The following authors are named in the
psalm titles :
1. Moses (Psalm 90) Total, 1
2. David (Book I, 37: 3-9, 11-32, 34-41;
Book II, 18 : 51-65, 68-70 ;
Book III, 1: 86;
Book IV, 2 : 101, 103 ;
Book V, 15: 108-110, 122, 124, 131, 133, 138-145) Total, 73
3. Solomon (72, 127) Total, 2
introduced. The artificial character of the division appears clearly in
the case of Books IV and V. Psalm 107, which o^ens Book V, goes
naturally with Psalms 105 and 106, which close Book IV. The fact
that the number of psalms in Book IV is the same as in Book III also
suggests that the break was made arbitrarily at the close of Psalm 106.
42

THE BOOK OF PSALMS
4. Asaph (50, 73-83) Total, 12
5. Sons of Korah (42, 44-49, 84, 85, 87, 88) Total, 11
6. Ethan, the Ezrahite (89) Total, 1
7. Heman, the Ezrahite (88), ascribed also to the Sons of Korah.
Total number of psalms ascribed to an author in the title 100
One hundred psalms, therefore, out of one hundred and
fifty, are ascribed to some author. Seventy-three of
these — that is, less than one half — bear the name of
David. Nevertheless, David being looked upon as the
founder of temple psalmody,12 in the course of time all
the psalms in the collection came to be credited to him.13
What is the significance and value of these titles? If
their testimony could be accepted as authoritative, the
further study of the authorship of the psalms with titles
would be a simple matter; but unfortunately a closer in
vestigation of the psalms and their superscriptions has
convinced practically all modern scholars that the titles
cannot be followed implicitly :
( 1 ) Even the Hebrew MSS. are not in complete agree
ment; for example, in several important MSS. Psalms 66
and 67 are also ascribed to David.
(2) In many instances the Septuagint — or, at least,
some important MSS. of the Septuagint — is not in agree
ment with the tradition embodied in the Hebrew title.
For example, (a) David is not given as the author of
Psalms 122, 124, 131, 133. (b) Solomon is not given
as the author of Psalm 127. (c) The following fourteen
psalms are credited to David: 10, 33, 43, 67, 71, 91,
93-99, 104. (d) The following psalms are ascribed to
Haggai and Zechariah: 138, 146-148. (e) To Jeremiah
is ascribed Psalm 137.
12 1 Chron. 23. 5; 25. 1-7.
18 See the quotation from the Babylonian Talmud, 606a bathra, 14b,
15a, in F. C. Eiselen, The Books of the Pentateuch, p. 86.
43

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
(3) To judge from the ancient versions much liberty
was taken with the psalm titles, especially by adding to
them. Even the Septuagint contains such additions ; for
example, Psalm 27 is said to have been written by David
"before his anointing" ; Psalm 96, "when the house was
being built after the captivity"; Psalms 76 and 80 are
said to refer to "the Assyrian." In the Syriac transla
tion this tendency is carried to greater extremes. There
the title of Psalm y^, for example, reads : "Composed by
Asaph from memory about the death of Absalom. Be
sides, a confession of human infirmity; also concerning
the prosperity of the ungodly and the longsuffering of
God." These additions continued to be made until a
rather late period, as may be seen, for example, from the
reference in the title of Psalm 1 to the beatitudes in the
Gospel of Matthew. It may be safe to infer from the
lack of care in the transmission of the titles, and from
the liberties taken with them until after the opening of
the Christian era, that the post-Old Testament Jews and
the early Christians did not look upon these titles as
integral parts of the psalms.
(4) It is practically certain that the titles did not orig
inate with the authors of the psalms themselves. In some
instances, at least, they seem to have been taken almost
verbatim from the books of Samuel. It is interesting to
compare, for example, Psalm 18. 1 with 2 Sam. 22. 1;
Psalm 34. 1 with 1 Sam. 21. 13; Psalm 51. 1 with 2 Sam.
12. iff.; Psalm 52. 1 with 1 Sam. 22. 9; Psalm 54. 1 with
1 Sam. 23. 19; etc.
In addition to these four considerations, which are not
without weight, two others may be mentioned that seem
to be even more conclusive against the absolute reliability
of the testimony of the psalm titles :
44

THE BOOK OF PSALMS
(5) The contents of some of the psalms show that
they belong to a historical situation other than that indi
cated in the titles. Thus Psalm 122 cannot come from
the time of David, because it presupposes the existence
of the temple, and the expression in verse 5, "the thrones
of the house of David," implies that the dynasty of David
has occupied the throne for some time. Psalms 20, 21
are not prayers of a king for his people, but prayers of
subjects for their king. Psalm 59 evidently refers to
enemies of the nation and not to David's persecution by
Saul. In many other cases it is difficult, if not impossible,
to harmonize the circumstances reflected in the text with
the situation referred to in the superscription.
(6) At other times the language is inconsistent with
the period to which the title assigns the psalm. Psalm
139, for instance, contains so many Aramaisms and other
linguistic peculiarities that on the basis of its language
alone it must be regarded as one of the latest psalms in
the entire collection. Davidic authorship, therefore, is
an impossibility. Similarly, Psalms 103, 122, 144 and
others must, for the same reason, be assigned to late
dates. In the light of these facts, what is the significance of
the psalm titles ? They occupy very much the same posi
tion as the subscriptions to some of the New Testament
epistles, which name the place in which the writer lived,
or the persons through whom the letter was sent, or
both.14 These subscriptions are not a part of the original
text, but they embody early traditions, which may or may

14 For example, "The Second Epistle to the Corinthians was written
from Philippi, by Titus and Lucas." These subscriptions are found in
the Authorized Version, but are omitted from the American Revised
Version. 45

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
not be correct. In a similar manner, the psalm titles did
not originate with the authors of the psalms; they
too embody early traditions, though, perhaps, farther
removed from the time of composition than is the case
with the New Testament epistles. No evidence is avail
able for determining the time of their addition; internal
evidence, however, shows that in many cases they are alto
gether uncritical in character.
What, then, should be the attitude of the modern
student toward these titles? There are always three
stages in the use of tradition : ( i ) At first tradition is
accepted as equivalent to history. (2) When the discov
ery is made that tradition is unreliable in certain details
a tendency arises to reject tradition entirely as fictitious.
(3) Usually further study brings about a reaction: the
wholesale rejection is seen to be unwarranted ; then tradi
tion is carefully tested, and an attempt is made to discover
and use the historical nucleus that may have given rise
to the tradition.
Each of these three conflicting attitudes has or has had
its advocates in the case of the psalm titles. There have
been and still are those who accept them as absolutely
reliable, though perhaps no living Old Testament scholar
belongs to this class. Others reject them entirely, while
there are many who believe that they contain an historical
nucleus and who insist that it is the duty of the modern
student to discover that nucleus and to use it for what it
may be worth. The last appears to be the only safe and
sane attitude. The psalm titles cannot be disposed of as
a whole; they cannot be accepted or rejected as a whole;
they must be examined separately, and their acceptance
or rejection must be determined by the results of the
examination. In other words, the psalm titles may be
46

THE BOOK OF PSALMS
used as starting points; it may even be proper to start
with a presumption in their favor; only if the facts
revealed by fair and unbiased study cannot be harmonized
with them should they be given up. In cases in which
the evidence is not decisive, at least the possibility of the
titles being correct may be admitted.
Date and Authorship. The attitude with reference
to the date and authorship of the psalms is determined
largely by the attitude toward the psalm titles. It is pos
sible, therefore, to distinguish two extreme positions, with
many modifications between the two. At one end is the
older view which, following the traditions embodied in
the titles, ascribes to David seventy-three psalms and
twenty-seven others to the authors whose names they
bear,15 leaving the authorship of the "orphans," that is,
16 This view, as the whole discussion of the question of authorship on
the basis of the psalm titles, rests upon the interpretation of the expres
sions "of David," "of Asaph," etc., as implying authorship. It is not
impossible, however, that in some cases at least, these phrases were
not intended to indicate authorship at all. In some instances the
Hebrew preposition le may have been used with the meaning "belong
ing to," that is, implying possession rather than authorship. Thus
the psalms credited to the sons of Korah may have been derived from
a collection in the possession of the Levitical family bearing that name
during the period of the second temple. It can hardly be assumed
that the psalms were the product of joint authorship on the part of
members of the Korah family. In the same way, the psalms ascribed
to Asaph, Ethan, and Heman may have been derived from collections
in the possession of families or guilds bearing the names of these men.
Similarly, the expression "of David," as found in the psalm titles at
the present time, may have been used to suggest that the psalms so
marked were taken from a collection bearing the title "Psalms of
David," perhaps because the nucleus of the collection was thought to
be Davidic. In other cases the phrase may be used with the meaning,
"suitable for David," that is, a psalm befitting the character or cir
cumstances of David. In either case, the interpretation implying
authorship would be due to a later misunderstanding of an ambiguous
Hebrew phrase. 47

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
the psalms without indication of authorship, unsettled.
Some extend the tradition so as to ascribe all the psalms
to David. The other extreme is advocated by Wellhau-
sen, Cheyne, Duhm, and other scholars. "Since the
Psalter belongs to the Hagiographa," says Wellhausen,
"and is the hymn book of the congregation of the second
temple ... the question is not whether it contains any
postexilic psalms, but whether it contains any preexilic
psalms."16 Cheyne maintains that the whole psalter, with
the possible exception of parts of Psalm 18, is postex
ilic.17 And Duhm goes even farther and considers it an
open question whether any of the psalms are as old as
the Persian period. He assigns most of them to the cen
tury beginning with the Maccabean uprising and ending
with the death of Alexander Jannaeus, B. C. 78.18 /
Now the question of date and authorship is, perhaps,
less important in the case of the Psalms than in the case
of the prophetic books or other Old Testament writings.
A psalm retains the power of carrying the devout reader
into the very presence of God, no matter by whom or

16 The argument of Wellhausen, though in reality the outgrowth of
his idea regarding the development of Hebrew religion, is apparently
based on the fact, which cannot be denied, that the psalter was the
hymn book of the second temple. But a moment's thought will show
that this does not prove that all the psalms were composed during the
postexilic period. Such inference rests upon a confusion of composition
with compilation. It might be asserted with equal propriety that all
the hymns in a modern hymnal were written at the time the book was
compiled or in the immediate past. This is not true of any modern
hymnal, and there is no good reason for believing that it was so in the
case of the ancient Jewish hymnal that has been preserved in the
Psalter. 17 The Origin and Contents of the Psalter, p. xxxi. In his Introduction
to the Book of Isaiah, p. 1 11, he says: "No part of the Psalter has yet
been shown to have a preexilic basis."
18 Die Psalmen, in Kurzer Hand-Commentar, pp. xixff.
48

THE BOOK OF PSALMS
under what circumstances it was written. In the words
of W. T. Davison: "The universality and, if one may
say so, the timelessness of the Psalter are amongst its
prominent characteristics. The personal elements which
the psalms contain are soon lost in the impersonal, the
finite in the infinite. The singer seldom lingers long
amidst the streets of the city, within the limits of a single
nation or country, among the fields and homesteads; he
soon wings his flight into the upper air, from whence the
whole familiar landscape dwindles to a mere speck. The
psalmist, of all men, is alone with God and his own
soul."19 Nevertheless the determination of date and authorship
is of interest and value even in the case of the psalms. In
the first place, some of the psalms are the outgrowth of
definite historical situations; these must remain more or
less unintelligible unless their historical background can
be determined, which implies a fixing of the date. Again,
though all the psalms breathe a living faith in Yahweh,
they differ in religious and ethical conception. The right
devotional use of the psalms depends upon a proper appre
ciation of these varying religious and ethical conceptions ;
but this in turn depends upon the discovery of their ap
proximate dates. The investigation of date and author
ship, therefore, is not without significance for a compre
hensive study of the development of Hebrew religion,
theology, and ethics.
Davidic Psalms. The question of authorship, how
ever, retains its chief interest on account of the alleged
connection of King David with so many of the psalms.
Are there good reasons for believing that any of the
psalms came from him, or at least from his age? /Argu-
19 The Praises of Israel, p. 31. 49

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
ments in favor of Davidic authorship may now be con
sidered :20
First place may be given to certain a priori arguments :
( i ) The history of the Hebrew nation begins with an
outburst of song. The deliverance at the Red Sea was
celebrated, according to Exod. 15, with a song. Though
this song, in its present form, contains indications of a
later date, it is generally admitted that it embodies some
very early elements.21
(2) The Song of Deborah,22 one of the finest speci
mens of Hebrew poetry, is almost universally accepted
as practically contemporaneous with the events portrayed.
"The contemporary character of the Song," says G. A.
Smith, "is clear, and is generally recognized; it can be
denied only by ignoring the evidence of the language and
perverting that of the substance and spirit of the poetry
. . . Whoever was its author, the Song springs to us
from the heart of the time."23
(3) In 2 Sam. 1. 17 the lament over Saul and Jona
than24 is credited to David. There is nothing in this
psalm, historical, literary, or linguistic, that militates in
any way against Davidic authorship. C. F. Kent uses
these strong words : "This is one of the most beautiful
elegies in the Old Testament and beyond reasonable doubt
comes from Israel's greatest king."25
There are, then, preserved in the Old Testament at

20 The present discussion must, in the nature of the case, confine
itself to general considerations; in order to reach entirely satisfactory
conclusions each psalm must be examined separately.
21 F. C. Eiselen, The Books of the Pentateuch, pp. 258, 259.
22 Judg. 5.
23 The Early Poetry of Israel, pp. 81, 82.
24 Verses 19-27; compare also the lament over Abner, 2 Sam. 3. 33, 34-
26 The Songs, Hymns, and Prayers of the Old Testament, p. 71.
So

THE BOOK OF PSALMS
least three pieces of poetry which cannot well be dated
subsequently to the age of David,26 and one of these bears
the name of David himself. These poems offer conclu
sive evidence that the art of poetic composition was suffi
ciently developed in the days of David to warrant the
assignment of other poems to that age. True, the lament
differs in its religious tone from the psalms ascribed by
tradition to David; but this is to be expected, since a
dirge over a fallen hero is not the same as a psalm ; and
yet even the lament shows that the warrior king of Israel
was capable of exquisite tenderness and sympathy. Is it
thinkable that a poet with the genius of the author of the
lament should sing but once ? Is it probable that a nation
capable of producing these gems should during all these
centuries produce nothing else worthy of preservation?
Is it reasonable to believe that the Greeks, Babylonians,
Egyptians, and other peoples of antiquity sang to their
gods, but that Israel's saints, with their sublime faith in
Yahweh, remained silent? If these questions are an
swered in the negative, then either it must be assumed that
all the sacred lyrics of ancient Israel were lost or it must
be admitted that some of them may have been preserved in
the sacred literature of this the most religious people of
the ancient world.
(4) It may further be noted that Hebrew tradition as
reflected in the Old Testament credits David with unusual
musical skill: in 1 Sam. 16. 18 mention is made of his
skill upon the harp, and 2 Sam. 2^. 1 describes him as
the "sweet psalmist of Israel."27 At a later time the
Chronicler narrates that David introduced stringed instru-
26 To these might be added Gen. 4. 23, 24; Num. 21. 17, 18; and per
haps Gen. 49.
27 Literally, "pleasant in the psalms of Israel."
51

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
ments into the service of the sanctuary to accompany the
psalms sung there.28 Even more significant is the offhand
reference in Amos 6. 5, "that invent for themselves in
struments of music, like David,"29 which could have no
meaning to the prophet's hearers unless David's reputa
tion was widely known. Thus it would seem that in the
days of Amos, only about two centuries after the death
of David, he enjoyed the reputation of having been a
skilled musician. The a priori evidence, therefore, allows
the possibility of David having written psalms. More
than this can rarely be demonstrated by arguments of
this kind.
The external evidence, which may be considered next,
includes all definite ascriptions of psalms to David. Here
belong, then, in the first place, the psalm titles crediting
psalms to the shepherd king of Israel. Though these
titles cannot be accepted at their face value,30 is it not
reasonable to suppose that they contain an element of
truth, that they grew out of an historical kernel? Out
side of the book of Psalms only one psalm is ascribed
directly to David : 2 Sam. 22. 1 makes him the author of
the psalm contained in the rest of the chapter, which is
essentially identical with Psalm 18. If the statement in
2 Sam. 22. 1 could be accepted as contemporaneous evi
dence, the authorship of at least one psalm would be fixed,
and it might serve as a criterion by which to judge others.
But unfortunately this cannot be done ; the closing chap
ters of Second Samuel, chapters 21-24, are generally con
sidered a kind of appendix added at a later time; hence
the assertion in 2 Sam. 22. 1 has not the force of con-

28 1 Chron. 23. 5; 2 Chron. 29. 25.
29 Margin, "like David's."
30 See above, p. 43. 52

THE BOOK OF PSALMS
temporaneous testimony. At the same time the date of
the addition cannot be placed so late as to rob the state
ment of all value. This being the extent of the external
evidence, the question remains undecided.
In the absence of decisive external evidence the matter
under consideration, which is the presence of Davidic
psalms in the Psalter, must be settled, if at all, on the
basis of internal evidence, that is, evidence furnished by
the individual psalms themselves. This kind of evidence
may be arranged under four heads : ( i ) Historical allu
sions or references in the psalms; (2) religious and theo
logical ideas expressed and reflected; (3) the relation of
a psalm to other writings whose dates are known; (4)
language and style. The proper, scientific use of this
evidence is not always an easy task. In some cases the
historical allusions are so clear and pointed, as, for in
stance, in Psalms 122 or 137, that it is quite easy to draw
definite conclusions, but in many more cases the data are
few and indecisive. Great caution must be exercised in
the use of the argument based upon the differences in
religious and theological ideas.31 In the first place, the
successive stages in the religious and theological develop
ment of the Hebrews are not easily separated. Moreover,
the development of Israel's religion was npt in a perfectly
straight line ; it proceeded, rather, in zigzag fashion, now
an advance, now a relapse, followed by another advance.
As a result it is at times difficult to decide whether a
passage reflects a certain stage in the religious develop
ment when it was reached in the course of the first
advance, or during the subsequent relapse or during the
second advance. Once more, cognizance must be taken
of the unusual spirits. Even if the general course of the
31 F. C. Eiselen, The Books of the Pentateuch, p. 215.
53

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
religious development can be determined, there are always
some men in advance of their age, while others lag behind.
Who can be certain that a given psalm was not written
by a man representing one or the other of these classes ?
Difficulties present themselves also in any attempt to
determine priority in the case of two seemingly related
passages. And in the few cases in which a conclusion
may be reached with any degree of certainty, only the
earliest possible date of the dependent passage can be
fixed, which may leave a leeway of several centuries.
Linguistic and stylistic data are almost always, inconclu
sive, especially when considered by themselves. In a few
cases, it is true, they are so striking that the composition
containing them can be assigned to an early or a late date,
with a good deal of assurance; but in the majority of
cases language and style must be considered unsafe
criteria, for ( i ) language and style are as much a matter
of temperament and training as of date, and (2) the pos
sibility always exists that verbal changes may have been
made so as to accommodate the language of an early poem
to later usage. All this simply shows that the greatest
caution must be exercised in the use of the internal
evidence. When, now, the bearing of the internal evidence on the
question under discussion is considered, it is found, as has
already been pointed out,32 that the historical allusions in
some of the psalms and the linguistic characteristics of
others make it necessary to set aside the testimony of the
titles and deny the psalms to David. Similarly, the fact
that the eighty-sixth psalm, for example, gives evidence
of literary dependence on other psalms, some of them
certainly later than the time of David, prevents the accept-
82 See above, p. 45. 54

THE BOOK OF PSALMS
ance of the testimony of the title in that case. In still
other instances the religious and theological ideas un
doubtedly point to a late date.83
On the other hand, there remain some psalms in which
the most careful application of the criteria indicated can
discover nothing that militates against Davidic author
ship. In such cases those who, nevertheless, insist on a
late date raise two more general objections: (i) The
claim is made that the David of the historical books moves
on too low a religious and ethical plane to permit the
belief that he wrote any of the psalms in the Psalter.
(2) Moreover, it is asserted that spiritual religion of the
high type reflected in the psalms was not known as early
as the time of David. However, neither of these objec
tions is conclusive. The first rests upon an inadequate
estimate of David's character. The warrior king of
Israel was not without faults; indeed, at times he sank
to a very low level. But when this admission is made,
attention may be directed also to the bright side of his
character ; he possessed such virtues as courage, generos
ity, moderation, and justice in high degree, and even the
oldest elements in the books of Samuel portray him as a
man who, in spite of all his shortcomings, deeply and
genuinely feared Yahweh. His religious instincts may
have found expression chiefly in external forms, and his
ideals may have been below New Testament standards, or
even below the standards of later generations in Israel ;
nevertheless, the dominating principle of his life was to
do the will of Yahweh as he understood it. More cannot
be said of anyone; and he who lives thus may well be
called a man after God's own heart. The manifoldness
of David's character and personality is admirably de-
33 For example, Psalm 139. SS

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
scribed by Edward Irving in these words: "His harp
was full-stringed, and every angel of joy and sorrow
swept over the chords as he passed; but the melody
always breathed of heaven. And such oceans of affection
lay within his breast as could not always slumber in their
calmness. For the hearts of a hundred men strove and
struggled together within the narrow continent of his
single heart ; and will the scornful men have no sympathy
for one so conditioned but scorn him, because he ruled
not with constant quietness the unruly host of diverse
natures which dwelt within his single soul?"34 With
this more adequate view of David's personality it becomes
quite possible to believe that in some of the loftier
moments of his life and experience he gave expression
to his confidence, his penitence, his hopes, his aspirations,
and other emotions in words of song for which his poetic
genius qualified him so well.
The other objection also lacks sufficient justification.
That the religion and ethics of the Hebrews developed
from a lower to a higher level is undoubtedly true; but
this idea may easily be carried beyond proper bounds,
and it is carried farther than the facts warrant by those
who assert that the eighth-century prophets are the dis
coverers or founders of spiritual religion in Israel. The
ideals reflected in the utterances of these prophets imply
a long previous religious history, "such as leaves abundant
room for Davidic psalms two hundred years before."
Moreover, the presence of great souls, in advance of their
age in spiritual vision, must always be reckoned with.35
Hence, even if the age of David had been on too low a
plane to give expression to its religious emotions in the
** Works, vol. i, p. 416.
•• See above, p. 54. 56

THE BOOK OF PSALMS
words of songs now in the Psalter, David still might have
been a writer of psalms, because he might have surpassed
his contemporaries in depth of religious experience and
clearness of spiritual insight. And even if it should be
insisted that his life as a whole did not rise to a suffi
ciently high level, another fact must be considered, espe
cially notable in persons of highly poetic temperament,
namely, that at times such persons seem to rise above
themselves, to heights which at other times are far beyond
them. Why may not David have had moments of spirit
ual elevation when he burst into song of matchless sweet
ness and beauty?
In the very nature of the case conclusions reached by
these lines of argument never can have the certainty of
mathematical demonstration. "In the quest for Davidic
psalms," says J. E. McFadyen, "we can never possibly
rise above conjecture."36 Assertions must always remain
in the realm of probability, though atjiniesL probability
may amount to practical certaint^^Summarizing, then,
the results of this part of the investigation, it may be safe
to draw the following conclusions — everything else must
remain more or less uncertain : ( i ) It cannot be estab
lished with absolute certainty that David wrote any
psalms. (2) In view of the unquestioned poetic genius
of David, his intense devotion to Yahweh, and the pecu
liar circumstances of his life, which yielded themselves
to poetic treatment, it is not improbable that he wrote
some psalms. ( 3 ) Since David was the great national hero
of Israel, who lived continuously in the hearts and minds
of his countrymen, it is not likely that all such psalms

"Old Testament Introduction, p. 248; compare also G. B. Gray,
Critical Introduction, p. 138. S7

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
would be lost. (4) Some of the psalms credited to David
in their titles are appropriate in his lips.37
Preexilic Psalms. Notwithstanding the opinion of a
few recent writers that practically all the psalms are
postexilic, there can be little doubt that the Psalter con
tains numerous preexilic psalms and fragments of psalms,
even though it may not be possible to prove beyond ques
tion the date of any psalm. J The incidental reference in
Amos 5. 23 to music and singing in connection with the
worship of Yahweh suggests that religious songs or
psalms were known and used at least as early as the

37 There exists much difference of opinion regarding the number of
Davidic psalms even among those scholars who believe that David
wrote some of the psalms in the Old Testament. The great Franz
Delitzsch assigned forty-four psalms to David. It should be remem
bered, however, that during the later years of his life this scholar took
more advanced views on numerous Old Testament questions; and it is
not impossible that, had he revised his Commentary, the number would
have been reduced. Ewald specified seventeen psalms or parts of
psalms as Davidic. Koenig, a very cautious scholar, is content to say
"a number of psalms, among them 3, 4, 6, 7, 8, 11, 15, 18, 23, 29, 30,
32." Schultz at one time attributed to David ten or twelve psalms,
but later reduced the number to one, Psalm 18. Driver does not care
to commit himself: "A non liquet must be our verdict. It is possible
that Ewald's list of Davidic psalms is too large; but it is not clear that
none of the psalms contained in it are of David's composition." Baeth-
gen, the author of the best modern commentary on the Psalter in
German, is in doubt, but thinks that some may be ascribed to David,
among them 3, 4, 18. C. A. Briggs has this to say: "Psalm 18 in its
original form was probably Davidic, and possibly Psalm 7 and Psalm 60
(in part)." W. H. Bennett reaches the following conclusion: "In most
of the Davidic psalms the internal evidence, as far as it goes, is un
favorable to Davidic authorship; and, with the exception of 18, never
amounts to anything like a proof of authorship by David." From these
statements it appears that Psalm 18 is considered Davidic by prac
tically all scholars who defend the Davidic authorship of any psalms;
others frequently ascribed to him by modern scholars are 3, 4, 6, 7, 15,
19. 1-6, 24. 7-10, 29, 32. 58

THE BOOK OF PSALMS
eighth century B. C. If this was the case at the local
sanctuaries in the northern kingdom, is there any reason
to doubt that similar songs were in use at the temple in
Jerusalem? That such songs were used in the southern
kingdom is further shown by the allusion — again purely
incidental and therefore the more significant — in Psalm
137. 4 to "songs of Zion" and "songs of Yahweh." Is
it not natural to suppose that these were the psalms, per
haps already combined in a small collection, used in the
temple service ? Moreover, at least some of the so-called
royal psalms, for example, Psalms 20 and 21, are most
naturally referred to the time when a king still sat upon
the throne, in other words, to the preexilic period. -^The
fact that there is no other mention of psalms in the pre
exilic literature leads Cornill to ask the question : "If
Israel had psalms in the period before the exile, is it think
able that all the historians and prophets of preexilic times,
as if by agreement, should pass by the psalms and con
sistently ignore this most precious gem of the spiritual
possessions of Israel ?38 But it is at least equally difficult
to suppose that during all these 'centuries the worship of
Yahweh was carried on without hymns and sacred songs.
"When we remember," says J. E. McFadyen, "that for
nearly two centuries before the exile great prophets had
been working — and we cannot suppose altogether inef
fectually, for they had disciples — it is difficult to see why,
granting the poetic power which the Hebrews had from
the earliest times, pious spirits should not have expressed
themselves in sacred song, or why some of these songs
may not be in the Psalter."39

38 Einleitung in das Alte Testament, p. 220.
33 Old Testament Introduction, p. 249.
59

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
These early songs may not have been preserved exactly
in their original form; for evidently the songs of Israel
passed through successive editings and combinations be
fore they reached their final form in the present book
of Psalms ;40 and a comparison of modern hymns as they
appear in different collections shows how easily and nat
urally sacred songs come to be modified from time to
time. But by the application of proper methods of criti
cism it is possible to separate the early elements from
later additions; and when the process of separation is
completed it will be found that the present Psalter con
tains much that may have arisen during the preexilic
period.41 / Maccabean Psalms. Does the Psalter contain psalms
that originated during the Maccabean period? J As has
been stated, Duhm is inclined to assign most of the
psalms to the century following the Maccabean upris
ing;42 and though in this extreme position he is not fol
lowed by scholars in general, many believe that there are
a few psalms in the collection which can best be inter
preted upon a Maccabean background. The psalms gen
erally regarded as Maccabean are 44, 74, 79, and 83,
because "they speak of a desolation of the temple in spite
of a punctilious fulfillment of the law, a religious persecu
tion, a slaughter of the saints, a blasphemy of the holy
name." It is further claimed that "no situation fits these
circumstances so completely as the persecution of the Jews
by Antiochus Epiphanes in B. C. 168, and these psalms

40 See further below, pp. 64ft.
a C. A. Briggs assigns twenty-seven psalms or fragments of psalms
to the period of the monarchy; see list below, p. 63.
a See above, p. 48; also R. A. Kennett, article "Psalms," in Encyclo
pedia Britannica, nth ed. 60

THE BOOK OF PSALMS
betray many remarkable affinities with passages in the
first book of Maccabees."43
^The presence of Maccabean psalms in the Psalter is not
inconsistent with what we know of the history of the Old
Testament canon. If the book of Daniel, written in the
same period, found a place in the canon, why might not
a few psalms be equally fortunate; especially since these
might be inserted even after the completion of the collec
tion as a whole? Moreover, the "Psalter of Solomon,"
a collection of poems reflecting the troubles and sorrows
of the persecution under Pompey,44 and the "Odes of
Solomon,"45 are in themselves evidence that the Jews con
tinued to compose psalms for some time after the Mac
cabean era.
On the other hand, the marked difference in spirit
between these two collections and the biblical Psalter
points to a long interval between the writing of the Psalms
in the biblical collection and those in the extra-biblical
books. In the same direction points the testimony of
Ecclesiasticus, written about B. C. 180, which shows
familiarity with many of the psalms. According to
Schechter, there are more than seventy parallels between
Ecclesiasticus and the Psalter; and the impression made
upon Schechter by the character of these parallels was
"that of reading the work of a postcanonical author who
already knew his Bible and was constantly quoting it."48

43 J. E. McFadyen, Old Testament Introduction, p. 251. Bennett and
Adeney, A Biblical Introduction, pp. I45~i47; Driver, Introduction to
the Literature of the Old Testament, p. 387. It is worthy of note that
these psalms are not included by Briggs in his list of Maccabean psalms;
see below, p. 64.
44 B. C. 63-48.
46 These come from about the middle of the first century A. D.
43 The Wisdom of Ben Sira, p. 26. 61

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
Of the psalms generally assigned to the Maccabean era
the author of Ecclesiasticus seems to have known Psalms
44 and 74 ;47 which would exclude them from the list of
Maccabean psalms. If, therefore, these psalms reveal
any Maccabean elements, the latter must be regarded as
later interpolations in the psalms coming from an earlier
date. Briggs gives a list of eight psalms or fragments
of psalms as coming from the Maccabean era;48 but
Fullerton has shown that at least one of these was known
to the author of Ecclesiasticus.49 It is clear, therefore,
that the matter of Maccabean psalms in the Psalter is one
on which dogmatic assertions cannot be made., The whole
situation may be summed up in these words : ( "The exist
ence of Maccabean psalms cannot be categorically denied.
But the question should at least be handled with caution,
and such psalms sought only in the latest sections of the
Psalter."50 ,/
Dates of7 Individual Psalms. Attempts have been
made to fix at least approximately the dates of all the
psalms, but the results are more or less uncertain. The
fact that a given psalm fits into a certain period is no
proof that it comes from that period; it might perhaps
be fitted with equal ease into some other age. Only if
the occasion in question is the only one to which the terms
of the psalm are applicable can certainty be reached; and
such cases are rare, if they can be discovered at all.
It is perfectly safe to assert that here again conclusions
47 Compare Ecclus. 46. n with Psalm 44. 18, and Ecclus. 36. 6ff.
with Psalm 74. 9ff.
48 See below, p. 64.
49 Biblical World, September, 1910, and succeeding numbers.
-f:*0 A. R. Gordon, The Poets of the Old Testament, p. 114; compare also
H. T. Fowler, A History of the Literature of Ancient Israel, pp. 376-378;
E. Sellin, Einleitung in das Alte Testament, pp. 112, 113.
62

THE BOOK OF PSALMS
never rise above probability and in many cases not
above possibility. In general, all that can be said is that
the psalms originated during the centuries beginning with
David and ending with the Maccabean era.
C. F. Kent states his conclusions regarding the dates
of psalms in these words: "The three great crises that
have left their indelible stamp upon the Psalter are ( i )
the destruction of Jerusalem in 586, (2) the seventy years
of discouragement and petty persecution which followed
the disillusionment of those who rebuilt the second temple,
and (3) the bitter Maccabean struggle. The brighter,
more joyous periods were ( 1 ) the few short years be
tween B. C. 520 and 516, when the temple was being
rebuilt, (2) the period of hopefulness and rejoicing fol
lowing the work of Nehemiah in 445, (3) the compara
tively calm though less joyous Greek period, and (4) the
confident, exultant, warlike age inaugurated by the bril
liant victories of Judas Maccabeus."51
The chronological arrangement of the psalms proposed
by C. A. Briggs after a study of the Psalter continuing
during forty years may serve as an illustration of the
various attempts along that line :
I. The period of the early monarchy, that is, before
Jehoshaphat: 7, 13, 18, 23, 24b, 60a, no  7
II. The middle monarchy : 3, 20, 21, 27a, 45, 58, 61  7
III. The late monarchy: 2, 19a, 28, 36a, 46, 52, 54, 55, 56,
60b, 62, 72, 87   13
IV. The period of the exile: 42-43. 63, 74, 77*, 79, 81b, 82,
84, 88, 89b, 90, 137, 142  13
V. The early Persian period (Haggai and Zechariah) : 4,
6, 9-10, 11, 12, 14 (=53). 16, 17. 22, 25, 31, 32, 34, 35,
37. 38, 39, 4i, 57a, 59, 64, 69a, 70 (=40b), 75, 76, 78,
80, 83, 101, 109a, 140, 143, 144a  33

01 The Songs, Hymns, and Prayers of the Old Testament, p. 44.
63

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
VI. The middle Persian period (Ezra-Nehemiah) : 5, 8, 15,
26, 29, 30, 40a, 47, 51, 57b, 65, 66a, 69b, 138, 139a, 141- • 16
VII. The late Persian period : 27b, 36b, 44, 48, 49, 50, 68, 81a,
85, 89a, 102a  "
VIII. The early Greek period : 93 + 96-100, 66b, 67, 73, 86, 91,
95, 108, 145  9
IX. The later Greek period: 1, 19b, 24a, 71, 77b, 89c, 92,
94, 103, 139c, 144b, 119, 120, 121, I22> I23, 124, 125, 126,
127, 128, 130, 131, 132, 133, 134, 104, 105, 106, 107, in,
112, 113, 114, 115, 116, 117, 135, 136, 146, 148, 150  42
X. The Maccabean period: 33, 102b, 109b, 118, 139c, 129,
147, 149  8
Total number of Psalms  "159
Compilation of the Psalter. The Psalter has rightly
been called the hymn book of the second temple. What
ever differences may exist between it and a modern hymn
book — and they are many, since the Psalter contains
many poems which in no sense can be called hymns — the
growth of the Psalter resembles that of a modern hymnal.
"A true hymn book," says W. T. Davison, "is not made,
it grows."53 In a similar manner the Psalter has reached
its present form as the result of natural growth or devel
opment. It may not be easy to trace in detail all the
stages of development, but careful study may make it pos
sible to discover at least the more important steps in its
formation. W. R. Smith gives the following account of
the process which he thinks resulted in the present book
of Psalms :54

62 The total 159 instead of 150 is due to the breaking up of several
psalms into two or more originally independent psalms; on the other
hand, some psalms now separate are thought to have been originally
parts of one single psalm.
63 The Praises of Israel, p. io.
"Article "Psalms," in Encyclopcedia Britannica, 9th ed.; The Old
Testament in the Jewish Church, Chapter VII.
64

THE BOOK OF PSALMS
I. The formation of the first Davidic collection, with a closing
doxology, Psalms 1-41011— about the time of Ezra-Nehemiah.
II. The formation of a second Davidic collection, with a doxology
and subscription, Psalms 51-72— during the fourth century,
B. C.
III. The formation of a twofold Levitical collection,™ a Korahite
collection, Psalms 42-49, an Asaphic collection, Psalms 50,
73-83 — between B. C. 430 and 330.
IV. An Elohistic redaction" and combination of II and III— dur
ing the third century B. C.
V. The addition to IV of a non-Elohistic supplement and
doxology, Psalms 84-89.
VI. The formation of another collection, which was later added
to I + V, Psalms 90-150.
According to this scheme, the completed Psalter would
have consisted in the beginning of three originally inde
pendent collections, the first, Psalms 1-41 ; the second,
Psalms 42-89; the third, Psalms 90-150. This threefold
division would be earlier than the later fivefold division,
which has come down to the present.58
In support of this theory of W. R. Smith, at least in
its general positions, attention may be directed to the
following facts :
M Here as in the other cases the original collection may not have
contained every psalm now found there; individual psalms may have
been added subsequently; in this group, for instance, Psalms 1 and 2
seem to have been prefixed at a later time.
66 John P. Peters has suggested that the original Korahite collection
was the hymn book of the sanctuary at Dan, the Asaphic collection
that of the sanctuary at Bethel; see "The Sons of Korah," in Essays
in Modern Theological and Related Subjects, pp. 41-47; The Religion of
the Hebrews, p. 168; compare H. T. Fowler, History of the Literature
of Ancient Israel, pp. 133-136. If this suggestion is correct, the psalms
in both collections must have originated in the northern kingdom;
and both collections must have originated before B. C. 722.
67 That is, a redaction in the course of which the divine name "Yah
weh" was uniformly changed to "Elohim."
68 Book I, 1-41; Book II, 42-72; Book III, 73-89; Book IV, 90-106;
Book V, 107-150; see above, p. 41. 65

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
I. The three divisions reveal differences in regard
to titles. In division I all the psalms have titles except
i, 2, 10, 33. Psalms 1 and 2 seem to have been added
to the collection at a later time, perhaps as a suitable
introduction to the completed Psalter; Psalm 10 was
originally a part of Psalm 9, and is so preserved in the
Septuagint.59 Psalm 33 is credited to David in the Sep
tuagint, but it, too, may be a later addition. "Psalm 33,"
says Kirkpatrick, "appears to be of distinctly later date,
inserted as an illustration of the last verse of Psalm 32."60
In division II all psalms have titles except 43 and 71.
Psalm 43 was originally a part of Psalm 42; Psalm 71
is without title for reasons unknown. In division III few
psalms have titles.
2. The three divisions differ in alleged authorship. In
division I all psalms with titles are ascribed to David.
Division II contains psalms ascribed to different authors ;
including the supplement there are 19 psalms of David,
12 of Asaph, 1 1 of. the sons of Korah, 1 of Solomon, 1
of Heman, the Ezrahite, also ascribed to the Sons of
Korah, 1 of Ethan, the Ezrahite, and 4 are anonymous.
Division III contains 1 psalm of Moses,61 15 of David,
practically all of them bearing marks of a late date, and
1 of Solomon ; all the others are anonymous. These facts
may suggest that at first a Davidic collection was formed ;
when in time this proved insufficient, another collection
was made, probably out of smaller groups that had been
gathered since the formation of the first collection. In
the course of time the two collections proved inadequate ;
then a third was made, again probably out of smaller
68 See above, p. 40.
80 Commentary on the Psalms, p. liv.
"Perhaps suitable for Moses's character and circumstances; com
pare Psalm 102, "of the afflicted." 66

THE BOOK OF PSALMS
groups, one of which, the Pilgrim Psalms,62 may still be
recognized. 3. The three divisions differ in character. In the words
of Kirkpatrick: "Speaking broadly and generally, the
psalms of the first division are personal, those of the sec
ond division, national, those of the third, liturgical."63
No doubt there are numerous exceptions to this rule, but
on the whole the characterization is correct: Personal
prayers and thanksgivings are found chiefly in the first
part; petitions in times of national calamity or thanks
givings in times of national prosperity, in the second;
while the third consists largely of psalms of thanksgiving
and praise intended primarily for use in the temple
service. 4. A more striking difference may be seen in the use
of the divine names. In division I Yahweh occurs 272
times, Elohim alone only 15 times. In division II, except
ing the supplement, Psalms 84-89, Yahweh occurs 43
times, while Elohim is found 200 times; in the supple
ment Yahweh appears 31 times, Elohim 7 times. In
division III Yahweh is used almost exclusively, 339 times,
the only exceptions being Psalms 108 and 144; and of
these Psalm 108 is composed of fragments of two psalms
in division II, in which Elohim predominates.
It may not be easy to determine the full significance
of this difference, but there can hardly be a doubt that, in
part at least, it must be traced to editorial activity. It has
been suggested that the preponderance of Elohim over
Yahweh in division II is due to a preference on the part
of the authors of the psalms in this group for Elohim;
but this explanation is inadequate, as appears from the
62 Psalms 120-134.
63 Commentary on the Psalms, p. lviii.
67

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
fact that two psalms that are found in division I with the
name "Yahweh" are repeated in the second division with
a change of the divine name to "Elohim."64 Editorial
activity alone can account for changes in other instances :
Psalm 50. 7 is taken from Exod. 20. 2 ; several verses in
Psalm 68 from Num. 10 and Judg. 5 ; Psalm 71. 19 from
Exod. 15. 11, and in each case "Yahweh" is changed to
"Elohim." Sometimes the change has been made at the
cost of clearness. In Exod. 20. 2, for instance, occurs
the expression, "I am Yahweh, thy Elohim,"65 which is
intelligible ; Psalm 50. 7 reproduces this in greatly weak
ened form as "I am Elohim thy Elohim."66 Whatever
the reason for the alteration may have been, and what
ever the full significance of the differences between the
several divisions in the use of the divine names may be,
the facts enumerated seem to warrant the inference that
at one time three distinct groups of psalms made up the
Psalter as a whole.
5. That there must have been different collectors and
collections is made very probable also by the fact already
mentioned that one and the same psalm appears in differ
ent parts of the book. Psalm 53, in division II, is the
same as Psalm 14, in division I ; Psalm 70, in division II,
is the same as Psalm 40. 13-17, in division I; and Psalm
108, in division III, is the same as Psalm 57. 7-1 1 and
60. 5-12, in division II. Is it probable that one and the
same collector would insert a psalm twice in the same
collection? On the other hand, if the present Psalter is
the result of compilation from earlier smaller collections,
the repetition could easily be explained, for one and the
64 Psalm 14 =53; 40. 13-17 = 70; in the latter the change is not car
ried through consistently.
K Revised Version, "I am Jehovah thy God."
n Revised Version, "I am God, even thy God."
68

THE BOOK OF PSALMS
same psalm might be found in more than one of the
smaller collections used and thus reappear in different
parts of the larger compilation. Summing up the evP~
dence, it would seem that as the first step individual
psalms were brought together to form small collections ;
these small collections were combined into three larger
collections, which, in turn, were united into one book.
Then, at a later time, this book was divided, after the
analogy of the Torah, into five books, in which form the
Psalter has come down to the present.
Date of Compilation. The dates of the several collec
tions cannot be definitely determined. Probably none of
the larger collections, and perhaps none of the smaller
collections, were made until after the restoration, when
the temple service was arranged according to a more sys
tematic and elaborate ritual. ) That the Psalter existed
practically in its present form when the Septuagint trans
lation was made has been stated;67 but while the begin
ning of that translation, the translation of the Pentateuch,
can be assigned approximately to the middle of the third
century B. C, it is more difficult to fix the time of its
completion. The Law, the Prophets, and some of the
Writings existed in a Greek translation as early as 132
B. C, for the Prologue to the book of Ecclesiasticus,
written in that year, alludes to the existence of three divi
sions of the Jewish canon of Sacred Scripture in a Greek
translation. Since the Psalter appears to have been
received as canonical among the first of the Writings, it
is not improbable that the Septuagint translation of the
Psalms was in existence at that time. If so, the forma
tion of the Hebrew collection must be dated at least a
generation earlier. The period between B. C. 450 and
•7 See above, p. 41. 69

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
150, therefore, may be considered the age of compilation,
during which the several collections of psalms were made
and combined ; this, however, does not exclude the possi
bility that even after B. C. 150 individual psalms may
have been added to the collection.
Chiefly on the basis of the musical notes in the psalm
titles C. A. Briggs suggests the following stages in the
process of compilation:68
I. Toward the close of the early Persian period, before Nehe
miah, a collection of choice poems was made, entitled
Miktamim, that is, golden poems.
II. In the late Persian period another collection was formed,
entitled Maskilim, that is, religious meditations.
III. At approximately the same time the first Davidic collection
was edited as a prayer book for use in the synagogues,
the editor drawing his material largely from the two col
lections named.
IV. A short time later the Psalms of the sons of Korah were
compiled.
V. During the early Greek period the Psalter of Asaph was
formed in Babylonia.
VI. A little later an edition of hymns for use in the synagogues
was prepared in Palestine, entitled Mizmorim, or Psalms.
The compiler embodied psalms contained in the earlier
collections and added directions for their musical render
ing ; hence it may be called "the Psalter of the Director."
VII. During the middle Greek period the Elohim Psalter was
formed in Babylonia for synagogue use there.
VIII. During the same period a collection of Hallels or Songs of
Praise, was made for the temple service; this received
additions during the Maccabean period.
IX. Still in the middle Greek period a collection of songs was
made for the use of pilgrims on their way to the great
feasts.
X. After the rededication of the temple in B. C. 165 the present
Psalter was prepared, combining psalms appropriate for
use in the temple and in the synagogue, and making use
of all the earlier collections. The first part was based
 on the Palestinian Director's Psalter, and was made to
68 Commentary on the Book of Psalms, vol. i, pp. lxff.
70

THE BOOK OF PSALMS
embody chiefly psalms from the Davidic Psalter. The
Babylonian Elohistic Psalter was placed next and to it
Psalms 84-89 were added as a supplement. The third part
was arranged around the Hallel and Pilgrim collections,
to which were added the remaining psalms of the Direc
tor's Psalter and other appropriate psalms, chiefly of a
late date.
XI. Toward the close of the second century B. C. the final
editor divided the Psalter into one hundred and fifty
psalms and five books, in accord with the fivefold division
of the Law.
Principle of Arrangement. In former times various
fanciful meanings were read into the arrangement of the
psalms.69 As a matter of fact^no precise rules seem to
have been followed : A certain broad outline of chrono
logical order is perhaps discernible ; at any rate, the earl
iest psalms are found chiefly in the first division, those
composed in the middle period in the second division, and
the latest in the third division, but there are numerous
exceptions to this rule. Sometimes the topical principle
seems to have been followed ; that is, psalms dealing with
the same subject-matter are placed together. At other
times similarity in title may have exerted an influence;
for instance, Maskil is found in Psalms 42-45 and 52-55 ;
Miktam in Psalms 56-60. In other instances the presence
of "catchwords" may have determined the order. It has
been suggested, for example, that Psalms 1 and 2 were
placed together because of such words as "way" in 1. 1
and 2. 12, or "meditate" in 1. 2 and 2. 1. But the indi
cations are not sufficiently numerous to permit the formu
lation of any fixed theory regarding the principle or prin
ciples underlying the arrangement of the psalms in their
present order.
Classification according to Subject-Matter. A clas-

" For illustrations, see W. T. Davison, The Praises of Israel, pp. 238.
7i

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
sification of the psalms according to subject-matter is
almost an impossibility, because in many cases psalms
present a mixed character. "We find rapture blend with
pleading, or the night of sorrow lose itself in the morning
of joy, mood succeeding mood and experience passing
into experience more rapidly than the sunshine and rain
that blend and pass in the sweet confusion of an April
morning. The rehearsal of God's mighty acts, which one
generation tells to another, suddenly breaks away into
penitence for national sin, or an outburst of thanksgiving
which abundantly utters the memory of his great good
ness." But with full recognition of the difficulty of the
task and of the fact that any classification will be open
to more or less criticism, a classification along broad lines
may prove suggestive :
I. Psalms NOT Reflecting a Specific Historical
Situation
i. Hymns in praise of God as creator, governor, and
protector of the world and his people, suggested by the
contemplation of his manifestations in nature, history,
and personal experience. For example, Psalm 8, God's
glory manifested in the creation of man; Psalm 19. 1-6,
God's glory manifested in the heavens ; Psalm 29, God's
glory manifested in the thunderstorm; Psalm 33, God's
glory manifested in his moral attributes, in creation, in
his government, in the choice of Israel. To the same
general class belong Psalms 36, 65, 66, 76, 92, 103, 104,
107, 145-147. Similar in tone are Psalms 24. 7-10, 47,
67. 93. 96-100, in, 113, 115, 117, 118, 134-136,
148-150; but these differ from the preceding in that they
contain invocations of a liturgical character.
2. Experiences, that is, psalms embodying the religious
72

THE BOOK OF PSALMS
emotions arising from the poet's intimate fellowship with
God, expressing confidence, resignation, spiritual yearn
ing, joy in God's presence, etc. Such experiences are
reflected in Psalms 16, 23, 26, 27, 42, 43, 62, 63, 84, 91,
101, 121, 127, 128, 130, 131, 133, 138, 139. To the same
group may be assigned the eulogies of the Law of Yah
weh in Psalms 19. 7-14 and 119. In some psalms prom
ises of confidence for the future are added to the ex
pressions descriptive of present conditions; in others,
petitions that Yahweh will judge the wicked who are
trying to injure the psalmist; here belong Psalms 9, 10,
11, 12, 14, 52,53, 58,64, 75, 82.
3. Reflections: (1) On God's moral government of
the world — he blesses the righteous and punishes the
wicked, Psalms 1, 34, 37, 90, 112. (2) The same, with
a pronounced didactic purpose — the author seeks to har
monize the apparent inequalities of life with his belief in
God's moral government of the world, Psalms 49 and 73.
(3) On the character and service acceptable to God,
Psalms 15, 24. 1-6, 32, 50.
II. Psalms Reflecting a Specific Historical
Situation
1. Personal Psalms, that is, psalms reflecting the per
sonal condition of the psalmist, either as an individual
or as a representative of the God-fearing community.
(1) Petitions for help in sickness, persecution, or other
trouble, or for forgiveness of sin, often accompanied by
expressions of assurance that the prayer will receive an
answer, Psalms 3-7, 13, 17, 22, 25, 28, 31, 35, 38, 39, 40.
11-17, 41, 51, 54-57, 59, 61, 69, 70, 71, 77, 86, 88, 109,
120, 140-143. (2) Thanksgivings for deliverance
wrought, Psalms 18, 30, 40. 1-10, 116, 144.
73

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
2. National Psalms, that is, psalms reflecting condi
tions in the holy city, or the religious community, or the
nation. ( i ) Complaints of national oppression or disas
ter, Psalms 44, 60, 74, 79, 80, 83, 85, 94, 102, 123, 137.
(2) Thanksgivings received or promised, Psalms 46, 48,
68, 108, 114, 124-126, 129; with special reference to Zion,
Psalms 87, 122. (3) Retrospect of the national history,
with special reference to the lessons deducible from it,
Psalms 78, 81, 95, 105, 106.
3. Royal Psalms, that is, psalms centering around an
historical or ideal ruler, embodying thanksgiving, good
wishes, promises, prayers for his preservation, etc.,
Psalms 2, 20, 21, 45, 72, 89, no, 132.70
The Speaker in the Psalms. Many recent writers
have expressed the opinion that in most of the psalms, if
not in all, the speaker who uses the pronoun of the first
person singular is not an individual but the religious com
munity — either coextensive with the nation or a party
within it. The "collective" view is not a new discovery,
for it is reflected in the Septuagint and in the writings
of the early church fathers, who interpreted the / of the
psalms allegorically as the voice of the Christian Church;
it was also advocated by some of the most eminent Jewish
scholars of the Middle Ages, among them Raschi, Ibn
Ezra, and Kimchi. Through the influence of Luther and
Calvin the "individual" interpretation prevailed; but as
early as the sixteenth century the Protestant commenta
tor Rudinger again favored the collective view. It was
revived and expanded in the nineteenth century by Hengs-

70 For other classifications, see J. E. McFadyen, Old Testament In
troduction, pp. 240, 241 ; Bennett and Adeney, A Biblical Introduction,
pp. 148, 149; Driver, Introduction to the Literature of the Old Testament,
pp. 368, 369. 74

THE BOOK OF PSALMS
tenberg, Reuss, Olshausen and Stade, and notably by
Rudolf Smend, who, as the result of a detailed study of
each individual psalm, reached the conclusion that the /
is invariably not an individual, but the community ex
pressing itself as a personified unit.71 He was followed
in large part by W. R. Smith and by Cheyne, who asserts
that to a considerable extent the psalmists speak, not as
individuals, but in the name of the Church-nation.72
Meanwhile the individual interpretation has not lacked
defenders. Many scholars have insisted that the men
named have carried the collective tendency too far and
that the individual note is much more prominent than
they are willing to admit. The leader in this reaction
was Duhm ;73 but most recent commentators74 agree with
him in holding that many of the psalms reflect the experi
ences of individuals.
The principal argument in favor of the collective view
may be stated in these words: The Psalter being the
hymn book of the postexilic community, it is not prob
able that hymns included in the collection should be based
upon individual experience; it is much more likely that
they should be the outgrowth of community experience.
Moreover, the experiences and emotions reflected in the
psalms assume greater significance if they are interpreted
as the expressions of the pious community — or of the
pious in the community — which was conscious of its inti
mate relationship with God and of the enmity existing
between it and the surrounding nations, or between the

71 Article "Ueber das Ich der Psalmen," in Zeitschrift fuer die Alttes-
tamentliche Wissenschaft, 1888, pp. 49ff.
72 The Historical Origin and Religious Ideas of the Psalter, p. 261.
73 Die Psalmen, in Kurzer Hand-Commentar, passim.
74 Beer, Baethgen, Gunkel, Davies, Briggs, etc.
75

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
faithful and the faithless within the community. Fur
thermore, the argument continues, the community inter
pretation removes, or at least lessens, some difficulties
which the individual interpretation cannot explain. At
tention is called, for example, to the imprecatory psalms,
that is, psalms filled with a spirit of hatred and vindictive-
ness, and containing prayers for God's curse to fall upon
the enemies of the psalmist,75 or to psalms in which far-
reaching consequences are attached to the deliverance of
the poet.76 It is on the basis of these considerations that
the conclusion is reached that the voices heard in the
psalms are the voices not of individuals but of the com
munity expressing its thankfulness, its faith, its com
plaints, its despair, and similar emotions.
What are the facts in the case? The use of the pro
noun of the first person plural in twenty-seven psalms
would seem to indicate that in these psalms at least the
poet's interest is primarily in the experiences and emo
tions of the community.77 In twenty-five psalms the
pronoun of the first person is sometimes in the singular
and sometimes in the plural, while the contents show that
in some of these twenty-five psalms the primary interest
is decidedly in the experiences of the community.78 In
addition, there are twenty-four psalms, chiefly calls to
praise God for his goodness or reflections on the character
of the service and worship acceptable to God, the contents

78 Psalms 7, 35, 69, 79, 83, 109, 137, etc.
78 For example, Psalms 22, 40.
77 Psalms 21, 33, 46, 47, 48, 50, 60, 65 (in verse 3a the Septuagint and
Vulgate read "us" for "me"), 67, 79, 80, 81, 90, 95, 98, 99, 100, 105,
113, 115, 117, 124, 126, 132, 136, 144, 147.
"Psalms 8, 17, 22, 40, 44, 59, 62, 66, 68, 71, 74, 75, 78, 84, 85, 89,
94, 103, 106, 116, 118, 122, 135, 137, 141.
76

THE BOOK OF PSALMS
of which make it clear that the author is not exclusively
concerned with the experiences of individuals.79 It would
seem, therefore, that in about one half of the psalms the
community interest is more or less dominant. The other
half, referring to the speaker in the first person singular,
might, on first sight, be thought to describe individual
experiences and emotions. But the case is not quite so
simple ; for one of the psalms using consistently the singu
lar pronoun interprets that singular pronoun as referring
not to an individual but to the community or the nation.80
Which immediately raises the question, To what extent
is this usage adopted in other psalms? Are there other
psalms in which the pronoun of the first person, though
in the singular, refers not to an individual but, as in
Psalm 129, to the community? Now, the personification
of the nation as an individual, which underlies this usage,
is not uncommon in the Old Testament ; hence from the
standpoint of the language alone no objection can be
raised to the community interpretation.
But the final decision must rest not upon such general
considerations but upon a careful examination of each
individual psalm. Such examination must not forget the
fact that in lyric poetry the poet, even when describing
his own experiences and emotions, frequently writes with
his eyes and mind on the people about him, and conse
quently so generalizes his expressions that others, in simi
lar circumstances, may feel that he is their spokesman,
and are led to appropriate his words as expressive of their
own sentiments. Thus an individual psalm may from the
very beginning, without the slightest editorial changes,
"Psalms 1, 12, 14, 15, 19, 24, 29, 34, 72, 76, 82, 93, 96, 97, 107, 112,
114, 125, 127, 133, 134. 148, 149, 150-
80 Psalm 129. 1. 77

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
possess traits fitting it for community use. In other cases
expressions that appear to support the community inter
pretation may be due to later attempts of adapting an
originally individual psalm to community use in the tem
ple service.
The conclusions reached by most of the scholars who
have taken the trouble to subject the individual psalms
to a careful, detailed investigation point to the presence
in the Psalter of a greater number of community psalms
than was formerly recognized on the basis of the use of
the plural pronoun. On the other hand, they show with
equal definiteness that the community tendency has been
carried too far and that the interpretation of every single
psalm as descriptive of community experiences is without
warrant. Clearly, some of the psalms were written with
out any thought of community experience or community
use in the temple, but for the sole purpose of expressing
the poet's own individual experience and emotion.
Devotional Value. The book of Psalms has fittingly
been called the heart of the Old Testament or of the Bible
as a whole. "What the heart is in man," says Johannes
Arndt, "that is the Psalter in the Bible." The Psalter
does, indeed, sustain a close relation to all parts of the
Old Testament. The divine manifestations which receive
more objective treatment elsewhere are here viewed sub
jectively in their bearing and effect upon the personal ex
perience of the author or of those in whose name he
speaks. The moral law and the ritual as a means of
approaching God are glorified, the lessons of history are
appropriated and made a matter of personal experience,
and the passion for truth and righteousness as preached
by the prophets finds an even more vital expression in
the words of the psalmists. There are also some psalms
78

THE BOOK OF PSALMS
which reflect the influence of the wisdom movement, both
in its practical and in its speculative aspects.
The psalms grip the heart because they are the expres
sions of the deepest feelings of the human heart; they
are the outpourings of human souls in closest fellowship
with God, giving without restraint expression to the most
various emotions, hopes, desires, and aspirations; there
are no other literary compositions capable of creating the
same intense atmosphere of religious thought and emo
tion. And because they are so true to human nature and
experience they may be used at all times and in all places
to express the various emotions of joy, sorrow, hope, fear,
anticipation, etc., even of persons who live on a higher
spiritual plane than did the authors. "What is there,"
says Richard Hooker, "necessary for man to know which
the psalms are not able to teach ? Heroical magnanimity,
exquisite justice, grave moderation, exact wisdom, repent
ance unfeigned, unwearied patience, the mysteries of God,
the sufferings of Christ, the terrors of wrath, the com
forts of grace, the works of Providence over this world,
and the promised joys of that world which is to come, all
good necessarily to be either known, or done, or had, this
one celestial fountain yieldeth. Let there be any grief
or disaster incident to the soul of man, any wound or
sickness, named for which there is not in this treasure
house a present comfortable remedy at all times to be
found."81 The variety of moods and experiences reflected in the
psalms is well brought out in the following words of
Luther: "Where can one find nobler words of joy than
the psalms of praise and thanksgiving contain ? In these
thou mayest gaze into the heart of all the saints, as into
M Ecclesiastical Polity, V, 37. 2. 79

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
lovely pleasure gardens, or into heaven itself, and see how
fine, pleasant, delightsome flowers spring up therein from
all manner of beautiful, gladsome thoughts of God be
cause of his goodness. And, again, where canst thou find
deeper, more plaintive and heart-moving words of sorrow
than in the psalms of lamentation? There, too, thou
mayest look into the heart of all the saints — but as into
death, or hell itself. How dark and gloomy all things are
when the heart is troubled by the sense of the wrath of
God ! And so also when they speak of fear or hope, they
use words that no painter could approach in coloring, or
even an orator like Cicero in vividness of description."82
But in spite of this great variety of moods there is one
bond that unites them all into one living unity, namely, a
sublime faith in Yahweh, the God of Israel. This variety
on the one hand and essential unity on the other are the
qualities that have given to the book such unique place
in the religious life of individuals and of the church.
With full justice says Perowne: "No single book of
Scripture, not even the New Testament, has, perhaps,
ever taken such hold on the heart of Christendom. None,
if we dare judge, unless it be the Gospels, has had so
large an influence in molding the affections, sustaining
the hopes, purifying the faith of believers. With its
words, rather than their own, they have come before God.
In these they have uttered their desires, their fears, their
confessions, their aspirations, their sorrows, their joys,
their thanksgivings. By these their devotion has been
kindled and their hearts comforted. The Psalter has
been in the truest sense the prayerbook of both Jews and
Christians."83 82 Preface to the Psalter.
83 Commentary on the Psalms, vol. i, p. 18.
80

CHAPTER III
THE WISDOM LITERATURE OF THE
HEBREWS

CHAPTER III
THE WISDOM LITERATURE OF THE
HEBREWS
The wisdom literature of the Hebrews corresponds to
the philosophic literature among other peoples. Philoso
phy, in the narrower sense of the term, which has been
defined as "human speculation in pursuit of abstract truth
and systematized thoughts constructed on a basis of meta
physics and ruled by strict laws of reasoning," had no
existence among the Hebrews. A process of thinking
free from presuppositions was unknown to them, for two
fixed points were accepted without question by all He
brew thinkers, or at least by those whose efforts have been
preserved in the Old Testament : ( i ) The existence of
a personal God, and (2) the reality of a divine revela
tion. Accordingly, the primary aim of Hebrew philo
sophic thought was simply to understand adequately the
contents of these two truths, to define them more clearly,
and to apply them to the problems of daily living.
But while it is hardly correct to speak of philosophic
literature among the Hebrews or in the Old Testament,
the latter contains a type of literature which presents at
least attempts at philosophizing and which is clearly dis
tinguished from the other kinds of literature found there
— prophetic, priestly, devotional, and historical. The cen
tral theme of the prophetic literature is the obligation to
serve Yahweh alone and no other God ; the priestly litera
ture concerns itself chiefly with the ritual and other for
mal expressions of religion ; the devotional literature, rep-
83

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
resented chiefly by the Psalter, contains expressions of
religious emotion; and the historical literature portrays
the movements of God in human history. The wisdom
literature occupies itself with the universal moral and
religious principles that are applicable to all human life.
To this literature belong three or four Old Testament
books — Proverbs, Job, Ecclesiastes, and, according to
one interpretation, the Song of Songs; it includes also
a number of psalms,1 and some traces of the wisdom
strain are found in other Old Testament books.2
The Aim and Function of the Wise Men. The ori
gin of the wisdom literature may, in the last analysis, be
traced to human need. The hearts and consciences of
some men may be reached by an authoritative command
in the name of some one in whom they have confidence;
others are influenced by way of their aesthetic sensibili
ties through the ritual and other beautiful forms of reli
gion; the dormant emotions of some may be roused by
an account of the personal experiences of other men ; but
there always have been and always will be those whose
intellects must be carried, at least in part, before appeals
to heart and conscience can prove effective. These dif
ferent means of approach were tried among the Hebrews
during Old Testament times : The prophet came with the
authoritative "Thus saith Yahweh," it was the task of
the priest to make the appeal of the ritual effective, the
psalmist gave expression to personal experience, and the
wise man made his appeal to the intellect. Certainly, at
times the prophet might assume the role of a priest or
vice versa, or the psalmist might fall into the strain of
1 For example, Psalms I, 8, 15, 19, 29, 37, 49, 50, 73, 90, 92, 103, 104,
107, 139, 147, 148.
2 Judges, Habakkuk, Malachi; see further, below, pp. 892.

THE WISDOM LITERATURE OF THE HEBREWS
the wise man, or other interchanges of a similar nature
might take place; nevertheless, certain Old Testament
passages make it clear that the wise men formed a dis
tinct class of religious workers in Israel during a long
period of the nation's history.8
The wise men, like the prophets, were men who knew
God intimately, and who as the result of this vital fellow
ship with God were able to comprehend truth hidden
from the minds of other men; then, like the prophets,
they sought to impress their convictions upon their con
temporaries. However, they differed from the prophets
in two important respects : ( i ) While the prophets were
orators making their appeals principally at great public
gatherings, the wise men seem to have done their teach
ing in private ; they addressed themselves to small groups
or to individuals. (2) The prophets ordinarily made
their appeals directly to the heart and conscience ; the wise
men were equally desirous of reaching the conscience and
of influencing conduct, but they accomplished their ulti
mate aim in a roundabout way. They addressed them
selves to those whose intellects needed to be carried before
their consciences could be touched; hence they sought
first of all to clear away the intellectual difficulties or to
present the reasonableness of their cause ; then they drove
home the truth to the conscience or allowed it to make
its own appeal. The prophets commanded, they might or
might not argue the case ; the wise men commanded but
rarely, and when they did so they were careful to give
a reason for the command. Ordinarily, they were satis
fied with counseling, reasoning, arguing, making the
appeal only by implication. The prophet would have said
to the indolent man : "Thus saith Yahweh, Go to work,
8 For example, Jer. 18. 18; Prov. 1. 6; 22. 17; 24. 23; Job 15. 18.
85

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
thou sluggard" ; the method of the wise man is illustrated
in Prov. 24. 30-34:
I went by the field of the sluggard,
And by the vineyard of the man void of understanding;
And lo, it was all grown over with thorns,
The face thereof was covered with nettles,
And the stone wall thereof was broken down.
Then I beheld, and considered well;
I saw, and received instruction:
Yet a little sleep, a little slumber,
A little folding of the hands to sleep ;
So shall thy poverty come as a robber,
And thy want as an armed man.
False Wise Men. By the side of the wise men whose
sayings and writings were considered worthy of a place in
the canon there was a class of "false" wise men, corre
sponding to the false prophets and faithless priests against
whom the true Yahweh prophets hurled such severe de
nunciations. The information regarding these "false"
wise men is limited; however, there probably were two
classes of "false" wise men as there were two classes of
"false" prophets :4 ( 1 ) The mercenary wise men, that is,
men who did not hesitate to twist or pervert commonly
accepted moral principles if they thought it to their own
advantage to do so; (2) the unspiritual, though honest,
wise men ; that is, men who may have been capable, sin
cere, and conscientious, but who lacked spiritual insight;
hence their advice was determined by narrow, worldly,
and political considerations and not by religious convic
tion.5 The counterfeit wise men received the severest

4 See F. C. Eiselen, Prophecy and the Prophets, p. 28.
6 It is not impossible that the reputation for unusual wisdom enjoyed
by Solomon rested upon the possession of this kind of natural sagacity
rather than of the wisdom that has its source in the fear of God and
finds expression in high ethical instruction. 86

THE WISDOM LITERATURE OF THE HEBREWS
condemnation from the Yahweh prophets. Isaiah, for
example, pronounced a terrible woe upon those "that are
wise in their own eyes and prudent in their own sight" ;6
and Jeremiah classed such wise men with the false
prophets and the insincere priests.7
Growth of the Wisdom Movement. The Israelites,
like other peoples, began to reflect on general questions
affecting life as soon as they attained to a sufficiently
settled mode of living to permit them to think of any
thing beyond the supply of the absolute necessities of
life. The earliest reflections of this kind usually find
expression in popular proverbs or parables or fables,
which reflect, ordinarily in a one-sided and superficial
way, everyday common-sense experience and observa
tion.8 In the beginning of the movement the term "wis
dom" was without religious content; it was used to
denote "the faculty of acute observation, shrewdness in
discovery or device, cleverness of invention."9 The reli
gious leaders of Israel did not hesitate to take advantage
of this method of teaching; but, in the nature of the case,
their wisdom sayings are permeated by a higher religious
and ethical spirit. The wisdom reasoning and method are

• Isa. 5. 21; the preceding verse may refer to the same class of wise
men. 7Jer. 8. 8-13.
8 This early stage of the wisdom movement is reflected, for example,
in proverbs such as are found in 1 Sam. 10. 12; 2 Sam. 5. 8; 20. 18;
Jer. 31. 29; in a more elaborate form in the fable of Jotham, Judg. 9.
8-15. • Compare the wise woman of Tekoa, 2 Sam. 14. 2ff.; the wise judg
ment of Solomon, 1 Kings 3. 16-28; and his readiness to answer hard
questions and solve riddles, 1 Kings 10. iff.; the skill of Joseph in
interpreting dreams, Gen. 41. 39; the fame of Edom, Jer. 49. 7; Obad.
8; the wise men of Egypt, Gen. 41. 8; Exod. 7. 11; 1 Kings 4. 30; Isa.
19. 11, 12; the wise men of the east, 1 Kings 4. 30, 31.
87

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
reflected in some prophetic parables;10 but these are
directed against particular cases of sin, they are not
reflections on life in general.
The wisdom movement proper, as illustrated in the Old
Testament, found expression at first in very simple form!
The wise men accepted the fundamental religious verities
proclaimed by the prophets ; they considered it their task
to apply these truths to the details of everyday life, and
to instruct their contemporaries in that application. Their
work was necessary and of the greatest importance, for
they pointed out constantly and persistently that religion
cannot be separated from life. In discharging this self-
imposed duty the ancient wise men were dealing with
persons the great majority of whom were little removed
from the childhood stage in things religious and ethical;
hence they must put even the profoundest truths in the
simplest possible form. They must, as far as possible,
abstain from speculation, and confine themselves to sim
ple, practical precepts which might be expected to appeal
to the practical common sense of the ordinary hearer.
"The great desire of the sages," says Marshall, "was to
reduce the lofty, theistic morality which underlies Mosa-
ism to brief, pithy sayings, easily remembered and readily
applicable to the everyday life of every man."11 Out of
consideration for the limitations of their hearers they
used not the language and style of the philosopher, but
the simple, forceful style of the poet. The book of
Proverbs is a collection of such simple, practical, wisdom
sayings dealing with the ordinary affairs of common men.
In the course of time more serious tasks demanded the

10 For example, the parable of Nathan, 2 Sam. 12. 1-7; the parable
of the vineyard, Isa. 5. 1-7; the parables of Ezekiel, Ezek. 16, 17, 23.
11 Job and His Comforters, p. 4. 88

THE WISDOM LITERATURE OF THE HEBREWS
attention of the wise men ; for it became incumbent upon
them to attempt, by speculation or otherwise, a solution
of the more perplexing problems of life, though, in the
nature of the case, the demand for the more simple say
ings of these moral guides did not cease. The speculative
wisdom of the Hebrews, like all their thinking, is theistic,
for it starts from the presupposition that there is a per
sonal God. Some traces of speculation are found in the
book of Proverbs, especially in the first nine chapters.
It may be seen also in some of the so-called historical
books. In the book of Judges, for example, expressions
like these are used again and again: "The children of
Israel did evil. . . .He delivered them in the hands of
. . . They cried unto Yahweh. . . . He raised them up a
deliverer." The repetition of this formula throughout
the narrative indicates that the author attempted to sup
ply a theistic philosophy of the history during the period
of the Judges. He was familiar with the events of his
tory, and the question suggested itself, What is the
reason for the regular succession of adversity and pros
perity? He gave the answer, on the basis of a vital
faith in Yahweh the God of Israel, in the simple formula
to which reference has been made.
Speculative wisdom is found also in the prophetic
books. A philosophy of calamity, for example, is sug
gested in the question of Amos: "Shall evil [calamity]
befall a city, and Jehovah hath not done it?"12 The
same prophet indulges in speculation when he explains
famine, drought, blasting and mildew, pestilence, and
other natural calamities as punishments for Israel's dis
obedience and attempts to bring the people to their
a Amos 3. 6. 89

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
senses.13 Another specimen of well-sustained specula
tion is offered by Hab. i. i to 2. 5. Habakkuk beholds
on every side wickedness and violence, and apparently
Yahweh is doing nothing to punish the evildoers. Since
the prophet believes Yahweh to be a holy and righteous
God, he feels perplexed, and the question arises in his
mind, How can Yahweh justify his indifference in the
presence of widespread wickedness and violence? Cur
rent events offer a solution: Yahweh is not indifferent;
the well-deserved judgment is about to be executed by
the all-victorious Chaldeans. This answer, however,
instead of relieving the situation, only increases the
prophet's perplexity : How can a holy God use an impure
and godless agent like the Chaldeans for the execution
of his divine purpose? To which comes the reply: The
wicked Chaldeans, though temporarily exalted, will meet
certain doom; the righteous Israel, though temporarily
afflicted, will live forever.
Amos and Isaiah philosophized regarding calamities of
various kinds ; the explanation these prophets offered was
that Yahweh sends them as punishment for sin. Habak
kuk wrestled with the problem created by the apparent
inequalities of life — the wicked prosper while the right
eous are oppressed. How can this condition of affairs
be harmonized with the belief that this world is governed
by a holy and righteous God? The prophet solved the
problem by the assertion that the exaltation of the wicked
and the affliction of the righteous are only temporary;
in the end the wicked will be destroyed and the righteous
will be exalted. The passages considered thus far look
at the problems in their national bearings, not in their
individual aspects ; the perplexity arose from national ex-
13 Amos 4. 6-1 1 ; compare also Isa. 9. 8-21.
90

THE WISDOM LITERATURE OF THE HEBREWS
periences and the solution has to do with changes affect
ing the nation. This national emphasis is due to the fact
that during the greater part of the national life the nation
as a whole, or the righteous nucleus within the nation,
filled the horizon of the religious thinkers of Israel. The
prophets Jeremiah and Ezekiel were the first to emphasize
the significance of the individual in religion and ethics ;14
and from their time onward attention came to be focused
upon the fortunes of individuals ; consequently, problems
seen previously only in their national bearings came to
be recognized as equally troublesome when created by the
experiences of individuals. The sufferings of godly indi
viduals and the prosperity of wicked individuals de
manded explanation.
In Mai. 2. 17 to 4. 3 the inequalities of life are con
sidered, though not exclusively, in their individual as
pects. Malachi and the religious thinkers of his age were
confronted by two serious problems. There was, first of
all, widespread religious indifference and skepticism, due
in large measure to the nonfulfillment of prophecies pre
viously delivered.15 The people were sorely disappointed,
and many began to ask, Why do the promises made to
the fathers remain unfulfilled ? What has become of the
divine interest in us or the divine care for us? But if
Yahweh cannot or will not do anything for us, why con
tinue to waste our sacrifices and offerings in his service?
These national disappointments were troublesome enough ;
but the saints in the community who would retain their
faith in Yahweh were confronted by another difficulty.
According to popular ideas piety should invariably be
followed by prosperity, impiety by adversity. Now, there
14 F. C. Eiselen, Prophecy and the Prophets, pp. 159-162, 219.
16 F. C. Eiselen, Prophecy and the Prophets, p. 276.
91

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
had grown up in Jerusalem, during the first half of the
fifth century B. C, a group of godless nobles who by
the use of unscrupulous means succeeded in accumulating
immense fortunes, which enabled them to live in luxury
and splendor, while their victims, many of them God-fear
ing and upright, were reduced to abject poverty. Small
wonder that the question arose in many quarters, Where
is the God of justice ?16 or that many who, perhaps, never
had attained a strong, living faith gave way to a temper
of moroseness, skepticism, and even positive hostility to
Yahweh. Malachi, in attempting to explain the problems,
followed in the footsteps of his predecessors. The non
fulfillment of the prophetic promises he traced to the
sinfulness of the people, not to the unwillingness or
inability of Yahweh to bless his chosen people ;17 and he
promised that the present inequalities of life would be
straightened out when Yahweh would appear in judg
ment.18 In addition to these and similar illustrations of "wis
dom" speculation, the Old Testament contains two books
that are devoted entirely to this kind of speculation, the
books of Job and Ecclesiastes. The first named deals
with the age-long problem of suffering, especially the
suffering of the righteous man, while Ecclesiastes con
siders the perplexities of life in general.
16 Mai. 2. 17.
17 Mai. 3. 7-12.
18 Mai. 3. 13. to 4. 3.

92

CHAPTER IV
THE BOOK OF PROVERBS

CHAPTER IV
THE BOOK OF PROVERBS
Name. The Massoretic title of the book of Proverbs
is riabijJ "fyonj- Mishele Shelomoh, that is, Proverbs of
Solomon, which is translated in the Septuagint, Tragoifiiai
SoAojuwvtoc,2 Paroimiai Salomontos; in the Vulgate, Liber
Proverbiorum. The book is an anthology of Hebrew
and Jewish proverbial literature, but its contents are by
no means confined to sayings that are commonly known
as proverbs. The Hebrew word, ^J??, mashal, frequently
translated "proverb," means in reality "representation"
or "similitude"; that is, "a statement not relating solely
to a single fact, but standing for or representing other
similar facts. The statement constituting the mashal
may be one deduced from a particular instance, but
capable of application to other instances of a similar kind,
or it may be a generalization from experience, such as
in the nature of the case admits of constantly fresh appli
cation. The mashal is by usage limited almost entirely
to observations relative to human life and character, and
is expressed commonly in a short, pointed form."3 The
mashal, therefore, may be in the nature of a fable, para
ble, proverb, riddle, moral or political maxim, satire,
philosophical or speculative sentence; and, as a matter
1 Usually abridged to i?1?'?, mishele, by the later Jews.
2 Codex Vaticanus omits SoKo/jluvtos.
3 S. R. Driver, Introduction to the Literature of the Old Testament, p.
394- 9S

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
of fact, all these forms are found in the book of
Proverbs.4 Contents and Outline. With the exception of chapters
1-9 the book of Proverbs does not submit itself readily to
detailed analysis or outline, for chapters 10-3 1 consist
almost wholly of disconnected sayings ; only occasionally
kindred sayings are gathered in groups of two or more
couplets, while in a few cases successive stanzas begin
with the same letter of the Hebrew alphabet.5 On the
whole, the description of the book as a "forest of pro
verbs" is not inappropriate.
The book of Proverbs consists of eight parts of un
equal length, with a general heading. Seven of the eight
constitute the collection of proverbs, one, the first, seems
to have been prefixed at a later time as a suitable intro
duction to the entire collection.
Preface: The Nature and Object of Proverbial Wisdom (i. 1-6)
I. The Praise of Wisdom (i. 7 to 9. 18)
1. Warning against crimes of violence (1. 7-19).
2. Wisdom's denunciation of those who despise her (1. 20-33).
3. The pursuit of wisdom as the road to virtue and the fear of God
(2. 1-22).
4. Blessings of piety and the value of wisdom (3. 1-20).
5. Wisdom a protection (3. 21-26).
6. Liberality and integrity (3. 27-35).
7. A father's counsel (4. 1 to 5. 6).
8. Fidelity to the marriage relation (5. 7-23).
9. Folly of becoming surety for another (6. 1-5).
10. Advice to the sluggard (6. 6-11).
4 The Hebrew and English Lexicon edited by Brown, Driver, and
Briggs gives the following meanings of mashal: (1) Proverbial saying,
brief, terse sentence of popular sagacity; (2) Byword; (3) Prophetic,
figurative discourse; (4) Similitude, parable; (5) Poem, of various kinds;
(6) Sentences of ethical wisdom.
6 For example, 20. 7-9; 22. 2-4; but this peculiarity may be purely
accidental. 96

THE BOOK OP PROVERBS
n. Various forms of wrongdoing (6. 12-19).
12. Warning against adultery (6. 20-35).
13. Warning against the wiles of the harlot (7. 1-27).
14. Wisdom's call (8. 1-36).
15. Wisdom and folly contrasted (9. 1-18).
II. Proverbs of Solomon (10. 1 to 22. 16)
A collection of miscellaneous aphorisms on life and conduct.
III. Words of the Wise (22. 17 to 24. 22)
Practical precepts in the form of maxims and proverbs.
IV. Additional Sayings of the Wise (24. 23-34)
Appendix to III, and similar to it.
V. Additional Proverbs of Solomon (25. 1 to 29. 27)
Appendix to II ; consisting for the most part of short sayings like
those in II. VI. The Words of Agur (30. 1-33)
A series of epigrams dealing with the divine transcendence and with
various human characteristics.
VII. The Words of King Lemuel (31. 1-9)
A series of maxims in which Lemuel is warned by his mother against
sensuality and indulgence in wine, and exhorted to care for the
poor. VIII. An Anonymous Alphabetic Acrostic (31. 10-31)
Description of a virtuous and capable housewife.
Each of the eight divisions has characteristics of its
own, which is in itself evidence that they did not all
originate at the same time or were written by the same
individual. Division I is in the nature of a hortatory
introduction to the proverbs in 10. iff. The wise man —
who probably had before him the rest of the book, or at
least the more important parts of it — speaking as a father,
warns his son or disciple against the temptations and
dangers to which he will be exposed, invites him to listen
to the precepts he is about to utter, and urges upon him
the claims of wisdom to be his friend and guide. The
97

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
wrongs against which he utters the most persistent warn
ings are crimes of violence and unchastity, but other
forms of wrongdoing are not overlooked. One of the
most beautiful passages in the whole book, if not in the
entire wisdom literature, is chapter 8, which portrays
wisdom as calling to men and offering to them herself
and her gifts as a priceless boon. "The unity of thought
and efficiency operative in the world is here abstracted
from God, the actual operator, and presented as a per
sonal agent, the first-born child of the Creator, standing
beside him and giving effect to his creative design, after
ward, in history, inspiring kings and princes with their
best thoughts, delighting in the sons of men (verse 31),
and promising abundant reward to those who will commit
themselves to her guidance. The representation in 3. 19,
20; 8. 22ff. is the prelude of the later doctrine of the
Ao'yoc."6 In literary form this section differs greatly from the
rest of the book. It consists not, like the succeeding
chapters, of disconnected proverbs, but of continuous,
well-developed proverbial discourses. The style is flow
ing and in the nature of "rich rhetorical prose rather than
of finely polished poetry."7 The hortatory element is so
pronounced that Delitzsch and others have directed atten
tion to striking similarities in tone, purpose, warmth of
feeling, and even expression between these chapters and
the book of Deuteronomy. "As Deuteronomy would have
the rising generation lay to heart the Mosaic Torah, so
here the author would impress upon his hearers the Torah
of wisdom."

' S. R. Driver, Introduction to the Literature of the Old Testament,
P- 396.
7 A. R. Gordon, The Poets of the Old Testament, p. 268.
98

THE BOOK OF PROVERBS
Division II constitutes the main body of the book. It
consists of a series of loosely connected proverbs, each
proverb consisting of two lines,8 each line, as a rule, of
three or four words. In the first few chapters9 antithetic
parallelism is used almost exclusively, but in the remain
ing chapters the other types, synonymous and synthetic
or constructive parallelism, are not uncommon. No clear
or well-defined plan of arrangement is discernible;10 in
some instances, however, proverbs centering around the
same subject or containing the same characteristic words
seem to be grouped together.11
Though division II contains some religious proverbs,
on the whole the generalizations are drawn from secular
life. The religious proverbs emphasize the divine sover
eignty,12 the service acceptable to God,13 the reward of
the righteous and the punishment of the unrighteous —
always in this world.14 There are frequent contrasts
between the wise and the foolish, the rich and the poor,
the diligent and the slothful, the reverent and the scoffer.
Wealth as such is declared to be an advantage,15 but man

8 The Hebrew text shows only one exception, 19. 7, which has three
lines, but this has arisen from a corruption of the text; the Septuagint
has preserved in the place of verse 7c a complete couplet. With this
change the total number of proverbs in division II becomes 376.
* Chapters 10 to 15.
10 Ewald subdivided the section into five parts, with new beginnings
at 10. 1; 13. 1; 15. 20; 17. 25; 19. 20.
11 10. 6-7, n-12, 14-15, 16-17, 18-19; 12. 5-7; 15- 8-9; 16. 12-15;
18. 6-7, etc.
n 15. 3, 11; 16. 2, 4, 9; 17. 3; 19. 21; 20. 12, 24; 21. 2, 30, 31; 22. 2,
etc. 13 11. 1, 20; 12. 22; 15. 8, 9, 26; 16. 5, 6; 17. 15; 20. 10, 23; 21. 3, 27,
etc. 14 10. 2, 3, 6, 7, 25, 27, 30; 11. 4, 5, 6; 15. 16, 29, etc.
16 10. 15; 13. 8; 14. 20, 24; 19. 4; 22. 7.
99

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
is warned against putting his trust in it,16 and the asser
tion is made that riches wrongly acquired profit noth
ing.17 Care for the poor is a special sign of piety.18
Children are instructed to respect and obey their par
ents,19 and parents, to use their authority over the chil
dren ;20 a good wife is pronounced a blessing from God,21
but a bad one a curse.22 The king is regarded with awe
and reverence,23 and, in general, is referred to in terms
of praise and admiration.24 National prosperity, like
individual prosperity, is the reward of righteousness.25
Pride is a source of much trouble ;26 the folly of becoming
surety for another is emphasized ;27 and numerous prov
erbs deal with the right and wrong use of speech.28
The opening verses of division III are in the nature
of an introduction, in which the author, perhaps the
compiler of the collection, states, in the first person, the
purpose of the proverbs which follow and invites atten
tion to the admonitions contained therein. In subject-
matter this section is similar to the preceding, but the
hortatory tone is much more prominent; as a result this
part of the book is "less a collection of individual prov
erbs than a body of maxims in which proverbs are inter-

16 n. 28.
17 10. 2.
18 14. 31; 17.5; 19. 17.
19 13. 1; 15. 5; 19. 26; 20.20.
20 13. 24; 19. 18; 22.6, 15.
21 12. 4; 18. 22; 19. 14.
22 11. 22; 19. 13; 21. 9, 19.
23 16. 14, 15; 19. 12; 20. 2.
24 14. 28, 35; 16. 10, 12, 13; 20. 8, 26, 28; 21. 1; 22. II.
25 14- 34-
26 13. 10; 16. 18, 19; 21. 4.
27 11. 15; 20. 16; compare 6. 1-5.
28 10. 11, 13, 14, 18-21, 31, 32, etc. 100

THE BOOK OF PROVERBS
woven, addressed with a practical aim29 to an indi
vidual,30 and worked up usually into a more or less
consecutive argument." The purpose and aim naturally
affect the literary form. Two-line proverbs, or distichs,
are rare,31 and there is only one tristich;32 generally four
lines, that is, a tetrastich or two distichs, are given to
the development of an idea, the second half emphasizing
it by means of repetition, or furnishing a reason, or sug
gesting a purpose, or in some other way completing the
thought.33 Frequently the theme is developed at even
greater length; there are some pentastichs34 and hexa-
stichs,35 a heptastich,36 and an octastich,37 and in one
case a short poem is given to the presentation of one
theme.38 Division IV, with the title, "These also are sayings of
the wise," is an appendix to division III, which it re
sembles, both in contents and literary form': a hexastich,39
a distich,40 a tristich,41 a tetrastich,42 and a decastich,43
in which the parable of the sluggard is developed.
29 Compare, for example, the warnings against becoming surety for
another, 22. 26, 27; excessive indulgence, 23. 1-3; pursuit of riches,
23- 4. 5! gluttony and drunkenness, 23. 20, 21, 29-35.
30 Compare the expression "my son" in 23. 15, 19, 26; 24. 13, 21, which
is very common in division I, but used only once in division II, 19. 27.
31 22. 28; 23. 9; 24. 7-10.
32 22. 29.
33 22. 22-23, 24-25, 26-27; 23. io-ii, etc.
"23.4-5; 24. 13-14-
36 23. 1-3, 12-14, 19-21. 26-28; 24. II-12.
36 23. 6-8.
37 23. 22-25.
38 23. 29-35.
39 24. 23-25.
40 Verse 26.
41 Verse 27.
42 Verses 28, 29.
43 Verses 30-34; see above, p. 86. 101

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
Division V bears the title, "These also are proverbs of
Solomon, which the men of Hezekiah king of Judah
copied out."44 Evidently, therefore, it is intended to
be understood as an appendix to division II. But while
there are some resemblances between it and the main
collection of "Proverbs of Solomon," in other respects
it exhibits marked differences. Since division II covers
practically all human interests, it is only natural that, on
the whole, the subject-matter of the appendix should be
the same : there are a few religious proverbs,45 the fool46
and the sluggard47 are condemned, and agricultural
industry is inculcated.48 As in division II, the address
"my son" occurs but once ;49 two-line proverbs are much
more common than in divisions III and IV, but the longer
forms, unknown in II, are also found; there are several
tristichs50 and tetrastichs,51 at least one pentastich52 and
a decastich.53 A favorite type of proverb, exceedingly
rare in division II, is the so-called comparative proverb,
in which a truth is illustrated from nature or human life;
sometimes the comparison is expressed; at other times
the particle of comparison is omitted.54 The grouping
of individual proverbs seems to be determined at times,
as in division II, by the presence of characteristic words

44 25. 1.
46 29. 13, 25, 26.
46 26. 1, 3-12; 27. 22.
47 26. 13-16.
48 27. 23-27.
49 27. 11.
60 25. 8, 13, 20; 27. 10, 22; 28. 10.
61 25. 4-5, 9-10, 21-22, etc.
62 25. 6-7.
63 27. 23-27.
64 25. 3, 11, 12, 14, 18, 19, 20, 23, 26, 28; 26. 3, 7, 9, 11, 14, 17, 21, 23;
28. 3. 15. etc. 102

THE BOOK OF PROVERBS
or expressions ;55 on the other hand, the grouping accord
ing to subject-matter is carried much farther.56 The
king is a prominent figure,57 but, on the whole, he is not
spoken of as highly and favorably as in II. The collec
tion as a whole leaves the impression that the conditions
reflected are different from those presupposed in 10. i
to 22. 16.
Division VI is full of difficulties. It bears the title,
"The words of Agur the son of Jakeh ; the oracle" ; which
is followed by the additional introductory statement,
"The man saith unto Ithiel, unto Ithiel and Ucal."58
The latter part of this introduction is both awkward and
obscure ; it becomes smoother reading if, with the margin
of the Revised Version, it is joined to verses 2-4 as a
part of the speaker's utterance, and translated, with
slight alteration of the text: "I have wearied myself, O
God, I have wearied myself, O God, and am consumed :
For I am more brutish. ..." The word translated
"oracle," in the first part of the title, also creates diffi
culty. It is introduced very abruptly and is commonly
used only of prophetic utterances; hence most modern
scholars believe that it should not be translated at all, but
should be understood as a proper name, the home of
Agur, and should be rendered "of Massa."59 The same
change should, perhaps, be made in 31. 1. If so, the
proverbs in divisions VI and VII may have been of non-
Jewish origin, and may have been later adapted by the

66 25. 8-9, n-12; 26. 1-2.
68 The king, 25. 1-7; fools, 26. 3-12; the sluggard, 26. 13-16; flattery,
26. 23-26, 28, etc.
67 25. 1-7; 28. 2, 12, 15, 16, 28; 29. 2, 4, 14, 16.
68 30. I.
t9 The name is used in Gen. 25. 14 of a district in Arabia. Another
emendation giving the reading "the proverb writer" is less probable.
103

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
editor to Jewish modes of thinking. Nothing is known
of Agur or Jakeh, or of Lemuel in 31. 1.
It is by no means certain that the heading should be
made to include the whole of chapter 30; perhaps only
verses 1-6, or, at the most, verses 1-9 are to be regarded
as the words of Agur, not in their original form but as
worked over by a pious Jew. It is even possible that
only verses 2-4 are to be interpreted as the utterance of
Agur, in which he asserts that it is impossible to know
God ; verses 5 and 6 might then be regarded as a rebuke
and contradiction of this skeptical statement by a pious
Jew, who, in verses 7-9, utters a prayer that he may
never be tempted to lose faith in his God.
If verses 10-33 are separated from the preceding sec
tion, they must be regarded as an anonymous collection
of nine groups of proverbs, each describing some quality
or character in terms of either warning or commendation.
In most of the proverbs the number four is conspicuous;
four marks of a wicked generation,60 four insatiable
things,61 four wonderful things,62 four intolerable
things,63 four things little but wise,64 four stately
things.05 Division VII is entitled "The words of king Lemuel;
the oracle which his mother taught him."66 The verses
contain warnings against debauchery and injustice and
an exhortation to care for the poor and needy.

60 30. n-14.
61 Verses 15, 16.
62 Verses 18-20.
63 Verses 21-23.
84 Verses 24-28.
86 Verses 29-31.
66 This should be rendered, with margin Revised Version, "The words
of Lemuel king of Massa, which his mother taught him." Compare 30. 1.
104

THE BOOK OF PROVERBS
The closing division67 is an anonymous alphabetic
acrostic in praise of a virtuous and capable housewife.
It consists chiefly of two-line stanzas in which synony
mous parallelism predominates.
Date and Authorship. The critical questions regard
ing the origin of the book of Proverbs are similar to
those regarding the origin of the Psalter. The latter is
a collection of groups of psalms credited to various
authors; similarly, the book of Proverbs is a collection
of groups of wisdom sayings ascribed in their titles to
different authors. Leaving aside the introduction, chap
ters 1-9, the book claims to contain proverbs of Solo
mon,68 words of the wise men,69 and words of Agur and
Lemuel.70 The titles indicating authorship were added
by late editors; hence there exists the same uncertainty
as in the case of the psalm titles, and their value can be
determined only by a careful investigation of all available
evidence. Following the statement in 1. 1, and with complete
disregard of the other titles, the traditional view has been
that Solomon is the author of all the proverbs. Support
for this view was found in 1 Kings 4. 29-34, a passage
celebrating Solomon's wisdom, especially in verse 32,
which states that the wise king "spake three thousand
proverbs ; and his songs were a thousand and five." The
wisdom of Solomon was as manifold as that reflected in
the proverbial literature; it was partly practical,71 partly
philosophical,72 in part it lay in the region of natural

87 31. 10-31.

88 10. 1; 25. I.

™22. 17; 24. 23.
70 30. 1; 31. 1.
71 For example, 1
Kings
3-
16-28.
73 1 Kings 4. 31.
105
THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
history,73 and in part it consisted of the ability to solve
riddles or answer hard questions.74
Modern scholarship, practically without exception,
has given up the traditional view for the following rea
sons: (i) The titles themselves recognize diversity of
authorship; (2) the differences in character between
the several collections point in the same direction; (3)
proverbs are repeated in whole or in part, not only in
different divisions, but within the same division of the
book, which would be difficult of explanation on the
assumption that the entire book is the work of a single
author.75 But, granting diversity of authorship, may the
two divisions said to contain proverbs of Solomon76 be
ascribed to the wise king of Israel? This question also
is answered in the negative by modern scholars: (1)
Though the nature of the Solomonic proverbs is not
indicated in 1 Kings 4. 32, the context suggests that
they consisted of comparisons between men and trees
or animals, which is not true of many of the proverbs
in the Solomonic collections. (2) The frequent repeti
tions within the first collection credited to Solomon sug
gest that it contains proverbs coming from different
periods and authors; and is not the product of a single
individual. (3) The character and contents of many
proverbs make it impossible to assign them to King
Solomon. One would hardly expect the advice regarding
proper behavior in the presence of a king77 to come
from one who himself was a king ; indeed, all the proverbs
73 1 Kings 4. 33.
74 1 Kings 10. 1.
"Compare 14. 12 with 16. 25; 10. 1 with 15. 20; io. 2 with 11. 4!
14. 31 with 17. 5, etc.
78 10. 1 to 22. 16; 25. 1 to 29. 27.
"23.1-3; 25.6,7. 106

THE BOOK OF PROVERBS
centering around the king receive a more natural inter
pretation as expressing the sentiment of the people con
cerning the king than as reflecting the feeling of a king
concerning himself or other kings. Similarly, proverbs
depreciating wealth, or condemning excessive taxation,
or praising monogamy, do not sound natural in the mouth
of Solomon.78 These considerations have convinced
modern scholars that even the two collections ascribed
to Solomon in their titles cannot come from him in their
entirety. On the other hand, the sweeping assertion of Smend
that "Solomon has no connection whatever with the
canonical proverbs"79 is without warrant. A. B. David
son gives a much truer interpretation of the facts when
he writes : "Much may be referred to the age of Solomon,
particularly the sayings in chapters 10-22, though much
even in this division may be later."80 In other words,
the situation is much the same as in the case of Davidic
psalms :81 ( 1 ) It cannot be established with absolute cer
tainty that Solomon wrote any of the proverbs contained
in the book of Proverbs. (2) In the light of the state
ments in 1 Kings 4. 29-34 it is not improbable that he
was an author of proverbial sayings. (3) Since Solomon
continued to live in the minds of the people as the wise
king par excellence, it is not probable that all such prov
erbs would be lost. (4) Some of the proverbs in the
collections bearing his name are not inappropriate in
his lips. But even admitting that some of the proverbs
78 Consider, for example, 13. 1; 15. 16; 18.22; 19. 13, 14; 21. 31;
22. 14; 29. 4 in the light of Solomon's life and character as portrayed
in 1 Kings 1-11.
78 Alttestamentliche Religionsgeschichte, p. 510.
80 The Book of Job, p. lxx.
81 See above, p. 57. 107

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
may come from Solomon, there is no way of separating
these Solomonic proverbs from others originating dur
ing subsequent generations and centuries. The tradition
ascribing all the proverbs to Solomon, reflected in i. i,
is due to a tendency noticeable also in the case of the
laws and the psalms, of ascribing late institutions and
literary productions to early heroes: Moses, the typ
ical representative of law, was credited with all Jewish'
law; David, the typical representative of psalmody, was
credited with all the psalms; in like manner Solomon,
the typical representative of wisdom, was credited with
the whole proverbial literature.82
The difficulties in the way of determining the dates
of individual proverbs are as great and troublesome as
in the case of the psalms. Perhaps the only assertion
that can safely be made is that it is quite impossible to
determine definitely the date of a single proverb. The
tendency at the present time is to assign practically all the
proverbs in their present form83 to the late postexilic
period, between Job and Ecclesiasticus, that is, between
about B. C. 400 and 180. In support of this contention
attention is directed to the following data: (1) The
tacit assumption of monotheism throughout the book,
which, it is claimed, cannot belong to the preexilic or
even the early postexilic period.84 (2) The absence of
characteristic national traits. The only national element,
is the mention of sacrifice. On the other hand, significant
terms, like Israel, Israel's covenant with Yahweh, temple,
priest, or prophet, are completely ignored. There is also
a significant broadening of the term "law," so as to
82 See F. C. Eiselen, The Books of the Pentateuch, p. 87.
83 It is admitted that some may rest upon simpler, preexilic sayings.
84 See Ezek., Chapters 6, 8, 23, etc.; Zech., Chapter 13; Job 31. 26, 27.
108

THE BOOK OF PROVERBS
include the teaching of the wise men, not only the direct
commandments of Yahweh. "This non-national form of
thought," says Toy, "belongs to a sort of culture which
did not exist among the Jews till they were scattered
throughout the world and came under Persian and Greek
influence."85 (3) The social life depicted is that of the
later period : monogamy is taken for granted ;86 agricul
tural pursuits occupy a relatively insignificant place ; chief
attention is given to city life with its special occupations
and temptations ; the vices condemned are those prevalent
in the cities of the later age; the S}jstem of education
reflected is more advanced than that of Deut. 6; the
relation between king and subjects is not that of the
earlier Old Testament books but of later, post-Old Testa
ment writings. (4) The philosophic conceptions belong
to the time when the Jews came into contact with the
non-Semitic world, more especially with Greek thought
and civilization: The practical identification of virtue
with knowledge; the exaltation and personification of
wisdom, which is credited with all the functions which
elsewhere in the Old Testament are ascribed to Yahweh
himself;87 the expression of skepticism in 30. 2-4 finds
parallels only in other postexilic wisdom books. ( 5 ) The
very existence of a separate class of wise men, such as
the wise men of Proverbs are said to have been, points
to a late date. The words "wise" and "wisdom" are used
in other Old Testament books, but there they refer to
mechanical or artistic skill,88 cleverness in ordinary
86 The Book of Proverbs, p. xxi.
88 Polygamy existed and was regulated by law during the earlier
centuries, Deut. 21. 15-17; Lev. 18. 18.
"See especially Chapter 8, in which wisdom is said to control all
human society and to have been present at the creation of the world.
88 Exod. 35. 10; Isa. 40. 20; 1 Chron. 22. 15.
109

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
affairs,89 political sagacity,90 magical or prophetic knowl
edge,91 or general intelligence.92 In Proverbs and the
other wisdom books the terms relate to a definite class
of teachers "whose function is the pursuit of universal
moral and religious wisdom — men who, unlike the
prophets, lay no claim to supernatural inspiration, but
make their appeal simply to human reason." Jer. 9. 23
is quoted to show that down to the close of the national
history of Judah the wise men were looked upon with
suspicion by the Yahweh prophets ; the change in charac
ter and position reflected in the wisdom books must have
taken place subsequently to the time of Jeremiah, which
throws the legitimate wisdom activity into the postexilic
age. (6) The proverb writers appear to have known the
Law and the Prophets93 in completed form.94 (7) The
literary form of the proverbs in the book of Proverbs is
artistically superior to that of the proverbs known to be
early.95 (8) A comparison with the other wisdom
books,96 both as to language and thought, favors a late
postexilic date for the book of Proverbs.97
But these arguments are by no means conclusive : ( 1 )
It is true that the earliest dogmatic statements of mono-

89 2 Sam. 13. 3; 14. 2.
90 Gen. 41. 33; Deut. 1. 13; Isa. 3. 3; 19. 11; Jer. 8. 9; Ezek. 27. 8;
28. 4; Esth. 1. 13.
91 Exod. 7. 11; Dan. 5. 11.
92Hos. 14. 9; Isa. 11. 2.
93 That is, the first two divisions of the Old Testament canon.
94 28. 4-9; 29. 18.
98 1 Sam. 10. 12; 24. 13, 14; 1 Kings 20. 11; Jer. 31. 29, etc.
96 The canonical books of Job and Ecclesiastes, and the non-canonical
Ecclesiasticus and Wisdom of Solomon.
97 C. H. Toy, The Book of Proverbs, pp. xixff. G. B. Gray, A Critical
Introductignjo the Old Testament, pp. 144!!.; A. R. Gordon, The Poets
of the Old Testament, pp. 2596.
no

THE BOOK OF PROVERBS
theism are found in Isa. 40ft"., but it is also a fact that
monotheism is at least implied in much of the Old Testa
ment literature from the eighth century onward.98 (2)
The absence of national traits may be accounted for by
the aim of the wise men. The standpoint of the pre
exilic prophets was primarily national, hence they could
not avoid referring to national beliefs and national insti
tutions ; the Old Testament narrators, both prophetic and
priestly, were under the same necessity. But the wise
men, who were dealing primarily with the practical,
everyday affairs and needs of individuals, could accom
plish their purpose, either before or after the exile, with
out reference to the broader national interests and
institutions. The wise men undoubtedly considered their
teaching the truth of Yahweh, hence there could be no
objection to calling their utterances Torah." (3) The
social conditions reflected in Proverbs were not unknown
before the exile. Since the proverbial teaching was in
tended primarily for popular guidance, what is more
natural than the implication that monogamy is the normal
type of marriage relation? Polygamy never was wide
spread among the common people. The eighth-century
prophets reveal the same familiarity with city temptations
and city vices as do the writers of the proverbs. The
book of Proverbs has nothing to say about a system of
education. The difference in the portrayal of the rela
tion between king and subject is easily accounted
for by the peculiar purpose of the wise men. (4) Phi
losophizing is confined almost entirely to chapters 1-9,
which, no doubt, are late ; but the late date of these chap-

98 Compare F. C. Eiselen, The Minor Prophets, pp. 205, 206, 211.
99 F. C. Eiselen, The Books of the Pentateuch, pp. 43, 44.
in

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
ters does not establish the same late date for the entire
book. (5) The incidental reference to the wise men in
Jer. 18. 18 seems to show that a class of professional
wise men, ranking with the prophets and the priests, was
recognized at least as early as the days of the prophet
Jeremiah. The existence of "false" wise men100 no more
disproves the existence of a class of legitimate wise men
than the existence of false prophets and faithless priests
disproves the existence of legitimate prophets and priests ;
on the contrary, it tends to establish it. (6) The passages
referred to do not prove that the Law and the Prophets
were known in their completed form. All the expres
sions used can be explained on the assumption of a knowl
edge of legal and prophetic teaching such as might be
had by any God-fearing Hebrew as early as the eighth
century. (7) Who can substantiate the claim that the
literary form of the proverbs in the book of Proverbs
was unknown during the preexilic period? (8) The
significance of language and style has been differently
estimated. There are undoubtedly some late features,
but they are not sufficiently numerous to throw light
on the dates of any considerable number of proverbs.
Nor are the resemblances in thought with the other
wisdom books of such a character that definite conclu
sions respecting dates can be drawn from them.101 All
this simply means that the arguments in favor of a post
exilic date for virtually all the proverbs can in no sense
be regarded as conclusive.
But as it is impossible to prove the postexilic origin
of the proverbs, it is equally difficult to prove their pre-
100 See above, p. 86.
101 Again, with the exception of Chapters 1-9, which are among the
latest portions of the book. 112

THE BOOK OF PROVERBS
exilic date. True, there are the titles in 10. i and 25. I,102
but they, like the psalm titles, cannot be accepted as final
authority. Some have argued that the frequent refer
ences to the king imply the origin of the royal proverbs
while the Hebrew monarchy was still in existence. If it
could be shown that the wise men always had in mind
a king of Israel or Judah, this contention might have
some weight, but evidently the outlook of the wise men
is broader, they are thinking of kings in general, of kings
as a part of human society; and kings continued to play
an important role in society long after the fall of Judah
in B. C. 586. That the argument is of little or no value
is further shown by the fact that Ecclesiastes and Ecclesi
asticus, both written in the late postexilic period, contain
numerous references to kings similar to those in Prov
erbs.103 Attention has also been called to proverbs which
seem to reflect the spirit and moral fervor of preexilic
prophecy, proverbs which place the emphasis not on
ritual or sacrifice but on character and conduct.104 But
the proverbial literature being professedly interested in
life and conduct above everything else, could there have
been any other emphasis during the postexilic era? An

102 It is worthy of note that the Chronicler, who seems to relate of his
heroes all that is noteworthy, mentions no such literary activity on the
part of King Hezekiah. The question may well be asked: "Were
Hezekiah's copyists a real literary guild of the eighth century, or a
reflection back to that period from the postexilic period, the period of
the scribes and of the wise, just as certain guilds of singers seem to have
traveled back from postexilic times to the age of David purely in the
imagination of the Chronicler (1 Chron. 25)?"
103 Compare Prov. 14. 28, 35; 16. 10, 12-15; 19- 12; 20. 2, 8, 26, 28;
21. 1; 22. 11, 29; 24. 21; 25. 2, 3, 5, 6; 29. 4, 14; 30. 28-31; 31. 3, 4
with Eccl. 4. 13-16; 5. 9; 8. 2-4; 10. 16, 17, 20 and Ecclesiasticus 7. 4, 5;
8. 2; 10. 3.
104 For example, 15. 8; 16. 6; 21. 3, 27.
113

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
argument for a preexilic date has also been seen in the
fact that the whole of the book of Proverbs reflects the
same view of prosperity and adversity that is advocated
by the friends of Job, a view that was first seriously
affected by the individualism of Jeremiah and Ezekiel.
But it is evident from Mai. 2, I7ff. that this view persisted
far into the postexilic period, and from John 9. 2 that it
had not fully disappeared in the days of Jesus. Language
and style, while not conclusive in themselves, make it
possible to assign some of the proverbs to the preexilic
period, but others reveal such late features that they must
be considered postexilic.
This discussion shows how difficult it is to fix the
dates of the individual proverbs. The traditional view
cannot be maintained, but though there is abundant evi
dence to prove the presence of postexilic proverbs in the
book, there is equally good reason for believing that some
are of preexilic origin. Perhaps, as in the case of the
psalms, the facts justify only a general statement to the
effect that the proverbs are the outgrowth of Hebrew
and Jewish life and thought, beginning with Solomon105
and ending about B. C. 200. The formation, about B. C.
180, of a new collection of proverbial sayings in Ecclesi
asticus, instead of an enlarged edition of Proverbs, sug
gests that at that time Proverbs was considered a finally
closed book ; hence it is not probable that any considerable
number of proverbs originating later than B. C. 200 were
embodied in the canonical book of Proverbs.106
The attempt to determine the dates of the several col-

105 It is not impossible that even some pre-Solomonic proverbs may
have been preserved.
106 This does not exclude the insertion of individual proverbs by later
copyists or editors. 114

THE BOOK OF PROVERBS
lections and of the book as a whole is beset with similar
difficulties. On the basis of the present arrangement the
following table may be offered as indicating the succes
sive steps in the formation of the book of Proverbs;
though, in the nature of the case, there is abundant room
for differences of opinion:
I. Formation of a collection of wisdom sayings called "Prov
erbs of Solomon,"107 probably a compilation of earlier
smaller collections.
II. Formation of an anonymous collection of "Sayings of the
Wise Men,"108 embodying miscellaneous proverbs.
III. Addition of a brief appendix109 to the "Sayings of the Wise
Men."
IV. Combination of II and III with I.
V. Formation of a second collection entitled "Proverbs of
Solomon,"110 which was added to IV.111
VI. Prefixing of a comprehensive introduction112 to I-V.
VII. Addition of three or four short appendices, the words of
Agur,113 an anonymous collection,11* the words of
Lemuel,115 and an alphabetic acrostic.11'
VIII. Prefixing of a prologue117 by the final editor, referring to
the entire book as "Proverbs of Solomon."118
If the statement in 25. 1 could be accepted at its face
value — and there are many who believe that there is no

107 10. 1 to 22. 16.
108 22. 17 to 24. 22.
109 24. 23-34.
(10 25. 1 to 29. 27.
111 The wording of the title in 25. 1 implies that the compiler, or at
least the author of the title, was familiar with the first Solomonic col
lection. m 1. 7 to 9. 18.
113 30. 1-9.
114 30. 10-33.
116 31. 1-9.
"'31. 10-31.
117 1. 1-6.
1M 1. 1. "5

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
good reason for questioning its accuracy119 — the date of
chapters 25 to 29 would be fixed during the reign of
Hezekiah; then 10. 1 to 22. 16 might be assigned to the
early part of the eighth or the closing years of the ninth
century, before the rise of the evils condemned by the
eighth century prophets; between the two, some time
during the eighth century, the "words of the wise," in
22. 17 to 24. 34 would have been compiled. The intro
duction in 1. 7 to 9. 18, on account of its resemblances
to Deuteronomy,120 might be assigned to the closing years
of the monarchy, between the reform movement under
Josiah in B. C. 621 and the exile. The three or four
short appendices, which give every evidence of being
among the latest portions of the book,121 and the prologue
might have been added after the exile.
But can the present arrangement be regarded as indi
cative of successive steps in the formation of the book
of Proverbs? A cautious and conservative scholar like
A. B. Davidson feels perfectly free to disregard it, and he
argues strongly in favor of the priority of chapters 25
to 29 over 10. 1 to 22. 16, as well as over the other
divisions of the book;122 and other scholars share this
opinion. The principal support for this position is found
in the more regular and highly polished form of the
proverbs in 10. 1 to 22. 16 as compared with those in
chapters 25 to 29. The less regular, but more forceful

119 See. for example, S. R. Driver, Introduction to the Literature of the
Old Testament, p. 407; but see above, note 102.
120 See above, p. 98.
121 The thought and form of chapter 30, the Aramaic elements in the
language of the sayings of Lemuel, and the acrostic arrangement of the
closing section all favor a late date.
122 Article "Proverbs" in Encyclopedia Britannica, 9th ed.
116

THE BOOK OF PROVERBS
and epigrammatic proverbs in the latter section, Davidson
concludes, are more nearly what early, popular proverbs
may be expected to be than the more regular proverbs in
10. i to 22. 16, which presuppose an advanced stage of
literary culture and a long development of the art of
proverb-making. If, now, chapters 25 to 29, the earliest
collection, belong to the age of Hezekiah, the dates of
practically all the other sections demand readjustment.
However, just as the testimony furnished by the pres
ent arrangement of the book is inconclusive, so little
weight can be attached to the chronological statement in
25. I.123 Hence the whole question regarding the dates
of the several collections and of the book as a whole must
be determined on the basis of internal evidence. Now, it
has been pointed out124 that every collection contains
some features which may be interpreted as pointing to a
late date, while at least the larger sections contain other
elements which seem to favor an early date.125 In other
words, whatever the number of preexilic proverbs em
bodied in the several collections may be, these collections
appear to have been compiled during the postexilic period.
This is the view of most recent writers. A good sum
mary of the whole matter is given by C. H. Toy in the
following paragraph : "Out of certain current collections
of aphorisms were first put together our subsections
chapters 10 to 15, 16 to 22. 16, 25 to 27, and 28, 29,

128 See above, p. 113.
m See above, pp. io8ff.
m In the introduction, 1. 7 to 9. 18, the resemblances to Deutero
nomy, which are thought by many to favor an early date, soon after
the reform movement under Josiah, are counterbalanced, for example,
by the personification of wisdom in Chapter 8, which is an advance
over Job 28, and is closely akin to Ecclesiasticus 24 and to the still
later Wisdom of Solomon. 117

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
and from these by different editors the sections 10. i
to 22. 16 and 25 to 29 were made, the editor of the latter
being aware of the existence of the former. The two
may have reached substantially their present form be
tween B. C. 350 and B. C. 300, the second a little later
than the first. ' During the next half-century the section
III (22. 17 to 24) 126 was produced, and a book of
aphorisms was formed by combining II127 and IV128
and inserting III between them; it is not apparent how
this position came to be assigned III, but, as 25. 1,
('these also are proverbs of Solomon') seems to pre
suppose 10. 1 ('proverbs of Solomon'), and III is re
ferred not to Solomon but to the 'sages,' it is likely that
it was added after II and IV had been combined; it is
possible, however, that it was first attached to II, the
collection IV, with its title unchanged, being then added.
The opening section (omitting 6. 1-19; 9. 7-12) may
have been composed about the middle of the third century
B. C, and was combined by its author (or by some con
temporary editor) with II-IV; the introduction (1. 2-7)
is couched in the technical terms of the schools, and is
probably the work of the author of the section; he seems
also to have prefixed the general title (1. 1). The addi
tions to the section (6. 1-19 ; 9. 7-12), which resemble III,
V,129 and II, may be due to the final redactor, or to a very
late scribe. Finally, the work was completed by the addi
tion of the fragments contained in chapters 30, 31, the
completion falling in the second century B. C. Succeed
ing copyists introduced into the text a number of errors,

126 Including sections n and III in the table given above, p. 115.
127 10. 1 to 22. 16.
128 Chapters 25 to 29.
m Chapters 30, 31. 118

THE BOOK OF PROVERBS
not only in words and phrases but also in arrangement of
lines and couplets."130
The history of the book as outlined by Toy differs
slightly from that suggested in the table on p. 115; but
this simply shows that the data are not sufficiently numer
ous or definite to warrant dogmatic assertions regarding
details. If, therefore, anyone should feel that the con
clusions here set forth are too definite or specific, he may
content himself with the general statement that the book
of Proverbs reached its final form about B. C. 200, and
that it embodies several collections of wisdom sayings
formed at earlier periods, some of them containing pre
exilic material.
Significance and Value. The charge has been brought
against the book of Proverbs that it is not truly religious,
that it moves on a lower plane and contemplates lower
aims than do the other books of the Old Testament. But
this estimate of the book is altogether inadequate. That
there are differences between it and' other books in the
Old Testament canon may be admitted, but these differ
ences are due not to a lack of spiritual insight or moral
fervor, but to differences in aim and purpose. Neither
the authors of the individual sayings, nor the compilers
of the several collections, nor the editor of the book in
its final form, were interested primarily in prophetic dis
courses or religious lyrics; their concern was with those
simple precepts of life which, because of their very sim
plicity, are ever needed for the proper guidance of men.
There are two phases of religion, the one internal, the
religious experience, the other external, the religious life.
The two belong together, but at times the first, at other

m The Book of Proverbs, p. xxx. 119

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
times the second, may be emphasized. The authors,
adapters, and compilers of the wisdom sayings in the
canonical book of Proverbs placed the emphasis on life
and conduct. They sought to teach the most difficult of
all lessons — how to practice religion, how to overcome
the temptations, and to discharge the duties of everyday
life. Hence, "Guide to the happy or successful Life"
would be an appropriate title for the book.
The teaching of the wise men rests upon a religious
basis. Their religion may not rise to a New Testament
level, but in this they resemble other Old Testament writ
ers; their conceptions of reward and punishment may
be crude and materialistic, but this point of view they
share with all the saints of Israel whose vision was con
fined to this world. But with all these shortcomings, their
teaching is inspired by a firm belief in the existence of
a personal, righteous God and his rule over the world,
and in the other great verities taught by the prophets.
Far from disregarding religion the writers of proverbs
sought to make it the controlling motive of life and con
duct. As a result a healthy, religious spirit pervades the
book from beginning to end; and, in addition, there are
numerous passages which give definite expression to the
lofty religious conceptions of the wise men.131
Nevertheless, as is natural in a book seeking to influ
ence conduct, greater stress is laid upon ethics, the prac
tice of religion. No interest or relation of life seems
to have escaped the attention of these keen observers of
human nature and life. Precepts are given concerning
ordinary, everyday conduct,132 the relation of men to
131 For example, 3. 5-7; 16. 3, 6, 9; 23. 17, etc. The creed of the wise
men is summed up in the expression, "Fear of Yahweh."
132 For example, 10. 4; 11. 28; 12. 10; 14. 3.

THE BOOK OF PROVERBS
their fellows,133 domestic relations and domestic happi
ness,134 national life and the proper attitude toward gov
ernmental authority,135 as well as concerning all other
relations of life. The ideals of the authors are admirably
expressed in these words of W. T. Davison: "For the
writers of Proverbs religion means good sense, religion
means mastery of affairs, religion means strength and
manliness and success, religion means a well- furnished
intellect employing the best means to accomplish the
highest ends. There is a healthy, vigorous tone about
this kind of teaching which is never out of date, but
which, human nature being what it is, is only top apt to
disappear in the actual presentation of religion in the
church on earth."136 These ideals receive almost endless
application to the problems of daily life in a manner that
must and does commend these forceful sayings even
to-day to the universal moral instincts of mankind.
Hence no one can question the justice of McFadyen's
remark : "A book so rich in moral precept and religious
thought may well claim to have fulfilled its program : 'to
give prudence to the simple, to the young man knowledge
and discretion.' i. 4." 137
133 For example, 11. 1; 14. 21; 17. 5.
134 For example, 6. 20-22; 18. 22; 31. 10-31.
136 For example, 14. 34, 35; 16. 12-15.
138 The Wisdom Literature of the Old Testament, p. 134.
137 Old Testament Introduction, p. 263.

121

CHAPTER V
THE BOOK OF JOB

CHAPTER V
THE BOOK OF JOB
Name. The name of the hero1 of the book of Job is
in the Massoretic text, af^ Iyyobh, in the Septuagint,
K>0, lob, in the Vulgate, Job. The etymology of the word
is doubtful. A favorite interpretation regards it as a
passive formation of a verb meaning "to be hostile," with
the meaning "object of enmity" ; but in reality no satis
factory explanation has been found, and the meaning of
the word remains uncertain. There is no connection
between this man and the Job in Gen. 46. 13 or Jobab
in Gen. 36. 13; but the Job mentioned in Ezek. 14. 14, 20
is undoubtedly identical with the hero of this book.2
Contents and Outline. The book of Job, in form a
1 No claim is made anywhere in the book that Job is the author. A
few writers have assigned the book to him, for instance, Carpzov.
2 It is worthy of note that the genuine Septuagint translation of the
book, recovered during the latter part of the nineteenth century from a
Coptic version, is shorter than the Hebrew text by nearly four hundred
lines. The ordinary editions of the Septuagint, as well as the majority
of MSS., contain not this text but the Hexaplar text of Origen, that is,
the Greek text constructed by this early church father on the basis of
the several Greek translations available in his day. Though he indicated
by means of critical marks the changes he proposed in the Septuagint
text, the critical signs have not been preserved with any kind of care;
hence it is exceedingly difficult to determine from Origen's text the
original form either of the Septuagint translation or of the underlying
Hebrew text. The origin of the differences between the Hebrew and
the genuine Septuagint translation is not clear. At first sight it might
seem that the latter had preserved a more original form of the book,
but this is by no means certain; and the omissions do not remove the
difficulties presented by the Hebrew text.
125

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
drama, relates how Job, a man perfect even in the sight
of God, was suddenly overtaken by a series of distress
ing calamities, which finally caused him to curse the day
of his birth and to cry out for death. All this is contained
in the first three chapters. The rest of the book, with
the exception of a brief epilogue narrating the restoration
of Job to health, prosperity, and happiness, reports the
debates between Job and other speakers to which his
outburst is said to have given rise. The book falls into
five parts of unequal length: I. The prologue,3 written
in prose. The Satan, or "adversary," is permitted by
Yahweh to test Job's righteousness by depriving him of
his wealth and children, and by afflicting him with a loath
some disease. Job remains faithful. II. Debate between
Job and his three friends.4 Three friends of Job come
to comfort him; moved by their unspoken sympathy, he
breaks forth in a passionate cry, cursing the day of his
birth and praying for death. This outburst gives occasion
to the friends to speak, and thus opens the debate. There
are three cycles of speeches ;5 in the first two each of the
three friends speaks and Job replies to each ; in the third,
according to the present arrangement of the book, Zophar
is absent, but Job speaks three times. III. The speeches
of Elihu.6 Elihu, a young man who is represented as a
bystander, has listened to the debate and, vexed with both
Job and his friends, steps forward to set both sides right.
IV. The speeches of Yahweh and Job's submission.7
When Elihu ceases, Yahweh intervenes and answers Job
out of the whirlwind. The answer consists of two parts,
3 1, i to 2. 10.
4 2. II tO 31. 40.
6 Chapters 4-14; 15-21; 22-31.
8 Chapters 32-37.
7 38. 1 to 42. 6. 126

THE BOOK OF JOB
each followed by a few words from Job. The aim of
Yahweh's speeches is to bring Job, who has shown him
self impatient and rebellious, back into a right attitude of
mind toward his God. This is accomplished, for Job
admits the folly of his doubts and solemnly retracts his
hasty and ill-considered words. V. The epilogue,8 written
in prose. Job, restored to a right attitude of heart and
mind, receives the divine commendation, while his friends
are condemned for their foolish utterances. Then he is
blessed with a prosperity twice as great as he enjoyed
before. I. The Prologue — Job's Test and Faithfulness (i. i to 2. 10)
1. Job's uprightness (1. 1-5).
2. Job's first test and his faithfulness (1. 6-22).
3. Job's second test and his faithfulness (2. 1-10).
II. Debate Between Job and His Three Friends (2. 11 to 31. 40)
1. Introduction (2. 11 to 3. 26).
(1) Coming of the three friends (2. 11-13).
(2) Job's passionate cry for death (3. 1-26).
2. First cycle of speeches (4. 1 to 14. 22).
(1) Speech of Eliphaz — No man just in the sight of God
(4. 1 to 5- 27).
(a) Security of the righteous (4. 1-11).
(6) God's righteousness, man's unrighteousness, (4. 12
to 5. 7)-
(c) Submission and penitence to be followed by
restoration (5. 8-27).
(2) Reply of Job — Renewal of complaint and prayer for death
(6. 1 to 7. 21).
(a) Job's intolerable wretchedness (6. 1-13).
(6) Disappointment over the attitude of his friends
(6. 14-23).
(c) Appeal for fair treatment (6. 24-30).
(d) Wearisomeness of life (7. 1-10).
(<?) Challenge of God, prayer for death (7. 11-21).
8 42. 7-17. 127

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
(3) Speech of Bildad— Appeal to tradition (8. 1-22).
The experience of generations proves the justice of
God; the righteous prosper while the wicked are de
stroyed.
(4) Reply of Job — The divine government of the world an
unfathomable mystery (9. 1 to 10. 22).
(a) Job's helplessness in the presence of God's infinite
might (9. 1-21).
(6) God's responsibility for the prevailing situation:
good and bad suffer alike (9. 22-24).
(c) God's unfair treatment of Job (9. 25-35).
(d) God's present attitude incomprehensible (10. 1-17).
(e) Plea for brief respite before death {10. 18-22).
(5) Speech of Zophar — Impossibility of deceiving an all-wise
God (11. 1-20).
(a) Rebuke of Job's challenge of the divine righteous
ness (11. 1-6).
(6) God's wisdom, man's blindness (11. 7-12).
(c) Exhortation to repentance (11. 13-20).
(6) Reply of Job — Traditional doctrines not in accord with the
facts of life (12. 1 to 14. 22).
(a) Job's insight not inferior to that of his friends
(12. 1 to 13. 2).
(b) Worthlessness of the friends' defense of God
(13- 3-12).
(c) New challenge of God (13. 13-28).
(d) Frailty and brevity of human life (14. 1-12).
(<?) Hopelessness of Job's condition (14. 13-22).
3. Second cycle of speeches (15. 1 to 21. 34).
(1) Speech of Eliphaz — The awful fate of the wicked (15.
1-35)- (a) Rebuke of Job's presumptuousness (15. 1-16).
(&) Evil conscience and speedy destruction of the
wicked (15. 17-35)-
(2) Reply of Job — Reassertion of his innocence (16. 1 to
17- 16),
(a) Reproach of the heartlessness of his friends ,
(16. 1-5).
(6) Job's sorrowful condition: forsaken by God and
men (16. 6-17).
(c) The witness in heaven (16. 18 to 17. 9).
(d) Death the only hope of deliverance (17. 10-16),
128

THE BOOK OF JOB
(3) Speech of Bildad— The lot of the sinner in life and death
(18. 1-21).
(a) Condemnation of Job's rejection of friendly coun
sel (18. 1-4).
(6) Calamity in life and dishonor after death the lot
of the wicked (18. 5-21).
(4) Reply of Job— Cry for sympathy and light (19. 1-29).
(a) Protest against the reproaches of his friends (19.
1-6).
(&) Job's sufferings: despised by God and man (19.
7-20).
(c) Appeal to the friends (19. 21-22, 28-29).
(d) Appeal to the divine vindicator (19. 23-27).
(5) Speech of Zophar — Affliction the result of sin (20. 1-29).
Speedy overthrow of the wicked; if he prospers, it is
only for a little while; he will soon be overtaken by
misery and shame (like Job).
(6) Reply of Job — Arraignment of the justice of God's gov
ernment of the world (21. 1-34).
The wicked prosper and die in peace; the friends in
asserting the contrary pervert the truth.
4. Third cycle of speeches (22. 1 to 31. 40).
(1) Speech of Eliphaz — Job's condition due to his sin (22.
1-30). (a) Job's sins the cause of his affliction (22. 1-5).
(6) Enumeration of Job's alleged sins (22. 6-20).
(c) Exhortation to repentance (22. 21-30).
(2) Reply of Job — There is no evidence of a Divine Provi
dence (23. 1 to 24. 25).
(a) Job's yearning for access to God (23. 1-7).
(6) Reassertion of his innocence (23. 8-17).
(c) God's indifference to wickedness (24. 1-25).
(3) Speech of Bildad — Man's inferiority to God (25. 1-6).
(4) Reply of Job — The friends have obscured the issue (26.
1-14). He acknowledges the divine greatness but suggests by
implication that the real point at issue is the divine
justice.
(5) Final words of Job to his friends (27. 1 to 28. 28).
(a) Reaffirmation of his innocence (27. 1-6).
(6) Mental condition and material ruin of the wicked
(27. 7-23). 129

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
(c) The wisdom of God unattainable by man (28.
1-27).
(d) The fear of God the chief duty of man (28. 28).
(6) Job's final survey of his case (29. I to 31. 40).
(a) Job's former prosperity (29. 1-25).
(fc) Job's present humiliation and wretchedness (30.
1-31).
(c) Integrity of Job's entire life (31. 1-40).
III. Speeches of Elihu (32. 1 to 37. 24)
(Introductory — Cause of Elihu's interference, 32. 1-5).
1. Introduction — Elihu's vexation with Job and his friends; he de
sires to express his own opinion (32. 6-33).
2. Disciplinary purpose of affliction (33. 1-33).
3. Defense of the justice of God (34. 1-37).
4. Condemnation of Job's presumptuousness and self-righteousness
(35- 1-16).
5. God's providential dealings with men (36. 1 to 37. 24).
(1) Affliction an evidence of the divine goodness: it is sent
for purposes of warning and purification (36. 1-15).
(2) Exhortation to patient submission (36. 16-23; 37- 14-24).
(3) God's unsearchable greatness (36. 24 to 37. 13).
IV. Speeches of Yahweh and Job's Submission (38. 1 to 42. 6)
1. First speech and its effect (38. 1 to 40. 5).
(1) Job's ignorance of inanimate nature upon earth and in
heaven (38. 1-38).
(2) Job's ignorance of animal creation (38. 39 to 40. 2).
(3) Job's recognition of the transcendent majesty of God
(40. 3-5).
2. Second speech and its effect (40. 6 to 42. 6.)
(1) God's challenge to Job: he is to assume the divine attri
butes and rule the world (40. 6-14).
(2) Job's inability to control Behemoth and Leviathan (40. 15
to 41. 34).
(3) Job's confession and penitence (42. 1-6).
V. The Epilogue— The End of Job's Trials (42. 7-17)
1. Condemnation of Job's friends (42. 7-9).
2. Restoration of Job's prosperity (42. 10-17).
Literary Form of the Book. The literary excellence
of the book of Job is universally acknowledged. "In
130

THE BOOK OF JOB
range of imagination, and sustained splendor of diction,
the book not merely stands alone in the Old Testament,
but takes a foremost place also among the masterpieces
of the world's literature. Tennyson but expresses the
common feeling of literary critics when he pronounces it
'the greatest poem whether of ancient or of modern
times.' "9 But there are differences of opinion as to
its proper classification; whether it should be called an
epic, or a dramatic, or a didactic poem; which simply
shows that the book cannot easily be assigned to any one
of the commonly recognized types of poetry. Peake is
right when he says : "We cannot force this splendid piece
of Hebrew wisdom into a Greek scheme, and it is really
futile to discuss whether it is a drama or an epic. It is
itself."10 It is an epic in the sense of a heroic poem, for it cele
brates, in stately verse, the spiritual and intellectual
accomplishments of its hero. In structure it resembles
a drama; hence it may well be called a dramatic poem.
As in a drama, the action it portrays, though it is far
less certain and swift than in Greek tragedy, passes
through the successive stages of entanglement, develop
ment, and solution.11 Its designation as a dramatic poem
is appropriate, even though it may never have been in
tended for the stage,12 and though it may be admitted
9 A. R. Gordon, The Poets of the Old Testament, p. 202.
10 A. S. Peake, Job, in New Century Bible, p. 41.
11 "The action is for the most part internal and mental, the successive
scenes exhibiting 'the varying moods of a great soul struggling with the
mysteries of fate rather than trying external situations'" (Driver,
Introduction to the Literature of the Old Testament, p. 411). It may
therefore be called a psychological or spiritual drama.
12 Though it can be acted; it was performed at Smith College a num
ber of years ago. See H. T. Fowler, A History of the Literature of
Ancient Israel, p. 333. 131

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
that the characters "lack the strong, clear-cut profile of
great dramatic heroes. One may distinguish the grave,
courtly Eliphaz, with his awesome revelations of the
Divine, from the more timid and shrinking Bildad, who
can but rely upon the traditions of the fathers, and the
rough, coarse-grained Zophar, seeking rather to browbeat
than to argue with his friend. Yet all three are rather
mere lay figures, to whom has been committed the defense
of rusty maxims, and who repeat the same old saws, to
the increasing embitterment of Job's racked and tortured
soul, than the imposing personalities whose wills clash in
deadly conflict on the Greek or Shakespearian stage."13
It is also a didactic poem, for it is intended to teach the
contemporaries of the author "a much-needed lesson on
the mysterious discipline of life." There seems good
reason, therefore, for following Dillmann in calling it
"an epic-dramatic didactic poem."14
The Problem of the Book. That the central theme of
the book of Job is human suffering, more especially the
suffering of the righteous, is generally conceded, but
there has been and still is wide divergence of opinion
regarding the specific aspect of the question thought to
be emphasized and the solution thought to be offered by
the author. Some, basing their conclusion almost entirely
upon the prologue, find the problem underlying the dis
cussion in the question, "Doth Job fear God for
nought?"15 which is another way of saying, Is there such
a thing as disinterested goodness or religion ? According
to this view the book was written for the purpose of
proving that there is a disinterested service of God. Why,
13 A. R. Gordon, The Poets of the Old Testament, p. 210.
14 Hiob, p. xxiii.
"1. 9. 132

THE BOOK OF JOB
then, did the righteous Job suffer? Affliction was sent
to test his character;16 and by remaining loyal to his God
he proved his essential and disinterested goodness. No
doubt the prologue teaches this lesson, but to make it
the theme and purpose of the entire discussion fails to do
justice to the book as a whole, and is, to say the least, a
precarious proceeding in view of the uncertainty that
exists regarding the relation of the prologue to the rest
of the book.17
Others, seeing in the speeches of Elihu the author's
own solution of the problem raised by the suffering of
an apparently righteous man, understand the doctrine of
the disciplinary or purifying value of suffering to be the
principal theme of the book. Budde, for instance, points
out that Job, though righteous before the visit of his
friends, fell into sin while defending himself against their
accusations; moreover, he claims, spiritual pride was
latent in Job's nature from the beginning.18 The object
of the suffering was to bring this hidden sin to his con
sciousness, to lead him to confess it, and thus to purify
his spiritual nature. Altogether aside from the critical
questions raised by the speeches of Elihu, in view of the
subordinate position of the doctrine of the disciplinary
value of suffering in the book as a whole, this interpre
tation also cannot be accepted as offering a satisfactory
definition of the theme and purpose of the book as a
whole. Still others consider the aim of the book to be purely
negative, to clear the ground of the outworn theory that
suffering is always punishment for sin ; or, more broadly,
16 A. B. Davidson, Commentary on the Book of Job, p. xxvi.
17 See further on this point, below, pp. 139S.
18 Das Buch Hiob, pp. xxv, xxxff., etc.
133

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
to disprove the theory of retribution which insisted that
every man receives exactly and immediately what he
deserves : the good, prosperity, the bad, adversity.19 This
theory was advocated by the friends of Job; and there
can be no doubt that the author meant to condemn their
position, for he introduces Yahweh himself as saying
to them : "Ye have not spoken of me the thing that is
right" ;20 but, like the views already discussed, the inter
pretation fails to do justice to the book as a whole.
The same criticism may be urged against those who,
led astray by some of the rash and radical utterances of
Job, can see nothing but skepticism and pessimism in the
book. Only a partial and superficial study can account
for the inclusion of Job among the skeptics of the Old
Testament,21 or for the designation of the book as "the
Song of Songs of Skepticism,"22 or for its characteriza
tion as atheistic, setting forth "the absolute unrighteous
ness of God as the solution of the problem."23 Nor does
Ewald's interpretation of the book24 as the dramatic
representation of a heroic soul's struggle toward light
and peace furnish an entirely adequate explanation.
All these interpretations contain elements of truth, but
no one of them expresses fully or adequately the central
theme and purpose, in other words, the problem of the
book of Job. A comprehensive study of the book as a
whole, not of some particular portion, makes it clear that

18 G. B. Gray, A Critical Introduction to the Old Testament, pp. 120,
123; Bennett and Adeney, A Biblical Introduction, p. 134; H. T. Fowler,
A History of the Literature of Ancient Israel, p. 335.
20 42. 7.
21 E. J. Dillon, Sceptics of the Old Testament.
22 Friedrich Delitzsch, Das Buch Hiob, p. 15.
23 E. Mueller, Der echte Hiob.
24 Dichter des Allen Bundes, vol. iii, pp. 12, 13.
134

THE BOOK OF JOB
the entire discussion centers around the one question,
How can the suffering of a righteous man be harmonised
with the belief that a holy and just God orders the affairs
of this world? The popular view, reflected in the greater
part of the Old Testament, was that suffering always
comes as punishment for sin, prosperity as reward for
piety. This belief appeared to be the only one that could
be brought into accord with the righteousness of Yahweh :
a righteous God must reward the righteous and punish the
wicked. No doubt exceptions to the rule were noted, but
as long as the individual was swallowed up in the com
munity, the apparent contradictions of the dogma did not
constitute a serious problem. When, however, the indi
vidual came to receive proper recognition, an experience
like that of Job was bound to create difficulties, for the
suffering of a God-fearing man seemed to imply unfair
ness on the part of the God whom he served and who
was thought to govern the world. That this perplexity
was keenly felt in Israel may be learned from allusions in
the prophetic books and other parts of the Old Testa
ment.25 At last the time came when a wise man, whose
own experience and life may have prompted the effort,
sought to solve the problem in the light of all the religious
knowledge he possessed. As the basis of the discussion
he used the experiences of Job, the tradition of which he
may have found common property; but he treated this
material with perfect poetic freedom, arranging it in the
form of a drama, in which different speakers are intro
duced, each suggesting his own solution of the problem.
Solutions of the Problem. The solutions suggested in
different parts of the book are as follows : i. The solution
of the prologue — Suffering is a test of character. 2.
26 See above, pp. 89!!. 135

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
The solution of the three friends — Suffering is always
punishment for sin, though at times it may serve also
disciplinary ends. 3. The solution of Job — Job struggles
long and persistently with the problem ; once or twice he
seems to have a glimpse of a possible straightening out
of the present inequalities in an after life,26 but it remains
a glimpse; he always sinks back to a feeling of uncer
tainty and perplexity. His general attitude is that there
must be something out of gear in the world, for the right
eousness of God cannot be seen as things are going now.
Even after listening to the speeches of Yahweh he can
see no explanation; but now he is ready to place his
confidence in God. 4. The solution of Elihu — Elihu
agrees with the three friends that there is close connec
tion between suffering and sin; but he emphasizes more
than they the disciplinary purpose of suffering which, he
points out, is the voice of God calling the sinner to repent
ance. 5. The solution of Yahweh — To the human mind
the whole universe is an unfathomable mystery, in which
the evil is no more perplexing than the good. In the pres
ence of all these mysteries the proper attitude is one of
faith and humble submission to God. 6. The solution of
the epilogue — In a sense the epilogue grants the conten
tion of the friends, for it teaches that righteousness will
sooner or later receive its reward even in this world.
The author nowhere states which of these solutions he
accepts as true; one thing alone is absolutely certain,
namely, that he means to reject emphatically the tradi
tional view of the friends, that suffering must always be
regarded as punishment for sin. The failure of the
author to commit himself is at least in part responsible
for the wide divergence of opinion respecting the pur-
26 Job 19. 23-27. 136

THE BOOK OF JOB
pose, and teaching of the book. It may well be that he
was conscious of his inability to present an entirely satis
factory solution, and, therefore, offered in the epilogue
a sort of compromise with the orthodox position of the
times. However, it is not unnatural to look in the
speeches of Yahweh for a more or less definite indication
of the author's preference; and in this expectation the
student is not disappointed. For, while these speeches
offer no solution in the true sense of the word, they do
show, on the one hand, that human intellect alone cannot
solve the riddle, and on the other, that the only solution
possible is a religious solution, a solution of faith. In
the words of George A. Barton: "With a touch too
artistic to permit him to descend to a homiletic attitude
the poet has shown that his solution of life's problem is
a religious one. He had portrayed with great power the
inability of man's mind to comprehend the universe or to
understand why man must suffer, but he makes Job, his
hero, find in a vision of God the secret of life. Job's
questions remain unanswered. He cannot solve life's
riddle, but is content to trust God, of whose goodness he
is convinced, and who, Job is sure, knows the answer.
The poet has thus taught that it is in the realm of reli
gion, and not in that of the intellect, that the solution of
life's mysteries is found."27
It was not easy in the days of the author to exercise
such sublime faith, for he had to solve the problem with
out reference to a future life. Though there may be in
the book glimpses of a life after death, or at least cries
for a temporary restoration to life, the tone of the book
from beginning to end shows that the author neither
holds a doctrine of immortality or resurrection, nor
27 The Book of Job, p. 12. 137

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
offers it as a solution of the problem of suffering. For a
firm faith in a life with God after death there is no
acute problem, for it can find its compensations elsewhere ;
but the basis for this higher solution was established
centuries after the composition of Job by Jesus, who
brought "life and immortality" to light. His fuller
revelation of the truth made it possible to exercise the
more vital faith, with a sufficiently high conception of
God as a loving Father, and a vision of life comprehen
sive enough to include eternity, in which the apparent
inequalities of this present life may be equalized by a holy
and just God.
Original Extent of the Book. According to the pre
ceding paragraphs each division of the book has its own
more or less clearly defined place in. the development of
the argument; nevertheless, questions have been raised
concerning the originality of several of these divisions.
While prologue and epilogue are accepted as parts of the
book in its original form, it is thought by many that they
are not the work of the author of the book of Job, but
were taken by him from an earlier production; most
modern scholars consider the speeches of Elihu a later
addition ; questions have also been raised concerning the
speeches of Yahweh in whole or in part. To these more
or less extensive divisions may be added as doubtful,
besides a number of shorter passages, chapters 7, 12, 14,
17, 24, 26, 27 and 28; so that, according to many scholars,
the book consisted originally only of the prologue, the
dialogues between Job and his friends — not in their
present but in a simpler form — and the epilogue ; and of
these the prologue and the epilogue are thought to have
been borrowed bodily from an earlier writer. This would
leave to the author of the book nothing but the dialogues,
138

THE BOOK OF JOB
found, with some interpolations, in chapters 3 to 26, or
3 to 31. The purpose of this original book is stated by
G. B. Gray in these words : "The purpose of the book —
consisting of the prologue, the speeches of the friends
and of Job, and the epilogue — is to show the falseness of
the prevalent judgment that a man in adversity was
necessarily wicked and forsaken of God: the prologue
and epilogue alike show the falseness of the judgment in
the particular case of Job, and Job in the debate shows
that it is widely inapplicable."28 Are these views regard
ing the original form and extent of the book of Job
justified? 1. The Prologue and Epilogue. As has been stated,
many scholars deny the prologue and the epilogue to the
author of the dialogues between Job and his friends.
Especially since the exhaustive investigations and dis
cussions of Budde it has become customary to' consider
these two sections the beginning and end, if not the main
part, of an older prose folk-tale — Volksbuch — of Job's
sufferings, which the author of the dialogues adopted,
and perhaps adapted, as the framework of his own con
tribution.29 In support of the view that prologue and
epilogue are not from the same hand as the dialogues,
attention is called to facts like these: (1) the prologue
and epilogue are in prose, the rest of the book is in poetry;
(2) in the prologue and epilogue the divine name is
Yahweh, in the rest of the book it is El, or Eloah, or
Shaddai.30 (3) The Job of the prologue and epilogue

28 A Critical Introduction to the Old Testament, p. 123.
29 Beitraege zur Kritik des Buches Hiob; and Das Buch Hiob, in Hand-
Kommentar zum Alten Testament.
30 Except 12. 9, which many commentators consider an interpolation,
and 38. 1, which is simply the introduction to the speeches of Yahweh.
139

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
does not seem to be the same as the central figure of the
rest of the book : The Job of the prologue is patient, sub
missive, and resigned, and this is also the Job of the
epilogue, for Yahweh commends him without qualifica
tion;31 but the Job of the dialogues is impatient, bitter,
and even defiant, and this is the Job whom Yahweh
addresses in his speeches when he rebukes him for
darkening counsel by words without knowledge, for find
ing fault and arguing with God.32 (4) The whole center
of interest seems to change as one passes from the pro
logue and epilogue to the dialogues:33 In the prologue
Job is on trial, and the epilogue testifies that he has stood
the test to the divine satisfaction ; in the rest of the book
it is not the fidelity of Job but the justice of the divine
administration of the world that is in question. In the
words of Godet : "The Being who is brought to the bar
of judgment is in reality not Job, it is Yahweh. The
point in debate is not only the virtue of Job ; it is at the
same time, and in a still higher degree, the justice of
God."34 These facts may not establish diversity of
authorship beyond the possibility of doubt;35 neverthe
less, they receive a more satisfactory explanation if it is
assumed that prologue and epilogue do not come from
the author of the dialogues.36

32 38. 2; 40. 2.
33 A. R. Gordon, The Poets of the Old Testament, p. 204.
34 Old Testament Studies, p. 186.
36 J. E. McFadyen, Old Testament Introduction, pp. 275, 276; and K.
Kautzsch, Das sogenannte Volksbuch von Hiob, passim.
36 See also Journal of Biblical Literature, XIV, pp. 63-71, and Amer
ican Journal of Semitic Languages, XIV, pp. 137-164. In order to
save at least a part of the present prologue for the author of the dia
logue it has been proposed to omit 1. 6-12 and 2. i~7a as a later inter
polation — see, for example, E. Koenig, Einleitung in das Alte Testament,
140

THE BOOK OF JOB
On one point, however, Budde and his followers have
gone astray, namely, in making the Volksbuch a pre
exilic production. Karl Kautzsch has shown conclusively
that the prologue in its present form cannot have origin
ated in preexilic times.37 It may, indeed, be that there
was current in Israel before the exile a tradition of a
righteous man Job who, in spite of extraordinary afflic
tion, remained faithful to his God,38 but this popular
story probably lacked the didactic element so prominent
in the present prologue. A postexilic writer used this
tradition or folk-tale in producing what has been called
"the first draft" of Job— the Volksbuch of Budde. The
date and purpose of this Volksbuch can be determined
only on the basis of internal evidence. The idea of the
Satan, or adversary, for instance, appears to be some
what in advance of that found in Zech. 3. iff.,39 and the
problem raised by the prosperity of the wicked and the
affliction of the righteous seems to have been especially
troublesome in the days of Malachi.40 It may well be,
therefore, that the prose story of Job, of which the pro
logue and epilogue of the present book of Job were a
part, was written in the age of Malachi "to cheer the
downcast -hearts of the people of God in those troublous
times that followed the restoration, when the righteous
suffered and the wicked saw long and prosperous years

p. 415, and compare E. Sellin, Einleitung in das Alte Testament, p.
118— but if these sections are omitted, the rest of the prologue loses all
significance. 37 K. Kautzsch, Das sogenannte Volksbuch von Hiob, pp. 22ff. Com
pare also J. E. McFadyen, Old Testament Introduction, p. 276; N.
Schmidt, Messages of the Poets, pp. 97ff.
38 Compare Ezek. 14. 14, 20.
39 B. C. 520.
43 About B. C. 450; compare Mai 2. 17 to 4. 3. and see above, p. 91.
141

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
and devout souls were often sadly tempted to renounce
their faith, for it seemed so profitless to serve God in
sincerity. By the picture of Job, the upright, suffering
the loss of all things, and even the extreme of personal
agony, yet holding fast his faith in God, and even blessing
the hand that smote, the writer encourages the suffering
saints of his own day to bear their afflictions bravely; for
these are not, as they imagine in their heaviness of heart,
the outpouring of the divine wrath because of their sins,
but the test by which God is even now revealing before
angels and men the sterling purity of their faith and
piety. Thus, if they hold fast their integrity, as Job did,
they too will be witnesses for God in their generation;
and soon he will arise in his glory to champion their cause,
and will bless their latter end more than their begin
ning."41 The tone of the epilogue, which may have formed the
close -of the prose story, suggests that it was. preceded
by speeches of the friends in very much the same strain
as the utterance of Job's wife,42 and by replies of Job,
not full of impatience and rebellion like his speeches in
the present book, but full of faith and humble submission ;
hence the commendation of Job and the condemnation of
the friends.43 The author of the present book, taught
perhaps by bitter experience, felt that the treatment of
the problem in the prose story was inadequate; his own
faith may have been severely tried, he may have been
driven almost to despair by mysterious suffering, he may
have had to endure the heartless consolation of friends
who showed no real sympathy, and in spite of it all he
41 A. R. Gordon, The Poets of the Old Testament, pp. 207, 208.
42 2. 9.
4342.7.8. 142

THE BOOK OF JOB
may have gloriously triumphed in the end. Such may
have been the experience of the man who, while retaining
the opening and closing sections of the Volksbuch as a
suitable framework, introduced between the two his own
more profound discussion of the problem, picturing in
the speeches of Job the bitter agony and despair which
he himself experienced until he found rest in patient
submission to God.
2. The Speeches of Elihu. Driver calls the view that
the Elihu speeches were not a part of the original book of
Job "the general opinion of commentators and critics."44
Important exceptions are Budde, Wildeboer, Cornill, and
a few other scholars, who not only defend the authenticity
of these speeches, but find in them the real solution of
the problem of the book.45 Against the originality of
these chapters the following considerations are urged :
(i) Elihu is not mentioned in the prologue nor, what
is more significant, in the epilogue. The silence of the
prologue might be explained by the fact that Elihu does
not join in the principal debate, which is between Job
and his friends, and that 32. 1-5 furnishes a suitable and
adequate introduction. The silence of the epilogue, how
ever, is not so easily explained, for Yahweh passes judg
ment on Job and his friends; and if Elihu had been one
of the participants in the debate, would Yahweh have
passed him over in silence? (2) Not only are the
speeches of Elihu loosely connected with the poem as a
44 Introduction to the Literature of the Old Testament, p. 428.
"See above, p. 133; hence Cornill calls the speeches of Elihu "the
crown of the book of Job," Einleitung in das Alte Testament, p. 237;
the most exhaustive discussion is that of Budde, found in Beitraege zur
Erklaerung des Buches Hiob, his commentary on Hiob, in Nowack's
Hand-Kommentar series and in bis_Geschichte der allhebraeischen Lit-
teratur. 143

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
whole, so that they might easily be omitted without affect
ing the argument, but, what is much more significant,
they actually are a disturbing element in the discussion.
They interrupt the connection between the dramatic
appeal to Yahweh at the close of Job's defense46 and
Yahweh's appearance,47 while the opening words of
Yahweh48 imply that he speaks in immediate reply to
Job's challenge; moreover, Elihu anticipates, at least in
part, the argument of Yahweh.49 (3) The speeches of
Elihu do not contribute anything essentially new to the
argument. Following in the footsteps of the friends,
he connects Job's sufferings with his sins.50 True, he
places greater emphasis than they upon suffering as an
expression of the divine goodness, sent for disciplinary
purposes;51 but Eliphaz had already advanced the same
argument52 and Job had rejected it.53 In language and
style chapters 32 to 37 differ materially from the rest of
the book. The style, says Driver, "is prolix, labored,
and sometimes tautologous; the power and brilliancy
which are so conspicuous in the poem generally are sensi
bly missing. The reader, as he passes from Job and his
three friends to Elihu, is conscious at once that he has
before him the work of a writer, not indeed devoid of
literary skill, but certainly inferior in literary and poeti
cal genius to the author of the rest of the book. The
language is often involved and the thought strained ; these

48 3i- 35-37-
47 38. 1.
48 38. 2.
49 Compare Chapters 36, 37.
60 34- 37-
61 33- 14-30; 36. 8-25.
* 5- 8ff., 17ft.
» 6. 24ff .

144

THE BOOK OF JOB
speeches are marked also by many peculiarities of expres
sion, and by a deeper coloring of Aramaic than the poem
generally."54 Budde admits the presence of these differ
ences, and goes so far as to say that the more he fixes
his attention on the whole rather than on details, the
stronger the impression becomes that there is a marked
difference between the style of Elihu and that of the rest
of the book; and that these differences would be suffi
ciently striking to establish diversity of authorship if they
could not be explained as due to interpolation and corrup
tion of the text. With the troublesome passages55 re
moved, he thinks the reasons for denying the speeches to
the author of the rest of the book disappear.
In the nature of the case, absolute certainty cannot be
had, but the evidence against the authenticity of the Elihu
speeches appears stronger than any consideration that
may be urged in their favor. On the whole, it seems
reasonable to conclude that they were added to the origi
nal book of Job by a serious thinker who felt that the
preceding dialogues were defective in some points, which
shortcoming he desired to correct : ( i ) In rebuke of Job's
attitude, which he thought was lacking in reverence, he
laid greater stress on the greatness, power, and love of
God, which should inspire reverence in man. (2) In
rebuke of the ineffective arguments of the friends he
seeks to show that any arguments that will silence Job
must be drawn from the character and attributes of God.
(3) Feeling that insufficient weight has been given to

64 Introduction to the Literature of the Old Testament, p. 429.
66 32. 2-5, 11, 12, 15-17; 33- 4. I5b, 33; 34- 9. ">a, 25-28, 29c; 35. 4;
36. 13, 14, 17, 25, 26, 29, 30; 37. 13, 15, 16. It is always precarious to
omit passages simply because they refuse to support a theory. In this
case there are no other reasons for these wholesale omissions.
145

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
the disciplinary value of suffering, he seeks to supply this
lack. 3. The Speeches of Yahweh. Even some scholars who
believe that Yahweh appeared as one of the speakers in
the book from the beginning doubt the originality of the
speeches placed in the mouth of Yahweh in their present
form. Questions are raised, for instance, regarding the
descriptions of Behemoth and Leviathan.56 It is pointed
out that "the heavy sensuous art of the descriptions . . .
stands in broad contrast to the swift, imaginative beauty
of the preceding pictures of natural life and order. Their
effect is, further, to divert attention from the main issue
of the poem." Emphasis is also placed on the difference
in the use of the word "leviathan" in 41. 1 as compared
with 3. 8,57 on the fact that all the other animal pictures
are drawn from the desert, and on the unnecessary post
ponement of the crisis between Yahweh and Job, for
which the sympathetic reader is impatiently waiting. In
reply to the objections it has been urged that the de
scriptions are needed to complete Yahweh's argument:
whereas the preceding chapters were to convince Job of
his ignorance, these are to convince him of his impotence.
The arguments against the originality of the descriptions
of Behemoth and Leviathan cannot be considered con
clusive; and yet it must be admitted that the plea of
Yahweh would gain in dignity and power if they were
omitted and certain other changes were made that would
inevitably follow the omission.
If the section indicated were eliminated, the second
speech of Yahweh would lose its significance as an inde
pendent speech; which may suggest that originally there
"40. 15 to 41. 34.
67 In the latter passage the mythological element is very pronounced.'
146

THE BOOK OF JOB
was only one utterance of Yahweh. Moreover, the words
introducing the second speech58 seem to be only a
variant of 38. 1-3, and Job's, reply in 40. 3-5 does not
read smoothly after 40. 1, 2. These peculiarities have
led many modern scholars to regard chapters 38 and 39
plus 40. 2, 8-14 as one speech of Yahweh, and 40. 3-5
plus 42. 2-6, exclusive of some clauses which seem to
have been introduced from the speech of Yahweh, as one
reply of the awestruck Job.
Others favor more radical measures : Disappointed
because the words of Yahweh offer no direct solution of
the problem, they deny to these chapters a place in the
original book of Job. They consider them a later addi
tion written for the purpose of exalting the greatness and
glory of Yahweh, without any attempt to solve the prob
lem beyond suggesting that it is a mystery which should
be treated with reverence by man.59 The objections
urged against the speeches of Yahweh, or against one
great, impressive speech are by no means conclusive : ( 1 )
The difference in the attitude of Yahweh toward Job, as
compared with the attitude reflected in the prologue and
epilogue — in the prologue and epilogue he defends and
commends him, in the speech he accuses him of folly60 —
is easily explained, because (a) the prologue and epilogue
were taken from an earlier work, and (b) the rebuke of
Job was due to Job's impatience manifested in the dia
logues with his friends. (2) The objection that this
view implies that "what the Satan had been unable to
achieve by depriving Job of riches, children, and health,
58 40. 6, 7.
69 T. K. Cheyne, Job and Solomon, p. 69; N. Schmidt, Messages of
the Poets, pp. 90, 91 ; Buchanan Blake, The Book of Job and the Problem
of Suffering, pp. l85ff.
60 38. 2. 147

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
the friends by their persistent presentation of a banal
orthodoxy that had no relation to the facts in Job's life
did achieve" carries no weight against Yahweh's words ;
it could be used only against Job's own words uttered in
the course of the debate. (3) The fact that Job recog
nized the divine power and wisdom before Yahweh's
appearance61 does not make the speeches of the latter
superfluous. The vision and words of Yahweh gave him
an appreciation of the divine transcendence such as he
had not had before ; for this is the meaning of Job's con
fession : I had heard of thee by the hearing of the ear ;
But now mine eye seeth thee.62
(4) The nearness of Job's self-condemnation in 42. 3
to Yahweh's commendation in 42. 7 constitutes no real
difficulty. The self-condemnation proved to Yahweh
that his purpose, to bring Job to his senses, had been
successfully accomplished, and that the time for showing
approval had arrived. And if this explanation seems
unsatisfactory, all difficulty disappears on the twofold
assumption for which there is abundant support, (a) that
the original book of Job contained only one speech of
Yahweh and one reply of Job; if so, 42. 3 may have been
brought in at a later time from 38. 2; and (b) that the
author of the rest of the book took the prologue and
epilogue from an earlier prose work. While, thus, the
arguments against the originality of the Yahweh speeches
are inconclusive, their omission would take the very heart
out of the discussion. It is quite safe, therefore, to con
clude that the original book of Job contained at least one
speech of Yahweh.

148

THE BOOK OF JOB
4. The Soliloquy on Wisdom. If chapters 38ff. repro
duce correctly at least the substance of Yahweh's utter
ance, and if this address was in the book from the begin
ning, it becomes exceedingly difficult to accept the
soliloquy on wisdom in chapter 28 as a part of the origi
nal discussion. According to chapter 28 Job expresses
the conviction that wisdom, by which the author means
"the intellectual apprehension of the principles by which
the course of the physical world and the events of human
life are regulated," belongs in its fullness only to God;
as a substitute God has imposed upon man the duty of
living a holy and righteous life. But if Job had attained
to this submissive frame of mind at the close of the
debate with his friends, why was it necessary for Yahweh
to appear in order to bring him into this attitude ? More
over, if Job had come to this conviction at that point in
the discussion, how is it that it exerted no influence what
ever on his subsequent utterances ? In the final summing
up of his case,63 sometimes called Job's Apologia pro Vita
Sua, which immediately follows the soliloquy, he reveals
the same bitterness, impatience, and rebellion which
marked his earlier speeches. It has, indeed, been sug
gested that the author regarded Job's tranquil state of
mind as temporary only ; but this assumption would make
the transition too abrupt, and the context gives no hint
as to any cause for either the coming or the passing of
such temporary tranquillity. Budde's explanation, that
the chapter reflects a spirit, not of resignation, but of
dissatisfaction and despair,64 removes this difficulty, but
it is without support in the text: chapter 28 reveals no
trace of resentment and bitterness; on the contrary, it
63 Chapters 29 to 31.
84 Das Buch Hiob, pp. xxvii, 156. 149

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
makes the impression that the speaker finds entire satis
faction in the truth expressed. The soliloquy might
possibly be saved for the author of the rest of the book
by removing it from its present position and assigning it
a more suitable place, perhaps after 42. 6; but on the
whole it may be better to regard it as an independent
fragment of choice wisdom poetry, similar to Prov. 8,
which found a place in the book of Job at a later time.
Both in literary and religious power the chapter ranks
with the best parts of the book.
5. Original Form of the Third Cycle.65 In the first
two cycles the discussion proceeds smoothly and consist
ently, but the third cycle presents peculiarities as well as
difficulties: (1) Zophar is absent; (2) the speech of
Bildad is unusually brief; (3) though chapters 26 to 31
are all placed in the mouth of Job, there are three distinct
introductions.66 (4) Chapter 26. 5-14 seems unsuitable
si in the mouth of Job at this stage of the argument; on
the other hand, it closely resembles chapter 25 and fur
nishes an appropriate continuation of Bildad's speech.
(5) In 27. 7-23 Job appears to go back on the position
defended by him previously and resumed in chapters 29
to 31, and to adopt the position of the friends. It is not
easy to remove these difficulties without rearranging a
part of the utterances in the cycle. The discussion pro
gresses more smoothly if rearranged as follows : Eliphaz,
chapter 22; Job, chapters 23, 24; Bildad, 25. 1-3; 26.
5-14; Job, 26. 1-4; 27. 2-6, 11, 12; Zophar, 27. 7-10,
13-23; Job, chapters 29 to 31.
There are various questions centering around passages
in addition to those discussed in the preceding para-
66 Chapters 22 to 31.
66 26. i; 27. 1; 29. I. ISO

THE BOOK OF JOB
graphs, which have bearing on the original form and
extent of the book of Job, but these can be discussed
adequately only in connection with a detailed exegetical
study. However, the facts and considerations already
presented warrant the conclusion that the book of Job
in its original form consisted of the prologue, taken
probably from a somewhat earlier prose work, the dia
logues between Job and his friends, one impressive utter
ance of Yahweh followed by a confession of Job, and
the epilogue, coming from the same source as the pro
logue. Of extensive sections, therefore, chapter 28 and
the speeches of Elihu would have to be considered addi
tions by a later 'hand or by later hands.67
Date and Authorship of the Book. Jewish tradition
preserved in the Talmud68 makes Moses the author of the
book of Job, and this view has had defenders among
scholars until recent times. In support of this view atten
tion has been called to the undoubtedly primitive aspect of
the book: it has been claimed, for instance, that there
are no references to Mosaic laws and observances, that
there is complete silence regarding some of the most
important events in Hebrew history, such as the exodus,
the desert wanderings, the conquest, as well as events
during later periods; that the commonly used divine

e7E. Sellin, who admits that the book in its present form cannot
have been written by one author at one and the same time, still insists
that, with the exception of the prologue and epilogue, the book is the
work of one single author, who wrestled with the problem during his
entire life and produced different sections at different times to express
different stages in his contemplation of the problem of suffering. Ein
leitung in das Alte Testament, p. 12 1.
68 F. C. Eiselen, The Books of the Pentateuch, p. 86. Some writers,
both ancient and modern, have assigned the book even to pre-Mosaic
days. 151

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
names are the primitive El and Eloah, Yahweh being used
very rarely in the body of the book, that the civilization
reflected is that of patriarchal times, etc. But can facts
like these, even if true, determine the date of the produc
tion ? Does not the assignment of the book to an early
date on the basis of such evidence involve a confusion
between the period in which the hero is thought to have
lived and that in which the record of his experiences
assumed its present literary form? Are these primitive
features beyond the power of a skillful writer of a later
date to conceive and represent ? On the other hand, closer
examination has brought to light unmistakable indications
of a later, post-Mosaic date. Among the more important
of these the following may be mentioned : ( i ) References
to laws and legal practices that had their origin subse
quently to the age of Moses.69 (2) The book presupposes
an advanced state of society, and a considerable range
and faculty of observation on the part of its author. (3)
The book presupposes much reflection on the problems of
life and society. (4) The great literary power of the
poem, its finished form, and the ability which its author
displays not merely of expounding a subject briefly, but
of developing it under different aspects in a regularly
progressing argument, implies that a mature stage of
literary culture had been reached. (5) The theology
and ethics of the book point to a date subsequent to the
great eighth-century prophets. (6) The language reveals
characteristics of a late date.70 As a result of these con
siderations the Mosaic date and authorship have now been
given up by practically all scholars ; but no consensus of
611 See further, below, p. 155.
70 S. R. Driver, Introduction to the Literature of the Old Testament,
p. 432. 152

THE BOOK OF JOB
opinion regarding the exact date of the book has been
reached.
Luther was the first to suggest that the book may have
been written by one of the wise men who flourished dur
ing the reign of King Solomon, a view strongly advocated
during the nineteenth century by Haevernick, Delitzsch,
Zoeckler, and other adherents of the more conservative
school.71 The principal support for this theory was
found in the similarities between Job and some psalms
credited to David,72 and between Job and Proverbs I to
9, believed by these scholars to be the work of Solomon.
Unfortunately, the relevant psalms and the section in
Proverbs which seems to have most in common with
Job are now generally considered late and are assigned
to the postexilic age. Moreover, though it is no easy task
to determine priority in cases of literary parallels, in
some cases the author of Job is clearly the borrower.73
Further support has been found in the alleged dependence
of Amos, Isaiah, and other preexilic writers upon Job;74
but here again the dependence is more likely on the side
of Job.
Internal evidence appears to favor a still later date :
Several passages75 read like reminiscences of a recent
national disaster, perhaps the captivity of Israel in B. C.
722 or that of Judah in B. C. 586. Those who believe
that the former furnished the background favor a date
soon after the fall of Samaria. Thus the book has been

71 It has even been ascribed to King Solomon himself.
72 For example, Psalms 8, 39, 88, 107.
73 For example, Job 7. 17 seems to be a parody on Psalm 8. 5.
74 Compare Job 9. 8, 9 with Amos 4. 13 and 5. 8; 12. 15 with Amos,
9. 6; 18. 16 with Amos 2. 9; 30. 31 with Amos 8. 10; 14. 11 with Isa.
19. 5, etc.
76 For example, 9. 24; 12. 6, 13-^25; 24- 12.
1 S3

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
credited to a contemporary of Isaiah,76 or to some one
living between Isaiah and Jeremiah, perhaps during the
bloody reign of Manasseh, whose persecutions of the
faithful Yahweh worshipers must have made the problem
of the sufferings of the righteous an acute one,77 or to
a contemporary of the prophet Jeremiah.78
However, in the light of the internal evidence outlined
below it seems impossible to assign the book to a pre
exilic date ; on the other hand, there are strong reasons
for bringing it down to the later postexilic age, probably
not earlier than B. C. 400 :79 ( 1 ) The author must have
lived subsequently to Jeremiah, (a) There seems to
be some kind of literary connection between Job 3 and
Jer. 20. 14-18; and a close examination of the two pas
sages makes it clear that the priority is on the side of
the prophet. "Jeremiah was in no mood for quotation,
his words are brief and abrupt. The book of Job is a
highly artistic poem, and it is much more probable that
Job 3 is an elaboration of the passionate words of Jere
miah than that Jeremiah adapted in his sorrow the longer
lament of Job."80 (b) The rise of the problem discussed
in Job presupposes the teaching of Jeremiah, and of his
younger contemporary Ezekiel. It was the suffering of
the righteous individual Job that created the trouble
some problem, but no problem of this sort could be felt
until after the religious value of the individual had come

76 Noeldeke, M'erx, Hitzig, Reuss, etc.
77 Bleek, Ewald, Schrader, C. H. H. Wright, W. T. Davison, etc.
78 Kleinert, Koenig, etc.
79 This is the date favored by a majority of recent writers; some
assign the book to an even later date; Cornill, Einleitung in das Alte
Testament, p. 348, suggests a date after B. C. 250; compare also Stade,
Geschichte des Volkes Israel, II, pp. 348ff.
80 J. E. McFadyen, Old Testament Introduction, p. 279.
154

THE BOOK OF JOB
to be recognized, which resulted directly from the teach
ing of Jeremiah and Ezekiel.81 (c) The author's
familiarity with Deuteronomy points in the same direc
tion.82 Though definite references to laws are rare in
the book of Job, as in all wisdom literature, in a few
cases the author's familiarity with Hebrew legal require
ments betrays itself, and in some of these instances the
reference is to Deuteronomic laws.83 (2) The nature of
the discussion is in advance of Ezekiel. In emphasizing
the doctrine of personal responsibility the latter proposes
an extremely mechanical doctrine of retribution, which
made no provision for the kind of exceptions represented
by the experiences of Job. The central teaching of the
book of Job is that Ezekiel's doctrine is untenable; evi
dently, that doctrine had been weighed and found want
ing.84 (3) The verses which are thought to reflect a
serious national calamity85 receive a perfectly natural
meaning when they are interpreted as referring back to
the fall of Jerusalem in B. C. 586. (4) The figure of
Satan appears again in the Old Testament only in Zech.
81 For example, Jer. 12. 1, 2; 31. 29, 30; Ezek. 18 and 33. The mere
fact that the problem of suffering has occupied the human mind from
earliest times throws no light on the question of the date of the book of
Job. That must be determined from the thought development in
Israel, not from the literature of Babylonia or Egypt.
82 For the date of Deuteronomy, see F. C. Eiselen, The Books of the
Pentateuch, Chapter XII.
83 Compare, for example, Job 22. 6 and 24. 9 with Deut. 24. 17;
24. 2 with Deut. 19. 14; 31. 9-". 26-28 with Deut. 4. 19; 17. 3-7;
22. 22.
84 Some have inferred from the mention of Job in Ezek. 14. 14, 20
that Ezekiel knew the book of Job, but all that may legitimately be
inferred from these verses is that the prophet knew the tradition of Job,
which is something entirely different from knowing the book in its
present literary form.
85 9. 24; 12. 6, 13-25; 24. 12. 155

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
3 and in i Chron. 21. i. The Chronicles passage marks
an advance over Job because there the term has become
a proper name, "Satan," while here, as in Zech. 3, it is
still an appellative, "the satan," or "the adversary", on
the other hand, in Job the position of "the adversary"
is more dignified and secure than in Zechariah; which
may indicate that Job is later than Zechariah, who
prophesied about B. C. 520. (5) Attention has been
called86 to the similarity between the temper of the book
of Job and the temper of the pious in the days of
Malachi,87 and between the solution of the problem sug
gested in the prologue and that of Malachi. Because of
these striking resemblances the age of Malachi, about
B. C. 450, was suggested as a suitable date for the Volks
buch of Job. But the rest of the book, even in its
original extent, implies further and more profound re
flection upon the problem. Thus, internal evidence, as
well as comparison with other Old Testament books,
would seem to point to about B. C. 400 as the most prob
able date of the book of Job.88
This conclusion is corroborated by other, though in
some instances less direct, evidence: (1) Language and
style. "The syntax," says Driver, "is extremely idio
matic; but the vocabulary contains a very noticeable
admixture of Aramaic words, and (in a minor degree)
of words explicable only from the Arabic."89 So also
86 See above, p. 141.
87 Especially Mai. 2. 17; 3. 14.
88 Sellin objects to a date after Ezra-Nehemiah on the ground that,
had the author lived at that time, his silence concerning the Law as an
expression of the divine will would be inexplicable. It should be re
membered, however, that the wisdom literature as a whole refers but
rarely to the Law.
89 Introduction to the Literature of the Old Testament, p. 434; he favors
a date "either during or shortly after the Babylonian captivity."
156

THE BOOK OF JOB
G. B. Gray, "The prose might well belong to the same
age as Ruth; it is altogether superior to that of Esther
or Daniel, and contains neither Greek words, like Daniel,
nor Persian words, like Esther, Daniel, and other late
books. On the other hand, there is a considerable Ara
maic tinge to the language of the book. The language
could be well explained as that of a work written after,
yet not too long after, the Exile."90 (2) The angelology
of the book91 and its easy use of mythology.92 The
angelology is in advance of Zech. 1-8, but not as highly
developed as in Daniel. Monotheism seems to have been
so firmly established that the use of mythology was in
no danger of being misunderstood. (3) The absence
of a definite doctrine of immortality or of life after
death. True, 19. 25-27 marks a step in the direction of
such doctrine, but it falls short of the conviction ex
pressed in Dan. 12. 2 or even in Isa. 26. 19.93 (4)
Familiarity with the Pentateuch in its present form. The
events of the book are located in the patriarchal age ; the
author seems to have gathered his information regarding
primitive conditions not from any one of the Pentateuchal
sources, but from the completed work.94 (5) The use
of Psalm 8. 5 in Job 7. 17, 18. If Psalm 8 is based upon
the P account of creation,95 it must be a postexilic poem ;
a parody of it, such as Job 7. 17, 18 seems to be, cannot,
then, be earlier than the time of Ezra. All these different

»° A Critical Introduction to the Old Testament, p. 127; the date sug
gested is about B. C. 400.
81 5. 1.
92 3- 8; 26.5.
83 Isa. 24 to 27 may come from the fourth century B. C.
84 F. C. Eiselen, The Books of the Pentateuch, pp. 247ft. ; 308-312.
86 Compare especially Gen. 1. 27-30. 157

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
lines of evidence seem to point conclusively to about B. C.
400 as the date of the book of Job.
Historical Character of the Book. The didactic value
and permanent significance of the book of Job are en
tirely independent of the question of historicity; never
theless, it is of interest to seek an answer to the question,
Is the book to be understood as strictly historical, or is it
entirely a work of the imagination, or is it partly one and
partly the other? Among the Jews and among Chris
tians up to, and to some extent even after, the period of
the Reformation the book was for the most part viewed
as veritable history of things said and done.96 Only here
and there doubts were expressed : The Talmud has pre
served the opinion of one early rabbi that Job never
existed and that the book was merely a parable ; Theodore
of Mopsuestia,97 while believing in the historicity of the
man Job, considered the book a work of fiction and a
wicked slander on the character of the patriarch; the
renowned Jewish teacher Maimonides also expressed
doubts regarding the historical character of the book.
Luther admitted the presence of a historical basis, but
denied that the book recorded exact history. This is the
opinion of a majority of modern writers, who hold that
"on a basis of historical fact the writer has built up an
imaginative poem dealing with the question of the suffer
ings of the righteous and their justification under the
government of a righteous God."98 In support of the
86 It was generally held that if this position were given up, the book
could be considered nothing but a fraud.
87 In the fifth century A. D.
98 W. T. Davison, The Wisdom Literature of the Old Testament, p. 27.
"It is hardly conceivable," says the same author — pp. 27, 28 — "that
the author intended the scenes in 'heaven of Chapters 1 and 2 to be
interpreted literally, or meant it to be understood that the long ad-
158

THE BOOK OF JOB
historicity of Job attention is called to Ezek. 14. 14, 20,
where Job is named, by the side of Noah and Daniel, as
renowned because of his righteousness.99 But since the
book of Job is later than Ezekiel,100 the prophet cannot
have secured his information from the book; hence it
becomes necessary to assume the existence among the
Hebrews of a tradition, oral or written, of a pious and
perfect man by the name of Job, who in the face of the
severest trials and sufferings remained loyal to his God
and was finally delivered from all his dangers and dis
tress. How much of the material in the present book
was a part of this early tradition cannot be determined.
It may have included the main facts recorded in the pro
logue and epilogue; the piety and wealth of Job, the
loss of his property and children, the affliction with a
dreadful disease, and his fidelity and ultimate deliverance.
Other elements in the prologue and the rest of the book
were supplied by the author of the Volksbuch or by the
author of the biblical book of Job.
If the names of the persons and places mentioned in
the book were a part of the early tradition, as is more
than likely, it becomes quite certain that the story
dresses of Chapters 38 to 41 came directly as a voice from the skies.
The numbers used in the prologue and epilogue are evidently sym
bolical and ideal. It is unlikely that the calamities described in Chap
ter I should fall with the dramatic suddenness and regularity that is
there described, precisely one survivor only in each case being left to
tell the tale. Further, the character of the speeches of Job and his
friends is tolerably conclusive. Never did sufferer in extremis compose
such elaborate poetical deliverances, or a number of friends meet to
condole with him express themselves extemporaneously in sentences
and images suggestive of the greatest skill of constructive genius."
99 It may be well to remember that such a literary allusion can in no
wise establish the historicity of the person or event referred to; see
F. C. Eiselen, The Minor Prophets, pp. 318, 319.
100 See above, p. 155. 159

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
originated outside of Israel, which may account for the
difficulty of finding a satisfactory Hebrew explanation
of the name "Job."101 But there is wide difference of
opinion as to the home of the hero and his friends. Many
authors favor a district in or near Edom, for they insist
that wherever else in the Old Testament the names occur
they belong to that general region.102 On the other
hand, there is evidence pointing to a district farther to
the north as the location of Uz ;103 moreover, Wetzstein,
Barton, and others have pointed out that the localities
named in the book may all be identified with places east
ward of the Sea of Galilee, in the district known as
Hauran; and that the tradition placing the story in the
Hauran is older than that locating it in or near Edom.
Barton, therefore, argues very strongly in favor of the
Hauran as the home of the story of Job.104
The discovery of a Babylonian poem which presents
numerous parallels to the book of Job has raised the
question whether the story of Job may not have had a
191 See above, p. 125.
102 Lamentations 4. 21 connects Uz with Edom; see also Jer. 25. 20,
but compare Gen. 10. 23; 22. 21, which connect Uz with Aram; Eliphaz
and Teman are connected with Edom in Gen. 36. 11, 42, and Teman
in Jer. 49. 7; Shuhite may be connected with Shuah, one of the sons
of Abraham by Keturah, Gen. 25. 2; if so, the name points to the
southeast; if Naamah is connected with the name of the daughter of
Lamech, Gen. 4. 22, the name would point to the territory of the
Kenites, near Edom. It is also worthy of note that the apocryphal
addition to Job in the Septuagint identifies Job with the Edomite king
Jobab, Gen. 36. 33, and locates him on the borders of Arabia and
Edom. 103 For example, Gen. 10. 23 and 22. 21. The Black Obelisk inscrip
tion of Shalmaneser III, line 154, mentions an Uz in the far north.
Josephus, Antiquities, I, VI, 4, says, "Of the four sons of Aram Uz
founded Trachonitis and Damascus."
104 G. A. Barton, "The Original Home of the Story of Job," in Journal
of Biblical Literature, XXXI, pp. 63-68. 160

THE BOOK OF JOB
Babylonian origin.105 It is by no means certain, how
ever, that there exists any kind of literary connection
between the two stories: the similarities may be due to
similarity of theme rather than to conscious or even
unconscious borrowing. But if the nature of the resem
blances should convince anyone that the biblical story is
dependent on the Babylonian tradition, he must still admit
the justice of Barton's statement : "It is quite clear that,
if the story traveled westward from Babylonia, it traveled
orally in bare outline, shorn of all local features. The
name of the sufferer, Job, is quite different from the
name of Tabi-utul-Bel, and the localities mentioned in
our biblical story, indefinite as they are, certainly have
nothing to do with the neighborhood of Nippur."106
While it may be impossible to determine with absolute
certainty the original home of the story of Job, on the
whole a locality to the southeast or the northeast of Pales
tine, near the borders of the great desert, is the most
probable. From there it had to travel but a short distance
to the territory of the Hebrews. The imported tradi
tional material, the historical character of which can be
neither proved nor disproved, was worked over, first into
a prose-story, then, with various modifications and ex
pansions, into the present book of Job.
105 Morris Jastrow, in Journal of Biblical Literature, XXV, pp. 135-
191; Die Religion Bdbyloniens und Assyriens, II, pp. 120-133; The
Civilization of Babylonia and Assyria, pp. 374~383-
103 Journal of Biblical Literature, XXXI, p. 64.

161

CHAPTER VI
THE SONG OF SONGS

I

CHAPTER VI
THE SONG OF SONGS1
Name. The title of the book in Hebrew is "The Song
of Songs,2 which is Solomon's" ;3 hence it is known also
as "Song of Solomon." "Song of Songs" is equivalent
to "the best" or "the noblest of songs,"4 and means to
suggest that this is the best of the songs for which Solo
mon was famous.5 The ascription to Solomon6 is prob
ably an inference on the part of a later writer7 from the
fact that Solomon is the most important personage named
in the book.
Interpretation. The Song of Songs has been called the
1 In the Jewish canon the book of Job is followed by a group of five
short books known as the five Megilloth, or Rolls, so called because each
of the five was written on a separate roll. The five books are still read
on certain sacred days in the synagogues. The Song of Songs is read on
the feast of Passover, the book of Ruth on the day of Pentecost, the
book of Lamentations on the ninth day of the month Ab, on which
day the destruction of Jerusalem is commemorated, the book of Eccle
siastes on the feast of Tabernacles, and the book of Esther on the
feast of Purim.
_2 Hebrew B"IT,?5 ^V Shir hashshirim, Septuagint, ?ff/*o faiiArwv,
Asma asmaton, Vulgate, Canticum canticorum.
3 1. I.
4 Compare "holy of holies," that is, the most holy place.
6 Compare I Kings 4. 32.
"The translation "which is concerning Solomon," while possible, is
not probable; the author of the title probably meant to indicate au
thorship; see above, on psalm titles, p. 47.
7 That the title does not come from the author of the book is sug
gested by the use of a form of the relative pronoun that is never used
in the body of the book. 165

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
enigma of the Old Testament. It is such not only be
cause of the obscurity of certain details but also because
of the uncertainty regarding the interpretation of the
book as a whole.
i. The Allegorical Interpretation. The book owes its
place in the canon of Sacred Scripture in large measure
to what may be called the allegorical, or mystical, or
spiritual interpretation, which has been applied to it from
very early times.8 Though minor variations may be
traced, the general Jewish view was that the book por
trayed the close and loving relationship between Yahweh
and Israel, manifested through the whole of its history,
or, according to the Targum, from the Exodus to the
coming of the future Messiah. The allegorical interpre
tation was accepted, without question, by the early church
fathers, but they looked upon Solomon as the representa
tive of Jesus the Christ, and the Shulammite as represent
ing his bride, the church or the individual soul. Thus,
according to the allegorical interpretation among Chris
tians, the Song of Songs furnishes a picture of the inti
mate spiritual fellowship between Jesus the Christ and
8 Like the books of Ecclesiastes and Esther, the Song of Songs had to
struggle long and hard to secure a permanent place in the canon. Even
after the final decision in favor of its canonicity at the Council of
Jamnia, about A. D. 90, there seem to have been many Jews who failed
to show proper respect for it, for about A. D. 120 Rabbi Akiba found
it necessary to utter these words of warning: "Whoever sings from the
Song of Songs in the wine-houses, making it a common song, shall
have no share in the world to come." A fear for the standing of the
book may be responsible for the assertion of the same rabbi: "The
whole world does not outweigh the day on which the Song of Songs
was given to Israel; all the Writings are holy, but the Song is the
holiest of all." It may also be due to a sense of insecurity as to its
spiritual interpretation that the prohibition was laid down that no
Jew must read the book until he had reached the mature age of thirty
years. 166

THE SONG OF SONGS
the church or the individual soul. For centuries Chris
tian commentators, almost without exception, adopted
unhesitatingly this interpretation.9 As a modern example
of this type of interpretation W. T. Davison quotes these
words of Bishop Wordsworth :10 "All the ancient Chris
tian expositors agree in the opinion that the Song of
Solomon represents the pure love and mystical union
and marriage of Christ and his church. They teach us
to see in this divine book of Holy Scripture a prophetical
representation of Christ's incarnation, of his preaching,
of his passion, when he purchased his Bride with his own
blood, of his glorious Resurrection and Ascension into
heaven, of the sending of the Holy Ghost, of the propa
gation of the gospel, the call of the Gentiles, and the
future conversion of the Jews. . . . We must accept this
spiritual interpretation of the Canticles if we would not
degrade it into an amatory ballad and voluptuous ditty,
and distort it into a strange and chimerical portraiture
of unnatural and portentous monstrosities, unworthy of
the Divine Author of Holy Writ."11
This quotation furnishes an outline of the teaching of
the book according to the allegorical interpretation, and
at the same time suggests the reason why it was proposed
in the first place, and why it has maintained its hold for so
many centuries : it was feared that a literal interpretation
would reduce the book to the level of a purely human
production, not worthy of a place in the canon of Sacred
• Origen wrote a ten-volume commentary on the book in which he
gives a detailed exposition of the allegorical view; Bernard of Clairvaux
wrote eighty-six sermons on the first two chapters; and many other
writers give evidence of the profound influence exerted upon their
spiritual life by the Song of Songs allegorically interpreted.
10 The Wisdom Literature of the Old Testament, pp. 277, 278.
11 Compare the chapter headings in the Authorized Version.
167

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
Scripture. However, the first duty of the Bible student
is to discover the primary, obvious, and natural meaning
of the biblical books, whatever the consequences of such
a search may be. And as soon as the Song of Songs
is approached in a thoroughly historical and scientific
spirit the failure of the allegorical view to do justice to
the primary purpose of the book is revealed : there is no
hint of an allegorical significance anywhere in the book,
and it can be maintained only by doing violence to all
legitimate principles of interpretation. It cannot appear
strange, therefore, that the bald allegorical interpretation
has no longer any defenders among serious students of
the Bible.
For a time a modified allegorical interpretation found
favor among some scholars. Bishop Lowth, for instance,
desirous of doing away with the extravagances of the
older view, suggested that the primary purpose of the
book was to portray the union of Solomon with the
daughter of the king of Egypt, but that it contained at
the same time an allegorical portrayal of Christ espousing
the church chosen from the Gentiles. Others have fol
lowed in the footsteps of Lowth and, though admitting
that the subject of the book is human love, they have,
nevertheless, insisted that this human love is typical of
a higher divine love. Thus Keil regarded the human love
typical of the love between Yahweh and his people, M.
Stuart, between God and the human soul, and Delitzsch
thought it foreshadowed the love between Christ and his
church. In this modified form the allegorical view may
be less objectionable, and support may be found for it
in the utterances of Hosea, who likened the relation
between Yahweh and Israel to the relation between hus
band and wife, and in the New Testament comparisons
168

THE SONG OF SONGS
of the love of the Christ for his church to the love of
a bridegroom for his bride; but even this interpretation
goes beyond the original purpose of the author. What
ever symbolical use may be made of some of the highly
poetic and imaginative expressions in the book, there can
be no doubt that the central theme is human love; and
McFadyen is right when he says, "Any love poem would
be equally capable of such [allegorical] interpretation."12
2. The Dramatic Interpretation. Modern scholars
rightly insist that the Song of Songs, like any other book,
should be interpreted literally ; but as soon as an attempt
is made to put this principle into practice, differences of
opinion arise. While all are agreed that the subject of
the poem is love, human love, there is decided disagree
ment regarding the manner in which the subject is treated.
One group of scholars interprets the book as a drama,
with a full equipment of dramatis persona, such as the
king, his beloved, the ladies of the harem, etc.13 The
dramatic view has been held in a variety of forms, but
on the whole all the different dramatic interpretations
may be regarded as modifications of two fundamentally
distinct views : ( i ) According to one of these there are
two principal characters — King Solomon, assuming at
times the role of a shepherd, and the Shulammite maiden,
of whom he is enamored. The poem describes how this
maiden is taken from her humble home and raised to

12 Introduction to the Old Testament, p. 283.
13 The dramatic view was first suggested by Origen in his description
of the book as "carmen nuptiale in modum dramatis conscriptum" (thus
translated by Jerome). It is generally recognized that much of the
poetry is in the nature of lyrical monologues, the dialogues are of the
simplest form, the plot is rudimentary, and the action is without
definite movement; hence some hesitate to call it a drama, even though
they may admit a general dramatic arrangement.
169

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
honor by being made Solomon's queen in Jerusalem ; and
the dialogue consists substantially of mutual expressions
of love and admiration on the part of the two principal
characters. According to this interpretation the didactic
element is very scant; it is implied only in the assumed
redemption of Solomon from his impure loves by his
affection for the simple, true-hearted Shulammite ; conse
quently, the book is a portrayal of the triumph of true
love over lust.
The scheme of the poem, according to Delitzsch, who
may be considered the best exponent of this view, is as
follows :
Act I. The Meeting of the Lovers (i. 2 to 2. 7).
Act II. Monologue of the Shulammite, relating two scenes from
her past life (2. 8 to 3. 5).
1. First meeting with Solomon (2. 8-17).
2. A dream (3. 1-5).
Act III. The royal espousals (3. 6 to 5. 1).
Act IV. Love lost and found again (5. 2 to 6. 9).
Act V. The lovely, but modest queen (6. 10 to 8. 4).
Act VI. The bridal pair together in the Shulammite's home
(8. 5-14) "
Each of the six acts is, according to Delitzsch, divided
into two scenes. The rapid shifting of scenes is suggested
in these words : "The first act is played both in the dining
room and in the wine room appertaining to the women
of the royal palace. In the second act Shulamith is again
at home. In the third act, which represents the marriage,
14 W. H. Bennett suggests the following outline, using more modern
phraseology, A Biblical Introduction, pp. 168, 169:
I. Courtship (1. 2 to 3. 5).
II. Marriage (3. 6 to 5. 1).
III. Domestic difficulties (5. 2 to 6. 9).
IV. Mutual satisfaction (6. 10 to 7. 9).
"V. A visit to the bride's home (7. 10 to 8. 14).
I7Q

THE SONG OF SONGS
the bride makes her entrance into Jerusalem from the
wilderness, and what we further then hear occurs during
the marriage festival. The locality of the fourth act is
Jerusalem, without being more particularly defined.
That of the fifth act is the park of Etam, and then Solo
mon's country house there. And in the sixth act we see
the newly married pair first in the way to Shulem, and
then in Shulamith's parental home."15
(2) By far the greater number of scholars favoring
the dramatic interpretation are of the opinion that the
view just outlined fails to do justice to the contents of
the book ; hence they give their adherence to a view first
outlined in modern times by J. S. Jacobi,16 and more fully
developed by Ewald.17 According to this interpretation
there are three principal characters — King Solomon, the
Shulammite, and her shepherd lover ; and the book relates
how the beautiful Shulammite was surprised by Solomon
and his suite and was brought to the palace in Jerusalem,
where the king sought to persuade her to become his
queen. However, she had already pledged her heart to
a young shepherd, and all the efforts of the king to make
her forget him failed. In the end she was permitted to
return to her home, where, at the close of the poem, the
lovers appear arm in arm glorifying, in the most glowing
terms, genuine, spontaneous affection and love.
According to this view the chief incidents described
in the poem are as follows :

16 Franz Delitzsch, The Song of Songs (English translation), p. 11.
16 In Das durch eine leichte und ungekuenstelte Erklaerung von seinen
Vorwuerfen gerrettete Hohelied, published in 177 1. In the twelfth cen
tury the Jewish commentator Ibn Ezra had introduced the distinction
between the lover and the king.
, " Dichter des Alten Bundes, III, pp. 333ft-
171

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
Act I. The Shulammite and king Solomon (i. 2 to 2. 7).
Scene 1. The Shulammite and the ladies of the court, who fail to
understand her longing for the shepherd lover (1.
2-8).
Scene 2. Solomon seeks to win the Shulammite's love, but fails;
she protests against the cruel attempts to make her
transfer her affection (1. 9 to 2. 7).
Act II. The Shulammite and her shepherd lover (2. 8 to 3. 5).
Scene 1. The Shulammite's reminiscence of her lover's visit; she
hopes that they may soon be reunited (2. 8-17).
Scene 2. A dream, in which the Shulammite goes in search for
her lover (3. 1-5).
Act III. Attempts to win the Shulammite's love (3. 6 to 5. 8).
Scene 1. The royal pageant, intended to portray the glory and
splendor awaiting the Shulammite if she yields to the
king (3. 6-11).
Scene 2. Solomon renews his plea (4. 1-7).
Scene 3. Interview, ideal or real, between the Shulammite and her
shepherd lover (4. 8 to 5. 1).
Scene 4. A second dream, in which the Shulammite seeks her
lover in vain throughout the city (5. 2-8).
Act IV. The Shulammite's unswerving love for her shepherd lover
(5. 9 to 8. 4).
Scene 1. Dialogue between the Shulammite and the court ladies
regarding the shepherd lover (5. 9 to 6. 3).
Scene 2. Renewed endeavors on the part of Solomon to win the
Shulammite's affection (6. 4 to 7. 9).
Scene 3. Reaffirmation of the Shulammite's love for her absent
lover; her longing to be with him (7. 10 to 8. 4).
Act V. Reunion of the Shulammite and her shepherd lover (8.
5-J-4) •
This interpretation also finds in the poem numerous
expressions of admiration and love on the part of the
principal characters, but, in addition, it sees running
through the book a definite didactic aim, namely, to
glorify true human love, more especially true betrothed
love, which remains steadfast even in the most dangerous
and seductive situations. Thus the story of the book
illustrates the triumph of love over temptation.
The material for the drama was found by the author in
172

THE SONG OF SONGS
the biblical story of Abishag the Shunammite,18 which
was arranged and reconstructed by him in accord with
a definite purpose and aim. In the words of Rothstein :
"The author, as we may perhaps assume with certainty,
found the material for his work in the story of Abishag
of Shunem. She remained true to the beloved of her
heart, she steadily repelled all the advances of Solomon,
into whose harem she had been brought, and finally she
triumphed, was conducted home, and restored to her
lover perfectly pure. The poem makes two presupposi
tions — one being that the Shunammite's heart belonged
to a youth in her own home, and the other, that mean
while, against her will, she had been brought into the
royal apartments. The dramatic exposition commences
at the time when the first meeting of the king with the
maiden is close at hand and actually takes place. The
dialogue between the Shunammite and the daughters of
Jerusalem — the wives and maidens belonging to the royal
harem — in i. 2-8, serves to pave the way, in true dramatic
fashion, for that meeting, and at the same time to explain
the real inward disposition of the Shunammite toward
the approaching royal suitor, which the poet henceforth
makes her retain without wavering. If, now, we would
understand aright the further structure of the poem, it
must be observed that the scheme chosen by the author
for the poetical disposition of his material is based upon
the different stages in the courtship and the marriage
festivities down to the moment when alone the real vic
tory of loyal love, the preservation of bridely honor in
the face of all temptations and assaults, was evidenced
18 1 Kings 1. 3ff.; Shulammite is probably a variation of Shunammite,
1 Kings 1. 3ff.; 2 Kings 4. 8ff.; that is, a native of Shunem, a town in
Issachar, Josh. 19. 18. 173

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
and could be evidenced, namely, the morning after the
bridal night passed with the real lover."19
3. The Lyric Interpretation. A few years after the
publication of Jacobi's interpretation, J. G. Herder pro
posed a new theory of the Song of Songs,20 which from
that time on has proved a rival of the dramatic interpre
tation, and in some one of its various forms has found
acceptance with a majority of the more recent writers on
the subject. Herder interpreted the book as a collection
of forty-four independent love songs, held together "by
no closer link than that of a number of pearls on one
string." While this view found favor with several Old
Testament scholars, among them DeWette, Magnus, and
Bleek, it exerted only a limited influence until it was taken
up and placed on a firmer basis by J. G. Wetzstein, and
especially by Budde. Renan had already suggested, in
fluenced by accounts of wedding festivities in the East,
that the Song of Songs is an old Palestinian wedding
play, arranged in acts intended for the successive days
of the marriage feast;21 but the credit of marking a
turning point in the interpretation of the book must be
given to an article on "Die Syrische Dreschtafel,"22 by
J. G. Wetzstein, for many years Prussian consul at
Damascus, though even this article received scant notice
until the subject was popularized by Budde.23
"Hastings, Dictionary of the Bible, article "Song of Songs"; for the
test to which Rothstein refers, see Deut. 22. I3ff.
20 Solomons Lieder der Liebe, die aeltesten und schoensten aus dem
Morgenlande, published in 1778.
21 The Song of Songs (English translation), pp. 62, 63.
22 That is, "The Syrian Threshing Board." Published in Zeitschrift
fuer Ethnologie, 1873, pp. 270s.
23 The Song of Solomon, in The New World, 1894, pp. 56-71; Was is
das Hohelied? in Preussische Jahrbuecher, 1894, PP- 92-117; Das Hohe-
lied, in Kurzer Hand-Commentar, pp. xvi-xxi.
174

THE SONG OF SONGS
According to these writers and others holding the same
view the marriage customs of Syria and Palestine furnish
the key to a proper understanding of the Song of Songs.
In modern Syria the first seven days after a wedding
are called "the king's week," during which the bride and
groom play the part of queen and king and are treated
as such by their friends. The majority of important
village weddings are celebrated in March, the most de
lightful of the Syrian year, which makes it possible to
have the festivities in the open, ordinarily on the thresh
ing-floor. The threshing board is turned into a mock
throne, on which the bride and groom are seated, while
their friends sing and dance before them. Among the
songs of this occasion the wasf, that is, a poetic descrip
tion of the bodily perfection of the newly-weds and their
ornaments, holds a prominent place. The first of these
wasfs is sung on the evening of the wedding day : in the
presence of the friends of the bride and groom, the
former, with a sword in her right hand and a handker
chief in her left, dances the sword dance, which is accom
panied or followed by a wasf in praise of her personal
beauty and charm. Other similar wasfs follow on the
succeeding days of the celebration. During the entire
week bride and groom are attired in their wedding gar
ments, they are not permitted to do any work, their sole
occupation being to watch the games played before them.
According to this view, then, the Song of Songs is a col
lection of wasfs and other wedding songs covering the
seven days of the "king's week," with no other link of
connection than their common theme of love and wedded
bliss. The king is not Solomon, but a peasant bride
groom who during this one week bears the name of this
splendid and splendor-loving monarch, the three score
i7S

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
mighty men are the companions of the bridegroom, and
the bride is called Shulammite or Shunammite because
that term is suggestive of superlative beauty.24
When Budde wrote his commentary no examples of
the use of such royal play names were known; later re
searches, however, have brought to light cases in which the
bridegroom is not only likened to a king but in which he
actually receives the name of a king.25
In the absence of all indications regarding the begin
ning or end of the individual songs scholars naturally
are not agreed as to the number or length of the songs.
The following outline, however, may serve as an illustra
tion of the theory : The opening verses are introductory ;
the bride praises the bridegroom, depreciates her own
beauty, and asks where the bridegroom may be found.26
In the rest of the book each sings the other's praises :27
I. The happiness of the bride (i. 9 to 2. 7).
2. A spring wooing (2. 8-17).
3. The bride's dream (3. 1-5).
4. The bridegroom's procession (3. 6-11).
5. The charms of the bride (4. 1 to 5. 1).
6. The beauty of the bridegroom (5. 2 to 6. 3).
7. Praise of the bride (6. 4-12).
8. Praise of the bride, as she dances the sword dance (7. 1-10).
9. The bride's longing (7. 11 to 8. 4).
10. The incomparable power of love (8. 5-7).
11. The bride's reply to her brothers (8. 8-10).
12. The two vineyards (8. 11, 12).
13. Conclusion (8. 13, 14).

24 1 Kings 1. 3; compare Song of Songs 1. 8; 5. 9; 6. I.
26 E. Littmann, Neuarabische Volkspoesie, Texte, A, IV, 52, 98, 100;
B, I, 31.
28 1. 2-8.
27 It is not necessary to assume that all the songs were sung by the
newly wedded pair; some of them may have been sung by the men
and women participating in the festivities, who placed them in the
mouths of bride and bridegroom. 176

THE SONG OF SONGS
Which of these views offers the most satisfactory inter
pretation of the Song of Songs? The allegorical view
must be rejected because it disregards the clear meaning
of the text. Of the two dramatic interpretations the one
recognizing the presence of three principal characters is
to be preferred.28 The other dramatic interpretation not
only is peculiar in that it makes Solomon "appear in the
garb and character of a shepherd (i. 7, 16, 17; 6. 2, 3),
visiting a country girl in her home (2. 8ff. ), proposing
to make her his bride (3. 6ff.), and appearing with her in
the closing scene, not in his own palace which, ex hypo-
thesi, was to be her future abode, but in her native village
(8. 5ff.)"; but there are also numerous other passages
which have no natural explanation unless a third charac
ter is introduced.
A much more important question, however, is whether
the book is to be interpreted as a drama at all or simply
as a collection of ancient love or wedding songs.29 The
principal arguments advanced in favor of the dramatic
view are: (1) It is claimed that the apparent unity of
the book cannot be harmonized with the other view.30
(2) It is asserted that the poem reveals dramatic move
ment and action, all leading gradually and steadily to a
definite goal. (3) It is pointed out that the dramatic
interpretation, at least the one unfolded by Ewald, fur
nishes an ethical justification for the admission of the
Song of Songs into the canon, which it would lack with

28 Koenig, Einleitung in das Alte Testament, p. 423, rightly calls the
other view "impossible."
29 A mythological significance is seen in the Song of Songs by Erbt —
Die Hebraeer, pp. 196ft". — but even if some of the songs should have a
mythological basis, in their present form they rise above it.
30 H. T. Fowler, A History of the Literature of Ancient Israel, p. 363 ;
S. R. Driver, Introduction to the Literature of the Old Testament, p. 437.
177

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
the other view. Regarding argument (3) it may be
stated that though of all modern theories the theory of
Ewald offers "the noblest interpretation of the book as
a drama of pure love tried and proved in the furnace
of temptation," it was not the dramatic but the allegorical
interpretation that secured the admission of the book into
the canon. Moreover, the dramatic movement and action
(2) are by no means as clear and definite as the dramatic
interpretation assumes. Even Driver, an ardent advocate
of Ewald's view, admits that "the poem can hardly be
said to exhibit a 'plot' in the modern sense of the term,"
and that "as read, the Song is so difficult of comprehen
sion that it would seem to have been originally designed
to be acted, the different parts being personated by dif
ferent actors, though even the varied gesture and voice
of a single reciter might perhaps be sufficient to enable
a sympathetic circle of hearers to apprehend its pur
port."31 Again, does the poem really lead to a definite goal?
One would expect this goal to be the consummation of
love in marriage, and so it may seem to the superficial
reader;32 but in reality this consummation is already
presupposed in the earlier chapters of the book.33 Once
more, while there is a certain unity in the book ( 1 ) , strict
dramatic unity cannot be traced; the unity exhibited is
the unity of motive and theme, which is in no wise
affected by the other interpretation. Thus, the arguments
in favor of the dramatic interpretation are by no means
conclusive ; a good deal has to be read between the lines ;

31 S. R. Driver, Introduction to the Literature of the Old Testament,
pp. 444, 447.
32 8. 5ff.
33 Compare 1. 2ft".; 1. 12ft.; 2. iff.; 3. iff., etc.
178

THE SONG OF SONGS
hence there seems abundant justification for the statement
of Gray : "The main question is whether the little drama
. . . constructed by Ewald was constructed by him out
of the text, or simply read by him into the text."34
The absence of all headings or stage directions presents
another perplexity. True, Ewald has supplied these,
but his scheme has not proved satisfactory in details;
practically every commentator distributes the verses
among the different persons according to a scheme of
his own. It has, indeed, been suggested that originally
there were such directions, and that they were removed
when it was decided that the poem should be interpreted
as an allegory ; but is there anything to support this sug
gestion? The brevity of the Song may be regarded as
another objection : Is it natural to interpret one hundred
and sixteen verses as constituting five acts or thirteen
scenes of a drama? It is also well to remember that
there is no other example of a drama in the proper sense
of the term in the literature of any Semitic people. It
may further be asked whether an Oriental poet would be
likely to represent King Solomon as taking a refusal
from a peasant maid. This is hardly the way of Oriental
monarchs. One can hardly escape the conclusion that the dramatic'
interpretation was not the outgrowth of an independent
study of the book, but had its origin in the allegorical
view. The allegorical scheme recognized two characters
— Yahweh and Israel, or Christ and the church; when
a saner exegesis led to the conviction that the theme
was human love rather than divine love, two principal
characters were retained; later it was found necessary
to add a third, while some scholars introduced additional
34 A Critical Introduction to the Old Testament, p. 158.
179

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
characters to take care of passages for which they could
find no explanation under the commonly accepted scheme.
It is not without reason, therefore, that the dramatic
theory has been accused of furnishing a modern Targum
to the book "which as completely transforms and mis
represents an ancient piece of literature as Jewish Tar-
gums which turned it into a history of Israel, or Chris
tian commentators that made it relate the history of the
incarnation." It seems much more scientific to interpret the little
book in the light of the customs, practices, and songs of
the land in which it had its birth. If this is done, the
theory of Wetzstein and Budde, in some form, is seen
to attain a high degree of probability. The presence of
ancient wedding songs is recognized even by some de
fenders of the dramatic interpretation. J. W. Rothstein,
for example, admits "the possibility of older wedding
songs having been worked up in the Song of Songs. But
this does not exclude the supposition that the Song in
its present form is of a dramatic nature, and that its
author, not a redactor, or reviser, introduced 'movement'
or 'development' into the material of which it is com
posed."35 But even in this modified form the dramatic
view cannot easily be maintained. On the other hand,
it may be necessary to modify in certain details the theory
proposed by Budde. As has been stated, he held that the
Song is a collection of wedding songs ; but further study
of the folk-poetry of Palestine has brought to light many
wasfs celebrating the beauty and charms not of brides
alone but of loved ones in general.36 From which the
86 Hastings, Dictionary of the Bible, artic'e "Song of Songs"; compare
also H. T. Fowler, History of the Literature of Ancient Israel, p. 363.
36 Compare G. Dalman, Palmstinischer Diwan, pp. xii, iooff.
180

THE SONG OF SONGS
inference may be drawn that the collection contains not
only wedding songs but also effusions of young and
ardent lovers who have not yet reached the state of
wedded bliss. If this inference is correct, the Song of
Songs may be regarded as an anthology of ancient He
brew love and wedding songs.87 But it is not a haphazard
collection, for there are throughout the Song suggestions
of a certain literary unity. Whatever the origin and
original form of the individual songs may have been, they
were probably worked over and put in their present form
by one editor, whose aim was "to present a ritual to be
used in the wedding ceremonies that would be both noble
and chaste. . . . While they do not adequately present
the sanctity and beauty inherent in our modern ideal of
marriage — for that ideal was unknown to the East — they
do extol nobly and exquisitely the sanctity and beauty
of true love between man and woman. Nowhere in
literature has this divine passion been more beautifully
described than in the words which the bride addresses to
her husband as she enters his home, thereby making com
plete the marriage relation :
Love is as strong as death ;
Jealousy is as irresistible as Sheol;
Its flames are flames of fire,
, A very flame of Jehovah.
Many waters cannot quench love,
Nor can floods drown it.""8

37 P. Haupt, Biblische Liebeslieder, pp. xiii, xiv; N. Schmidt, Mes
sages of the Poets, pp. 225ff.; C. F. Kent, The Songs, Hymns, and
Prayers of the Old Testament, pp. 26ft".; W. Robinson, Encyclopaedia
Britannica, eleventh edition, article "Song of Songs"; for an outline of
the book according to this theory, see A. R. Gordon, The Poets of the
Old Testament, pp. 3i7ff.
38 C. F. Kent, The Songs, Hymns, and Prayers of the Old Testament,
p. 28. 181

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
Authorship and Date. Whatever may have been the
intended meaning of the words of the title translated
"which is Solomon's,"39 tradition has interpreted them
as meaning that King Solomon is the author of the Song
of Songs; and no doubt belief in Solomonic authorship
accounts in part, though in part only,40 for the admission
of the book into the canon. But whatever interpretation
of the book may be accepted, Solomonic authorship is out
of the question.41 The ascription to Solomon is a mis
taken inference from the fact that Solomon is the most
famous person named in the book,42 coupled with the
statement in i Kings 4. 32 that he was the author of one
thousand and five songs.
To go beyond this negative conclusion is not easy.
Historical allusions are rare,43 and there is no definite
religious or theological teaching; hence the linguistic
characteristics offer about the only criterion for the de
termination of the date. That the language of the book
exhibits several peculiarities is generally admitted, but
the origin of these has been variously explained. Some
scholars have sought to account for them by assuming
that the book originated in the northern kingdom, whose
language differed dialectically from the language spoken
38 See above, p. 165.
40 Another, at least equally important, reason was the allegorical
interpretation, see above, p. 166.
41 The mention of Tirzah, the ancient capital of the northern king
dom, 6. 4, as a parallel to Jerusalem would in itself be sufficient to
prove that the poem originated later than Solomon's reign; compare
1 Kings 14. 17; 16. 23.
42 3. 7-1 1 ; 8. 11, 20.
43 The fact that David's name is connected with a tower in Jerusalem
and that Solomon appears as a type of royal luxury and splendor may
suggest that the reigns of the two kings are in the distant past, but how
far no one can tell from these allusions. 182

THE SONG OF SONGS
in Judah. Another evidence pointing to a northern origin
is seen in the frequent mention of northern localities, such
as Tirzah, Carmel, Sharon, Hermon, Lebanon, Gilead,
etc. Origin in the northern kingdom would imply a date
earlier than B. C. 722, and from the mention of Tirzah
it has been inferred that the poem was written while
Tirzah was the capital,44 that is, between Jeroboam I and
Omri; in other words, during the closing years of the
tenth century or the opening years of the ninth century.
But these arguments are by no means conclusive.
Tirzah seems to have remained a city of prominence for
some time after it ceased to be the capital,45 and there
seems to be no good reason why it might not have been
coupled with Jerusalem as late as the postexilic period.
Moreover, its mention may not be due to political or com
mercial prominence, but to the suggestiveness of its name
— Tirzah, meaning pleasantness, would naturally suggest
beauty. Over against the mention of northern localities
stands the naming of Jerusalem, Engedi, Kedar, and
Heshbon in the south and southeast ; and there is at least
equal ground, especially in view of the frequent refer
ences to the daughters of Jerusalem, for believing that
the Song originated in Jerusalem. All the northern
localities named are such as might be known to a Judasan.
That the language of Israel differed to some extent from
that of Judah is probable, but regarding the significance
of the linguistic argument in this particular case two
things should be noted : ( 1 ) that the linguistic peculiari
ties of the Song of Songs are not found in the book of
Hosea, the one Old Testament book that is known with
certainty to have originated in the northern kingdom;
44 1 Kings 14. 17; 16. 23.
46 Compare 2 Kings 15. 14, 16. 183

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
and (2) that there is nothing to support the assumption,
involved in the theory of a northern origin, that the
characteristics peculiar to the language of the northern
kingdom coincided with the characteristics found in the
Hebrew of the late postexilic period.
The linguistic characteristics are more easily explained
by assuming a postexilic date for the book in its present
form. For instance, the relative pronoun she, used
throughout the book to the exclusion of the usual form
asher, is used elsewhere, with the exception of a few
cases in Judges and in 2 Kings 6. 11, only in exilic and
postexilic writings, with frequency only in the late book
of Ecclesiastes, while in the Mishna it is the regular
form of the relative pronoun. The occurrence of the
Persian word par des in 4. 13 seems to point, at the
earliest, to the Persian period; it is used elsewhere only
in late postexilic books.46 The word appirion in 3. 9
looks like a Hebraized form of the Greek qbopelov ; if so,
it would favor a rather late date. In addition, there are
many words and phrases which occur never or rarely in
other biblical books, but are common in Aramaic.47 On
the whole, therefore, what evidence there is seems to
favor a date during the late Persian or early Greek
period; perhaps somewhere between B. C. 400 and 300.
This applies to the work of the editor who gave to the
Song its present form; he, however, "drew his material
from the love and wedding songs that had long been cur
rent among the people of Palestine. Some of these may
well come from the days preceding the exile, when the
memory of the glories of Solomon's kingdom and the
«Neh. 2. 8; Eccl. 2. 5.
47 These expressions are enumerated in S. R. Driver, Introduction to
the Literature of the Old Testament, p. 448.
184

THE SONG OF SONGS
story of Abishag the Shulammite, the fairest maiden of
Israel, were still fresh in the minds of the people."48 But
it is not possible to determine the dates of the individual
songs within more closely defined limits.
48 C. F. Kent, The Songs, Hymns, and Prayers of the Old Testament
p. 28.

185

CHAPTER VII
THE BOOK OF RUTH

CHAPTER VII
THE BOOK OF RUTH
Name. The book of Ruth receives its name, Hebrew
rvi i from its heroine, Ruth, the Moabitess. In the
Jewish canon it is one of the Writings and one of the five
Megilloth, or Rolls;2 in the English Bible3 it is placed
after the book of Judges, because the incidents related in
it belong to the period of the Judges.4
Contents and Outline. The book of Ruth narrates
how Elimelech of Bethlehem, his wife, Naomi, and his
two sons, Mahlon and Chilion, went to live in a town
of Moab. After the death of the father the sons mar
ried Moabitish wives, Orpah and Ruth. Before long both
Mahlon and Chilion died, which left Naomi alone with
her two daughters-in-law. On Naomi's decision to return
to Bethlehem Ruth insisted on accompanying her. In
Bethlehem Ruth made the acquaintance of her kinsman
Boaz, who in the end married her. 'A son was born to
them, Obed, the father of Jesse, who became the father
of David. The following is a brief outline :

1 From the fuller form **?, meaning "friendship."
2 See above, p. 165; Ruth is read on the day of Pentecost.
3 Following the Vulgate, which, in turn, is dependent on the Septua
gint. 4 Bertheau, Ewald, and others, depending largely on the order of the
books in the Septuagint, have advocated the view that originally Ruth
was a kind of appendix to the book of Judges; but there is no good
reason for such assumption. 189

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
i. Elimelech and his family in Moab (i. 1-5).
2. Return of Naomi and Ruth to Judah (1. 6-22).
(1) Naomi's desire to return (1. 6-14).
(2) Ruth's choice (1. 15-22).
3. Ruth in the field of Boaz (2. 1-23).
(1) Ruth's gleaning (2. 1-7).
(2) Kindness of Boaz (2. 8-23).
4. Ruth's request of Boaz (3. 1-18).
5. Ruth's marriage to Boaz (4. 1-12).
6. Ancestry of David (4. 13-22).
Aim of the Book. The literary beauty of the little
book can be appreciated even without a knowledge of its
aim or purpose. "Whatever be its didactic purpose," says
McFadyen, "it is, at any rate, a wonderful prose poem,
sweet, artless, and persuasive, touched with the quaint-
ness of an older world and fresh with the scent of the
harvest fields. The love — stronger than country — of
Ruth for Naomi, the gracious figure of Boaz as he
moves about the fields with a word of blessing for the
reapers, the innocent scheming of Naomi to secure him
as a husband for Ruth — these and a score of similar
touches establish the book forever in the heart of all who
love nobility and romance."5
Nevertheless, it is of interest to inquire why this beauti
ful story was written. The more important answers sug
gested are three : 1. The book was written out of interest
' in the family history of David. The books of Samuel
have nothing to say regarding the ancestry of David, giv
ing only the names of his father and of his brothers;6
this lack the book of Ruth is intended to supply. The
information furnished here would be of special interest
because Ruth was not a native of Judah but a member
of a hostile people, Moab. 2. The story was told to com-
6 Introduction to the Old Testament, p. 290.
6 1 Sam. 16. 1-13. 190

THE BOOK OF RUTH
mend the so-called levirate marriage.7 3. The book was
written and circulated as a protest against the prohibition
of mixed marriages in the days of Ezra-Nehemiah.8
The first answer undoubtedly explains the rise of the
story in its original form. That it rests upon an historical
basis may be inferred from 1 Sam. 22. 3, 4, where it is
stated that David committed his father and mother to
the care of the king of Moab. Moreover, it would be
exceedingly difficult, in the face of Hebrew exclusiveness
and bigotry, to explain the invention of a Moabitish
ancestress for the great national hero, David.9 But the
acceptance of the story as substantially historical does
not exclude the possibility of the book in its present form
having been written or published at a certain time for a
specific didactic purpose, as is suggested in answers 2
and 3. However, it is very doubtful that the aim was to -
commend the levirate marriage. In the first place, the
marriage of Ruth and Boaz was not a levirate marriage
at all, for neither Boaz nor the other kinsman was Ruth's
brother-in-law. And though this may not be an insuper
able objection — for the marriage of Ruth to Boaz might
be considered a legitimate extension of the principle of
the levirate marriage, which was established for the pur
pose of perpetuating the dead man's name — when the
story is taken as a whole it becomes evident that the mar
riage, though it occupies considerable space in the narra
tive, is, after all, only a subordinate incident. Moreover,
7 That is, the marriage of a widow to the deceased husband's brother,
to perpetuate the name of the deceased, Gen. 38. 8; Deut. 25. 5, 6.
Since Boaz was not the brother-in-law of Ruth, it has been suggested
that in this case it is only the marriage of a widow to the next-of-kin
that is encouraged.
8 Ezra, Chapters 9 and 10; Neh. 13. 23^29.
8 H. L. Strack, Einleitung in das Alte Testament, p. 142.
191

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
there is no indication that the first born was recognized
as the son of Ruth's first husband, as would have been
required by the levirate law.
/ On the other hand, if the book could be dated in con
nection with the reform movement under Ezra-Nehe-
miah, it might well be interpreted as a protest against
the narrow exclusiveness advocated by these reformers;
the book would then be of the greatest significance in the
religious history of Israel, for it would take its stand by
the side of the book of Jonah as teaching the universality
. of the divine interest and love. The significance which V
this interpretation gives to the book is admirably set forth
by McFadyen in these words : "It was in all probability
the dignified answer of a man of prophetic instincts to
the vigorous measures of Ezra, who demanded the di
vorce of all foreign women ; for it can hardly be doubted
that there is a delicate polemic in the repeated designation
of Ruth as the Moabitess, i. 22 ; 2. 2, 6, 21 ; 4. 5, 10 — she
even calls herself 'the stranger' in 2. 10. It would be
pleasant to think that the writer had himself married one
of these foreign women. In any case he champions their
cause not only with generosity but with insight; for he
knows that some of them have faith enough to adopt
Israel's God as their God, 1. 16, and that even a Moabitess
may be an Israelite indeed. Ezra's severe legislation was
inspired by the worthy desire to preserve Israel's religion
from the peril of contagion : the author of Ruth gently
teaches that the foreign woman is not an inevitable peril ;
she may be loyal to Israel and faithful to Israel's God.
The writer dares to represent the Moabitess as eating
with the Jews, 2. 14 — winning by her ability, resource,
and affection, the regard of all, and counted by God
worthy to be the mother of Israel's greatest king. The
192

THE BOOK OF RUTH
generous type of religion represented by the book of Ruth
is a much needed and very attractive complement to the
stern legislation of Ezra."10
Date and Authorship. Jewish tradition credits Samuel
with the authorship of the book of Ruth;11 but this is
nothing but a guess. The book itself contains no definite
indication regarding its date or the sources from which
its information was derived; and the few more or less
indefinite data are ambiguous, if not conflicting. Clearly,
the book in its present form cannot be earlier than the
age of David ;12 and the general impression made is that
it was written long after his time. There is no reference
to his brothers ; evidently, the heroic king had completely
overshadowed them in popular thought. The period of
the Judges seems to be in the distant past, for the point
of view reflected in i. i is that of the Deuteronomic
reviser of the narratives, who represents the Judges as
exercising authority over the whole of Israel.13 The
custom of throwing away the shoe, connected with the
levirate marriage,14 is spoken of as obsolete in the writer's
day;15 moreover, it differs from the practice described
in Deuteronomy. There are also a few linguistic charac
teristics pointing to a late date, but these are confined
to a few passages which for other reasons are considered
additions to the original story.16 The fact that the book

10 J. E. McFadyen, Introduction to the Old Testament, p. 293.
11 F. C. Eiselen, The Books of the Pentateuch, p. 86.
12 Compare 4. 17-22.
13 See Volume II in this series of Introductions, soon to be published,
chapter on "Book of Judges."
14 Deut. 25. 9, 10.
16 Ruth 4. 7.
18 See S. R. Driver, Introduction to the Literature of the Old Testament,
P- 455- 193

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
belongs to the third division of the Jewish canon instead
of the second, with the book of Judges, is also thought by
some to favor a postexilic date. However, this argument
has little weight, for the book of Judges, like Ruth, did
not receive its final form until after the exile ; and there
is no evidence to show that date of origin was a determin
ing factor in assigning books to the second or third divi
sion of the Jewish canon.17 All these arguments are in
conclusive; and over against the few late linguistic
characteristics stands the undeniable fact that the general
style of the story has all the characteristics of pure classi
cal Hebrew as found in the early portions of the books
of Samuel and Kings.
In the presence of this conflicting evidence it is not
strange that the book should have been dated in preexilic,
exilic, and postexilic times. The view which on the whole
furnishes the most satisfactory explanation of all the
facts in the case is that the present book was preceded by
a preexilic narrative of Ruth and her marriage to Boaz,
which embodied traditions that had been handed down
orally for many generations. In the days of Ezra-Nehe
miah, and under the influence of their reform efforts, a
prophetic writer, with a clear vision of the all-inclusive
love of God, saw the didactic possibilities of this early
narrative ; in order to make it even more suitable for his
purpose he may have revised it, idealized some of the
characters and scenes, and added the verses which do
not seem to have been a part of the original story;18 then
17 Except in cases where the books were not written until after the
completion of the second canon; but the second canon was not formed
until long after the days of Ezra-Nehemiah, to which the book of Ruth
is assigned. 18 1. i ; 4. 7, 18-22. These are the portions which contain the most
pronounced late characteristics. 194

THE BOOK OF RUTH
he sent forth the story of Ruth in its present form as a
protest against the narrow, exclusive tendencies of the
age.19 This view as to the origin of the book preserves
substantially the historical character of the narrative,
explains the presence of the preexilic and postexilic ele
ments, and furnishes a satisfactory interpretation of the
object and aim of what Goethe has characterized as the
loveliest little idyl that tradition has transmitted to the
present age.
la The view of Budde, Zeitschrift fuer Alttestamentliche Wissenschaft,
1892, pp. 37ft., that the book of Ruth was at one time a part of the
"commentary (Midrash) of the book of kings," mentioned in 2 Chron.
24. 27, while possible, cannot be substantiated.

195

CHAPTER VIII
THE BOOK OF LAMENTATIONS

X

CHAPTER VIII

THE BOOK OF LAMENTATIONS
Name. The usual Hebrew name is simply Ekhah,
which means "How," from the opening word of the
book; but, influenced by the contents, the Talmud gives
it also the name Kinoth, which may be translated
"Lamentations," or "Dirges." From this is derived the
Septuagint designation fyrp>oi, Threnoi, a word having
the same meaning, to which is sometimes added "of
Jeremiah." The Greek name is reproduced in the Vul
gate as Threni, and translated into English as "Lamenta
tions" or the fuller "Lamentations of Jeremiah." The
term Kinoth is commonly applied to dirges over deceased
individuals;1 but it is also used with reference to the
overthrow of cities or nations.2 The latter usage is com
mon in the book of Lamentations, especially in chapters
I, 2, and 4, which consist largely of dirges over the down
fall of Judah and Jerusalem.
Contents and Outline. The book of Lamentations
consists of five independent poems, all centering, though
in different ways, around one common theme : the
calamities that befell the people of Judah, and especially
of Jerusalem, during the siege and subsequent capture
of the holy city. Chapters I, 2, and 4 are in the nature

*2 Sam. 1. 17-27; 3. 11.
2 Amos 5. 2; Ezek. 26. 17, 18. 199

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
of dirges over the death of the city and nation in B. C.
586, while chapter 3 describes the sufferings endured by
the poet and his compatriots in the course of this calamity.
These sufferings are traced to the anger of Yahweh,
aroused by the sins of the people, but the knowledge of
Yahweh's loving-kindness inspires a hope that the suffer
ings will not continue forever. Chapter 5 is a prayer :
after lamenting the sorrows and sufferings of the people,
due to their own sins as well as to the sins of their
fathers, the author, representing the community, prays
for speedy deliverance.
I. Misery and Desolation of Jerusalem (i. 1-22)
1. Solitariness and desertion of Jerusalem (i. i-ii).
2. Severity and justice of the affliction (i. 12-19).
3. Prayer for retribution upon her enemies (1. 20-22).
II. The Anger of Yahweh the Cause of Jerusalem's Ruin
(2. 1-22)
1. Suffering and affliction a divine judgment (2. 1-10).
2. Depth of distress and despair (2. 11-17).
3. Prayer for deliverance (2. 18-22).
III. Hope of Relief Through Divine Loving-kindness (3. 1-66)
1. Lament of the people (3. 1-20).
2. Yahweh's loving-kindness the basis of hope (3. 21-39).
3. Prayer of confession and penitence (3. 40-54).
4. Prayer for vengeance (3. 55-66).
IV. Sorrows and Horrors of the Siege (4. 1-22).
1. Distress of the people (4. 1-11).
2. Faithlessness of the religious leaders (4. 12-16).
3. Utter hopelessness of the situation (4. 17-20).
4. Doom of the Edomites (4. 21, 22).
V. Prayer for Mercy and Deliverance (5. 1-22)
1. Miseries of the exiles (5. 1-18).
2. Prayer for speedy deliverance (5. 19-22).
200

THE BOOK OF LAMENTATIONS
Literary Form. The first four poems are arranged as
alphabetic acrostics.3 In chapters i and 2 each stanza
consists of three long lines, the characteristic letter mark
ing the beginning of each successive stanza. In chapter
3 each of three successive lines begins with the same
letter.4 The stanzas in chapter 4 consist of two lines
each, the characteristic letter marking the beginning of
each couplet. Chapter 5 agrees with chapter 4 in having
two-line stanzas. The order of the letters in chapter 1
differs in one respect from that in the three succeeding
chapters : in the former 3? precedes g, as is the case in
the modern arrangement of the Hebrew alphabet ; in the
others g precedes y. 5
Chapters 1-4 are in the Kinah meter;6 indeed, it was
the study of Lamentations that led to the discovery of
the Kinah verse. The consistent use of this particular
meter and the alphabetic arrangement of the verses make
it clear that the poems were "constructed with conscious
art : they are not the unstudied effusions of natural emo
tion, they are carefully elaborated poems, in which every
trait which might stir a chord of sorrow or regret is

3 Chapter 5 is not arranged alphabetically; it is noteworthy, however,
that it consists of twenty-two stanzas, the number of letters in the
Hebrew alphabet. Perhaps the author, or compiler, of the book meant
to form another acrostic, but after composing or compiling the right
number of stanzas he was prevented by death or otherwise from carry
ing out his original purpose.
4 So far as the thought is concerned, the alphabetic arrangement of
Chapter 3 is altogether arbitrary. Sometimes the break in thought
occurs within a group of verses beginning with the same letter of the
Hebrew alphabet.
6 Does this difference point to diversity of authorship? It is not
quite clear whether there was a time when S regularly preceded 2, or
whether there was a time when the order was not definitely fixed.
8 See above, pp. 22, 23. 201

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
brought together, for the purpose of completing the pic
ture of woe."7
Date and Authorship. In the English Bible the book
of Lamentations, entitled "The Lamentations of Jere
miah," follows the book of Jeremiah, in harmony with
the common Jewish and Christian tradition that the
prophet Jeremiah is the author of the book.8 This tradi
tion is very early. The full title, "Lamentations of Jere
miah," is found in the Sinaitic MS. of the Septuagint,9
and in the Syriac10 and Latin versions. The tradition
may be traced even to pre-Christian times, for it is found
not only in the Jewish Fathers and the Talmud, but also
in the Targums11 and in the Septuagint translation of
the book. The latter has at the head of the first chapter
this statement : "And it came to pass after Israel had been
led captive and Jerusalem made desolate, that Jeremiah
sat down weeping and lamented this lamentation over
Jerusalem, and said." While it is uncertain whether the
singular "this lamentation" should be interpreted as re
ferring to the whole book or only to the poem in chapter
i, the translators evidently meant to connect the prophet
Jeremiah with at least some of the contents of the book.
In the same direction points the Septuagint grouping of
Lamentations with other books connected with Jeremiah ;
7 S. R. Driver, Introduction to the Literature of the Old Testament,
P- 459-
8 The conception of Jeremiah as the weeping prophet is based largely
on the assumption that he is the author of Lamentations.
8 Written in the fourth century A. D.; the Vatican MS., also of the
fourth century, and numerous other MSS. of the Septuagint, have the
shorter title.
10 Probably to be dated in the second century A. D.
11 Aramaic translations or paraphrases of the Old Testament. Though
these did not reach their final form until some centuries after the open
ing of the Christian era, they embody pre-Christian material.
202

THE BOOK OF LAMENTATIONS
but the date of this arrangement cannot be definitely
fixed.12 What are the facts in the case ? The Hebrew text of
Lamentations contains no statement regarding the au
thorship of the book, nor does the Hebrew text of the
rest of the Old Testament furnish direct information on
the subject. Moreover, the Hebrew Bible, unlike the
Greek, or Latin, or English, does not place the book
after the prophecies of Jeremiah, but in the third division
of the canon, called the Writings, where it forms one
of the five Megilloth, or Rolls,13 Lamentations being
read on the ninth day of Ab, the day on which the
destruction of Jerusalem was commemorated. In the
absence of all early external evidence the tradition must
be tested by the internal evidence presented in the book.
Now, while there have been those who believed that the
internal evidence favored tradition, it is not without
significance that depending almost exclusively on this
internal evidence, modern scholarship, with practical
unanimity, has declared against the traditional view that
"The statement in 2 Chron. 35. 25 to the effect that "Jeremiah
lamented for Josiah" and that lamentations for Josiah were embodied
in "the lamentations" is interpreted by some as implying a belief on
the part of the Chronicler that Jeremiah wrote at least some of the
dirges in the canonical book. If this interpretation could be accepted
it would mean that the tradition concerning Jeremiah's authorship of
Lamentations was current at least as early as B. C. 300; that is, less
than three centuries after the close of Jeremiah's activity. However,
this interpretation of the Chronicles passage is exceedingly doubtful.
In the first place, no lamentation in the canonical book has for its
subject King Josiah; moreover, the verse itself, interpreted naturally,
does not imply that the lamentation uttered by Jeremiah was included
in "the lamentations"; nor is it clear that the latter expression refers
to the canonical book. Hence the passage in Chronicles throws no
light on the authorship of the book of Lamentations.
13 See above, p. 165. 203

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
i
Jeremiah is the author of Lamentations in whole or in
part.14 The principal arguments drawn from internal evidence
both for and against the traditional view may be grouped
as follows:15
i. Evidence Thought to Favor Jeremiah as the Author.
( i ) Lamentations reveals the same sensitive temper as is
reflected in the book of Jeremiah; its author is profoundly
sympathetic in national sorrow and is ready to pour forth
his emotions without restraint.16 (2) In the two books
national calamities are traced to the same causes, such as
national sin,17 the faithlessness of prophets and priests,18
and misplaced confidence in weak and treacherous allies.19
(3) The two books contain similar figures, ideas, and
expressions. For instance, both books speak of the virgin
daughter of Zion as broken with an incurable breach;20
the speaker's eyes are said to be flowing down with
water;21 terrors are said to be on every side;22 there is
the same appeal for vengeance to the righteous judge23

14 A generation or more ago K. F. Keil, always conservative, labored
valiantly to maintain the traditional view, while Thenius sought to
save at least Chapters 2 and 4 for Jeremiah; but they have few, if any,
adherents among careful Old Testament students tb-day.
16 Compare also S. R. Driver, Introduction to the Literature of the Old
Testament, pp. 461-464.
16 Compare with Lamentations especially Jer. 14 and 15.
"Compare Lam. 1. 5, 8, 14, 18; 3. 42; 4. 6, 22; 5. 7, 16 with Jer.
14. 7; 16. 10-12; 17. 1-3, etc.
18 Compare, for example, Lam. 2. 14; 4. 13-15 with Jer. 2. 7, 8; 5. 31;
14. 13; 23. 11-40, etc.
19 Compare, for example, Lam. 1. 2, 19; 4. 17 with Jer. 2. 18, 36;
30. 14; 37. 5-10.
20 Compare, for example, Lam. 1. 15; 2. 12 with Jer. 8. 21, 22; 14. 17.
21 Lam. 1. 16; 2. 11, 18; 3. 4, 8, 49 and Jer. 9. 1, 18; 13. 17; 14. 17.
22 Lam. 2. 22 and Jer. 6. 25; 20. 10.
23 Lam. 3. 64-66 and Jer. 11. 20. 204

THE BOOK OF LAMENTATIONS
and expectation of desolation for the nations that rejoiced
in the destruction of Jerusalem.24 (4) Attention is
further called to numerous other expressions found in
both books. Among these the more striking are : "Among
all her lovers she hath none to comfort her" and "All thy
lovers have forgotten thee" ;25 the detailed description of
Jerusalem's awful condition;26 the references to women
eating their own children;27 the author's description of
himself as a derision or laughingstock;28 the use of the
terms "bitterness," "wormwood," "gall";29 of "fear,"
"pit," "snare;" 30 of "chase" and "hunt";31 the figures
of the cup of judgment,32 and of the falling down of the
crown.33 2. Evidence Thought to Militate Against Authorship
of Jeremiah. ( 1 ) The variation in the alphabetic order,
which may indicate that the poems do not all come from
one and the same author.34 (2) The two books reveal
such striking differences in point of view that it is difficult
to believe that one and the same author is responsible for
both. For instance, (a) The complaints and prayers for
retribution in Lamentations35 do not read as if they came
from the prophet who considered the Chaldeans instru-

24 Lam. 4. 21 and Jer. 49. 12.
26 Lam. 1. 2 and Jer. 36. 14.
26 Lam. 1. 8, 9 and Jer. 13. 22, 26.
27 Lam. 2. 20; 4. 10 and Jer. 19. 9.
28 Lam. 3. 14 and Jer. 20. 7.
28 Lam. 3. 15, 19 and Jer. 9. 15; 23. 15.
30 Lam. 3. 47 and Jer. 48. 43.
31 Lam. 3. 52 and Jer. 16. 16.
32 Lam. 4. 21 and Jer. 25. 15; 49. 12.
33 Lam. 5. 16 and Jer. 13. 18.
"The order in Chapter I differs from that in Chapters 2, 3, and 4;
see above, p. 201.
85,Lam. 1. 20-22; 3. 59-66. 205

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
ments in the hands of Yahweh.36 (6) The author's
lament over the fate of king, princes, and prophets is
hardly consistent with utterances regarding the same
classes in the book of Jeremiah.37 (c) The author of
Lamentations looked to the last for outside help, while
Jeremiah had no thought that any outside nation would
save Jerusalem.38 (d) Is it probable that the two esti
mates of king Zedekiah39 came from the same person?
(e) It is, to say the least, doubtful that Jeremiah would
admit that the sufferings of his contemporaries were due
to the sins of their fathers.40 (3) There are significant
differences in vocabulary. It cannot be mere accident,
for instance, that the unusual relative she, never used by
Jeremiah, is used several times in the short book of
Lamentations ;41 or that the term Adonai, "Lord," is used
fourteen times in Lam. 1-3, while Jeremiah never uses it
by itself, but only in combination with Yahweh.42 (4)
The allusions in Lam. 5. 18-20 seem to imply that these
verses were written a considerable time after the destruc
tion of Jerusalem in B. C. 586 ; in other words, the con
tents point to a period later than that of Jeremiah. (5)
Though it is impossible to prove that the author is de
pendent on Ezekiel, passages like Lam. 2. 14 and 4. 20 may

36 For example, Jer. 25. 1-11. Would Jeremiah be so overcome by
the thought that Yahweh had turned against his people? Compare
Lam. 2. iff.
37 Compare Lam. 2. 6-14 with Jer. 23. 9-40 and 24. 8-10.
38 Compare Lam. 4. 17 with Jer. 37. 6-10.
39 Lam. 4. 20 and Jer. 24. 8-10.
40 Compare Lam. 5. 7 with Jer. 31. 29, 30.
41 For example, Lam. 2. 15, 16; 4. 9; 5. 18.
42 Zeitschrift fuer Alttestamentliche Wissenschaft, 1894, PP- 3iff»S com
pare also S. R. Driver, Introduction to the Literature of the Old Testa
ment, p. 463. 206

THE BOOK OF LAMENTATIONS
imply familiarity with the writings of that prophet.43 (6)
Another objection is expressed by McFadyen in these
words : "It is very unlikely that one who was so sorely
smitten as Jeremiah by the unconsolable sorrow of Jeru
salem would have expressed his grief in alphabetic
elegies : men do not write acrostics when their hearts are
breaking."44 It can easily be seen that the evidence outlined in the
preceding paragraphs is far from being conclusive ; never
theless, on the whole, the evidence against the authorship
of Jeremiah is stronger than that favoring his authorship.
At any rate, it would be easier to explain the resemblances
on the assumption that the elegies were written by a per
son or persons other than Jeremiah than to explain the
marked differences on the assumption that the book of
Lamentations was written by the author of the book of
Jeremiah. Modern scholarship not only denies that Jeremiah is
the author of Lamentations ; it goes even farther and is
almost unanimous in denying the unity of the book.
W. R. Smith was, perhaps, the last to argue strongly in
favor of one author;45 Driver, who in the earlier editions
of his Introduction wrote, "The opinion that the author
is throughout the same has, perhaps, on the whole, prob
ability in its favor ; but the criteria at our disposal do not
authorize us to pronounce dogmatically upon either
side,"46 is quite ready to admit, in the latest edition, that
"Compare Ezek. 19. 2ff.; 22. 28; see also C. H. Cornill, Einleitung
in das Alte Testament, p. 247. Some have claimed that they have dis
covered also evidence of familiarity with Isa. 40ff., but this is less
clear. 44 J. E. McFadyen, An Introduction to the Old Testament, p. 296.
48 Article "Lamentations" in Encyclopedia Britannica, ninth ed.
48 Introduction to the Literature of the Old Testament, p. 465.
207

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
the poems may not come from one and the same author.47
Again, the evidence may not be absolutely conclusive ; at
the same time the book presents some phenomena which
find a more natural interpretation on the assumption that
the book consists of poems coming from different au
thors : ( i ) The difference in the order of the letters of
the Hebrew alphabet;48 (2) the difference in the length
of the stanzas, and in the placing of the characteristic
letter of the alphabet;49 (3) the description in chapters
2 and 4 is much more vivid than in chapters 1, 3, and 5,
which may indicate an earlier date or earlier dates for the
poems in chapters 2 and 4.
If there is diversity of authorship, the dates of the
individual poems are not easily determined.50 In view
of the vivid descriptions in chapters 2 and 4 these two
poems might be assigned to about B. C. 570; they are
probably the work of one, or perhaps, two men who
passed through the distressing experiences of the siege
and capture of Jerusalem, or, at least, who lived near
enough to the calamity to feel its full weight. Chapter 3,
on account of its highly artificial structure and its pro
nounced didactic tone, is generally considered the latest
of the five poems, to be dated about B. C. 325, or even
later.51 Opinions differ widely regarding the date of
chapter 1 ;52 on the whole, however, a date shortly before

47 Revised Edition, same page.
48 See above, pp. 201.
48 See above, p. 201.
60 Almost every independent investigator reaches conclusions which
differ from those of his predecessors.
61 Compare C. Steuernagel, Einleitung in das Alte Testament, p. 761.
62 For example, Loehr, about 530, Budde, not earlier than 430, Driver,
soon after 586. Chapter 1 is probably dependent upon Chapter 2, but
there is no need for making it very much later.
208

THE BOOK OF LAMENTATIONS
the return under Cyrus seems to satisfy best the internal
evidence.53 To the same general period must be assigned
chapter 5. While considerable evidence may be adduced
in support of the dates here suggested, still it may be wise
to admit the justice of Selbie's statement : "On this sub
ject criticism has not yet spoken the last word."54
Nothing is known regarding the time when the indi
vidual poems were brought together to form the present
book. It has been suggested that at first, about the time
of Nehemiah, a collection was formed consisting of
Chapters 1, 2, and 4; and that subsequently, about B. C.
300, Chapters 3 and 5 were added by the author of the
poem in Chapter 3 ; but no certainty can be had on this
point. Significance. The book of Lamentations is of interest
and value because it furnishes a vivid and, in some cases
at least, a contemporaneous picture of the thoughts and
emotions aroused by the fall of Jerusalem in the survivors
of that catastrophe. No doubt the faith of some was
shattered; but there were many others who remained
loyal to their God and who were convinced that, in spite
of all appearances to the contrary, Yahweh's compassion
and loving-kindness would never cease. However, these
faithful ones were also persuaded that heartfelt repent
ance must precede the return of the divine favor. This
conviction inspired the confessions of guilt, exhortations
to repentance and prayers for mercy, which constitute
such an important element in the book.
83 Especially, verses 3 and 4.
84 Article "Lamentations," in Hastings, Dictionary of the Bible.

209

CHAPTER IX
THE BOOK OF ECCLESIASTES

CHAPTER IX
THE BOOK OF ECCLESIASTES
Name. The Hebrew name of the book called Ecclesi
astes in English1 is rV?P, Koheleth, in form a feminine
participle of the verb kahal, which is a derivative from
the noun kahal, which may be translated "an assembly" ;
the verb, therefore, refers to some activity in connection
with the holding of an assembly. The feminine is that
of official status; that is, it is a designation not only of
an office, but also of the holder of an office, a usage not
uncommon in Hebrew.2 The exact meaning of Koheleth
is uncertain ; among the translations proposed are "caller
of assemblies," "preacher," "debater," "great orator,"
"ideal teacher," "collector of wise sayings." W. T. Davi
son suggests that a combination of "debater" and "ideal
teacher" is needed, and since he cannot find a single word
expressing the full meaning, he proposes the following
definition of the term : one officially discharging the duties
of a teacher in the schools, conducting a discussion con
cerning grave questions of faith and conduct which he
desires to bring to satisfactory issue.3 That the word
contains a didactic element is without question, for the
contents of the book clearly show that the author aims
to impress upon the listeners and readers the conclusions
1 The English word is a transliteration of the Greek 'E/«Xj;<nacrri}s,
which is retained in the Vulgate.
2 Gesenius-Kautzsch, Hebrew Grammar, I22r.
3 The Wisdom Literature of the Old Testament, p. 215.
213

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
which he has reached on the basis of experience and
observation. Contents and Outline. The book of Ecclesiastes, like
the book of Job, represents speculative wisdom;4 but
while the latter deals with a single problem, namely the
problem of suffering,5 Ecclesiastes reflects upon life as
a whole, the author emphasizing from beginning to end
the emptiness of the whole of human life. The author
evidently had passed through many disappointments; as
a result his spirit had grown pessimistic and even skepti
cal, and he had reached the conclusion, stated both at
the beginning6 and near the close,7 that all is vanity. He
seeks to establish this conclusion by appeal to various
fields of human interest and endeavor: labor, riches,
pleasure, honor, and even search for wisdom and right
eousness fail to bring satisfaction; and since he has no
clear vision of a life after death he can find no consola
tion in the hope of immortality. Over against these
disappointing experiences stands the faith of his fathers,
that the affairs of this world are ordered by a holy and
righteous God. The book in its present form seems to
portray the struggle between this faith and the actual
experiences of life, a struggle which ends in the triumph
of faith.
For reasons that will be set forth in the next section it
is difficult to make an analysis of the book ; nevertheless,
at least a general outline may be attempted. The book
consists of a prologue, an epilogue, and, between the two,
the main discussion in four parts. The prologue states
4 See above, p. 92.
1 See above, pp. 132.
• 1. 2.
» 12. 8. 214

THE BOOK OF ECCLESIASTES
the author's contention, the epilogue his conclusion, while
the main discussion is intended to furnish the proof of
the contention, each part giving the result of an experi
ment, or of a group of efforts, to satisfy the yearnings of
the human heart.
I. The Prologue— The Author's Contention (i. i-ii).
On the assumption that there is no life after death, and that,
consequently man's deepest longings must be satisfied in this life,
the author declares all human efforts to find satisfaction and happi
ness to be in vain.
II. Proof of the Contention (i. 12 to 12. 8)
1. Vanity of wisdom, pleasure, and riches (1. 12 to 2. 26).
2. Vanity of labor and industry (3. 1 to 5. 20).
Everything is foreordained; death is preferable to a life spent
in vain struggle with the foreordained order of things.
Nothing is left, therefore, but to make the best of the few
fleeting years of life and to enjoy them.
3. Vanity of wealth, prudence, and righteousness (6. I to 8. 15).
Wealth cannot overrule providence ; common sense is staggered
when it beholds the inequalities of life. There is no solution
of the mystery ; hence eat, drink, and be merry.
4. Recapitulation of arguments and summing up of the findings
(8. 16 to 12. 8).
The author sees no prospect of ever finding satisfaction in this
life, for man's life ends as it begins, in vanity. Therefore let
the young man rejoice in his youth, yet not so as to forget
his responsibility to his Creator.
III. The Epilogue— Concluding Observations (12. 9-14)
1. Aim of the author — to teach words of truth (12. 9, 10).
2. Sufficiency of the book (12. 11, 12).
3. Supreme duty of man — Fear God and keep his commandments
(12. 13, 14).
Is the Book of Ecclesiastes a Unity? The imperfec
tions in the literary form of the book of Ecclesiastes have
long been recognized; and Cheyne expresses the consen
sus of modern scholarship when he calls the book "dis-
215

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS c
jointed" and "rough."8 There are frequent breaks in
the thought and not a few apparent inconsistencies. The
general outlook of the discussion is dark and gloomy,
and is accurately reflected in the often repeated, "Vanity
of vanities, all is vanity." The more important elements
in this pessimistic picture are well summarized by Mc
Fadyen: The world is clearly out of gear and there is
no chance for improvement, for everything is unalterably
fixed.9 Life is a weary round of contradictions,10 and by
reason of the fixity of these contradictions all human
effort is in vain.11 This is true not only of the labor for
food and drink or riches, but also of the search for
knowledge and wisdom; not only of the physical world
but of the moral world as well. There is no goal in
nature ;12 history runs on and runs nowhere ; all effort is
swallowed up by death. Man is no better than the
beast;13 beyond the grave there is nothing. Everywhere
is disillusionment, and woman is the bitterest of all.14
The moral order is clearly turned upside down; wrong
seems to be on the throne; Providence, if there be such
a thing, seems to be on the side of cruelty, and there is
no one to comfort the oppressed.15 The just perish and
the wicked live long;16 and, in general, it happens to the
righteous man according to the work of the wicked and
to the wicked according to the work of the righteous.17

8 Job and Solomon,

p. 204.

8 i.

15; 7-

13-

10 3.

1-8.

11 3-

9-

12 I.
2-11.
13 3.
19-
"7.
26.
16 4-
1.
"7.
15-
"8.
14; 9.
2.
216
THE BOOK OF ECCLESIASTES
Surely, to be dead is better than to live in such a world ;18
yea, it is better not to have been born at all.19
But this is by no means the attitude toward life in all
parts of the book. Intermingled with expressions of
hopelessness are some of brighter hue : "Truly the light
is sweet, and a pleasant thing it is for the eyes to behold
the sun."20 In some cases the differences amount to
actual contradictions. Over against the thought that
there is nothing better than to eat, drink, and have a
joyous time in general,21 stands the assertion that it is
better to go to the house of mourning than to the house
of feasting,22 or the summing up of the whole discussion
in the words : "Fear God, and keep his commandments."23
According to 3. 9 human labor is useless, because all
things are unalterably fixed ; in other words, the fixity is
deplored; but in 3. 11 it is called "beautiful." While
several passages imply a belief that the moral order is
turned upside down, there are others which recognize the
reality of a righteous administration of the world: the
fate of the righteous is not the same as that of the wicked,
for it is well with him who fears God and ill with the
man who fears him not ;24 moreover, a judgment is sure
to come, both to the righteous and to the wicked.25 It
may be better to be dead than to be alive,26 but the definite
assertion is also made that it is far better to be alive

« 4.

2.

u6.
3-
20 X]
• 7-
21 2.
24.
22 7-
2.
23 12
. 13;
. compare
verse 1
24 8.
12,
13-
26 3-
17;
11.
9;
12.
14.
28 4.
2,3'
217
THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
than to be dead.27 The search for wisdom, like the
search for madness and folly, is striving after wind;28 on
the other hand, "wisdom excelleth folly, as far as light
excelleth darkness."29 Labor is a burden and vanity, for
it leads nowhere;30 on the other hand, there is nothing
better than that a man should rejoice in his works.31 In
addition to these more or less pronounced contradictions
the disconnectedness of entire sections32 and the fre
quency of abrupt transitions33 tend to break up the con
tinuity and unity of the book.
How are these phenomena to be explained? (i) In
the first place, it has been suggested that the book has
had its "disjointed" form from the beginning, and that
the disconnectedness and the apparent contradictions are
to be explained on the assumption that the book records
either the varying moods of one and the same man,34 or
the opinions of two or more disputants. In the latter
case, the book might perhaps be regarded as the report
of a discussion held in a religious academy.35 A still
different explanation would be that the more skeptical
passages are the sayings of an infidel objector, quoted by
the author for the purpose of refuting them. The com
mon element in these views is the assertion that the
book has undergone no essential alterations since it was
* 9.4,5-
28 1. 17, 18.
28 2. 13.
30 2. 22.
81 3. 22.
32 For instance, Chapter 10 looks very much like an independent
collection of proverbs, not an integral part of the general discussion.
33 Compare, for example, 7. 19, 20.
34 Compare Tennyson's Two Voices.
36 The closing verses, 12. 13, 14, might then be regarded as the final
word or conclusion of the whole discussion. 218

THE BOOK OF ECCLESIASTES
first written.36 (2) Other scholars believe that the
breaks are too abrupt and the contradictions too pro
nounced to be accounted for on the theory that they were
in the original work, whatever its purpose may have
been; hence they have searched for other explanations.
Thus Bickel has sought to account for them by assuming
that the leaves of the book, in manuscript form, had
become disarranged, through some accident, and that
subsequently, in the attempt to construct a coherent whole
out of the disarranged leaves, editorial additions and
changes were made, which only increased the confusion.37
Similarly, Cheyne has suggested that Chapters 3-12 were
compiled from loose notes after the author's death. (3)
Still other scholars are dissatisfied with all of these ex
planations. They favor the view that the confusion has
arisen from changes and interpolations introduced into
the original work by one or more editors, in a desire to
correct the skeptical tone of the original work.38
In the absence of all external evidence there is natu
rally wide difference of opinion regarding the number
and extent of these interpolations. Even some other
wise very conservative scholars question the originality
of the epilogue,39 or at least of the closing verses.40
88 This is essentially the view of Nowack, Plumptre, Wildeboer, Tyler,
von Baudissin, Driver, and others.
37 Compare G. Bickel], Kohelets Untersuchung ueber den Werth des
Daseins. 38 The theory of C. Siegfried may serve as an illustration of the inter
polation theory in its more extreme form. He holds that there were at
least four distinct revisions: at first, the original essentially pessimistic
work was interpolated and changed by an Epicurean Sadducee, then
by a "wisdom" glossator, then by a "pious" glossator, and finally by
other glossators, whose work cannot be individualized {Prediger und
Hoheslied, pp. 6ff.).
38 12. 9-14.
40 Verses 13, 14. 219

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
Among the reasons for this view are the following : ( I )
The speaker, who speaks throughout the rest of the book
in the first person, is here spoken of in the third 5(2) the
introduction of the command in verse 13 is rather abrupt;
(3) nowhere else is the reader addressed as "my son";41
(4) and most important of all, verse 13, like verse ia,
emphasizes godliness in a manner foreign to the general
spirit of the book, "whose summum bonum is the discreet
and temperate enjoyment of life." Moreover, while the
thought of the closing verses is not necessarily incom
patible with the rest of the book, it certainly cannot be
considered a summing up either of the book as a whole,
or of the "preacher's" own feelings. In the words of
Driver: "Chapter 12. 13 lays stress upon a thought
implicit in the teaching of the book but disregards that
which is explicit." Thus, there seems to be good reason
for the same writer's conclusion: "The truth is, 12. 13,
14 can be vindicated for the author only at the cost of an
inconsistency."42 Ideas not in accord with what seems to be the general
thought of the book are expressed also in 2. 26; 3. 17;
7. 18b, 26b, 29; 8. 2b, 3a, 5, 6a, 11-13; 11. 9c; 12. ia.

41 Verse 12.
42 Introduction to the Literature of the Old Testament, p. 478. It may
well be that the sentiment of the epilogue was at least in part respon
sible for the admission of the book into the canon; but there is insuffi
cient reason for the assumption that the verses were added as late as
the Council of Jamnia, about A. D. 90 — which finally determined the
extent of the Jewish canon — for the purpose of adapting Ecclesiastes
for reception into the canon and furnishing a suitable close for the
third division of the canon. No doubt verse 12a might be rendered so
as to give support to this view: "As for more than these — that is, the
canonical books — beware, my son"; but the reference is rather to books
other than Ecclesiastes.

THE BOOK OF ECCLESIASTES
In addition, in various parts of the book proverbs are
found which seem to interrupt the continuity of the main
argument.43 Many modern scholars consider these pas
sages, as well as the epilogue, later interpolations, and
there is a growing tendency to trace them to at least two
hands, one representing orthodox wisdom, the other,
orthodox religion.44
In the nature of the case, one cannot speak dogmatic
ally on a question of this kind; yet on the whole the
presence of interpolations can hardly be doubted ; at any
rate, the elimination of some or all of the passages
enumerated removes inconsistencies which are quite seri
ous and leaves a connected argument that can readily be
understood as the production of a single mind. This
does not mean, however, that the more radical interpola
tion theories should or can be accepted as furnishing the
correct solution of the problem. On the contrary, "there
is no necessity of supposing that more than two hands
have made additions to Ecclesiastes since it left the hands
of Koheleth. One was an editor deeply interested in the
wisdom literature, and the other who came after him,
was deeply imbued with the spirit of the Pharisees. The
first edited the book because it formed an important
addition to the wisdom literature, and possibly, too, be
cause he thought it a work of Solomon. The second,
finding such a work attributed, as he supposed, to Solo
mon, added his glosses, because he thought it wrong that
the great name of Solomon should not support the ortho
dox doctrines of the time. The material added by these

; « For example, 4. 5, 9-12; 7- 4-6, 7~i2. r9; «>• i~3, 8-14. etc.
44 See further, J. E. McFadyen, Introduction to the Old Testament,
p. 308; G. B. Gray, A Critical Introduction to the Old Testament, pp. 151,
152. George A. Barton, Ecclesiastes, pp. 43ff.
221

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
glossators is, however, but a small part of the material
in the book."45
Date and Authorship. From the days of the Mid-
rashim and the Targums to long after the period of the
Reformation the title in i. i, "The words of the Preacher,
the son of David, king in Jerusalem," were almost uni
versally interpreted, both among Jews and Christians,
as implying Solomonic authorship.46 True, Luther
threw out a suggestion that Solomon was not the
author,47 but it was more than a century before he found
any followers.48 However, beginning with the latter
part of the eighteenth century, the number of scholars
denying the Solomonic authorship of Ecclesiastes steadily
increased, and at present it is universally admitted that
both language and contents make it impossible to believe
that Solomon wrote the book.
Modern scholars base their view principally upon the
following considerations: (i) The expression in i. 12,
"I was king," seems to imply that the author's reign was
ended when he wrote ; Solomon continued as king to the
day of his death. (2) The author contrasts himself with
all who were before him in Jerusalem, the context show-

46 George A. Barton, Ecclesiastes, p. 46.
46 Solomon is not named, but the son of David who was king in
Jerusalem can be no other than Solomon, who was renowned for his
extraordinary wisdom.
47 He says in his Table Talk: "Solomon himself did not write the
book of Ecclesiastes, but it was produced by Sirach at the time of the
Maccabees. ... It is a sort of Talmud, compiled from many books,
probably from the library of King Ptolemy Euergetes of Egypt."
^Grotius wrote in his Commentary, published in 1644: "I believe
that the book is not the production of Solomon, but was written in
the name of this king, as being led by repentance to do it. For it
contains many words which cannot be found except in Ezra, Daniel,
and the Chaldee paraphrases."

THE BOOK OF ECCLESIASTES
ing that he means all kings ;49 this would seem to imply
that he was preceded by a line of kings, but there had
been but two kings of Israel prior to Solomon, only one
of whom had lived in Jerusalem, namely, his father
David.50 (3) Some of the utterances are inappropriate
on the lips of Solomon. For example, would he condemn
so bitterly the maladministration of justice, for which he
as king would have been responsible?51 The references
to kings read as if they came from one who suffered
from their misrule rather than from an author who was
one of them. (4) In the light of present-day knowledge
regarding the history of Hebrew literature the complaint
against the making of many books52 seems inappropriate
in the days of Solomon. (5) The very existence of the
problem that troubled the author, especially in its individ
ual aspect which is emphasized throughout, presupposes a
much later stage in the thought development of the He
brews.53 (6) The language cannot be harmonized with
the early date. The argument from language is rarely
conclusive, but in this case it clearly and definitely mili
tates against an early date. "If the book of Koheleth is
of old Solomonic origin," says the cautious and conserv
ative Franz Delitzsch, "then there is no history of the
Hebrew language." Indeed, the evidence against the tra
ditional view is so strong that more than thirty years ago
Dean Plumptre could write, "No one now dreams of

48 1. 16; 2. 7-9.
60 It is not natural to interpret the phrase as referring to a line of
unknown Canaanite kings who reigned in Jerusalem before David
captured the city.
81 3. 16; 4. 1; 5. 8, etc.
62 12. 12.
63 See above, p. 91. 223

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
ascribing it to Solomon." 54 The use of Solomon's name,
therefore, is a literary device, commonly used during the
later postexilic period, which finds another illustration in
the apocryphal "wisdom of Solomon," written during the
first century B. C. What would or could be more natural
than to ascribe these observations and reflections to the
wise King Solomon? He with his limitless wealth,
splendor, magnificence, and harem had enjoyed every
opportunity of tasting and testing life; moreover on ac
count of his extraordinary wisdom, sayings coming from
him would have more than ordinary significance and
weight. All available evidence combines to prove, not only
that Ecclesiastes could not have been written in the tenth
century, but also that it is one of the latest books in the
entire Old Testament : ( i ) While the historical references
and allusions are all more or less indefinite, the general
historical background is clearly that of the late postexilic
period. Evidently, the author lived in an age of social
and political disorder and upheaval ; folly was set in great
dignity, while the wise occupied the low places; servants
rode upon horses, and princes had to walk like servants;55
the rulers were young, inexperienced, and tyrannical, and
their representatives in the provinces were cruel and
rapacious; justice was perverted and the land was full
of spies seeking to ruin the upright.56 This is a truthful
picture of conditions during the late Persian period, when
the empire founded by Cyrus had become the "happy
hunting-ground of political exploiters and adventurers."
But the description would fit equally well the years im-
64 Ecclesiastes, p. 21.
B5 10. 6, 7.
88 3- I6ff.; 4. 1; 5-8,9; 10. 8ff. 224

THE BOOK OF ECCLESIASTES
mediately preceding the Maccabean uprising: the woe
upon the land whose king is a child57 might be inter
preted as a reference to Ptolemy V,58 who was less than
five years of age when he came to the throne; the suc
ceeding verses might then be applied to Antiochus, who
in B. C. 198 wrested Palestine from Egypt and made it a
province of Syria.59 Thus interpreted, the historical
allusions would be in perfect accord with a date early in
the second century B. C, but before the Maccabean upris
ing, which caused a decided change in the situation;
moreover, the depressed tone of the book would not suit
the stirring age of the Maccabees.
The theology of the book, if its teaching can be called
theology, points to the same late period. The author was
a serious thinker : he was perplexed by his experiences
and observations, he sought to solve life's problems and
mysteries, but was baffled in his attempts; hence he re
belled against the limitations of knowledge and wisdom.
The discussion is more abstract than that of Job, the
speculation is more advanced, and the pessimism more
developed and deliberate than anywhere else in the Old
Testament. There is no trace of the religious enthusiasm
of the prophets, or even of the early legalists; the book
reflects, rather, the later spirit of indifference as found,
for example, among the Sadducees.
The presence of numerous parallels with Greek thought
has led some scholars to believe that the author was
influenced more or less directly by Greek philosophy.
Thus, the warning against extremes60 is thought to be

67 10. 16.
« B. C. 205-181.
88 Compare also 4, 13-16,
88 7. 16-18.

225

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
related to Aristotle's doctrine of the mean ; the influence
of Heraclitus has been seen in 3. 1-8, while 2. 1-11 is
placed alongside of the Stoic doctrine of recurring cycles,
and Chapter 3 is compared with the doctrine of determin
ism held by the same school. The influence of Epicurus
has been traced in the numerous statements which imply
that the only attainable happiness lies in the rational en
joyment of the good things of this present life. The
theory of direct dependence, though advocated by earlier
scholars, was first fully developed by Tyler in 1874, and
has since been adopted by many more recent writers,
among them Pfleiderer, Plumptre, Wildeboer, Siegfried,
and Cornill. Others have insisted with equal emphasis
that the entire discussion is an independent development
of Jewish thought. Cheyne, for example, writes : "I do
not see that we must admit even a vague Greek influ
ence";61 and with him agree both McNeile and Barton,
who have made a careful and extensive study of the
whole question. The latter reaches the conclusion that
"the book of Ecclesiastes represents an original develop
ment of Hebrew thought, thoroughly Semitic in its
point of view, and quite independent of Greek influ
ences."62 The truth lies, perhaps, between these two
extreme views. In the words of A. R. Gordon : "While
agreeing with these63 and other scholars that the Preacher
is at heart a Jew, the tone of the book, its frank material
ism, and its almost cynical commendation of the 'golden
mean' as the only course of wisdom, with its thought of
the endless flux of nature reducing life to mere 'vanity,'
seem to the present writer clearly to suggest that he was
81 Job and Solomon, p. 271.
82 Ecclesiastes, p. 49.
88 McNeile and Barton. 226

THE BOOK OF ECCLESIASTES
influenced by the general currents of Greek culture that
were then sweeping over the Eastern world."64 If the
author was under the influence of Greek thought, he must
have lived subsequently to the time of Alexander the
Great, for it was he who opened the way for the influx
of Hellenism into Syria and Palestine. But whether the
reality of Greek influence is admitted or not, the general
thought of the book points to a time later than the fourth
century B. C.
In the case of Ecclesiastes the argument from language
is not without weight. Clearly, it represents the very
latest stage in biblical Hebrew : Many words occur again
only in late books like Chronicles, Ezra, Nehemiah,
Esther; there are some Aramaic words, and some words
and idioms found otherwise only in the post-biblical
Hebrew of the Mishna.65 In the light of these facts Gray
is undoubtedly right when he says, "On the ground of
language alone it must be held that the book was written
at the earliest in the fourth century B. C, and more
probably at least a century or two later."66
But while all the evidence points to the later postexilic
period, the precise date of Ecclesiastes cannot be deter
mined. Some scholars have advocated a date during the
later Persian age, in the fifth or fourth century,67 while

84 The Poets of the Old Testament, p. 333; J. E. McFadyen, An Intro
duction to the Old Testament, p. 301; S. R. Driver, Introduction to the
Literature of the Old Testament, p. 477, etc.
"Some have discovered in the language even traces of Greek in
fluence (for example, Graetz, Tyler, Wildeboer), but this is less certain
(T. K. Cheyne, Job and Solomon, p. 260; A. H. McNeile, Introduction
to Ecclesiastes, p. 43).
88 A Critical Introduction to the Old Testament, p. 153.
87 Ewald, Delitzsch, Keil, and others. 227

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
a few have dated it as late as the first century B. C.,68
but scholars are coming to be more and more agreed in
placing the origin of the book at about B. C. 200. If the
conquest of Palestine by Antiochus is presupposed, the
date cannot be earlier than B. C. 198. If, on the other
hand, the author of Ecclesiasticus knew Ecclesiastes,69 it
cannot be later than B. C. 180. Probably at some time be
tween these two dates the original book of Ecclesiastes
was written. Nothing is known of the writer. It would
seem, however, that he was a man of wealth, culture, and
social position, who had drunk deeply of life's enjoy
ments, but had found nothing but disappointment of
spirit.70 Teaching and Significance. The book of Ecclesiastes
did not secure a permanent position in the canon until
the Council of Jamnia, about A. D. 90. Though it had
acquired some degree of sanctity before that time, it was
objected to by some Jewish teachers, chiefly on three
grounds: (1) It contradicted itself;71 (2) it made the
assertion that the creatures of God are vain, and placed
greater value upon worldly pleasures than upon higher
and more spiritual things : ( 3 ) its pronounced skepticism

68 Tyler and Koenig during the reign of Alexander Jannaeus, B. C.
104-78; Graetz, during the reign of Herod, B. C. 39-4.
69 It has been questioned whether such familiarity exists, but the
evidence seems to be conclusive that the author of the one book knew
the other; and if so, the priority of Ecclesiastes is beyond doubt (Plump-
tre, Ecclesiastes, pp. 56ff.; A. H. McNeile, Introduction to Ecclesiastes,
pp. 34ff.; G. A. Barton, Ecclesiastes, pp. 53ff.). The last named reaches
the conclusion that the author of Ecclesiasticus used the words of
Ecclesiastes, "as a modern writer might weave into his work the words
of Browning or Tennyson or any other well known author."
70 Dean Plumptre has written a suggestive, if fanciful, ideal biog
raphy of the author; Ecclesiastes, pp. 358.
71 See above, pp. 216-218. 228

THE BOOK OF ECCLESIASTES
was said to tend toward infidelity and atheism. The
defenders of the book also depended chiefly upon three
arguments: (i) It was the production of the great and
wise Solomon; (2) it was early recognized as sacred
scripture; (3) it begins with the law and ends with the
law.72 No doubt it was the alleged Solomonic author
ship of the book and the religious emphasis in the closing
verses that finally decided the controversy in favor of
the book's retention among the sacred writings.
If modern scholars are right in assuming that back of
the present Ecclesiastes lies a book permeated from begin
ning to end by a spirit of pessimism and skepticism, the
aim of this original work would have been simply to
expose the emptiness and vanity of human life.73 In
the words of E. J. Dillon : "He [that is, the author of the
original Ecclesiastes] is an uncompromising pessimist,
who sees the world as it is. Everything that seems pleas
ant or profitable is vanity and a grasping of wind ; there
is nothing positive but pain, nothing real but the eternal
Will, which is certainly unknowable and probably uncon
scious. . . . When all has been said and done, the highest
worldly wisdom is but a less harmful species of folly.
Existence is an evil, and the sole effective remedy renun
ciation."74 This very skepticism has proved an attraction
72 The statement is true of the close, 12. 13, but as to the beginning
it finds its only support in an artificial, rabbinical interpretation of 1. 3.
73 Connecting Ecclesiastes with Job, it has been suggested that the
former "deals the last fatal blow to the popular doctrine of retribution."
If prosperity, wealth, power, wisdom, long life, etc., are all vanity, how
can they be regarded as signs of God's favor? Or, how can the opposite
be regarded as evidence of the divine wrath? (Bennett and Adeney,
A Biblical Introduction, p. 166). Though these inferences may be
drawn from the discussion, it is doubtful that the author desired to
throw any light on the doctrine.
74 Sceptics of the Old Testament, p. 113.
229

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
to many modern minds. Renan considered Ecclesiastes
"the most charming book" in the Old Testament; he pre
ferred the attitude of its author to that of the prophets
who, he thought, lived in the clouds; he admired the
Preacher because "he is cojitent to shrug his shoulders
over abuses and say to the would-be reformer, 'No use !' '
Even some philosophers have made its vanity of vanities
the keynote of their own systems.75
Whatever else, however, the author may have been —
Renan considers him to have been a man of the world,
a skeptic, a materialist, a fatalist, and a pessimist — he
certainly was not an atheist. In spite of his pessimism
he retained a belief in God, and vague though it may
have been, it proved sufficient to keep him "clean in heart
and true to the compass of honest duty." "Koheleth's
moral principles," says A. R. Gordon, "read like undiluted
Epicureanism. But when touched by the fear of God, his
Epicureanism becomes, not, indeed, the heroic virtue of
the prophet and saint, but at all events decent moderate
morality."''6 In the present book of Ecclesiastes, whether it repre
sents the work in its original form or as it left the hands
of later revisers, the more cheerful note of faith occupies
a larger place. In this form it may well be called a "cry
for light." The light does not yet shine clearly, though
here and there glimpses appear. An element of doubt
and perplexity remains, because the horizon of the author,
and even of the latest editor, is bounded by the grave.
He can find no hope in this life, and the book shows
conclusively the utter insufficiency of this present life to
solve its own mysteries. This forces him to look with
76 Compare, for instance, Schopenhauer, The World as Will and Idea.
78 The Poets of the Old Testament, pp. 341, 342.
230

THE BOOK OF ECCLESIASTES
longing for a possible solution of the mysteries of the
present in an after life ; but it remains a hope and a cry ;
it never becomes a conviction.77 In the presence of this
uncertainty the retention of faith in God assumes even
greater significance. The author is conscious of a moral
order in the universe ; though its operation is often frus
trated, in many cases the God-fearing rhan is seen to have
an advantage over the wicked. Hence, with all his doubts
and questionings, he maintains that it is his duty, as it
is the duty of all men, to fear God and keep his command
ments; God somehow will take care of the perplexities
and mysteries of life. The manifestation of this faith
causes Cornill to write : "The piety of the Old Testament
has never celebrated a greater triumph than in the book
of Koheleth";-78 and it is the preservation of this faith
in the midst of confusion and perplexity that gives to
the book its unique value and significance in the present
age of intellectual unrest.
77 In this Ecclesiastes resembles Job. The very emphasis placed on
the emptiness of the present life would in the end point the way to a
belief in resurrection and immortality.
78 Einleitung in das Alte Testament, p. 251.

231

CHAPTER X
THE BOOK OF ESTHER

CHAPTER X
THE BOOK OF ESTHER
Name and Extent. The book is named Esther after
the heroine of the story,1 a Jewish maiden who is said to
have lived in the days of Xerxes.2 It belongs to the third
division of the Jewish Canon, and is one of the five
Megilloth, or Rolls,3 appointed to be read on the feast
of Purim. The Septuagint translators treated the He
brew text with considerable freedom. Not only did they
modify in many places the text before them, but in addi
tion they made more or less extensive interpolations in
several parts of the book. In the Vulgate the most im
portant of these are separated from their contexts and
placed together at the end of the canonical book. In
the English Apocrypha they are arranged, following the
order of the Vulgate, as a separate book, bearing the
title "The Rest of the Book of Esther."4
Canonicity. The tone of the book compares unfavor
ably with the spirit of almost every other Old Testament
1 Hebrew, 1??DN Ester; Septuagint, 'Ecr&fa, Esther; Vulgate, Esther.
2 B.C. 485-465.
3 See above, p. 165.
4 The more extensive additions are:
1. The Dream of Mordecai.
2. The Exposition of Mordecai's Dream.
3. The Decree for the Destruction of the Jews, drawn by Haman.
4. The Prayer of Mordecai.
5. The Prayer of Esther.
6. The Interview of Esther with the King.
7. The Edict in Favor of the Jews.
235

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
book. The absence of the divine name, God, or Yahweh,
while noteworthy, is perhaps of little significance. It
may easily be explained on the assumption that the writer
considered it more appropriate not to use the divine name
in a book intended for use on a festival celebrated with
much feasting and revelry. Moreover, the presence and
activity of God as the protector and preserver of Israel is
assumed throughout.5 Of much greater significance is
the absence, from beginning to end, of a truly religious
atmosphere. Its conception of the character of God is
low, and its religion lacks a truly ethical note.6 On ac
count of the pronounced secular character of the contents
the canonicity of Esther continued to be questioned even
after the Council of Jamnia, which decided in favor of its
retention in the canon. It is omitted from the list of
canonical books ascribed to Melito, Bishop of Sardis ; and
even some of the Jewish rabbis sought to exclude it. The
exaggeration of its value by others7 suggests uneasiness
regarding its standing. Again and again voices of pro
test were raised among Christians. As late as the fourth
century Athanasius and Gregory Nazianzen refused to
include it among the canonical books, and in the east,
where the conception of canonicity was more rigid, oppo
sition continued to manifest itself throughout the Middle
Ages.8 The action of the Council of Carthage, in A. D.

6 See, for instance, 4. 14.
6 It may be that the interpolations of the Septuagint are due to a
desire to remedy this defect. At any rate, the terms "God" and "Lord"
occur frequently in these additions, and both Mordecai and Esther are
made to offer prayer.
' Maimonides, A. D. 1 135-1204, for example, declares that the Law
and Esther will survive all the rest of the Old Testament.
8 In the fourteenth century it was rejected by the Ecclesiastical
Historian Nicephorus Callistus. 236

THE BOOK OF ESTHER
397, gave the book a securer position in the Western
church, but Luther spoke very slightingly of it and said
that he wished it did not exist.
Contents and Outline. The book of Esther contains
the story of Esther, a Jewish maiden in the Persian capi
tal Susa, who rose to be queen of Xerxes, and as such
rescued her countrymen from the evil plottings of
Haman, a favorite of the king. The story is well told :
At a royal banquet Xerxes, the king, ordered Vashti his
queen to appear before the assembled guests; when she
refused to come he put her away. After a diligent search,
extending over several years, the queen's crown was
placed upon the head of Esther, the cousin and adopted
daughter of Mordecai, a man of the tribe of Benjamin,
living in Susa. Soon afterward Mordecai saved the
king's life by revealing a plot to assassinate him. A short
time later the king promoted a certain Haman above all
the other nobles at court and ordered his servants to do
obeisance to him. Mordecai refused, whereupon Haman,
out of hatred, procured from the king a decree for the
destruction of the Jews.
Esther, acting on the suggestion of Mordecai, suc
ceeded in frustrating the cruel scheme, Haman suffered
disgrace, and was hung on the very gallows he had pre
pared for Mordecai, while the latter was exalted to the
position formerly occupied by Haman. Since Persian
law did not permit the revocation of the decree secured
by Haman, the king, to offset it, granted permission to
the Jews to defend themselves against their foes on the
day appointed in the earlier decree for their own destruc
tion. Thus it happened that on the thirteenth and four
teenth days of the month Adar9 the Jews slew, through-
8 Equivalent to latter part of February and early part of March.
237

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
out the Persian empire, more than seventy-five thousand
of their enemies. In commemoration of the deliverance
the fourteenth and fifteenth days of Adar were set apart
each year as "days of feasting and gladness, and of send
ing portions one to another, and gifts to the poor." To
this festival was given the name Purim, that is "Lots,"
with allusion to the casting of the lot by "Haman, for
the purpose of fixing the date of the massacre.10 The
book closes with an account of the greatness and power
of Mordecai. I. Exaltation of Esther (i. i to 2. 18).
1. Feast of Xerxes (1. 1-8).
2. Disobedience and rejection of Vashti, the queen (1. 9-22).
3. Choice and exaltation of Esther (2. 1-18).
II. Haman's Plot Against the Jews (2. 19 to 3. 15)
1. Mordecai's discovery of the plot against the king (2. 19-23).
2. Haman's promotion; Mordecai's refusal to do obeisance (3. 1-6).
3. Plot for the destruction of the Jews (3. 7-15).
III. Frustration of Haman's Plot (4. 1 to 8. 2)
1. Esther's decision to intercede for her countrymen (4. 1-17).
2. Esther's banquet for the king and Haman (5. 1-8).
3. Erection of gallows by Haman for Mordecai (5. 9-14).
4. Exaltation of Mordecai (6. 1-11 ; 8. 1, 2).
5. Disgrace and execution of Haman (6. 12 to 7. 10).
IV. Deliverance of the Jews ; Institution of Purim (8. 3 to 10. 3)
1. Authorization of the Jews to defend themselves (8. 3-17).
2. Slaughter of the enemies (9. 1-16).
3. Institution of the feast of Purim (9. 17-32).
4. Power and greatness of Mordecai (10. 1-3).
Historical Character of the Narrative. The purpose
of the book of Esther is twofold: (1) to explain the
origin of the feast of Purim, (2) to glorify the Jewish
10 3- 7- 238

THE BOOK OF ESTHER
people.11 But many students of the book have been led to
ask the question : Did the feast of Purim actually originate
as narrated in the book ? This immediately raises a ques
tion as to the historical character of the narrative, which
has been differently estimated by different writers. Gen
erally speaking, three attitudes toward the narrative may
be distinguished :
i. In the first place, there are those who accept the
narrative as credible and reliable history from beginning
to end; and they support their contention by arguments
like these : ( i ) It is impossible to suppose that a national
feast like that of Purim should have originated, in his
torical times, without some adequate cause such as that
described in the book. (2) Internal evidence clearly
shows that the author intended to write history; for
instance, he gives the names of even unimportant per
sons,12 he refers several times to the chronicles of the
Persians,13 he notes frequently the year, month, and even
day on which an event occurred.14 (3) The feast of
Purim, called in 2 Maccabees 15. 36 "Mordecai's Day,"
and celebrated since the days of Josephus15 by Jews
throughout the world, constitutes to the present day a
witness to the historicity of the events narrated in the
book. (4) Archaeology has shown the statements of the
author regarding Persian manners and customs, espe-
11 The contents make it clear that (2) is at least a secondary purpose:
Esther, the Jewess, is favored above all other virgins; Mordecai, the
Jew, refuses to make obeisance to Haman, and Providence justifies his
refusal; Mordecai is exalted to a place beside the king, while Haman is
hanged; the Jews are destined to rule, while all who oppose or oppress
them are doomed to destruction.
12 For example, 1. 10, 14; 2. 8, 14, 21, etc.
"For example, 2. 23; 6. 1; 10. 2.
14 For example, 1. 3; 2. 16; 3. 7, 13, etc.
18 Antiquities, XI, vi, 13. 239

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
daily regarding court practices, to be strikingly accurate.
(5) The description of the general character and con
duct of King Ahasuerus is in agreement with the infor
mation regarding the character of Xerxes derived from
other sources. (6) Vashti was deposed in the third year
of Xerxes,16 Esther was made queen in the seventh.17
The long interval between the two events is easily ac
counted for by the fact, reported by Herodotus, that the ,
intervening years were devoted to the Grecian war. The
feast described in Chapter 1 may have been connected
with the great council of war the king is said to have
held before his departure. (7) The proper names in
the book are, without exception, such as might be used
in the days of Xerxes and Darius.
2. A moment's consideration must show that no one can
expect to prove, by arguments like these, that the narra
tive of Esther is throughout credible and reliable history;
at the most they may justify the inference that the author
was well informed concerning the character of Xerxes as
well as concerning Persian customs and practices ; and that
he made skillful use of his knowledge in the development
of the narrative, which may or may not be history. In
view of the inconclusive character of this line of evidence,
it is hardly strange that others, on the basis of alleged
historical improbabilities and impossibilities, should have
reached the conclusion that the book is throughout a work
of the imagination, developed, perhaps, from mythologi
cal material, and written for the purpose of making the
feast of Purim popular among the Jews.
Scholars favoring this view support their position by
facts like these: (1) The length of the feast provided

18 1. 3-
17 2. 6.

240

THE BOOK OF ESTHER
by Xerxes : It is pointed out that a feast lasting one hun
dred and eighty days,18 that is, nearly six months, would
involve in the case of some of the officials an absence
from their posts of almost a full year. (2) The contents
of the decree suggested by the royal counselors :19 In
view of the position occupied by women in the ancient
Oriental household, it is doubted that a Persian ruler
would issue a royal decree to the effect that "every man
should bear rule in his own house." (3) The representa
tion of Esther as queen of Xerxes after the seventh year
of his reign:20 According to Herodotus,21 the queen of
Xerxes between his seventh and twelfth years was Ames-
tris, whose character was such that she cannot be identi
fied with Esther; nor is there room for the latter beside
her. Esther might, indeed, have been one of the women
of the harem, but this is not the thought of the biblical
narrative, which represents her always as chief queen, if
not as sole queen.22 (4) The manner in which the suc
cessor of Vashti is said to have been selected is contrary
to the law of Persia, according to which the Persian king
was limited to seven noble families of Persia in the choice
of his queen.23 (5) The promulgation of the decree for
the destruction of the Jews eleven months before it was
to be executed. True, it has been suggested that Haman's
object in announcing his plan so long in advance was to
induce the Jews to leave the empire; but the narrative
itself gives no intimation of such object ; on the contrary,

»i. 4.
" 1. 19-22.
20 2. 16, 17.
21 VII, 114; IX, 112.
22 2. 17.
18 Herodotus, III, 84. 241

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
it makes the definite impression that Haman, from the
very beginning, was bent on the actual destruction of the
Jews.24 (6) The ignorance of Haman regarding the
nationality of Esther, though she constantly communi
cated with Mordecai, who was well known as a Jew.25
Ahasuerus seems to have shared this ignorance; or, if
the statement in 7. 5 does not imply ignorance regarding
Esther's nationality, it involves ignorance as to the exist
ence of the decree which, according to 3-. 8-1 1, he himself
had authorized. (7) The slaughter of more than seventy-
five thousand Persians by the Jews, apparently without
any opposition on the part of officials and people, and
the ready granting of a second day of vengeance in Susa.
(8) The events narrated in the book took place during
the reign of Xerxes, who ascended the throne in B. C.
485 ; Mordecai was not exalted until the twelfth year
of the king,26 that is in B. C. 473 or 472; he continued
in power for some years afterward,27 and there is no
suggestion that at the time he was a feeble old man ; and
yet, according to 2. 6, he was one of the exiles carried
away in B. C. 597; which means, that at the time of
his exaltation he was at least one hundred and twenty-
five years old. (9) It is further pointed out that the
narrative as a whole reads like a romance rather than
strict history : At each stage the incidents seem to be laid
so as to prepare the way for the next, and they follow
one another without hitch or interruption — the explana
tion of the delay between the third and the seventh years
of Xerxes, as due to the preparations necessary properly
24 3. 9; 4- 1-3. 13, 14-
26 3- 4, 6.
M3.7ff.27 Compare 10. 1-3. 242

THE BOOK OF ESTHER
to introduce all the maidens to the king; the discovery
of the plot against the life of the king by Mordecai, who,
however, received no suitable reward; the offense taken
by Haman, who, however, postponed the punishment;
the two banquets of Esther, giving opportunity in the
interval to picture, first Haman's exultation, then his vex
ation, in preparation for the disaster which followed ; the
erection of the gallows by Haman, only to suffer death on
it himself ; the wakeful night of the king, which becomes
the turning point in the life of Haman and of Mordecai ;
the two edicts and the circumstances of their promulga
tion — these and other similar features seem to "authorize
the inference that whatever materials the narrator may
have had at his disposal, he has elaborated them with the
conscious design of exhibiting vividly the dramatic con
trasts which they suggested to him."28 (10) Moreover,
certain mythological elements have been discovered in
the story. Esther is so similar to the name of the
Babylonian goddess Ishtar, and Mordecai to that of the
Babylonian god Marduk that the existence of some con
nection between these names can hardly be doubted.
Haman suggests the name of the Elamite deity Humman,
and Vashti may be the same Mashti,29 the name of an
Elamite goddess. Thus two Babylonian deities would
be arrayed against two Elamite deities, the two former
gaining the victory. It has been suggested, therefore,
that the story in its original form portrayed the conflict
between Babylonia and Elam, which was, according to

28 S. R. Driver, Introduction to the Literature of the Old Testament,
P- 483-
28 A similar change from m to v in the reproduction of a foreign name
in Hebrew is seen in 2 Kings 25. 27; E»il-merodach is the Babylonian
Awel-Marduk. 243

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
ancient ways of thinking, a conflict between the gods of
Babylonia and the gods of Elam. Another form of the
mythological theory sees in the deposing of Vashti fol
lowed by the crowning of Esther, and in the passing of
Haman followed by the exaltation of Mordecai, a repre
sentation of the passing of winter and the coming of
spring. The persons named would then be personifica
tions of the powers of nature that had a part in the
annual struggle. It is pointed out that the celebration of
this change in nature by a feast held in the spring or
during the last month of the year, that is, around the first
of March, would be very appropriate.
That the Purim festival, with its non-Jewish name,
was of foreign origin is not improbable; moreover, the
book may be correct in tracing it to Persia, though no
Persian word Pur meaning "lot" has as yet been found.
Nor is it impossible that there exists some connection
between the feast of Purim and a Persian spring festival
called Farwardigan, observed in commemoration of the
dead. It is also to be noted that the Babylonian New
Year's festival, on which the gods, under the leadership
of Marduk, were thought to draw lots for the purpose
of determining destinies during the new year,30 was cele
brated in the spring, in the month Nisan, which followed
Adar. May it not be that there is some connection be
tween the feast of Purim and the Farwardigan festival,
and between the casting of the lots in the book of Esther
and the determining of destinies on the Babylonian New
Year's Day ? In other words, the Jews may have adopted
a Persian festival, which in turn was derived from a
Babylonian original. With the festival may have come
30 E. Schrader, Die Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament (Dritte
Auflage), pp. 515-520. 244

THE BOOK OF ESTHER
the myths explaining its origin; and these mythical ele
ments, transformed under the influence of the higher Jew
ish religion, may still be traced in the story of Esther.
3. A third view takes a position between the two ex
tremes discussed thus far. Scholars holding this view
admit that the internal evidence, as outlined in the preced
ing paragraphs, makes it impossible to accept the narra
tive as literal history ; on the other hand, they insist that
there is insufficient reason for denying a historical basis
to the story. They suggest that, even admitting that no
other literature contains any reference or allusion to per
sons or events mentioned in the book of Esther,31 it is
not difficult to imagine that a Jewish maiden became the
favorite concubine, if not the chief wife, of a Persian
ruler32 and that, as such, she frustrated a plot against
her countrymen and delivered them from imminent disas
ter. This mediating view of the historical significance
of Esther is well expressed by the late Professor Driver
in these words : "The conclusion to which, on the whole,
the facts point ... is that though the narrative cannot
reasonably be doubted to have a substantial historical
basis, it includes items that are not strictly historical : the
elements of the narrative were supplied to the author
by tradition, and, aided by his knowledge of Persian
life and customs, he combined them into a consistent
picture; in some cases the details were colored already
by tradition before they came to the author's hand; in

31 Persian history knows no queens or concubines of Xerxes named
Vashti or Esther, no prime ministers named Haman or Mordecai, no
decrees for the destruction of the Jews.
32 The similarity of the name "Esther" to "Amestris," the name of
the queen of Xerxes, may be responsible for assigning the events to the
reign of Xerxes. 245

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
other cases they owe their present form to the author's
love of dramatic effect."33
Now, the mere possibility that the story of Esther
rests upon some kind of historical basis may readily be
admitted; but in the absence of all external evidence
any attempt to determine the nature of the historical
nucleus is bound to end in disappointment. Moreover,
internal evidence shows not only that the author gave
free play to the imagination in the disposition of all
material which he may have derived from tradition, but
also that he was quite willing to use mythological material
for the purpose of making his story more impressive and
beautiful. On the whole, the present writer is inclined
to agree with L. B. Paton when he says, "The conclusions
seem inevitable that the book of Esther is not historical,
and that it is doubtful whether even a historical kernel
underlies its narrative."34
Date. In the absence of all specific information the
date of the book of Esther must be determined entirely
on the basis of the language and such indirect internal
evidence as may be available: (i) The feast of Purim
seems to have been considered an old established institu
tion when the book was written.35 (2) The references
to the reign of Xerxes in 1. 1 and to the capital Susa in
1. 2 read as if the author regarded the Persian empire
a thing of the past. (3) The fact that the author found
it necessary to explain Persian customs36 may imply
that they were no longer familiar to the people for whom
he intended the story. (4) The difficulty raised by

33 Introduction to the Literature of the Old Testament, p. 483.
84 The Book of Esther, p. 75.
36 Compare 9. 19.
38 For example, 1. 13, 19; 4. 11; 8. 8.
246

THE BOOK OF ESTHER
the extraordinary age of Mordecai37 suggests that the
past had come to assume an aspect of vagueness with the
writer. (5) The whole spirit of the book is late. The
narrow nationalism, with its fierce hatred of foreigners,
developed gradually from the time of Ezra-Nehemiah
onward — first, a narrow exclusiveness, then a sense of
oppression and wrong, followed by a spirit of revenge.
Though one cannot speak dogmatically, there is much
to be said in favor of the view that "its intensely national
pride, its cruel and fanatical exclusiveness, can be best
explained as the result of a fierce persecution followed
by a brilliant triumph ; and this condition is exactly met
by the period which succeeded the Maccabean wars (B. C.
135 or later). The book with its strong Persian setting
may, indeed, have been written earlier in Persia, but it
more probably represents a phase of the fierce Palestinian
Judaism of the last half of the second century B. C."38
(6) Ecclesiasticus, written about B. C. 180, does not
seem to know the book. Had he known it, the absence
of Esther and Mordecai, so prominently identified with
the Purim festival, from his roll of honor would be
difficult to explain. (7) Language and style favor a
late date. True, there is an attempt to imitate classic
Hebrew, but, generally speaking, the linguistic affinities
of Esther are with Daniel, Chronicles, and the postbiblical
Hebrew. It may be safe, therefore, to date the book
after 200, perhaps about B. C. 150.
The place of its composition cannot be determined.
Some have drawn the inference from the absence of all

37 See above, p. 242.
38 J. E. McFadyen, An Introduction to the Old Testament, p. 313. It
has been suggested that Haman is modeled after Antiochus Epiphanes;
compare Esther 3. 9 with 1 Mac. 1. 41; 3- 34~36.
247

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
reference to Jerusalem and to the postexilic community,
and from the intimate knowledge of Persian customs,
that the book was written in Persia; but the evidence is
not conclusive. Since the author lived some time after
the age of Xerxes, he could not in any case speak from
personal observation, but had to depend upon other
sources of information, which might have been available
in Palestine, as well as elsewhere. The silence concerning
Palestine is easily explained by the fact that the whole
scene is laid in Susa. McFadyen's suggestion is as good
as any, namely, that the book is the outgrowth of fierce
Palestinian Judaism.

248

CHAPTER XI
THE BOOK OF DANIEL

CHAPTER XI
THE BOOK OF DANIEL
Name and Place in Canon. The name under which
the book appears in the Hebrew Bible1 is the name of the
hero of the book,2 who, according to tradition, was also
its author.3 In the English Old Testament it occupies
last place among the so-called Major Prophets; in the
Hebrew Bible it is one of the Writings. In other words,
in the Jewish canon it belongs to the third division rather
than to the second, in which all the other prophetic books
of the English Bible are found.4
Various explanations have been suggested to account
for the separation of Daniel from the other prophetic
books. If the book was written subsequently to B. C.
170,5 as is now generally thought, this fact in itself would
be sufficient to explain its position among the Writings,
for the prophetic canon was completed about B. C. 200.
Of the writers who believe that the book originated dur
ing the exile, some hold that it owes its position among
the Writings to an error on the part of the early Jews ;
others, that its apocalyptic character prevented it from
taking rank among the prophets ; still others believe that
at one time it was in the second division, but that subse-

l^N^:'J) Septuagint, Aowi}\.
2 Compare the titles of the books of Ruth, Esther, Job, etc.
3 See further, below, pp.256, 257.
4 Except Lamentations.
8 See further, below, pp. 263-273. 251

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
quently to the opening of the Christian era the rabbis,
prompted in part by their hostile attitude toward Jesus,
"degraded Daniel from the prophetic rank and put his
book into the Hagiographa."6
The Greek translations of Daniel7 contain several pas
sages not found in Hebrew.8 The longer and more im
portant of these additions are found among the Apocry
pha of the English Bible: (i) The prayer of Azariah
and the song of the Three Holy Children, inserted in the
Greek after 3. 23 of the Aramaic Text; (2) the history
of Susanna, which in the Septuagint and in translations
influenced by it follows at the end, as Chapter 13, while
it is found at the beginning in MSS. containing the
translation of Theodotion; (3) the account of the de
struction of Bel and the Dragon, forming Chapter 14,
following the history of Susanna. Of the three additions
only the first one can in any sense be regarded as a supple
ment or expansion of a narrative in the canonical book:
its object is to teach, more emphatically than is done in
the canonical text, that piety and faith have their reward.9
The other two stories are independent of the biblical
narrative and probably originated independently. The

8K. F. Keil, Introduction to Old Testament, II, pp. 21, 22; H. M.
Harman, Introduction to the Study of the Holy Scriptures, pp. 401, 402.
7 Both the Septuagint and the translation of Theodotion; also other
translations influenced by the Septuagint. The Septuagint text of
Daniel has been preserved in a single MS., the Codex Chisianus, per
haps of the eleventh century, which was not published until 1772.
Very early the Septuagint text was displaced by the translation of
Theodotion; perhaps the former's treatment of the Hebrew text was
considered too arbitrary.
8 See, for similar additions to the book of Esther, above, p. 235.
9 Both the prayer and the song use such general terms that it is not
improbable that they originated independently as liturgical psalms and
were subsequently inserted in Daniel. 252

THE BOOK OF DANIEL
story of Susanna is meant to show that God watches over
the innocent and will not permit them to become the prey
of the wicked. The stories dealing with the destruction
of Bel and the Dragon are intended to teach the folly of
idolatry. Contents and Outline. The book of Daniel falls natu
rally into two parts : Chapters I to 6 narrate six experi
ences of Daniel and his three companions : ( i ) The
loyalty of the four Hebrew young men at the court of
Nebuchadnezzar, and their reward; (2) the dream of
Nebuchadnezzar and its interpretation; (3) the episode
of the golden image, the faithfulness of Daniel's com
panions and their deliverance; (4) Nebuchadnezzar's
second dream and its interpretation by Daniel; (5) the
feast of Belshazzar and the interpretation of the hand
writing on the wall; (6) Daniel's courageous loyalty and
his deliverance from the lions' den. Chapters 7 to 12
relate four visions of Daniel and their interpretations:
(1) the four beasts; (2) the ram and the he-goat; (3)
Daniel's prayer and the appearance of the angel Gabriel ;
(4) the ultimate triumph of the kingdom of God.10
I. Experiences of Daniel and of His Companions (i. i to 6. 28)
1. Daniel's youth and education (1. 1-21).
(1) A captive at the court of Babylon (1. 1-3)-
(2) Education and fidelity of Daniel and of his companions
(1. 4-17)-
(3) Their proficiency and renown (1. 18-21).
2. The dream of the image and its significance (2. 1-49)
(1) The troublesome dream (2. 1).
(2) Failure of the wise men and their condemnation (2. 2-13).
(3) Daniel's intercession (2. 14-16).
(4) Daniel's vision of the dream (2. 17-24).

18 A fuller statement of the contents may be found in F. C. Eiselen,
Prophecy and the Prophets, pp. 302-308. 253

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
(5) The dream and its interpretation (2. 25-45).
The image seen by the king represents successive world
powers, beginning with Nebuchadnezzar; the stone
represents the kingdom of God, which will destroy the
world powers and, embracing the whole earth in its
sway, will abide forever.
(6) Exaltation of Daniel and his companions (2. 46-49).
3. Faithfulness of Daniel's companions and their deliverance
(3- 1-30).
(1) Nebuchadnezzar's golden image and his decree (3. 1-7).
(2) Refusal of Daniel's companions to worship the image
(3- 8-12).
(3) Deliverance from the fiery furnace (3. 13-27).
(4) Nebuchadnezzar's change of mind and exaltation of
Daniel's companions (3. 28-30).
4. Nebuchadnezzar's tree-dream and its fulfillment (4. 1-37).
(Related in the form of a decree.)
(1) Introduction to the decree (4. 1-3).
(2) Failure of the wise men to interpret the king's dream
(4- 4-7)-
(3) The dream related to Daniel (4. 8-18).
(4) The dream interpreted by Daniel (4. 19-27).
The tree represents the king in his greatness, but Yah
weh has decreed to bring him low. His reason will
leave him for seven years, which time he will spend
among the beasts of the field, until he has learned to
acknowledge the sway of the God of Israel. After
ward he will be restored.
(5) Fulfillment of the dream and Nebuchadnezzar's gratitude
(4- 28-37).
5. The feast of Belshazzar and the handwriting on the wall (5. 1-31).
(1) The feast of Belshazzar (5. 1-4).
(2) The handwriting on the wall (5. 5-9).
(3) Reading and interpretation of the writing (5. 10-28).
Daniel reads the words : "Mene, Mene, Tekel, Upharsin,"
and interprets them as meaning that the kingdom of
Belshazzar is about to be given to the Medes and
Persians.
(4) Fulfillment of the threat (5. 29-31).
6. Daniel's deliverance from the lions' den (6. 1-28).
(1) Exaltation of Daniel by Darius (6. 1-3).
(2) Jealousy and plot of the nobles (6. 4-8).
(3) Daniel's loyalty and condemnation (6. 9-17).
254

THE BOOK OF DANIEL
(4) Daniel's deliverance from the lions' den (6. 18-24).
(5) Darius's recognition of Yahweh's power (6. 25-28).
II. Visions of Daniel (7. 1 to 12. 13)
1. Vision of the four beasts and its interpretation (7. 1-28).
(1) Vision of the four beasts (7. 1-8).
(2) Vision of the heavenly judgment scene (7. 9-14).
(3) Interpretation of the vision (7. 15-28).
The four beasts signify four kingdoms, all of which are
doomed. After the destruction of the fourth "the
saints of the Most High shall receive the kingdom, and
possess the kingdom forever and ever."
2. Vision of the ram and the he-goat (8. 1-27).
(1) The ram and the he-goat (8. 1-14).
(2) Interpretation of the vision by Gabriel (8. 15-27).
The ram represents the Medo-Persian empire, the he-
goat the kingdom of Greece, and the great horn be
tween its eyes the first king. The four horns represent
four kingdoms into which the kingdom of Greece is
divided ; the little horn is a king of fierce countenance,
who will exalt himself even against the "prince of
princes"; but in the end he will be brought low.
3. Daniel's prayer and the divine answer (9. 1-27).
(1) Prayer for the restoration of the divine favor (9. 1-19).
(2) The answer, transmitted through Gabriel (9. 20-27).
Gabriel explains that the seventy years of desolation
foretold by Jeremiah must be interpreted as seventy
weeks of years, which must pass before the kingdom
of God will triumph. The seventy weeks are divided
into three smaller periods, seven weeks from the going
forth of the command to rebuild Jerusalem to "the
anointed one, the prince"; then sixty-two weeks dur
ing which the holy city will exist. At the end of this
period the anointed one will be cut off, and "the people
of the prince that shall come" will destroy the city
and the sanctuary. During one half of the remaining
week sacrifice and oblation will cease, but after that
the power of the desolation will be broken.
4. The ultimate triumph of the kingdom of God (10. 1 to 12. 13).
(1) Appearance of the heavenly messenger (10. 1-12).
(2) Struggles between the "prince" of the Jews and the
"princes" of Persia and Greece (10. 13 to 11. 1).
255

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
(3) Defeat of Persia by Greece (11. 2-4).
(4) Struggles between north and south (11. 5-20).
(5) Rule of the "contemptible person" (11. 21-45).
(6) Resurrection and exaltation of the faithful (12. 1-3).
(7) Consummation of the kingdom (12. 4-13)
Authorship and Date. Though perhaps no book in
the Old Testament contains more definite indications of
its date than does the book of Daniel, there has been about
as much controversy regarding its date and authorship
as there has been with reference to any biblical book.
On the one hand are those who insist that the book was
written by the prophet Daniel, one of the captives carried
away from Jerusalem during the reign of Jehoiakim, who
attained a position of prominence at the court of Nebu
chadnezzar and of his successors on the throne of Babylon.
I. The following arguments are advanced to prove that
Daniel is the author of the book bearing his name:
1. The fact of its admission into the canon. This
argument assumes that the Old Testament canon was
closed in the days of Artaxerxes, which assumption is
based on the following statement of Josephus : "From
the death of Moses to the reign of Artaxerxes, king of
Persia, who reigned after Xerxes, the prophets who were
after Moses wrote what was done in their times in thir
teen books. ... It is true, our history has been written
since Artaxerxes very particularly, but has not been
esteemed of like authority with the former by our fore
fathers, because there has not been an exact succession
of prophets since that time."11 The argument continues :
If the book of Daniel had not been written until about
B. C. 165, that is, nearly three centuries after the age of
Artaxerxes, how could it have found its way into the
11 Contra Apionem, I, 8. 256

THE BOOK OF DANIEL
canon, when other books, written earlier in the same
century,12 failed to secure such recognition? Moreover,
there is not the slightest hint anywhere that any question
regarding the canonicity of Daniel was ever raised among
the Jewish rabbis.
2. The testimony of tradition. It is pointed out that
from the time of Josephus until long after the Reforma
tion it was the common belief among Jews and Christians
that the book was written by the Daniel of the exile.13
As indicated in the discussion of the Pentateuch,14 Chris
tian tradition has little independent value, because it was
taken over bodily from Judaism; consequently, here, as
in the case of the Pentateuch, emphasis is rightly placed
on Jewish tradition. The earliest statement on the sub
ject is found in Josephus: "Our nation suffered these
things under Antiochus Epiphanes, according to Daniel's
vision, and what he wrote many years before they came
to pass. In the very same manner Daniel also wrote
concerning the Roman government, and that our country
should be made desolate by them. This man left in writ
ing all these things, as God had showed them to him;
insomuch that such as read his prophecies, and see how
they have been fulfilled, would wonder at the honor
wherewith God honored Daniel, and may thence discover
how the Epicureans are in error who cast providence
out of human life."15 This passage shows that Josephus
believed — and there is no reason to doubt that his con-

12 For example, Ecclesiasticus, written about B. C. 180.
13 The Neo-Platonist Porphyry, about A. D. 300, denied the author
ship of Daniel and assigned the book to the Maccabean age, but several
of the church fathers answered his arguments; the question was not
raised again until the seventeenth century by Spinoza.
14 F. C. Eiselen, The Books of the Pentateuch, p. 85.
15 Antiquities, X, x, 4. 257

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
temporaries shared the view — that Daniel was the author
of the book.16
3. The language of the book is said to reflect exactly
the age and position of Daniel. About two fifths of the
book are in Hebrew, the remaining three fifths in Ara
maic. The Hebrew, it is claimed, is as pure as that of
books known to have been written during the period of
the exile or during the years immediately following;
there are no indications of decay such as might be ex
pected had the book been written during the Maccabean
age. Moreover, the Aramaic of Daniel is as pure as that
of Ezra, "a striking proof that the Aramaic of Daniel
must belong to the same age with that of Ezra, and
consequently that the author of Daniel must have lived
somewhere near Babylon during the captivity, or, at
least, not long after it." Further support for this con
clusion is derived from a comparison of the Aramaic
of Daniel with that of the Targums coming from near the
beginning of the Christian era, which is said to differ
greatly from that of Daniel. The whole matter is
summed up by Harman in this fashion : ( 1 ) The purity
of the Hebrew of Daniel shows that the language cannot
belong to an age posterior to the exile; (2) the corre
spondence of the Aramaic of Daniel with that of Ezra
indicates its proximity to the age of the exile.17
4. The exact historical knowledge of the author.

18 That the book belongs to the earlier period is inferred also from the
statements that the book was shown to Alexander the Great; Antiqui
ties, X, xi, 7; XI, viii, 3-5.
17 Introduction to the Study of the Holy Scriptures, p. 417. Conclusion
(2) should have been worded: The correspondence of the Aramaic
of Daniel with that of Ezra indicates its proximity to the date of the
book of Ezra. This would mean a date certainly not much earlier than
B. C. 300. 258

THE BOOK OF DANIEL
Appeal is made to a carefully selected list of passages to
prove that the author had such an exact knowledge of
history and such an intimate acquaintance with Persian
manners and customs that it is impossible to believe that
he lived far from the events he relates. This argument
is thought to assume even greater force in the presence
of numerous historical inaccuracies and absurdities in
the noncanonical books written during the second and
first centuries B. C.
5. The testimony of the New Testament. Attention
is directed to the fact that Jesus calls Daniel "the prophet"
and refers to his prophecy concerning "the abomination
of desolation";18 that the phrase "Son of man" seems
to be taken from Daniel 7. 13 ; that the imagery of the
book of Revelation is in part borrowed from Daniel;
that Paul's description of the man of sin19 is derived
from it, and that the Epistle to the Hebrews refers both
to the Hebrew children in the fiery furnace and to Daniel
in the lions' den.20
6. The use of the pronoun of the first person in
expressions like "I Daniel,"21 or "me Daniel."22
7. Various additional considerations are urged, though
perhaps less weight is attached to them : ( 1 ) It is pointed
out that the symbolism of the visions is such as might
be looked for in the writings of a prophet living in a
Babylonian environment. (2) The character of Daniel's
prophecies is said to be in perfect agreement with his
exalted position at the court of the greatest nation of his

18 Matt. 25. 15.
u 2 Thessalonians 2. 1-12.
MHeb. 11. 33, 34-
" For example, 9. 2; 10. 2.
22 For example, 7. 15; 8. 1. 259

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
age- (3) It 1S claimed that the lofty and pious Messianic
conceptions are inconsistent with the assumption that the
book is a fraud. (4) The references in 1 Maccabees
2. 49-60 are thought to imply the existence of the book
of Daniel near the beginning of the Maccabean crisis.
(5) The inclusion of Daniel in the Septuagint transla
tion is said to prove that it was a well-known book before
the middle of the second century B. C. (6) The absence
of prayers in the midst of the narrative sections is said to
differentiate Daniel from the apocryphal books of the
first and second centuries. (7) It is claimed that if
Daniel was not written near the time of the exile, no
authentic history of the period has been preserved. And
yet, in view of the importance of the period in Jewish
history there is every reason for believing that such a
history was produced.
Are these arguments conclusive? 1. If it could be
shown that the Old Testament canon was actually closed
in the days of Artaxerxes, the argument would have
considerable weight; if, on the other hand, the canon
of the Writings was not fixed until near the opening of
the Christian era,23 the admission of Daniel into the
canon can throw no light on the question of its date.
There is no reason why a book written in B. C. 165
should not have been admitted into the canon, provided
it dealt with events during the prophetic period, espe
cially if the book was one of intense spirituality and faith
and could be connected with one of the heroes of the
past.24

23 The formation of the Old Testament canon will be discussed in
detail in Volume IV of this Biblical Introduction Series.
24 The words of Josephus quoted above may imply that only such
books were admitted into the canon as were thought to have been
260

THE BOOK OF DANIEL
2. The persistency of Jewish and Christian tradition
to ascribe the book to the prophet Daniel cannot be
denied; but it must not be forgotten that the earliest
"official" tradition does not ascribe the book to Daniel,
but to the men of the Great Synagogue.25 Moreover,
Jewish tradition has been found unreliable in so many
cases that it can serve only as a starting point in investi
gation, and must be set aside whenever the facts in the
case fail to support tradition.26
3. The linguistic peculiarities point in the very opposite
direction. Instead of favoring a date near the exile, they
suggest a date several centuries later.27
4. When the author's "exact knowledge of history" is
subjected to any kind of fair test so many imperfections
reveal themselves that it becomes practically impossible
to accept the book as the work of an eyewitness.28
5. The New Testament references do not raise or con
sider the question of date and authorship, hence they
have no bearing on the subject under discussion.
6. The pronoun of the first person is used whenever
Daniel is introduced as the speaker; in the narrative
sections and in the verses introducing Daniel as the

written during the prophetic period, that is, according to the common
Jewish notion, the period ending with Malachi. In harmony with this
principle Job was admitted because, according to general belief, it was
a book of venerable antiquity, Ruth as a narrative of an incident in the
period of the Judges, Ecclesiastes as coming from Solomon, and Daniel
because it was thought to have been written by the prophet bearing
that name, etc. In no case does the admission of a book into the canon
settle the question of date or authorship.
28 The relevant passage from the Talmud is quoted in F. C. Eiselen,
The Books of the Pentateuch, p. 86.
28 See above, p. 46.
27 See further, below, pp. 269-271.
28 See further, below, pp. 265-269. 261

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
speaker the third person is used. This is just what might
be expected if some one other than Daniel were the
author. 7. ( 1 ) The argument based upon the character of the
symbolism might be used to prove that other apocalyptic
books, including the New Testament book of Revelation,
were written in Babylon during the period of the exile.
(2) The agreement between Daniel's prophecies and his
exalted position proves nothing more than that the
author, whoever he may have been and whenever he may
have lived, was careful to avoid inconsistencies. (3) To
assign the book to another author or to another date does
not introduce an element of fraud. The literary method
which secures dramatic effect by speaking in the name
of some well-known person was known and used in Israel
even before the exile;29 its use became more common
during the later postexilic period,30 especially in the writ
ings of an apocalyptic nature.31 (4) The references in
1 Maccabees imply nothing more than that the book of
Daniel was in existence at the time the former was writ
ten, that is, about B. C. 100; they throw no light on the
date of the book. (5) The translation of the Septuagint
was not completed until near the opening of the Christian
era ; hence books written even later than the Maccabean
crisis might have been included in that translation, and,
indeed, were included, as is shown by the presence of the
apocryphal writings. The consideration urged under
(6) possesses little weight. True, Daniel differs from
the so-called apocryphal books, which is only what might
be expected, because it is in the nature of an apocalypse;
25 Deuteronomy is a good illustration.
38 For example, Ecclesiastes.
81 See further, below, p. 275. 262

THE BOOK OF DANIEL
but how the presence or absence of long prayers32 in
the midst of the historical sections can determine the
date of the book is not easily seen. (7) It would be
easy to turn this into an argument in favor of a late date.
The people living near the time of the exile did not need
a history of that age. On the other hand, such need
might be felt a few centuries later; then the book of
Daniel was written to supply the need.33
Evidently, the arguments commonly used to establish
the claim that Daniel wrote the book are in no sense
conclusive. No doubt, in the absence of all evidence to
the contrary, the inference might be drawn from some
of the facts presented in the book that it is essentially an
autobiography ; but no conclusion that has not due regard
for all the "facts in the case can be regarded as satisfac
tory. Hence, before the question of authorship and date
can be decided it is necessary to consider the evidence
winch, in the opinion of a great majority of modern
scholars, makes it impossible to believe any longer that
Daniel is the author of the book bearing his name, or,
that it was written during or soon after the period of the
exile.34 II. Arguments to prove that the book of Daniel is a
product of the Maccabean crisis:

32 There are frequent references to prayer in the historical sections,
and Chapter 9, in the apocalyptic section, contains a prayer.
33 Regarding the purpose of the book, see further, below, pp. 274-278.
34 It is by no means clear that the author, whoever he may have been
or whenever he may have lived, ever intended the book to be received
as the work of Daniel himself. In the narrative sections and in the
verses introducing the visions Daniel is referred to in the third person;
the first person is used only when Daniel appears as the speaker; which
difference receives a natural explanation only if it is assumed that the
author is some one other than the hero of the book.
263

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
i. External evidence: (i) The position of the book
in the Hebrew Bible. As already stated, the book of
Daniel belongs to the third division of the Jewish canon,
the Writings. Now, it must be admitted that the proper
place for the book is among the prophetic books, where
it is found in the English Bible. Consequently, the only
natural explanation of its omission from the prophetic
canon is offered by the view that the book was not yet
in existence when that canon was closed, about B. C. 200.
The same inference may be drawn from 9. 2, where
reference is made to "the books," which are said to have
contained the prophecies of Jeremiah. The statement
clearly implies that Jeremiah was one of a collection
of books, perhaps the prophetic canon, when the book
of Daniel was written.35 (2) The silence of Jesus ben
Sirach,36 about B. C. 180. This writer mentions, in his
list of Hebrew worthies,37 Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and,
collectively, the Minor Prophets, but is silent concerning
Daniel. Now, while the argument from silence is hardly
conclusive, the question may well be asked whether the
author, had he been familiar with the book of Daniel,
would have omitted the name of a prominent person like
its hero, and made the assertion that there had been no
man in Israel like Joseph.38 (3) The earliest literary

35 Other explanations, see above, p. 251, assume that radical changes
were made in the classification of Old Testament books; for which
assumption there is no evidence. True, there are indications of varia
tions in the order of books within the limits of the second and third
divisions of the canon; but there is no evidence that the Palestinian
Jews ever transferred a book from one division to another,
38 The author of Ecclesiasticus.
37 Ecclesiasticus, Chapters 44-50.
38 Ecclesiasticus, 49. 15. 264

THE BOOK OF DANIEL
references or allusions to the book of Daniel come from
B. C. 140 and later.39
2. The author's knowledge of history. There can be
no question that the author's knowledge of events that
took place during the period of the exile or soon after
was more or less hazy: (1) The assertion in 1. 1, 2, that
in the third year of Jehoiakim, Nebuchadnezzar besieged
Jerusalem, captured the king, and carried away some
of the sacred vessels and a number of captives, is contra
dicted by Jeremiah, who certainly was a contemporary
of the events recorded.40 (2) Belshazzar is represented
as the last king of the Babylonian empire and the son
of Nebuchadnezzar.41 He was neither : the last king of
.Babylon was Nabu-na'id,42 a usurper, who was neither
a son nor a descendant of Nebuchadnezzar. Belshazzar,
in Babylonian, Bel-shar-usur, was the son of Nabonidus ;
his name occurs on several contract tablets, where he is
always called "the son of the king";43 Nabonidus calls
him "the chief son";44 nowhere in the native records is
it stated or implied that he was king, or even coregent
38 The Sibylline Oracles, Book III, 388-400 (about B. C. 140), con
tain a reference to Dan. 7. 20, 24; in the Testaments of the Twelve
Patriarchs, written near the close of the second century, are several
references to Daniel (R. H. Charles, The Testaments of the Twelve
Patriarchs, p. 238, enumerates 11 such references); 1 Maccabees 2. 59,
60 (about B. C. 100) makes reference to the deliverance of Daniel and
of his three companions.
40 In referring to the fourth year of Jehoiakim (Jer. 25. 1, 9ff.), and
again, to the fifth year (36. 9, 29), the prophet uses language which
implies that up to the fifth year of Jehoiakim the Babylonian armies
had not appeared in Judah.
a Dan. 5. iff.; 7. 1; 8. I.
42 Commonly given as Nabonidus, the Greek form with a Latin
ending. 43 Perhaps equivalent to "crown-prince."
44 Perhaps equivalent to "first-born." 265

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
with his father. Moreover, the whole description in
Chapter 5 is inconsistent with conditions in Babylon
immediately preceding the death of Belshazzar, as they
are known from the inscriptions. Thus all available
evidence outside of the book of Daniel makes it impos
sible to accept the representation of the latter as correct.45
(3) According to Daniel the last Babylonian king was
succeeded by Darius the Mede,46 and Darius the Mede
was succeeded by Cyrus the Persian.47 This is not in
accord with the facts in the case, for Cyrus followed
immediately upon Nabonidus; there is no room for
Darius the Mede before Cyrus.48 (4) Closely bound up

45 Professor R. D. Wilson, in his Studies on the Book of Daniel, vol. I,
Chapter VI, has attempted to show that the statements in Daniel with
reference to Belshazzar are correct. How successful (?) the attempt has
been is, perhaps, best seen from his own summary of the conclusions:
"It is shown that Belshazzar, the son of Nabunaid, may, according to
the usage of those times, have been also the son of Nebuchadnezzar;
that there is good reason to suppose that he was king of the Chaldeans
before he became king of Babylon; that he may have been king of
Babylon long enough to justify the writer of Daniel in speaking of his
first year as king of that city [8. 1 would have to be interpreted as the
third year since he became king of the Chaldeans]; that the fact that
he is not called king elsewhere by his contemporaries is simply an
argument from silence, paralleled in other instances, and that the other
biblical sources do not say that some other man was last king of Baby
lon" (The Princeton Seminary Bulletin, November, 1916, p. 26). One
might grant almost everything that Professor Wilson here claims, and
the difficulties would remain.
48 Dan. 5. 1; 9. 1; compare also Chapter 6 and 11. 1.
47 6. 28; 10. 1; 11. 2.
48 To identify Darius the Mede with Gubaru (Ugbaru) or Gobryas, the
general of Cyrus, who might have acted for a time as viceroy for Cyrus,
is not possible. Darius is represented, not as a vassal, but as an inde
pendent ruler: as sole ruler he divides the country into satrapies; as
absolute despot he sentences the satraps to death by a single decree;
when he dies he is succeeded by Cyrus the Persian. It may be that
Darius the Mede is really "a reflection into the past" of Darius Hys-
266

THE BOOK OF DANIEL
with the statement that Nabonidus was followed by
Darius the Mede is the view of the author that the Per
sian empire was preceded by a Median empire,49 which,
again, is not in accord with history, in the sense implied
in the book of Daniel. (5) The use of the term "Chal
deans," not in an ethnic sense,50 but as denoting a class
of wise men, which is not consistent with an exilic or
early postexilic date of the book.51 (6) If "Aramaic"
in 2. 4 is a part of the original text,52 it implies that the
author considered Aramaic to have been the court lan
guage in Babylon during the sixth century B. C, which
taspis, the father, not the son, of Xerxes, who organized the Persian
empire into satrapies, though probably fewer than one hundred and
twenty. All attempts to remove the difficulty are based upon the
assumption that the identification with Gobryas is possible; if the iden
tification cannot be made, the case collapses.
48 This is the only natural interpretation of 6. 28; compare also the
passages given in notes 46 and 47. The view reflected in the book finds
no support anywhere else in the Old Testament, nor in any classical
author, nor in the Babylonian or Persian inscriptions. On the other
hand, it is easy to see how a later writer might be led astray: (1)
There had been a Median empire long before the Persians established
their supremacy; and (2) Old Testament prophecy had foretold that
the Medes would bring about the downfall of Babylon (for example,
Isa. 13. 17; Jer. 51. 11, 28).
80 It is used in an ethnic sense in 5. 30; 9. 1.
81 It is used as a designation of a class of wise men in 1. 4; 2. 2, 4, 5, 10;
4- 7; 5- 7. 11. and, perhaps, in 3. 8. Of this meaning there is no trace in
the inscriptions; it appears first in Herodotus, I, 181, 183, that is, in the
fifth century B. C. Professor Sayce, always cautious and conservative,
is willing to say: "In the eyes of the Assyriologist the use of the word
'Kasdim' in the book of Daniel would alone be sufficient to indicate the
date of the work with unerring certainty" (Higher Criticism and the
Monuments p. 535).
62 It is not impossible, however, that the word was not a part of the
original text. It may have been placed in the margin by a reader of
the book to indicate that the Aramaic section begins at this point.
Subsequently it may have been transferred by accident to the text
proper. 267

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
was not the case. No one living at the Babylonian court
at the time could have made such statement, for he would
have known that the court language was Babylonian.53
The author's knowledge with reference to the Persian
period, that is, the centuries from the fall of Babylon
to the conquests of Alexander the Great,54 is still some
what vague.55 He becomes more specific when he speaks
of Alexander,56 and seems to be most familiar with events
following B. C. 200, especially with the events in Jewish
history in which Antiochus Epiphanes57 played a promi
nent role.58 The author seems to be thoroughly familiar
with the character of Antiochus, his Egyptian campaign,
his treatment of the Jews, the desecration of the altar of
burnt offering,59 the Maccabean revolt and its early suc
cesses.60 The situation with reference to the historical
knowledge of the author is admirably summed up by
J. E. McFadyen in these words : "A book supposed to
come from the exile, and to announce beforehand the
persecutions and ultimate triumph of the Jewish people

63 A few other matters, sometimes mentioned as favoring a later
date, are less significant as parts of the argument, such as the spelling
of the Babylonian king's name, Nebuchadnezzar for Nebuchadrezzar,
the insanity of Nebuchadnezzar as described in Chapter 4, and the
attitude Nebuchadnezzar and Darius are said to have assumed toward
the God of Israel.
64 About B. C. 538-332.
65 For example, he seems to know of only four Persian kings, 11. 2.
56 Dan. 11. 3 is a reference to Alexander the Great; 11. 4 to the divi
sion of his empire; verses 5-20 to the troubles between the Ptolemies
of Egypt and the Seleucidae of Syria.
87 B. C. 175-164.
68 Dan. 11. 25-39; R- Smend calls it for this period a "historical
source of first rank"; Zeitschrift fuer Alttestamentliche Wissenschaft, V,
p. 241.
68 Dec, B. C. 168.
80 Dan. 11. 34. 268

THE BOOK OF DANIEL
in the second century B. C, is occasionally inaccurate in
dealing with the exilic and early postexilic period, but
minute and reliable as soon as it touches the later period.
Only one conclusion is possible — that the book was writ
ten in the later period, not in the earlier. It is a product
of the period which it so minutely reflects."61
3. The argument from language. The facts are these :
the book of Daniel is written, partly in Hebrew and
partly in Aramaic ;62 there are also several Persian and a
few Greek words. Do these facts throw any light on
the question of date? (1) Driver enumerates fifteen
words of Persian origin.63 Whether this number is too
large or too small, there can be no doubt as to the presence
of some loan words from the Persian. Such words might
be expected to appear in books written during or after
the Persian age;64 but one would hardly expect to find
them in a book written before Persian influence could
make itself felt, and in the description of Babylonian
institutions.65 There is much more reason for expecting
Babylonian words, and yet the number of words of
Babylonian origin is exceedingly small.66 (2) The pres
ence of at least three Greek words, names of musical
instruments, has long been recognized even by those who

81 An Introduction to the Old Testament, pp. 321, 322.
82 The bilingual character of the book is discussed at some length in
an appendix at the close of this chapter. The presence of the two
languages has no special bearing on the question of date.
63 Introduction to the Literature of the Old Testament, p. 501.
64 It is only natural that Persian influence should reveal itself in
Chronicles, Ezra-Nehemiah, and Esther.
88 The inscriptions coming from the age of Nebuchadnezzar and his
successors reveal no trace of such influence. Is it probable that Hebrew
would yield more readily? Compare A. H. Sayce, The Higher Criticism
and the Monuments, pp. 493, 494-
88 A. A. Bevan, The Book of Daniel, p. 4°-
269

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
defend the traditional date of Daniel.67 Though it has
been asserted that these words might easily have reached
Babylonia five or six centuries before the opening of the
Christian era, there is no evidence to support the assump
tion; while their use is readily accounted for on the
supposition that the book was written after the dissemina
tion of Greek influence as a result of the conquests of
Alexander the Great.68 (3) The Aramaic of Daniel is
the Western Aramaic, that is, the Aramaic spoken, not in
Mesopotamia, but in Palestine and the surrounding dis
tricts.69 It represents a somewhat earlier type than the
language of the Targums of Onkelos and Jonathan ;70 it
is closely related to the Aramaic of the Palmyrene and
Nabatean inscriptions,71 and is practically identical with
the Aramaic of the book of Ezra.72 The Aramaic sec
tions, therefore, might have been written any time be
tween about B. C. 400 and the opening of the Christian
era. (4) In considering the character of the Hebrew
of Daniel it is well to remember that "the presence of
late phrases is always an argument in favor of a late
67 They are all found in Dan. 3. 5, kaitheros =Kl8apis. psanterin =
\l*a.\T-f)pi.ov, sumponyah = aviupwvla,
63 That is, after B. C. 332. The change from I to n, psalterion to
psanterin, is thought to show the influence of the Macedonian dialect,
which, again, would favor the later date.
69 It has numerous resemblances with the Aramaic of the Elephantine
Papyri, but the differences are at least equally numerous and, perhaps,
more striking. See S. R. Driver, Introduction, Revised Edition, pp.
514, 515-
"Though these Targums embody earlier material, they did not
reach their final form until the fourth or fifth century A. D.
71 From the third century B. C. to the second century A. D.
72 Certainly not earlier than B. C. 450, and in all probability much
later. Bevan considers the Aramaic of Ezra to have been, in the main,
"the dialect spoken by the Jews of Palestine in the third century
B. C." 270

THE BOOK OF DANIEL
date," while "the absence of such phrases is no proof
whatsoever of antiquity."73 In other words, a late pro
duction, the work of a skillful imitator, may preserve
numerous early characteristics ; but an early writer is not
able to use expressions or constructions originating in a
much later age. Now, there can be no question that lin
guistically and stylistically Daniel differs materially from
the writings of the exilic and early postexilic period. In
its main features it agrees with the latest historical prose
of the Old Testament, and in certain details it approaches
the "new" Hebrew of the Mishna and other parts of the
Talmud.74 Driver is undoubtedly right when he says
that the Hebrew of Daniel resembles in all essential feat
ures, "not the Hebrew of Ezekiel, or even of Haggai and
Zechariah, but that of the age subsequent to Nehemiah."
The same writer sums up the argument based upon the
linguistic characteristics of the book in these words :
"The Persian words presuppose a period after the Per
sian empire had been well established; the Greek words
demand, the Hebrew supports, and the Aramaic permits,
a date after the conquest of Palestine by Alexander the
Great (B. C. 332). With our present knowledge this
is as much as the language authorizes us definitely to
affirm; though ov/Mpuvia, as the name of an instrument
(considering the history of the term in Greek), would
seem to point to a date somewhat advanced in the Greek
period."75 4. The theological ideas of the book. The teaching of
73 A. A. Bevan, The Book of Daniel, p. 28.
74 The linguistic peculiarities of Daniel are considered at some length
in S. R. Driver, Introduction to the Literature of the Old Testament,
pp. 504-508; A. A. Bevan, The Book of Daniel, pp. 28-33.
76 Introduction to the Literature of the Old Testament, p. 508; The Book
of Daniel, p. lxiii. 271

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
the book of Daniel is discussed more fully later on;76
here it may be sufficient to call attention to the more im
portant theological ideas and conceptions peculiar to
Daniel, which have a bearing on the question of date.
Generally speaking, the theology of Daniel is very late;
in several matters it reflects a more advanced stage of
development than is seen anywhere else in the Old Testa
ment. The transcendence of God is constantly empha
sized.77 As God is exalted, angels become more neces
sary as mediators between God and man; hence angels
constitute a striking feature of the book. Nowhere else
in the Old Testament appear patron angels determining
the destiny of nations, or distinction in rank among
angels, or angels bearing proper names. The views of
life after death, resurrection, reward and punishment,
are also in advance of other Old Testament teaching. In
the words of E. L. Curtis : "While the determination of
the date of an Old Testament writing from its religious
doctrines is always a delicate procedure, yet, as far as
doctrinal development can be found in the Old Testament,
the book of Daniel comes after all the other Old Testa
ment writings, and approximates most closely to the
Jewish literature of the first century B. C."78
Summing up the evidence presented thus far, it would
seem that all of it, without a single exception, points to
a date not earlier than B. C. 300, while most of it points
strongly to a date after B. C. 200, during the reign of
76 See below, pp. 279-281.
77 He is frequently called "the God of heaven," 2. 18, 19; and once
"heaven" is used almost as a synonym of God, 4. 26; compare Luke
15- 18.
78 Hastings, Dictionary of the Bible, article "Daniel, Book of." A
more elaborate discussion of this subject may be found in S. R. Driver,
The Book of Daniel, pp. lxiii-lxv. 272

THE BOOK OF DANIEL
Antiochus Epiphanes. The exact date during that reign
can, perhaps, not be determined, but there are some indi
cations which fix it within narrow limits. As has been
pointed out, the author betrays familiarity with the Mac
cabean revolt and with the early Maccabean triumphs ; on
the other hand, the cleansing of the temple, which took
place in December 165, was still in the future,79 as also
the death of Antiochus.80 Consequently, a date between
B. C. 167 and 165 would satisfy most completely all the
evidence in the case.
The significance of the appearance of Daniel in the
midst of the Maccabean struggles is well brought out
by R. H. Charles : "At last the anguish of the faithful
Jews became unendurable, and an insurrection burst forth
at Modein, under the leadership of Mattathias and his
five stalwart sons. All that were zealous for the Law and
the Covenant speedily joined them, and amongst these
notably the Hasidim, or the league of the pious ones.
This small body of Jews met with many marvelous suc
cesses. Notwithstanding, in the face of the vast forces
of Syria, the Jews could repose no hope- in their own
powers. If they were to succeed it could not be in reli
ance on the arm of flesh. Now, it was just at this crisis,
this hour of mingled hope and despair, that the book of
Daniel appeared with its sword-edge utterance, its pierc
ing exhortation to endure in the face of the despot, and
its promise, full of divine joy, of near and full salvation.
No dew of heaven could fall with more refreshing cool
ness on the parched ground, no spark from above alight
with a more kindling power on the surface so long heated
with a hidden glow. With winged brevity the book gives
78 Dan. 8. 14.
80 Dan. 11.45. 273

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
a complete survey oj: the history of the kingdom of God
upon earth, showing the relations which it had hitherto
sustained in Israel to the successive great heathen empires
of the Chaldeans, Medo-Persians, and Greeks — in a word,
toward the heathenism which ruled the world; and with
the finest perception it describes the nature and individual
career of Antiochus Epiphanes and his immediate prede
cessors, so far as was possible in view of the great events
which had just occurred. Rarely does it happen that a
book appears as this did, in the very crisis of the times,
and in a form most suited to such an age, artificially
reserved, close and severe, and yet shedding so clear a
light through obscurity, and so marvelously captivating.
It was natural that it should soon achieve a success
entirely corresponding with its inner truth and glory.
And so, for the last time in the literature of the Old
Testament, we have in this book an example of a work
which, having sprung from the deepest necessities of the
noblest impulses of the age, can render to that age the
purest service; and which, by the development of events
immediately after, receives with such power the stamp
of divine witness that it subsequently attains imperishable
sanctity."81 Design and Purpose. The book of Daniel belongs to
the apocalyptic literature. Apocalyptic elements are
found also in other Old Testament writings,82 but Daniel
is the principal representative of this kind of literature
in the Old Testament, and as such has exerted a marked
influence on many subsequent writings both Jewish and
Christian. The apocalyptic literature may be regarded

81 The Book of Daniel, pp. x, xi, quoted in part from Ewald.
82 Notably Isa. 24-27; Zech. 9-14; Joel, Chapter 3; Ezek, 38ff., etc.
274

THE BOOK OF DANIEL
as the latest form of prophetic writing among the Jews.
Like the prophet, the apocalyptic writer sought to set
forth the character, will, and purpose of God, as also the
nature and laws of his kingdom; but there is a funda
mental difference between the two in their attitude toward
their own day and generation. Says R. H. Charles :
"Prophecy still believes that this world is God's world,
and that in this world his goodness and truth will yet
be justified. Hence the prophet addresses himself chiefly
to the present and its concerns, and when he addresses
himself to the future, his prophecy springs naturally from
the present, and the future which he predicts is regarded
as in organic connection with it. The apocalyptic writer,
on the other hand, almost wholly despairs of the present ;
his main interests are supramundane."83 As a result
the apocalyptic literature dwells more upon the triumph
of the kingdom of God in the coming age.84 Closely
connected with this hope of the ultimate triumph of God
are two other thoughts that are made prominent in Jewish
apocalyptic writings, namely, ( i ) the idea of a world
judgment, which will mark the downfall of evil and the
exaltation of right, and (2) the hope of a resurrection
from the dead, so that even those who have already died
may receive their proper dues.
If the book of Daniel is an apocalypse, the absence
of the name of the author and the ascription to a promi
nent person in earlier Jewish history is easily explained,
for pseudonymous authorship is another characteristic

88 Hastings, Dictionary of the Bible, article "Apocalyptic Literature."
A full discussion of "Prophecy and Apocalyptic" is found in the same
author's Eschatology, 2d ed., pp. I73&-
"Hence the designation "apocalyptic," that is, the literature that
"makes known what is hidden" from the eyes of common men.

27S

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
mark of apocalyptic literature.85 The author of an
apocalypse ordinarily places "in the mouth of some
ancient worthy a history of events up to the author's
own time, followed by a description of God's judgment
on the wicked and deliverance of his people."86
While apocalyptic literature seeks to trace the course
of events up to the author's own time, the purpose of
an apocalypse is not historical but didactic ; the author is
interested in history only in so far as he can draw from
it certain lessons which he desires to teach. This is true
of the book of Daniel. Says a recent writer, one who
believes that Daniel himself is the author : "It is primarily
neither prophetic nor historic. It is designed, rather, to
show how God cares for his people even when everything
seems against them."87 The scholars who assign the
book to the period between B. C. 167 and 165 are equally
positive in their assertion that the primary purpose of
the book is didactic : "Its object was to sustain the tried
and tempted faith of the loyal Jews under the fierce
assaults made upon it by Antiochus Epiphanes. . . . The
author reminds his readers that there is a God in heaven,
and that he reigns. He bids them lift their eyes to the
past and shows them how the fidelity of men like Daniel
and his friends was rewarded by deliverance from the
lions and the flames. He bids them lift their eyes to
the future, the very near future : let them only be patient
a little longer, and their enemies will be crushed and

86 Compare, for example, the Apocalypse of Baruch, the Ascension of
Isaiah, the Assumption of Moses, the Book of Enoch, etc.
86 For an explanation of this pseudonymity, see R. H. Charles, Escha-
tology, 2d ed., pp. 1962.; The Book of Daniel, pp. xiv-xvi.
87 J. W. Beardslee, Outlines of an Introduction to the Old Testament,
p. 200. 276

THE BOOK OF DANIEL
the kingdom of God will come — that kingdom which
shall know no end."88
The classification of the book as primarily didactic
suggests a question as to the amount of historical ma
terial used by the author. On this question scholars differ
widely, some holding that the narratives are throughout
a work of the imagination, others, that the book rests
upon a traditional basis, and that the traditions used by
the author contain a substantial historical nucleus. Now,
it is undoubtedly true that "fiction, even fiction without
any foundation of fact whatever, has played an important
part in the education of humanity; and religious fiction,
written with a didactic purpose, has in both ancient and
modern times been valued by teachers as a powerful
instrument of edification, and has won a remarkable
amount of popular appreciation." Hence, even if all the
narratives in the book were regarded a work of the
imagination, it would still be of the highest religious and
ethical significance.89 Nevertheless, it is at least possible
that the author depended for some of his information
on reliable tradition. "It is probable that Daniel was
one of the Jewish exiles in Babylon, who, with his three
companions, was noted for his staunch adherence to the
principles of his religion, who attained a position of
influence at the court, and who perhaps also foretold
something of the future fate of the Chaldean and Per
sian empires. The traditions relating to him were com
bined with those which reached the author respecting
the public events of Daniel's time, and developed by him
into the existing narratives, with a special view to the

88 J. E. McFadyen, An Introduction to the Old Testament, pp. 329, 330.
88 See also, above, p. 158; and F. C. Eiselen, The Minor Prophets,
pp. 318-320; 338-340; F. W. Farrar, The Book of Daniel, pp. 3, 4.
277

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
circumstances of his own age. . . . 90 The incidents of
Daniel's life are not narrated for their own sakes, but
for the sake of inculcating certain lessons, to magnify
the God of Daniel, and to show that he, by his providence,
frustrates the purposes of the proudest of earthly mon-
archs, while he defends and rewards his servants, who in
time of danger or temptation cleave to him faithfully.
. . . The general aim of the visions attributed to Daniel
in Chapters 7-12 is to show, with increasing detail and
distinctness, that as the course of history, so far as it has
hitherto gone, has been in accordance with God's pre
determined plan, so it is not less part of his plan that the
trial of the saints should not continue indefinitely, but
that within three years and a half of the time when the
persecuting measures of Antiochus first began it should
reach its appointed term. God, in other words, was
guiding the whole course of history toward the salvation
of his people."91
Teaching. The principal idea of the book is the ulti
mate triumph of the kingdom of God. "It tells," says
Beardslee, "in plainer language than had been used be-
90 Traditions concerning an ancient hero of the faith named Daniel
may have constituted another source from which the author derived
some material. This Daniel is referred to in Ezek. 14. 14, 20 and 28. 3
as a model of righteousness and wisdom. Since the two chapters are
dated in B. C. 594 and 588 respectively, that is, before Daniel's fame
could spread far, and since Daniel is named with two patriarchs of
antiquity, it is not probable that the Daniel named in Ezekiel is the
hero of the book of Daniel, a younger contemporary of the prophet. It
may well be that there were current in Israel traditions concerning an
early patriarch Daniel, who was renowned for righteousness and wis
dom, and that the author of Daniel used some of these traditions. See
A. A. Bevan, The Book of Daniel, pp. 12, 25; and C. Steuernagel,
Einleitung in das Alte Testament, p. 653.
81 S. R. Driver, The Book of Daniel, pp. lxviiiff.; G. B. Gray, A Criti
cal Introduction to the Old Testament, p. 238.
278

THE BOOK OF DANIEL
fore, of the subjection of the world to God, and indicates
clearly the evidence of the divine rule, and assures us that
the progress of God's kingdom is absolutely irresistible
and that all things will be ultimately brought into sub
mission to God."92
Earlier prophets looked with equal assurance for the
establishment of the kingdom of God, when the divine
will and purpose would be realized in every detail of
life; and, like these prophets, the author of the book of
Daniel expected the reign of righteousness to begin im
mediately after the great crisis during which he lived
would be over. However, the description of the kingdom
in Daniel differs in some respects from that of earlier
writers, as is natural in view of the apocalyptic character
of the book as a whole.93 The kingdom of God for
which the earlier prophets looked was an earthly king
dom, "little more than a continuance of the existing state
of society, only purged by a judgment from sin, and
freed from trouble." The book of Daniel marks a transi
tion from this to the idea of a heavenly kingdom, which
appears more prominently in later apocalyptic and New
Testament writings.94
The teaching of the book of Daniel concerning angels
marks a distinct advance over teaching found in other
parts of the Old Testament, along three lines : ( i ) The
doctrine of guardian or patron angels, determining the
destinies of separate nations, appears here for the first
time in definite form.95 (2) For the first time names are

82 Outlines of an Introduction to the Old Testament, p. 200.
88 See above, p. 275.
84 See especially Dan. 7. 9~I4-
88 The angels of Persia, Greece, and Judah are mentioned in Dan.
10. 13, 20, 21; 12. 1. 279

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
given to angels. The guardian angel of the Jews is
Michael,96 who fights for them against the guardian
angels of their enemies, and Gabriel appears as a heaven
sent interpreter.97 (3) Distinction in rank among angels
also appears first in Daniel. Michael is called "the great
prince,"98 and "one of the chief princes."99 The latter
expression seems to refer to a group of superior angels,
to whom at a later time the title archangels is given.100
The hope of a resurrection is the other element in the
teaching of Daniel demanding attention. Dan. 12. 2 con
tains the most definite reference to resurrection in the
entire Old Testament. The general Old Testament con
ception of life or existence after death is hazy, and on
the whole, gloomy and full of despair.101 The dead are
represented as gathering in Sheol, where they live a
"shadowy, half-conscious, joyless existence, not worthy
of the name of life, where communion with God was at
an end, and where God's mercies could be neither appre
hended nor acknowledged." But here and there rays
of light appear. Sometimes the hope is expressed that
God will deliver his saints from death ;102 at other times
that they will be raised from the dead.103 To the latter
class belongs Dan. 12. 2, which adds two ideas to the
earlier teaching: (1) the resurrection of the wicked,
which is clearly taught here for the first time; and (2)
96 10. 13, 21; 12. 1.
97 8. 16; 9. 21.
98 12. I.
99 10. 13.
100 Compare Jude 9. In some of the later Jewish writings four such
angels are mentioned, in others, seven. The seven angels that stand
before God appear also in Rev. 8. 2.
101 F. C. Eiselen, The Christian View of the Old Testament, pp. 184-187.
102 For example, Psalm 16. 8-1 1.
103 For example, Job 19. 25-27; Isa. 26. 19; Dan. 12. 2.
280

THE BOOK OF DANIEL
the doctrine of future rewards and punishments, though
the nature of these rewards and punishments is left in
definite. But even with these additional elements certain limita
tions remain : ( i ) The context makes it doubtful that the
author meant to include non-Israelites in the promise of
a resurrection. Throughout the book he is concerned
with the deliverance and exaltation of the oppressed
Jews ; hence it is most natural to interpret the references
in Chapter 12 also as applying only to the Jews. "(2)
The expression "many of them that sleep in the dust
of the earth shall awake" seems to imply that not even
all Israelites will be raised from the dead. As is sug
gested by several commentators, the writer may have had
in mind only "those individuals who had in an extraordi
nary degree helped or hindered the advent of God's king
dom, that is, the Jewish martyrs and apostates respec
tively; the great majority of the nation, who were of
average character, neither overmuch righteous nor over
much wicked, remaining still in Sheol."
It may be stated, in conclusion, that the teaching and
permanent significance of the book are in no wise affected
by any particular view regarding its date or authorship.
The testimony of Professor Terry, given after a study
of the book during a period extending over more than
thirty years, is not without weight in this connection.
Speaking of himself in the third person, he says: "He
has found few portions of the Holy Scriptures more
profitable for devout study, and he here repeats what
he had published elsewhere, and uttered time and again,
that whatever may be the results of scientific criticism
touching the date and authorship of the book, the apoca
lyptic chapters constitute a most original and important
281

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
body of divine revelation. Whether written during the
exile or in the time of the Maccabees, they contain a pic
ture of the kingdoms of the world, and their ultimate
subjection to the kingdom of God, worthy of rank with
any prophecies to be found in Hebrew Scriptures."104
104 Methodist Review, January, 1902, p. 128.

282

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XI
THE BILINGUAL CHARACTER OF THE BOOK
OF DANIEL
Daniel i. i to 2. 4a and Chapters 8 to 12 are written in
Hebrew, 2. 4b to 7. 28 in Aramaic.105 A similar change
in language occurs in Ezra, Ezra 4. 8 to 6. 18 and 7. 12-26
being in Aramaic, the rest in Hebrew. But while in Ezra
a change in subject-matter accounts for the change in lan
guage, no such explanation can be offered in the case of
Daniel. Had the change been introduced at the end of
Chapter 6, which marks the close of the narrative section,
the difficulty would not be so great, but there seems to be
no good reason for the break at the end of Chapter 7.
How is the bilingual character of the book to be ex
plained ?106 The following are the more important explana
tions proposed:
1. Some have thought that Aramaic was used in the sec
tions dealing with Babylonia because it was the language
of that country. But (1) the Aramaic of Daniel was not
the language of Babylonia either during the exile or during
the decades following; (2) on that basis it would be diffi-
106 A more accurate characterization of the language is that of Steuer-
nagel, who describes the language of 1. 1 to 2. 4a as Aramaicized He
brew, that of 2. 4b to 6. 29 (in English, 6. 28) as pure Aramaic, that of
Chapter 7 as Hebraized Aramaic, and that of Chapters 8 to 12 as
relatively pure Hebrew.
106 That it is not easy to find a satisfactory answer may be inferred
from the wide divergence of opinion among scholars. Thus, the view
which appeals to a cautious scholar like Driver as "relatively the best"
(The Book of Daniel, p. xxii) is declared by Steuernagel to be the least
satisfactory. (Einleitung in das Alte Testament, p. 658.)
283

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
cult to explain why Chapter 7, for example, should be in
Aramaic and Chapter 8 in Hebrew.
2. Others have explained the difference in language by
assuming diversity of authorship. According to Meinhold,
2. 4b to 6. 29 (in English 6. 28) was written in Aramaic
about B. C. 300; somewhat later Chapter 7, also in Aramaic,
was added as an appendix; during the Maccabean period
another writer accommodated the earlier narratives to the
needs of his own age, prefixed 1. 1 to 2. 4a as a suitable
introduction, and then wrote, chiefly on the basis of Chap
ters 2 and 7, the visions in Chapters 8 to 12.107 But (1)
is it probable that 2. 4b to 6. 29 ever existed without an
introduction? (2) The use of Aramaic in Chapter 7, which
is certainly more closely connected with Chapter 8 than with
Chapter 6, would remain unexplained; and (3) there are
too many bonds of unity between the narrative and the
vision chapters to give any degree of probability to the
theory of diversity of authorship.
The unity of the book has been questioned also on other
grounds, most recently by C. C. Torrey and C. F. Kent,108
who assign chapters 1 to 6, the narrative sections, to one
author and Chapters 7 to 12, the vision sections, to another,
for the following reasons: (1) Fundamental differences
in diction and style; (2) while Chapters 1 to 6 contain both
Persian and Greek words, the remaining chapters have
none; (3) differences in the characterization of Daniel;
(4) differences in contents: one has stories, the other
visions; (5) chronological differences;109 (6) Chapters 1
to 6 contain no references or allusions to Antiochus

107 Das Buch Daniel, in Kurzgefasster Kommentar; for other forms of
fundamentally the same view, see G. Dalman, The Words of Jesus,
p. 13; H. Preiswerk, Der Sprachenwechsel im Buch Daniel.
108 The former in Transactions of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and
Sciences, XV, pp. 241-282; the latter in Sermons, Epistles, and Apoca
lypses of Israel's Prophets, pp. 34, 35.
109 Compare 1. 21 with, 11. 1. 284

BILINGUAL CHARACTER OF BOOK OF DANIEL
Epiphanes, who is the central figure in the remaining chap
ters. On the basis of historical allusions in Chapter 2
they assign the narrative portions to the period between
B. C. 245 and 225 ; Chapters 7 to 12 they assign to B. C. 166.
These objections are not convincing. That a close con
nection exists between the two sections is recognized even
by Kent, for he admits that the author of the visions made
use of the narrative sections, that the visions are distrib
uted through the reigns of the same kings as the stories,
and that the later writer deliberately bound the two parts
closely together. Moreover, there is no good reason why
one and the same author should not employ both stories and
visions for didactic purposes; if he did, differences in dic
tion and style might be expected. Besides, there are in both
parts the same conceptions of the Median kingdom and of
Belshazzar, there is the same underlying purpose, and, with
all the minor differences, there is a remarkable similarity
of style. "No attentive reader," says Kamphausen, "will
allow himself to be misled as to the oneness of the author
ship of the book by the fragmentary or detached character
of the ten pieces of which it is composed, if he attentively
observes how the earlier portions allude to the later, and
conversely, how the later portions attach themselves to the
earlier, and how the same general manner of presentation,
thought and language pervades the whole."110
3. A third theory, which is considered by Driver "rela
tively the best," is expressed by Kamphausen in these
words : "In Chapter 2 the author has introduced the 'Chal
deans' as speaking in the language which he believed to be
customary with them; afterward he continues to use the
- same language on account of its greater convenience both
for himself and for his original readers, both in the narra
tive portions and in the following (seventh) chapter, the
piece in companionship to Chapter 2; for the last three
110 Encyclopedia Biblica, article "Daniel"; compare also G. B. Gray,
A Critical Introduction to the Old Testament, pp. 236, 237.
285

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
visions (8-12) a return to Hebrew was suggested by the
consideration that this had been from of old the usual
sacred language for prophetic subjects."111 But, (1) is
it conceivable that the author believed western Aramaic
to have been the language of the Babylonian court?112 (2)
The use of Aramaic beyond the words of the Chaldeans
receives no adequate explanation. (3) If Aramaic was
the language of the Jews in the days of the author, why
should he introduce it as the language of the "Chaldeans" ?
(4) The differences between the Aramaic of Chapters 2
to 6 and of Chapter 7 receive no satisfactory explanation.
4. It has been suggested that the narratives were intended
for the people, hence they were written in Aramaic, the
language of the people ; on the other hand, the visions were
intended for the learned, hence they were written in He
brew, the language of the learned. If so, 1. 1-2. 4a would
be a translation from Aramaic into Hebrew, and Chapter 7
from Hebrew into Aramaic, which might account for the
peculiarities in the Hebrew of the former and in the Ara
maic of the latter. The Aramaicized Hebrew of 1. 1 to
2. 4a might have been produced in the course of the trans
lation of the passage from Aramaic into Hebrew, and the
Hebraized Aramaic of Chapter 7 in the course of the trans
lation from Hebrew into Aramaic. But (1) why did the
translator stop at 2. 4a, and (2), why was Chapter 7 singled
out for translation into Aramaic ?
5. A still different view, favored by a considerable group
of modern writers, is that the entire book was written
originally in Hebrew. Since the book was intended, not for
a select few, but for the people as a whole, since it was
the wish of the author to produce an immediate and power-
111 Encyclopedia Biblica, article "Daniel."
112 Compare 1. 4, "the tongue of the Chaldeans." As has been sug
gested above, p. 267, the phrase "in Aramaic" is probably a gloss,
placed originally in the margin to indicate the beginning of the Aramaic
section, and transferred from there by accident to the text.
286

BILINGUAL CHARACTER OF BOOK OF DANIEL
ful effect, and since Aramaic, not Hebrew, was the language
of the people, a translation into the vernacular was made
either by the author himself or by one of his associates.
Later a portion of the Hebrew text was lost ; and since no
other Hebrew copy' was available in the district where this
happened, the missing sections were supplied from the
Aramaic translation.113 This theory also is open to criti
cism: (i) "It does not account for two facts (which can
hardly both be accidental) that the Aramaic part begins in
Chapter 2 just where the Aramaic language is mentioned,
and breaks off just at the end of a chapter."114 (2) Neither
the differences between the Hebrew of 1. 1 to 2. 4a and
Chapters 8 to 12, nor the differences between the Aramaic
of 2. 4b to 6. 29 and Chapter 7 receive adequate explanation.
(3) The Aramaic of 2. 4b to 6. 29 has no earmarks of
being a translation from another language.
6. Over against this view stands the theory that the book
was written in Aramaic, and that at a later time the begin
ning and the end were translated into Hebrew. In support
of the theory it is pointed out that, while the Aramaic
sections contain no indications of having been translated
from Hebrew, the Hebrew portions give evidence of strong
Aramaic influence. Moreover, a book written in Aramaic
had no chance of being admitted into the canon; conse
quently, to open the way for the admission of Daniel, the
beginning and the end were translated into the sacred lan
guage, which put Daniel in a class with Ezra. The contents
suggested a suitable stopping place at 2. 4a; and the new
beginning at 8. 1 was due to the fact that Chapter 9, which
is closely connected with Chapter 8, already contained the
prayer of Daniel in Hebrew.115 With this theory also cer
tain questions remain unanswered: (1) The linguistic dif-

118 A. A. Bevan, The Book of Daniel, p. 27.
114 S. R. Driver, The Book of Daniel, p. xxii.
116 K. Marti, Das Buch Daniel, p. x.
287

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
ferences between sections using the same language are not
explained; (2) the explanation of the beginning of the
translation at 8. 1 instead of 7. 1 is by no means satisfactory;
(3) it would have been just as easy to translate the entire
book. No wonder, Charles, who is inclined to favor this
theory, is ready to admit that "it requires to be substantiated
by a much larger body of evidence than has yet been
adduced."116 7. Steuernagel, on the assumption that the author used
as a source book the chronicles of the Medo-Persian kings,
written in Aramaic, gives this explanation: The author,
intending to reproduce, with considerable freedom, the
stories of Daniel which he found in his source, started out
in Hebrew; when he reached what is now 2. 4 he changed
his mind and decided to reproduce his source verbatim, in
the language in which he found it. That brought him to
the close of the narrative sections. He added to these, in
Hebrew, the vision which now forms Chapter 7, but later
translated it into Aramaic, to bring it in line with the
narrative sections. Chapters 8 to 12 he regards as a later
expansion, though by the same author.117 Even Steuer
nagel is not willing to consider this explanation more than
a possibility. Perhaps the only thing to do is to admit,
with the author named, that the bilingual character of the
book of Daniel is still an unsolved riddle.

118 The Book of Daniel, p. xxvi.
117 Einleitung in das Alte Testament, p. 659.

288

CHAPTER XII
THE BOOKS OF EZRA AND NEHEMIAH

CHAPTER XII
THE BOOKS OF EZRA AND NEHEMIAH
Title and Division. Ezra and Nehemiah are counted
two separate books in the English Bible; in reality they
are two sections of a single work which, with Chronicles,
formed originally a continuous history from creation to
the middle of the Persian period, about B. C. 430. The
two appear as one book, called Ezra,1 in the Hebrew
MSS., and the Massoretic notes, found at the end of the
Old Testament books in Hebrew, treat them as such.
The Septuagint also regards them as one book, called
Second Esdras, that is, the Second Book of Ezra; the
First Esdras of the Septuagint is, on the whole, a differ
ent recension of parts of Ezra and Nehemiah.2 In the
Vulgate they appear as two books, corresponding to the
present division in English, under the title First Esdras
and Second Esdras, the First Esdras of the Septuagint
having become Third Esdras. The Latin MSS. contain
also a Fourth Esdras, an apocalyptic work which, aside
from the name, has no connection with the other books
bearing the same name. Third and Fourth Esdras of the
Latin Bible are included among the English Apocrypha
as First Esdras and Second Esdras.
Contents and Outline. The books of Ezra and Nehe
miah cover a period of a little more than a century, from

1 While Jewish tradition regards Ezra as the author, the title might
be interpreted as implying only that Ezra is the hero of the book;
compare Ruth and Esther.
2 See further, below, pp. 3!3_3i6. 291

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
the decree of Cyrus, in B. C. 538-537, to the second visit
of Nehemiah, in B. C. 432. There are, however, a few
allusions to later persons and events.3 The record is not
in the form of a continuous narrative : The first part deals
with events during the years 537-516; then comes a gap
of more than fifty years, which is followed by an account
of Ezra's return, which is generally thought to have taken
place in B. C. 458.4 After another break, this time of
about fourteen years, there follows the account of Nehe-
miah's return, in B. C. 445-444. His reform efforts
were interrupted for a while by his return to the Persian
court; the work closes with a brief description of the
reforms he attempted on his second visit to Jerusalem,
in B. C. 433-432.
The book of Ezra begins with an account of the edict
of Cyrus giving the Jews permission to return to Jeru
salem. Many availed themselves of the opportunity. On
reaching their old home they erected the altar of burnt-
offering, kept the feast of Tabernacles, and, in the second
year, laid the foundations of the temple. When they
refused permission to the Samaritans and others to
cooperate, these interfered with the enterprise, and build
ing operations ceased until B. C. 520, when, following
the exhortations of Haggai and Zechariah, the work was
resumed with such energy that in 516 the temple was
dedicated.5

3 In Neh. 12. 11, 22, for example, mention is made of Jaddua, who
was the great-grandson of Eliashib, a contemporary of Nehemiah, and
who, therefore, must have lived about a century later. According to
Josephus, he was high priest in the days of Alexander the Great.
4 It is said to have taken place in the seventh year of Artaxerxes,
who is commonly identified with Artaxerxes I; but see further, below,
pp. 308-312, the section dealing with the date of Ezra.
6 Ezra, Chapters I to 6. 292

THE BOOKS OF EZRA AND NEHEMIAH
Between 6. 22 and 7. 1 is an interval of more than fifty
years. In 458 Ezra the scribe received a commission
from Artaxerxes to go to Jerusalem, to investigate reli
gious conditions there and to teach the law. Accom
panied by a number of faithful Yahweh worshipers, he
reached Jerusalem, where the returned exiles offered
burnt-offerings and sin-offerings. Complaint came to
him that many of the Jews had entered marriage alliances
with non-Jews; whereupon Ezra offered a passionate
prayer of confession. At a general assembly a commis
sion was appointed to investigate the subject of mixed
marriages. The book closes with an enumeration of the
guilty men.6
The book of Nehemiah opens with an account of
Nehemiah's return. Nehemiah, a royal cup-bearer at the
Persian court, deeply distressed over the condition of
affairs in Jerusalem, had himself appointed governor of
the Jewish community there. After his arrival he suc
ceeded in arousing a general interest in the rebuilding
of the city walls, which was accomplished in fifty-two
days, in the face of most serious opposition. He con
demned the treatment of the poor by the rich, and finally
persuaded the latter to restore to the poor the property
which they had been compelled to mortgage. After the
completion of the walls he took steps for adequate pro
tection and for securing a more numerous population.7
At a great public gathering Ezra read to the people
from the Book of the Law ; a deep impression was made,
and the people, after humbly confessing their sins, entered
into a solemn covenant to abstain from marriages with

6 Ezra, Chapters 7 to 10.
7 Neh., Chapters I to 7. 293

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
foreigners, and from trade on the Sabbath, and to sup
port the temple service.8 The population of the city was
increased by lot. Following various lists the narrative
continues with an account of the dedication of the walls,
the provision for the maintenance of the temple service
and officials, and the exclusion of all foreigners.9 After
an absence at the Persian court Nehemiah returned in
432, when he instituted various religious and social
reforms.10 I. Events Culminating in the Rebuilding of the Temple
(Ezra 1. 1 to 6. 22)
1. Decree of Cyrus (1. 1-4).
2. Return from Babylon under Sheshbazzar (1. 5-11).
3. List of returning exiles (2. 1-70).
4. Rebuilding of the altar of burnt-offering (3. 1-7).
5. Rebuilding of the temple begun (3. 8-13).
6. Building operations discontinued (4. 1-5, 24).
(4. 6, 7-23, which is out of place here, refers to complaints
made to Xerxes and Artaxerxes, resulting in the interruption
of the work of rebuilding the city walls.)
7. Rebuilding and dedication of the temple (5. 1 to 6. 18).
8. The great Passover (6. 19-22).
II. The Mission of Ezra (Ezra 7. 1 to 10. 44)
1. Visit of Ezra to Jerusalem (7. 1-11).
2. Letter of Artaxerxes to Ezra (7. 12-26).
3. Thanksgiving of Ezra (7. 27, 28).
4. Companions of Ezra (8. 1-20).
5. Incidents of the journey; arrival in Jerusalem (8. 21-36).
6. Complaint regarding mixed marriages (9. 1-4).
7. Ezra's prayer of confession (9. 5-15).
8. Attempt to suppress mixed marriages (10. 1-17).
9. Men involved in mixed marriages (10. 18-44).

8 Neh., Chapters 8 to 10.
9 Neh. 11. 1 to 13. 3.
10 Neh. 13. 4-31. 294

THE BOOKS OF EZRA AND NEHEMIAH
III. Coming of Nehemiah; Rebuilding of City Walls (Neh. i.
i to 7. 73a)
1. Grief and prayer of Nehemiah (1. 1-11).
2. Commission of Nehemiah (2. 1-8).
3. Decision to rebuild the city walls (2. 9-20).
4. Beginning of building operations (3. 1-32).
5. Opposition and precautions (4. 1-23).
6. Social reforms (5. 1-13).
7. Unselfishness of Nehemiah (5. 14-19).
8. Completion of walls (6. 1-19).
9. Provisions for protection of the city (7. 1-4).
10. List of returning exiles (7. 5-73a).
IV. Promulgation of the Law (Neh. 7. 73b to 10. 39)
1. Reading of the Law (7. 73b to 8. 12).
2. Observance of the feast of Tabernacles (8. 13-18).
3. Public confession of sin (9. 1-37).
4. Covenant to keep the Law (9. 38 to 10. 39).
V. Other Enterprises of Nehemiah (Neh. 11. 1 to 13. 31)
1. List of dwellers in Jerusalem (11. 1-24).
2. List of towns inhabited by returned exiles (11. 25-36).
3. Heads of priestly and Levitical families (12. 1-26).
4. Dedication of the city walls (12. 27-43).
5. Provision for priests and Levites (12. 44-47).
6. Exclusion of foreigners (13. 1-3).
7. Second administration of Nehemiah (13. 4-31).
(1) Expulsion of Tobiah from the temple (13. 4-9).
(2) Provision for Levites and singers (13. 10-14).
(3) Sabbath-observance demanded (13. 15-22).
(4) Mixed marriages condemned (13. 23-31).
Manner and Date of Composition. In the study of
the composition, sources, and historical value of Ezra-
Nehemiah the student is introduced to some of the most
perplexing problems of Old Testament research. Any
sort of adequate discussion would require more space
than is here available; hence the present writer is of
necessity confining himself to the setting forth of conclu
sions which seem to him fairly Well established. He does
295

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
this with the full realization that even some of these
conclusions may have to be modified as the result of
further investigation.11 One point, however, is settled
beyond question, namely that the books of Ezra-Nehe
miah are in the nature of a compilation. Not only is this
established by the fact that the books were originally a
part of Chronicles, which gives evidence of compilation on
every page,12 but, in addition, there are certain features of
the two books themselves which point in the same direc- •
tion : ( i ) The change from the first to the third person
in the course of the narrative; (2) the unevenness in the
treatment of history; (3) differences in language and
style, corresponding with the changes in the pronouns;
(4) while some sections make the impression that they
are the work of eyewitnesses and participants in the
events recorded, other sections present equally strong
evidence that they originated a long time after the events
had taken place.
The question of date can be considered more satisfac
torily in connection with the books of Chronicles; for,
in the nature of the case, if Ezra-Nehemiah came from
the same author or compiler, their date must be the same,
that is, about B. C. 300.13

11 A good idea of the perplexing problems presented by Ezra-Nehemiah
is given by C. C. Torrey, in his Ezra Studies, a volume that represents
a most thoroughgoing investigation of the problems connected with
Ezra-Nehemiah and with Jewish history in general during the first
century of the postexilic period. Though some of Professor Torrey's
conclusions may have to be modified, no student of this period can
afford to neglect his work.
12 See Chapter XIII, below, pp. 332-335.
13 The question of date is discussed more fully in Chapter XIII.
Here it may be sufficient to give a brief statement of some of the more
important reasons why scholars believe that the two books cannot
have been written by the men whose names they bear, but that they
296

THE BOOKS OF EZRA AND NEHEMIAH
Sources, i. Memoirs of Ezra and Nehemiah. Though
Ezra and Nehemiah cannot be considered the authors of
the books that bear their names, it is quite generally
thought that the compiler had access to autobiographical
memoirs of the two men, and that these constituted his
most valuable sources of information. In some cases
these memoirs — written in the first person — were em
bodied by him in his own work practically without
change; at other times he did not hesitate to introduce

originated during the Greek period: (i) The misplacing of Ezra 4. 6-23.
These verses refer to events during the reigns of Xerxes and Artaxerxes;
Ezra was a contemporary of the latter. Would he insert the verses
into an account of events clearly belonging to an earlier period? (2) The
use of the phrase "king of Persia," which seems to imply that the king
dom of Persia was a thing of the past. (3) The mention of Jaddua, the
great-grandson of Eliashib (12. 11, 22), the latter being a contemporary
of Nehemiah (13. 28). (4) The days of Nehemiah are grouped with
the days of Zerubbabel as a period in the past (12. 47). (5) The lan
guage and style, as well as the character of the ideas, point to a late
date. As soon as Ezra-Nehemiah are regarded as a compilation of material
taken from various sources, made a considerable time after the events
recorded took place, the more troublesome problems of the book re
ceive a satisfactory explanation. For instance, the gaps in the history:
the compiler being interested only in the outstanding events of the
age, selects only such material as suits his purpose. Moreover, the
compiler being removed from the actual events, might at times arrange
his material faultily: this would explain the presence of Ezra 4. 6-23,
a passage dealing with the building of the city walls, in the midst of a
narrative dealing with the rebuilding of the temple. In the same way
may be explained the present position of Neh. 8-10, which at one time
may have been the sequel of Ezra 10, as also the reversing of the chrono
logical order of Ezra and Nehemiah, which is assumed by an increasing
number of modern writers. The theory accounts also for the change in
pronouns: Some of the material used came to the compiler written in
the first person, other sources used the third person; in the sections
supplied by himself he naturally used the third person in writing of
his heroes. The use of the same list in two different places (Ezra 2
and Neh. 7) would also find a satisfactory explanation.
297

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
alterations, among other things, changing the pronoun
of the first person to that of the third person. The
memoirs of Ezra are found in Ezra 7. 27 to 9. 15, and
may have included, in addition, the Aramaic document
in 7. 12-26, which purports to be a letter from Artaxerxes
to Ezra.14 The memoirs of Nehemiah are found in Neh.
1. 1 to 7. 5 — perhaps plus the list of names in 7. 6-73,
which is duplicated in Ezra 2; 12. 27-43; 13. 4-31.
Sections which may rest on the memoirs of Ezra, but
which in their present form are the work of a later writer
are Ezra 10 and Neh. 8-10. Some parts of the book of
Nehemiah may be based on the memoirs of Nehemiah
or, perhaps, upon other contemporaneous documents;15
but if this is the case, the earlier material was worked
over by a later writer, who may have been the compiler
of the entire work. In these "modified" sections the hand
of the compiler may be seen not only in the modifications
introduced into the earlier material but also in the pres
ence of more or less extensive additions coming in their
entirety from him.16
(2) Aramaic Documents. Ezra 4. 8 to 6. 18 and 7.
12-26 are written in Aramaic. These sections contain,
embedded in suitable narrative setting, what claim to be
five official documents : (a) A letter sent to Artaxerxes,
charging the Jews with treason;17 (b) the reply to this
letter, ordering that the rebuilding of the city be

14 On the genuineness and value of the memoirs of Ezra and related
questions, see further, below, pp. 302ff.
"For example, several paragraphs in Chapters 11 to 13, such as
12. 12-21; 13. 1-3.
18 For example, Ezra 7. 1-11; some parts of Nehemiah, Chapters 9,
10; 11. 25 to 12. 11; 12. 22-26, 44-47.
17 Ezra 4. 11-16. 298

THE BOOKS OF EZRA AND NEHEMIAH
stopped.18 (c) An inquiry regarding the authority of
the Jews to rebuild the temple;19 (d) the reply to this
inquiry, favoring the claims of the Jews and confirming
the decree of Cyrus.20 (e) The letter of Artaxerxes
to Ezra, commissioning him to go to Jerusalem.21 The
last mentioned document is separated from the others by
two paragraphs in Hebrew, the one narrating the observ
ance of the Passover,22 the other furnishing a summary
account of Ezra and his work.23 Both of these appear
to be the work of the compiler ; some scholars, however,
consider them later interpolations.
The compiler may not have had direct access to the
official documents or archives. On the contrary, it is
very probable that the first four documents plus the verses
furnishing the historical setting24 constituted originally a
section of an independent work written in Aramaic about
B. C. 400, and that this was used as a source-book by
the compiler.25 The nature and original extent of this
Aramaic work cannot be determined. Some have thought
that it was simply an account of the troubles between the
returned exiles and their neighbors, to the end of the
reign of Artaxerxes I,26 while others have thought of it
as a more comprehensive history of the postexilic com
munity. In either case its presentation of the course of
events may safely be accepted as trustworthy, even
18 Ezra 4. 17-22.
" 5- 6-17.
20 6. 1-12.
21 7. 12-26.
22 6. 19-22.
23 7. 1-10.
24 With the possible exception of a few minor additions made sub
sequently. 26 The other document may have been taken from the memoirs of Ezra.
38 B. C. 465-425- 299

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
though some portions may have been worked over at a
later time from a more rigidly Jewish point of view.
The genuineness of the Aramaic documents has been
called in question, chiefly on account of their decidedly
Jewish coloring, which, it is claimed, is out of place in
documents originating at the Persian court or with Per
sian officials. The decree of Darius, for example, closes
with this recognition of the supremacy of Yahweh : "And
the God that hath caused his name to dwell there over
throw all kings and peoples that shall put forth their
hand to alter the same, to destroy this house of God which
is in Jerusalem."27 Equally strange seems the detailed
description of the Jewish sacrificial system in the letter
of Artaxerxes to Ezra.28 However, Eduard Meyer has
clearly shown that these peculiar Jewish features by no
means disprove the genuineness of the documents; and
ever since the publication of his discriminating study29
there has been a growing tendency among scholars to
admit the genuineness of the documents, with the excep
tion of the decree of Cyrus given in Hebrew in Ezra
i. 2-4, which is thought to have been preserved in a more
original form in 6. 3-5. Those who accept the documents
as genuine explain the Jewish elements as due to modifi
cations by the author of the Aramaic history or by the
still later Chronicler, or on the assumption that the docu
ments originating at the Persian court were drafted by
Jews and then submitted to the Persian authorities for
their approval, while in some instances both influences
may have made themselves felt.
How the documents came into the hands of the Jewish
writer is not known. It has been suggested that they
27 Ezra 6. 12. 2S Ezra 7. 17.
" Eduard Meyer, Die Entstehung des Judentums, especially pp. 8-71.
300

THE BOOKS OF EZRA AND NEHEMIAH
came from "the public archives in Jerusalem, where
it would be natural to keep copies of letters sent to, and
the originals (or copies) of letters sent from, the Persian
court." But, while the prevalence of such a custom
throughout the east may readily be admitted,80 it should
be noted that these documents were neither addressed
to the community in Jerusalem, nor were they sent from
there. It is more probable, therefore, that they were
secured from the Persian court-archives, perhaps by some
Jew who, like Nehemiah, had risen to a position of
prominence at the court of Persia.
(3) Temple and Government Records. There are
some portions of Ezra-Nehemiah which seem to have
been written in their entirety by the compiler of the book;
and yet it is by no means certain that in writing these
sections he did not make use of earlier material. There
is nothing improbable in the view that the compiler, who
evidently belonged to the priestly circles, had access to
earlier temple records and that he gathered from them
information regarding the restoration of worship after
the exile, the rebuilding of the temple, and the provisions
for the maintenance of the temple service. He may also
have had access to records dealing with non-religious
community affairs, which may have been preserved in
the temple archives or in the archives of the civil govern
ment. If such records were used, material from them
may be found especially in Ezra 1 and 3 and in the sec
tions of Nehemiah that were added by the compiler.
Historical Value. The preceding paragraphs call
attention to the fact that the compiler of Ezra-Nehemiah,
though living a century or more after the occurrence of
38 Compare the Elephantine Papyri; on the existence of such ar
chives, see H. Winckler, Vorderasien im zweiten Jahrtausend, passim. ,
301

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
the latest events recorded, had access to various earlier
sources, in part practically contemporaneous with the
events described, in part written within a generation or
two following the activities of Nehemiah. If, now, the
compiler reproduced, without material alteration, some
official documents and portions of the memoirs of Ezra
and of Nehemiah, the historical value of the book can
hardly be overestimated. If, on the other hand, he mis
understood his sources, took undue liberties with them,
failed to arrange them in the proper order, wrote him
self what he claims to have received from the past, and
in general gave free play to his imagination, little help
can be expected from the book in tracing the history of
the postexilic community. What, then, is the real situa
tion ? ( i ) There seems to be insufficient reason for
questioning the substantial accuracy of the official letters
and decrees. (2) In the case of the memoirs of Nehe
miah internal evidence is so convincing that few scholars
question their genuineness. If so, they must have been
written soon after B. C. 432 — probably between 430 and
425, and may, therefore, be expected to give a reliable
account of the events in which Nehemiah had a part.
(3) It is different with the memoirs of Ezra. Their
authenticity has been seriously questioned: their simi
larity in language, ideas, and general interest with sec
tions coming from the Chronicler has led some to suspect
that the alleged memoirs are in reality the work of this
late compiler. C. C. Torrey, for example, insists that
there is no portion of the entire work, including Chroni
cles, Ezra, and Nehemiah, in which "the Chronicler's
literary peculiarities are more strongly marked, more
abundant, more evenly and continuously distributed, and
more easily recognizable than in the Hebrew narrative
302

THE BOOKS OF EZRA AND NEHEMIAH
of Ezra 7-10 and Neh. 8-10."31 Consequently, he is very
positive in his assertion that the Chronicler is the real
author of the sections known as the memoirs of Ezra.
It is by no means certain, however, that the facts in
the case warrant the conclusion. The similarities may
indicate that the Chronicler treated the memoirs of Ezra
with much freedom, but they do not disprove their au
thenticity : Ezra was a scribe, a student and lover of the
Law, and was permeated by the spirit of ecclesiasticism,
which is also characteristic of the Chronicler. Under
these circumstances it is only natural that in language,
style, and general point of view the work of the Chronicler
should resemble more closely the production of the priest-
scribe Ezra than that of the layman Nehemiah. More
over, after recognizing the similarity, the later writer
may have felt freer to modify the memoirs of Ezra and
even to rewrite them, in part at least, from his own point
of view.32 Without entering into a full discussion, for
which there is no room in this connection, the present
writer may express his belief that the arguments against
the genuineness of the Ezra memoirs are not conclusive,
and that, therefore, it is still safe to regard the accounts
of events contained in them as substantially accurate and
reliable. At the same time he is quite ready to admit
that these memoirs have undergone radical modifications
at the hands of the compiler.33
Without denying the authenticity of the memoirs of

zlEzra Studies, p. 241.
32 For example, the reference to the immense wealth in Ezra 8. 24-27
may come from the Chronicler, who delights in exaggeration of this sort.
33 If the documents and memoirs found in Ezra-Nehemiah are au
thentic at least in essence, the question whether the Chronicler had
access to the original sources or only to a work of which they formed a
part, becomes of secondary importance.

303

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
Ezra or of Nehemiah, some scholars have brought the
charge against the Chronicler that, through faulty use of
his sources, he misrepresented the course of the history
during the postexilic period in three important respects :
(i) The return of the exiles in B. C. 537; (2) the at
tempt on the part of the returned exiles to rebuild the
temple soon after the return; (3) the date of Ezra's
mission. Regarding the first point, the book of Ezra
states that in B. C. 537 a large body of exiles returned
from Babylonia. Over against these definite statements
stand the assertions of numerous recent writers, follow
ing in the footsteps of W. H. Kosters,34 that practically
no exiles came from Babylonia in that year, that the list
in Ezra 2 relates to the time of Nehemiah, that the
temple was built by the Jews left behind in the land,35
that Ezra was the first to lead a body of exiles back from
Babylonia, which he did, not before Nehemiah, about
B. C. 458, but after Nehemiah's first visit, probably about
the time of his second visit in B. C. 433-432. The chief
argument in favor of the contention that Cyrus issued
no decree, and consequently that there was no return in
537, is found in the silence of the prophets Haggai and
Zechariah concerning such return. This leaves as the
only source of information the books of Ezra and Nehe
miah, compiled about B. C. 300 by the compiler of the
books of Chronicles. Now, the argument continues, a
comparison of Chronicles with Kings reveals the unrelia
bility of the former, which involves the books of Ezra
and Nehemiah, coming from the same hand. On reach
ing this point in the argument Kosters subjected Ezra-
Nehemiah to a minute critical analysis, which led him
34 Die Wiederherstellung Israels in der Persischen Periode, passim.
36 2 Kings 25. 12, 22-26. 304

THE BOOKS OF EZRA AND NEHEMIAH
to the conclusion that the sections containing the refer
ences to the return in 537 are so late that their testimony
cannot stand against the silence of the two prophets who
prophesied less than twenty years after the date of the
alleged return.
Now, it is true that the opening chapters of Ezra
reached their present form at a relatively late date and
that it is impossible to determine all the sources from
which the Chronicler drew information; nevertheless, it
is well to bear in mind that undue reliance may easily be
placed on the argument from silence. The silence of the
two prophets may be accidental ; it would assume signifi
cance only if it could be shown that there was a necessity
for mentioning the return in case it was a historical fact.
Such a necessity did not exist; on the contrary, the
prophets might feel fully justified not to mention it, since
they were addressing people who had participated in the
return and, therefore, were thoroughly familiar with it.
There certainly is nothing in the utterances of the two
men that could be construed as in any way conflicting
with the statement in Ezra that Cyrus issued a decree
giving permission to the Jews to return to their old home.
Nor is there anything inherently improbable in the view
that such decree was issued. On the contrary, it is in
perfect accord with the inscription of Cyrus, which gives
a description of the treatment he accorded to the peoples
that had been deported by the Babylonians. Moreover,
the historical situation would furnish a strong incentive
to the Persian ruler to establish near the borders of Egypt
a community that would be bound to the Persian authori
ties by strong ties of gratitude.36 From all these con-
38 The Elephantine Papyri, which have thrown such valuable side
light on conditions during the Persian period, furnish a striking illus-
305

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
siderations it would appear that G. A. Smith is right
when he says, "We must hold that the attempt to dis
credit the tradition of an important return of exiles under
Cyrus has not been successful ; that such a return remains
the more probable solution of an obscure and difficult
problem."37 Closely connected with the denial of a return in 537 is
the claim that the book of Ezra is wrong when it asserts
that the foundations of the temple were laid by the re
turned exiles soon after their arrival in Palestine,38 and
the further claim that the temple was rebuilt exclusively
by Jews who had been left behind at the time Jerusalem
was destroyed.39 Here, again, appeal is made to the
words of Haggai and Zechariah. It is pointed out that
these prophets addressed their audiences as "the remnant
of the people,"40 which is interpreted to mean the remnant
left behind in B. C. 597 and 586. It is further claimed
that the statement concerning the beginning of building
operations soon after the return is definitely contradicted
by utterances of these prophets which imply that no steps
looking toward the rebuilding of the temple had been
taken before B. C. 520.41 By way of explanation it is

tration of the kindly policy adopted by the Persian rulers toward the
Jews: Cambyses, the successor of Cyrus, spared the Jewish temple at
Elephantine at the time he conquered Egypt, in B. C. 525.
37 The Minor Prophets, vol. ii, p. 215.
38 Ezra 3. 8ff.; 5. 16.
39 Even some who admit that a few exiles may have returned at
various times deny that these played any important part in the build
ing enterprise.
40 Hag. 1. 12, 14; 2. 2; Zech. 8. 6.
41 Hag. 1. 2-9; 2. 15-18; Zech. 1. 16; 4. 9; compare also Ezra 5. 2.
Some scholars, realizing the difficulty, but unwilling to reject the state
ments of Ezra as unhistorical, attempt in various ways to harmonize
the apparently contradictory statements. Driver, for example, sug-
306

THE BOOKS OF EZRA AND NEHEMIAH
suggested that the statements in Ezra were inspired by
the promise in Isa. 44. 28, that Cyrus would issue an
order that the foundations of the temple be laid.
The evidence against the reliability of the statement
that the foundations of the temple were laid in B. C. 536,
while perhaps not overwhelmingly conclusive, is of con
siderable weight. No doubt the words of Haggai and
Zechariah, naturally interpreted, make the laying of the
temple foundations fifteen or sixteen years earlier im
probable. On the other hand, it can easily be explained
why the Chronicler should assign the beginning of the
enterprise to an earlier date. In the words of J. E.
McFadyen : "To him it may well have seemed incon
ceivable that the returned exiles should — whatever their
excuse — have waited sixteen years before beginning the
work which to him was of transcendent importance."42
He may have found further justification for his view in
Isa. 44. 28; at any rate, he seems to have been quite
familiar with the prophecies concerning the restoration,
for he introduces at the very beginning of the narrative
a reference to a prophecy of Jeremiah.43
But even admitting that the Chronicler was mistaken
when he stated that the foundations of the temple were
laid soon after the return of 537, it still remains very
probable that the returned exiles had a share in the build
ing enterprise. The terms used by Haggai and Zechariah
do not exclude the presence of returned exiles; besides,

gests (Introduction, p. 547): "The truth probably is that the ceremony
described in Ezra 3. 8-13 was one of a purely formal character, which
Haggai could disregard altogether." It is very doubtful, however,
that the explicit statements of the prophets permit this interpretation
of their silence regarding the laying of the foundations in 537.
42 An Introduction to the Old Testament, p. 342-
43 Jer. 25. 12. 307

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
it is exceedingly doubtful that the people left behind
possessed sufficient spiritual enthusiasm and initiative to
carry out the ideas and ideals of the prophets. If there
was a return in 537, which to the present writer seems
more than probable, a large share of the credit for re
building the temple must be given to the faithful Yahweh
worshipers who retained their faith in Yahweh during
the dark days of the exile and eagerly embraced the first
opportunity offered to return to the promised land.
The date of Ezra's mission — assuming that he is a his
torical character44 — presents a still more complicated
problem. According to Ezra 7. 7, 8, Ezra came to Jeru
salem in the "seventh year of Artaxerxes the king." For
centuries this king was commonly identified with Ar
taxerxes I;45 consequently, the journey of Ezra was
dated in 458, that of Nehemiah in 445-444,46 Ezra being
considered the forerunner of Nehemiah. Van Hoonacker
was the first to attack this interpretation seriously;47
and he suggested that Ezra was a contemporary, not of
Artaxerxes I, but of Artaxerxes II.48 This would bring
the journey of Ezra down to B. C. 397, the seventh year
of Artaxerxes II, and Nehemiah would become the fore-
\ runner of Ezra. Since then many other scholars have
become convinced that Nehemiah reached Jerusalem be
fore Ezra, but differences of opinion have arisen regard
ing the exact date of the latter's coming. Some, follow
ing van Hoonacker, accept the date 397 ; others, agreeing
with Kosters, connect him with the second visit of Nehe-
44 See further, below, pp. 310, 311.
48 B. C. 465-425-
48 Neh. 2. 1.
47 Nihemie et Esdras, published in 1890; some questions had been
raised previously.
48 B. C. 4°4-359- 308

THE BOOKS OF EZRA AND NEHEMIAH
miah, in 432 or soon after ; while still others, like Torrey,
deny the historical character of Ezra and look upon him
as a personification of the spirit of later Judaism. .
The following are the principal reasons for placing the"
coming of Ezra after the first visit of Nehemiah: (1)
The situation which, according to the book of Ezra itself,
confronted Ezra on his arrival, implies an orderly, settled
life, such as was impossible until after the city walls had
been built and the city had been well fortified. (2) The
prayer of Ezra49 seems to imply that the building of the
walls was an accomplished fact. (3) Nehemiah's me
moirs are silent concerning the reforms alleged to have
been undertaken by Ezra; nor are any of the reformers
who are said to have accompanied Ezra named as cooper
ating with Nehemiah. (4) The reform work of Nehe
miah has the appearance of being preliminary to that of
Ezra; at any rate, the measures of Nehemiah are less
radical than those of Ezra.50 All these facts, it is pointed
out, would find a satisfactory explanation on the assump
tion that at least the earlier reforms of Nehemiah pre
ceded the mission of Ezra.
If the statements in Neh. 8. 9; 10. 1 are accepted as in
any sense reliable, it follows that Ezra and Nehemiah
were in Jerusalem at the same time. Those who believe
these statements to be correct naturally hesitate to carry
Ezra down to the fourth century; but feeling the force
of the facts noted above, they are unwilling to place him
earlier than Nehemiah's administration; hence they con
nect him with the second visit of the latter. On the other

48 Ezra 9. 9.
60 For example, whereas Ezra demands the putting away of non-
Jewish wives (Ezra 10. n, 12), Nehemiah is content with forbidding
mixed marriages for the future (Neh. 13. 25).
309

r-
f

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
hand, those who hold that the connection of Ezra with
Nehemiah is due to a mistake of the Chronicler, have no
hesitation to date him later ; and, accepting the ambiguous
statement that Ezra came to Jerusalem in the seventh
year of Artaxerxes, as referring to the second king bear
ing that name, they assign his journey to B. C. 397. The
advocates of this view claim that they make only one
assumption, namely, that the Chronicler failed to arrange
his material in the right order ; and they point to the mis
placement of Ezra 4. 6-23 as an exact parallel. If the
later date is accepted, it becomes necessary to arrange
the material in the two books somewhat after this
fashion: Ezra 1. 1 to 4. 5 ; 4. 24 to 6. 22; Neh. 1. 1 to
6. 19; Ezra 4. 6-23; Neh. 7. 1-69 (Ezra 2) ; Neh. 11. 1
to 12. 47; 13. 4-31; Ezra 7. 1 to 8. 36; Neh. 7. 70 to
8. 18; Ezra 9. 1 to 10. 9; Neh. 13. 1-3; Ezra 10. 10-44;
Neh. 9. 1 to 10. 39.
Professor C. C. Torrey takes a more radical position
than any discussed in the preceding paragraphs,51 when
he denies the historical character of Ezra himself, whom
he regards merely a reflection of Nehemiah or a personifi
cation of the spirit and ideals of later Judaism. Accord
ing to this view, the creation of the character of Ezra and
the composition of the memoirs of Ezra were inspired in
large part by a desire to correct the impression made by
the memoirs of Nehemiah that the reestablishment and
purification of Judaism were the work of a layman, a
view which would appear intolerable to the Chronicler
and to the priestly circles in which he moved. The argu
ments in favor of this contention may be summarized as
follows : ( 1 ) The religious, intellectual, and ecclesiastical
81 Composition and Historical Value of Ezra-Nehemiah, especially pp.
57-62 ; and Ezra Studies, pp. 238-248. 310

THE BOOKS OF EZRA AND NEHEMIAH
atmosphere in which the Chronicler found himself prac
tically compelled him to create such a character. (2)
The striking similarities between the hero of the Ezra
memoirs and the Chronicler find their only natural inter
pretation in such a theory: "If we have any definite
knowledge at all of this 'Ezra,' we know that he was a
man precisely like the Chronicler himself. . . . There is
not a garment in all Ezra's wardrobe that does not fit
the Chronicler exactly. To suppose that the latter could
have rewritten the words, and twisted the ideas, of this
kindred spirit, whose testimony was of such importance
to all his own special interests, is out of the question;
his intelligence was not of such a low order as this; and
we know, besides, that his habit was directly opposed to
any such proceeding, even when the material was not
exactly suited to his purpose."52 (3) Ezra and the Ezra
tradition are unknown to later Jewish writers. For
instance, Ecclesiasticus, who speaks in the highest terms
of Nehemiah, makes no mention of Ezra.53 A moment's
thought will show that arguments like these can do no
more than establish the possibility of Torrey's conclu
sion; it would be too much to say that they do or even
can establish its probability; and, certainly, they fall far
short of establishing it as a fact. Unless more convincing
arguments are presented, the student will be justified in
retaining the belief that Ezra was a real person, who
played a prominent role in the development of postexilic
Judaism. In the absence of all external evidence the various
problems raised by the books of Ezra and Nehemiah and
outlined in the preceding paragraphs cannot be definitely
82 C. C. Torrey, Ezra Studies, pp. 243, 244.
83 Compare also 2 Maccabees 2. iff.
3"

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
settled. No doubt the advocates of each of the several
modern positions may discover certain facts which seem
to favor their contention; but it is equally true that the
older view, which accepts the chronology of the Chroni
cler, is not without support. Most of the elements upon
which the reconstruction theories are based can be ex
plained as introduced, perhaps more or less unconsciously,
by the Chronicler, who, writing when conditions were far
different from what they were in the fifth century, could
not remain uninfluenced by the environment in which
he lived. And there is abundant evidence to show that
he frequently modified his sources from the standpoint
of his own age.54 But even if it were admitted that the
compiler disarranged his material, and that he introduced
various modifications, he has preserved his sources with
sufficient faithfulness to make them historical documents
of the highest value. Especially the memoirs, proceeding
as they do from the chief actors in the events described,
are of the greatest significance for an adequate under
standing of a period in the life of the postexilic commu
nity, which in turn is of very great importance for the
whole subsequent history of Judaism.
84 For the bearing of this whole discussion on certain questions con
nected with the literary history of the Pentateuch, see F. C. Eiselen,
The Books of the Pentateuch, p. 311.

3"

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XII
THE FIRST BOOK OF ESDRAS
In the Septuagint the canonical Ezra-Nehemiah, called
Second Esdras, is preceded by a book called First Esdras,
which in its present form — it is incomplete, for it ends in
the middle of a sentence — consists of parts of Chronicles
and Ezra-Nehemiah, and of one section not found else
where :
I Esdras I =2 Chron. 35. 1 to 36. 21.
2. 1-15 =Ezra 1.
2. 16-25 =Ezra 4. 7-24.
3. 1 to 5. 6 = Not found elsewhere.
5. 7-70 = Ezra 2. 1 to 4. 5.
6. 1 to 9. 36 = Ezra (4. 24) 5. 1 to 10. 44.
9- 37-55 = Neh. 7. 73b to 8. 13a.
The section peculiar to First Esdras, 3. 1 to 5. 6, relates
how three pages of Darius agreed to a test of their wisdom
in the presence of the king by a discussion of the question,
What is the strongest? One defended the proposition,
"Wine is the strongest"; the second, "The king is the
strongest" ; the third, "Women are the strongest, but, above
all things, truth beareth away the victory." The third,
Zerubbabel, was declared the winner, and Darius promised
to grant him anything he might desire. In reply he re
minded the king of a vow he had made at the time of his
accession to restore the Jews to their old home. Whereupon
Darius issued a decree giving permission to the Jews to
return and to rebuild their temple, granting them at the same
time other privileges. This story, then, would give the
313

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
credit for the restoration of the Jews, not to Cyrus, but to
Darius. The source from which the new material was taken can
not be definitely determined ; but a theory advocated by
C. C. Torrey has much in its favor. Calling attention to
the fact that Ezra 3. 755 seems to contain an allusion to
1 Esdras 4. 48, which allusion cannot be explained by any
thing in the present book of Ezra, and to the other fact
that certain sections of the narrative found only in 1 Esdras
reveal the same interests as the Chronicler,56 he suggests
that 1 Esdras 4. 47s7 to 4. 56, and 4. 62 to 5. 65S once
stood in the work of the Chronicler, immediately after
Ezra 1. 11 and immediately before Ezra 2. 1. If this
theory is correct, the story of the three pages, 1 Esdras
3. 1 to 4. 42, must be regarded as an interpolation from an
unknown source, and verses like 4. 43, 44, 57-61 ; 5. 6a, the
words "the same is Zerubbabel" in 4. 13, and the substitu
tion of Cyrus in 4. 47 and 5. 2 as harmonizing modifica
tions by the interpolater.
There is considerable difference of opinion regarding the
relation of First Esdras to the canonical Ezra-Nehemiah :
1. Mention may be made, in the first place, of the view
ably developed by Sir Henry Howorth that First Esdras
represents the original Septuagint translation of the Hebrew
Ezra-Nehemiah, while Second Esdras59 represents the
translation of Theodotion. From this he draws the further
conclusion that First Esdras is in every respect superior
to and of greater value to the Old Testament student than
the canonical Ezra-Nehemiah.

65 The same as 1 Esdras 5. 55.
68 For instance, 1 Esdras 4. 52-56, 63; 5. 2.
"Beginning with "wrote," the subject in Chronicles having been
Cyrus. 68 Omitting, "who spoke wise sentences before Darius the king of
Persia." 88 That is, the canonical Ezra-Nehemiah. 314

THE FIRST BOOK OF ESDRAS
2. There is another view which regards First Esdras as
a secondary, but independent compilation, written for a
specific purpose. The motive for this compilation is vari
ously interpreted. Driver, for example, suggests that "the
writer wished partly to stimulate his countrymen to a more
zealous observance of the Law, partly by the example of
the munificence of Cyrus and Darius to gain for them the
favor of some foreign ruler — perhaps one of the Ptole
mies."60 3. A still different theory is worked out by Torrey, which
is summed up by him in these words : "It is simply a piece
taken without change out of the middle of a faithful Greek
translation of the Chronicler's History of Israel in the
form which was generally recognized as authentic in the
last century B. C. This was not, however, the original form
of the History, but one which had undergone several impor
tant changes."61
4. S. A. Cook, after a lengthy discussion of the whole
subject, advocates a still different view: "All the data sug
gest that E. [First Esdras] and E. N. [the canonical Ezra-
Nehemiah] represent concurrent forms which have in
fluenced each other in the earlier stages of their growth.
They are rivals, and neither can be said to be wholly older
or more historical than the other. The endeavor was made
to correct E to agree with the Massoretic Text, . . . and
the presence of such efforts and in particular the doublets
are of essential importance in indicating that E's text does
not precisely represent a Hebrew-Aramaic work, and that
when all allowance is made for correction and revision of
the Greek, problems of the underlying original text still
remain. But it was impossible to make any very satisfac
tory adjustment, E diverged too seriously from the Mas
soretic Text, which had cut the chronological knot by the

60 Introduction to the Literature of the Old Testament, p. 554.
81 Ezra Studies, p. 18. 315

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
exclusion of the story of Zerubbabel, and we may suppose
that this facilitated the desire for the more literal transla
tion of Theodotion."62
It is not possible to go into a detailed discussion of the
complex problem in this place; but evidently criticism has
not spoken the last word on the subject, and Cook is right
when he admits that any explanation must be a provisional
one. In the nature of the case, the same uncertainty exists
regarding the date of First Esdras, because the question of
date is closely bound up with the question as to its relation
to the canonical books.

82 In R. H. Charles, The Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha of the Old
Testament, p. 19.

316

CHAPTER XIII
THE BOOKS OF CHRONICLES

CHAPTER XIII
THE BOOKS OF CHRONICLES
Name and Place in Canon. Originally, the two books
of Chronicles in the English Bible formed one continuous
work called in Hebrew trwi "''tM Dibhre Hayyamim,
which may be translated "Acts" or "Annals of the Days."
The early Greek translators introduced the division and
called the two books Td napaXEtnofieva, Ta Paraleipomena,
which may be rendered "The Things Omitted" or
"Passed Over"; that is, the things which were omitted
in the other historical books, especially in Samuel and
Kings.1 Jerome adopted the division as also the Septua
gint title, Paralipomenon, but suggested as a more satis
factory equivalent of the Hebrew the title Chronicon,
from which is derived the English Chronicles.
In its original form the work included also Ezra and
Nehemiah; but these two books, covering a period not
dealt with in the other historical books and thus having
a value of their own, were separated from Chronicles
before the extent of the Jewish canon was finally fixed.
As a result they have had a history of their own and
must be studied by themselves.2 The English Bible,
following the Latin Vulgate, which in turn is dependent
on the Greek Septuagint, places Chronicles after Kings
1 As will be seen, this view is not correct. Chronicles is not a con
tinuation or supplement of the other historical books, but runs parallel
with them.
2 See Chapter XII. 319

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
and before Ezra-Nehemiah, thus recognizing the fact
that Ezra-Nehemiah are the continuation of Chronicles.
But this is not the order in the Jewish canon. The Mas-
soretic lists and the MSS. written in Spain put Chronicles
first among the books in the third division of the Jewish
Canon, while they assign last place to Ezra-Nehemiah.
On the other hand, the Talmud, most of the Hebrew
MSS. written in Germany, and the early printed editions
of the Hebrew Bible place Chronicles at the end of the
list, following Ezra-Nehemiah; which has been inter
preted to indicate that when Ezra-Nehemiah were first
separated from Chronicles it was the intention to admit
only the former into the canon, because, unlike Chron
icles, they dealt with an important period in the life of
the postexilic community, which was not described in any
other Old Testament book, and to exclude Chronicles as a
"superfluous and inferior variant of Kings." With this
interpretation it is further assumed that at a later time,
but before the extent of the third division of the canon
was finally fixed, Chronicles was admitted, probably be
cause of its emphasis on religious institutions and prac
tices, which were so highly prized in the later postexilic
period; but it had to be content with the "ragged end" of
the collection, either at the beginning or at the close.3
Contents and Outline. Chronicles is neither a continu
ation of nor a supplement to Samuel and Kings, but a
parallel to the historical books from Genesis to Kings:
it covers the period from Adam to the issuing of the edict
by Cyrus, in B. C. 538 or 537, granting permission to

3 It has been suggested that the Massorites assigned first place to
Chronicles, because it places so much emphasis on temple worship
and various ceremonial institutions. This explanation is possible, but
there is no evidence to prove the assertion. 320

THE BOOKS OF CHRONICLES
the exiled Jews to return to Jerusalem.4 The two books
fall naturally into four parts: I. Genealogies, intended
primarily to trace history from the creation of man
to the reign of Saul, though some of them are carried
down to late postexilic days;5 II. The reign of David;6
III. The reign of Solomon;7 IV. The history of Judah,
from the division of the kingdom under Rehoboam to
the restoration from exile.8
I. Genealogies — Principally from Adam to Saul (i Chron. I. I to
9- 44)
i. From Adam to Isaac (i. i-34a).
2. Descendants of Isaac, through Esau (i. 34b-54).
3. Descendants of Isaac, through Israel-Jacob (2. 1 to 9. 44).
(1) From Israel-Jacob to the age of David (2. 1-17).
(2) Descendants of Caleb (2. 18-55).
(3) Davidic line from David to Anani (3. 1-24).
(4) Descendants of Judah (4. 1-23).
(5) Descendants of Simeon (4. 24-43).
(6) Descendants of Reuben, Gad, Manasseh— east of the Jor
dan (5. 1-26).
(7) Descendants of Aaron (6. 1-15, 49-53).
(8) Levite singers and priests (6. 16-48).
(9) Priestly and Levitical cities (6. 54-81).
(10) Descendants of Issachar, Benjamin, Naphtali, Manasseh —
west of the Jordan, Ephraim, Asher (7. 1-40).
(11) Descendants of Benjamin— line of Saul (8. 1-40).
(12) Returned exiles (9. 1-34) •
(13) Family of Saul (9. 35-44)-
II. Reign of David (1 Chron. 10. 1 to 29. 30)
1. Death of Saul and of his sons (10. 1-14)-
2. Anointing of David (11. 1-3)-
3. Capture of Jebus— Jerusalem (11. 4-9)-

4 Some of the genealogies continue far into the postexilic period.
5 1 Chron., Chapters 1 to 9.
8 1 Chron., Chapters 10 to 29.
7 2 Chron., Chapters 1 to 9.
8 2 Chron., Chapters 10 to 36. 321

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
4. David's heroes and their exploits (n. 10-47).
5. David's adherents (12. 1-40).
6. Attempt to bring the ark to Jerusalem (13. 1-14).
7. Defeat of the Philistines (14. 1-17).
8. The ark in Jerusalem (15. 1 to 16. 43).
9. David's purpose to build the temple (17. 1-27).
10. David's victories (18. 1 to 20. 8).
11. Census and consequent pestilence (21. 1-27).
12. Preparations for the building of the temple (21. 28 to 22. 19).
13. Provisions for the temple service (23. 1 to 26. 28).
14. Civil and military officials (26. 29 to 27. 34) .
15. Instructions with reference to the building of the temple and its
service (28. 1 to 29. 22a).
16. Accession of Solomon; death of David (29. 22b-3o).
III. Reign of Solomon (2 Chron. 1. 1 to 9. 31)
1. Solomon's sacrifice at Gibeon and choice of wisdom (1. 1-13).
2. Solomon's wealth (1. 14-17).
3. Building and dedication of the temple (2. 1 to 7. 22).
4. Various enterprises of Solomon (8. 1-18).
5. Visit of the queen of Sheba (9. 1-12).
6. Solomon's wealth and power (9. 13-31).
IV. History of Judah from the Division to the Restoration
(2 Chron. 10. 1 to 36. 23)
1. Division of the kingdom (10. 1-19).
2. Reign of Rehoboam (11. 1 to 12. 16).
3. Abijah (13. 1-22).
4- Asa (14. 1 to 16. 14).
5. Jehoshaphat (17. I to 20. 37).
6. Jehoram (21. 1-20).
7. Ahaziah (22. 1-9).
8. Usurpation of Athaliah (22. 10-12).
9. Death of Athaliah; crowning of Joash (23. 1-21).
10. Reign of Joash (24. 1-27).
11. Amaziah (25. 1-28).
12. Uzziah (26. 1-23).
13. Jotham (27. 1-9).
14. Ahaz (28. 1-27).
15. Hezekiah (29. 1 to 32. 33).
16. Manasseh (33. 1-20).
17. Amon (33. 21-25).
18. Josiah (34. 1 to 35. 27). 322

THE BOOKS OF CHRONICLES
19. Jehoahaz (36. 1-4).
20. Jehoiakim (36. 5-8).
21. Jehoiachin (36. 9, 10).
22. Zedekiah and the fall of Jerusalem (36. 11-21).
23. Decree of Cyrus (36. 22, 23).
Date. 1. Relation of Chronicles to Ezra-Nehemiah.
That Chronicles, Ezra, and Nehemiah are the work of
one and the same author is made practically certain by
the following considerations: (1) Not only are Ezra-
Nehemiah the direct continuation of Chronicles, but the
closing verses of Chronicles are identical with the opening
verses of Ezra.9 (2) There is a striking similarity in
style between those parts in Chronicles, Ezra, and Nehe
miah which were not taken verbatim from earlier sources.
(3) The interest of all three books centers in the same
things — the temple and its service, the priesthood, the
law, statistics, and genealogies. (4) Internal evidence in
Ezra-Nehemiah points to the same date for these books
as that to which Chronicles must be assigned. Conse
quently, in discussing the date of Chronicles evidence
furnished by the other two books may also be considered.
2. Evidence supplied by Chronicles. If Ezra-Nehe
miah and Chronicles were written by one and the same
author, Chronicles cannot be earlier than the activity of
Nehemiah, about B. C. 450-430; but even when consid
ered by itself, the available evidence points to the late
postexilic period : ( 1 ) The fact that the narrative is con
tinued to the first year of Cyrus10 shows that it was
written not earlier than B. C. 537. (2) The reckoning in
darks,11 which is a Persian coin named after Darius I,12

8 Compare 2 Chron. 36. 22, 23 with Ezra 1. I~3a.
10 2 Chron. 36. 22.
11 1 Chron. 29. 7.
12 B. C. 522-485- 323

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
implies that the coin was well known, not only to the
writer, but also to the reader; otherwise the statement
would have been unintelligible; but this presupposes a
date not earlier than the middle of the fifth century.
(3) The compiler knew the Pentateuch in substantially
its final form ; for he uses material from both the earliest
and the latest documents;13 which suggests a date not
earlier than the closing years of the fifth century. (4)
In 1 Chron. 3. 19-24 the Hebrew text traces the genealogy
of David to the sixth generation after Zerubbabel, who
was prominent about B. C. 520. 14 The early Greek,
Syriac, and Latin translations, which may have preserved
the original reading, carry it on to the eleventh genera
tion ; but even the Hebrew text would point to a date not
earlier than B. C. 350.
3. Evidence supplied by Ezra-Nehemiah. The testi
mony of Chronicles finds corroboration in the books of
Ezra and Nehemiah : ( 5 ) The book of Ezra cannot have
been written by Ezra himself but must come from an
author living subsequently to Ezra ; for at times he intro
duces Ezra as the narrator,15 while at other times he
writes about him.16 Indeed, the author seems to have
lived after the fall of the Persian power, that is, after
B. C. 332 ; at any rate, such inference may be drawn from
the use of the phrase "king of Persia,"17 which seems
to imply that the kingdom of Persia was no longer in
existence. Documents coming from the Persian period

13 1 Chron. 1. 5-7=Gen. 10. 2-4 (P.); 1. 8-16 =Gen. 10. 6, 7 (P.) plus
10. 8, i3-i8a (J.); 1. 17-23 =Gen. 10. 22, 23 (P.) plus 10. 24-29 (J.),
etc. "Hag. 1. 1, 14; 2. 2, etc.
16 8. iff.
18 10. iff.
"Ezra 1. 1; 4. 5, 24; 7. 1, etc. 324

THE BOOKS OF CHRONICLES
name simply "the king."18 (6) The book of Nehemiah
cannot come from Nehemiah, because in it reference is
made to Jaddua, the great-grandson of Eliashib,19 the
contemporary of Nehemiah;20 according to Josephus,21
this Jaddua was high priest in the days of Alexander the
Great, that is, about B. C. 330; moreover, the "days of
Nehemiah" are referred to as a period in the past.22 (7)
The language and style, as also the general point of
view,23 point unmistakably to a late date.24 All the evi-

18 4. 8, 11, 23; 5. 6; 6. 3; 7. 11. The difference may be noted also
outside of Ezra. Hag. 1. I, 15 and Zech. 7. 1 speak of Darius, the
king, without adding the name of the country, because in the days of
these prophets Persia was still in existence. The same practice pre
vails in the Elephantine Papyri, written in the fifth century B. C. On
the other hand, these papyri refer to the kings "of Egypt," because
when the letters were written the native kingdom was a thing of the
past. With this may be compared the reference in Ezra 5. 12 to Nebu
chadnezzar "king of Babylon," because the statement was written
after the downfall of Babylon.
18 Neh. 12. 10, 11, 22.
28 Neh. 13. 28.
21 Antiquities, XI, viii, 4.
22 Neh. 12. 47.
23 See further, below, pp. 331, 332.
24 For a more detailed discussion of the linguistic evidence, see S. R.
Driver, Introduction to the Literature of the Old Testament, pp. 535ff.
Hastings, Dictionary of the Bible, article "Chronicles"; and especially
E. L. Curtis, The Books of Chronicles, pp. 27-36. Curtis sums up the
whole situation in these words: Chronicles "exhibits many peculiarities
of phraseology and syntax. Many old words are made to do service
in new ways either rare or unknown in the older language, and new
words, the product of the late religious organization and viewpoint,
appear frequently. Also the incoming Aramaic, already a well-known
language, had its influence on the Hebrew of the Chronicler, as is
shown both by the presence of Aramaic loan-words and by many com
mon Aramaic constructions. The many peculiarities of syntax, which
are against the common usage of the earlier writers, indicate that the
compiler and author, who was bilingual, either used Hebrew with some
difficulty or that the language itself was decadent in his day. In ad-
325

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
dence, therefore, seems to favor a date during the later
postexilic period, following the time of Alexander the
Great, or about B. C. 300.
Scope and Purpose. Chronicles, including Ezra-Nehe
miah, is clearly in the nature of a compilation. The
material used by the compiler was derived, in part from
the canonical books Genesis to Kings, in part from other
sources.25 The compiler treated this earlier material
with considerable freedom; and the scope and purpose
of the entire work can, perhaps, best be determined by
a study of the excerpts from other Old Testament books
and of their treatment by the Chronicler. Much may be
learned, for instance, from the omissions in material
taken from other books, as also from ihe additions made
by the Chronicler, whether these additions were derived
from other sources or supplied by him. Even a super
ficial comparison of Chronicles with other canonical books
brings out the fact that some important persons and
events treated at length in Samuel and Kings are passed
over entirely in Chronicles or receive but slight consider
ation. Thus, there is almost complete silence concerning
the northern kingdom, which involves the omission of
the extensive Elijah and Elisha narratives in the books
of Kings.26 The life and reign of Saul receive scant
consideration ; only the story of his death is told ;27 and
dition to its common late characteristics, this group of writings
(Chronicles, Ezra, Nehemiah) has marked peculiarities of style and
vocabulary. Words and phrases not found at all elsewhere are met
frequently both in passages from older sources which have been worked
over and, particularly, in additions bearing the certain marks of the
compiler. No O. T. writer reveals himself more certainly" (p. 27).
26 See further, below, pp. 332-335.
26 Elijah is alluded to in 2 Chron. 21. 12, not derived from Kings,
while Elisha is not mentioned at all.
27 1 Chron. 10. 1-12 = 1 Sam. 31. 326

THE BOOKS OF CHRONICLES
this apparently for the sole purpose of pointing a moral.28
Saul being a wicked king, the saintly David could have
no affection for him ; hence no reference is made to
David's grief over Saul's death;29 nor is there any men
tion of the facts that for several years the rule of David
extended only over the south, or of the efforts of Adoni-
jah to make himself king. It seems that, as far as pos
sible, nothing is told of the good kings that could or
would in any wise weaken the force of their good ex
ample. This tendency is especially noteworthy in the case
of David : the incidents of Uriah and Bathsheba, of Am-
non, Tamar, and Absalom, all described at length in
Samuel, are all passed over in silence. There is no refer
ence to the idolatry of good King Solomon, or to the
tribute of silver and gold paid by Hezekiah, another pious
ruler, to Sennacherib of Assyria. Some of the stories
centering around prophets were either omitted or greatly
abbreviated.30 These and other omissions of a similar
nature cannot be explained on the ground that the stories
were known to the people who had access to Samuel and
Kings, and therefore might be excluded from the new
work, because the same statement might be made regard
ing many sections that are repeated word for. word.
The additions made by the Chronicler consist, partly
of altogether fresh material, partly of expansions of brief
accounts taken from earlier sources, and partly of short
additions to longer narratives found also in Samuel and
Kings. However, all of these additions, long and short,
reflect one and the same spirit and point of view, evidently

28 1 Chron. 10. 13, 14.
28 Compare 2 Sam. 1. 17-27-
30 For example, the story of Nathan, 2 Sam. 12, and the incidents m
which Isaiah had a prominent part, 2 Kings 18-20.
327

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED. WRITINGS
the spirit and point of view of the compiler. In the open
ing chapters the additions consist in large part of statis
tical matter, such as genealogies and lists of names; but
even these are significant as indicative of the writer's
chief interest — nearly one half of the genealogical intro
duction is devoted to Judah and Levi, and it is around
the same two tribes that the rest of the book centers. The
narrative sections reveal numerous additions relating to
the organization of public worship, with special reference
to the part taken by Levites and singers.31 A good illus
tration of this tendency may be seen in the story relating
the bringing of the ark to Jerusalem.32 In i Chron.
15. 13 David is introduced as explaining why the first
attempt had proved a failure; there were no Levites to
carry the ark ; hence he summons Levites to assist in the
ceremony. Again, the long section 1 Chron. 22. 2 to
29. 30, largely in the nature of an addition, deals almost
exclusively with plans for the building of the temple and
with Levites, priests, and other persons needed in the
temple service. Levites also occupy a prominent place in
the narratives of Jehoshaphat's reign.33
Many of the additions manifest a pronounced didactic
aim. Indeed, the whole book makes the impression that
the principal purpose of the Chronicler from beginning
to end was, not to write history, but to teach a great truth,
namely, that both right doing and wrong doing receive
their proper reward. "Kings had not always recorded
the sins which involved a disastrous close to the reigns
31 The interest in music is so pronounced that it has been conjectured
that the compiler was a Levite, a member of one of the guilds of temple
singers or musicians.
32 Compare 1 Chron. 15. 1-24; 16. 4-42 with 2 Sam. 6.
33 2 Chron., Chapters 17, 19, 20; compare also 1 Chron. 13. 1-5;
2 Chron. 8. 13-15; 13. 2-22; Chapters 29, 31, 35, etc.
328

THE BOOKS OF CHRONICLES
of good kings, or the misfortunes which punished the
wickedness of bad kings. The Chronicler, as far as his
source permitted, supplied these defects."34 Thus Uzziah
was stricken with leprosy because he insisted on offering
incense in spite of the earnest protest of the priests;35
Josiah's defeat and death were a punishment for dis
obedience ;36 the long reign of the wicked Manasseh could
be explained only on the assumption that he turned to
Yahweh in heartfelt repentance.37 The same didactive
motive appears in the introduction of certain stories in
which prophets play a prominent role; for, while some
of the prophetic stories in Samuel and Kings are omitted
or abbreviated by the Chronicler, others are added.
Prophets are brought into relation with kings, to whom
they predict prosperity as a reward of good conduct and
adversity as a punishment for bad conduct. Thus
Shemaiah announces the invasion of Judah by Shishak
as a punishment for disloyalty to Yahweh, but promises
a modification of the punishment when king and princes
humble themselves.38
Of interest are also some of the minor changes and
modifications in material derived from earlier sources.
For example, the Chronicler, believing that all temple

34 Bennett and Adeney, A Biblical Introduction, p. 115.
38 2 Chron. 26. i6ff.
38 2 Chron. 35. 2iff.
"2 Chron. 33. nff. Other illustrations may be found in I Chron.
10. 13, 14, Saul's death; 10. 10, Uzza's death; 2 Chron. 12. 2, Shi-
shak's invasion; 21. 10, failure of Jehoram; 22. 7, destruction of Ahaziah;
24. 24, defeat of Joash; 25. 20, defeat of Amaziah; 28. 4, 5, defeat of
Ahaz; 36. 12, troubles of Zedekiah, etc.
38 2 Chron. 12. 5-8; compare also 15. 1-15, cause of Asa's prosperity;
16. 7-10, cause of Asa's partial failure; 19. i-3. rebuke of Jehoshaphat;
20. 14-17, promise of victory; 20. 37, prediction of shipwreck; 21. 12-15,
Jehoram's sickness, etc. 329

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
priests belong to a single family of the tribe of Levi,
cannot admit that at any time in the past a member of any
other family or tribe filled the priestly office ; consequently,
the sons of David, who, according to Samuel, were
priests, are said to have been "chief about the king."39
In i Kings 8. 22 the statement is made that Solomon
stood before the altar while he offered the dedicatory
prayer ; according to the Chronicler's view that place was
reserved exclusively for the priest; hence he makes the
king construct a special "brazen scaffold,"40 upon which
to stand. According to 2 Sam. 21. 19, Elhanan slew
Goliath ; according to 1 Chron. 20. 5 he slew the brother
of Goliath. According to Kings, Josiah undertook his
work of reformation in the eighteenth year of his reign,
subsequently to the finding of the Law of Yahweh;41
Chronicles, in order to show the devotion of the king in
early youth, places the reform movement in his twelfth
year;42 then, strange to say, six years later the Book of
the Law is discovered.43 Since the Chronicler describes
both Asa and Jehoshaphat as good kings, he believes that
they should have removed the high places, consequently
he states that they did so;44 afterward, following the
account in Kings,45 he represents them as allowing the
high places to remain.46 In 2 Sam. 24. 1 Yahweh is

38 Compare 1 Chron. 18. 17 with 2 Sam. 8. 18.
40 2 Chron. 6. 13.
41 2 Kings 22. 3ff.
42 2 Chron. 34. 3.
43 Verses 8ff .
"2 Chron. 14. 5; 17. 6.
45 1 Kings 15. 14; 22. 43.
48 2 Chron. 15. 17; 20. 33. In view of the almost complete silence of
the Chronicler concerning the northern kingdom "Israel" in 15. 17
must be understood as equivalent to "Judah," compare 11. 3. Other-
330

THE BOOKS OF CHRONICLES
introduced as causing David to number the people; but,
in view of the sequel, the introduction of Yahweh in this
connection involved a conception of his character not
in accord with the more ethical ideals of the Chronicler's
age; hence he substitutes Satan for Yahweh.47
These and other similar changes introduced by the
Chronicler reveal the scope and purpose of the entire
work : Chronicles must be regarded as an "Ecclesiastical"
History of Israel, a history written from the point of
view of the Priestly Code,48 a point of view that domi
nated the whole religious thought and life of the later
postexilic period. The compiler knew the Priestly Law
and was in entire sympathy with it ; moreover, accepting
its Mosaic origin, he believed that its authority had been
recognized and its provisions had been observed by all
the God-fearing kings of Israel. With this view of the
influence exerted by the Priestly Code, it is not strange
that he should represent the good kings David, Solomon,
Jehoshaphat, Hezekiah, and Josiah as worshiping Yah
weh with a full accompaniment of ritual, priests, Levites,
and choirs, and according to all the ceremonial laws of
the Pentateuch. Naturally, this view of the earlier his
tory determined in large measure the selection of the
material to be used in the new work. But, as has already
been suggested, the Chronicler was dominated by another
motive ; he had no interest in history as such, but only in
the religious lessons that might be learned from history.
wise it would have to be regarded as an editorial addition for the pur
pose of harmonizing 15. 17 with 14. 5- No such addition is made in
20. 33, and as a result the contradiction remains.
47 1 Chron. 21. 1; compare also 2 Sam. 24. 24 with 1 Chron. 21. 25;
1 Kings 11. 11 with 2 Chron. 8. 2; I Sam. 28. 6 with 1 Chron. 10. 14;
1 Kings 3. 4-13 with 2 Chron. 1. 3-6.
48 See F. C. Eiselen, The Books of the Pentateuch, pp. 247ft. ; 308-312.
331

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
His chief aim appears to have been to teach that virtue
and vice, in private life and in national affairs, would
sooner or later receive their dues; and he selected from
the sources at his disposal only such material as could be
used to illustrate or give added emphasis to this funda
mental idea.
The "ecclesiastical" interest of the compiler explains
the almost complete silence concerning the period before
David and concerning the northern kingdom. The age
of the Judges was an age of anarchy, during which the
Law was forgotten. The northern kingdom had revolted
from Yahweh and from Judah, it had fallen into sin
and idolatry; hence Yahweh was in reality absent from
Israel,49 and allowed it to be taken into exile, from which
there was no return. Judah, on the other hand, was the
people of Yahweh's choice, Jerusalem was the holy city,
and the center of it all was the temple, the dwelling place
of Yahweh. It is for this reason that even in the
genealogies in the opening chapters a disproportionate
amount of space is given to Judah and to the "ecclesiasti
cal" tribe Levi.
Sources. A comparison of Chronicles with the other
historical books of the Old Testament shows that it con
sists to a considerable extent of extracts, more or less
modified, from the books of Samuel and Kings, and that
it is dependent, though to a less extent, upon the Penta
teuch and Joshua.50 The compiler himself cites a number
of sources, or one source under a variety of titles, which,
he states, furnish additional information concerning the
events narrated. These sources are: (i) The book of
48 2 Chron. 25. 7.
50 E. L. Curtis, The Books of Chronicles, pp. 17-19; S. R. Driver,
Introduction to the Literature of the Old Testament, pp. 519-525.
332

THE BOOKS OF CHRONICLES
the kings of Judah and Israel;51 (2) the book of the
kings of Israel and Judah;52 (3) the words (acts) of
the kings of Israel;53 (4) the words (acts) of Samuel
the seer;54 (5) the words (acts) of Nathan the prophet ;55
(6) the words (acts) of Gad the seer;56 (7) the words
(acts) of Shemaiah the prophet and of Iddo the seer;57
(8) the words (acts) of Jehu the son of Hanani;58 (9)
the words (acts) of Hozai, or, of the seers;59 (10) the
vision of Isaiah the prophet;60 (11) the visions of Iddo
the seer;61 (12) the Midrash of the book of kings;62
(13) the Midrash of the prophet Iddo;63 (14) the words
(acts) of Uzziah, written by Isaiah the prophet;64 (15)
the prophecy of Ahijah the Shilonite.65 These fifteen
sources are introduced with very much the same formu
la;66 and though the language used suggests primarily

"For Asa, 2 Chron. 16. n; Amaziah, 25. 26; Ahaz, 28. 26. There
is a difference in the Hebrew construction between 2 Chron. 16. 11, on
the one hand, and the remaining passages on the other.
62 For Jotham, 2 Chron. 27. 7; for Josiah, 35. 26, 27; see also the
Septuagint translation of 1 Chron. 9. 1.
63 For Manasseh, 2 Chron. 33. 18.
64 For David, 1 Chron. 29. 29.
85 For David, 1 Chron. 29. 29; for Solomon, 2 Chron. 9. 29.
88 For David, 1 Chron. 29. 29.
67 For Rehoboam, 2 Chron. 12. 15.
53 For Jehoshaphat, 2 Chron. 20. 34.
88 For Manasseh, 2 Chron. 33. 19.
80 For Hezekiah, 2 Chron. 32. 32.
81 For Solomon, 2 Chron. 9. 29.
82 For Joash, 2 Chron. 24. 27.
83 For Abijah, 2 Chron. 13. 22.
64 For Uzziah, 2 Chron. 26. 22.
66 For Solomon, 2 Chron. 9. 29.
88 Reference is made, but in a different manner, to "the chronicles of
King David," 1 Chron. 27. 24; "the last words of David," 1 Chron.
23. 27; "the lamentations" (concerning Josiah), 2 Chron. 35. 25; "gene
alogies," 1 Chron. 5. 17- 333

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
that in them further information concerning the persons
and events described may be found, it may be safe to
infer also that the compiler made use of them in the
production of his work.
It is by no means certain that the fifteen titles enumer
ated refer to fifteen distinct sources. There can be little
doubt that i and 2 are identical; 3, though spoken of as
the acts of the kings of Israel, is cited for Manasseh,
a king of Judah; perhaps it also is simply a variation of
1. Source 8 is said to have formed a part of the book
of the kings of Israel, and source 10 a part of the book
of the kings of Judah and Israel. All this may mean
that 1, 2, 3, 8, 10, that is, five of the fifteen titles, refer
to one and the same source or to different parts of the
same. If this conclusion is warranted, may the further
inference be drawn that the other prophetic sources cited
— Samuel, Nathan, Gad, Shemaiah, Iddo, Ahijah — are
parts of the same continuous work, each part taking its
name from its central prophetic figure ? In other words,
is there adequate reason for believing that the fifteen titles
refer, not to fifteen separate sources, but to one single
source, called, perhaps, "the book of the kings of Israel
and Judah"? This question cannot be definitely settled;
it must be admitted, however, that there is nothing in
herently improbable in the view that all the references
are to one and the same historical work.
If so, was this "book" the canonical book of Kings,
perhaps, plus the story of the United Kingdom as re
corded in Samuel? Now, it is beyond doubt that both
these canonical books were in existence when Chronicles
was compiled, and, moreover, that the compiler made
extensive use of them; nevertheless, the source book of
the Chronicler cannot be identified with the canonical
334

THE BOOKS OF CHRONICLES
book of Kings, for the simple reason that it must
have contained information not found in Samuel and
Kings.67 But if the source book of the Chronicler, re
ferred to under a variety of names, may be called "the
Midrash of the book of Kings,"68 the conclusion may be
warranted that, though it cannot have been the canonical
Kings, it was a Midrash, that is, an edifying commentary,
on the canonical book. It may be, therefore, that in addi
tion to the canonical sources69 the Chronicler used "a
work based on the canonical book of Kings, and amplified
by exegetical inferences and edifying details, or stories
told to enhance the glory or the moral significance of
some of the persons or events in the original work."70
Value and Significance. In estimating the value of
the books of Chronicles the scope and purpose of the
compiler, as discussed earlier in this chapter, must be
kept in mind. A comparison with the other historical
books of the Old Testament reveals the fact that its his
torical value is inferior to that of the canonical books
from which much of its material is drawn. True, it
offers a parallel text, which in some cases may have

87 For example, there is nothing in the story of Jehoshaphat as narrated
in Kings that could be called "the words of Jehu the son of Hanani,"
2 Chron. 20. 34; the prayer of Manasseh is not a part of the canonical
Kings, 2 Chron. 33. 18; nor are the genealogies referred to in 1 Chron.
9. 1. For further information regarding Jotham the reader is referred
to the book of the kings of Israel and Judah, but Chronicles tells more
about him than the canonical Kings (2 Kings 15. 32-38).
68 Source 12 above; compare 2 Chron. 24. 27.
89 The question has been raised whether the Chronicler availed him
self of the canonical books at all, or depended exclusively on a Midrash.
Though the question cannot be settled with absolute certainty, the
theory that he used both the canonical books and the Midrash offers
the most satisfactory explanation of all the facts in the case.
70 G. B. Gray, A Critical Introduction to the Old Testament, p. 96.
335

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
preserved a more original reading; but, since the Chron
icler did not hesitate to modify his ".ources to suit his
own ideas, the testimony of the other books is on the
whole to be preferred. It has also been suggested that
the compiler had access to sources other than the canonical
books71 and older than the Midrash, but this is by no
means certain. If such sources were accessible to him,
he may have derived from them some items of informa
tion not found elsewhere in the Old Testament. Thus
the genealogies in i Chron., Chapters i to 9, when
freed of later additions, may rest on reliable early au
thorities; as may also be the case with the information
regarding several interesting incidents in Hebrew his
tory narrated in Chronicles, and nowhere else in the Old
Testament.72 However, on the whole, the judgment of
Professor Sayce as to the historical character of Chron
icles is well founded : "The consistent exaggeration of
numbers on the part of the Chronicler73 shows us that
71 Perhaps sources used in the compilation of these books.
"For example, 2 Chron. 11. 5-12, the fortifications of Rehoboam;
2 Chron. 27. 3, 4, the building enterprises of Jotham; 2 Chron. 26. 5-15,
Uzziah's enterprises in peace and war; there is also additional informa
tion relating to wars carried on by some of the kings, 2 Chron. 14. 9-15;
17. 11; 21. 16; 26. 7; 28. 17, 18.
73 The Chronicler resembles in this respect the Priestly Code. As
illustrative of this tendency to exaggerate, attention may be called to
facts like these: The Chronicler credits David with preparing for the
building of the temple 100,000 talents of gold and 1,000,000 talents of
silver (1 Chron. 22. 14), and with contributing out of his own personal
resources 3,000 talents of gold and 7,000 talents of silver (29. 4);
the officials are said to have contributed of gold 5,000 talents and
10,000 darics, of silver 10,000 talents, of brass 18,000 talents, and of
iron 100,000 talents. Sacrificial animals are numbered by the thou
sands (1 Chron. 29. 21; 2 Chron. 29. 32, 33; 30. 24; 35. 8, 9), and the
numbers of warriors are in many instances incredibly large. On all
these points and others of a similar nature a comparison with the older
narratives in Samuel and Kings is exceedingly suggestive.
33&

THE BOOKS OF CHRONICLES
from a historical point of view his unsupported state
ments must be received with caution. But they do not
justify the accusations of deliberate fraud and 'fiction'
which have been brought against him. What they prove
is that he did not possess that sense of historical exacti
tude which we now demand from the historian. He
wrote in fact with a didactic and not with a historical
purpose. That he should have used the framework of
history to illustrate the lessons he wished to draw was
as much an accident as that Sir Walter Scott should have
based certain of his novels on the facts of mediaeval
history. He cared as little for history in the modern
European sense of the word as the Oriental of to-day,
who considers himself at liberty to embellish or modify
the narrative he is repeating in accordance with his fancy
or the moral he wishes to draw from it."74
The religious teaching of Chronicles gives evidence of
the limitations of the age in which the book was written.
Though there are some expressions of intense religious
fervor, the book defines religion largely in terms of ritual
and ceremonial, and never loses an opportunity to empha
size external observances. Its attitude toward the moral
problems of life is superficial; there is no sign of per
plexity such as troubles the author of Job. The author
believes without question in a mechanical correspondence
between conduct and destiny. The reward of piety is
prosperity, while prosperity is an infallible proof of
piety; in the same way, the punishment of sin is adversity,
while adversity is an infallible proof of sin. No doubt,
in its own day the book served an important didactic pur
pose, of encouragement and of warning; but to the
modern student its chief value lies in the fact that it en-

74 Higher Criticism and the Monuments, p. 464.
337

THE PSALMS AND OTHER SACRED WRITINGS
ables him to understand more clearly the ideas and beliefs
of the age out of which it sprang. It is invaluable as a
document which reflects more vividly than any other Old
Testament book the spirit and the moral, religious and
ecclesiastical ideals of the Jews in the fourth century
before the opening of the Christian era.

338

INDEX

INDEX

I. Subjects Discussed

Accent in Meter, 13, 21, 22
Acrostic, 31, 201
Agur, 103, 104
Allegorical Interpretation of Song
of Songs, 166-169
Angels in Book of Daniel, 279, 280
Antithetic Parallelism, 17
Apocryphal Additions
To Daniel, 252, 253
To Esther, 235
Apocalyptic Literature, 274-276
Aramaic In Daniel, 258, 269-271, 2o3ff.
In Ezra, 298-301
Arrangement of Psalms, 71
Artaxerxes, 308
Artificial Devices in Poetry, 2gff.
Ascending Rhythm, 18
Azariah, Prayer of, 252
Bel and the Dragon, 252
Bilingual Character, Book of
Daniel, 258, 283-288
Blank Verse, 14
Canon Chronicles, 319, 320
Daniel, 251, 252
Ecclesiastes, 228, 229
Esther, 235-237
Song of Songs, 166
Chronicles, Books of, 3l9ff.
Additions, 327-329
An Ecclesiastical History, 331,
332
Canonicity, 319, 320
Contents, 320-323

Date, 323-326
Historical Significance, 336, 337
Modifications, 329-331
Name, 319
Omissions, 326
Relation to Ezra-Nehemiah, 323
Religious Significance, 337, 338
Scope and Purpose, 326-332
Sources, 332-335
Classification of Psalms, 7 iff.
Climactic Parallelism, 18
Compilation of Psalter, 64ft.
Date of, 69-71
Daniel Author of Book, 256-274
Historical Character, 277, 278
Daniel, Book of, 25iff.
Apocryphal Additions, 252, 253
Bilingual Character, 258, 269-
271, 283-288.
Canonicity, 251, 252
Contents, 253-256
Date and Authorship, 256-274
Historical Character, 277, 278
Historical Inaccuracies, 265-269
Of Maccabean Origin, 263-274
Significance, 273-277
Teaching, 278-282
Theology, 271, 272
David Character, 55, 56
Founder of Psalmody, 43
Musical Skill, 51, 52
Writer of Psalms, 42, 47s.
Davidic Psalms, 49ff., 57, 58
Deborah, Song of, 50

341

INDEX

Development of Hebrew Religion,
55. 56
Devotional Value of Psalms, 78-80
Distich, 25
Divine Names in Psalms, 67, 68
Doxologies, 42
Dramatic Poetry, 31-33
Ecclesiastes, Book of, 213ft.
Canonicity, 228, 229
Contents, 214, 215
Date and Authorship, 222-228
Greek Influence, 225-227
Inconsistencies, 216-218
Interpolations, 219-221
Literary Form, 215-221
Meaning of Term, 213
Postexilic, 224-228
Significance, 228-231
Unity, 215-221
Ecclesiastical History, 331, 332
Ecclesiasticus, 61, 62
Elihu, Speeches of, 133, 136, 143-
146
Emotion in Poetry, 13, 15
Epic Poetry, 31, 32
Esdras, First Book of, 313-316
Esther, 235
Esther, Book of, 2356 .
Canonicity, 235
Contents, 237, 238
Date, 246-248
Historical Character, 238-245
Mythological Elements, 243,244
Ezra, 293
Date, 308-311
Historicity, 310, 31 1
Memoirs, 297, 298, 302, 303
Mission, 308-311
Ezra and Nehemiah, Books of,
29 iff.
Contents, 291-295
Date, 295-301

Division, 291
Historical Value, 301-312
Manner of Composition, 29^5-
301
Relation to Chronicles, 323
Sources, 297-301
False Wise Men, 86
Friends of Job, 132, 136
Gnomic Poetry, 34
Greek Influence
Proverbs, 109
Ecclesiastes, 225-227
Hebrew Language, 29, 30
Hebrew Poetry, Characteristics, 15
Hexastich, 27
Historical Situation Reflected in
Psalms, 53, 54, 72ff.
Holy Children, Song of the Three,
252
Imagination in Poetry, 13, 15
Individual Psalms, 75-78
Jeremiah, Author of Lamenta
tions, 202-207
Job, 125, 126, 136
Character, 140
Folk Tale of, 139-143
Friends, 132, 136
Historical Character, 158, 159
Job, Book of, 33, i25ff.
Contents, i25ff.
Date and Authorship, I5iff .
Historical Character, 158, 159
Home, 160, 161
Literary Form, 130-132
Original Extent, 1388.
Problem, 132-137
Prologue and Epilogue, 135, 136,
139-143

342

INDEX

Job, Book of (continued) :
Religious Solution, 137
Soliloquy on Wisdom, 149, 150
Jotham, Fable of, 34
Kinah, 22, 23, 199
Ktnah Meter, 22, 23, 201
Kingdom of God, in Daniel, 278,
279
Lamentation, 22, 23, 199
Lamentations, Book of, 199ft.
Contents, 199, 200
Date and Authorship, 202-207
Dates of Individual Poems, 208,
209
Literary Form, 201
Significance, 209
Unity, 207, 208
Lemuel, 104
Literary Dependence, 53-55
Lyric Poetry, 31, 33, 34
Maccabean Crisis, 273, 274
Maccabean Psalms, 60-63
Megilloth, 165, 203
Meter, 13, 2lff.
Monostich, 25
Moses, Author of Job, 151, 152
Nehemiah, 293, 294
Memoirs, 297, 298, 302
Parallelism of Members, 15ft., 24
Babylonian, 19
Egyptian, 19
Kinds, 17, 18
Origin, 19, 20
Pentastich, 27
Pessimism, 134, 229, 230
Philosophy Of Calamity, 89, 90
Of Evil, 90-92
Of History, 89

Poetic Books, 12
Poetic Units, 13, 245. *
Poetry Characteristics, 12
Definition, 12, 13
Kinds, 3iff.
Poetry, Hebrew
Extent, 11, 12, 50, 51
Secular, 34, 35
Prayer, 39
Pre-exilic Psalms, 58-60
Proverbs, 88
Definition, 95, 96
Definition of Religion, 121
Greek Influence, 109
Postexilic, 108-112
Practical Teaching, 120, 121
Pre-exilic, 112-114
Religious Basis, 120
Value, 119, 120
Proverbs, Book of, gsff.
Compilation, H3ff., 115
Contents, 96-102
Date and Authorship, losff.
Value, 119, 120
Psalms, Book of, 39ff.
A Priori Evidence Regarding
Dates, 50-52
Arrangement, 71
Authors, 42, 43
Classification, 7 iff.
Compilation, 64ff.
Date and Authorship, 47ff.
Dates of Individual Psalms, 63,
64
Davidic, 49ff., 57, 58
Devotional Value, 78-80
Division, 40, 41, 6sff.
External Evidence Regarding
Dates, 52, 53
Internal Evidence Regarding
Dates, 53-58
Interpretation, 75ft.

343

INDEX

Psalms, Book of (continued) :
Maccabean, 60-63
Number, 40, 41
Pre-exilic, 58-60
Speaker in, 74ff.
Psalm Titles, 426:.
Additions to, 44
and Contents, 45
and Language, 45
Attitude toward, 46
Origin, 46
Significance, 43ff.
Purim, Feast of, Origin, 244-246
Rebuilding of Temple, 306, 307
Religious Development, 55, 56
Resurrection, 275, 280, 281
Return from Exile, 304-306
Rhythm, 13, 14
Ascending, 18
Rime, 14, 30, 31
Ruth, Book of, i89ff.
Aim, 190-193
Contents, 189, 190
Date and Authorship, 193-195
Secular Poetry, 34, 35
Skepticism, 134, 229, 230
Solomon, Author of Ecclesiastes,
222-224
Author of Job, 153
Author of Psalms, 42, 43
Author of Proverbs, iosff., 118
Author of Song of Songs, 182
Hero of Song of Songs, 169-174
Song of Songs, 33, 1658.
Allegorical Interpretation, 166-
169
Authorship and Date, 182-185
Canonicity, 166
Collection of Love Songs, 174-
176, 180, 181

Dramatic Interpretation, 169-
174
Lyric Interpretation, 174-176,
180, 181
Name, 165
Song of the Sword, 12
Speaker in Psalms, 74ff.
Speculation, 89-92, 132-137, 216-
218
Stanza, 25
Stichos, 22, 24ft.
Strophe, 27ff.
Suffering, 132-137
Susanna, 252
Synonymous Parallelism, 17
Synthetic Parallelism, 17
Tetrastich, 26
Theological Ideas reflected in
Psalms, 53-55
Thought Lyric, 34
Tristich, 26
Verse, 24
Wars of Yahweh, Book of, 11
Wedding Songs in Palestine, 175,
180, 181
Wisdom, 98
and Philosophy, 83
Growth of Movement, 87ft.
and Speculation, 89-92
Wisdom Literature, 8$&.
Wisdom Movement, 87ff.
Wise Men, Aim and Function,
84-87
Characteristics, 85
False, 86
Writings, 7
Yahweh, Speeches of, 136, 146-148
Yashar, Book of, 11

344

INDEX

II. Biblical Passages
PAGE PAGE
Gen. 4. 23, 24  30.35,51 2 Sam. 24. 1  330
36. 13  i25 1 Kings. 1. 3ff  173
46-13  125 3- 16-28  105
49- 2-27  35, 51 4. 29-34  105
Exod. 15. 1-18  16,35,50 4-32  165
15. 11  68 8.22  330
15. 18  25 10. 1  106
20. 2  68 2 Kings. 25. 27  243
Num. 21. 14, 15  35 1 Chron. 10. 1-12  326
21. 17, 18  35.51 10. 13, 14  327
21.27-30  35 15.13  328
24. 8  27 20. 5  330
Deut. 22. I3ff  174 21. 1  156,331
25- 9. 10  193 23. 5  43. 52
32  16 25. 1-7  43
33. 2-29  35 2 Chron. 12. 5-8  329
Josh. 10. 12, 13  35 21. 12  326
Judg. 5. 2-31  35, 50 25. 7  332
9- 8-15  34. 35. 87 26. I6ff  329
14. 14  30 29. 25  52
14, 15  35 2 Chron. 33. 1 iff  329
Ruth 4. 7  193 35- 2lff  329
1 Sam. 10. 12  87 35-25  203
16. 1-13  190 36. 22, 23  323
16. 18.  51 Ezra *• I_3  323

8ff  306
6-23  297
17-22  299
2 Sam. 1. 17  50 5-6-17  299

18.7...
22. 3, 4.
31-

17
1. 19-27  35.327
3- 33, 34-
5-8 
12. 1-7. .
20. 18 . . .
21. 19. . .
22. 1 ... .
23. 1  345

35

3>

191

4>

326

4>

50

5.

327

5

35

6.

87

6,

88

6.

87

7-

330

7.

52

7-

51

7'

16  306
I-I2  299
12  300
19-22  299
1-10  299
7,8  308
12-26  299
17  300

INDEX
PAGE PAGE
Ezra 8. 24-27  303 Psa. 3. 7  26
9-9  309 4-i  26
Neh. 2. 1  308 5. 11  26
8. 9  3°9 8.5  1 53
10. 1  309 9   31, 40
12. 11  292,297 10  31,40
12.22  292,297 14  68
12. 47  297 18  48, 52
13. 23-29  191 18. 1  25
Esth. 1. 3  240 19  40
1-4  241 19-7-9  25
1. 19-22  241 20  45
2.6  240 21  45
2. 17  241 24  40
3-7  238 24. 7-10  32
4-14  236 25  31
9-19  : • • • 246 25. 1-3  34
10. 1-3  242 27  40
Job 1.9  132 27. 1  44
2. 9  142 29. 1  18
3  154 34  40
7-17  153,157 36  31
19. 23-27  136, 157,280 37  31
26. 5-14  150 40. 13-17  68
27- 7-23  150 42  40
28  149 43  40
3i- 35-37  144 44  62
32-1-5  143 45  35
38.1,2  144 50.7  68
38.2  140 53  68
40. 2  140 57- 7-1 1  40, 68
42-7  134, 140, 142 59-1  45
Psa. 1  28 60. 5-12  40, 68
1.1  71 71-19  68
1-2  17,71 72.20  39
'•3  26 73. 1  44
i-6  25 74  62
2  28 76. 1   44
2.1  71 80  28
2. 2  26 80. 1  44
2. 6  17 96. 1  44
2- "  71 103  45
346

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23

INDEX
PAGE PAGE
Mai. 2. 17 to 4. 3  91 John 9. 2  114
3. 7-12  92 2 Thess. 2. 1-12  259
3. 13 to 4. 3  92 Heb. 11. 33, 34  259
3-14  156 Jude9  280
Matt. 25. 15  259 Rev. 8. 2  280

348