YALE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY

HANHBOOK
UGANDA QUESTION
AND P»POSIiD
EAST AFRICfA RAILWAY.
ERNEST:^. BENTLEY.
An impartial review of Public Opinion concerMtigA*-
1. The ^ptfpatien of Uganda. - •'. ' -..
2. National, and Politics! Aspects.
3. ^rigland's Responsibility.*'*
i. The Reteri;tjonio|' Ugand|..
, 5. :JThe Repression of Slave.Xrade in East Africa..
'fee. 'Colonial Expansion. '-'•
.7. Com mereiaj. Aspect.
¦ ,8. " Evacuation and its Resu/ts.
9. Thft Imperial British East Africa Company's Work..._«i
**and Claimpi
10. Solutions of th* Difficulty. ,,
11. The East Africa Railway: Its Aims and Prospects
12. The I, B. E. A. Co.'s Charter; Uganda Treaty, &&«!gf$*tt!
With jfflfp and Historical Notes.
Price Threepence.

GHAI^-N|& HALL, Ld.,
H, ISgiNTUETTA STREET/POTENT &4JBDEN, LONDON, W.C:

fHMbblesbrougb jfree library
anb nDusenm.
Ife;fere:^@e: ©epartmerat.

Section

No.

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9..i.%.:.k\ ,.f..£3.fr

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HANDBOOK

TO THE

UGANDA QUESTION

AND PROPOSED

EAST AFRICA RAILWAY.
BY .
ERNEST L. BENTLEY.
A n impartial review of Public Opinion concerning —
1. The Occupation of Uganda.
2. National and Political Aspects.
3. England's Responsibility.
4. The Retention of Uganda.
5. The Repression of Slave Trade in East Africa.
6. Colonial Expansion.
7. Commercial Aspect.
8. Evacuation and its Results.
9. The Imperial British East Africa Company's Work.
and Claims.
10. Solutions of the Difficulty.
11. The East Africa Railway: Its Aims and Prospects.
12. The I. B. E. A. Co.'s Charter; Uganda Treaty, &e.
With Map and Historical Notes.

Price Threepence.

CHAPMAN & HALL, Ld.,
11, HENRIETTA STREET, COVENT GARDEN, LONDON, W.C.

3314 1892.

Doherty & Co., Printers, 6, Great Newport Street, St. Martin's Lane
London, W.C.

PREFACE,

In the following pages I have endeavoured to collate, in a
comprehensive and readable form, every friendly or hostile
argument which has been advanced in connection with the
retention of Uganda and the construction of the proposed East
Africa Railway. In accomplishing this I have been actuated
by two motives : —
(1.) The desire to acquaint the public with every aspect of the
questions in the furtherance of a sound and matured
judgment :
(2.) To remove many erroneous convictions based upon
public statements utterly at variance with facts as dis
tinguished from personal convictions.
In presenting to the public the result of this somewhat laborious
task — embracing an unbiassed survey of the public opinions
expressed during the past four years — I have endeavoured to
avoid personal references by conforming to a great extent to the
principle adopted by Mr. Sydney Buxton, M.P., in his " Handbook
to the Political Questions of the Day," the utility and conciseness
of which are so widely appreciated.
In recording the " pros " and " cons," I have in some measure
associated them to facilitate a consideration of the relative
strength of the arguments.
To prevent confusion arising in the mind of the reader by the
pursuance of this method, I have given the " cons " in italics.
In compiling the work, however, it was apparent from the
outset that the numerical strength of the " pros " outweighs the
"cons," and, fearing this might be construed into evidence of bias,
I strained every effort to reproduce as many hostile arguments
as possible, to avert the misjudgment of those readers who may be
opposed to the retention of Uganda or the construction of the
railway. I hope, therefore, I may be considered to have justly
dealt with the questions.
For the convenience of those who may not be aware of the
historical incidents associated with the various divisions of the
subjects, I have briefly recorded them as an introduction to each
section. As some misconception appears to exist as to the location and
1—2

4
extent of Uganda, it may be well for me to state that it occupies a
strip of 150 miles along the north-east shore of the Victoria
Nyanza, between the Kagera river and the outflow of the Nile,.
with a depth of 60 miles inland.
Included in the British sphere, by international agreement, are
the richer adjacent kingdoms of Ankole and Unyoro in the west,.
and Usoga in the east, adding importance to the central position
of Uganda. For brevity of reference in the Handbook, I have,.
therefore, merely referred to " Uganda " in its widest meaning.
In conclusion, I would express the hope of so many that, as
the subjects which I have endeavoured to treat with absolute
impartiality are not jmrty questions, they may be considered by
our legislators upon their individual merits, and in the truest
interests of all concerned.
E. L. B.
68, Clapton Common, London, N.,
12th November, 1892.
N.B. — In the second line above please read north-west
instead of north-east.

APPROXIMATE MILEAGE TABLE.
Runners travel about 16 miles per day.
Heavy caravans travel about 8^. miles per day.

APPROXIMATE DISTANCE TABLE.

Mombasa.
Miles. 296

Maohakos.

Examples :

Mombasa to Baringo 476 miles.
Kikuyu to Nile 300 miles.

., 346

50

Kikuyu.

386
90
40
Naivasha.
476
180
130
90
Baringo.
556
260
210
170
80
Mumias.
616
320
270
230
140
60 Wakolis.
646
350
300
260
170
90 30 Nile.
„ 706
410
360
320
230
150 90 60 Mengo.
Vgan&a
THE OCCUPATION OF UGANDA.

In 1875 Mr. H. M. Stanley's invitation from King Mtesa for missionaries to
work in Uganda reached England. The Church Missionary Society responded
the next year, Alexander Mackay remaining till his death (in February, 1890).
In 1879 Mtesa sent a letter to the Queen, the embassy returning from, the
coast the following year with an acknowledgment and suitable presents.
In February of that year the French Roman Catholic Mission was estab
lished in Uganda. At the close of 1884 the aspirations of the Germans
became active, and their designs upon what is now the British sphere more
pronounced. — (See introductory remarks to the " Imperial British Bast Africa
Company 's Work and Claims.")
German explorers had meantime been at work, and early in 1890 Dr.. Carl
Peters concluded a treaty with Mwanga, who thereupon despatched a present of
two tusks of ivory to the German Emperor. At that time the Imperial British
East Africa Company's first caravan was exploring the interior to conclude
treaties with the native chiefs, but with definite instructions not to enter
Uganda. When near the province, however, an urgent appeal — supported by
both the Protestant and lloman Catholic missionaries — was received from the
king for aid in repelling the threatened Mahomedan invasion. Mr. Jackson
declined to exceed his orders, but on learning that British interests were
threatened by the tactics of Dr. Peters, consented.
Captain Lugard" had in the meantime been despatched from the coast to
consolidate the position in the interior, and, as a result of these measures, the
Anglo-German Agreement of 1890 was facilitated, and the political complica
tions imminent from counterclaims were thereby averted.
Early in 1891 a two years' treaty was concluded with the king, renewed in
perpetuity on 30th March, 1892, as per Appendix B.

Representative Press Opinions.

" It is the German Government much more than the German
traders that is pushing forward the present attempt to secure the
whole of Central Africa, as far as the Congo Free State on the
west and the Soudan on the north  What the British
East Africa Company desires the Government to protect it will
first have to win."
" The German Colonial organs unreservedly proclaim that every
effort must be made to cut off the British East Africa Company
from the interior, and confine their operations to the region
between the Coast and Victoria Nyanza." One organ says: "If
we are to remain victors we cannot make too much haste to push
energetically forward. The Congo State to the west, the Soudan

to the north — these are the boundaries without which East Africa
would have hardly any economic value for us. Let us exclude
the English."
" The Imperial British East Africa Company cannot, therefore,
afford to lose a single day in pushing their influence to the
utmost limit contemplated when they obtained the Charter.
What would England have to say if she woke up one morning
and found that a German protectorate had been proclaimed over
the Southern Soudan ? "
" The British East Africa Company seems to have the remedy
in its own power to a great extent. Surely it is possible for it
to send a strong caravan forward to the great lake."
Berlin, Sept. 23rd. Dr. Carl Peters (before starting to Central
Africa) : " What is wanted is to connect Wadelai with the East
Coast by a series of stations."
" It follows that if the British East Africa Company wants to
keep open its road to Central and Western Africa, it must convert
its influence into concrete facts. The road from Tanganyika to
Wadelai, which it is entitled to hold, must be actually held."
(After speaking of German rivalry) : " We may rest assured the
Imperial British East Africa Company will let nothing come
between itand the legitimate extension of its territory and its trade."

That German competition no doubt led the Company to push
forward with greater speed than was altogether judicious, and to
attempt a more imposing show of power than they were able to
maintain. That the forward movement of the Imperial British East Africa
Company was quite in keeping with the necessities of Imperial
policy. That in the scramble, for Africa the Company secured an
indifferent inheritance, and indiscreetly, because precipitately,
advanced to Uganda without sufficient resources.
That the Imperial Company, recognising that all theoretical
delimitations are worthless, undertook extra-commercial operations
in Imperial interests, and pushed forward into Uganda just in
time to prevent effective occupation by the Germans of a great
territory enclosing the British sphere of influence, and barring all
developments westwards to the Congo Free State and northwards
to the head-waters of the Nile.

That the Company in occupying Uganda had the direct counte
nance and support of the British Government, which effected
further arrangements with Germany to give stability to the rights
asserted by its occupation.
That by effective occupation ive should disparage the rights
enjoyed by the natives who are the masters of Uganda..
That the chiefs of Uganda have petitioned that they very much
want the agents of the Company to stay in their country, and have
agreed that it shall be subject to the Queen as she rules all her
other dominions.— (Stee pp. 59, 60.)
That England has no rights over the soil of the native
inhabitants. That the negro of Lake Victoria having failed to advance in
thousands of years, it is fair for Europeans to govern him for his
own good and that of humanity at large.
That the Company are blamed for going to Uganda without
counting the cost ; but had they merely remained at the coast as
Customs masters it would have aroused the indignation of the
country, and the sphere now secured would have passed into
foreign hands.
That to blame the Imperial British East Africa Company for
their rashness in occupying Uganda is sheer ingratitude, when
people, Press and Government incited them to that venture
which has exhausted their capital.
That there is no truth whatever in the statement that effective
occupation is necessary to retain a " sphere of influence" such ¦
being simply mutual arrangements betiveeen European Powers.
That according to well-known international agreement, effec
tive occupation is an indispensable condition of the recognition
by other nations of the rights claimed by any particular nation in
virtue of treaties or agreements over hitherto unoccupied terri
tory. That the commercial interests of the Company in the imme
diate advantage of its shareholders were obviously confined to
the ten-mile zone comprised in the concession of the Sultan of
Zanzibar, but the coast territory, however profitable, would have
proved a barren acquisition from a national point of view, unless
active measures were adopted to effectively occupy the more
extended sphere which in terms of the Charter was placed under
its jurisdiction.

NATIONAL AND POLITICAL ASPECTS.

The conclusion of the Anglo-German Agreement ceding Heligoland in
return, inter alia, for the recognition by Germany of the British sphere of in
fluence, renders the Uganda question of national importance, apart from the
commercial and anti-slavery aspects elsewhere referred to.
The political importance of Uganda lies in its central and commanding
position, its contiguity to the Soudan, and the control of the fertile districts
adjacent to the Nile.

" We, that is I, view it (Uganda District) as a country of
great possibilities, as the key perhaps of Central Africa, as
commanding the Nile Basin, as a field recently of heroic
enterprise, as a land that has been watered by the blood of our
saints and martyrs, and I for one, as a Scotchman, can never
be indifferent to a land which witnessed the heroic exploits of
Alex. Mackay, that Christian Bayard, whose reputation will
always be dear, not only in his own immediate Northern
Country, but throughout the Empire at large.' —Earl of
ROSEBERY.

That the relinquishment of Uganda to a civilised Power im
mediately imperils the safety of Egypt, as the diversion or
blocking of the head-waters of the Nile could stop her water
supply and starve her population.
That if we abandon Uganda, no negro race on the East of
Africa will trust us again, and at the next European Conference
we shall stand as a Power which cannot be trusted even to do
work we eagerly assumed.
That the good faith of Her Majesty and the honour of the
Empire are pledged by the events of the last two years, and in
the eyes of the whole region withdrawal would mean disgrace to
England. That the retention of Uganda as a step to the conquest and
annexation of the Soudan is a dream from ivhich England might
have a rude aivakening.
That Uganda is of great Imperial value as a factor in the
suppression of the Mahdi, should such a contingency become
necessary. That to hold Uganda brings Great Britain within measurable
distance of Khartoum.
That the Company is unworthy of its political position if it

relinquishes Uganda, and is unworthy of its commercial character
if it cannot make the opportunity pay.
That the commercial interests of the Company in the imme
diate advantage of its shareholders are obviously confined to the
ten-mile zone comprised in the concession it obtained from the
Sultan of Zanzibar; but it is equally obvious that that would be
a barren result from a national point of view.
That Uganda is not only of great political importance, but
possesses the capacity to speedily recoup the initial outlay in
establishing an effective occupation.
That if we abandon the sphere of influence, then we have
yielded Heligoland to the Germans to no purpose, and our pledges
at the Brussels Conference remain unredeemed.
That we cannot indefinitely maintain a political vacuum in our
sphere of influence.
That the political results to be anticipated from the work
justify the support of our Government.
That those who would relinguish Uganda in consequence of
the sectarian conflicts which Captain Lugard patiently endeavoured
to avert, must bear in mind that France is represented by 17 of
her priests, whose attitude is shown by the following translation
of cutting from Hamburger General Auzeiger, 8th June, 1892 : —
The Post to-day brings the following letter regarding the religious
feud between the French Catholics and the English Protestants
in Uganda : " In the clerical correspondence of the Evangelischer
Bund (Evangelistic Union Newspaper) an eminent missionary
correspondent draws attention to the startling fact that as far
back as the beginning of 1891 — consequently before the recent
lamentable events in Uganda — Father Achte threw a sidelight on
the situation by writing in an unguarded moment to the Catholic
periodical, So Gott Will, as follows : ' The fight with the
Mussulmans was hardly over before it became needful to begin
another and far more arduous battle with the Protestants. It
seemed to us to be the most opportune time to make an energetic
forward movement towards the extension of Catholicism and
stirring up the dogmatic zeal of the Catholic chiefs. I shall
inspire the Catholic army with courage.' "
That the retention of Uganda would not directly benefit the
Company, but is rather an international question involving grave
political issues.

10
That to annex a country where religion breaks heads and
commerce empties pockets, tuould be socially disastrous and
politically insane.
That the commercial advantages of Uganda are things we may
take or leave; but the political and philanthropic aspects of the
case touch our honour, our reputation, and our moral responsi
bilities. That the country will not submit to its credit being dragged
through the mud at the feet of an unpatriotic clique, whose views
of politics extend no further than their own back gardens.

ENGLAND'S RESPONSIBILITY.

In the introductory remarks to the preceding sections reference is made to
the Anglo-German Agreement. This defines — as between the two Powers —
their respective specified spheres of influence. It is argued that, in virtue of
that agreement, Great Britain incurred moral and national responsibilities she
cannot now relinquish, particularly in view of the obligations incurred under
the Brussels Act alluded to under the Slavery section of this Handbook.

< " That Great Britain which willed the end without pro
viding the means ; which chose the instrument without taking
steps to make it fit for its work, is itself responsible for the
actual situation it now has to deal with."— TIMES.

That the present situation of Uganda is the necessary result of
that African policy which Lord Granville initiated in 1885.
That Great Britain having acquired a sphere of influence by
international agreement, to the exclusion of other Powers, is bound
to take steps to establish her influence by effective administration.
She has delegated her authority to a Chartered Company, as by the
Brussels Conference she was permitted to do, and has thereby chosen
an instrument to carry out the civilisation of the part of Africa
allotted to her. The Company thus became a branch of the British
Government. A Chartered Company is, indeed, so much a Govern
ment Department that it is prohibited to have any monopoly in
trade ; it is subject to the British Foreign Office, and by its position
is the accredited representative of the supreme power

11
That if the Imperial British East Africa Company had been
merely founded on a trading basis, and with no other object than
to obtain a dividend, what was the meaning of the diplomatic
negotiations which resulted in the Anglo-German Agreement? *
That money should not be granted towards the retention of
Uganda, for if the Company succeeds private individuals reap the
advantage; but if it fails— according to the doctrine of national
responsibility— the matter is one for the public generally.
That the Government in weighing the Uganda question must
keep prominently in view Captain Lugard's words concerning
his action there, namely: —
" I pledged not merely the Company's honour and my own
but also that of the British nation, as those people are aware that
I am an officer holding the Queen's commission, and are unable to
discriminate between the Imperial Government and the Chartered
Company. They have looked upon me as a representative of the
Queen, and on my pledges as if made by Her Majesty herself."
Mwanga's letter to Her Majesty is ample confirmation of this
statement. — (See Appendix C.)
That, having declared before Europe our intention of including
Uganda within our effective occupation, we cannot shelve the
responsibility we have incurred for them as well as for our own
missionaries. That if Government sits quiet and allows the evacuation of
Uganda, the results may issue in it being hooted into a huge
expedition. That it may be said we are not responsible for native tribes in
the interior — neither are we if we stay away; but if we. choose to
burst into their midst to upset all their rude politics and to
originate disturbances of various kinds over hundreds of thousands
of square miles, then our responsibility becomes very real indeed.
That, whatever circumstances contributed to the present aspect
of the Uganda question, the present Government is in a position
to avert the consequences. We have to study, not the cause, but
the cure.
That the Government should: not subsidise a Company over
ivhich it has no control.— (See concluding clause of Charter,
Appendix A.)
* Note. — This agreement effected the withdrawal of German territorial claims
within the present British sphere in return for the cession to them of Heligoland.

12
That the natives know only England in the question of occupa
tion, and England must accept the responsibility and suffer the
disgrace of the consequences if it abandons the task it was so
clamorous to undertake when the colonial fever was at its height.
That the Uganda question is no upholding of one party and
abusing another; but whether in the name of humanity alone we
can abandon to certain massacre those people who have trusted us.
— (See Appendix E.)
That the Government have not acted fairly in despatching gun
boats to Nyassa and Tanganyika and at the same time neglecting
the more important Victoria Nyanza.
That Great Britain can only be asked to assist the British East
Africa Company if the lives of British subjects are endangered by
withdrawal* That the Home Government under the sovereign company
system avoids no real responsibility, and incurs just as heavy a
burden as if it had undertaken the administration of our newly-
acquired sphere of influence.
That England is bound to retain her hold over all the territory
which is included in her sphere by the Anglo-German Agreement
of 1890.
That if the national interests concerned are worth preserving, it
is for the nation to undertake the work and pay the cost.
That Uganda is universally recognised as within the British
sphere, therefore, whether the Chartered Company withdraws or
not, the obligations Great Britain incurred under the Brussels Act
demand fulfilment, either by direct administration, or, as provided
in the Act, through a Chartered Company.
That no blame attaches to the British Government in connection
with the evacuation of Uganda, as the Chartered Company went
there and ivill witlidraw on their own responsibility.
That the country cannot dissociate itself from the Company, nor
ought any political pedantry to be allowed to conceal the fact that
our national honour and national interests are as completely
involved as if the whole business had been managed directly from
Downing Street. The natives of the interior cannot be taught to
draw distinctions between a British Chartered Company and the
British Government.
* No such assisted evacuation has ever been solicited by the Company.

13

THE RETENTION OF UGANDA.

^ The retention of Uganda by Great Britain is urged on account of its inclu
sion within her sphere, the moral and national obligations incurred thereby,
and the disastrous consequences evacuation would entail.— (See Slavery
section.)

"We are bound to maintain that continuity of moral policy
which Great Britain cannot afford at any time or in any
dispensation to disregard." -Earl of ROSEBERY.

That Lord Salisbury may claim the credit of securing the East
African sphere, but Lord Rosebery can obtain the credit of
developing it.
That Uganda is to the commercial development of Central
Africa what the Suez Canal is to the trade of the East.
That the philanthropy, patriotism, and pacific administration
of the East Africa Company in the past justify the confidence of
the nation in the fulfilment of any duties hereafter delegated
to it.
That if public advantage would be promoted by continuing in
Uganda, and the occupation repay the cost, they would be strong
arguments. — (See Commercial Aspect and Appendix D.)
That whatever decision may be arrived at in regard to Uganda,
it should extinguish the British East Africa Company and transfer
any territories it is considered advisable to keep to the direct
administration of the Government, which is as directly responsible
for the Company's management as if no buffer existed between
itself and the African dependencies.
That Uganda should enjoy Home Bute. — (See Appendix D.)
That the Imperial British East Africa Company found Uganda
in a state of anarchy, and have substituted peace. — (See Appen
dix C.)
That the country should not be robbed of its freedom of decision
and of action because a Chartered Company has undertaken more
than it could accomplish.
That the heritage of the future, combined with the present
position of affairs, seems to justify a grant for the administrative-

14
expenditure of Uganda, since not more than £40,000 per annum
at most will be required, and even that only for a limited period.
That the question before Government is, whether all the rights
in the share of East Africa now assigned to this nation are to
disappear with the exhaustion of the British East Africa Com
pany's resources.
That the Imperial British East Africa Company became the
informal but none the less authorised instrument for giving reality
and validity to the diplomatic arrangements of the State.
That as the Company do not get any revenue out of Uganda,
but hold it for the good of the nation and for the preservation of
peace and order between rival sects which would deluge Uganda
with blood, they are entitled to the sympathy of the nation.
That if we stay in Uganda, let us govern, and if we go, let us
give up talking nonsense about "spheres of influence" and keeping
a nominal claim to sovereignty over countries for which we do
nothing.
, That if the Government interferes to take up what the Com
pany throws down, it must interfere for the general interest, not
for that of a particular set of private speculators.
That it is notorious that the founders of the Imperial British
East Africa Company were actuated by patriotic feelings, and are,
therefore, entitled to patriotic treatment, and cannot equitably be
•classed with commercial adventurers.
That the Liberal Government should take good care that nothing
is done which will involve the nation in responsibility for the
British East Africa Company's acts, or make Great Britain heirs
or legatees of its entanglements.
That the aims of the British East Africa Company are Imperial,
and that so far as its Charter is concerned its advantages to the
•Company are merely prospective.
That it is no good arguing how the occupation of Uganda
arose ; the present aspect demands a continuance of the British
flag in the province.
That no doubt the security for toleration and peace in Uganda
rests in the presence of the Company's agents; but to ask that the
¦Government should afford such aid as will enable them to continue
there is altogether out of the question.
That the Imperial British East Africa Company is entitled to

15
the sympathetic support of the nation, having freed hundreds of
slaves, broken up slave caravans, punished the captors, scoured
out these traders from Masai, Kavirondo, and Usoga, arrested ruin
in Uganda, terminated its religious rivalry, pacified the Mahome-
dan and heathen parties, diminished the Uganda Nero's conceit,
and built a number of military stations, maintained jurisdic
tion in Uganda, and instituted a statute book, concluded pacific
treaties with about eighty chiefs to . ensure the safety of travellers,
and civilised and developed the entire East African littoral.
That the Company wish to keep the coast, but surrender the far
interior to the British taxpayer.
That it would be absurd to expect the shareholders to continue
paying out money with no prospect of getting value for it, how
ever benevolent they are at heart.
That it would be a profound misfortune if Great Britain were
to give evidence of a hesitating temper in carrying out the work
she has undertaken in Central Africa.
That there is no revenue anywhere in any country until there
is decent Government, and there can be no decent Government in
tropical Africa without some preliminary expenditure, both of
treasure and life.
That the Company can justly claim Imperial support, having
fulfilled the important duties embodied in the instructions to
the Imperial Commissioner, as follows : " To endeavour to make
the British influence felt by the natives ; to maintain peace and
order ; to develop legitimate trade ; to secure the safe circulation
of traders and travellers; and, generally, to pave the way for
conferring on the natives the benefits of civilisation."
That without a subvention the proprietors — who have already
shown extraordinary munificence in the cause of freedom and
civilisation — cannot proceed.

16
THE REPRESSION OF SLAVE TRADE.

" This country will stand when all else has passed away,
not by her fleets or her armies or her commerce, other
nations have these, but by the heroic self-denying exertions
which she has put forward to crush the iniquitous slave
traffic. My belief is that, having put our hands to the plough
in that great enterprise, we shall not be able, even if we
were willing, to look back."— Earl of ROSEBERY.

That the late King Mtesa once told the missionary Mackay that
if he had only a few white men to teach his people how to pro
duce articles of trade, he could soon put down slave trading.
That as we cannot, like the Arabs, take payment in slaves, we
must teach the people to produce other things that we can take.
That it is doubtful whether the recrudescence of slavery will be
a consequence of retirement from Uganda, and even if it be, much
as it may be regretted, Great Britain must have regard to the
measure of her responsibilities and the extent of her power to
meet them. — (See Appendix E.j
"The greatest curse that affects humanity in Central Africa is
slavery and the slave trade. This is the withering blight that
stifles in the soul of the African every rising aspiration after a
higher life and a nobler existence. One great instrument in the
destruction of that vile traffic will, I venture to think, be the
construction of the railway." — Bishop TUCKER.
That the reliance on the incidental co-operation of the State
did not wholly rest on the broad ground of the national interest
in the enterprise, but very confidently on the special one of
the conclusion of an international agreement directed to the
suppression of slavery.
That the callous surrender of fertile countries and intelligent
peoples to the tender mercies of the Arab slave trader would be
unworthy of the British nation.
" That it is within and near British territory where the horrors
of the slave trade are experienced at their worst." — Mr. Stanley
at Swansea, 3rd October, 1892.
That the alternative proposals before the nation are whether
Great Britain shall (a) capture a few hundred slaves a year, by
expending from £100,000 to £200,000 per annum in slave
cruisers, or (b) apply that sum to the establishment of an effective

17
administration which would stamp out the evil at its seat, and at
the same time be ample to stimulate our industrial centres by the
promotion and requirements of guaranteed railways, which in the
case of India have proved so beneficial and self-supporting.
That the slave-supplying area has been absorbed by the European
Powers, and England is now discussing whether she shall relin
quish her trust.
That Great Britain convened the Brussels Conference, and
undertook to institute certain measures for the suppression of
slavery, but it was expressly stipulated that their execution might
be delegated to Chartered Companies. Are the shareholders to
perform such national duties at their own cost ?
That should any indirect advantage accrue to the coast adminis
tration by the retention of Uganda, the public may rest assured
that such advantage would be directly used for the good of that
administration and of the country included under it, and be of
paramount importance in the suppression of the export of slaves
by sea along the littoral.
That we have secured the dominance of the lake, and rather
than spend £100,000 a year upon it, we, with Zanzibar rising into
a wealthy colony, and an entrepot for the whole of East Africa,
debate surrendering everything to the merchants of Jeddah, who
deal in human flesh.
That it is to be regretted the Africans in their native jungle are
given to enslave or eat each other; but why should we take upon
ourselves to reform these local habits instead of looking closer
at home?
That the evacuation of Uganda is equivalent to the granting by
this nation of a new lease to the slave trade, upon the suppression
of which many millions of English money have been spent.
That the Company's officers, having induced even the Maho-
medans in the Uganda district to abolish slavery, are deserving
of support from all parties in its fulfilment. — (See Appendix B.)
That the question is, " Shall Great Britain stand by, and for the
sake of a temporary expenditure of a few thousands a year,
pending the development of a newly-acquired and valuable
territory, placidly hand over its dependents to slavery?"
That when ivory is brought to the coast from Central Africa
the slaves are collected and used as porters to bring it down,
and on arrival at the coast are a marketable commodity. 2

18
That the slave trade has flourished because " black ivory " is
such an excellent investment.
That no slave routes exist in the British sphere on the way to
the lake*
" But the place where slave caravans still go, and where it is of
great importance that we should stay them, is the tract which lies
between this great Victoria Nyanza and the Eastern Coast of
Africa."— Lord Salisbury at Glasgow, 20th May, 1891.
That the present repression of slavery in Uganda under the
Imperial British East Africa Company should be contrasted with
the following statement of Pere Lourdel, residing there in 1888 :
" These Arab slavers reside for a part of the year at the court of
Mwanga to purchase the slaves which the king causes to be
hunted and captured, either in his own territories or in those of
his' neighbours. He often sends out on these slave raids armies
of several thousand men. At too frequent intervals the mission
aries to their grief see these victorious armies returning, driving
before them troops of slaves, often 3,000 or 4,000 at a single time.
The king selects those he wants to keep for himself or to distri
bute among his great chiefs, and sends the rest to the Moslem
slave dealers."
That some 20 years ago the export of slaves from the East Coast
of Africa was reckoned at about 20,000 per annum, but whilst
this export trade has almost ceased, it is notorious the import
trade from the interior still continues.
The Uganda question is, after all, a matter of money versus-
human butchery and enslavement.
That in the British sphere women and children are enslaved to-
be bartered for cotton goods, beads, wire, and gunpowder and arms-
to Manyema slave dealers.
" The only commerce that exists in Uganda is entirely in the
hands of the Arabs and the half-breeds from Zanzibar. They
import guns and powder, cottons, and a few goods of European
origin, and take away in exchange ivory and slaves. At least
1,000 natives annually are thus sold to the Arabs."
That we have handed over to a large extent our responsibility
of developing our British sphere to a Chartered Company, yet
* Captain Lugard passing up captured a, slave caravan, liberating 18 slaves.
and imprisoning the captors. Fifteen girls were in slave sticks.

19
slavery has flourished in the employment of that Chartered Com
pany.* f
That the Company was in no way specially charged with duties
connected with the repression of the slave trade.f
That the surrender of Uganda would frustrate the efforts against
slavery in the Lake Tanganyika District, and imperil the lives of
British missionaries.
That the extent to which the Company is bound by the Brussels
Act will not stand a moment's investigation.
"Under the Act of the Brussels Conference we are bound to do
our utmost to prevent the passage of slaves across the territory that
we have undertaken." — Lord SALISBURY at Glasgow, 20th May,
1891. That the slave trade routes do not go through the British East
Africa Company's territory.].
That slave trading existed is apparent from the following
extract of a letter from Captain Williams, dated Mengo (Uganda),
4th October, 1891 :—
" It may interest you to know that a few days ago I got the
king to issue orders against the sale of slaves across the border.
Messengers were sent all over the country, and yesterday a case
was brought up to be dealt with at the next baraza (council)."
That the Imperial British East Africa Company has no more
riyht to ask the Government to guarantee a railway than other
Chartered Companies.
" The Mombasa- Victoria Nyanza Railway will place you in com
mand of the valley of the Nile, so that slaves will not be able to
cross thence to the Red Sea." — Lord Salisbury at Glasgow, 20th
May, 1891.
* Memo. — The Company does not pay the Arab masters, but pays the wages
direct to the porters, who may or may not be domestic slaves, their status as such
being, of necessity, recognised within the dominions of the Sultan of Zanzibar in
virtue of existing treaties.
t Note. — Clause 10 of the Koyal Charter states : — " The Company shall to the
best of its power discourage, and so far as may be practicable and as may be
consistent with existing treaties between non-African Powers and Zanzibar,
abolish by degrees any system of slave trade or domestic servitude in the
Company's territories."
J Note. — The map used in Parliament during the Eailway Survey Debate, the
production of which was unknown to the Company, showed nine routes.
2—2

20
That the Company has rendered valuable public service in
bringing about arrangements which will eventually result in
great economies to the State by the reduction of the annual slave
vote.

COLONIAL EXPANSION.

It is urged that, of the few remaining undeveloped portions of the globe,
British East Africa is the most hopeful and valuable field for the extension
of British enterprise and colonisation, and peculiarly suitable for the relief of
the congested districts of India.

" Trade follows the flag, for the flag points the way to enter
prise. A new way creates a new field, and the builders of
empires possess a keen scent for the resources of trade. We
must sow before we reap and plant before we gather."— Mr.
H. M. STANLEY at Swansea, 3rd October, 1892.

That a single improvement in the manufacture of textiles, an
invention such as Bessemer 's, a treaty of commerce with a second-
class European Power, would yield more money than an attempt to
ertend trade in a barbarous country by annexation or conquest.
That if people view with alarm lest the operations of the Com
pany may end in the growth of an Empire, why did we look for
a " sphere of influence" ?
That England has enough on her hands without being the first
to try all the large, risky, and expensive experiments in tropical
Africa. That the Uganda question is merely whether a sphere of
influence should be turned into a territorial acquisition — a fertile
dependency of this country.
That the burdens so Quixotic an enterprise would impose, and
the measureless responsibilities it would entail, would be in no
degree compensated by the mere territorial extension of the Empire.
That the Imperial British East Africa Company has converted
the vagueness of a " sphere of influence " into an effective
occupation.

21
That no substantial argument has been adduced which appeals
to the minds of the masses of people of this country.
That Empire means trade, and trade means employment for the
masses. The nation is asked not only to take over the work which the
Imperial British East Africa Company has failed to accomplish,
but to re-enter on a career of annexation and conquest, or of
protectorates which look in that direction, which both parties have
by common consent long ago abandoned.
The rights of Great Britain in Uganda involve :—
1. Access to whatever markets Central Africa may offer in the
future. 2. The maintenance of our credit and reputation in the eyes of
the world, and particularly of our own subjects.
3. Our ability to deal effectually with the philanthropic
problems which we are greatly given to talking about.
4. Generally our whole stake in the development of one of the
few great undeveloped areas now left in the world.
That those advocating the retention of- Uganda should ask
themselves " What is Khartoum the better or we ourselves for an
interference ivhich cost us millions ? "
That no consideration of petty economy or present convenience
should .induce the Government to arrive at a pusillanimous and
paralysing decision when the rivalry of European nations in
Africa is so strong, and when the prospects of great and noble
and beneficial results for the African population are so bright.
That State aid to Uganda only means that one colony is artifi
cially encouraged to the prejudice of others*
That an Empire to be safe must always expand, and East Africa
is of all fields now open the most favourable.
That the Empire which does not grow decays.
That the policy and righteousness may be doubted of con
quests made chiefly to obtain new markets, which savours of
buccaneering. That evacuation is a pity, even from the point of view of those
who would scrape the gold off the lion and the unicorn, to force
* Note. — There is no comparison between a civilised colony under the British
flag and a hotbed of slavery existing under a British administration.

22
the East Africa Company to become mere traders on the coast,
instead of pioneers of a new and peaceful Africa, reproducing
perhaps, under happier auspices, the grandeur and the services to
humanity of the East India Company.
That no attempt should be made to develop and open up those
countries brought within the sphere of our influence in Africa by
expenditure from the British Exchequer.
That the Government, having expended considerable sums in
other portions of Africa, should not hesitate to assist in developing
her richer sphere in East and Central Africa.
That it would be an absolute breach of faith if our sphere of
influence were converted into a real and effectual dependency of the
British people, and made available for their enjoyment.
That sufficient capital would convert East Africa into a second
India; but a Chartered Company with only half-a-million sub
scribed cannot convert semi-barbarism into advanced civilisation.
That the surrender of the interior would sacrifice one of the
best fields for relieving the congested population of British India.
A sphere of influence means an area within which this country
has established treaties with the tribes, and until the tribes have
entered into agreements with us we exercise no power or active
authority over them.*
* Note.— The treaties already concluded, and approved by the Secretary of
State, cover almost the entire British sphere, and encircle Uganda and the British
territory west of the Victoria Nyanza.

23

COMMERCIAL ASPECT.

The retention of Uganda and the State-aided development of British East
Africa is of the greatest commercial importance, in view of the restrictive
tariffs of foreign competitors, whereby our export trade is curtailed', and dis
tress occasioned by the consequent diminution of employment.

Clause 16 of the Royal Charter of the Imperial British
East Africa Company stipulates:—
" Nothing in this our Charter shall be deemed to authorise the
Company to set up or grant any monopoly of trade."

That we should develop our own resources and not depend
upon people who have M'Kinley Bills.
That the kingdom of Uganda is by far the best of the bits of
Africa assigned to Great Britain under the Berlin Conference.
That those ivho know Uganda best appear to have the poorest
estimate of its value.
That 500,000,000 acres of fertile land are waiting to be tickled
by a hoe to smile into plenty.
"Lake Victoria is an objective point worth aiming at. You
would now probably like to know what you could get in exchange
for your manufactures. It is true that there is no sterling cash in
Equatorial Africa, but there is land — something over 500 millions
of acres — the most of it a good and beautiful land, a land that will
grow rice and millet and corn, fruit, tobacco, coffee, tea, oil nuts
and oil seeds; it is true that there is no specie there, but there is
good pasturage, which supports cattle by thousands; it is true that
there is no store of finished fabrics ready for exchange with you,
but there is an unlimited quantity of cheap labour, which, under
the stimulus of a market, will create wealth. The negroes of
America raise cotton, for which we in Great Britain pay 40
millions sterling. Why may not we raise our own cotton in
Eastern Africa? The blacks of Brazil and Cuba export coffee
and sugar. The coffee plant and the sugar cane are both indige
nous in East Africa, and the blacks of Uganda are mentally and
physically equal to those of Brazil and Cuba. The Ceylon and
Assam hills produce tea, and that shrub would take kindly to the
slopes of Ruwenzori, Kenia and Marsawa. From the Carolinas

24
we import rice, which could be grown just as well in the Tana
and Sabaki valleys, and in Buddu. From Chicago we take pork,
but I think we might raise just as good hogs in the uplands of
British Central Africa as Americans do on the prairie lands of
Illinois. At the outset we should have to be satisfied with ivory,
rubber, peltry, hides, ostrich feathers, copal and other gums." —
Mr. Stanley at Swansea, October 3rd, 1892.
That those who consider Uganda not suited to European
settlement, should remember the words of Mackay, the pioneer
missionary: —
" The climate is delightful, like an ever-English summer. At
night seldom colder than 60 degrees Fahrenheit, and in the day
time only a trifle above 80 degrees Fahrenheit. This country is
really a rich one, and might produce anything . . . but until
there is some proper means of access to the country, the soil and
its many products must lie idle. Only English enterprise can
overcome the difficulty."
That the richest ivory preserves lie in the British sphere to the
west and north of Uganda.
That the occupation of Uganda, a rich and fertile region, but
separated from the coast by a vast extent of barren and desolate
tracts, is obviously a task far beyond the competence of a private
Company with a capital of only half a million.*
That the African will not toil to provide produce to exchange for
our goods; moreover, if he did it is probable that the Germans
would get his custom by underselling us.
That cotton of a very fine description is grown throughout the
Equatorial Province. With this Emin's people made the strongest
cloth. That the exports from Great Britain to Central Africa, if proper
transport existed, would be Manchester cotton goods, woollen
stuffs, beads of various kinds, brass and iron wires, iron hoes,
all kinds of hardware, woollen and merino jerseys, boots, blankets,
and tawdry ornaments.
That on the entire march of the Emin Relief Expedition from
the West Coast to the East Coast, tobacco grew luxuriantly every
where. * Note, — Half-way to the lake is the district of Kikuyu, well watered and of
exceptional .agricultural value. One-third of the distance is Kibwezi, where the
East African Scottish Industrial Mission has settled on account of the suitability
of the district.

25
That if the sphere is abandoned our commercial rivals are in
undisputed possession of East African markets, and the Govern
ment will be justly punished for not understanding the perma
nent interests and aims of the country.
That Zanzibar, being a British protectorate, is directly interested
in the retention and development of Uganda and the "Hinter
land " of Mombasa.
That the Upper Nile is of the utmost importance in view of the
future opening up of the Soudan to trade.
That if Uganda is really a Garden of Eden, why is it not worth
the Company's while to build the railway and hold the fort; but if
it is a bear garden, not worth anything on commercial grounds,
where is the candour in including commercial arguments among
those in favour of continued occupation1?
That the commercial value of Uganda and neighbouring British
provinces (suited to European residence) must not be subordinated
to political expediency, considering they are rich in salt (of the
utmost value in the district), ivory, cattle (therefore hides), a rich
pasture, indiarubber, iron, coffee (indigenous), sugar cane, wild
indigo and fibre plants, and are capable of growing, with the
cheapest labour, unlimited quantities of rice, millet, corn, fruit,
tobacco, tea, oil nuts, oil seeds, which only a railway is needed to
develop. That so far as is known there is very little produce in tlie
African interior which would pay for exportation to Europe.
That in the lake region of Africa is a teeming population wait
ing to exchange their raw materials for British manufactures.
That every traveller who has visited Uganda invariably speaks
of it as a country with a great future.
That for the British Government deliberately to bring into
existence an agricultural country in competition with India,
Burmah, and Ceylon, would be about as sensible as for the land
lords of England to subsidise the construction of railways and
grain elevators in the Western States of America,.
That the commerce of England requires to be stimulated by the
State-aided development of newly acquired colonies, being ham
pered, as her industries are, by the hostile tariffs of competing
nations, assisted by fleets subsidised to divert trade and cripple
our naval supremacy.

26
That the crux of the whole matter is this, if a great volume of
commerce were really waiting to be tapped in the lake region
British capital would be at once forthcoming to supply the neces
sary means of transport to the coast*
That if East Africa develops into an agricultural country by
the operation of natural and economic forces, it ivill only be the
fortune of war, and the British East Africa Company must grin
and bear it even if bankruptcy follow:
That the Government should not disregard the powerful
memorials from the principal chambers of commerce to hold
Uganda for the benefit of British commerce.
That public opinion certainly will not permit Uganda, to be
ruled or exploited by a subsidised commercial Company, whose
ivithdraival indeed suggests that its chartered monopoly of trade
there should be cancelled.-^
That in Uganda coffee, equal to that of Mocha or Ceylon, grows
wild in great abundance, which, if cultivated, would become a
great source of wealth and revenue to the country.
That by the cultivation of the cotton plant in Africa, England
might be freed entirely from being dependent on foreign countries
for her raw cotton, much of which could be returned to Africa in
the shape of Manchester cloth.
That in our British sphere there are few necessary things
which could not be grown, owing to the great variety of climate
and altitude of the different tracts of country.
That Emin remarked that great quantities of gold-bearing
quartz were brought to him from Latuka, near the right bank of
the Nile, east of Lado.
That the promising facts relating to the growth of Zanzibar as
a centre of exchange and shipping should revive the interest of
commercial men and others in the development of trade with
Africa. J
That for the British Government to develoxi East Africa of
malice prepense would be a form of national suicide.

* Note. — The Eailway Survey, the vote for which gave the late Government
the largest majority of the Session, was the essential preliminary, and was com
pleted in October, 1892.
•j- Note. — See Clause 16 of Charter quoted at the head of this section.
J Note. — During the half-year, January to June, the net tonnage entered was
131,000 tons against 72,000 for the previous half-year.

27
That the depression of British commerce, consequent upon the
increasing restriction of its markets, may safely seek its revival in
the energetic development of the 750,000 square miles of East
African territory, and the wants created by immigration which
would ensue.

EVACUATION AND ITS RESULTS.

It is urged by the most competent authorities that if the occupation of
Uganda be even temporarily suspended, internecine conflicts will intervene,
resulting in the enslavement of those people whose loyalty has jeopardised
their safety.

" That the advent of men carrying the British flag has an
importance for the native races which can hardly be exagge
rated; but by precipitate departure the revolution of ideas
becomes a disintegrating factor of almost explosive violence,
and all the more lawless elements take their revenge for
temporary subjection to increased stringency of discipline."—
TIMES.

That withdrawal means the departure of the whole body of
Uganda Protestants, with the complete break-up of the Protestant
mission. Next would have to go the victorious Catholics them
selves, who can neither fight nor come to terms with the Mahom-
edans. The Soudanese would in our absence degenerate into a
plundering horde. All the beginnings of civilisation would be
stamped out ; Mahomedanism and its horrors would be supreme,
and the natives who have trusted us would be exposed to perpetual
slave raiding and devastation.
That the Government by evacuating Uganda dooms the English
missionaries to martyrdom in the pursuance of the cause they are
too manly to forsake.
That the internecine wars consequent upon the evacuation of
the Uganda district would, apart from the disastrous effects inter
nally, so disturb the contiguous spheres as to demand the re-occu
pation of the province by one or other of the foreign Powers.

•28
That if Uganda is evacuated by consent of the Government and,
as is only too certain, the lives of British subjects are sacrificed, it
will cost the nation infinitely more in a punitive expedition than
would have been honourably expended in assisting a continuance
of the Chartered Company's administration.
That too much stress must not be laid upon the questionable
occupation of Uganda by France, Germany, Italy, or the Congo
State (all of whom have their hands full), in the event of the
British withdrawing, but that it is rather the complacent handing
over of a helpless people to anarchy and barbarism.
That we cannot surrender a helpless country to the anarchy
which we have had some share in producing, or abandon chiefs
who have ventured to rely on our friendship to the enemies they
have made by so doing.
Rival Christian factions only await our withdrawal to fly at one
another's throats, and behind both stand the slave raiders.
That Mahomedanism would triumph in the supersession of
Christianity. That the community which most readily accepted our rule is
marked out for extermination.
That the final result of our vacillation is widespread misery
and bloodshed.
That the evacuation of Uganda would jeopardise our ancient
interests on the Zanzibar coast, which the British Government
have taken a great deal of trouble to conserve.
That under the Berlin Act evacuation would justify any Power
taking possession of the abandoned province.
That " the continuity of the moral policy of Great Britain is a
moral force by which, in my opinion, this country has to be
judged. It is the salt which savours our history which has
exalted it, and it is by that when we have passed away that in my
belief we shall come to be judged." — Earl of ROSEBERY.
That England's work in the world is to give its dark races a
fair chance of advancing, to maintain among them that wonderful
Pax Britannica which makes a continent like India as safe as
the Strand ; to let them, if they will, civilise themselves and
assist them in the work.
That the Company has done much to break oppression and free
the slave.

29
That the Imperial British East Africa Company should not be
left to fight the battle of civilisation single-handed.
That this country has the power to abolish the evils in Central
Africa with which we are now in contact by an almost imper
ceptible effort, or to decree their perpetuation by an act of what
history will brand as criminal cowardice.
That the Bishop of Sierra Leone struck the right chord when he
said " God has not called the missionaries into Uganda and other
parts of Africa merely to hark-back again."
That the civilisation of Equatorial Africa, the development of
its commerce, the diffusion of Christianity, and the speedy
extinction of the' slave trade, together with the credit of the
Imperial Government and the prestige of our flag on the Eastern
littoral of the Dark Continent, depend more directly than many
seem to comprehend upon the decision of Her Majesty's
Government. That the question is, " Will our nation now do less for the
causes it once held sacred than the Portuguese or the Belgians ? "
The surrender of Uganda would be a direct contravention of
the spirit of the Brussels Act.
A correspondent to the Morning Post of May 16th, 1890,
writes: —
"Cardinal Lavigerie, I am informed, has entered, into an
agreement with the German East Africa Company, the first
clause of which is : Uganda is to be monopolised by the cardinal's
French Catholic missions, while those of the Church Missionary
and other British societies are to be excluded as far as possible."
That the presence of the Imperial British East Africa Company
in Uganda prevents certain massacre of many Christian converts,
and public opinion would not tolerate its withdrawal unless the
Government were to take effective steps to prevent the possibility
of such a disaster.
That the worst fears concerning the evacuation of Uganda are
confirmed by Sir Gerald Portal, the British Agent and Consul-
General at Zanzibar, and others.
That to withdraw from Central Africa would reproduce the
ugliest features of Khartoum and Majuba Hill.
That England, through its representative, the Imperial British
East Africa Company, has burst in and paralysed the slave trade

30
in Central Africa ; to now retire would entail a calamitous
reversal. That the surrender of Uganda would have a disastrous effect on
the " Hinterland " of Mombasa, and confine the effective influence
of England to the strip along the coast.
That for the British taxpayer it is a national loss rather than a
national economy we must expect if the future of British
enterprise in East Africa is to be deliberately sacrificed.
That if we evacuate Uganda, we might even be driven by the
state of native affairs to do again all that has now been well done,
and to do it in a hurry, and consequently badly and expensively.
That if the nation shrinks from the dreaded effects of evacu
ating Uganda, it must take immediate steps for continuing the
administration of the province out of Imperial funds.
That the country does not want a. hurried evacuation, then an
expedition to avenge murdered missionaries, then another attempt
to govern, and then another evacuation.
That the arguments in favour of permitting evacuation are few,
but merit consideration ; they mainly group themselves around
questions of expense and responsibility.

31

THE IMPERIAL BRITISH EAST AFRICA
COMPANY'S WORK AND CLAIMS.

In 1878 overtures were made by the Sultan of Zanzibar to cede his main
land territory to Sir William Mackinnon, but circumstances did not. permit of
his then entertaining the proposal. This offer was occasioned by the
apprehensions of the Sultan arising from the activity of German subjects
within the Sultanate, which reached its climax early in 1885, when a German
gunboat visited Zanzibar with a Consul-General. As a consequence, Lord
Granville expressed to ihe Imperial German Government British uneasiness
as to Germany's action and intentions, which indeed were not confined to the
coast zone.
This was immediately succeeded by the Emperor granting a Charter to the
German Colonization Society. Lord Granville then notified to Germany the
intention of British capitalists to develop the interior, and suggested the de
limitation of the Sultan's territory and the British and German spheres, as in
New Guinea. Prince Bismarck assented, and the proposal was carried into
effect in 1886.
In 1887 the Sultan of Zanzibar ceded to the British East Africa Association
his mainland territory lying between Wanga and Kipini, and subsequently
made over his territory south of Wanga to the German Company.
In 1888 a Roynl Charter (Appendix A) was granted to the Imperial British
East Africa Company. Germany having, in the meantime, concluded treaties.
at Witu, next proclaimed a Protectorate over the territory between Witu and
Kismayu. Shortly thereafter the Sultan of Zanzibar extended his concession
to the Founders of the Imperial British East Africa Company so as to em
brace the ports between Kipini and^Mruti, the most northern limit of his
dominions, excluding Witu, but including the Islands of Lamu, Manda, and
Patta. In the autumn of 1889 the Imperial British East Africa Company was
formed, and the Suitau of Zanzibar agreed to the transfer by that Company to-
the Italian Government of the ports north of Kismayu.
The rival claims of Germany at Witu and in the interior were settled by
the Anglo-German Agreement of 1890, elsewhere referred to, and subse
quently the British Protectorate was declared over Zanzibar, which lies to the
south of the Company's. territory.
Early in 1891 the Anglo-Italian boundary was fixed, and thus, through the
activity of the Imperial British East Africa Company and its Founders, Great
Britain is now in possession of 400 miles of the East African coast with its
excellent harbours, and, in virtue of the Company's treaties with the native
tribes, has become possessed of a vast region extending in the west to the-
boundary of the Congo Free State, and encircling the northern half of the-
Victoria Nyanza.

32
" The Imperial British East Africa Company is lar more
purely philanthropic than any of the other undertakings.
Its object, I believe, has been to deal a deadly blow at the
slave trade, the destruction of which has been, along with
our own commercial and material progress, the animating
impulse of English policy in those regions for nearly a cen-
tury."-Lord SALISBURY at Glasgow, May 20th, 1891.

The Germans, Belgians, French and Italians have had the benefit
¦of Imperial funds in pushing forward into the interior, whilst the
British Company have had to depend on private funds.
Foreign Subventions for Colonial Objects in East
Africa.
Congo Free State. H. M. the King contributes, per ann. £40,000
Belgian Government „ ... 80,000
Congo Railway. „ „ contributed . . . 400,000
„ „ 7 °/0 guarantee on... 600,000
•German East Africa.
German Government spent  ... 700,000
voted for 1892  140,000
„ „ marine subsidy  45,000
„ „ telegraph subsidy ... 5,000
„ „ commuted customs rent,
guaranteeing 5% on
loan of  500,000
Italian Sphere. Italian Government guaranteed 6%
on  800,000
Portuguese Territory. Considerable, but unknown sum.
There is a pretty general impression that the Chartered Com
pany had nothing to do but enter in and take possession of a land
full of pagoda trees, and to shake their rich fruit into the lap of
an expectant public. We were to be philanthropic and rich and
Imperial, all upon the cheap.
That it is notorious that the Founders of the Imperial Company
were actuated by patriotic feelings, and are therefore entitled to
patriotic treatment, and not merely to be treated as commercial
adventurers. That the Company cannot be held responsible for the results of
evacuating Uganda, as its unaided and limited resources leave no
alternative but to retire from a position the attainment of which
they had been encouraged to accomplish for Imperial purposes.

33
That tlie Company should not have gone to Uganda if they did
not mean to stay.
That the Company has shown considerable patriotism in the
work it has accomplished, and that it would be unfair to ask it to
submit permanently to a drain which, in proportion to its re
sources, must be a heavy one, whilst it would be but a trivial
item out of the funds of the Empire.
That the Company has displayed great callousness towards its
native subjects, towards whom when it accepted the protectorate
it also accepted obligations, and whom it now proposes to leave
under a regime of anarchy tempered by religious war.
That all sorts of accusations are perpetually flung at the British
East Africa Company by people who clearly have never thought
it necessary to learn precisely what the Company originally
undertook to do — what it did on more or less urgent representa
tions from the Government.
That the Imperial British East Africa Company' has displayed
towards the Government -an acuteness such as the public does not
often see, except in the case of some over-clever defaulter under
examination as to his goods in a court of bankruptcy.
That the Imperial British East Africa Company cannot single-
handed compete with powerful Governments in securing effective
occupation. There is danger in tlie acts of a Chartered Company when the
responsibility for the issues rests upon the nation.
That the responsibility of a Company differs from that of a
Government in that its means are limited.
That the Company seems to increase the difficulties and
responsibilities of England rather than diminish them.
That the Company went to Uganda in implicit reliance on
Imperial assistance, which not having been fulfilled, justifies the
sole consideration of the interests of the shareholders.
That a quasi- Imperial authority should have counted the cost
before it acted.
That tlie Company, whose office is to earn dividends, does not
see profit in the business, so retires and Uganda comes back on our
hands. That the Company cannot be expected to continue extra- 3

34
commercial operations for the benefit of the nation without
Government subvention.
That things will never again run so smoothly if the Company
accepts tlie House of Commons as its uvrking partner, therefore
the Directors should strain every nerve to hold Uganda.
That the Company cannot be held responsible for the conse
quences of evacuation, having given warning in August, 1891, to
the Government that their restricted resources precluded their
continuance in Uganda.
That the East Africa Company does not understand the responsi
bilities of Government; as for white men to invade negro states^
upset their existing order, and then retire because the profit is
insufficient, is nothing better than dacoity.
That the Company, having had all the advantages of their
Charter, now wish to shield themselves under that Charter from
tlie responsibility for their failure to make the best of it.
That the Imperial British East Africa Company has done more
than its duty, and instead of violating the privileges of its Charter,
is now handing over to the nation the acquisitions which it has
gained at great sacrifice.

So
SOLUTIONS OF THE DIFFICULTY.

" That if an annual subsidy effects the discharge of national
obligations upon better terms than we can get in any other
way, surely it becomes the merest pedantry to insist upon
the general objection to State-assisted enterprises."— TIMES.

That the Zanzibar protectorate should take over and administer
the British sphere under the British Commissioner, recouping the
present shareholders, and associate a Mahomedan with a British
Resident in Uganda.
That a pension should be offered to King Mwanga to remain
loyal to the British Crown.*
That even, with the most inadequate resources, effective occupa
tion has been undertaken of a very considerable portion of the
British sphere, and that with very moderate encouragement and
support from the Imperial Government, similar service could be
rendered by the Imperial British East Africa Company and its
officials over the whole of the Lake Albert region, and probably
with little difficulty over the Upper Nile.
That by cutting a road, we do not say a railroad, of 350 miles,
establishing, a post or two, putting two or three steamers on the
Victoria Lake, and organising a minute force, say 3,000 men, of
Ghoorkas and' Soudanese, with three mule batteries of artillery —
we can give a country as large and fertile as England, with a large
population, profound quiet, commercial order, and the opportunity
of rising from the African to the Asiatic grade of civilisation.
That the solution of the Uganda question would be to assume
the administrative and military functions and leave the com
mercial element to the Company, in return for which the latter
should be called upon to contribute towards the services rendered
by the nation.
That the development of a new sphere of influence is best
accomplished by private effort rather than by Government.
That if the Imperial Government is to hold the territory of
Uganda, it would be better that it should do so directly, than
through the medium of the British East Africa Company or
another.

* Note. — The objection urged against this is that without the presence of an.
European administration anarchy could not be prevented.

30
That capable steamships will float sooner 'or later on the great
African lakes is certain, but the first thing to be done is plainly
to improve the roads connecting them with the coast, and the
means of transport.
That to fulfil our obligations Uganda must be held, even if it
becomes necessary for England to enter into possession by the
establishment of a protectorate, relieving the Company from the
duties of government and pursuing the work with a single heart.
That a Commissioner, with local knowledge and influence, be
appointed to maintain British jurisdiction in the interior, as in
the case of the Oil Rivers, Zambezi, and elsewhere.
The cheapest way for Great Britain to assume the administration
of Uganda would be to utilise the Company's staff and the
Soudanese soldiers now upon the spot, recouping the Company for
its outlay in effecting the peaceful issue it has accomplished.

THE
PROPOSED EAST AFRICA RAILWAY.

39
THE PROPOSED EAST AFRICA RAILWAY,
To connect Mombasa with the Victoria Nyanza, a distance of 700
miles, and estimated by surveyors appointed by Her Majesty's
Government to cost £3,000 per mile, say £2,500,000.
It is proposed to construct this railway under a Government
guarantee — as in the case of Indian railways — in fulfilment of
the obligations incurred by Great Britain under the General Act
of the Brussels Conference. The Railway Company would be wholly
unconnected with the Imperial British East Africa Company.

'¦ We now spend large sums on ships and boats to arrest
the accursed slave traffic with considerable success, but also
at great cost, not only to the Treasury at home, but also to
the lives and health of the sailors, who under that sun have
to give themselves to that tremendous labour. If we are able,
instead of taking this expensive and difficult precaution, to
pursue the evil to its home and kill it at its root, we shall
not only have saved mankind from a fearful curse, but we
shall have spared the Treasury of our own people and the
lives of the gallant sailors."— Lord SALISBURY at Glasgow,
20th May, 1891. 
Extracts from the General Act of the Anti-Slavery Conference,
July, 1890.
Chapter I.
Slave-Trade Countries. — Measures to be taken in the
country of Origin.
Article I. — The Powers declare that the most effective means
for counteracting the slave trade in the interior of Africa are the
following : —
(1.) Progressive organisation of the administrative, judicial,
religious, and military services in the African territories
placed under the sovereignty or protectorate of civilised
nations :
(2.) The gradual establishment in the interior, by the Powers
to which the territories are subject, of strongly occupied
stations, in such a way as to make their protective or
repressive action effectively felt in the territories devas
tated by slave-hunting :
(3.) The construction of roads, and, in particular, of railways,
connecting the further (avances) stations with the coast,
and permitting easy access to the inland waters and on
the upper courses of the rivers and streams broken by
rapids and cataracts, in view of substituting economical
4-2

40
and rapid means of transport for the present means of
trans2i>ort by men :
(4.) Installation of steamboats on the inland navigable
waters and on the lakes, supported by fortified posts
established on the banks:
(5.) Establishment of telegraphic lines, insuring the commu
nication of the stations and posts with the coast and
administrative centres :
(6.) Organisation of expeditions and colonnes mobiles to keep
up the communication of the stations with each other
and with the coast, and to enforce the repressive action
and insure the security of the routes (routes de par
cours) :
(7.) Restriction of the importation of firearms, or at least of
improved arms, and of ammunition throughout the
territories infected by the slave trade.
Chapter I.
Article IV. — The States exercising sovereign powers or protectorate
in Africa may in all cases delegate to companies provided
with charters all or a portion of the engagements which they
assume 
" You will explain (to Prince Bismarck) that some prominent
capitalists have originated a plan for a British settlement in the
country between the coast and the lakes which are the sources of
the White Nile, and for its connection with the coast by a
railway."— Lord Granville to Sir E. Malet, May 25th, 1885.
That the Brussels Act expressly refers to " Territories placed
under the sovereignty or protectorate of civilised nations " with
an evident and studied exclusion of ivhat are termed spheres of
influence — therefore the Act has no connection with the East
Africa Railway*
" That without the Mombasa- Victoria Nyanza Railway, it is not
only practically impossible to bring the great and populous region
of Uganda into touch with British interests, but it will assist
materially in the suppression of slave traffic and in the abolition
of the status of slavery Therefore, if for no other reason, the
project is deserving of the support of all who have at heart the
welfare and civilisation of the great African continent." — BRITISH
Anti-Slavery Society to Parliamentary Candidates.
That in anglicising Central and Eastern Africa we must depend
* Note. — The Company's treaties covering the route include sovereign
rights, and have all been approved by Her Majesty's Secretary of State in terms
of the Royal Charter.

41
less upon the sword than on the influences of commerce, and the
real pioneer of commerce is the railway.
" It costs two or three hundred times as much to bring goods by
caravans as it would cost to bring them by railway. Of course
when once a railway existed caravans would become a matter of
antiquity, and if no caravans existed there would be no means of
carrying slaves from the interior to the coast." — Lord Salisbury
at Glasgow, 20th May, 1891.
That if the East Africa Company cannot construct the railway
out of its own resources the work must be left undone.
That the Imperial British East Africa Company would not be
any more directly interested in the East Africa Railway than Her
Majesty's Government is benefited by the construction of the
English railways.
" The Mombasa and Victoria Nyanza Railway Survey Grant was
submitted in continuation and amplification of a policy which for
many years past had actuated Her Majesty's Government and the
country in dealing with the suppression of the slave trade in
Eastern and Central Africa."— Mr. J. W. LOWTHER.
That it would be an evil precedent for the Imperial Government
to undertake the construction of public works hi territories in
which it has no Government or administrative authority*
That it is, no doubt, of very great importance to be beforehand
with Germany in opening quick communication between the lake
region and the coast, as whichever nation wins this race will
assuredly become the leading Power in Eastern Africa,
That as soon as the railway advanced beyond the Zanzibar
boundary it would pass through territory where England
apparently has no locus standi of an official character.-
That as the construction of the railway cannot be carried out as
a State work, except at a cost and responsibility which Parliament
would hesitate to sanction, some agency must be employed, and
the most eligible one which exists, both by reason of its admin
istrative machinery and its cognate duties under its Charter, is the
Imperial British East Africa Company.
That the Company will in time, as the commerce created by the
railway flows through its ports, benefit largely by the work is
certain, and so, also, to a greater extent, will the trade of Man
chester and other centres of manufacturing industry.
* Notk.  The Company's treaties with chiefs extend from the coast to the
Victoria Nyanza, and include sovereign and administrative rights.-

42
That whilst the railivay would check the slave trade, it would
not be a commercial success — (See the " Commercial Aspect")
That Australian, New Zealand, and South African Colonies, to
say nothing of India, have realised the urgency of investing
largely in railways, and in new countries State guarantees are
almost indispensable to attract the necessary capital.*
That, in fact, the salvation of Africa depends on a railway
guarantee, and that, perhaps, for a limited period.
That it is an enormous undertaking to set about making and
providing for. the defence of a railroad some 500 or 600 miles long
through a territory inhabited by warlike tribes.-^
That the bitterest opponents to the East Africa Railway are-
those who know least of its commercial possibilities, its political
advantages, and its humanising issues.
That caravans in the British sphere are absolutely unremunera-
tive, whilst a railway would not only effect the greatest economies
in the conduct of our beneficent jurisdiction, but at the same time
immensely stimulate British commerce.^
That the trade in hides alone would go a long way towards
defraying the cost of railway construction.
That the East Africa Railway is to stretch across the belt of
sivamps which cuts off Uganda from the coast, in order that we
may send cm army along the line to seize and hold the province
for a commercial Company. §
The proposed East Africa Railway is -spoken of as if it were a
" wild cat " line of indefinite length ending in irreclaimable wil
dernesses, instead of reaching half-way to the lakes an elevated
table land offering all the conditions for a prosperous European
settlement. That the East Africa Railway will bring our commerce into
contact with 12,000,000 of people, whose wants will grow concur
rently with the extension of civilisation.
* Note. — The Indian railways in the aggregate during 1891 did not draw any
thing from the guarantors.
f Note. — The Company has had caravans, some as small as 40 carriers, and
has never lost an officer. The Government railway survey party did not fire a
single shot in self-defence.
J Note. — Transport is now £200 to £300 per ton to Victoria Nyanza.
§ Note.— No swamp exists. The country gradually rises from the coast for the
first 300 miles to an altitude of about 7,000 feet, then falls to the level of the lake,
which is itself 3,850 feet above the sea. Kikuyu (half-way to the lake) is 6,000
feet, and the Mau plateau 7,000 to 9,000 feet.

43
That the postponement of the East Africa Railway would be
disastrous to humanity and injurious to the moral, religious, com
mercial, and political interests of the Empire.
" That the cost of making the East Africa Railway, as compared
with the vast sums we have expended in maintaining our vessels
off the East Coast of Africa, is trifling."— Mr. J. W. Lowther,
Under Secretary of State.
That the locomotive in fact by means of competition would kill
both the caravan arid the kidnapper. Animals cannot be used
owing to the prevalence in some places of the tsetse fly.
That if the East Africa Railway is not carried to the Victoria
Nyanza it should be at once constructed to the Kikuyu highlands,
where Europeans can settle in an exceptionally fertile and well-
watered country.
That Germany, France, and the Congo State are making rail
ways whilst ive discuss evacuation.
That by substituting for this human porterage some better kind
of transport the slave trade would die out.
lliat the guaranteeing of a railway for the benefit of a private
Company would be a dangerous precedent*
That the construction of the East Africa Railway specially recom
mends itself at a time when protective duties are closing so many
markets to our manufacturers, whilst at the same time it would
advance the cause of humanity, civilisation, and commerce.
That Her Majesty's Government proposed we should show (by
the East Africa Railway) that our vaunted philanthropy was not
a sham and our professions of humanitarianism were not mere
hypocrisy. That the Government must be prepared to fortify their rail
way, which might be done by making the stations fortresses and
the signal boxes Martello towers, with guns raking the railway
up and down.f
That Great Britain should recoup the Imperial British East
Africa Company for its expenditure in Imperial objects, and
guarantee the interest on the Victoria Nyanza Railway, in fulfil
ment of her obligations under the Brussels Act.
* Note. — The only benefit to be derived by the Imperial British East Africa
Company would be the Customs dues for administrative purposes. The guarantee
would be for the direct benefit of the subscribers to the railway company — quite a
distinct concern.
f Note. — The Company has stations along this route, but has not found such
measures requisite. See note (f) at foot of previous page.

44
That if Uganda is to be left to anarchy, it is idle pushing J or ward
a railway, of which the terminus will not be a British fort, but a
region of unregenerate savages, with nothing except serfs to sell.
That a railway connecting Mombasa with the Victoria Nyanza
would in any benefits which might thereby accrue to the coast,
enable a more effective administration on the littoral to arrest the
export of slaves by sea, and by its civilising effect upon the interior
prevent the import of slaves from the lake region for agricultural
or domestic purposes by the Arab and Swahili population of the
coast area.
That the Parliamentary opponents of the grant for the East Africa
Railway were justified in their action in the absence of essential
information upon the merits of the case ; but that they may with
equal justification now reconsider the question apart from political
bias in the light of the further intelligence and estimates available.
That during the debate upon the Survey Grant an extraordinary
appetite was developed for information of a kind it was well
known could not in the nature of things be forthcoming. The
surveyors have, however, since dispelled many of the imaginary
complications and gloomy apprehensions then expressed.
That the greatest difficulties in the construction of the railway
ivould be the supply of labour food.*
That the easiest portion of the railway should be constructed,
viz., to about 300 miles from the coast, leaving the mountainous
part to be traversed by caravans until such time as it is desirable
that the railway be extended to the lake.
That the question of holding Uganda must be decided before
the railway could be constructed.
That to subsidise the East Africa Railway would be voting
money for the benefit of a private Company,
That the entire Empire would, in the end, benefit by the pre
liminary expenditure of a Government Guarantee for the East
Africa Railway.
That the substantial argument in regard to slavery was that in
pursuance of the Brussels Act it could only be suppressed by a
railway under guarantee, and, therefore, Parliament is bound to
vote the money. f
" That when the railway is made the country can be held easily
enough." — Lord SALISBURY.
* Note. — The estimates provide for the importation of skilled Indian labour to
ensure efficiency in construction. Abundance of food can be grown along the route
of the line whenever required. Had any difficulty existed the railway could have
carried supplies from the coast.
f Note. — This is not quite correctly expressed. — (See the quotation from the Act.)

45

APPENDICES.

A.— THE ROYAL CHARTER.

Victoria, by the Grace of God, of the United Kingdom of Great
Britain and Ireland, Queen Defender of the Faith. To. all
to whom these presents shall come, Greeting :
Whereas a humble Petition has been presented to us in our
¦Council by
William Mackinnon, of Loup and Balinakill, in the County
¦of Argyll, Scotland.
The Right Honourable Lord Brassey, Knight Commander of
our Most Honourable Order of the Bath, of Normanhurst Court,
Sussex. General Sir Donald Stewart, Baronet, Knight Grand Cross of
our Most Honourable Order of the Bath, Knight Grand Com
mander of our Most Exalted Order of the Star of India and a
Companion of our Most Eminent Order of the Indian Empire, of
Harrington Gardens, London.
Sir John Kirk, Knight Grand Cross of the Most Distinguished
•Order of St. Michael and St. George, of Wavertree, Sevenoaks,
Kent. William Burdett-Coutts, a Member of the Commons House of
Parliament, of Holly Lodge, Highgate, Middlesex.
Robert Palmer Harding, of Wetherby Gardens, Kensington,
Esquire. George Sutherland Mackenzie, of 13, Austin Friars, London,
Merchant. And whereas the said Petition states amongst other things: —
That the Petitioners and others are associated for the purpose
¦of forming a Company or Association, to be incorporated, if to us
should seem fit, for the objects in the said Petition set forth under
the corporate name of the Imperial British East Africa Company.
That His Highness the Sayyid Barghash Bin-Said, Sultan of
Zanzibar and its East African Dependencies, by his grants or
concessions dated the 24th May, 1887, granted and conceded to
the Petitioners, or some of them, under the name or description
of the British East African Association, all his powers, and the
5

46
rights and duties of administration, and other privileges specially
named on the mainland of East Africa, in the territory of the
Mrima, and also on the islands embraced in such territory, and
in all his territories and dependencies on the coast of East Africa,
from Wanga to Kipini, both inclusive, such powers, rights, and
duties to be exercised and' performed in his name and under
his flag, and subject to the provisions of the said grants and
concessions. That divers preliminary agreements have been made on behalf
of the Petitioners with chiefs and tribes in regions which adjoin
or are situate to the landward of the territories included in the
said grants or concessions, and which are included in the sphere
of British influence, agreed on behalf of ourselves and the Govern
ment of His Majesty the Emperor of Germany, in 1886, by which
powers of government and administration in such regions are
granted or conceded to or for the benefit of the Petitioners.
That the Petitioners desire to carry into effect the said grants,
concessions, and agreements, and such other grants, concessions,
agreements, and treaties as they may hereafter obtain within the
districts already referred to as being within the sphere reserved
for British influence and elsewhere, as we may be pleased to
allow with the view of promoting trade, commerce, and good
government in the territories and regions which are or may be
comprised in Such grants, concessions, agreements, or treaties, as
aforesaid, and the Petitioners believe that, if the said grants, con
cessions, agreements, or treaties can be carried into effect, the
condition of the natives inhabiting the aforesaid territories anil
regions would be materially improved, and their civilisation ad
vanced, and an organisation established, which would tend to the
suppression of the slave trade in such territories, and the said
territories and regions would be opened to the lawful trade and
commerce of our subjects and of other nations.
That the possession by a British Company of the coast line, as
above defined, and which includes the Port of Mombasa, would
be advantageous to the commercial and other interests of our sub
jects in the Indian Ocean, who may otherwise become compelled
to reside and trade under the government or protection of alien
Powers. That the success of the enterprise in which the Petitioners are
engaged would be greatly advanced if it should . seem fit to us to
grant them our Royal Charter of Incorporation as a British Com
pany under the said name or title, or such other name or title,

47
and with such powers as to us may seem fit for the purpose of
more effectually carrying out the objects aforesaid.
That the Petitioners have already subscribed large sums of
money for the purposes of the intended Company, and are prepared
to subscribe or to procure such further amount as may hereafter
be found requisite for the development of the said enterprise in
the event of our being pleased to grant to them our Royal Charter
of Incorporation, as aforesaid.
Now, therefore, we having taken the said Petition into our
royal consideration in our council, and being satisfied that the
intentions of the Petitioners are praiseworthy and deserve
encouragement, and that the enterprise in the Petition described
may be productive of the benefits set forth in the said Petition
by our prerogative royal, and of our especial grace, certain know
ledge and mere motion have constituted, erected and incorporated,
and by this our Charter for us and our heirs and royal successors
do constitute, erect, and incorporate into one body politic and
corporate by the name of the Imperial British East Africa
Company the said William Mackinnon; the Right Honourable
Lord Brassey, K.C.B. ; General Sir Donald Stewart, Bart., G.C.B.,
G.C.S.I., CLE.; Sir John Kirk, G.C.M.G. ; William Burdett-
Coutts, M.P. ; Robert Palmer Harding ; George Sutherland Mac
kenzie ; and such other persons and such bodies as from time to
time become and are members of that body, with perpetual suc
cession and a common seal, with power to break, alter, or renew
the same at discretion, and with the further authorities, powers,
and privileges conferred, and subject to the conditions imposed by
this'our Charter, and we do hereby accordingly will, ordain,
grant, and declare as follows (that is to say): —
1. The said Imperial British East Africa Company (in this our
Charter referred to as "the Company") is hereby authorised and
empowered to hold and retain the full benefit of the several grants,
concessions, agreements, and treaties aforesaid, or any of them,
and'all rights, interests, authorities and powers necessary for the
purposes of government, preservation of public order in, or protec
tion, of the said territories, or otherwise, of what nature or kind
soever, under or by virtue thereof, or resulting therefrom, and
ceded to or vested in the Company, in, over, or affecting the
territories, lands, and property comprised in those several grants,
concessions, agreements, or treaties, or in, over, or affecting any
territories, lands, or property in the neighbourhood of the same,
and to hold, use, and exercise the same lands, property rights,
5-2

48
interests, authorities, and powers respectively for the purposes of
the Company, and on the terms of this our Charter.
2. The Company is hereby further authorised and empowered,
subject to the approval of one of our Principal Secretaries
of State (herein referred to as our Secretary of State) to acquire
and take by any grant, concession, agreement, or treaty, other
rights, interests, authorities, or powers of any kind or nature
whatever in, over, or affecting the territories, lands, or property
comprised in the several grants, concessions, agreements, or
treaties, as aforesaid, or any rights, interests, authorities, or powers
of any kind or nature whatever in, over, or affecting other terri
tories, lands or property in Africa, and to hold, use, enjoy, and
exercise the same for the purposes of the Company and on the
terms of this our Charter.
3. Provided that none of the powers of this our Charter shall
be exercised under or in relation to any grant, concession, agree
ment, or treaty, as aforesaid, until a copy of such grant, concession,
agreement, or treaty in such form and with such maps or
particulars as our Secretary of State approves and verified as he
requires, has been transmitted to him, and he has signified his
approval thereof, either absolutely or subject to any conditions or
reservations. 4. The Company shall be bound by and shall fulfil all and
singular the stipulations on their part contained in any such grant,
concession, agreement, or treaty, as aforesaid, subject to any
subsequent agreement affecting those stipulations approved by
our Secretary of State.
5. The Company shall always be and remain British in character
and domicile, and shall have its principal office in Great Britain,
and the Company's principal representative in East Africa, and all
the Directors shall always be natural born British subjects or
persons who have been naturalised as British subjects by or under
an Act of Parliament of our United Kingdom.
G. The Company shall not have power to transfer wholly or in
part the benefit of the grants, concessions, agreements, or treaties
aforesaid, or any of them, except with the consent of our Secretary
of State.
7. In case at any time any difference arises between the Sultan
of Zanzibar, or the chiefs or tribes which are included in the
sphere of British influence, as hereinbefore recited, and the Com
pany, that difference shall on the part of the Company be

49
submitted to the decision of our Secretary of State, if he is willing
to undertake the decision thereof.
8. If at any time our Secretary of State thinks fit to dissent
from or object to any of the dealings of the Company with any
foreign power and to make known to the Company any suggestion
founded on that dissent or objection, the Company shall act in
accordance therewith.
9. If at any time our Secretary of State thinks fit to object to
the exercise by the Company of any authority or power within
any part of the territories comprised in the several grants,
concessions, agreements, or treaties aforesaid, or otherwise acquired
by the Company, on the ground of there being an adverse claim
to that part, the Company shall defer to that objection until such
time as any such claim has been withdrawn or finally dealt with
or settled by our Secretary of State.
10. The Company shall, to the best of its power, discourage,
and, so far as may be practicable and as may be consistent with
existing treaties between non-African Powers and Zanzibar,
abolish by degrees any system of slave trade or domestic servitude
in the Company's territories.
11. The Company as such, or its officers as such, shall not in
any way interfere with the religion of any class or tribe of the
peoples of its territories or of any of the inhabitants thereof,
except so far as may be necessary in the interests of humanity,
and all forms of religious worship or religious ordinances may be
exercised within the said territories, and no hindrance shall be
offered thereto except as aforesaid.
12. In the administration of justice by the Company to the
peoples of its territories or to any of the inhabitants thereof,
careful regard shall always be had to the customs and laws of the
class or tribe or nation to which the parties respectively belong,
especially with respect to the holding, possession, transfer, and
disposition of lands and goods, and testate or intestate succession
thereto, and marriage, divorce, and legitimacy, and other rights of
property and personal rights.
13. If at any time our Secretary of State thinks fit to dissent
from or object to any part of the proceedings or system of the
Company relative to the peoples of its territories or to any of the
inhabitants in respect of slavery or religion, or the administration
of justice or other matter, he shall make known to the Company
his dissent or objection, and the Company shall act in accordance
with his directions duly signified.

50
14. The Company shall freely afford all facilities requisite for
our ships in the harbours of the Company without payment, except
reasonable charges for work done or services rendered, or materials
or things supplied.
15. Except in the dominions of His Highness the Sultan of
Zanzibar (within which it is required to use His Highness's flag),
the Company may hoist and use on its buildings and elsewhere
in its territories and on its vessels such distinctive flag indicating
the British character of the Company, as our Secretary of State
and the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty shall from time
to time approve.
16. Nothing in this our Charter shall be deemed to authorise
the Company to set up or grant any monopoly of trade, provided
that the establishment of or the grant of concessions for banks,
railways, tramways, docks, telegraphs, waterworks, or other
similar undertakings, or any undertakings or system of patents or
copyright approved by our Secretary of State, shall not be deemed
monopolies for this purpose.
17. Subject to the Customs duties and taxes, hereby authorised,
and subject to such restrictions as may be imposed by the Com
pany on importation of spirits, opium, arms, and ammunition,
and to restrictions on other things similar to those restrictions
which may be applied in our United Kingdom, or in our Indian
Empire, or as may be approved by our Secretary of State, there
shall be no differential treatment of the subjects of any Power as
to trade or settlement, or as to access to markets ; provided that
foreigners as well as British subjects shall be subject to adminis
trative dispositions in the interest of commerce and of order.
18. The Company shall in Zanzibar territory conform to all the
restrictions and provisions with respect to export and import, or
other duties or taxes which are contained in any treaty for the
time being in force between Zanzibar and any other Power in
relation to the Zanzibar territories of the Company.
19. The Company shall not in Zanzibar territory levy on
foreigners any other duty or taxes than such as are authorised in
Zanzibar territory by such treaties as last mentioned, and shall not
in their other territories, without the approval of our Secretary of
State, levy on foreigners any duties or taxes other than duties and
taxes similar to those authorised to be levied in Zanzibar territory
by the treaties in force between us and the Sultan of Zanzibar at
the date of this our Charter, and if any such other taxes are levied
with the approval of our Secretary of State, accounts of their

51
nature, incidence, proceeds, and application shall from time to
time, if required, be furnished to our Secretary of State at such
times and in such form and in such manner as he directs.
20. For the more effectual prevention of the slave trade the
Company may, notwithstanding anything hereinbefore contained,
levy within the territories administered by the Company, other
than their Zanzibar territory, a tax on caravans and porters or
carriers carrying merchandise or other goods passing through the
Company's territories, provided such tax shall not be imposed in
contravention of any treaties between Great Britain and Zanzibar.
21. For regulating the hunting of elephants, and for their
preservation, for the purpose of providing means of military and
other transport in our Indian Empire or elsewhere, the Company
may, notwithstanding anything hereinbefore contained, impose and
levy within any territories administered by them, other than their
Zanzibar territory, a license duty, and may grant licenses to take
or kill elephants, or to export elephants' tusks or ivory.
22. The Company shall be subject to and shall perform and under
take all the obligations contained in or undertaken by ourselves
under any treaty, agreement, or arrangement between ourselves and
any other State or Power, whether already made or hereafter to be
made. In all matters relating to the observance of this Article, or to
the exercise within the Company's territories for the time being,
of any jurisdiction exercisable by us under the Foreign Jurisdic
tion Acts, the Company shall conform to and observe and carry
out all such directions as may from time to time be given in that
behalf by our Secretary of State, and the Company shall appoint
all necessary officers to perform such duties and shall provide
such courts and other requisites as may from time to time be
necessary for the administration of justice.
23. The Company is hereby further specially authorised and
empowered for the purposes of this our Charter : —
(I.) To fix the capital of the Company and to increase the
same from time to time and for the purpose of raising
such sums of money as it may find necessary for the
proper working of the Company as the field of its
operations extend, to issue shares and to borrow monies
by debentures or other obligations :
(II.) To acquire and hold, or charter, or otherwise deal with
steam vessels and other vessels:

52
(ill.) To create banks and other companies, and authorise
persons and companies, and establish undertakings or
associations for purposes consistent with the provisions
of this our Charter:
(IV.) To make and maintain therein roads, harbours, railways,
telegraphs, and other public and other works, and carry
on therein mining and other industries:
(v.) To make therein concessions of mining, forestal, or other
rights:
(VI.) To improve, develop, clear, plant, and cultivate any
territories and lands comprised in the several grants
aforesaid or otherwise acquired under this our Charter:
(VII.) To settle any such territories and lands as aforesaid,
and to aid and promote immigration into the same:
(VIII.) To grant any lands therein for terms or in perpetuity
absolutely, or by way of mortgage or otherwise:
(IX.) To make loans or contributions of money or money's
worth, for promoting any of the objects of the Company:
(X.) To acquire and hold personal property:
(XI.) To carry on any lawful commerce, trade, or dealing
whatsoever, in connection with the objects of the ComT
pany:
(xn.) To establish and maintain agencies in our colonies and
possessions, and elsewhere:
(XIII.) To sue and be sued by the Company's name of in
corporation, as well in our courts in our United Kingdom,
or in our courts in our colonies or possessions, or in our
courts in foreign countries, or elsewhere:
(XIV.) To take and hold without license in mortmain or other
authority than this our Charter messuages and heredita
ments in England, and subject to any local law in any of
our colonies or possessions and elsewhere, convenient for
carrying on the management of the affairs of the Com
pany, and to dispose from time to time of any such
messuage and hereditaments when not required for that
purpose:
(XV.) To do all lawful things incidental or conducive to the
exercise or enjoyment of the authorities and powers of
the Company in this our Charter expressed or referred
to, or any of them.
24. Within one year after the date of this our Charter there

53
shall be executed by the Members of the Company for the time
being a deed of settlement, providing so far as necessary for : —
(I.) The further definition of the objects and purposes of the
Company:
(II.) The amount and division of the capital of the Company,
and the calls to be made in respect thereof:
(III.) The division and distribution of profits :
(IV.) The number, qualification, appointment, removal, rota
tion, and powers of Directors of the Company, and the
time when the first appointment of Directors under such
deed is to take effect :
(V.) The registration of Membersiof the Company :
(VI.) The preparation of annual accounts, to be submitted to
the Members at a General Meeting :
(VII.) The audit of those accounts by independent Auditors :
(VIII.) The making of bye-laws :
(IX.) The making and using of official seals of the Company :
(X.) The winding up (in case of need) of the Company's
affairs :
(XI.) Any other matters usual or proper to be provided for in
respect of a Chartered Company.
25. The deed of settlement shall before the execution thereof be
submitted to and approved by the Lords of our Council, and a
certificate of their approval thereof, signed by the clerk of our
Council shall be endorsed on this our Charter, and on the deed of
settlement, and such deed of settlement shall take effect from the
date of such approval.
26. The provisions of the deed of settlement may be from time
to time varied or added to by a supplementary deed, made and
executed in such manner and subject to such conditions as the
deed of settlement prescribes.
27. Such deed of settlement may provide for the creation of
founders' shares, and for assigning to the holders of such shares a
right to a proportion of the profits or revenues of the Company,
to be defined by the Company's deed of settlement, to be approved,
as aforesaid, without contribution to the capital of the Company.
28. The Members of the Company shall be individually liable
for the debts, contracts, engagements, and liabilities of the
Company to the extent only of the amount for the time being
unpaid on the shares held by them respectively.

54
29. Until such deed of settlement as aforesaid takes effect the
said William Mackinnon shall be the President ; the said Right
Honourable Lord Brassey, K.C.B., shall be Vice-President ; and
the said General Sir Donald M. Stewart, Bart., G.C.B. ; Sir Thomas
Fowell Buxton, Bart.: Sir John Kirk, G.C.M.G. ; General Sir
Arnold Bun-owes Kemball, R.A., K.C.S.I. : Lieutenant-General Sir
Lewis Pelly, MP., K.C.B.. K.C.S.I.; Colonel Sir Francis De
Winton, R.A..K.C.M.G., C.B. : W. Burdett-Coutts, M.P. ; Alexander
Low Bruce ; Robert Palmer Harding ; George Sutherland Mac
kenzie ; and Robert Ryrie, shall be Directors of the Company, and
may, on behalf of the Company, do all things necessary or proper
to be done under this our Charter by or on behalf of the Company.
And we- do further will, ordain, and declare that this our
Charter shall be acknowledged by our governors, and our naval
and military officers, and our consuls, and our other officers in our
colonies and possessions, and on the high seas and elsewhere, and
they shall severally give full force and effect to this our Charter,
and shall recognise and be in all things aiding to the Company
and its officers.
And we do further will, ordain, and declare that this our Charter
shall be taken, construed, and adjudged in the most favourable
and beneficial sense for and to the best advantage of the Company
as well in our courts in our United Kingdom, and in our courts in
our colonies or possessions, and in our courts in foreign countries
or elsewhere, notwithstanding that there may appear to be in this our
Charter any non-recital, mis-recital, uncertainty, or imperfection.
And we do further will, ordain, and declare that this our Charter
shall subsist and continue valid, notwithstanding any lawful
change in the name of the Company or in the deed of settlement
thereof, such change being made with the previous approval of
our Secretary of State signified under his hand.
And we do lastly will, ordain, and declare, that in case at any
time it is made to appear to us in our council that the Company
have substantially failed to observe and conform to the provisions
of this our Charter, or that the Company are not exercising their
powers under the recited grants, concessions, agreements, and
treaties, so as to advance the interests which the Petitioners have
represented to us to be likely to be advanced by the grant of this
our Charter, it shall be lawful for us, our heirs and successors,
and we do hereby expressly reserve and take to ourselves, our
heirs, and successors the right and power by writing under the
great seal of our United Kingdom to revoke this our Charter

55
without prejudice to any power to repeal the same by law belonging
to us or them, or to any of our courts, ministers, or officers,
independently of this present declaration and reservation.
In witness whereof we have caused these our letters to be made
patent. Witness ourself at Westminster, the third day of September,
in the fifty-second year of our reign.
By warrant under the Queen's sign manual.

MUTR MACKENZIE.

(Seal)

56

B. — Treaty with Mwanga.
Dated March 30th, 1892.
I, Mwanga, Kabaka of Uganda, do hereby make the following
treaty (in supersession of all former treaties whatsoever, with
whomsoever concluded) with Captain F. D. LUGARD, D.S.O. — an
officer of the Army of Her Majesty Queen Victoria, Queen of
England, &c. — acting solely on behalf of the IMPERIAL BRITISH
East Africa Company (incorporated by Royal Charter); the
aforesaid Captain F. D. Lugard, D.S.O., having full powers to con
clude and ratify the same on behalf of the said Company. And to
this treaty the principal officers and chiefs of my country do sign
their names as evidence of their consent and approval: —
Clause 1. The Imperial British East Africa Company (herein
after called "the Company") agree on their part to afford pro
tection to the kingdom of Uganda, and by all means in their
power to secure to it the blessings of peace and prosperity; to
promote its civilisation and commerce; and to introduce a system
of administration and organisation by which these results shall be
obtained. Clause 2. I, Mwanga, Kabaka of Uganda, in the name of my
chiefs, people and kingdom, do acknowledge the Suzerainty of
the Company, and that my kingdom is under the British sphere
of influence, as agreed between the European Powers. And in
recognition hereof I undertake to fly the flag of the Company, and
no other, at my capital and throughout my kingdom; and to
'make no treaties with, grant no kind of concessions to, nor allow
to settle in my kingdom and acquire lands or hold offices of State,.
any Europeans of whatever nationality without the knowledge
and consent of the Company's representative in Uganda (herein
after called "the Resident").
Clause 3. The Resident, as arbitrator, shall decide all disputes
and all differences between Europeans in Uganda. All lands
acquired by Europeans in Uganda shall be subject to his consent
and approval and shall be registered in his office. All arms in
possession of Europeans and their followers shall be marked
and registered by the Resident. His decision in all matters con-

57
nected with Europeans shall.be final, and subject only to appeal
to the higher authorities of the Company. All employees of the
Company shall be solely under the orders of the Resident.
Clause 4. The consent of the Resident shall be obtained, and
his counsel taken by the king, before any war is undertaken, and
in all grave and serious affairs and matters of the State, such as
the appointment of chiefs to the higher offices, the assessment of
taxes, &c.
Clause 5. Missionaries, viz., those solely engaged in preaching
the Gospel and in teaching the arts and industries of civilisation,
shall be free to settle in the country, of whatever creed they may
be, and their religious rights and liberties shall be respected.
There shall be perfect freedom of worship. No one shall be com
pelled to follow any religion against his will.
Clause 6. The property of the Company and its employees, and
all servants of the Company, shall be free from the incidence of
all taxes.
Clause 7. The revenues of the country shall defray, as may be
found feasible, the money expended purely on the development
and organisation of the country, the expenses of its garrisons, &c.
For such objects the king shall supply labour and give every
facility. Clause 8. All arms in the country shall be registered, and a
license given for them. Unregistered arms shall be liable to con
fiscation. The importation of arms and munitions is prohibited.
Clause 9. Traders of all nations shall be free to come to Uganda,
provided they do not import or offer for sale goods prohibited by
international agreement.
Clause 10. Slave trading or slave raiding, or the exportation, or
importation of people for sale or exchange as slaves, is prohibited.
Clause 11. The Company will uphold the power and honour of
the king, and the display of this Court shall be maintained.
Clause 12. This treaty shall be binding in perpetuity, or until
cancelled or altered by the consent and mutual agreement of both
parties to it.
Dated Kampala, this 30th day of March, 1892.
(Sd.) F. D. LUGARD, Captain 9th Regiment,
Offtg. Resident in Uganda, I. B. E. A. Co.
(Sd.) Mwanga, X (his mark), Kabaka of Uganda.

58
Witnesses. — I certify that the signature of Mwanga was made in my presence
and was of his own free will. (Sd.) W. H. Williams,
11th April, 1892. Captain Royal Artillery.
(Sd.) Katikiro Apollo Kagwa, Katikiro of Uganda.
(Sd.) Kimbugwe Kago, Mugema. ("Kimbugwe" is Sebwatu, late
Pokino, now Sekibobo, temporarily acting Kimbugwe.)
X Mark of Seboa, Pokino (R.C.)
X Mark of Seyatimba, late Kago (K.C.)
Witness to signatures. (Sd.) S. S. Bagge.
(<S'«'«7(«7/.) (Sd.) F. D. LUGARD,
Captain 9th Regiment,
Commanding Uganda for I. B. E. A. Co.
Mwanga, X (his mark.)
I certify that the signature of Mwanga above was made in my presence, and
was of his own free will. (Sd.) W. H. Williams,
11th April, 1892. Captain Royal Artillery.
X Mark of Seboa, Pokino (R.C), present rank, late Sekibobo.
X Mark of Sematimba. late Kago (R.C.)
I certify that the above marks wore made in my presence this the 7th day of
May, 1892, of their own free will. (Sd.) S. S. Bagge.
Mark of DUWALIKA, Kangao. Mark of Mciepi, Mujasi.
Name of Abdallah, Pokino. Mark of Skkieu, Mugema.
Mark of Ltjtaiah, Mutasa. Name of Abdal Aziz.
Mark of Wamala, Sekibobo. Mark of Kamia, Kimbugwe.
Mark of Kago, Asmani.

I certify that these signatures or marks have been made in my presence by
the principal Mahomcdan chiefs — each by the man noted against it — of their own
free will, and without compulsion. The titles shown against each arc those held
by them among the Mahomedans prior to their return to Uganda. The treaty was
also read in their presence in the vernacular before the king, in public baraza.
(Sd.) F. D. Lugaed.
Dated Kampala, this 3rd clay of Juno, 1892. Captain.

59

O— Translation of Letter from Mwanga to
Her Majesty the Queen.
Buganda, Mengo, June 17th, 1892.
To my friend the Queen, our great Sovereign ; I and all my
chiefs send you many greetings. I write this letter to thank you.
Thank you exceedingly for sending the representatives of the
Company in order to set my country to rights.
"When they reached Buganda, at first I did not like them ; I
did not think that they could set the country to rights. After we
had fought, Captain Lugard wrote me a letter and invited me and
restored me to my kingdom ; then he went and invited the
Mahomedans, as well with whom I had been at war, and brought
them back, and gave them a part of the country. But now my
country is at peace ; the agents of the Company have arranged it
excellently. Now I earnestly beseech you to help me ; do not
recall the Company from my country. I and my chiefs are under
the English flag, as the people of India are under your flag ; we
desire very, very much that the English should arrange this
country ; should you recall these agents of the Company, my
friend, my country is sure to be ruined, war is sure to come.
Captain Lugard has now brought to terms these three reli
gions ; he has returned to England ; he will inform you of the
state of affairs in Buganda. But I want you to send this same
Captain Lugard back again to Buganda, that he may finish his
work of arranging the country, for he is a man of very great
ability, and all the Buganda like him very much ; he is gentle ;
his judgments are just and true, and so I want you to send him
back to Buganda. So, our friend, persevere in helping us, for we
are your people.
May God give you blessing and long life.
I, MWANGA, King of Buganda, and my great chiefs.
(The names of tlie chiefs in full are added.)
Apolo, Katikiro. Matayo, Mujasi.
Nikodemo, Sekibobo. Kago.
Simisi, Kimbugwe Pokino. Mugema.
YojSA, Mukwenda. Kayima.
Zakaeia, Kangao. Katambala.
Abdulla Sudi, Kitunzi. Kasuju.

60
D. — Letter from Mwanga and Chiefs to the
Directors of the I. B. E A. Co.
(Translation.) Buganda, Mengo,
June 17th, 1892.
To my friends the Directors of the Company in England. I
and all my chiefs send you many greetings: My friends, many,
many thanks for sending so able a man as this Captain Lugard to
arrange my country. My friends, at first, when the agents of
the Company arrived in Buganda, at first I did not like them, I
thought they had come to ruin my country. But after we had
fought, Captain Lugard wrote me a letter and invited me back, and
restored me to my kingdom. Then Captain Lugard went and
brought the Mahomedans as well as those with whom I had
been at war, and brought them back into Buganda, and gave
them a part of the country. Now Buganda has been settled and
is at peace.
Captain Lugard has returned to England; he will inform you of
all affairs in Buganda. But, my friends, I beseech you do not
cease from helping me ; I want you to send a number of Euro
peans to Buganda to settle it. Do not be grieved by the thought
that there are no profits in Buganda ; " our outlay will be
without returns"; it is not so. I tell you so because of late
what has been making ivory scarce in the country has been the
late war; and now Captain Lugard has succeeded in bringing the
three religions to terms; he has settled the country, and the
Company will make profits.
My friends, I and my chiefs agreed to be under the Com
pany's flag; we want the Company to help us to settle this
country, and to occupy it in force. Should you at present
recall your forces from Buganda, the country is ruined; there
will be war again. Therefore I pray you not to cease from
helping us Baganda, for we are your people. Further, we ask
you, our friends, to bring us guns for sale, and usef ul; articles.
May God help you ever to wise decisions in respect to this
our country, Buganda. — I am your friend who loves you,
Mwanga, King of Buganda, and my great chiefs.
(The names in full of the chiefs are added.)
Apolo, Katikiro. Matayo, Mujasi.
Simki, Kimbugwe. Kago.
Nikodemo, Sekibobo Pokino. Mugema.
Yona, Mukwenda. Kayima.
Zakabia, Kangao. Katauibala.
Abdulla Sddi, Kitunzi. Kasuja.

01
But we, the Protestant chiefs, were annoyed with Captain
Lugard. It is the small matter about which we wrote to the
Elders of the Church (Church Missionary Society) to tell you,
the Directors of the Company, to give us another man, who
might, perhaps, please us. But a short time afterwards he
(Captain Lugard) settled the matter which had annoyed us, and
pleased both us and those of all religions in Buganda, as well
as those who do not know' how to read. Now he is the friend
of all of us who are in Buganda. This is why we have written
that you should send him back a second time to Buganda..

E.— Extract from a Letter from Captain
Lugard.
Dated Uganda, January 5th, 1892.
EVACUATION.
" My second half-yearly Report, dated August 21th, 1891, had
not reached the Directors at the time their decision of withdrawal
(in August, 1891) was made. I am in hopes that the lines therein
indicated for developing the country, and the hopes expressed that
it may be found capable of bringing in substantial returns when
this development of its commercial resources may have taken
place, will largely modify their views, and prove to them that, no
less in the interests of their shareholders than on the broader
grounds of Imperial policy, responsibility for the fulfilment of
pledges entered into by their accredited agent — and the preserva
tion of the good faith and honour of the British— the retention of
Uganda is imperative. By this mail I forward my third half-
yearly Report, and from it the Directors will learn that free access
to a country abounding in ivory has now been secured ; that the
Salt Lake (in my opinion of more value than a gold mine of ordi
nary yield, since the distance from the coast and cost of transport,
fuel, &c, would preclude the working of anything except the
most fabulously rich quartz) has been secured, and is now the site
of a station which promises to bring in substantial returns, and
that access to the trade of the Albert Lake has also been secured,
and that while obtaining these advantages very heavy responsi-

62
bilities have been entered into, and protection pledged to a help
less people (in Toru) who, on the withdrawal of that protection,
would be left to certain destruction. These considerations will, I
hope, support the Directors in their noble resolve to retain their
hold on Uganda and its sister countries, and the possession of these
facts will, I hope, enable them so to represent the case both to
their shareholders and the British public that there may be no
difficulty in raising the required capital to carry on the work on
which the Company have embarked in these countries.
" As regards the withdrawal of the Company from Uganda,"
he continues, " I will briefly state what in my opinion would be
the immediate results of such a step, disregarding the remoter con
tingencies : — (A.) In the first place the Protestant party would leave
the country with us. This they have always distinctly intimated
from the time I first arrived. This means the total break-up of the
Protestant Mission in Uganda. Secondly, the Catholics are quite
unable to defy the Mahomedan party by themselves, and in all
probability would fly at once, without engaging the latter. An
understanding between these two parties is impossible. The
immediate result of our withdrawal would therefore be anarchy and
the rehabilitation of the Mahomedan Raj, accompanied by a
terrible amount of bloodshed, and vast numbers of people sold
into slavery, as is the custom of the Waganda Mahomedans. (B.)
Further, our withdrawal from Southern Unyoro and Toru would
mean the wholesale massacre of all those people who, relying on
our pledges of protection, have sided with us. This massacre
would be similar to that made by Kabrega on the Egyptian with
drawal from Mruli, &c. Ntali, king of Ankoli, has also (rely
ing on our treaty) prevented powder passing through his country
to Kabrega and the Mahomedans, and thereby incurred their active
hostility, (c.) We are pledged here by all the binding force of a
treaty to maintain a Resident in the country and protect the king.
"We are equally bound to Ankoli and to Toru. Both by treaty and
by repeated verbal pledges that we should infallibly remain I
have involved at once the Company's honour and my own, and also
that of the British nation, since these people are aware that I am
an officer holding the Queen's commission, and, being unable to
discriminate between the Imperial Government and Chartered
Companies, they look on me as sent by the Queen and on my
pledges as emanating from her gracious Majesty herself."
FINIS.

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